riass Book__ COPYRIGHT DEPOSIT l^\hf-tm/ THE HISTORY OP THE STATE OF GEORGIA From 1^50 lo 1881, EMBRACING THE jiiim:e important epochs: The Decade Before the War of 1861-5 ; The War The Period of Reconstruction, WITH PORTRAITS OF THE LEADING PUBLIC MEN OF THIS ERA. By I. W. AVERY. f' ^-^, "3 1801 L COAfPLETE IN ONE VOLUME. NEW YORK : BliUWN & DERBY, PUBLISHERS, 21 PARK PLACE. Copyright, 1881, Bv BROWN & DERBY. C 2.8t \ THIS VOLUME IS HBcbitateb PEOPLE OF GEORGIA, A LUSTROUS PART OF Whose Strong State Life is Herein Pictured. UNEMBELLISHED RECORD m Mtn anb f Wbs IS X VIVID EPIC OF VALOR, GENIUS AND STATESMANSHIP. mdebd PREFACE. spirits of the Southern Confederacy, and that the stupend- ous endeavor at an independent nationality expired upon Georgia soil, must ever give to our Commonwealth the un- fading interest and profound thought of all philosophical students of history. CONTENTS. PART I. THE DECADE BEFORE THE WAR OF 18G1-65. CHAPTER I. Page. Georgia an Imperial Commonwealth 3 CHAPTER II. The Start OF GoTERNon Brown's Strong Life, 7 CHAPTER III. Governor Brown's Marked Career as a State Senator in 1849, .... lO CHAPTER IV. IlERSCnSLL V. .loiINSON AS GOVERNOR 24 CHAPTER V. Governor Brown's Scratch Nomination for Governor in 18.57 .31 CHAPTER VI. Brown Defeats Ben. IIill in a Hard Canvass, ,39 CHAPTER VII. Brown's Election as Governor the Precursor or a Striking Era of Change, 47 CHAPTER Vin. The Fif.ry Battle of the Banks " 58 CHAPTER IX. The Way Governor Brown Gashed into old Customs 68 CHAPTER X. The Spirit of 1858 in Georgia 76 CHAPTER XI. Gov. Brown's Supf.rb Public Endorsement AND Renomination, .... 84 CHAPTER XII. The Gubernatorial Tussle between Gov. Brown and Warren Akin, . . 93 CHAPTER XIII. A Hot Chapter of Gathering Revolution, 10.3 VIU CONTENTS. CHAI'TER XIV. Page. The Fatal Split of the Natiosal and Georgia Democracy in I860, - . . 114 CHAPTER XV. The Momentous Close oi' the Last Year of Peace, I860 124 CHAPTER XVI. The Stubborn Battle in Georgia over Disunion, 135 CHAPTER XVII. The Most Vital Chapter of Georgia History — Her Secession from the Union, 143 PART II. THE BLOODY HARVEST OF WAR. CHAPTER XVin. The Princely Prosperity Georgia Staked on the War, 161 CHAPTER XIX. The Rape of the Gdns, 171 CHAPTER XX. The Birth OF the Confederacy AND the Shadow of War, 180 CHAPTER XXI. The Blazing War Fever OF THE FIRST OF 18GI, 191 CHAPTER XXII. The Precedent of a Century Overthrown, and Brown made Governor THE Third Time, 201 CHAPTER XXIII. Gov. Brown's Stormy Time with the Legislature of 18S1-2, 212 CHAPTER XXIV. The Organization of State Troops under Major-Gi^neral Henry R. Jackson, 224 CHAPTER XXV. Brown and Davis in their Great Tussle over Conscription, 232 CHAPTER XXVI. A Gloomy Chapter of War's Ravage, 246 CHAPTER XXVIL The Increasing War Fever of 1863, 258 CHAPTER XXVin. The First Half of the Most Thrilling Tear of Georgia Annals, 1864, . 268 CONTENTS. IX CHAPTER XXIX. Pace. Sherman Tears Atlanta from Hood, 281 CHAPTER XXX. Sberuan's Peace Effort and Famous March to the Sea, 300 CHAPTER XXXI. The Closing Throes OF TBE Revolution, AND THE Tragic End, .... 317 PART III. THE RECONSTRUCTION TRAVESTY AND A SUPERB REHABILITATION. CHAPTER XXXn. The Transition Period of Pure Bayonet Rule, 335 CHAPTER XXXIII. The Organization of the State Government under President Johnson's y Plan 345 '^^ CHAPTER XXXIV, The Second Iron-Handed and Whimsical Phase of Reconstruction, . . 357 CHAPTER XXXV. A Throbbing Chapter of Reconstruction Harlequinade, Ending with Gov. Jenkins' Removal 369 CHAPTER XXXVI. The Feverish March of Events in 1868, 381 CHAPTER XXXVII. The Famous Legislative Expurgation of the Blacks, 394 CHAPTER XXXVIII. Gov. Bullock's Desperate Endeavor to Re-enact Reconstruction, . . . 407 CHAPTER XXXIX. A Burning Chapter of FoLLT AND Shame, 419 CHAPTER XL. The Twin Infamies of Prolongation and Financial Mismanagement, . . 438 CHAPTER XLI. The Downfall of the Reconstruction Regime, and Bullock's Resigna- tion AND Flight, 452 CHAPTER XLII. The Final Act op Joyous State Redemption, 464 ^ X CONTENTS. CHAPTER XLIII. Page. Geobgia's Famous Expurgation OF Fraudulent B0ND8, 475 CHAPTEK XLIV. The Administration of Gov. James M. Smith, 501 CHAPTER XLV. Gov. Alfred H. Colquitt and his Magnificent Majority, 515 CHAPTEK XLVI. Gov. Cohjuitt's Brilliant Financial Administration, 528 CHAPTER XLVII. The Extraordinary Crusade of Hostility to Gov. Colquitt, 537 CHAPTER XLVIU. The Powerful Historic Georgia Triumvirate, Colquitt, Gordon, and Brown, 553 CHAPTER XLIX. Gov. Colquitt Recommended for Governor by the Most Extraordinary AND Excitino Political Convention of Georgia Annals, 5C8 CHAPTER L. Gov. Colquitt's Overwiielmi.m; Re-election 589 CHAPTER LI. The Journalism and Literature of Georgia, 609 CHAPTER LII. The Railroads, Resources and Future of Georgia, . , C.il APPENDIX. A. — Georgia Officers who Served in the Civil War in the Coxfed- erate Service, 6.i7 B. — Correspondence between Jefferson Davis, President of the Cun- fedebacv, and Joseph E. Brown, Gov. of Georgia, on Conscrip- tion 695 C. — Original Co.mmunication of Mrs. Mary Williams, to the Columrus (Ga.) Times, Suggesting the Decoration Day Custom, .... 715 ILLUSTRATIONS. I .TFTTT FT. ATE PORTRAn-S. 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. 11. 1-2. 13. U. 15. 16. 17. 18. 19. 20. 21. 22. 23. 21. 23. I. W. AvKKV, (i''rouU.spitct;.J JosErii E. BKO^v^^, Mt. 2i' Jos. Henry Lcmpkin C. J. McUONALT.. Howell Cobb, H. V. Johnson, . • Robert Toomb?, . Geo. W. Crawford. Alex. H. STKi'in.N^ E. A. NiSBET, Henry R. Jachson, Jefvers"N Davis, • • B. H. Hjll W. T. Shermas^ . • Joseph E. Johnston, James B. M«,Phebson W. J. UariJee, . . C. J. Ji»i Joshua H . O. A. LOCnRANli!, HlRAM \Vx;rx li. Thos. M AlFRET> It ' .MiiL'i 1. CA.MPBEM. \\ AI.LACB, Joseph E. Bi'"^ ■ U>T U¥ 1 ;NGRA 26. W. II. f^^ 27. John E. 28. Mrs. M. Wilha>) 29. A. R. Lawton, . 30. Thos. IIardbmax 31. R. E. Lbsteiv, Paok. 25 5 1 lU 125 140 150 181 209 . 227 233 255 274 280 282 313 352 3!)8 451) V.' ;;TRA1TS. :^l . :■)! J 12 ■J(tt :^51 ■10) Vi ILLCSTRATIONS. Augusta Chronicle and Conttitulionalist'a Group, 610 Page. 32. J. B. GoRDOx 506 33. James Jackson, | 34. MAKTiN J. CiiAWFORD, }■ Supreme CouTt Gfoup, filo 35. Alkx. M. Speek, ' 30. A. O. Bacon, . -23 37. L. J. GaRTHELL, . . . • . 7:'u 38. L. N. Trammell, .74 39. Patrick Walsh, "| 40. A. R. Wright, I 41. Jas. R. Randall, )■ 42. Henry C. Mooke, 43. James Gardner, 44. N. r. T. KiNcii. j 45. W. A. Hemphill, i Atlanta Con«(i Georgia 8 Railway Kuigs, 637 55. J. P. Kino, ^ j & » 56. L. P. Graj^t, 57. G. J. Foreacre, Humorists, . 623 <^2^ PART I. The Decade before the War OF 1861-5. CHAPTER I. GEORGIA AN IMPERIAL COMMONWEx\LTH. A Leader in the august Sisterhood of States. — Her Superior ludividuality. — Her Adventurous Citizeusliip. — Tlie TJieater of Great Events. — Tlie Most Potential Southern State in tlie War of 1861. — Her Affluence of Public Men in the Last Quarter of a Century. — The Leading Instrumentality of Joseph E. Brown. The annals of no State in this expansive Union will show a record more illustrious, and also more picturesque in coloring, than our goodly Commonwealth of Georgia. She was one of the original colonies, tlie historic thirteen, that won independence in the forever famous revolu- tion of 1776, and formed the basis of our present marvelous nationality. Founded in 1733 by that noble English gentleman, Sir James Oglethorpe, and embracing the princely scope of territory extending from the Atlantic coast to the Mississippi river, from which .has been cut and formed several of our finest Southern states, Georgia has from that early day to the present maintained the luster of her origin, and illustrated in peace and war, in arts and arms, in achievement and states- manship, in population and progress, the virtue, independence and power of a free, intellectual and Christian people. Among all of the great commonwealths of the Union, there is, per- haps, no single one as royally endowed by nature as Georgia. There are larger states, there are states surpassing her in individual lines of production, but in the possession of a lavish variety of resource, Georgia is the foremost. Whether we regard her versatile agricultural fertility, her varied mineral wealth, lier manufacturing possibilities or her commercial advantages, she has them all in affluent profusion; and superadding to these a healthy climate ranging from the purest of mountain air to the fresh buoyancy of her ocean border, a prodigal possession of crystal springs and rivers, and scenery variedly picturesque, and it is no exaggeration to claim for her a leading position in the august sisterhood of the United States. Her career has had a romantic character, befitting her superior individuality. Hers has been a continuously dramatic destiny. Georgia, from her founding- in 1773, has made a luminous chronicle of eventful empri.se and stirring nicident. There seems to have been from the first 4 GEORGIA rf Ur.lLLIANT PUBLIC MEN. an adventurous quality in her citizenship that has shown itself in unusual accomplishment. She has exerted a marked influence in every line o.^ her growth and phase of her progress. She has been the theater of startling surprises and great operations. Both in military and in civil matters she has had uncommon prestige and achieved striking experi- ences. Especially in the wars that have convulsed the country has Georgia been conspicuous and brilliant. In both revolutions of 1770 and 1801 her soil was the arena of momentous and decisive movements, that gave her renown and imparted vital direction to the final result. In the great civil war, so fresh in our memories, she played a role that, take it all in all, was in some respects the most striking and eventful of any Southern state. It has been her fortune, both before and during the late war, to have conflicts of argument, involving fundamental principles in our government, with the national administrations, that have alike given the state celebrity and illustrated the independence of her state authori- ties. The fact is that Georgia has antagonized every measure of the Federal Government, that has in her judgment encroached upon con- stitutional law or individual liberty. The last thirty years, extending from 1850 to the present, have been a marked era in her history — an era remarkable for the momentous and tragic incidents crowded into the brief period of a little more than a quarter of a century. Tlie agitation of the slavery question, that finally culminated in the attempted dissolution of the Union and its tragic consequences, may be said in the compromise measures of 1850, to liave taken its first serious steps to the terrible end that came. It is the philosophy of compromise to procrastinate evil without curing it. And an inevitable conflict loses nothing of its savagery by abortive patch- work. The decade from 1850 to the civil crash of 1861, was a period of unconscious preparation for the mighty struggle. And as no state took a larger or more vital part in the conflict than Georgia when the con- flict came, so no state contributed more potentially to the influences preliminary to it in the ten years of seething revolutionary preface. Among the public men of national fame Georgia furnished some of the most daring thinkers, and famous orators of the day, — statesmen of large abilit}' and powerful public influence. Through her whole history Georgia has been particularly aflluent in brilliant public men. It is doubtful whether she ever shone more resplendently in this wealth of gifted characters, than during the thirty years to which reference is made. Our state affairs were, in the decade before tlie war, managed with .lOSEril E. BIIOWX. 5 unusually brilliant skill, while in the national councils we had represent- atives of surpassing prominence and force. Marking as this period of thirty years does, an era alike in the history of our state and the nation, distinctive and dramatic, in which there was not only a revolution of arms of vast magnitude, but an even greater revolution of thought and social and political systems, I have selected it for the theme of this book. Looking at the large number of able and influential men of Georg'ia who have figured and led in this important and dramatic period, the man above all others wjio has been more closely identified with the great events of this memorable epoch in Georgia and whose masterful individuality has been the most conspic- uously im])ressed upon these events, is the calm face and slender figure of Joseph E. Brown. His public career for a quarter of a century has been the history of his state. There is no year in this long episode of thrilling event that his instrumentality could be dropped out without creating an important blank in the picture, while no incident of the romantic record could be properly narrated that lacked the recounting of his powerful agency. From the day that, absolutely unheralded and almost unknown to the state, he was by a mysterious stroke of fortune placed at the helm of state, he has been the moving power in public matters. If his ideas have been temporarily vanquished he has seen them ultimately triumphant. Affluent as the state has been in remark- able men, it is a matter of material doubt if the annals of the common- vv-ealth can show a character of more brain and will than Brown — a public career more valiant and dramatic than his. Bold, able, clear- headed, aggressive, placid, with unequaled powers of management, and an invincible method with the popular masses, he seized the public mind and impressed himself upon public affairs with as much force as any public man Georgia has ever had. Coming into public life wlien the state had a brilliant host of public men, illustrating her magnificently in eloquence, statesmanship and influence, "Joe Brown," as he has been familiarly called, immediately stepped in the very front, and has been ever since an imperious dominating leader. His public career has been a continuous surprise, bristling with dramatic alternations of popular admiration and odium, and almost uninterruptedly marked by triumphs of power clutched by marvelous exhibition of management in desperate political contests, largely flavored with the most earnest personal spirit. In all the varied vicissitudes of Georgia's history with some of the most impressive characters to dazzle public attention, it is doubtful if any public man of her annals has filled a larger measure of public thought, G JOSEPH E. BROWN. or has taken a stronger hold upon the measures and times with which he has been connected, than tliis indomitable type of equipoised judg- ment. In view of Gov. Brown being the central figure of the last quarter of a century of Georgia matters, I have deemed it not inappropriate to devote a couple of chapters to his early life, not only for the interest of the work, but to throw upon the heavy facts of our grave history the illustration of so vital an agency during this thrilling period. CHAPTER II. THE START OF GOV. BROWN'S STRON-G LIFE. His Progenitors. — Born of Fighting Sires. — Gameful by Heredity. — A Boyhood of Toil and Close Living. — His Imniigr.ation to Historic Gaddistown. — The United States Senate and Gaddistown. — The Famous Plow Bull. — Schooling in South Carolina. — A Pair of Steers for Board. — Remarkable Progress. — A Country Scliool Teacher. — Reads Law in Resting Hour.s. — Dr. Lewi.t. — Brown's Fidelity to Friends — Admitted to the Bar. — Goes to Yale College Law School. — A Practitioner of Law. The full name of Senator Brown is Joseph Emerson Brown. He is not a native Georgian, but was born in the adjoining state of South Carolina, in Pickens District, on the 15th day of April, 1821. He was therefore sixty years of age April 15, 1881. His birthplace was near the home of John C Calhoun, that apostle of the doctrine of States Rights. It was here that young Brown had imbibed with the tenacity of his determined nature Calhoun's theory of state government. And it will be seen how, when he became Governor of Georgia, these decided views of state sovereignty molded his official conduct, and led him to controversies that have become historic. It is not by any means uninteresting to trace in the life of this gentle- man the ancestral qualities that came to him legitimately by hereditary transmission. His remote progenitors on the paternal side were Scotch- Irish Presbyterians, and way back in those dismal daj's of English history, when civil strife would seem to have culminated its horrors in the time of James the Second, they faithfully adhered to the fortunes of William and Mary. Their home was in the vicinity of Londonderry, Ireland, and when that place was subjected to the cruelties of a length- ened siege, the ancestors of Joseph E. Brown vindicated their courage and their fidelity by an unmurmuring participation in the sufferings of that occasion. In an exceedingly vivid sketch comparing " Joe Brown and Bob Tombs," " H. W. G," in the Constitution newspaper, thus alludes to Brown's progenitors : " Joe Brown and Bob Tooinhs ! Both illustrious and great — both powerful and stroug — aud yet at every poiut, aud from every view, the perfect opposites of each other. " Through two centuries have two different strains of Wood, two conflictiug lines of thought, two separate theories of social, religious and political life, been working out 8 ' BKOWX ANT) TOOMBS. tlie two types of men, wliicli have in our day flowered into the perfection of contrast — \ivid, thorougli and pervasive. For seven generations tlie anccsturs of Joe Brown have liceu restless, aggressive rebels — for a lunger time the Tj;ionil)s have been dauntless and intolerant followers of the king and kingline.ss. At the siege of Londouderry — the most remarkable fasting match beyond Tanuer — Margaret and James Brown, grand- parents of tlie James Brown who came to America and w.as grand-parent of Joe Brown — were within tlie walls, starving and fighting for William and Mary ; and I have no doubt there were hard-riding Toombs outside the walls, charging in the name of the peevish and unhappy James. Certain it is that forty years before the direct ancestors of General Toombs on the Toombs estate were hiding good King Charles in the oak at Boscabel, where, I have no doubt, the father and uncles of the Londonderry Brown, w ith cropped hair and severe mien, were proguing about the place with their pikes, searching every bush, in the name of Cromwell auull calves, and every S.atunhiy liauled to town some potatoes or cabbages or liglit wood or other truck in trade and took back sometliing for the family. In 1S39, I think it was, I was riding to Canton in a buggy, and I overtook a young man walking in a very muddy lane. He liad a striped bag hung over his shoulder and looked very tired. I asked him if he would not take a seat, and he looked down at liimself and said he was too muddy, and tliat he would dirty up the buggy. I insisted and he broke off a splinter from a rail and scraped his shoes and got in. I learned from him that his name was Joe Brown, and he w.as going to Canton to get sometliing to do. I liave kept an eye on liim for forty years. He is a wonder to me." But there was a something in the youth that impelled him irresistibly to a higher and broader life, and his strong intelligence realized the necessity of a better educational equipment. There is no doubt how- ever that in these 3'ears of youthful work were laid the foundation of those inestimable habits of patience, pains-taking industry, frugality, self-control, and a knowledge of and sympathy with the laboring masses that have so marked his career, and aided in his exceptional success. In the fall of 18-10 he obtained his father's consent to make a new departure and gratify his craving for education. All that his father could do for the boy who was to carve out for himself so wonderful a fortune, was to give him some home-made clothing and a yoke of steers. With this modest endowment of worldly goods the youth went back to Carolina and entered the Calhoun academy in Anderson district, prob- ably drawn there by his reverence for the name and doctrines of Calhoun. The steers paid for eight months' board. The tuition was liROWX A LAW STUDENT. 11 obtained on credit. It can be well imagined that a spirit so determined upon an education improved this opportunity to tlie fullest measure of an uncommon intellect. Returning to Georgia in the fall of 1811, the earnest youngster taught school for three months to get the means to continue his schooling, and went back in January 1843 to Calhoun academy, pursuing his studies by incurring debt for his tuition and board. A very successful and eminent teacher, Mr. Wesley Leverett, was in charge of Calhoun academy, and the bond of sympathy between him and his remarkable pupil was sucli, that when Jlr. Leverett l«ft the academy and removed to another school that he established near Anderson Court House, the wise youth followed him and enjoyed his instruction during that year. The progress of young Brown in his studies was very rapid and marked. His strong practical mind, with its keen hunger for knowledge and its native superiority of application and n.iental labor, achieved astonishing results, delightitig his preceptor. His monev with which to pay board early gave out, but he readily obtained it on credit, there being no lack of friends to trust and encourage a spirit so bent upon an education. The extraordinary progress he made can be understood when it is known that in two years' study from the groundwork young Brown had fitted himself to enter an advanced class in college. He had to forego college education, however, because he had not the means. In January 1841 Mr. Brown, at the age of twenty-two, returned to Georgia and opened an academy in Canton, Cherokee county. He had to repay the debts incurred in his education, and he fully realized the obligation that rested upon him. He opened his academy with six scholars, the number rapidly increasing to sixty as his admirable capacity for teaching was demonstrated. The school was popular. He taught the year through, devoting his days to his pupils and his even- ings and Saturdaj-s to laborious study of the law. This earnest young man wasted no hours. His mastery of the law was thorough and close. A methodical division of his time with the intensest attention while at study enabled him to accomplish large results. As a teacher he was unusually successful, and had he pur- sued that vocation he would have made an eminent instructor. His placid temper, great patience, determined will, admirable tact and practical clear methods, fitted him finely to teach and control scholars. At the end of the year he had made and saved enough money to pay off the entire debt incurred in Carolina for his education, and with that scrupulous regard for his oVjligations that has distinguished the man 12 UROWN A YOL'.VG LAWYER. always, lie made a special trip to that State and repaid to the last dollar every iialnlity due for board and tuition. During the year 18-1:5 lie continued his law studies in Canton, teach- ing the children of his friend and jKitron, Dr. John W. Lewis, for his board. The relations between Dr. Lewis and young Brown were very close and tender. It illustrates a strong quality of Senator Brown's nature that in after years, when he became influential and had patronage at his disposal, he remembered his early benefactor and delighted to lionor,hiiii. Fidelity to his friends is a crowning quality of the man, and has been a large factor in his success. He appointed Dr. Lewis Superintendent of the State Road, and afterwards Confederate State's Senator, when there was a vacancy in that high office. Gratitude is golden, and it belongs to Joseph E. Brown in a remarkable degree. In August 1845, Mr. Brown was, after a searching examination of several hours, admitted to the bar. The presiding judge compli- mented him highly upon his profieiency. He is said to have answered incorrectly but one question put to him Ijy the examining committee of lawyers, who seeing that they had an unusually well-informed applicant to test, made the ordeal as critical as they could. At this same term of the court the young lawyer made his first speech and won a host of encomiums alike from the bar and the audience. In that maiden effort he, according to the traditions of that day, gave specimen of the simple style of effective talk that made him afterwards so potential in speech while claiming no pretensions to oratory. He had a clear method of presenting his cause, a faculty of putting the irresistible common sense of the subject, and a homely, direct power of reaching the hearts of his hearers that proved wonderfully successful. Talking in Spring Place, Murray county, in 180G, at a term of the 'Superior Court there, with an old citizen and admirer of Brown, who had often seen him in the trial of cases, the citizen said that in many respects Brown was the most remarkable young lawj-er he had ever known. He said he had never seen a young lawyer, nor an old one either, that did not some time lose his efjuilibriuin. In the ups and downs of a trial, the most experienced were thrown off their balancc.by .some unexpected testimony or some sudden and crushing reverse. But nothing could disturb Brown. His composure and self-possession were immovable. The worst disaster in a trial found him as cool and placid as a summer morn, with every wit sharpened to nullify it. This game quality impressed others profoundly, and gave him a great advantage i.i forensic battles. P.KOWN AT YALK COrXECE. lo Mr. Brown was now twenty-four years old, and had studied the law nearly two years and passed a rare examination in his admission to the bar. He was better equipped for practice than the majority of young lawyers. But he was not satisfied with his preparation. Having an exalted standard of professional success before him, and appreciating that to be a great lawyer a man must broaden and liberalize his mind, as well as be thoroughly initiated into the fundamental principles of law and government. Brown resolved to enlarge and perfect his legal education. His staunch friend, Dr. Lewis, loaned him the money to carry out his purpose, and in October 1845, he entered the law school at Yale College and remained there until June 1846. His year of study at Yale was very valuable. His hard digging at the law in the mountains of Georgia stood him in good stead in round- ing off his legal education at venerable Yale. The mountain youth stood at no disadvantage with the youngsters of wealth at the old college. He took the lead easily in his classes. He found it a light matter with his strong native powers, fortified by two years of close legal application in his quiet rural home, to take all of the studies of the three clcigses, and keep up with them, and yet in addition, attend many of the lectures of the professors in other departments, as Professor Silliman on Chemistry and Geology ; Dr. Taylor on Mental Philosophy ; Dr. Knight on Anatomy, and others. He graduated at the commence- ment in 184G in the law school, but did not remain to take his diploma in person. In that practical spirit that governed him in all matters, he requested permission to stand his examination and leave in .June, in order that he might get the business benefit of attending the fall courts at home in Georgia. His diploma was sent to him. He located in Canton, and at the ripe age of twenty-five years he began the practice of his cherished profession of the law, and soon built into a lucrative business. Looking at Senator Brown's course preliminary to his beginning the practice of the law, there is a fine example for poor young men and a marked exhibition of that native sagacity that has governed his life. Commencing at nineteen years of age with but a light country school- ing, he, of his own wise impulses, devoted six years to his education. His rare natural abilities were in the vigor of a youthful healthy man- hood. He was ripe for the very best acquisition of learning and the most profitable training of his faculties. His powerful j'oung mind was just in that age of maturity of the learning capacity, that made his studies doubly useful. This poor country youth was a tardy beginner 14 BROWN MARRIED. of life's practical business at twenty-five years of age, but he in reality possessed a perfection of equipment that few beginners have. Purity of habit and principle that secluded country life gives, habituation to severe ordeals of physical and mental labor, a long course of legal education finished at the finest law school in the country, and a social and mental intelligence of unusual grasp capped and widened and polished by the collisions, the culture and worldly knowledge of a year at a cosmopolitan college, all were young Brown's, when he started life in the country village of Canton, in the sunny summer of 1840. And it is not by any means a surprising matter that he succeeded. Such powers, such knowledge and such methods as he had were bound to succeed. There was nothing brilliant about him. But he made the progress ever achieved by hard and continuous work. He never lost a client. He lived as he had been raised, moderately and helpfully, and his habits continued simple. He made §1,200 the first year, and then pushed up slowly but steadily to §2,000 and S3,000. He never went backward. He made no blunders. His investments were all safe and judicious. He very early paid $450 for a piece of land which after- wards turned out handsomely for him, a half interest in a copper mine thereon bringing him $25,000, which he invested in farms, and which was the basis of his afterwards immense fortune. The next wise and fortunate step that this rising young man took was to marry a good wife. In 1847 he was united in marriage to Miss Elizabeth Gresham, the daughter of the Rev. Joseph Gresham, a Baptist minister of South Carolina. He made a happy marriage, his wife shar- ing congenially the eventful fortunes of his remarkable life, presiding well over his happy home, and raising admirably the large family of intelligent and worthy children that she has brought to him. As a lawyer, as can be conceived, Mr. Brown immediately took a foremost rank. Instantaneously prompt and punctual, giving immedi- ate attention to all matters entrusted to his care, untiringly industrious, working up his cases thoroughly, examining legal questions to the bottom, exhausting authorities, carefully correct in judgment, full of the resources of pleading and practice, and an earnest and convincing speaker, he had every quality needed to give him both reputation and practice. A gentleman had a claim against a farmer residing in ten or twelve miles of Canton. He arrived there in the afternoon and was referred to Mr. Brown. He put the matter in Biown's hands, who told him to call the next mornin'x. Brown rode out to the house of the citizen that BROWN AS AN ADVOCATE. 15 very evening, managed to get the money, returned to his office, and when the gentleman called by appointment early the next morning, paid him his money. He stopped at no trouble or labor in his business, and his swift promptness and tenacious attention to his cases wrought their inevitable results. Every lawyer in large practice can point to his hard forensic battles and romantic victories, won by clever strokes of legal strategy and skillful operations of professional acumen. Mr. Brown had an unusual number of such struggles and triumphs. A plain man and severely practical, lacking the flash of oratory and mak- ing no glittering personal display, yet there was a romance and dramatic effect in his management of some of his legal .skirmishes, that surpassed the achievement of more showy solicitors. Some of his legal contests were surprises of skill and boldness. A very earnest man, of indomit- able will and unswerving purpose, he was a hard hitting forensic fighter. Secretive as to his plans, he sprung damaging traps ujjon his opponents and he pursued a defeated antagonist unrelentingly. Hon. L. N. Tram- mell, speaking of his power as a lawyer, said his influence over a jury was extraordinary. While not an orator, his speeches were irresistible. Says Mr. Trammell, " Gov. Brown's speeches to juries were marvels of effect. They were as clear as a sunbeam. They exhausted practical sense, and reason, and put his side of a case so strongly and logically, that he always carried conviction." CHAPTER III. GOV. BROWN'S MARKED CAREER AS A STATE SENATOR IN 1849. His Early Drift to Politics. — Runs for Senator. — The Temperance Issue — IIi.s Election. — The Legislature of 1849 noted for its Fierce Political Controversies. — Andrew J. Miller and Joe Brown the Leaders. — The Veteran and the Neophyte. — Brown Leaps to the Front. — Brown and Alfred H. Colquitt. — A Curious Coincidence. — The Per- soncUe of that Body. — The Judges of that Day. — Hiram ^ya^uer. — H. V. Johnson. — Mrs. Johnson.— Henry R. Jackson. — Ang. H.ansell. — James Jackson. — Gartrell's Resolutions. — The Heat upon Slavery. — Dissolution of the Union Intimated. — Chas. J. Jenkins.— Chas. J. McDonald.— Millers Hohl.y.— The " Wom.in's Bill."— Gov. Brown against all the New Fangled Ideas. — Ricliard H. Clarke. — Thos. Butler King. — O. A. Lochrane. But while Gov. Brown was and is a great lawyer, the dominant ten- dency of his nature was political. A profound and able jurist, his forte was politics. His greatest capacities drove him to public life. He took to it as a fish does to water. His popular tact was unerring, his fitness for political contest perfect. Admitted to the bar in 1840, he drifted into politics in 1849. At that time there were forty-seven Senatorial Districts in the state, each furnishing a Senator. Forty-si.x of the Dis- tricts were composed of two counties each, and Mr. Brown lived in the forty-first, which was composed of Cherokee and Cobb counties. He received the Democratic nomination. Opposed by Col. John M. Edge, the canvass was an active one and resulted in his triumphant election. The temperance issue was raised against Mr. Brown, he being a member of the order of the Sons of Temperance. With his usual positiveness he took square temperance ground when assailed. The objection was made to him that he was against the liquor traffic. He accepted it boldly, refused to treat to liquor in his canvass, and in his speeches broadly announced that lie would treat no one, thoug-h the refusal might cause his defeat by thousands of votes. In a rural mountain section where the distillation of spirits is largely carried on, it might well be supposed that such a declaration would be perilous. The custom of candidates using liquor freely in their campaigns was general. He had the courage to break the custom, and after a warm contest he was decisively elected. THE LEGISLATURE OF 1849-1850. 17 The legislature of 18-i9 and 1850 was a right memorable one. Georgia then had the system of biennial sessions, which she discarded soon, and then re-adopted in 1877, after she had forgotten the experi- ence of a quarter of a century previous. The session was eighty-five days in length. The same policy was carried out that has prevailed in the biennial sessions of 1878 and 1881, of having an adjourned term. And Senator Brown voted against it in 1849, as he did against every daily adjournment, nearly, his disposition being to get through his leg- islative work in the quickest possible time. Amonsr the more notable men of this Lejjislature were Andrew J. Miller and David J. Baily of the Senate, and Augustus H. Kenan, Wm. T. WofPord, Thomas C Howard, Gen. Harrison W. Riley, Parmedus Reynolds, Charles J. Jenkins, Linton Stephens and Lucius .J. Gartrell, of the House. Joseph E. Brown was a new member and a new man in Georgia politics. This Legislature was noted for its fierce controversies upon political questions. Andrew J. Miller was the leader of the Whigs. Representing the powerful constituency of Richmond county, a lawyer of acknowledged ability, a ready debater, of cool imperturbable temper, high integrity and unflinching firmness, he stood very high. Joseph E. Brown leaped to the leadership of the Democrats in spite of his j'outh and inexperience, and the two names that figure most frequently in the journals of the Senate during that racy session are Miller and Brown. The young mountain novice tackled the old city veteran gamely and successfully. And the Democratic measures went through steadily under the firm leadership of this raw but powerful j'oung neophyte. Brown was put on the Judiciary committee in recognition of his legal ability, that in three years' practice had established itself, and he was made chairman of the penitentiary committee. In addition he was put upon nearly every important special committee to consider special mat- ters of moment. Among these were, committee to enquire into repeal of laws in regard to introduction of slaves into this state : committee on bill to protect public worship : committee on bill to abolish costs in Supreme court: committee to re-organize the Judicial circuits: and other committees, in most of which Brown was chairman. It is matter of curious note that the assistant secretary of the Senate was Alfred H. Colquitt, who thirty years later made Joseph E. Brown United States Senator, and was united with him in the political cam- paign of 1880, the most savage public contest ever witnessed in Georgia, which resulted in the re-election of Colquitt as Governor of Georgia, and the election of Brown as United States Senator. And it is also 2 18 THE JUDICIARY OF 1840. another curious fact tliat of the two speeches reported during the session of 1849-1850 one was a speech made by Brown, and it was reported by Mr. Colquitt for that strong journal, tlie Macon Telegraph, which at that time was only a weekly paper. Gov. Geo. W. Towns was the executive of the state. The state road was in running order to Dalton, was graded to Chattanooga and the track laid to within seven miles of that place. The benefit of that road is shown by the fact that the business had increased for 1849 over forty-seven per cent, more than in 1817. At this time the judges were elected by the General Assembly, though an act was passed submitting to the peo- ple whether judges should be elected by the Legislature or the people. The people decided in their own favor, and after this the judges were elected by the people of their respective circuits. This Legislature elected Hiram Warner Judge of the Supreme Court, and Judg'es of the Superior Court as follows: — EU H. Baxter, Northern circuit; Henry R, Jackson, Eastern circuit; Augustin H. Stansell, Southern circuit; James Jackson, Western circuit; Ebenezer Starnes, Middle circuit; Herschel V. Johnson, Ocmulgee circuit; Jas. H. Stark, Flint circuit; Alfred Iverson, Chattahoochee circuit; Jolin H. Lumpkin, Cherokee circuit. Of these gentlemen a number became distinguished. H. V. Johnson and Alfred Iverson were made United States Senators; H. V. Johnson, Governor; Hiram Warner and James Jackson, Congressmen and Chief Justice of the Supreme Court; E. Starnes, Judge of the Supreme Court; H. R. Jackson, United States Minister to Austria. There has perhaps never been a more brilliant array of judges in the history of the state. Judge Warner has been almost continuously on tlio bench since, resigning the Chief Justiceship of the Supreme Court in 1880. Judge Warner is in many respects a remarkable man. He came from New England. A tall, erect, muscular person of great decision of char- acter, high order of ability, and extensive legal erudition, he has main- tained a striking hold upon tlie people of Georgia in spite of a decided lack of social feeling and generous sentiment. A fearless utterance of his views, an iron resolution and a rigid integrity, have upheld him in popular confidence, notwithstanding the severity of demeanor and a sort of determined rancor of prejudice. Cold and stern, he was able and believed to be honest. Alfred Iverson was a man of much power, a small person in stature, but of considerable speaking ability. Governor Johnson was the ablest of these men. There has been no public man in Georgia in the last quarter of a centurj' the superior in brain power of H. V. Johnson. A powerful thinker, a strong speaker, MRS. H. V. JOHNSON. 19 possessor of an exquisite stj'Ie of writing, the chastest and most vigor- ous master of language we have ever had in the state, he is one of our few public men that could be called great. He was a timid and a gloomy man, however, and in his manners a brusque person. The contrast between the bluntness of his ways and speech, and the classic elegance of his writings, was something inexplicable. His state papers were models of statesmanship and polish. Judge, afterwards Governor Johnson, married a niece of President Polk, the most exquisitely beauti- ful and intellectually gifted woman of her day when young. After he ^ became executive she made the state house famous by her entertain- ments. Of exquisite figure, with features of faultless beauty, clear-cut, intellectual and of the most classic Grecian type, with a complexion as clear and rose-tinted as a healthy infant's, she added conversational powers of surpassing brilliancy, and an attractive sweetness of manner irresistible. She was a notable housewife and devoted mother, yet she was profoundly read in the political, scientific and religious literature of the day, and could talk upon these matters with wonderful power and genuine eloquence. Henry R. Jackson was one of the most gifted of these men, a magical orator, a true poet and an able lawyer. And added to this was a chiv- alric, personal courage and a fiery scorn of anything small. Judge Hansell is still Judge of the Superior Court, and preserves those high characteristics of manhood that; marked him then. James Jackson was a most promising young man, belonging to and constituting a tj'pical member of the famous family of Jacksons that have filled so large a role in Georgia annals, whose founder was one of the early Governors and a United States Senator; a man of iron force of character, who burned the records of the great Yazoo fraud with a sun glass. It has been something for Joseph E. Brown to have outstripped these gifted aristo- crats of Georgia civilization. In the election of these judges the Southern Rights question entered. Lumpkin, James Jackson and H. R. Jackson were Union Democrats, and came near defeat on that account. James Jackson wrote to Alex. Stephens asking his influence, appealing to his well-known proclivity to help young men. Through Mr. Stephens his brother Linton voted for Jackson, though Linton was a Whig. The chief battle in this General Assembly was over some Democratic resolutions, originated mainly by Lucius J. Gartrell and W. W. Clayton, declaring for strict state rights; for a national territory equally slave and free, and branding the Wilmot proviso as unconstitutional. The report of the committee on the state of the Republic, introductory of 20 DISUNION FOKESUAUOWED. tliese warm resolutions, was written by Col. Thomas C. Howard, the chairman of the House committee, regarded then as tlie most promising young man in the state. An inimitable conversationalist, flashing, witty and fervent, there is no man in Georgia that has ever surpassed him as a talker. He was then and is to-day a remarkable man. His report on these resolutions was a brilliant piece of writing. The debates over these resolutions were sharp and at times stormy. In the Senate, Miller and Brown had numerous skirmishes. Governor Colquitt told .the writer that the Democrats liad a sense of security when Brown had charge of the Democratic side that tliey had under no other leader. His speeches were to the point, clear and forcible, and his readiness and resources equal to any occasion. The resolutions were finally passed. Among them is the following: " 9tli Resolvetl. That the people of Georgia euteitain an ardent feeling of devotion to the union of these st.ates, and tliat nothing short of a persistence in the present sys- tem of encroachment upon our rights )>y tlie uon-slavehokling states can induce us to contemplate tlie possihility of a dissolution." These resolutions provided for calling a State Convention in certain contingencies. Th(>y illustrate the inflammatory ag-itation that was convulsing the country upon the subject of slavery, and the contempla- tion of a severance of the union as an ultimatum that came ten years later. On the final passage in the Senate the vote stood thirty-five j'eas to three nays, Andrew J. Miller being dne of the nays. In the House the vote stood ninety-two yeas and twenty-eight nays. Charles J. Jenkins was the leader of the union party in the House. Mr. Jenkins has been one of the purest and ablest public men the state has ever had. He afterwards became Governor and Judge of the Supreme Court, and President of a Constitutional Convention of 1877. Possessed of punc- tilious integrity and high ability, known for an adamantine firmness and courage, patriotic and public-spirited, no man in the state has enjoyed a larger measure of respect than Mr. Jenkins. He has been a citizen of wliich any commonwealth could be proud. In connection with these resolutions the general assembly elected C. J. McDonald, M. II. McAllister, C. Dougherty and William Law as delegates to a convention of the people of the slave-holding states of the union to be held on the first Monday in June, 1850, in Nashville, Tennessee, called in conformity with a recommendation of the people of Mississippi, to take some hannonious action in defense of the in- stitutions of .slavery and the rights incident to it under the Constitu- tion of the United States. C. J. McDonald had been governor of the ANDREW J. miller's " WOMAN's IIII.I.." 21 state from 1S39 to 1843, and was a gentleman of ability wlio possessed to a large degree the conKdence of the people. M. H. McAllister was a citizen of Savannah, looming up prominently for public honor, but who injudiciously sacrificed the sure promise of distinction in Georgia by removing to California. C. Dougherty and William Law were both lawyers of fine ability. Dougherty was a citizen of Athens, of bright mind, member of a gifted family. He was defeated for governor on a close vote by McDonald. Law was a citizen of Savannah, and became a distinguished judge. One of the notable battles in this legislature was over a measure that became in those days known, as the hobby of Andrew J. Miller, called his "Woman's bill." The object was to secure to married women their own property independent of the husband. Miller was sent to the legislature time and again, and at every session he introduced this measure, only to be repeatedly defeated. It finally became the law, and its success was due to the persistent agitation of the persevering Miller. Joseph E. Brown had the old-fashioned notions of the marital relation and foug'ht all of these new-fangled ideas. Miller's W^oman's bill was defeated by a vote of twenty-one yeas to twenty-three nays in the Senate, Brown voting no. A bill to limit the liability of husbands for debts of wives incurred before marriage, did pass the Senate, how- ever, and Brown vindicated his consistency by voting against it. During the consideration of the Woman's bill Judge Richard H. Clark offered an amendment submitting the Woman's bill to a popular vote at the governor's election in 1851. Senator Woods proposed an amend- ment allowing females between sixteen and fifty years to vote. The amendments were both rejected by only a small majority. Judge Clark has been a well-known figure in Georgia matters. A delightful gentle- man socially, a writer of exquisite culture, a thorough lawj-er and yet with a decided bias to literature, Judge Clark has held a high position. He has been one of the codifiers of the Georgia statute law, and a judge of admitted ability. He is now judge of the city court of Atlanta. At this session of the legislature important legislation was had on the divorce law. Joseph E. Brown, as may be expected, fought every proposition widening the domain of divorce, and maintained rigid adherence to all of the strictest ideas of marriage sanctity. He was for striking out as grounds of divorce intermarriage within the Levitical degrees, desertion for three j-ears, and conviction for crime, and finally voted against the bill. An effort was made to incorporate the Grand Division of the Sons of Temperance, and referred to a special committee 5J"i THOMAS BUTLER KIXG. with Brown as chairman, who was known to be an ardent temperance champion. He made a strono; report against it, arguing that any legis- lation of the sort would injure the cause of temperance, which was making progress, and sliovdd depend for success upon inherent moral influence. Senator Brown gave a marked instance of his thoughtfulness of the interest of his immediate constituents, and his successful method of doing things in a little post route matter. Mr. Boyd offered resolutions for mail arrangements to be secured between Marietta and the towns of Roswell and Gumming. Brown moved and carried the motion to strike out Roswell and Gumming and substitute Ganton therefor. As illustrating the temper of the people on the subject of slaverj', an episode occurred in the Senate which deserves mention. Among the marked and influential public men of that day was the Hon. Thomas Butler King. He was a wealthy planter on the coast, a gentleman of aristocratic family, of high social influence and very strong ability. He was a Gongressman and went later as Gommissionerto Europe. Senator Brown introduced resolutions reciting that it was reported that Mr. King had resigned his seat in Gongress and was in Galifornia, alleging that he represented the cabinet at Washington, and was seeking to become a Senator from Galifornia under a Free-soil Constitution, and resolving that it was derogatory to a Southern representative in Gon- gress to advocate the admission of California into the Union as a free state, and still more derogatory to such an individual to accept a seat in the National councils purchased by moral treason to that portion of the Union that has fostered him, and that Mr. King's conduct met the unqualified disapprobation of the General Assembly. The resolutions were taken up by a vote of twenty-one to sixteen, and ' made the special order for a future day, among those voting in the affirmative being Senator Thomas Purse of Savannah. Final action was never taken on them, they being based upon misapprehension of Mr. King's real attitude. As a further exemplification of the temper of the times upon this absorbing question it may be stated as an incon- gruous attempt to embody the spirit of the people that a military com- pany in Lagrange was incorporated as the " Georgia Constitutional Guards of Troups." This legislature passed a special act allowing a young man to practice law, who has occupied a large portion of the public attention since, Mr. Osborn A. Lochrane. A poor Irish youth, he began his career in this country as a drug clerk in Athens, Ga. He made a speech in a debating miller's prophecy of buo-\vn. 23 society that attracted the attention of Chief Justice Lumpkin, who advised him to read law. He did so, and has been a noted person in Georgia matters. He culminated his profession by a seat on the Supreme Court as Chief Justice. Judge Bleckley said of him to the writer, that he possessed a dual intelligence ; one, a flashing surface sparkle of froth and pleasantry, and underneath a strong, industrious, logical mind, searching, original and vigorous. He has built into for- tune and national repute as a lawyer. The friendly bonhommie of his nature has made enmity to him impossible. Tolerant to all political creeds, genial and humorous, full of business capacity, a thinker and an orator, Judge Lochrane has been a conspicuous example of unusual success, achieved by a capable intelligence sun-shining itself through the world. Senator Brown's career as a state senator was a noted step in his upward progress. It was too limited an arena and too short an episode to give him a state repute. It enlarged his local fame and home influ- ence. It formed a valuable part of his public education. It brought him into acquaintance with many of the leaders of thought in the state. It strengthened his confidence in his own powers and resources. And it was a curious piece of discernment, prophecy and candor in his venerable and distinguished opponent and rival in leadership, Andrew J. Miller, to have used this remark : " Joe Brown will yet stamp the impress of his greatness upon the future history of the state." CHAPTER IV. HERSCHELL V. JOHNSON AS GOVERNOR. IIowoU Cnlib anil C. .1. JIcDonald in 1851. — Tlie Union Victorious over Sonthem Rights. — II. V. Joliuson ami C. J. Jenliins in 1853. — Alfred H. Colcjuitt makes .Johnson Governor. — Southern Rights Trininpliant. — Brown an Elector. — TheWliig Party Riven. — C. J. .Jenkins for Vice-President. — The Tornado of Know-Notliing- ism. — A Mad Flurry and a Hard Fight.— Alex. Stejihens and His Political Shroud. — Tlie Triangular Contest for Governor. — H. V. Johnson, Garnett Andrews and B. H. Overliy. — Brown's R.ace for Judge against D.avid Irwin. — An Acrimonious Battle. — Young Brown Victorious. — Brown is a Perilous Political Figliter. — Gad- distown Stands to Brown. — Brown a Rare Judge — Racy Anecdotes of His Judicial Administration. — Brown Comes to tlie Edge of His Destiny. Returxixg home to the practice of law, Mr. Brown gave his atten- tion with all the vigor of a decided nature and strong abilities to his con- genial profession. He continued practice until the fall of 1855, when he took his chances before the people of his circuit for election to the office of judge. The method of selection of judges had been changed from election by the legislature to election by the citizens of each judicial circuit. During the intervening period Howell Cobb had been elected Gov- ernor of Georgia, and served from 1851 to 1853, beating ex-Governor McDonald in a well-contested race. The Southern Rights question had been made an isstic, and Mr. Cobb, representing the Union party, had whipped the fight. Mr. Cobb was one of the really great men of the nation. Entering political life young, he had been almost uninterrupt- edly successful. As a representative in Congress, a United States senator and a Cabinet minister, he had reflected luster upon his state, and made a national reputation for statesmanship. Wise, conservative, able, resolute, amiable and social, Mr. Cobb was one of the most popular and esteemed public men Georgia has ever had. In 1853, Herschell V. .Johnson was elected Governor, beating Charles J. Jenkins by a small majority in one of the closest and sharpest cam- paigns of Georgia annals. The Southern Rights party had received a black eye in the defeat of its candidate, ex-Governor McDonald, by Howell Cobb in 1851, and it was claimed that the issue was settled. But the Southern Rights men made a new effort in 1853, under H. V. AI.KKEl) II. CULQllTT ET.ECTS JOIIXSUX. 25 Johnson, and this time they succeeded, thougli bj'a close shave. It was in this race that Alfred H. Colquitt made his first important political fight. He took the field as the nominee of the Democratic Southern Rights convention for Congress against James Johnson, the Union can- didate. The Union men in this district, the second, had a majority of fully three thousand. It looked like a forlorn hope to overcome it. But young Colquitt and that other bright youngster, Thomas C. Howard, took the stump, canvassing through the congressional district for two months, riding in a buggy and making daily speeches. It was a lively battle and proved to be the crucial point of the gubernatorial contest. Young Colquitt had all the prestige of his gifted father's wonderful name and popularity. He was handsome, genial, able and eloquent. Added to this was the guidance of his father, who was an unprece- dented political leader. The result was a surprise of effective work. Young Colquitt swept the district triumphantly, carrying the guber- natorial guerdon on his strong shoulders, and he had the glory of not only winning his own election by a reversal of the heavy majority against his party, but of securing the success of his party candidate for Governor. The only political part that Joseph E. Brown took very actively in these contests, was that in 1852 he was nominated on the Democratic electoral ticket for Pierce and King, and kept up his practice of politi- cal success by receiving the highest vote of any on the ticket, though he was its youngest member. It will recall an interesting fact of that campaign to state that a convention held in Macon nominated Daniel Webster for President and Charles J. Jenkins for Vice-President. Mr. Jenkins had declined to support either Pierce, the Democratic candidate, or Gen. Scott, the Whig candidate for the presidency. The national controversies on the slavery question had played the wild with parties in the South, and especially in Georgia. The Whigs were driven from their national party alignments. Robert Toombs and Alex. H. Ste- phens, the chief Whig leaders in Georgia, had declared the Whig party north unsound on slavery, so dear to them, and came to the Democratic party. A number of the Whig leaders in our state found it hard to yield their old antagonism to the Democracy. It was a mixed state of things among the Whigs, some supporting the Democracy, some sup- porting the Whig candidate, Scott, and some in the middle and southern parts of the state refusing to support either. Another issue split both Whigs and Democrats in Georgia, and that was the Union and Southern Rights question. But its effect was more disastrous to the Whig 26 KNOW-XOTHINGISM. organization. INIr. Jenkins' attitude in the presidential campaign lost him strength in his g-ubernatorial race. Right upon this disintegration of the Whig party was sprung a new political question, that furnished a new distraction for the seething po- litical elements. It swept the country like a prairie on fire. In the history of political agitations there never has been an instance of a more sudden or furious public storm than that created by " Know- NoTHiXGiSM." Crushed in the national contest and hopelessly riven in the Southern states, the Whig party found a temporary refuge in this new-fangled American party. It had a large following in Georgia for a while and a respectable one too. It was bitterly fought. Ex-Gov. JIcDonald, Howell Cobb, Alex. H. Stephens, Robert Toombs and Hiram Warner wrote strong letters against it, while Mr. Stephens made some of the ablest speeches of his career on this subject. The term of Mr. Stephens in Congress was out. He was uncertain of running again. He wrote a letter to Judge Thomas W. Thomas against Know-Noth- ingism in response to a request for his views. He was vigorously assailed, and declared to have made his political shroud, when, with that defiant audacity that has marked his life, he announced his can- didacy and proceeded to test the issue of his "political shroud." His speeches were masterpieces, and he converted the shroud into a wreath of political laurels, returning to Congress by a majority of over 2,000. The gubernatorial issue was Know-Nothing-ism. H. V. Johnson was almost unanimously re-nominated by the Democratic convention, of which Tames Gardner was president. The candidate of the Know- Nothii gs was Garnett Andrews, and the temperance men ran B. H. Overby. The contest was sharp and animated. Johnson was re-elected, his vote being 54,470 against 43,750 for the American candidate, and 6,261 for the temperance man, and his majority 10,726 over Andrews, and 4,405 over both of the other candidates. The American party showed a surprising strength, and illustrated how Know-Nothingism had clutched the country. Mr. Charles J. Jenkins, as in the presidential contest, followed a peculiar course. In a short and characteristic letter, he stated, "Being neither a Democrat nor a Know-Nothing there is no place for me in this contest." As the reader will readily divine, Joseph E. Brown was a decided Anti- Know-Nothing. Its secrecy, its religious proscription, its warfare upon foreigners, little suited his republican tastes and political liberality. He was too thoroughly imbued with the spirit of our free institutions to BROWX AXD IRWIX. 27 encourage ideas and theories so antagonistic to the genius of our demo- cratic government. In his race for judge of the Blue Ridge Circuit the Know-Nothing issue was sprung against him, though Judge David Irwin, his ojjponent, claimed not to be a member of the order. Judge Irwin was one of the leading citizens of our state, and is living to-day resjaected and honored for his abilities and worth. He was in active political life in 18-40, an ardent Whig. He was a candidate for elector on the Clay ticket in 1844. He was a decided Union advocate in the Southern Rights contest of 1850, and the years following. He had, to a large degree, the confidence of the people of his section. He had been elected to the bench in 1857, and was seeking re-election at the hands of people who knew and esteemed him in endorsement of a just and able administration of the law. It will thus be seen that a more for- midable opponent young Brown could not have had. The contest was lively and became acrimonious. Judge Irwin's friends attacked Brown savagely. Brown's friends were not .slow to strike back without gloves. The press was kept warm with attacks and counter-attacks. The new county of Pickens, which was formed at the previous session of the legislature through the active agency of that well known legislator, L. J. Aired, and with the aid of Mr. Brown, gratefully remembered the latter, and at a meeting of the Democracy in .Jasper in June, gave a ringing endorsement of Brown's candidacy. Irwin's friends charged that Brown was a partisan candidate and pull- ing down the bench into political mire ; that Brown had sometime worn unlawful weapons, etc., etc. Brown's friends retorted that Irwin was a Know-Nothing ; that he was slow in dispatching business, and had allowed the dockets to get behind ; that he was afraid to keep order in the court ; that he had always fought the Democracy, etc. The cam- paign showed how, in a hot struggle, good men can be belabored and lampooned. Brown gave his popular and powerful competitor a striking defeat. He had a reasonable majority to start with. But the fight strengthened Brown largely. He had the same methods then he has used since. He was aggressive, vigilant, untiring, arousing an impas- sioned interest in his friends, and recriminating with all the vigorous audacity of his nature. The truth is that Georgia has never had a more fearless and potential political fighter than Brown. Woe be it to his adversary who goes at no-quarter hitting and has a weak record. Cool, resourceful, relentless, our public annals show no more perilous political opponent than he has proven himself in such a multiplied variety of desperate battle^ as demonstrate that his masterly powers were natural. 28 BROWN AS A JUDGE. Of the eleven counties in the judicial circuit Irwin only carried three by small majorities, Campbell, Cobb and Polk. The aggregate majority in the three counties was only 68 ; Cobb, Irwin's own county, only giving him two majority. The remaining seven counties, Cherokee, Fanning, Forsyth, Gilmer, Lumpkin, Paulding, Pickens and Union, gave Brown 2,808 majority; Union with her now historic Gaddistown standing gal- lantly to her young son by adoption with his famous bull-plowing expe- rience, and rolling up for him a good solid majority of 517 in a vote of 1,000. It was a remarkable victory, especially in view of the strong man Judge Brown had to defeat. It was a fair, square fight too, even, equal and honestly won. Judge Brown's administration of the bench was in many respects the most extraordinary phase of his public career. Tiiough he had served only two years when he was called to a higher place of trust, his brief period of judicial presiding was eventful, and is a tradition of power and success in these mountain counties to this day. Numbers of anec- dotes are current illustrating his salient qualities and positive manage- ment. He kept perfect order and an unbroken discipline. For years there had been a sort of steady drift to a loose, easy governing of the courts, so much so that it was a matter of complaint that it retarded the dispatch of business. Lawyers had acquired a large latitude of free- dom. Much of the power of the judge had been gradually yielded in criminal matters, the injurious practice having grown of allowing solicit- ors to compromise the grade of verdicts on the basis of certain agreed amount of fines fixed beforehand. This of course tended to make the administration of criminal justice a matter of pecuniary accommodation to the prosecuting officer. Judge Brown was just the man to remedy these matters and he did remedy them. He had nerve for an\^hing. He tackled these practices promptly. He instituted perfect order in the court-room, which aids the rapid dispatch of business. He drove through the dockets until he cleared them. He kept counsel to the point, and stopped legal discussion when his conclusion was reached. He made his mind up with that decisiveness that has marked him in all things. The opinion is universal in his circuit that he was the best judge they over had. If he had any fault it was a leaning to severity. He kept juries and court officers to their duty. Jurors and counsel were always on hand to the minute. At one of the mountain courts the Solicitor General got on a spree. The Judge promptly appointed a solicitor for the time in his place. The intoxicated solicitor started to rebel, when the Judge coolly ANECDOTES. 29 Stopped the insubordination by quickly informing the officer that upon any further demonstration he should order him to jail. At another court a drunken fellow, a very desperate rowdy and defi- ant of the authorities, came into the court room and made a good deal of noise. The Judge promptly fined him. The fellow paid the fine and started out staggering noisily, and making much fuss with his creaking boots. The Judge determined to make an effective example of hmi, and ordered the°Sheriff to collect another fine for the noise he made in going out with his creaky boots. Thoroughly subdued and despair- ing" of getting out noiselessly, the fellow slipped down on his knees and crawled out of the court house, humbly deprecating the Judge's wrath. The incident created much amusement and satisfied the people that Judge Brown meant to have order in his court. His iron will brooked no resistance to his legal authority. It must be held in mmd that off from the railroads, in the rude mountain sections, men are more inclined to be impatient of restriction. There seems to be something m the mountain air that makes its citizens wilder when insubordinate. At the same time it is true that in those regions there is a very large meas- ure of reverence given to the majesty of the law, as embodied in the Judge. He is a sort of an autocrat, and regarded with high respect as the powerful agent of the resistless and awful genius of the law. In the intellectual and legal qualifications of a judge, perhaps there has never been in Georgia one to surpass Judge Brown. An analytical mind of unusual strength, close discrhnination, patient research, quick legal intuitions, an exhaustive study of authorities, a logical power of argument and a clearness of statement extraordinary, constituted an array of elements of fitness for judicial duty rarely equaled. ' An un- usually small proportion of cases in his ridings were taken up to the Supreme Court, and his decisions were rarely overruled. A firm, an honest, and an able Judge, he made the court honored as a model tri- bunal of justice. Frowning down unnecessary delays, he enabled suitors to get speedy trials. Adamantine in his stand against crime and crimi- nals, he administered the criminal law with a resolute hand. He al- lowed no compromises with wrong, but struck down vice and violence whenever they showed themselves. Absolutely impartial, he was gov- erned by neither favor nor prejudice, and decided the right as he honestly saw it, irrespective of personal considerations. A man of christian character, he held in earnest keeping the good of society and the pres- ervation of morals. Possessing a business sense of marvelous practi- cality, he carried into the management of his courts that system, dis- 30 EKOWX AS A JUDGE. patch and energ}-, that have given him his steady and phenomenal suc- cess in his worldly matters. This placid, positive, capable gentleman made a remarkable reputation as a Judge in his circuit, a reputation that in the land of telegraphs and railroads, mails and daily newspapers, would have carried his name broadcast, and made him a state fame. But, " cribbed, cabined and confined," in the remote hills of North-east Georgia^ whatever his merit, he had little chance to*be known outside of his hidden bailiwick. There he achieved a celebrity very marked. There was an iron force of char- acter and a positive way of doing things that made the administration of this slender, quiet-mannered, calm-spoken Judge, a highly dramatic one. He had come, however, to the edge of his destinies, that enlarged sphere of public duty for which nature had lavishly fitted him. And the transfer came curiously. CHAPTER V. GOV. BROWN'S SCRATCH NOMINATION FOR GOVERNOR IN 1857. James Gardner, J. H. Lumpkin, and H. G. Lamar in Gubernatorial Con6ict. — Gardner Wrecked by a Youthful Indiscretion — L. N. Trammell's eye on Brown. — Incident of Traniraell and S. J. Smitli. — The Famous Conveution. — Its Personelle. — Liuton Stephens. — A Long and Heated Balloting. — A Dead-Lock for Three Days. — Gardner's Nemesis. — Experimental Voting. — The Slaugliter of Gardner keeps on to the Others. — Fillibu.steriug without Limit. — A Committee of Conference. — Coliiuitt's Graze at Governor. — A Chapter of Surprises. — Tlie Gulieru.atorial Lightning Strikes Joe Brown, while he was Binding Wheat in the Mountains. — An Incident in 1880. — Dick Clarke's Speecli. The gubernatorial campaign of 1857 was a very memorable one in Georgia politics. It was marked by much personal heat, it ended in a protracted convention, and liad an utterly unexpected result. It-finally settled the gubernatorial aspirations of some very prominent and dis- tinguished men, and brought to the front by one of those scratches that sometimes occur in politics, an almost unknown individual who from that day to this has been the leading factor in public matters, who is to-day the most powerful citizen of our State, and whose future, if he lives and has his health, is big with great possibilities. There were five prominent gentlemen for the high position of Georgia's chief magistrate, James Gardner of Augusta, Henry G. Lamar of Macon, John H. Lumpkin of Rome, Wm. H. Stiles of Savannah and Hiram Warner of Merriwether county. James Gardner, as editor of the Augusta Constitutionalist, had achieved a remarkable influence. A small, quiet-mannered gentleman, without any capacity for public speak- ing, he was possessed of more political writing ability than any editor we have ever had in Georgia. Bold and able, coming of a family known for their courage and decision, Gardner made himself a power in Georgia politics, and his paper j'ielded a tremendous influence. He was, however, a romantic instance of how youthful folly can wreck a strong man's greatest hopes. Gardner in his youth had been guilty of an indiscretion with a young lady, whose family was powerful enough to make him feel their resentment. The ghost of this folly followed him relentlessly. It was exaggerated and used like an avenging Nemesis. 32 THE goverxoe's race of 1857. It defeated him for the Democratic nomination for Governor, and blighted his political ambition. John II. Lumpkin was the candidate of North Georgia, which sec- tion vigorously clamied the right to have the Governor. Lumpkin had been a Congressman and Judge of the Superior Court, and was a gentleman of excellent ability. Henry G. Lamar was one of the famous and brilliant Lamar family, that have been so conspicuous in the annals of State and Nation. It has been a family of genius and cour- age, a family adventurous and eloquent. Judge Lamar was a strong member of this notable and gifted blood. He, like Lumpkin, had been Judge and Congressman. "VVm. H. Stiles of Chatham, was a stately and aristocratic gentleman, a writer of e.xquisite culture and a silvery tongued orator. He frequently served in the State Legislature. He possessed excellent abilities. Judge Warner we have spoken of. In addition to these, the name of Alfred H. Colquitt was also discussed, who became Governor in 1877, twenty years later. A few friends of Judge BroVn in his section, among them L. N. Trammell, Wm. Phillips and Sumner J. Smith, had their eyes upon him and determined, if there was any chance to do so, to press him for Gov- ernor. But the general mention of his name for the place even in his own section was not made. Judge Lumpkin being the accepted candi- date of the section. Mr. Trammell told the writer that he and Smith rode down to the convention as delegates in a buggy together, and were united in the purpose to jjush Brown if possible. Col. Trammell has been a strong factor in State politics for twenty-five years. He was quite a young man then, with only ordinary facilities of education. His father was a gentleman of great force of character. Young Trammell has shown a remarkable capacity for political management, and as will be seen, in this very campaign he gave evidence of his power. Col. Smith was a large, powerful man, of extraordinary vehemence and volu- bility in speaking. In the Legislature, when he got into a controversy with any one, he had a habit of springing to his feet suddenly, rushing over in the vicinity of his opponent, pouring out the most fiery torrent of declamation with vigorous gestures, and then stopping suddenly, he would stalk back to his seat and drop into it with a startling suddenness. Tatum, of Dade county, a great wag, put a rousing laugh upon Smith in one of these controversies by rising and pointing his long finger at the rapidly retreating figure of Smith, exclaiming with mock solemnity the scriptural quotation, " The wicked fleeth when no man pursueth." The convention of the Democratic party to nominate a Governor met THE DEMOCRATIC CONVENTION OF 1857. STj in Milledgeville, the 24th of June, 1857. There were 107 counties rep- resented, with 399 votes. The President of the convention was Tenant Lomax of Columbus, the editor of the Times, a gentleman of fine attainments. Counties with two Representatives cast five votes, and other counties three votes. Among the delegates were Judge R. H. Clarke, O. A. Lochrane and James A. Nisbet of Macon ; Alfred Austell of Campbell, now a wealthy banker of Atlanta ; George A. Gordon and Philip M. Russell of Savannah; the latter a potential controller of Chatham county politics for the last quarter of a century ; Win. Hope Hull of Athens, now dead; Hugh Buchanan of Coweta county. Judge Thomas W. Thomas of Elbert, E. W. Chastain of Fannin, Judge Augustus R. Wright, J. W. H. Underwood and Daniel S. Printup of Rome, Thomas Morris of Franklin, John W. Duncan of Fulton, W. H. Dabney of Gordon, Linton Stephens of Hancock, F. H. West of Lee, C. J. Williams and Peyton H. Colquitt of Muscogee, Herbert Fielder of Polk, T. L. Guerry of Randolph, Julian Cumming and Geo. T. Barnes of Augusta, E. W. Beck of Spaulding, W. A. Hawkins of Americus, S. J. Smith of Towns, L. N. Trammell of Union, Geo. Hillyer of Walton, B. D. Evans of Washington, E. H. Pottle of Warren, D. B. Harrell of Webster. Mr. Lochrane married a daughter of Henry G. Lamar; Judge Thomas of Elbert was in that day one of the pronounced and foremost men of the state. Judge Wright of Rome was one of the brightest thinkers and most sparkling orators we had, but an embodied independent. Col. Printup became afterwards a wealthy railroad lawyer. A smart little gentleman was .John y\^. Duncan, whose regret was that he was foreign born, thus excluding him from being President. Col. Dabney was a profound lawyer, and since the war was well known as having been defeated for congress by the doughty Parson Felton, who so long polit- ically ruled the seventh congressional district. The most powerful man intellectually in this convention was Linton Stephens, brother of Alex- ander H. Stephens. A nervous, sinewy person, there was an intrepid audacity of brain in Stephens, and a muscular vigor of logic that few men have. His nature was jagged and aggressive. He worked badly in joint harness. His unmalleable spirit illy brooked government, and was not suited to harmonious cooperation. Positive and independent he had his own views of things, and was unbending in his convictions. We have had few men in Georgia the superior intellectually of Linton Stephens, but he was too uncompromising and outspoken to succeed by popular favor. He became judge of the supreme court, appointed by 34 THE CONTEST FOR GOVERNOR. Gov. Brown, and was afterwards elected and went to the legislature, but he never could get to Congress, where he would have been a conspicu- ous figure. Gen. C. H. Williams of Columbus became a gallant soldier of the war and a warm friend of Gov. Brown. Peyton H. Colquitt, l)rother of Gov. Alfred H. Colquitt, was a splendid physical specimen of a man, was rising rapidly when the war broke out, and but for his death in the bloody battle of Chickamauga at the head of his regiment would have gone up to high political preferment. Herbert Fielder moved to Randolph county and has been a leading figure in state politics since the war, having been pressed for Governor and United States Senator. Col. E. W. Beck was sent to Congress. E. H. Pottle and D. B. Harrell both became judges. Augusta has furnished a rare familv of men, of which Julian Cunnning was the most gifted. He had glittering charms of mind and speech, but died young. Another gentleman of unusual powers was Willis A. Hawkins, one of the most electrical talkers, and a superb advocate. He reached the Suj^reme Bench. Such was some of the material of this memorable convention. A committee on resolutions was appointed, with Judge Thomas W. Thomas as chairman. Gen. C. H. Williams put in nomination Lamar; Samuel Hall, Esq., nominated Gardner; Thomas Morris presented the name of Lumpkin; D. B. Harrell nominated Stiles, and R. J. Willis presented Hiram Warner. The first ballot resulted as follows : Lump- kin 112, Lamar 97, Gardner 100, Warner 53, and Stiles 35. Gardner showed a clean pair of heels and steadily rose to 141 on the si.vth ballot, with Lumpkin 124 and Lamar down to 46. A sharp fight was made over the right of alternates to vote, and resulted in their being allowed to do so. After the eighth ballot, Lamar having fallen to 35 with Gardner at 152 and Lumpkin 122, Lamar's name was withdrawn, and the ninth ballot resulted with Gardner 172, Lumpkin 127, and Warner (i4. Mr. George Gordon then practically withdrew the name of Wm. H. Stiles in a neat speech, saying that it was not the purpose of the Chat- ham delegation to present the name of Stiles at the opening of the convention, hoping if no selection could be made from the more promi- nent candidates the convention would unite on him. A delegate from another county had put in Col. Stiles, and the Chatham delegates could not withdraw him, but he begged those who had been supporting him to feel at liberty to vote for any one else. No one but a Savannah man could have made this diplomatic speech. By this time the convention had become thoroughly heated up. The alignments were distinctly drawn. The fight on Gardner became desperate. The Nemesis of that ^ 'c^^^'^ '^^'^d-cc:^ HON. WM. H. STILES, Ex-U. S. Minister to Austria. GAEDJs'EK SLALGIITERED. 35 youthful indiscretion stalked openly and importunately into the battle. Experimental votes were shot in for one after another of new men, Henry R. Jackson, Joseph Day, T. W. Tliomas, J. H. Howard, H. Cobb of Houston, E. Starnes and J. N. Bethune. Gardner's friends made a tremendous effort on the tenth ballot and strained his vote to 173, but it was the top notch that he reached. On the eleventh ballot he tumbled to 151, and it was evident that he was slaughtered and his chances gone. After the thirteenth ballot a short patriotic letter from Gardner to Col. Clanton, the chairman of the Rich- mond county delegation, written on the 10th of June, five days before, was read. It was a ringing little letter, characteristic of Gardner. It said that a contingency might arise where his nomination was impracti- cable ; that a harmonious union on a candidate was indispensable, and he regarded party harmony as above the 'success of any member of it ; if it became necessary he authorizwl the withdrawal of his name. And his name was taken out, and his gubernatorial hopes were forever dead. He was out, but a spirit had been raised that would not down. The slaughter continued, and Gardner's friends prolonged the funeral. Thomas lioped his friends would not vote for him. The name of Lamar was re-introduced by Gen. Williams. The four- teenth ballot' was taken amid a suppressed but fiery excitement. A solid legion of 151 votes were turned loose, and the seething body was burning to see where lightning would strike. Lumpkin bounded to 179, Lamar had 137, Warner took his original 53 with three more, Stiles received 4 and Alfred H. Colquitt plumped in with 10. Lump- kins' friends became almost delirious. It looked as if his chances were sure at last. Their enthusiasm was unmeasured. The announcement of the ballot brought a storm of applause from them, and the next ballot was taken with feeling at fever heat. Mr. Harrell withdrew the name of Stiles, and the fifteenth ballot was taken, showing that Lump- kin had gained four votes, standing 183, Lamar 140, Warner 61, and Stiles 4. Lumpkin had reached in this ballot his highest point. On the next ballot he fell off, and though he rallied to 179 again, there was an unmistakable dead-look. The balloting went on to the twentieth, extending the session of the convention to the afternoon of the third day. The feeling was intense, and seemingly implacable. The Gardner men stood resenting his treatment and immovable. New names were flung into the contest but unavailingly. Votes were skirmished upon W. W. Holt, Geo. A. Gordon, J. W. Lewis, H. V. Johnson, E. J. Har- den, A. R. Wright of Floyd, John E. Ward, and even three were 30 A CURIOUS SCRAP OF HISTORY. thrown on the nineteentli ballot to Jos. E. Brown. There was fillibus- tering without limit. Strong speeches of appeal in belialf- of each can- didate were made, but there was the hot dead-lock unbroken and unbreak- able. Col. Pottle futilely moved the abandonment of the two-thirds rule. On the nineteenth ballot "Warner was withdrawn. One more liallot was taken as a final test. It stood Lumpkin 170, Lamar 175, Warner 1, H. V. Johnson 11, Wright of Floyd 5, John E. Ward 3, J. E. Brown 3. The realization was universal that there could be no nomination in the continuance of the conflict. No man had even reached a bare ma- jority, much less a two-thirds majority. The convention was wearied and ripe for compromise. Mr. Wm. Hope Hull of Athens moved that a committee of three from each District, to be selected by the delegates from the District, be appointed to report a mode in which the conven- tion could be harmonious, and a nomination be made. This was done. That quick-witted and unequaled political manager, Col. L. X. Tram- mell, saw his opportunity for Brown, and in the meeting of delegates of tlic 0th District he moved the selection of the chairman and then promptly moved that three gentlemen, whom he knew to l)e Brown men, be appointed as the committee men from his district. The com- mittee of 24 were as follows : 1st District, R. Spaulding, G. A. Gordon, Wm. Nichols. 2d District, C. J. Williams, N. McBain, J. A. Tucker. 3d District, R. H. Clark, J. A. Ramsay, B. F. Ward. 4th District, H. Buchanan, W. T. Thurmond, W. Phillips. 5th District, J. W. H. Underwood, E. W. Chastain, W. Shropshire. 0th District, S. J. Smith, J. E. Roberts, W. H. Hull. 7th District, L. Stephens, Wm. McKinley, J. M. Lamar. Sth District, I. T. Irwin, A. C. Walker, E. H. Pottle. The committee retired. Wm. H. Hull and J. A. Tucker, l)oth dead, are responsible for the following extraordinary scrap of secret history. In the committee it was first proposed that a ballot be taken, each one writing his preference on the ballot. The ballots were written and depos- ited, but before they were read, I-inton Stephens stated that such a formality was not necessary, and moved that Judge Joseph E. Brown of Cherokee be selected as the compromise man, which was promptly carried by voice, and his name reported to the convention. Through curiosity the written ballots were counted, and Alfred H. Colquitt was found to have had a majority of one. It was a close shave to becoming the Governor of a great state at the youthful age of 31. Had the ballot have been examined and announced, what a change of result. BKOWN XOMIXATED WORKING IX HIS WHEAT-FIELD. 37 It is curious to follow out the incident. Joseph E. Brown thus unwit- tingly defeated Alfred H. Colquitt for Governor after Colquitt had been really nominated. Twenty years later, Colquitt became Governor of Georgia, winning in an easy fight the place that he held in his grasp by an accident so long before. Twenty-three years later Colquitt, as Governor, appointed as United States Senator Governor Brown, who took the governorship from him so many years ago. -And this was followed by Gov. Brown aiding Gov. Colquitt to a re-election as Gov- ernor in 1880, in the fiercest and most protracted personal and political battle ever witnessed in Georgia. The matter certainly contributes a singular and romantic chapter of accidents, surprises and coincidences. Judge Hawkins, who was in the convention, told the writer that Colquitt had a strong following for Governor then. But to Joseph E. Brown fell the glittering prize, dropping to him like heaven-descended manna, unsolicited, unexpected, the outcome of a heated struggle, and a providential gift born of a state political con- vulsion. Not the least curious of the incidents of this remarkable nom- ination is the undoubted fact, that at the very hour when this magnifi- cent honor was being conferred. Judge Brown was working in his wheat-field on his farm, far away from the telegraph and railroad, in the quiet, distant county of Cherokee, imconscious of his exalted jsrefer- ment. The incident keeps up the romantic character of the nomina- tion, as well as preserves the consistency in the dramatic career of this homespun man. In the fall of 1880 the following incident took place as narrated by the Atlanta Constitution, which furnishes Gov. Brown's own testimony to the fact. " Gov. Browu on liis way to Canton a few days ago, remarked to some men who were near Canton : ' That is the fielil, gentlemen, that I was tying wheat in tlie day I was first nominated as Governor of Georgia,' pointing ont a field la}ing along Town Creek. ' I was then Judge of the Blue Ridge Circuit,' he continued, ' and I came homo one day, and after dinner I went to the field to see how my hands were getting along with their work. I had four men cutting wheat witli com- mon cradles, and the binders were very much behind, and I pulled off my coat and pitched in, about half after 2 o'clock p. m., on the 1 5th of June, 1857. The weather was very warm, but I ordered my binders to keep up with me, and I tell you it made me sweat, but I pushed my binders all the evening. About sundown I went home, and was shaving myself and preparing to wash myself for supper, when Col. Sani'l Weil, now an attorney in Atlanta, but then living in Canton, rode up rapidly to my house. He came in and said excitedly to me : ' Judge, guess who is nominated for Governor at MilledgeviUe ? ' I had no idea tliat I was the man, but I thought from what I had heard that John E. Ward was the most prominent man, so I guessed him. ' No,' said Col. Weil, 'it is Joseph E. Brown, of Cherokee.' Col. Weil was in JIarietta when the telegram came announcing my nomination. I subsequently ascertained that the uomi- 38 KESOLUTIOXS ABOUT KANSAS. nation had licen iiiaile almut three o'clock that day, and at tlie very time I was tying wlieat in tliis field. They say in Canton that two or three men have been trying to buy this field latterly. They want to sow it iu wheat year after next." Mr. I. T. Irwin of Wilkes, cliairmaii of the coininittee of 24, re- ported to the convention the action of the committee, in a neat speech. Richard H. Clark of Bilib made the following characteristic and admi- rable speech in support of the report of the committee: " Unlike the gentleman who preceded him, he was acquainted with Hon. Joseph E. Brown, had served with him in the Senate, knew him to be a man of .sound principles, clear head, uutiuestioned atiility, and speakius powers of the first order. The reputa- tion made by him as a member of the legislature was of the first order. He is a man of nuexceptioiiable char.acter, in e\ery resjieet, private or public. He is young enough for the services of the camjiaign, and for a long career of usefulness, and not too young for a matured judgment, and prudent counsels. His fellow-citizens liave promoted liim to the Judgesliip of Blue Hidge Circuit, iu which position his reputation as a man of intel- lect and integrity, has .steadily increased. He comes from Cherokee, the stronghold of Democracy, and the balance of the state tide pride iu nominating him as a proper tribute to them, and will take greater priile in electing him." This was a graceful and merited tribute from a high source to .Judge Brown. The nomination was made unanimous. Resolutions reported liy the committee on business, were passed, commending the adminis- tration of James Buchanan as President, and H. V. .Johnson as Gover- nor, and the course of our United States Senators, Hon. Robert Toombs, and Hon. Alfred Iverson. The main resolution, liowever, was one condemning the inaugural address of Governor Walker, of the terri- tory of I\ansas, which prescribed the terms on which Ivansas should be admitted into the Union as a state, and expressed the opinon that Ivan- sas would be a free state; and the resolution declared Gov. Walker's course a gross departure froin the principles of non-intervention and neutrality established by the Ivansas Inll, and expressed confidence that Mr. Buchanan would recall Gov. ^Valker. The convention adjourned, having appointed a committee to notify Judge Brown of his nomination. CHAPTER VI. BROWN DEFEATS BEN HILL, IN A HARD CANVASS. " Who is Joe Brown ? the Query of tlie State — The Know-Nothinsj; Convention. — Its Personelle. — Dr. H. V. M. Miller, tho " Demosthenes of the Mountains." — " Kanse "Wright." — B. H. Hill NominateJ. — An Earnest Canijiaign. — Brown's Practical Speeches. — The Calico Bed Quilt, ami the Cherokee Girls. — The Real Issue Kuow-Notliingiain. — Great Gatherings. — Soutliern Conventions. — Brown and Hill lock Horns. — A Tilt between Severe Common Sense and Splendid Rhetoric. — Brown's Plienominal Development. — Sliarp .Sparring — Brown, " D d sound in his Doctrine." — Porter Ingram's Retort. — The Mountain Plow Boy Judge elected Governor over his brilliant Rival. — Kuow-Notliingism buried forever in Georgia. — Gaddistowu Triumphant. — The Man for Revolutions had come. Who is .Toe Brown ? was the earnest inquiry that rang over tlie state upon the adjournment of the Convention. It came sneeringly from the opposition press. It was echoed interrogatively by the Democratic papers. The pfeans of local fame in the mountain countries, unpene- trated by the iron track, had not sounded beyond their borders. A brief service in the State Senate was easily forgotten in eight years of stirring public event, when one remained in the back ground out of sight. • In a lively sketch in the Constitution, " H. W. G." thus refers to this matter: "General Toombs when in Texas, hearing tliat Joe Brown was nominated for Gov- ernor, he did not e\eu remember his name, and had to ask a Georgia-Te.\an ' who the devil it was.' "But the next time he met him he remembered it. Of course we all remember when " Know-Nothings " took possession of the whig party, and Toombs and Stephens seceded. Stephens having a campaign right on him, and being pressed to locate himself, said he was neither whig nor democrat, but " was toting his own skillet," thus introducing that homely hut expressive phra.se into our political lustory. Toombs was in the senate and had time for reflection. It endeil by his marching into the democratic camp. Shortly afterwards he w.as astounded at seeing the standard of his party, upon the success of which his se.at in the senate depended, put in the hands of Joe Brown, a new campaign- er, while the opposition w.as led by Ben Hill, then as now, an audacious and eloquent speaker, incomparalde on the stump. Hill ami Brown had had a meeting .at Athens, I believe, and it was re]iorted that Brown had been worsted. Howell Col>b wrote Toom'os that he mu.st take the canvass in hand at once, at least until Brown could learn how to m.auage himself. Toombs wrote to Brown to come to his home at AVashington, which he did. General Toombs told me that he was not hopeful when he met the new candi- date, but after talking to him a while, found that he had wonilerful judgment and sagacity. After coquetting with ilr. Hill a while, they started out on a tour together. •iO THE KNOW-NOTIllXG LEADERS. going to south Georgia. General Toomljs lias talked to me often about this experience. He S.1VS that after two or throe speeches Governor Brown was !is fully e[|uip]ied as if he had been in public for forty years, and he was amazed at the directness with which he would get to the hearts of tlie masses. He talked in simple style, using the homeliest ]ilir;uses, but his words went home every time. There was a sympathy between the speaker and the people tliat not even the eloijueuce of Toombs could emphasize, or the matchless skill of Jlr. Hill disturb. In Brown the people saw one of tliemselves — lifted above them by his superior ability, and bis unerring sagacity — but talking to them com- mon sense in a sensible way. General Toombs soon saw that tlie new candidate was more than able to take care of himself, and. left him to make his tour alone — im])ressed with the fact that a new element had beeu introduced into our politics and that a new leader had arisen." The American or Know-Nothing party held a convention. Fifty-sev- en counties vyere represented. The gentlemen most prominently spoken of for the American nomination were Dr. H. V. "M. Miller, Judge Robert Trippe, B. H. Hill, A. R. Wright of Augusta, General J. W. A. Sanford, Judge Baxter, and Col. John Milledge, a uiight, brainy, elo- quent galaxy of men. Dr. Miller, though a physician, had won the soubriquet of the " Demosthenes of the Jlountains " in his innumerable political encounters, for which he had the same passion that the Irishman is popularly believed to have for a " free fight." Deeply versed in con- stitutional law and political lore, a reasoner of rare power, and as fine an orator as we have ever had in Georgia, capable of burning declama- tion and closely-knit argument, he was the peer on the stump of any of the great political speakers of the last half century in Georgia. Unfor- tunately for him, he had two perilous peculiarities, a biting sarcasm that delighted in exhibition of its crushing power, and that spared neither friend nor foe, and a contemptuous and incurable disregard of party af- filiations. He never in his life worked in harmony with any party, or swallowed whole, any single party platform. And no man ever had more stubborn independence and self-assertion. Ranse Wright, as he was called familiarly, was another brilliant per- son, a strong impassioned speaker, witli a high order of mind. He was at times too self-willed and combative. He could not temporize enough, often raising unnecessary antagonisms. But he was a very gifted man, a powerful writer, an effective orator, and a rare lawyer. He made the Augusta Chronicle a newspaper power. He was a long time disappointed in political preferment, but he finally received the promo- tion he so richly deserved, and was elected to Congress, but died soon after, just when long delaj'ed gratification of his ambition was especially dear to him, and his ripe maturit\' of mental gifts gave large promise of brilliant public usefulness. He was a very handsome man of the BENJAMIN II. HILL NOMINATED. 41 blonde order. He was offered the Kiiow-Nothing candidacy for Gov- ernor, but finally declined. Among the other leading Georgians who were members of this party, were, F. S. Bartow, Jas. Johnson, N. G. Foster, A. J. ISIiller, ^Vm. H. Crawford, Washington Foe, E. G. Caba- niss, James Milner, F. H. Cone, Jno. McPherson Berrien, C. Peeples, C. A. L. Lamar, J. A. Billups, Stapleton, E. A. Nisbet, Thomas Hardeman, and others. The American Convention put out Mr. Benjamin H. Hill as its nom- inee. Mr. Hill in some respects is as wondrously endowed a public man as the state has ever known. Tall and of commanding presence, with a marvelously mobile face, he has never had a superior in oratory and pure mental power in the commonwealth. It falls to the lot of few, men to have such magical potency of speech, such irresistible mastery of assembled masses of men. A mind clear as a sunbeam in its intel- lectual perceptions, operating with a grand simplicity and invincible strength, and a capacity of expression so fluent, so luminous, and so intense as to be perfect, form a brace of qualities that make the man a demi-god in brain and eloquence. But he has somehow lacked the steady purpose and cool judgment that belonged so richly to Governor Brown, and Mr. Hill has not been what could be called a successful polit- ical leader, though he has won valuable victories. A pyrotechnical poli- tician, he has had hosts of impassioned admirers, and generally an ardent minority following in the state. His superb abilities have won him office, in spite of defects that would have been fatal to a less gifted man. He is now in the Senate, where he has it in his grasp to achieve a great fame. His nomination by the Americans in 1857, created a sen- sation, and his party exulted in his certain triumph over his plain and unknown competitor. The campaign became an earnest one. Judge Brown was greeted with a ratification meeting at Canton, his home, and made a strong, sensible speech, full of practicality. He referred modestly to his past career. He discussed the Kansas matter, condemning the course of Gov. Walker and upholding Mr. Buchanan. He touched upon State matters, foreshadowing his purpose to make the State road a paying enterprise — a purpose carried out with signal success. He promised to call around him. safe counsel, and administer the State government for the best interest of the people. His letter of acceptance of the nomi- nation was brief, and a model of good taste and sound statesmanship. It was like the man, clear and wise, and it excellently typified his intel- ligence. Two parts deserve reproduction. He said: 42 THE CAI.ICO BED-yriLT. « " Tlie circumstances ot my nomination precUule tlic idea that I have maile any prom ises eitlier express or implied ; and I shall neither mal^e nor intimate any, to any one, as to tlie distriliution of executive patronage in the event of my election. If your nomination voluntarily tendered, sliould lie ratified hy my fellow-citizeus at the liallot box, I shall enter upon the discharge of the duties of the important ofiicial trust wliich may be committed to me, perfectly free and independent of personal obligations. I shall exercise all power I sliall have under the constitution and laws according to my best judgment, with an eye single to the promotion of the public interest, liolding as I do, that those jiowers are granted for the sole purpose of upholding and advancing the rights and interest of the people." The followino; paragraph is a remarkably fine one, and embodied in a nutslicll the Democratic creed: " The Union is the effect of the Constitutiou. We value it. We cherish the Con- stitution as its foundation, and because it provides the wisest plan of governnieut for confederated States, and secures, if properly administered, tlie blessings of civil, relig- ious and political liberty to the people. With liearts of patriotism we are devoted' both to the Constitution and to the Union." The committee of notification were C. H. Williams, Geo. N. Phillips, E. D. Tracy, AVm. Phillips, Lawsoii Fields, W. Hope Hull, R. M. Johnston and Wm. Schley. Much amusement was created and an infinite deal of fun was expended bj' the opposition press over the fact that tlie ladies of Cherokee Co. presented Judge Brown with a calico bed-t[uilt in honor of his nomina- tion. The Democratic press turned the matter effectively in Brown's favor. The incident took with the rural masses. Says the Milledge- ville Union, concluding a witty article on the subject: " All we have to say is — go ahead gals — give Joe Brown just as many calico bed- quilts as you please — it will l]e a compliment to the Afountain Boy, and save the state some bundrc-ds beside. Ilurrali for the girls of Cherokee, the plough-boy Judge and the calico bed-quilt." The Cherokee girls and their calico bed-quilt became a slogan of vic- tory for Brown. Mr. Hill was notified of his nomination by a committee composed of Hines Holt, R. J. Morgan, and J. W. Jones. His letter of acceptance was confined almost to an elaborate discussion of the Walker-Kansas matter, and arasping indictment of President Buchanan, and said very little on State matters, and that merely a general expression of opposi- tion to the Democracy. The Georgia Democracy was divided upon the subject of Walker's inaugural in Kansas, and the resolution of the Democratic convention condemning Walker had created some spirited discussion in the Demo- THE KNOW-XOTlllXG ISSUE. 43 cratic press. The Know-Nothiiigs hoped to profit by this division. They very adroitly assaulted Walker, but held Buchanan responsible, and assailed him and the National Democracy. The real issue of this gubernatorial race was a tapering continuation of the ephemeral but fiery Know-Nothing agitation. It was a stormful flurry wliile it lasted. The people of Georgia especially took the swift epidemic hard, and had a tumultuous paroxysm of it. Along: in 185G there were mammoth mass meetings running up into the tens of thou- sands. October ITtli and 18th, 1850, there was a vast Democratic gath- ering in Atlanta, fully 15,000 people present. Thursday tlie ITth, John A. Calhoun, W. A. Wright of Newnan, George Hillyer of Walton county, and R. J. Moses of Columbus, spoke. And on Friday the 18th, Robert Toombs, Alex. H. Stephens, B. C. Yancy, Hiram Warner, Thos. P. Saffold and L. J. Gartrell made speeches. Col. James Gardner was chairman of the huge affair. A banner was given to Newton county as the one sending the largest delegation. In October, Toombs spoke in Aug'usta against Know-Nothingism in a noisj' tumult. Savannah had upon this inflammable question the hottest municipal struggle she had experienced in years. The Democrats nom- inated Dr. Jas. P. Screven ; and the American party Col. E. C. Ander- son^both representative citizens. Dr. Screven was a stern, slender, wealthy little gentleman, a most positive and influential leader. Col. Anderson was a larn-e, genial, frank-mannered gentleman of a worthy and powerful family of the old and honored inhabitants of tlie place, a man of independence and brain. Tliis fine old city was convulsed with this contest. It was a close race, the two mettled racers running nip and tuck. But the Democratic candidate came in on the home stretch with 1,101 votes against 971 for the Know-Nothings. The Democratic mass meeting in Atlanta was followed by an equally huge convocation of the earnest Americans. This was October the 2nd, 185G. The lowest estimate of the number present was 12,000. Hilliard, Alford, Hill, Miller, Trippe, Wright and others spoke. At this meeting an ominous incident occurred. In raising a flag on a lofty pole, John McGehagan, a delegate from Morgan county, fell from the pole eighty feet to the ground and died in a few minutes. In December, 185G, the Southern convention, called in the interest of Southern prosperity, met in Savainiah. It had assembled in Richmond in February, 185G, and adjourned to meet in Savainiah. Southern con- ventions were held at Macon, Augusta and Charleston in 1838 and 1839, IMemphis in 1845 and 1849, Baltimore in 1852, New Orleans in 1851 and 44 BROWN AND HILL IX DISCUSSION. 1854, and in Charleston in 1855. Among tlie objects of these conven- tions were the valuable ones of enlarging Southern industries and diver- sifying Southern agriculture. Upon these industrial questions both parties were united, but upon the policy as to guarding Southern politi- cal rights the two were very widely apart, and the gubernatorial battle involved largely the national issue. The Georgia Know-Nothmgs were getting uneasy about their name, and showed some anxiety to get rid of this objectionable designation and establish their title as the American party. Linton Stephens, who was nominated in the seventh district, in his letter of acceptance made the most incisive and trenchant i^resenta- tion of the issues. The discussion between Judge Browji and Mr. Hill began at Newnan. It would be difficult to conceive two more radically different men in mind and methods. Mr. Hill was and is a har(J foeman to tackle on the stump. He is both showy aiid strong. He had brilliant repute as a political controversialist. Judge Brown was unshowy, conversational and unknown. Both were bold men. Hill was imprudent sometimes, Brown never. Brown was just the man to puncture imaginative rhet- oric. When the heat occasioned by Hill's entrancing declamation had passed off, Brown had the faculty to put the common sense of the situa- tion in a clear, direct, unanswerable way. Brown was cool, wary and ready-witted. In his first speeches alone he did not pass for his real worth. His conversational talks disappointed expectation. But he grew wonderfully. And discussion drew out his power. Hill made some inaccurate statements. Brown used these inaccuracies with tre- mendous effect. Hill was magnificently mature. Brown improved with an accelerating rapidity every trial. It was with him a constant and marvelous development. Every discussion added to his controversial capacity. He never winced under a blow no matter how severe, and the harder he was hit the harder he struck back. Without humor he yet had a grim perception of incongruity that he put so plainly that it was like humor. The Democratic press crowed lustily over some of Brown's strokes at Hill. At Newnan, Brown said that the Federal government should act slowly. Hill replied that Buchanan was too sloio a President for him, that he believed in z.fast government, and he was afraid Brown would make too slow a Governor. Brown retorted very happily and tellingly upon his bright rival. " It was true he was not a fast man. Mr. Hill was a Fast Young Man, he was a Fast CanJidale, and if elected would duuhtlcss make a Fast Governor. As for himself he was a slow man, and if elected would make a slow Governor. He liked Mr. Buchanan THE CONGEESSIOXAL COXTESTS. 45 for his slowness aud prudence in deciding upon great questions affecting the people. Every President, holding in his grasp tlie destinies of a mighty nation like ours, should be cautious aud slow to act." The applause was lively over this palpable hit, and no little badinage was used at Hill as the " Fast Candidate," afterwards. At Columbus they met. Columbus is a very fastidious place, used to city manners and collesre trraces. Mr. Hill therefore suited better the ideas of such an audience with his more showy declamation and impassioned utter- ances. Judge M. J. Crawford tells the good anecdote that while the Know-Xothing side was endeavoring to depreciate Brown for his plain waj's and homely talking, Mr. Porter Ingram came to the rescue and turned the tables by saying earnestly that Crown was " d — d sound in his doctrine," unconsciously putting the invincible excellence of the man into the terse brevity of an axiom. The two candidates did not have many discussions. They each had their separate appointments, and there was a good deal of sparring about being afraid to meet the other. Judge Brown in all of his appointments invited Mr. Hill to be present. The result was a foregone conclusion before the election. The Ameri- can party only claimed that they would reduce the Democratic majoritj'. There were several exceedingly racy Congressional contests go- ing on that added considerable piquancy to the gubernatorial fight. The two Stephens brothers were both running for Congress and both on the stump making effective speeches. Linton Stephens' oppo- nent was Joshua Hill, a gentleman of very superior ability. Hill's letter of acceptance was a model of political satire. He made a happy use of the Democratic predicament in condemning Walker but approv- ing Buchanan whose appointee Walker was. Linton Stephens and Joshua Hill were marked opposites, one vehement and intense, the other placid and plausible. In the First District, James L. Seward was the Democratic nominee against that most brilliant Savannah gentle- man, Francis S. Bartow. Seward was cool, adroit, managing. Bartow was eloquent, impulsive and wholly artless. The other Democratic candidates for Congressmen were, Martin J. Crawford, L. J. Gartrell, .Tames Jackson, David J. Bailey, A. R. Wright of Rome. A leading issue in the canvass was the sale of the State road, Mr. Hill being for its unconditional sale, and Brown advocating its dis- position only upon advantageous terms to the State. The road had been a source of expense to the State, and there was a good deal of desire that the State should dispose of it in some way. The election resulted in the success of Judge Brown over his gifted 46 THE MAX FOR THE TIMES. competitor by an increased Democratic majority over the majority in 1855. Tlie mountain plow-boy Judge ran with a nimble pair of lieels and came in over 10,000 votes ahead. Alex. Stephens beat T. W. Miller easily for Congress. Joshua Hill left out Linton Stephens by a close shave of 275 votes. Robert Trippe, the Know-Nothinir, beat David J. Bailey by a small majority. James L. Seward whipped out both Gaulden and Bartow. L. J. Gartrell, A. R. Wright and James Jackson went in over Tidwell, Tatum and Simmons by large majorities. And a Legislature was elected overwhelmingly Democratic. It was certainly a crushing victory for the Democracy, and it buried Georgia Know- Nothingism forever out of sight. It was the practical end of that short-lived but animated political doxy. After this, with a few mild flickers, it disappeared out of Georgia politics. Graver issues were rising, that involved something more than mere party success. The shadow of great events, drifting to an awful culmination, was darkening the country. Mightier matters than political changes were pending. The spirit of revolution, cruel and implacable, was surely preparing for its colossal work of rupture and upheaval. And amid the marked forces of that vast civil convulsion, was the young plow-boy of the Georgia mountains, the hero of the calico bed-quilt, slender, obscure and homely, who had just won in a gallant battle the glorious Governorship of his great State. Talk of Providence and romances ! Both were united in the philosophical chances of this pivotal election. The man for the times had come, iron- willed and fitted for revolutions. CHAPTER VII. BROWN'S ELECTION AS GOVERNOR THE PRECURSOR OF A STRIKING ERA OF CHANGE. The Drift to a Stately Regime Checked. — A Popular Revolution. — The Antithesis of Gov. Johusou anil Gov. Brown. — The Aristocrat anil the Mau of the People. — Browu's Inauguration. — His Appearance. — Tlie Bank Suspension. — Brown's Decla- ration of War on the Banks. — The General Assembly of 1857. — Its Persouelle. — John E. Ward. — John W. H. Underwood. — Robert Toombs. — Joseph HcnryLump- kin. — Toombs the Genius of the Impeuding Revolution and its Providential Instru- ment. — An Analysis of the Great Slavery Issue Pending. — A ContUct between Legally Fortified Wrong and Uucoustitutional Riglit. The inauguration of Gov. Joseph E. Brown stamped the beginning of a new era in Georgia. In the course of state progress and individ- ual advancement, families of talent, decision and wealth had become aristocratic and dominating. The cities had steadily grasped control- ling power, representing culture and accumulations of bank capital and corporate influence. In the executive administration there was a ten- dency to costly display and court entertainment, far removed from the Republican simplicity supposed to belong to our free institutions. Men of high family connections and polished manners had the best chances for public honors. In this drift of things to a stately and aristocratic regime, the elec- tion of a simple man of the people like Gov. Brown, representing to the fullest extent popular customs and ideas, was a decisive check to this tendency. Coming direct from the country people, and the mountain country at that, symbolizing severe simplicity of life and utter absence of social display, Gov. Brown's elevation to the chief magistracy of our great and growing commonwealth was a shock to the dominant public men and their views and practices. It meant serious innovation upon e.xisting customs. It meant a grave warfare upon powerful institutions and cherished influences. It betokened an important revolution in well-established prejudices. It foreshadowed a severe struggle between conflicting theories of both social and financial government. And it seemed as if fortune had hit upon the right agent to conduct such a contest — an agent embodying the ideas he championed — an agent, earnest, firm-nerved, with unerring, intuitive popular discernment. 48 BKOWN AND II. V. JOIIXSOX CONTRASTED. The writer at that time was just about grown, had been closely famil- iar with administrations for several years previous, and was well situated to be impressed with the new regime. Gov. Johnson, who preceded Gov. Brown, was an aristocrat intellectually and socially. He did everything in a royal way. He had little popular tact, knew nothing of popular influences, and how to reach the masses. To strong intellect he added classic culture, and attached great value to courtly proprieties. He paid a large measure of deference to custom and social and intel- lectual authorit}-. Gov. Brown was the opposite — socially a democrat; looking under the garb for the throbbing heart and breathing humanity. He did everything simply and plainly, disliking display and averse to fonns. He was full to the brim of popular ideas, had an almost infalli- ble popular tact,' knew wisely every popular influence, and had the keenest power of reaching the masses of any public man we have ever had in Georgia. His powerful mind sought nothing from orna- ment, dealt in no rhetorical finish, and was disregardful of ceremony. He was free from any sentiment of reverence for custom or authority unless his" judgment approved. He gave no homage to power, and never hesitated to tackle it boldly. Social influence and official prestige affected him not at all. And yet Gov. Brown was under the strong despotism of old-fashioned and primitive ideas of moral government. But for either social glitter or the glamour of official distincticm, he cared nothing. "Whether fighting banks, legislature, the press, or a Confederate administration, this simple, plain-mannered man of the masses took up the wager of battle with a cool confidence in himself, and an invincible, unj'ielding spirit that was something dramatic. He was certainly a native-born belligerent. Nature had endowed him with powers of intellectual combat that few men possess. He showed him- self at once a positive influence and a new and acknowledged success- ful leader on a large arena. His inauguration, in 1857, is well remembered. He was thirty-six years of age. His figure was boyishly slender and fragile, but very- erect. His face was cleanly shaven, rather square-shaped and oblong, having no comely attractiveness about it, and yet a pleasant, placid countenance, with a mild expression in marked contrast with his iron temper and combative disposition. His mouth was wide and thin- lipped, something like Henry Clay's, though not so extensive, and fo a close observer indicating in its set the firmness of the man. His eyes had a gentle expression that in his smiling moods threw some sunshine over an otherwise rather expressionless face. His forehead GOV. brown's personal arpearance. 49 was very hin'li and a good demonstration of the phrenological theorv tliat the brain is symboled in the formation of the head. His hair was ilark and lay close to his head and behind his ears, leaving a clear out- line of the pale, bloodless face. His composure was perfect, though his manners, while not easy, were not awkward. There was about the man tiio quiet, steady calm of conscious brain power and self-reliant man- hood, but none of the grace of the man of society. His country raising was distinct, and in his very clear and not at all musical voice there was the peculiar accent, long and tending to a rather drawling tone, with an emphasis on the concluding syllable of words that marks rural pronun- ciation. His use of the word judgme?it for instance, with a perceptible accent upon the syllable " ment," has given rise in connection with his wonderful possession of the golden quality of practical sense to the soubriquet of " old ]\xdigment" alike in recognition of his clear brain and his method of speaking. His garb was a plain black without attempt at fashionable fit, neat and simple. His very appearance and country marks but rendered him the more observable in his high pro- motion, and created a varied commentary upon him. His canvass had somewhat introduced him to the people, but he was still generally un- known. He was emphatically a new man, with his appearance unfavor- able in impressing upon strangers his genuine power, and giving no indication of his uncommon qualities of will and ability. Those who knew him well staked confidently upon his being equal to the new situa- tion of responsibility. Those who did not know him, and they were the overwhelming majority, underrated him wofully. And, supplementing the impression made by his appearance with the accident of his nomi- nation, they rated him low. Nor did his brief inaugural allow much room for display of power. Yet brief as it was, and purely formal as it generally is. Gov. Brown threw out in his quiet way and in a few deliberate words an utterance that fell like a bomb-shell upon the State, that occasioned one of the toughest and most dramatic public battles of iiis career, and that gave a startled State a pretty fair example of the extraordinary mettle of this untried and youthful country Governor. Before Governor Brown's inauguration and during Governor John- son's incumbency the banks had suspended specie payment. Gov. .Johnson in his message stated' that "in the midst of prosperity and remunerating prices for the products of agriculture our banks have generally suspended specie payments, resulting in panic, broken confi- dence and general stagnation in commerce." He stated further that he had taken no action, as the banks claimed 50 brown's war against suspending banks. to have acted in self-defense against heavy drafts on their coin from the Xorth, and he thought it prudent to submit the matter to the Legisla- ture soon to assemble, and he left it to them whether they would legal- ize the suspension ; and ho cautiously intimated that perhaps it would be better to do so, first, however, instituting rigid inquiry to ascertain the sound banks. At this time the banks of Georgia had 81v,0-l0,000 of capital with §5,6G3,000 circulation, and were in a fine condition. Enthroned in the cities, representing the available money of the State, animated by the shrewd and cultured financial intelligence and wisdom of the successful capitalist, these banks constituted a formidable power, and any interference with them was a tremendous responsibility. Gov. .Johnson, always a cautious man, handled tlie vast subject tenderly, and finally threw the grave responsibility on the Legislature. Estimating the question properly, its magnitude and consequences, some conception may be formed of how the placid young, rustic Gov- ernor stirred the State by announcing in his provincial accents, that in their unimpassioned utterance gave no indication of the grim nerve and intelligent purpose that lay behind them, that in his judgment the sus- pension was unnecessary, and he should at once begin proceedings under the law to forfeit their charters. x\t first men thought it was a meaningless menace, uttered in ignorance of the subject, and even if intended, the colossal influence of the banks and their friends could bring such pressure as would turn the inexperienced executive right. But it was no hap-hazard announcement. And circumstances proved the country Governor to be the least malleable of metal, and rock-finn against any pressure. The excitement soon created, upon the realiza- tion that the Governor was in earnest, was overwhelming. Capital is easy to be terror-stricken. It is the most tremulously impressible of all the mighty powers of the world. And this potential mass of twelve millions of solid Bank capital of Georgia became alarmed and aroused to frenzy. And it focalized its thunder upon the country Governor, who met the storm, the combative commencement of his eventful admin- istration, as cool and game and eager as a gladiator. Before giving this remarkable Battle of the Banks, it is necessary to present some idea of the General Assembly that Gov. Brown had to deal with. The Legislature of 1857 and 1858 was a very strong one, especially in its Bank representatives. It consisted of 154 Representa- tives and 115 Senators. The Senatorial representation had been changed since Governor Brown was Senator in 1849 and 1850, when there were forty-seven Senators to a system that gave a Senator to each county. HON. JOHN E. WARD, Ex-U. S. Minister to China. JOHN E. WARD. 51 Tlio joint assembly consisted of 2G9 members, a very large body. In its men the legislature was strong. .John W. H. Underwood of Rome was Speaker of the House, and .lohn E. Ward of Savannah, President of the Senate, both brilliantly able men. Mr. Ward was one of the most sparkling of our public leaders, a fluent, graceful speaker, a logical thinker, capable of effective effort though an indolent man, of inimita- ble tact, delightful manners and sweet temper, a charming companion, generous, hospitable, genial, and withal, shrewd, able, practical and ambitious. Mr. Ward was a born leader of men, and led wherever he went. He was strikingly handsome, and a magnificent type of the courtly Southern gentleman. He was president of the National Dem- ocratic convention that nominated Buchanan, and was United States minister to China at the beginning of the war, and conducted the diffi- cult diplomatic relations with that country connected with our Chinese troubles of those days. He had capacities for anything, and was one of our most promising Southern men at the commencement of the war. He was a rare advocate, in the lead of his profession of the law, ranking among the foremost in the able and brilliant bar of Savannah. He opposed secession; he had no confidence in the success of the South in the war; he was very quiet during the war, and after the surrender moved to New York to practice law, thus removing from the most flat- tering prospects of public distinction at the hands of his native state. It was a cruel sacrifice of rare political promise. Mr. Ward had made several fortunes at the bar, but spent them in his lavish hospitality. He was the leader of the Bank men in the legislature, and a consummate one. In illustration of Mr. Ward's wonderful tact, it may be said that he did more to break down the powerful sectional prejudice that a long time existed among the up-country Georgians against the people of the sea-coast, and especially against the citizens of Savannah, whom they regarded as "stuck up," to use a homely phrase of those days. There was a sort of aristocratic assumacy, or the people of Upper Georgia so thought in the low country folk, that rendered them very unpopular, and raised constant antagonism. It was perilous to any measure in the General Assembly to originate from a Savannah man. The extent of this feeling cannot be conceived now when it has entirely disappeared. Mr. Ward, with his wonted sagacity, struck it down by a course of kind- ness and conciliation, and he gained a wonderful hold upon the up- country members. Col. Underwood, the Speaker of the House, was a very bright young 03 COL. JOIIX UXDEEWOOD. man, v,'ho lias since been a Congressman and a Judge of the Superior Court. His father was a noted wag, who is said to have given his son John a letter of reoommendation sealed, which the young man took the precaution to read before delivery, and which, to his dismay, stated that " My son John is introduced by this letter as having the largest asj)irations and smallest qualifications of any young man I know." The letter, tradi- tion says, was not delivered. In spite of the waggish father's badinage young Underwood possessed both large aspirations and very considera- ble qualifications. A racy talker, a fluent, effective speaker and a good lawyer, with a portly,_fine presence and manner, he would have made a far more commanding figure in Georgia politics, even, than ho has with the possession of a gTcater quota of stability. Among the more notable men of the House were Augustus H. Kenan of Milledgeville, Thomas Hardeman of Bibb county, H. J. Sprayberry of Catoosa county, George A. Gordon of Savannah, R. L. McWhorter and M. \V. Lewis of Greene, D. W. Lewis of Hancock, I. L. Fannin of Morgan, Wm. Luifman of Murray, Wm. A. Reid of Putnam, John Milledge of Augusta, B. H. Bigliam of Troup, George Hillyer of Walton. In the Senate were L. H. Briscoe of Milledgeville, Peter Cone of Bullock, Hugh Buchanan of Coweta, Jared I. Whitaker of Atlanta, Joel A. Billups of Morgan, Ran- dolph Spalding of Mcintosh, James Edmondson of Murraj', Permetus Reynolds of Newton, William Gibson of Richmond, T. L. GuQrry of Randolph, Wm. W. Paine of Telfair, A. G. Fambro of Upson, and W. A. Harris of Worth. Col. George A. Gordon, of Savannah, was chairman of the House Committee on Banking, an ambitious, talented young lawyer, who be- came a colonel of infantry in the war, moved to Alabama and died there after the surrender. Augustus H. Kenan was a stately, imperious gentleman, a despotic power in middle Georgia local politics. Thomas Hardeman of Macon went to Congress, served brilliantly in the war, has been a prominent candidate for Governor, has served repeatedly as Speaker of the House of Representatives and President of Democratic State Conventions, and is one of the most popular and eloquent public men in Georgia. H. J. Sprayberry of Catoosa county was a character ; a grotesque, keen-witted, rough backwoods lawyer, with a homely, liomespun way of talking to rural juries that was wonderfully success- ful. He died several years ago. Dave Lewis of Hancock, as he was called, was quite a power in those days, a capital speaker. He is now president of the Dahlanego college. A bright youngster full of talent was George Hillyer of Walton, barely out of his teens, who made an LEADING LEGISLATORS. 53 entrance into politics and gave high promise of usefulness. He wisely after this retired from politics as an unprofitable business for young- men, moved to Atlanta after the war, was State Senator, is now a Judge of the Superior Court and growing in fame and fortune. M*. W. Lewis of Greene county, was a lawyer of much influence, was nomi- nated for the present State Senate and died shortly after. Ri L. Mc- Whorter has been a power in Greene county, controlling it politically like a local king. During the stormy days of reconstruction he was a mem- ber of the Georgia Republican party, and one of the ablest, boldest and shrewdest of its leaders. He was Speaker of tUe House. He is a large, powerful man of uncommon capacity for political management. He is a member of the Senate in the jaresent General Assembly, and will be a force in politics while he lives. Old Peter Cone of Bullock county was another county king, an odd, blunt, comical old fellow, who in spite of his oddities had the respect of everybody for his honesty and good sense. He is dead. Hugh Buchanan of Coweta was one of the most prominent men of that Sen- ate — a man of sterling character and fine ability. He has been judge of the Superior Court and recently elected to Congress in the Fourth District. Of the men who were strong in those days perhaps none has had such marked vicissitudes of fortune as Jared Irwin Whitaker of Atlanta. Wealthy and influential, the proprietor of one of the leading papers, the Atlanta IntdUgencer, representing his county in legislatures or conventions whenever he wished, member of the State Democratic Executive committee and State Commissary General during the whole war, handling millions, he was a recognized political power in the State. Losing his fortune, then his influence, illy fitted to be a poor man, taking to drink, falling lower and lower, drifting down socially and pecuniarily, he is to-day to those who knew him in his better daj's a sad spectacle, seedy, impecunious and pitiful. Col. J. A. Billups of Morgan county, was a strong man in the Senate of 1857, and is to-day a gentle- man of high character and standing. Randolph Spalding of Mcintosh, James Edmondson of Murray, and Permetus Reynolds of Newton are dead. Spalding was a good liver, luxurious, aristocratic, but a rare fel- low; Edmondson and Reynolds were both men of note. William Gibson of Augusta was a very able man, a gallant colonel in the Con- federacy-, and a Judge of high repute since the war. He is still living. T. L. Guerry of Randolph was a strong spirit in that legislature, and had large promise of political promotion, but since the war seems to have retired into quiet privacy. W. W. Paine of Telfair, a practical 54 JOSEPH UENEY LUMPKIX. useful member is now living in Savannah. He has been to Congress and to the legislature since the war. W. A. Harris of Worth, bluff hearty Bill Harris as he is known, will always be a strong influence in politics while he lives. A positive, one-sided man, a true friend and an implacable enemy, fighting open handed for or against men or measures, he has been delegate to state conventions. State Senator, and repeatedly Secretary of the Senate, and is prominently spoken of for Congress from his district. John Jlilledge of Richmond was a notable man in that day, of ancient and honored blood, his father^having been Governor of Georgia from 1803 to 180G. He was a stout blondish person of most genial manners and address, a gentleman of the old school. He died a few years ag-o, leaving a bright son to wear the distinguished name, who is a prominent young lawyer of Atlanta. The legislature of 1857-8, was a strong body, made up of men of mark and it did important legislation. It was a fitting legislative ac- companiment to the new Governor. A body of ability and decision, it was a worthy opponent for the combative young Executive. This gen- eral assembly re-elected Hon. Robert Toombs to the United States Sen- ate, and put Joseph Henry Lumpkin on the Supreme Bench. These were two notable men, who will live long in the memory of Georgians. Lumpkin was the most genial hearted public man we have ever had in the state, and the most liberal in his culture. To the sweetest nature he added an exquisite learning. To the most gracious benevolence he sup- plemented intellect of the highest order. He was a beautiful old man, with such grace and dignity as rarely falls to men. He wore his hair long, which set off his gentle, handsome, intelligent face, and well proportioned figure. He was well grounded in the rigid principles of tlie law, and yet he broadened their application with a magnificent erudition. His mind was buo^'ant with vital force, and was strengthened and ornamented by great learning and a robust, healthy imagination. He loved young men, and his kind words have cheered many a struggling young spirit. Robert Toombs was one of the princely-brained men of the Union, the kingliest character the commonwealth has gloried in, the man of all the most affluent in personal gifts. Gov. Brown states that he first met him in 5Iilledgeville in 1849, when he was State senator and Toombs was a AVhig congressman, idolized by his party, and with a national fame for eloquence. Toombs, he said, was the " handsomest man he ever saw. His physique was superb, his grand head fit for a crown, his presence that of a king, overflowing with vitality, his majestic face illu- mined with his divine genius." Toombs was about forty years of age, 1^^^^^ BOBEBT TOOMBS. 55 and in the very prime of his magnificent manhood. He had a figure like an Antinous, the very perfection of manly symmetry, and an impe- rial grace of carriage that sat upon him well. His face was noble and superbly handsome, with great luminous dark eyes full of flashing soul, every feature perfect, a royal forehead, a matchless dome of thought that gained in power, through the rich glossy black hair that hung about it straying carelessly over its marble front, suggesting rather than reveal- ing its extent. His skin was clear with health. He talked constantly, his mobile countenance lit with an irradiating smile, or intense with some dominating and fiery impulse. His conversation was a torrent of striking thoughts, strikingly expressed. His vivacity never flagged. The man's mind and spirit were absolutely perennial. He never seemed to have a moment of mental or physical weariness. He scattered hu- mor, wit, wisdom, with a limitless prodigality. He started in life mu- nificently equipped in fortune and education. His father was rich, and he had every advantage. He succeeded right away at his profession, making, it is said, Si50,000 in five years, achieving success easily. It is rare that men so brilliant and impulsive as Toombs have the faculty of business. His pecuniary sagacity has been a marvel like his other gifts. No man has been a more careful manager of money, making it wisely, spending it in a princely way, yet handling it carefully and prudently. He bought immense tracts of Texan land, of which he has a hundred thousand dollars profit, and has enough to realize a quarter of a million more. In politics he was as swiftly successful as at the law. He went to the Legislature, then to Congress, and then to the Senate, grasping these honors by a sort of easy, natural right. He was lordly, grand, irresistible. Nothing could daunt, nothing vanquish him. Toombs had genius, and men recognized it. He was like an inspired man in his speeches. He reveled in public life and intellectual con- flict. No man ever tripped him in debate. He was as ready and deadly as lig-htning. A rival on the stump threw up to him a very un- popular vote he had made in the Legislature. " Yes," thundered the quick-witted and audacious Toombs, " it was a d — d bad vote ! What have you got to say of it ! " And the storm of cheers from the crowd told how well he had baffled a wound. In a period of crazy contention, and when the public pulse was perilously inflamed, the opposition at a public meeting resolved he should not speak. Weapons flashed in the sunlight. Blazing with indomitable fire, declaring they might kill, but they should hear him, the man awed down the infuriate mob and forced a listeninjj to his bold words. 56 SLAVERY. General Toombs was born for a revolutionary era. No other man ditl as much to precipitate the war as he did. Notwithstanding he came of a blood that had the hereditary instinct of loyalty to the crown, he has shown a wild tendency all of his tumultuous life to rebellion. He be- gan it at college ; he continued his destructive instinct upon the Union ; he was a defiant officer in the army ; he split from the Confederate authorities in fierce altercation ; and since the surrender he has gloried in being the single untamed and unappeasable rebel against Federal rule. Believing as the writer does, that in the mighty scheme of human progress a Providential power fashions the order of things, and that great events like our colossal civil war, long preparing and long con- tinuing, and long lasting in great result, are part of the divine plan of philosophical advancement, it is but a second step of belief to note that human agencies suitable to such crises are furnished by the same over- ruling intelligence that framed the gigantic evolution of history. Slavery was a wrong for which the South was not responsible. Its ex- tinction was inevitable. And some such convulsion had to tear it up from its terribly strong rooting. We of the South, had become blunted by hereditary training and education of centuries to the proper human repulsion at the awful fact of property in human souls. A striking ex- ample of the natural sentiment of humanity upon this, occurred in the writer's family a short while ago. A little daughter of eight years of aae in her readina: came across the word " slave " and asked its defini- tion. Her look of horror, as she understobd it, was a revelation alike, that a thing that inspires such a feeling in the impartial instincts of a pure nature must be appallingly wrong, and that the public contlemna- tion of the non-slaveholding world would never cease to wage war upon the wrong until it was extirpated from christian civilization. Toombs was one of the Providential agencies of this inevitable revolu- tion, the creature of what was so happily called the " irrepressible conflict" between freedom and slavery, and its resultant emancipation. He was a superb type of the Southerner, the " cornerstone " of whoso social and political system was slavery. He was careless, imperial, defiant, auda- cious, volcanic. Toombs represented alike a kingly race of men devoted to their institutions, and the grand principle of chartered rights. He was aggressive, denunciatory, taunting. He struck for disunion, be- lieving that safety lay alone in the severance, and the bond would make unceasing strife. Looking at the situation as pregnant with an inevit- able issue of attempted separation, and the cure by a storm of an evil, Toombs was the man for the work. He inspirited the South and he PEOVIDEXCE AGAINST SLAVERY. 57 angered the North. The South was not responsible for slavery, and had for it the sacred guarantee of the Constitution. The North had put slavery upon us and was under bond to protect it. The Soutli had legal rights in a great wrong. The North could only do its duty to civilization by breaking its obligations. To stimulate the South to de- fend its rights, to incense the North in its aggression upon the evil of the Union that was its reproach in the eyes of the world, was the work that Toombs and his compeers well performed. It was a conflict between legally fortified wrong and unconstitutional and high-handed right. And Providence gave the victory to civilization against the forms of law, heroic devotion to a beloved duty and as grand a chivalry as the world ever knew. Toombs was the genius of the revolution, and will so live in history. CHAPTER VIII. THE FIERY BATTLE OF THE BANKS. Brown and Toombs —Howell Col)li, Alexander Stephens, Pen Pictures. — The young couutrv Governor defies the capital aud its leaders. — The Tremendous Pressure. — Brown single-handed — Bank Suspension legalized. — Brown's hard-hitting Veto. — A striking instance of Nerve. — The wliite-lieated Excitement. — Tlie great Speech of Mr. Ward, Presideut of tlie Senate.— The Veto overwhelmed. — Doggerel of the Day. — " Balanced to a Quarter of a Cent." — The Issue remitted to the People. — A hot Campaign of Ridicule, Abuse aud Passion. — " Who is Brown? " — "A d n fool." — Brown Sididlv Endorsed. — An Irresistible Torrent of Public Approval for Brown. — A Universal Victory over the colossal Moneyed Power for the new rock- willed " People's Governor." Governor Browx and Gen. Toombs have been dramatically con- nected through tliis long period of Georgia history that con.stitutes the theme of this work. The election that put Brown in the E.xecutive chair, placed Toombs again in the Senate of the United States. Dur- ino- the war, Toombs stood by Brown in his controversies with the Con- federate authorities. After the surrender, they were in a deadly' antag- onism, which nearly resulted in a duel. And in this progressive era of the state and nation, in 1881, they represent antipodal ideas and con- flicting public theories. In 1857, of which time we write, there were two others of Georgia's gifted sons that wielded a large national influence. Howell Cobb was Secretary of the Navy in the cabinet of President Buchanan, and thus had the ear of that official in all of the Presidential policy of those dis- tracting and momentous public events that so soon were to culminate so dramatically. Cobb was an ardent Union man, while intensely Southern. He was a wise, conservative man, and firm. If any one could have used official opportunity in administrative position to keep a harmonious Union, he was the one. He had carried the state trium- phantly on the Union issue, against extreme Southern Rights, in 1851. He was powerful at home, and honored bej-ond. He had uncommon statesmanship and extraordinary personal tact. But the drift of events was beyond the power of men to control. A higher power was at work in its own mysterious ways. The revolution was pending, and its genius was the destructive Toombs, and not the conservative Cobb. ALEXANDER H. STEPHENS. 59 Another vital personality was that remarkable man, Alexander H. Stephens. He too was a Union man. It is hard to write about Alec Stephens. He has been all of his life a human miracle. His advent into public life nearly half a century ago was, and his career ever since has continued to be, a wonder. Antithesis has been exhausted in de- scribing the man, and yet there is no adequate portraiture of him. For forty years and more Mr. Stephens has held a foremost place in the affairs of the state and nation, and his name and speeches, overleaping the bounds of the con'tinent, reached the old world, rendering him famous and illustrating Georgia. His purity of life, public spirit, stainless integrity, devotion to principle, love of truth, simplicity of character, munificent charity, lofty patriotism, independence of popular jarejudiee, sincerity of conviction, indomitable courage, magnetic elo- quence and vigorous statesmanship have all been continuously displayed in his long, useful and brilliant public career, and form a noble example for the imitation of our ambitious young men. That a mind so powerful and a spirit so knightly should inhabit a body so diseased and frail, has been the miracle of his conspicuous life. At any time during his laborious and honored existence, his death could not have surprised. Yet his physical frailty never impaired his public usefulness. Nearly seventy years of age, he is still at his post of duty, filling, in his own unequaled way, the place in which he has won his proudest triumphs and most lasting fame — a Congressman from Georgia, a representative of the people and chosen by the people — Georgia's great Commoner. The people that he has loved so well, and the state that he has so faithfully served and resplendently illustrated, delight to honor him and hold his solid fame as one of her most jsre- cious heritages. Mr. Stephens, too, was one of the strong union men, and to the very last his potential voice was heard eloquently protesting and unanswera- bly arguing against secession. l\Ir. Stephens has been a statesman and an orator, but the quality that more than all others has tended to give him his vast public influence has been his wonderful moral intrepidity. It is a rare quality, heaven-born and God-like, — such moral courage as he has shown all of his life long. No adverse public opinion has had any terrors for this fearless statesman. Majorities have been utterly powerless to sway him. No unpopularity, no prejudice, no popular frenzy has ever moved his firm soul one hair's-breadth from any con- • viction or prevented any utterance he deemed tlie truth. This is remarkable praise, but it is due to the man. But even the miraculous 6> 60 THE BATTLE OF THE BANKS. Stephens was unable to stem the revolution. The storm was comingj and Toombs was its genius. Recurring to the battle of the Banks, from which digression has been made to fill out the personal features of this important period of Georgia history, there probably has never been witnessed a more stubborn and heated contest in legislative walls than was fought in the Georgia Legis- lature of 1857, over the bank question. It was soon found that Gov- ernor Brown was in deadly earnest in the resolve to hold the banks to their full legal responsibility. The lobbies wefe thronged with bank men and their friends. The cool young country Governor met the issue unquailingly. Every argument and influence was brought to bear upon him, but vainly. It was a crucial test of his nerve. Even a very brave and firm man would have wavered. It was boldly claimed that he would ruin the state and, shock irreparably the public weal in thus warring upon the banking capital of the commonwealth. Neither appeal nor menace moved him from his position. It was a fearful jesponsibility that he assumed, but he never shrank from it. It involved, too, an appeal to the people, and public condemnation if he failed in the contest. It portended a no-quarter fight with capital and leader- ship and commercial power. He defied them all. He had announced his purpose in his ringing inaugural to hold the banks to the law, and he stuck to his purpose. A bill was introduced, and after infinite and elaborate discussion, passe'd, suspending forfeiture proceedings against the suspended banks for one year. The act went to the Governor. Few believed that he would dare to veto the act. The vote in the House was C8 yeas and 33 nays ; in the Senate 58 yeas and 27 nays. The excitement was very great. While it was true that the bill had passed both houses by a two-thirds majority, which, if it could be held, would render an Executive veto a nullit}', yet in the heated temper of the Assembly and the changing influences of the time, there was no telling what might happen. A change of two or three votes would alter the result. It was represented to Governor Brown that he had made a fair, brave fight, and after a full discussion the legislature had ^iven a two-thirds majority, and he could well rest the matter there. These importunities fell like water upon a rock. The placid and rural Executive was in no terror of majorities, and then, as later, failed to learn the lesson of yielding his convictions to any pressure. He gently waved aside these advisers, and smilingly ignored counsel that he did not want, and shutting himself up in his quiet, he fulminated one of the boldest state papers he ever wrote, in sharp and unqualified veto of GOVEKNOR BROWN AND THE BANKS. 61 the act. Reading that veto message in the liglit of all of the surround- ings, and testing it by cool criticism, lifted above the heat of the strug- gle, it i.s a very remarkable document. Gov. Brown, it must be remem- bered, was bred up far from commercial influences and habits. He had little practical experience of banks. He had known little of capitalists and had few dealings with capital. His views were not the cultivated experiences of the commercial world, but they were the instinctive notions of an uncommonly sharp mind, entirely unprejudiced, and look- ing at the matter with a keen vision of the equities of the great subject, and seeking abstract justice at any cost. The views of his message clad in this light, are remarkable. He never wrote a more sinewy, even- handed and abstractly logical paper, while his personal attitude was romantic in the extreme, and eminently characteristic of his self-reliance and intrepidity. Take a youthful countryman, unused to the dazzle of such high station, with its bewildering accompaniments, and put him in Gov. Brown's place in this matter, subject to the pressure of everj' powerful influence of social splendor and worldly prestige, and his firm- ness in pursuing his convictions to their conclusion, unbacked as he was by any support whatever, and perplexed by the gravity of result that hung upon his action, was a striking exhibition of personal firmness and official duty. It illustrated the man perfectly. It demonstrated his superlative fiber. ■ It stamped his exalted power of leadership indis- putably. He might be wrong, and doubtless in a calm review of his views then uttered so incisively, made now in the light of a quarter of a century of unusual practical experience, he would recall much that he said then. But the fact still stands out saliently that his attitude was one of grand courage, and put him at one bound as an established force in the state. His veto was a brave appeal to the august tribunal of public opinion, against one of the ablest legislative bodies Georgia has ever had, and he struck the popular judgment with masterly power and a keen discrimination. There is in the message, too, a plain, direct, ungloved style of speech that was far removed from the diplomatic politeness of the accustomed state papers. The veto indulged in no regrets or Pickwickian expressions, but it handled the vital matters touched upon with simple practicality, and gave facts and views in unmincing words. The veto was j, lengthy and elaborate one, discussing the subject fully. It began by contrasting the money privileges of banks and those allowed individuals; The citizen could only loan money, dollar for dol- lar, at seven per cent. The bank could issue three dollars for one and G2 (iOVEKNOE brown's BANK VETO. use all four, realizing from thirty to fifty per cent. The privilege was unreasonable, and he branded banking as a " legalized system of specu- lation, oppression and wrong." After using their unlimited privileges to amass fortunes, the banks in a pressure suspend, close doors, lock up specie, let their bills depreciate, buy them up at a discount, make further distress, and then when the storm is over, step out with in- creased wealth amid general disaster. It was not right. The banks could pay specie by buying it at a small premium with their large earn- ings. Why did they not resume. Because it was to their interest not to do so. They made money out of the suspension. Warming up, the plain-spoken Governor said that the bankstliat had suspended, and .so con- tinued were guilty of a " high commercial, moral and legal crime," depre- ciating the value of property, causing pecuniary depression, injuring the public credit, and violating the law of the state. Private citizens had to meet their obligations. Banks should do so. The citizen could not suspend. The banks should not. Since the establishment of the Banking system in Georgia, several periods of distress had occurred, in which the banks made money, while the people bore the loss. The banks claimed to be obliged to suspend, but it was because of their speculations. The merchant that overtrades, gets no sympathy when trouble overtakes him. The banks suspended as a speculation. In 1840 there was a financial crisis, when the bad con- duct of the banks caused the passage of the very law of forfeiture for suspension that was sought to be set aside now. The banks were wealthy and powerful, and illustrated the growing power of corpora- tions. Who doubts that they could, by a little sacrifice, have avoided suspension at the present, have bought gold and redeemed their prom- ises. Instead of doing this they set the law at defiance, relying upon their power. They demand legalization of the wrong, threatening in- jury to the public interest unless it is done. The issue was boldly ten- dered. In his opinion the richest corporation should be compelled to obey the law like the humblest citizen. He was resolved to know no man or association of men, and that all should bow to the authority of the law without regard to wealth, power or influence. He alluded to the fact that numbers of banks in other states, and four or five in Georgia had not been obliged to suspend. He answered the point that our specie would be drawn out from the North by saying that too few of our bills were held North to injure us in this way. The further point was made that our banks had suspended in response to the suggestion of public meetings. His sharj) reply was that bank men JOHN E. ward's great SPEECH. C3 could easily get up such meetings. The people generally did not want suspension. Their hundred dollars fell to ninety in value by suspension. Every point ingeniously made for suspension he as ingeniously met in his sledge-hammer way, running through the whole paper an adroit comparison of the advantages the banks had over the citizen. He struck hard. His last point was that there was a contract between the banks and the people to redeem their bills in specie on demand or ^j/e- sentatioii, and this had been violated. The law legalizing suspension was a law impairing the obligation of contract, and therefore unconsti- tutional. He wound up this caustic and aggressive message with these words : " I feel it to be m_v duty I owe tlie people of Georgia, to do all in my power to avert the evils wliicli would follow the passage of an act legalizing the suspension of the banks. All sulveut banks will doubtless soon resume specie payment. I shall do all which the law makes it my duty to do, to liave the charters of such as do not resume forfeited, and their assets placed in the hands of receivers, and converted into money and paid to their creditors as soon as possible. No serious inconvenience will follow, as it is believed most of tliem are solvent, and will resume. Those which are not solvent will be wound up, and the sooner the better for the people." The reading of the message created an intense feeling in both branches of the General Assembly. ^Slr. Ward, the President of the Senate was the bank leader in that bod}-. The veto made a keen sense of alarm amone; the bank men. It was known that it was coming'. Mr. Ward was selected to reply to it. He sat up all night preparing a speech. Tlie message made a sensation. Its exhaustive, common sense discussion of the subject, and its determined views, fell upon the body, engendering dismay. Mr. Hill of Harris moved to take up the mes.sage and read it. After the reading Mr. Spalding "moved to take up the vetoed bill. The yeas and nays were called on this motion, and resulted in sixty-one yeas and twenty-one nays. This was an ominous vote for the anti-bank men, being a loss of six votes from the twenty-seven that voted on its passage against it. Mr. Young of the negative voters then moved to adjourn, fighting for time. Upon this the yeas and nays were called, yeas nineteen, nays fifty-nine. This was a still farther loss on the anti-bank side. Mr. Ward had come from the President's seat and he took the floor. He made a speech of great power and eloquence, an adroit, persuasive, subtle speech, by long odds the best of the session on any subject. With wonderful efEect he sought to put the Governor in a position of hostility to the cities, and then proceeded to defend the cities, blending a careful indignation with a judicious pathos. His eulogy upon the banks and his picture of the bad results of ir.tsrference 64 BANK DOGGEKEL. with them, were drawn with eloquent vividness. Every utterance of this admirable speech was conciliatory and plausible. It was a model of elocution and at the same time the very perfection of argument and appeal. It made Mr. Ward great reputation in the state. He closed his speech by moving the passage of the vetoed bill and upon that motion called the " previous question" to cut off reply. The vote stood on this fifty-six yeas and twenty-four nays, a small gain for the anti- bank men. The vote upon the passage of the bill was then taken and stood sixty-one yeas to twenty-two nays, a loss of five votes from the nays on its original passage — a loss due to Mr. Ward's powerful speech. In the House the vote stood the same as on its first passage, showing no change. A classification of the voting made a month afterwards in the heated discussion the matter continued to evoke, showed that in the House, where the vote stood sixty-eight yeas to thirty-four nays, forty-eight members voted "yea" both times and twenty-nine "nay" both times; that thirteen members voted nay first and yea afterwards; that two voted yea first and then nay; that fourteen voted yea at first and did not vote afterwards; that eiglit voted nay first and did not vote afterwards; and that one voted against and three for the bill on its second passage who did not vote first. And forty-four members did not vote at all on the perilous question. On the last ballot sixty, or more than a third of the House, dodged a vote. The following piece of doggerel took the public attention at t.ie time, and had a wide circulation : • A LEGISLATIVE LAY. BT BILL VETO BANKS, ESQ. On a uifrlit Viefore Christmas when all tlirough the " house " Not a meniher was stirring, not even a mouse ; The Sec'taries 'Stood at the Desk in great awe, As if 'twas the Devil himself that they saw. The members all nestled down close in their chairs ; Their hearts alternating with hopes and with fears; When up from the Senate arose such a clatter, The Speaker sent " Jess " to report on the matter. Away to the Senate he flew with a chill — He heard that the Senate had passed the Bank hill. Then T — e came in, and the House got so still, — His hair stood erect like the porcupine's quill. He read what the Senate had done, in the aisle. Then boned himself out with such a sweet smile I BANK BOOK-KEEPIXG. 65 I knew by the walk, 'twas tlie " Clierokee lirave," The Divil may take me, if he could desave ! But the fun was not yet over, not by a half, Whidi I'll tell you directly, provided you laugh. " As leaves tliat before tlie wild luirricane fly," Swept clear thro' tlie House, Bill Vetos' wild cry. Confusion at once seized tlie House with a vim, And tlie sliout went around, " up Baukey, at him .' " Then tlie Secretary called the roll over with care. While the friends of dear Bankey sank deep iu despair ; For none iu that House could certainlv know. The result wliich the ayes and the noes would soon show. Not a breath of disturbance the quietness stirred, Kot a hem, nor a cough, nor an audible word. The roll beini; called and tlie vote counted out. The Speaker said, passed, then as if in doubt. Said no, it was lost ; and tlieu iu tlie Mess, Some man changed liis vote, and settled the fuss. And then such a shout !_ Ye Gods and small fishes ! What rattling it made among Cunniugliani's dislius! So Bankey whipped Veto — and winks at his foes, And wiggles his thumb at tlie end of his nose ; He e.xclaimed as he left in the cars the ne.xt night, Happy Christmas to all and Bill Veto good night ! But Baukey will find before he 's much older. The people will turn him a very cold shoulder, Unless he behaves like honest men should. And ceases to speak iu the imperative mood. But the matter was not ended. The legislative storm was but child's play to the public agitation. The young country Governor had awakened a popular tornado. Abuse and ridicule were heaped upon him. The use of the expression that the bank accounts " balanced to a quarter of a cent " was the theme of unlimited raillery over the alleged ignorance of the Governor, of Bank book-keeping. The bank cham- pions had stated as a reason for legalizing the suspension, that the peo- ple owed the banks twenty-two millions, and the banks only owed the people five millions. In response to this argument the Governor said in his message that the sworn returns of the banks made to the Execu- tive Department showed that the assets and liabilities of the banks " balanced to a quarter of a cent," a proper phrase to render the an- tithesis striking. The bank question became a veritable sensation. The agitation was warm enough in the legislature. It grew hotter with its transfer to the tribunal of the entire state. The Milledgeville Federal Union at first 5 66 THE STATE ON THE BANK QUESTION. was the Governor's only newspaper advocate. Tlie Augusta Chronicle and the Savannah Hcpuhllcan were the two champions of the bank side of the question. One after another the state press took sides with the Governor. The papers were full of it. And the discussion was bitter. The Augusta Chronicle thus fulminated : " Never liave ive witnessed in all our experience such a display of stu[)idity, igno- rance, and low grovelinj^ deni.i^ogisni as Gov. Brown lias made in his veto niessajje. It is throughout the low and miseralile effort of a most contemptible demagogue, tu array the prejudices of the poor against the rich. * * * " In conclusion we cannot Imt congratulate the Democracy on their triumphant success in finding out thus early, ' Wlio is Brown ? ' This was a question which excited no little solicitude in the outset of the late Gubcrn.atorial canvass, and the f.Tithful in tliis region were very much exercised to ascertain its true solution. Now when asked, ' Who is Brown ? ' they unhesitatingly respond, ' a d — dfool ? ' " The Savannah Republican was no less savage. Said this paper: " The friends of the Governor should hang their heads with mortification and shame, while the autlior himself should forthwith besubjected to the surgical operation recom- mended by Benton to Cass, viz, to he ' cut for the simples' " But to the supreme astonishment of the Bank men, the people of the state rallied to the Governor in almost solid array. Public meetings were held on the subject, and the Governor endorsed by strong resolu- tions. A meeting for instance, in Carroll county presided over by W. W. Merrell, jsassed unanimously resolutions denouncing the suspension act as " unwise and lawless legislation." In Wilkinson county Dr. R. J. Cochran offered a resolution that was passed wthout a dissenting voice declaring the Governor's veto " elaborate, full, clear and unanswerable;" and a resolution was also passed unqualifiedly condemning Hon. John E. Ward for calling the previous question, and depriving the anti-bank men of a chance to reply to him. AVhitfield county had a rousing meet- ing and passed a strong set of resolutions reported by a committee com- posed of W. H. Stansel, C. B. Wellborn, Wm. J. Underwood, Dr. B. B. Brown and Rev. John M. Richardson. These resolutions commended the " Jacksonian firmness " of Gov. Brown. Even Bibb county en- dorsed the Governor. In Monroe county resolutions were passed de- manding that the state Constitution be altered so as to prevent the passage of laws legalizing bank suspensions. A meeting at Culloden presided over by W. Rutherford declared that Gov. Brown deserved the more credit becai:se he did his duty in the very teeth of his own party. A Pickens county meeting denounced the papers abusing Gov. Brown as " hireling bank organs." A Campbell county meeting resolved that Gov. Brown was " under all circumstances the friend of the people when " WHO IS JOE BROWN " ANSWERED. 67 their rights are threatened." Wesley Camp was chairman of this meet- ing. A Cherokee county meeting declared its pride in Gov. Brown as a Cherokee citizen. Clinch county went ahead of all in declaring that the members who supported the suspension bill after hearing the Governor's veto were not deserving support a second time by their constituency. These public expressions of opinion taken at random from the action of meetings in all parts of the state will give some idea of the emphatic unanimity of endorsement that Gov. Brown received from the people. It is not ascertainable that a single public meeting sided with the banks and condemned the Governor. In spite of the colossal monej^ed power of the Banks the Executive single handed carried pojDular sentiment overwhelmingly. It constitutes a remarkable victory, and it put Gov. Brown, at the very inception of his career, solidly entrenched in the hearts of the masses as the friend of the people's rights, a position from which no effort was ever able to shake him until the fiery days of recon- struction, but which he has regained since then in the most marvelous manner. No man could ask after this the sneering question, " Who is Joe Brown ? " He had answered the query himself in no uncertain lan- guage. He had shot himself like a cannon ball into the very heart of the state. In every hamlet the people knew him as a man of brain, rock-willed, and the people's friend. He became as exaltedly elevated in public esteem as he had been unexpectedly thrown into high office from obscurity. He demonstrated the fact that his promotion " was the inevitable outcome of his young life — disciplined so marvelously, so full of thought, sagacity and judgment." CHAPTER IX. THE WAY GOV. BROWN GASHED INTO OLD CUSTOMS. The Abolition o£ Levees.— No Wine at His Table.— Interference by the Legislature with Pardons boldly Tackled.— The case of .John Bl.ack.— Old time Ideas of Mar- riage.— State Aid.— Salaries Increased.— Peterson Thweatt.— The State Koad, and a Vigorous Policy. — The Coincidence of Gov. Brown and the St.ate Road. — Tlie Southern Commercial Convention.- A summary of Georgia's Leaders, Mark A. Cooper, A. H. Chappell, William Dougherty, Junius Wingfield.— The Philosopliy of Southern Conventions.— Powerful InstrumentaUties of Sectional Division. — Legacies for the Impending Kevolutiou. The installation of Joseph E. Brown as Governor of Georgia was truly an establishment of an era of change. The very social features of the executive administration were sweepingly altered by this simple- mannered and resolute young countryman. It seemed as if no institu- tion that he deemed to need correction was sacred against his deter- mined hand. And there was no fuss in his reforms. He quietly up- rooted long-established customs in a way that evoked the horror of the reverential worshipers of venerable follies. It had been the custom for governors to begin their terms with a huge popular Levee, when the dear people were allowed to come uninvited in masses. Magnificent supper was provided at tremendous cost. It was a festivity of mash and gluttony and plunder. Crates of crockery were broken. The ple- beians came in swarms as their one social opportunity to mingle in high life, and they gorged their stomachs and stored their pockets with del- icacies. One who has never witnessed one of these hideous levees cannot conceive of their character. Floors were ruined, table ware lost, and toil- ets wrecked. It was jam and crush. It was becoming yearly worse, larger crowds, more disorder, increased destruction, and less regard for o-ood manners. The rabble looked forward to, and improved it. The custom was old, and supposed to be the very symbol of our democratic principles. It was the practical incarnation of equality religiou-sly cherished by the poor and the humble. Of all men, Gov. Brown, the representative of popular privileges, would have been supposed to guard such a custom. His practical intelligence, on the contrary, saw it was an occasion of license and rabble disorder, and not what it was meant to be, the tribute of all orderly citizens to a new Chief Magistrate. He swept it out of existence, declining to conform to the ancient precedent. GOV. UROWN S COLLISIONS WITH THE LEGISLATURE. G9 He instituted in its place a series of Friday night receptions, which proved very pleasant. Another change he made that drew upon him miicli bantering com- ment, was abolishing wine from his festal board. He was a temper- ance man, and carried out his temperance principles practically. But the Governor quietly persisted in his plain temperance ways, 'and the people learned that ridicule or abuse were unable to move him. Ho had several collisions with the General Assembl\', in every case maintaining his views and asserting the prerogatives of his position in- the straight-forward sort of way that was characteristic of the man. The Legislature passed a joint resolution requesting the Governor to pardon forthwith two female convicts. He vetoed the resolution promptly, and his message is a stinging rebuke. Adverting to the fact that no reason was given in the resolution for such clemency, and quoting the section of the constitution that gives the pardoning power to the Governor, he said that he understood that other resolutions of a similar character had been introduced, and gave his decision upon the matter in these incisive words: "As a general rule, in my opinion, it woulJ be better to leave all these cases where the courts and juries have left them. There are a few excepted cases, and for tlie pur- pose of finding tliem out, it is often necessary to investigate the evidence, and the cir- cumstances of the trial. The constitution has assigned the duty of investigation to the Executive Department of the Government, without dividing the responsibility with the General Assembly, and as it would greatly lengthen the sessions, and consume much of the time of the I^egislature, which could be as well employed in the consideration of such matters as the constitution has confided to that branch of the government, I would respectfully suggest that it might be better for each department of the government to he coDteut to confine itself within the sphere of action assigned to it by the constitu- tion." This message put the Governor's views on the subject of the Legisla- ture interfering with pardons in a pointed and unmistakable manner, but it did not settle the matter. The members were somewhat taken aback at the sharp terms the Executive used, but the practice of going to the Legislature when the Governor would not interfere in criminal cases had ripened into too fixed a precedent, and was too convenient to be readily abandoned. It was a pernicious practice and plainly illegal, yet it had been permitted. Gov. Brown was resolved to check and if possible stop it entirely. The Legislature clung to the custom. A man by the name of John Black had been convicted of murder and sentenced to be hung in Habersham. The Legislature passed an act commuting the death penalty to life imprisonment. The Governor 70 STATE AID. vetoed the bill in a lengtliy message of remarkable ability. The Legis- lature in changing the penalty fixed by law to a crime committed in violation of the law, after the courts had finally passed upon the criminal, made an assumption of the functions of the Judicial bv'the Legislative branch of the government, and it was unconstitutional. To annul the judgme7it of the court and pronounce another judgment was a judicial and not a legislative function. The constitution forbids the exercise of the powers of one by the other. The Governor went into the question elaborately, quoting largely from the authorities to show that the legis- lative power to pardon in murder cases did not carrj' the power to commute. They either had to pardon entirely, or not at all. The message was closed with a reference to the facts of the case, and to the considerations of public policy involved. If the Legislature was allowed to commute as well as pardon, all murder cases would be brought before the body, and there would be no more punishments by death for the most flagrant murders. The bill was lost in the house after the Gov- ernor's veto by a vote of 27 j'eas to 55 nays. Among other vetoes that illustrate the Governor's views, was one of a bill allowing a number of married women to run business on their own account, on the ground of its destroying the unity of marriage. He clung to liis old-fashioned ideas which he had so strenuouslj- advocated and voted for in the Legislature of 1849 when he was a State Senator. The subject of state aid to railroads was very fully discussed by this Legislature, but finally voted down. The state aid leaders were Mr. Speaker Underwood, D. W. Lewis, Mr. Smith and Col. Hardeman. The anti-state aid leaders were Mr. Bigham, Col. A. H. Kenan, Mr. G. A. Gordon and Col. Jno. Milledge. At that time the aid of the state had already been pledged to the Main Trunk and Brunswick railroads to a million of dollars. The removal of the state penitentiary from Milledgeville to Stone Mountain was fully argued, but finally defeated after an able speech against it by Senator L. H. Briscoe, a very brilliant young fellow who had been a secretary of the executive department under Gov. Johnson. The new counties were created of AYilcox, White, Schley, Pierce, ISIitchell, Milton, Glasscock and Dawson. The salaries of the following officers were increased: Governor from ;ti3,000 to $-)r,000; Judges of Supreme Court, $2,500 to $3,500; Judges of Superior Court, $1,800 to S2,500. The practice of biennial sessions was also changed back to annual sessions, which had been the law before 1840, and the sessions were limited to 40 days, unless lengthened by a two-thirds vote of the Legislature. PETERSON TinVEATT. ' 71 The Legislature had elected as state house officers, .1. B. Trippe, Treasurer; E. P. Watkins, Secretary of State, and Peterson Thweatt as Comptroller General. Mr. Thweatt deserves special mention. Before his administration the reports of the comptroller had been very meager affairs. He instituted a system of statistical returns that have been invaluable. He improved the collection of taxes, very largely increasing the return of taxable property and the revenue of the state. His administration of his otBce was conspicuously able. He is a short, very stout little gentleman with some oddities of manner, such as vocif- erous whispering to his friends, and a wonderful faculty for hearty laug'hter; and lie was sometimes very irascible, but withal a true-hearted and generous gentleman, and as capable and faithful a public officer as the state ever had. He was comptroller a long time, but was defeated after the war, and could never get his consent to do anything else. His soul was in his office, and he clung for years to the hope of return to it, but vainly. He had taken his salary during the war in Georgia war notes, which were repudiated, and he spent years getting the legis- lature to let him sue the state for his notes. Legislature after legislature refused him the privilege, but with indomitable persistence he kept on until he succeeded only to have his suit dismissed. Some of his annual addresses to the members were remarkable papers, exhausting the jirinter's fonts of quotation marks, italics and capitals; and indulging in such a labyrinthine net-work of parentheses as to make his documents rhetorical puzzles. In his inaugural Gov. Brown devoted much attention to the state road. In 1856 it had paid into the state treasury $43,.500. Necessa- rily large amounts had been used in equipping the road, but still the ])eople grumbled that it was not a source of more revenue to the state, (^n the 1st of January, 1858, Governor Brown appointed John "\Y. Lewis, liis faithful friend, as superintendent of the road, under an order remarkable for its concise comprehensiveness of reform and man- agement. It directed cutting expenses, dismissing every supernum- erary, reducing salaries the same as on other roads, requiring absolute subordination, discharging dissipated employes, using economy, demand.- ing trip settlements from conductors and weekly settlements from depot agents, and paying every dollar of net earnings monthly into the treasury. Lewis faithfully carried out his instructions. During his administration Gov. Brown paid as high as §400,000 in a single year into the treasury. An amusing incident is related that soon after the appointment of Dr. Lewis as superintendent, he and Gov. Brown were (3 THE STATE EOAD. seen walking the track, picking up the iron spikes that were scattered and wasting along the line of road. The incident was circulated at the time in derision of the picayune economy of the new regime. Of course there was no truth in the story, except that the track hands were made to not only pick up the large quantity of loose spikes that had been left to rust along the line of tlie road, but all of the waste iron was gathered and advertised for sale, and brought the handsome sum of 820,000. The incident illustrates Governor Brown's watchfulness of the public interest, and to what an extent his vigilance ran to details. There was between six and seven hundred tons of this loose scrap iron thus collected and sold. It forms a curious coincidence of Governor Brown's life that this state road which he managed so successfully for the state while he was Governor, and whose brilliant and profitable handling made so marked a feature of his gubernatorial administration, should have como under his control as president of a leasing company that rented it from the state. The road seems to have been destined to become an important factor in his career. He is to-day the president of the lease company, and the road is most ably managed. It is a strange fact that the road has never paid much to the state excegt under his management. As Governor he made it pay from three to four hundred thousand dollars a year. And its regular rental is now $300,000 a year. One of those mammoth concerns that filled so large a share of South- ern attention, but never seemed to have resulted in any practical benefit, a Southern Commercial Convention, assembled during this year in Montgomery, Alabama, on the second Monday in May. Gov. Brown appointed the following delegates which we give in full, as showing who were the leading men of the State at this time : Delegates from the State at Large. — AYilson Lumpkin, George R. Gilmer, Wm. Schley, Geo. W. Crawford, H. V. Johnson, H. Warner, Hinos Holt, Thomas W. Thomas, C. J. Jenkins, Wm. H. Stiles, Jas. Gardner, B. H. Hill, F. H. Cone, L. Stephens, E. A. Nisbet, M. A. Cooper, D. J. Bailey, A. H. Chappell, Joel Crawford. First District. — A. H. Hansell, P. Cone, E. J. Blackshear, Charles Spalding, J. H. Cooper, F. S. Bartow, J. P. Screven, G. P. Harrison, Jno. W. Anderson, A. R. Lamar. Second District. — Wm. Dougherty, T. Lomax, J. N. Bethune, J. A. Jones, Jr., Jno. A. Tucker, R. H. Clarke, L. M. Felton, A. H. Col- quitt, W. A. Hawkins, W. M. Brown. THE SOUTHERN COMMERCIAL CONVEXTIOX. 73 Third District. — W. Poe, O. A. Lochrane, W. K. De GrafTenried, P. W. Alexander, D. P. Hill, C. Peeples, A. F. Owen, Geo. R. Hunter, J. D. Watkins, A. R. Moore. Fourth District. — E. Y. Hill, L. H. Featherstone, A. J. Boggess, B. H. Overby, J. W. Duncan, Robert J. Cowart, J. O. Gartrell, W. C. Daniel, Wm. A. Harris, H. Buclianan. Fifth District. — Jno. H. Lumpkin, H. V. M. Miller, S. Fouche, Jno. A. Jones, W. T. Woiiford, Lindsay Johnson, Joseph Pickett, G. J. Fain, C. B. Wellborn, Elisha Dyer. Sixth District. — Sumner J. Smith, Robert McMillan, Asbury Hull, Wm. L. Mitchell, John Billups, Wra. A. Lewis, Jas. P. Simmons, Samuel Knox, W. Boyd, S. Reid. * Seventh District. — Augustus Reese, George R. Jesup, P. Reynolds, Miller Grieve, Sr., S. N. Boughton, R. M. Ornie, Sr., David W. Lewis, J. W. Burney, Robert R.- Slappey, Junius Wingfield. Eif/hth District. — -Isaiah T. Irwin, Jno. Milledge, .las. T. Nisbet, W. Gibson, Thomas Barrett, A. J. Lawson, A. R. Wright, E. H. Pottle, Robert Hester, Dr. W. Willingham. Of these gentlemen Wilson Lumpkin, George R. Gilmer, Wm. Schley, Geo. W. Crawford and H. V. Johnson had been Governor of the state. Judge F. H. Cone was the founder of the Know-Nothing party in Georgia, a man of great power in his day, who had a desperate personal conflict with Alexander H. Stephens, in which he cut Mr. Stephens badly with a knife. Mark A. Cooper was a wealthy iron manufacturer, who was very prominent in Georgia politics. He was one of the famous trio of Colquitt, Cooper and Black that in 1840 revolutionized the politics of the state, and established the Democratic party in power. He was a leading candidate for Governor at one time. His large fortune was ruined by the war, and for many years he has been passing his old age in cjuiet retirement. A. H. Chappell was a noted man for many years, a distinguished Congressman. He was known for liis long speeches, which tradition says he used to recite in advance of their delivery to his faithful horse in his rides horseback. It is also told of him that in a courtship after he was sixty years of age, while visiting in Monroe county, where the lady lived, he engaged in a game of " blind man's bu£E" with her. The incident is probably not true, as Mr. Chappell was a very stately, dignified gentleman, and it was likely invented as a piece of campaign badinage. A. R. Lamar has been for the last twenty-five years one of the conspicuous editors of 'A JUNIUS M-INGFIELD. tlie State, conducting tlie Savannah Georgian and Columbus Times. Few men can equal him in his command of a pure, forcible and elegant style of writing. He has been one of the men who have labored long for party without reward. Win. Dougherty, who is dead, was the great lawyer of his day — a man of wonderful legal ability. He took little interest in polities, devoting himself, unseduced by any charm of public station, to his profession. He was a strikingly handsome man. W. K. De Graffenreid was a lawj'er of abilitj-, much above mediocrity. He is dead. Cincinnatus Peeples became a judge. He was a large, genial gentleman, possessed of unusual speaking talent, with a rich vein of humorous illustration. His warm heart and generous impulses made him very popular. P. W. Alexander was a power as a journalist, editing the Savannah Repuhlican. As a war correspondent he was the most famous one we had in the South. His war letters were models of critical accuracy, and clear, forcible descriptiveness. Of all of these leading Georgians of two decades back, none of them recall tenderer memories of a beautiful manhood than Junius Wingfield of Putnam county. He was a gifted lawyer, possessing both high ability and a profound knowledge of the law. But the charm of the man was in his pure, gentle, lovable nature and spotless moral life. His domestic qualities were excjuisite. He was one of the few men who to manliness and intellect added an almost womanly tenderness of character. He died a few years ago. Of the hundred gentlemen above recorded seventy of them have passed away, and many of them who were conspicuous persons in their day, are almost wholly unknown now. Individuals of brain, culture, iulluence and fame as they were then, they have lapsed out of recollec- tion, their names buried in unused records of important events. The learned judg-e, the eloquent advocate, the famous orator, the influential leader, the honored statesman, the illustrious Chief Magistrate, have alike been rewarded with the same undiscriminating forgetfulness. The Southern Convention that met in Montgomery in 1858, like its predecessors, did nothing tangible. Resolutions by the wholesale were passed, but no practical scheme was inaugurated for increasing Southern power and enlarging Southern independence. Tennessee, Virginia, the two Carolinas, Alabama, Georgia, Florida, Texas, Mississippi, Louisiana and Delaware were represented. Mr. A. P. Calhoun of South Carolina was made President, and Mark A. Cooper of Georgia one of the Vice Presidents. Mr. Spratt of South Carolina set the convention wagging iicrcely upon a proposition to reopen the slave trade. This inflamma- SOUTHERN CONVENTIONS AGENCIES FOE DISUNION. 75 ble issue, and another equally perilous condemning the conference bill for the admission of Kansas as a state in the Union, which the entire Southern delegation in Congress had taken as the best they could do, were the two main topics of discussion. Looking back to that day in the calm philosopliical retrospection of this, these conventions were simply potential agencies for driving sectional differences to an inevitable rup- ture and the logical war that followed so swiftlj'. Wm. L. Yancey of Alabama, and Mr. Rhett of South Carolina were the moving spirits of this convention. While its members were patriotic, its objects, its delib- erations, its conclusions were sectional, irritating and defiant. Compar- ing these Southern movements with the Northern abolition aggressions, we can see now what we could not realize then, that the Northern cru- sade, while fanatical and unreasoning in its zeal, was without local benefit to its zealots and embodied the protest of all disinterested civilization against slavery. The natural resistance of the South to these extra- constitutional assaults upon the chief institution of Southern wealth and labor, and the prop of the Southern social polity, was based upon local interest, looked to home prosperity. Southern independence of the Union, and the withdrawal of Southern business patronage from the North. Not only were they thus practically antagonistic to Northern interest in their objects, but in their spirit and language they were bit- ter against Northern sentiment. They simply therefore fed sectional hostility and division. It would be impossible to conceive of more powerful instrumentalities of sectional strife. Not so intended by us or so regarded by the North, they yet thus resulted. They were an ef- fective part of the preface to the great struggle in which Providence had doomed slavery. They were the concentrated utterance, intense, open-voiced, impassioned and majestic, of Southern resentment against Northern aggression upon slavery, and they both stimulated and foreshadowed the inevitable conflict that was coming so soon. Even though their final action was legitimate, that could not remove the effect of the fiery sectional deliberations that frenzied the very fanaticism sought to be thwarted. This Convention met, argued, acted and adjourned, but its only legacies were fuel for the impending Revo- lution. CHAPTER X. THE SPIRIT OF 185S IN GEORGIA. The State Judiciary. — Its Personelle — Judge W. B. Fleming and D. F. Hammond only Survive iu 1881. — H. L. Benning. — The Bank Cases. — E. G. Cabaniss. — A New Figlit uf the Banks. — What Gov. Brown did as a Bank Reformer. — Brown as a Foenian. — The Cotton Planters' Convention. — The State Newspapers. — Wm. T. Thompson. — Josepli Clisby. — A. R. Lamar. — Deceased Journalists. — Legislative Dots. — The State Road and Brown's Sweeping Reforms — John A. Tucker — John E. Ward. — Henry R. Jackson and his m.aguificent address upon the E.spausion of ' American Empire and its effect on Southern Institutions. The composition of the Georgia judiciary in 1858 was as follows : Supreme Court. — Joseph H. Lumpkin, Chas. J. McDonald, Henry L. Benning. Superior Cowrte.— Brunswick Circuit, A. E. Cochran; Blue Ridge Circuit, Geo. D. Rice; Chattahooche Circuit, E. H. Worrell; Cherokee Circuit, R. Trippe; Coweta Circuit, O. A. Bull; Eastern Circuit, W. B. Fleming; Flint Circuit, E. G. Cabaniss; Macon Circuit, A. P. Powers; Middle Circuit, W. W. Holt; Northern Circuit, James Thomas; Ocmulgee Circuit, R. V. Hardeman; Pataula Circuit, David J. Kiddoo; Southern Circuit, Peter E. Love; South-western Circuit, Alex A. Allen; Talla- poosa Circuit, Dennis F. Hammond;. Western Circuit, N. L. Hutchins. Of these officials all of the gentlemen who were Justices of the Supreme Court are dead, and fourteen out of the sixteen Superior Court Judges. The only living ones of this array of judicial talent are Judge W. B. Fleming, who is now Judge of the Eastern Circuit, and very old, and Dennis F. Hammond, who lives in Atlanta, in fine law practice and vigorous health. Judge Hammond is a gentleman of peculiar and original character, and has been perhaps as strong a man physically as we have ever had in Georgia. A thick-set, massive frame of iron strength, backed by a most resolute will and a most remarkable volubility of words in talk, belongs to him. While he is a preacher a» well as lawyer, he belongs to the church militant, and has been ever ready to enforce his spiritual expoundings upon refractory subjects with a physical drubbing. The anecdotes of his ready and irresistible combativeness are numerous and racy. Nature never made a sincerer or kinder or a more stubborn spirit. .Judge Fleming has been an upright and able Judge, and has the gratificatio:i of serving on c HENEY L. BENNIXG. 77 the bench of the Eastern Circuit, while he h,is a son equally able and respected, ^'^ho presides in the Albany Circuit, Judge William O. Fleming. Judge Henry L. Benning, of the Supreme Bench, was a very marked man in Georgia. He made a gallant record as a Brigadier General in the late war. He won for himself the sturdy soubriquet of " Old Rock." He was a man of absolutely crystal truth. He had a candor and directness proverbial. He spoke with a low, guttural tone and a syllabic precision, that heightened the idea of his manly force of character. He was able to take unpopular positions without loss of respect, so strong was the confidence in his sincerity. A very strong effort was made in the General Assembly of 1858 to strike down " Old Rock." The suit of Beall vs. Robinson, from Muscogee county, was a case involving the liability of the stockholders of a broken bank for bills that had been issued. Judge Benning was the son-in-law of Col. Seaborn Jones, a stockholder, and had been attorney for Gen. D. McDonald, another large stockholder of another bank. He presided in the case and gave decision against the bill-holders. A petition was presented to the General Assembly urging the body to take some action against Judge Benning, and a resolution was introduced in the Senate advising and requesting Judge Benning and McDonald to resign their offices. The matter created a good deal of feeling, but the Senate voted to lay the resolution on the table for the balance of the session by a vote of G7 yeas to 45 nays. Judge Benning had been urged not to preside in the case, as it was similar to cases in which his client and his father-in-law had been interested. He presided because he deemed it his dvity not to shirk his responsibility, and in the decis- ion he explains this very urgency of his duty. The famous lawyer, William Dougherty, was the moving power in these cases, and he inspired the hostile proceedings in the legislature. The incident unjustly did great injury to Judge Benning a long time, which he keenly felt. And after the war, when he was defeated for the Supreme Bench in the legislature by Dawson A. Walker, it was through the active agency of Mr. Dougherty on account of this very decision, Dougherty declaring that he would support Benning for Governor, or anything else, but he should not go on the Supreme Bench if he could help it. Benning, who was a man of sensitive honor, though of unbending will, afterwards declined to allow Gov. Smith to appoint him Judge of the Supreme Court, because he considered the action of the legislature in defeating him as a condemnation of his course in the Beall-Robinson matter. 78 CONTINUED BATTLE OF THE BANKS. Of the judges mentioned Judge E. G. Cabaniss had a high meaalire of public esteem and influence. He was a very conservative public.nipin of solid sense, and the personal consequence that belongs to careful judgment and scrupulous conscience. He belonged to that class of citizens known as " safe " men, clear-headed and calm-tempered. .Judge Powers of the Macon Circuit soon resigned, and Gov. Brown ap- pointed in his place for the interim Henry G. Lamar, who had been so prominent in the gubernatorial contest that resulted in Gov. Brown's nomination. During the year 1858 the banks resumed specie payment long before the time specified for resumption in November, but some twenty of the banks failed to make the semi-annual return on the 1st of June required under the law of the suspension. Upon the failure of the banks to do this the law required tlie Governor to issue proclamation publishing the names of the delinquent banks, and notifying the Treasurer not to re- ceive their bills. This the Governor did, and when the Legislature met in November his message was largely taken up with a continued dis- cussion of the Bank question. The battle of the Executive with the banks had not ended. Popular sentiment had overwhelmingly backed the Governor, but the banks were strong and defiant, and in the exist- ing contlition of the law they were powerful and independent. There was no formidable j)enalty attached to their disobedience of executive authority, and they had under the statutes as they were, in some cases issued as high as fifteen dollars for one, or at least previous returns so showed. Gov. Brown has always been a perilous foeman, never hold- ing up while he could strike upon a resisting antagonist. If the bank authorities supposed for a moment they could successfully and with impunity defy him in his official authority they were sadly mistaken. He came back with renewed vim. He discussed the whole question with great ability. He urged that the banks be required to pay a pen- alty of two per cent, a month upon their capital stock while they dis- obeyed the statute, which is now the law. He also held up to light im- perfections of the banking system, which needed correction. Reviewing this acrimonious agitation, recalling the abuses that had crept into our bank system, and estimating the value of the reforms made in conse- quence of the stubborn fight of our resolute young Executive against the combined capital of the state in that memorable session of 1857-8, it will be seen that a very large amount of good was accom- plished and a substantial service-was rendered to the people. Before this the state treasury had suffered a loss of over half a million of dollars COTTON planters' CONVENTION. 79 on account of the Central liaiik and Daiien bank. Besides, numerous financial panics in wiiich the banks were controlling agencies had brought upon the citizens of the state individual loss. Gov. Brown was the direct cause of a wholesome and sweeping reform in our whole scheme of banking, a reform going to the very vitals of our prosperity, affecting commerce and agriculture. He so clearly and forcibly brought to light the evils of the then existing system, and he was so unyielding in pressing their reform, that a permanent change for the better was effected through his powerful instrumentalitj'. During the year ISjS a Cotton Planters' Convention was held in Milledgeville on the 8th of June, of which Howell Cobb was President, and Gen. B. H. Rutherford and Gen. J. W. Armstrong, Vice-Presi- dents. This convention illustrates the spirit of the South in that day to organizations for Southern benefit. Mr. Cobb addressed the conven- tion, stating its objects. Committees were appointed on the following subjects, comprehensive enough, it must he admitted: 1. The Cotton Power. 2. Cotton Power as an American Power. 3. Cotton Power as a Southern Power. 4. Cotton Power as a Union Power. 5. Cotton Power as a Peace Power. 6. Cotton Power as an anti- Abolition Power. 7. Direct Trade with Foreign Countries. The cooperation of other states was invited, and the convention adjourned to September, when it re-assembled in Macon. Some reports were made, and the convention adjourned subject to the call of the chairman without any action. Among the leading papers in the state at this time were the Savannah News, W. T. Thompson, editor; Savannah HcpuhUcan, J. R. Sneed; Macon Telegraph, J. Clisby; Augusta Chronicle and Sentinel, "Wm. Smythe; Augusta Constitutionalist, James Gardner; Columbus Times and Se7iti}iel, P. H. Colquitt and James W. Warren; Federal Union, S. M. Boughton; Southern liecorder, R. M. Orme; Atlanta Intelli- gencer, A. A. Gaulding; Griffin Empire State, J. H. Steele; Macon State Press; Calhoun Georgia Platform; Cartersville Erpress; Cass- ville Standard; GritBn Independent Sotith; "N^'ire Grass Reporter; Columbus Enquirer, John H. Martin; Savannah Georgian, A. R. Lamar; Athens IVatchman; Newnan Manner and Sentinel; Albany Patriot; Columbus Corner Stone, Gen. J. N. Bethune; Bainbridge Argus; Lagrange Pejwrter, C. H. C. Willingham; Madison Family Visitor; Bainbridge Southern Georgian ; Dalton Times, T. R. Chris- tian; South- West JTctrs; I^umpkin Palladium, Dr. J. C. C. Blackburn; Temperance Cmsader; Athens Banner; Sumter Iiepid}lican, C. W. Hancock. Of the editors then ruling the Georgia press there are liv- 80 THE GEORGIA PRESS IN 1858. ing, W. T. Thompson, still in eharg'e of the Savannah News; J. Clisby, yet at the head of the Macon Telegraph; James W. Warren is Sec- retary in the Executive Department and a most polished writer; J. H. Martin, A. R. Lamar and Gen. J. N. Bethune are out of journalism ; Dr. J. C. C. Blackburn is editing the 3Iadhonian at Madison; J. R. Sneed is in the city of Washington, filling the 'place of Assistant Post- master of the Senate. Col. Thompson won an enduring fame as a natural humorist by the publication of that inimitable book, " Major Jones' Courtship." But he had more than humorous power. A gen- tleman of strong convictions and decided views, he was an able polit- ical editor. Jos. Clisby of the Telegraph is one of the most versatile and graceful writers of the Georgia press. Some of his writings have been marked by a remarkable grace and a vein of delicate humor. A. R. I^amar was one of the purest writers of English that we have ever had on the Georgia papers. J. H. Martin has wielded a simple but vig- orous stylo, and been noted for a judicial sort of conservatism in polit- ical commentary. Dr. Blackburn was a facile writer, and flourishes a ready sparkling pen to this day. C. W. Hancock is still publishing the Sumter Hcjniblican, one of the best papers in the state, and is a vigor- ous and versatile editor. Mr. C. II. C. Willingham is now editing the Cartersville Free Press, and is to-day as he was twenty-five years ago one of the boldest and most graceful writers in our state journalism. Of the deceased editors, Jas. Gardner, Wm. Smythe, S. M. Boughton, R. M. Orme and J. H. Steele were all editors of state repute as experi- enced, aggressive and capable political controversialists, — men that bore themselves gallantly in the memorable campaigns of those days, giving hard blows and upholding their respective sides with bright capacity and rare vigor. The Milledgeville papers, though weeklies, were powers then, having large and general state circulation, and wielding great influence. Both Mr. Boughton of the ITnion and Mr. Ornie of the liieorder were editors of unusual ability, and their bouts were marked by incisive force and a tine grasp of political argument. The session of the General Assembly of 1858 has been touched upon in connection with the bank matter. Among the changes that had taken place in the body, Mr. Cumbie, the representative of Baker county, had been cut off in the formation of the new county of Mitchell, and Alfred H. Colquitt, the present Executive of Georgia, was elected as the representative from Baker. . In the middle of the session, Mr. John E. Ward, the senator from Chatham county, and the president of the senate was appointed the United States minister to China, and re- RELIGION ON THE STATE EOAD. 81 signed his place. Mr. T. L. Gucrry was elected president, and Mr. Wm. H. Stiles was returned from Chatham county, as its senator. The new counties of Banks, Brooks, Johnson, Echols and Quitman were created at this session, making thirteen new counties formed by this General Assembly. A bill was introduced and excitedly discussed to lease the state road. It is a curious coincidence that in his mes- sage. Gov. Brown, in discussing the state road, maintained its great yalue and remunerativeness, and avowed that as a private citizen, he would be ready to lease the road and bind himself to pay $25,000 a month to the state for a long term of years. This very arrang-ement he afterwards consummated and is now executing. In spite of Gov.Brown's successful management of the road, the opposition press fought him savagely upon it. He persisted in his policy, cutting down every ex- pense, keeping the road in good order, and jsaying monthly into the treasury large sums, until the opposition were silenced, and reluctant enmity was obliged to accord to him a great practical triumph of rail- road government. Every species of detraction was em*ployed against him. He had ap- pointed as solicitor general of the Cherokee Circuit, in the place of J. C. Longstreet, deceased. Col. J. A. R. Hanks, who belonged to the Bap- tists and sometimes preached. A howl was raised against Gov. Brown, on the ground that he was giving a monopoly of his official patronage to his Baptist brethren, and the charge was made that he had stocked the state road with this favored persuasion. Some statistical employes of the state road undertook to vindicate the Governor from this accusa- tion, and published a table showing the religious complexion of the road force. There were 7 Lutherans, 60 Missionary Baptists, 12 Primitive Baptists, 5 Campbellite Baptists, 31 Presbyterians, 57 Methodists, 8 Episcopalians, and 15 Catholics. This exploded the charge. There were many personal inducements for opposition to the Governor, in his administration of the road. He had made an entire change of manage- ment in the force from superintendent down, thus creating an intense enmity in the discharged employes. The public complaint because the road had paid so little money into the treasury, under previous admin- istrations had been so great, that the Governor deemed it best to estab- lish a new regime. Again, the leading politicians of the state had enjoyed the privilege of free passes upon tlie road, and Gov. Brown cut off this, to the great dissatisfaction of the favored gentlemen. In se- lecting officers to run the road, he appointed men solely on his knowledge of their qualifications, and without regard to application or 5» SPEECH OF GEN. HENRY E. JACKSON. endorsement, frequently tendering places to men who had not applied. The clamor of disappointed applicants thus added volume to the oppo- sition. But the Governor had resolved to make the road a paying in- stitution, and he pushed this purpose to completion, with his accustomed judgment and decision. The petty fuss against his reform, was soon lost in the great current of popular appreciation of his genuine public service. " Nothing succeeds like success " has a profound truth in it. A state income from the road of 8200,000 the first year, and ii!300,000 the second, and S400,000 the third, was an argument well calculated to silence grumblers and please the people. The Governor in every matter that came under his control had an eye to promoting the State's interest. There was a large amount of the state school fund lying idle in the treasury. He deposited it with the Bank of Savannah until the time came to pay it out under the law, under an arrangement that brought the nice little sum of §0,000 interest into the treasury. Under previous administrations, beginning with Gov. Geo. W. Crawford, a Whig executive, some twelve years before, who set the prec- edent, the practice was to publish executive proclamations in only one of the papers at the seat of government, selecting the organ of the party in power. Gov. Brown broke this custom, giving the proclama- tions to both papers. It was during the year 1858 that a gentleman of very considerable repute, John A. Tucker, of Terrell county, committed suicide. He was a man of strong natural talent, without culture, of great local influence and state prominence. He took his own life in one of the moods of melancholy superinduced by occasional dissipation to which he was addicted. It was also during this year that a very general cattle dis- ease prevailed, a sort of sore tongue among cows, that seized every- thing, but was not very fatal. , This year saw a distinguished Georgian, Hon. Jolin E. Ward, selected as the United States minister to China, while anotlier equally distin- guished Georgian, Hon. Henry R. Jackson, had returned to his iiome in Savannah, after brilliant service as United States minister to Austria. Mr. Jackson was invited to address the Legislature on public matters, and did so on the evening of the 23d of November, 185S, in a speech of remarkable eloquence and power, on the theme of the " Extension of American Empire, and its Effect on Southern Institutions." It was a masterly vindication of the idea of territorial expansion, and abounded in passages of impassioned and beautiful rhetoric. The Federal Union in speaking of the address, said, " that golden thread of poesy, which SPEECH OF GEX. HEXEY R. JACKSOX. 83 in other da\-s linked his soul to the beautiful and the good of earth, still shines through the inner, and sways the sweet influences of the outer man." The following passage will give an idea of the exquisite eloquence of this address : " First and foremost among men, Washington, declining to place a crown upon his own hrow, immaterialized the principle of government, taking it out of material forms and placing it in the abstract law. Tliere it stauds, cold vet pure, uusympatliiziug vet incorruptiWe, a crowned abstraction, holding the scepter of empire in its pulseless hand, the constitution of the.se United States. (Cheers.) Sublime reflection! that the American citizen is the sul)ject only of thought. Exalting prerogative ! that wherever or whoever he may be, whether seated in the executive mansion, the nation's chief, or following his plow in tlie broad blaze of the noon-day sun in the solitude of the Western wilderness, he recognizes no material medium between himself and the soul of all thought, of all law, of all trutli, and that when he kneels he kneels alone to his God! (Cheers.)" He thus concluded in a storm of applause : " Not yours the vast commercial emporium with its countless temptations to corrup- tion and crime ; not yours the ancient' capitol, enriched by the accumulated hoards of lapsed ages of enervating time ; not yours the luxurious palace, adorned witli the works of semi-sensual art ; but yours at last is The State, in the simple words, but sublime thought of the poet .- ' What constitutes a State ? Not liigh-raised battlement, nor labored mound, Huge walls nor moated gate. Nor cities proud with spire, and turret-crowned ; Nor starred and spangled courts Where low-born baseness wafts perfume to pride, But men, strong minded men, Men who their duties know, l)Ut know their rights, And knowing, dare maintain. These constitute a State !' " CHAPTER XL GOVERNOR BROWN'S SUPERB PUBLIC ENDORSEMENT AND RENOMINATION. The Codification of Georgia Law — Thomas R. R. Cobb. — The Universal Demand for Gov. Brown's Re-election. — The Unkuowu Gaddistowner, the Master of the State in Twelve Mouths. — The Unparalleled Torrent of Popular Pmiise. — Some of the Royal Voicings of Press and Peojile. — Wonderful and Unprecedented Tributes. — A Monotony of Encomium. — The Democratic Nominating Convention. — Its Persouelle. — John B. Walker's Flashing Speech. — Formalities Dispensed with- — Brown Renominated iu a Unanimous Whirlwind. — The Exquisite Lnpromptu Speech of Henry R. Jackson. — A Gem of Eloquence. — Brown Brought In — A Re- markable Acceptance. — Resolves to make no Canvass. It was at this time that the important work of the codification of our laws began. The General Assembly elected as Codifiers, ex-Gov. Herschell V. Johnson, ex-Jiidge David Irwin, and Judge Iverson L. Harris, at that time presiding over the Ocmulgee Circuit. Judge Har- ris was a citizen of Milledgeville, a lawyer of great ability and high character, who was afterwards elevated to the Supreme Bench. He was a gentleman of purity of nature and very positive and conscientious. He and ex-Gov. Johnson declined the duty, and Gov. Brown with ad- mirable judgment appointed Judge Richard H. Clark and Thomas R. R. Cobb in their places. Mr. Cobb was the brother of Hon. Howell Cobb and one of the leading lawyers of the state. He possessed both high order of intellect and an elegant culture. He was also a man of herculean capacity for work. His industry was tireless. He had been for years reporter of the Supreme Court, was author of a Digest of Georgia law, and an erudite work on the Law of Slavery. He was a man of deep religious feeling and an elder in the. Presbyterian church. He was also a professor in the Lumpkin law school at Athens. The Code was finished and adopted in 18(J0, to go into effect on the 1st day of January, 18G3. A legislative committee consisting of Hines Holt, Dan'l S. Printup and W. W. Paine of the Senate, and Geo. N. Lester, Isham S. Fannin, W. G. Delony, M. W. Lewis, C. N. Broyles and C. J. Williams of the House examined and reported in favor of the code. The work was an extensive, original and unprecedented accomplish- ment, embodying in concise and symmetrical form the vast body of THE GUBERXATORIAL SUCCESSION. 85 common and statutory law in force in the state with the judicial expo- sition of the same. In 18C3 the Code was remodeled to conform to the Confederate Constitution. In 18G7 a revision of the Code was made by David Irwin, covering the changes made since the surrender, including the Constitution of 18G5, and this revised Code was examined and re- ported upon by a committee of citizens, appointed by Gov. Jenkins un- der a resolution of the General Assembly, composed of Gen. Andrew J. Hansell, Col. Logan E. Bleckley and Col. Nathaniel J. Hammond. This has been known as the Code of 18G8. The last revision of the Code was in 1873, by David Irwin, Geo. N. Lester and Walter B. Hill, and the examination of it was done by the Attorney General of the state, Hon. N. J. Hammond, under direction of a resolution of the Gen- eral Assembly of 1872. This revision contained the Constitution of 18G8, and the supreme court decisions and the statute laws up to 1873. In the beginning of the year 1859 the agitation of the gubernatorial succession commenced. The convention was called for .June. The whole drift of democratic preference was for Governor Brown. No Executive in the history of the state has ever made such an impression upon the people. His establishment and maintenance of leadership was something phenomenal. His clutch of the popular heart was a miracle of personal achievement. His fierce strifes of public policy and sturdy championship of the public interest had rooted him deep and fixed in the affections and admiration of the masses. His popu- larity was so pronounced that no democrat allowed his name to be canvassed in opposition to the people's manifest desire for Brown. It must be considered that at this time it was but a little more than a year since he had been sprung, an unknown man, upon the people of the whole state. Yet in this brief time, in spite of inexperience and the drawbacks of his obscurity, he had by his iron force of character, magnificent genius of common-sense, and inborn statesmanship, im- pressed himself upon the commonwealth as a vital, foremost, irresistible public leader, the uncontested and dominant master of the state. It was a proud work. The spontaneous utterances of the press, and the unprompted resolu- tions of county meetings in all parts of the state testify strikingly to the public estimate placed upon Governor Brown after this one short year of public service as chief magistrate. It was a realization of the ancient fable of the consummate Minerva springing full armed and matured at birth from the brain of Jove. Without the usual appren- ticeship in public life, he had shown himself a full-grown statesman. 8G PRESS EXDORSEMENTS OF GOV. BROWN. handling the groat and complicated affairs of state government ^vith unsurpassable ability. Some of the endorsements of him are remark- able. Col. W. A. Lewis of Forsyth Co., who had opposed Brown, wrote to the Lawrenceville N'eics that " he cordially endorsed Gov. Brown's administration of the affairs of the state." Hon. Wm. H. Stiles, who was before the last convention, saw his name mentioned in the " Southern Confederacy," at Atlanta, as a probable candidate for Governor. He published a brief letter, saying, " I have no desire to disturb an administration which, so far at least as the public prints indicate, seems to afford such general satisfaction." In a very strong editorial Dr. Blackburn of the Lumpkin Palladium used these incisive sentences: " His Excellency, Governor Brown, has, as we predicted in an editorial of May last, when the bank organs of the state were hunting him down with blood-hound ierocity, proven himself fully competent to discharge the duties of Governor of a great and growing commonwealth, and now is entitled to the proud epithet of being the model Governor of this Union. He is a safe custodian of the people's honor, a fearless exponent of correct principles, and a safe keeper of the mighty resources of the Empire state. He has by his fearless course forced his traducers to acknowledge his adminis- trative capability. He is our only clioice for Governor for the next term, and we believe that we but reflect the honest sentiments of four-fiftlis of the Democracy of South- western Georgia." The Columbus Times used this forcible language: " The administration of Joseph E. Brown has been from the period of his inauguration to the present moment, successful and 'satisfactory to the people. We need not refer to the acts of his administration in proof of what we say — we need not allude to his liold, independent course in displacing officers — adhering to true and correct principles, and his successful management of the state affairs, to vindicate us in awarding to him wh.at justice demands. We mean simply to echo the sentiments of the people in wishing the shafts of malice thrown at him to be broken, and that he will remain another term in the office which he now fills with so much credit to his party and honor to his state." The llilledgeville Recorder, the uncompromising organ of the oppo- sition, in the following paragraph of bitter sarcasm bore unconscious testimony to the Governor's influence: " It is known th.at Gov. Brown has won an enviable reputation as an honest man, especially in a financial ]>oint of \iew, and the knowledge and belief of it was quite visible upon the legisl.ature. For it was a noticeable fact, that whenever a bill or resolu- tion that had for its intention the appropriation or paying out of money, it was immediately suggested that it be referred to the Governor to do as he thought best. In other words, the legislature seemed willing to shift all responsibility, and dodge behind the accredited honesty of the Governor." The Macon Telegraph stated emphatically: MILLEDGEVILLE S REMAEKABLE TEIBUTE. 87 " It is universally conceileil that the people, or ninety-niue in one hundred, at least, of the democracy are favorable to the re-uumiuatiou of Gov. Brown." These are specimens of the complimentary endorsement that the party press of that day gave Gov. Brown. It was, however, in the resolutions of the county meetings that popular approval seems to have uttered its most ardent expressions. At a democratic meeting held in Milledgeville in March, presided over by Col. D. C. Campbell, a committee composed of Judge I. L. Harris, M. D. McComb, F. G. Grieve, Dr. W. A. Jarratt and D. P. Brown, reported the following extraordinary resolutions, which were unanimously adopted, and constitute as powerful a public tribute as any public man ever received: " The year 1859 is destined, politically, in Georgia in some respects from appearances to he remarkable. Within the memory of the eldest among us, the high honor of being the Governor of the state has never been won and worn without a severe, and most usually, a bitter party contest. It has not unfrequeutly, also, been a matter of difficulty to ascertain tlie choice of the people, and hence the necessity ^vhich has hitherto e.xisted for conventions to collect, concentrate and reflect their will. " In the ranks of the democratic party there is no contest for this high office ; if there have been any aspirations for it, they have been hushed in the general voice of the people of Georgia. One name — one person only is thought of — t,ilked of for Governor. It is folly, — it is worse, — it would lie madness, to attempt to frustrate that will that makes itself so unmistakably and audibly heard. Of the people — he'is emphatically at this time the favorite of the people. " It will be, we think, the peculiar good fortune of Gov. Brown, though he should again be presented by the democratic party for re-election — to meet with an acceptance from the state at large, which it never was the lot of any of his many distinguished prede- cessors to secure. Such an event — a probability miost likely to occur — is strikingly suggestive. Can it be otherwise than that his administration of the executive depart- ment has been singularly wise, prudent, just, vigilant, firm and energetic, and in accordance with the pulsations of the popular heart, to have commanded, as it has done, such an unwonted po])ular approval. " Compelled by official duty to reside within our limits, the citizens of Baldwin county cheerfully bear testimony to the modest, affable and unpretending deportment, and to the plain, sim]>le, republican habits of this distinguished citizen of the Cherokee section of Georgia, by which he has secured our affections and esteem." This magnificent and spontaneous encomium, unlike the hackneyed formalism of such occasions, coming from the source that it did, extorted as it was by sheer merit and the luster of unembellished deed, giving exalted precedence to the simple man of the people above a long line of aristocratic and brilliant predecessors, was indeed such a grand public recognition as few men deserve and fewer obtain. The Democ- racy of Talbot county resolved, " That the wisdom and unwavering firmness of his excellency Gov. Brown, his upright and judicious admin- 88 COUXTY ENDORSEMENTS OF GOV. BEOWN. istration of state government, liis practical and praiseworthy manage- ment of public property, his guardian protection of the people's every interest in his hands, not only warrant his continuance in office, but command the respect and admiration of every true Georgian." The democrats of the plucky county of Campbell instructed their delegates " To go for Brown first. Brown last, and Brown all the time, and never to surrender ' our choice ' to the factious opposition of a minority having personal injuries to redress and avenge." L. B. Watts was chairman of the meeting, and Dr. T. C. Glover chairman of the committee that reported these pointed words, Butts county declared that " the admin- istration of Gov. Brown meets with unanimous approval." B. F. Ward was chairman, and the committee, A. Taliaferro, C. S. Foster, E. Var- ner, Thomas McKibben and J. Carmichael. The Wilkinson countj' democracy said that Gov. Brown's administration had " met witii the cor- dial approbation of almost all parties throughout the state." In a Cobb county meeting presided over by Judge Rice, T. H. Moore, chairman of committee, reported resolutions declaring " that Joseph E. Brown is the people's choice, and they will be content with no other," and that a convention was unnecessary. Cherokee and Stewart counties had rousing meetings. In the Stewart gathering, Judge James Clarke speaking used this slashing language: "Joseph E. Brown at the com- mencement of the last political campaign was called in derision ' the Cherohee cow driver; ' lie has proved himself the driver out of the plunderers of your country; the driver out of dishonesty in high places; the driver out by his intrepid vetoes of vicious and corrupt legislation; and the driver oict of those exclusive privileges by which one set of men are enabled to enslave another." And he added this applauded compli- ment : " Brown has proved himself as thoroiighly made of hickory as Old Hickory himself.'''' The Pulaski county democracy resolved to sup- port "Honest Joe Urown." In Washington county a meeting presided over by Gen. T. J. AVarthen, with J. N. Gilmore and Evan P. Howell as secretaries, adopted unanimously a graceful and vigorous set of resolu- tions reported by a coiTimittee composed of Col. James S. Hook, Thomas O. Wicker, Beverly D. Evans, Jno. Kittrell and W. G. Robson. The resolutions bear the mark of having been written by that writer and speaker of unusual power. Colonel, afterwards Judge Jas. S. Hook, one of the ablest lawyers and purest citizens of the state. The follow- ing resolution is a glowing encomium upon Gov. Brown. " Resolred, That the ailministnition of Gov. Brown stands oat in its own solid, vet unpretending grandeur, a splendid mouumeut of liigh intellectual sagacity and moral CASS COLTXTY AI.OXE AXTI-BROWX. 89 heroism, remimling us most viviiUy of tlie stern and manly virtues of those noble and great men who illustrate the early history of tlie republic." The Merriwether county Democracy complimented Gov. Brown's " watchful guardianship." Wilcox county deemed it " but an act of sheer justice " to renominate him; Appling county declared him "the man who was not afraid to throw himself between the frowns of the cor- porations and the people's interest." Muscogee county, in a meeting presided over by Wiley Williams, declared that Gov. Brown " is our first choice." Even Chatham county, the central point of the bank influ- ence, endorsed Gov. Brown's administration as a whole. The endorsements above selected are taken from an unbroken current of commendation, that the people of the state gave to Gov. Brown. No ]iul)lic man has ever been so endorsed. There was almost literally no dissent in tlie Democratic party. Fulton county at first seemed divided upon Gov. Brown, there being many disappointed state road ex- employes in Atlanta, but a public meeting decided overwhelmingly for Brown. Polk county sent a divided delegation to the convention. And Cass county alone sent an anti-Brown delegation headed by a dis- charged railroad official. The Wire Grass Reporter with a grim humor, said editorially, " We were really getting a little wearied and jaded at the everlasting resolution, recurring in every county, pronouncing in favor of the renomination of Joseph E. Brown, until we came to Cass. Here we found a change come over the spirit of the meeting; a new sensation sprung quite refreshing amid the Brown monotony; a new ' hu-r-r-ah,' reminding us strongly of Rip Van Winkle's approach to the whig meeting after his thirty years' nap, swinging his beaver and huz- zaing for old King George; and like Rip if the Cass boys do not get hustled for it, we shall wonder." Even some of the opposition press were for Gov. Brown. The Sumter JiepiiMiccm, edited by ilr. Han- cock, was for calling an American state convention, but urged that the convention should endorse Gov. Brown. The Democratic convention, assembled in Milledgeville, on the 15th of June, 1858. It was a very large and able body. There were 405 dele- gates from 117 counties. Among them were Gen. Henry R. Jackson, and Hon. Julian Hartridge of Savannah, Hon. James Jackson of Clarke, Gen. William Phillips of Cobb, Milton A. Candler of Dekalb, E. ^^'. Chas- tain of Fannin, Logan E. Bleckley of Fulton, Daniel S. Printup of Rome, W. A. Lofton of Jasper, F. H. West of Lee, Samuel Hall of Macon, Randolph Spaulding of Mcintosh, T. P. Saffold of Morgan, Porter Ingram of Muscogee, H. Fielder of Polk, L. J. Aired of Pickens, 90 THE DEMOCKATIC CONVENTION OF 1858. Dr. J. C. C. Blackburn of Stewart, AV". A. Hawkins of Sumter, D. N. Speer of Troup, 0. J. Wellborn of Union, E. H. Pottle of Warren, George Ilillyer of Walton, J. A. R. Hanks and W. K. Moore of Whitfield, Gen. T. J. Warthen and T. O. Wicker of Washington, and Hon. James L. Seward of Thomas. The business went tlirouijh with a rush in this lartje convention. The party had spoken with an emphasis and a unanimity rarely seen. The great gathering was merely met to record the popular will. The ordi- nary formalities were brushed aside. Jlr. Steele moved to dispense with the calling the list of delegates and go to business, and it was promptly done. Col. John A. Jones moved a committee on organiza- tion. E. W. Chastain moved that John B. Walker be made president by acclamation, and it went through like a flash. Mr. Walker was a farmer, but he made a ripping little speech. Modestly claiming to be no presiding officer, he glittered out in a rare succession of eloquent utterances. Said he, warming up: "We have uot assembled here, gentlemen, to discuss our political creed, to repair our political platform, to add a plank to it, or take one from it. No, gentlemen, we feel that our old political platform is one so durable, that time may wither at its base, eternity play around its summit. We have come here to place upon that old political platform a man that is worthy of our full aud entire coufideuce, and who will secure the popular vote of tlie state." He closed in a whirlwind of applause. Several motions were made for a business committee, but the body was in no mood for formalities. Hon. James L. Seward offered a crisp trio of resolutions. The first reaffirmed the Cincinnati platform of I80G; the second endorsed Pres- ident Buchanan; the third was as follows: " Resolved, That the honesty, fidelity and ability which Joseph E. Brown has mani- fested, as the Executive of Georgia, entitles him to the confidence of the whole people of the state, and we hereby nominate him by acclamation, as the candidate of the dem- ocratic party of Georgia for the next Governor." The first and third resolutions were immediately adopted unani- mously. The second resolution about Buchanan was adopted by 371 yeas to Si nays. Hon. Henry R. Jackson was called on by the conven- tion for a speech. Rising in response to the call, Mr. Jackson began in that musical, tremulous, penetrating voice that so well suited the exquisite diction and eloquent thought that marked his speeches. " And what am I to say, Mr. President, in response to a call so flattering to my vanity, but at the same time so wdioUy unexjiected i)y me. Indeed the occasion for a speech would seem to liave passed, when by its action tliis convention lias already announced the almost universal thought. I seize upon the moment, then, uot for argument but for GEN. UENKY E. JACKSON's ELOQUENT SPEECH. 91 eongr.itulaticin that argumeut has been in truth at uo time necessary tc3 secure among us concert of opinion, of feeling and of action. Tlie priucijjles we profess, the course and character of tlie men we support — more potent than words of eloijueut persuasion had already secured it for us. "If I begin where the action of the convention left off — if I begin with the nominatioD of Joseph E. Brown for re-election to the Gubernatorial Chair, I feel th.at my hast re- marlv comes with peculiar propriety from one who represents in part tlie County of Chatham and City of Savannah. It seems to have been at one time supposed that such a nomination might not be acceptable to the Chatham Democracy. But I am assured that I utter the sentiments of those who have sent me here as a delegate, and also the sentiment of my colleagues, in tliat delegation, wheu I say that our honored Chief Magistrate, by the general ability of his State Administration, by his iutegrity of pur- pose and energy of action has deservedly secured for himself the earnest support of the true-hearted democracy of Chatham, precisely as he has tins day commanded the ap- proval of the entire democracy of Georgia. It is not that there may not have been some conflicts of opinion between us in the past ; nor that the possibility may not still exist of similar conflicts in the future ; but because in the essentials of our political faith we are with him, and with him in full, honest and warm accord." The applause that followed Mr. Jackson in these beautiful allusions to Gov. Brown showed how warmly he echoed the popular pulsation. He concluded with a brilliant defense of President Buchanan's course to the South. A committee was appointed of S. J. Smith, J. H. Steele, H. R. Jackson, D. C. Campbell and Porter Ingram to notify Gov. Brown and request his acceptance of the nomination. The committee returned in a few moments escorting the fortunate recipient of this marvelous honor. Gov. Brown came in amid a storm of feeling, placid and com- posed as he ever was. But a brief two years had elapsed since, un- known to the state at large, he had while binding wheat — Cincinnatus like — on his mountain-valley farm, away from the telegraph and the iron track, received the une.xpected news of his nomination for gover- nor. The question that pealed from the public voice, " Who is Joe Brown '? " was an honest one. It had to be answered. The people did not know. The homely young countryman had answered it, and the answer was a real one. It was a response of unparalleled power. But a year and a half of e.xecutive duty was needed to result in a unanimous and irresistible demand by the great popular will for his re-in- stallation in his exalted trust. The state knew him, and knew him so well, that the people, — the " Woolhats " that he came from, and whose interests he had guarded as well as the aristocrats who ridiculed him and whom he had fought, stood shoulder to shoulder in admiring recog- nition of his high public service, and vied. in doing honor to this simple but superb pulilic administrator of the people's afPairs. And it was a singular and impressive coincidence that the man of all others that 93 GOV. brown's speech of acceptance. stood as the eloquent mouthpiece of a great state in emphasizing this matchless tribute to the plain self-made man of the democratic masses was the aristocratic descendant of one of the great and illustrious fami- lies of the republic, — a family princely from its achieved distinctions, — who represented the courtliest constituency in the state, that placed higli value upon the hereditary transmission of gentle blood and thorough-bred ancestry. Not only this, but this constituency had been the verj- pedestal of these financial influences that the executive had so successfully antagonized, and it was a striking reward of honest pur- pose and underiiable ability that even these embittered powers joined in this splendid and substantial ovation. Gov. Brown's impromptu response on this supreme occasion was in some respects a remarkable one. Expressing the deep sense of appre- ciation of the public confidence, modestly referring to his past execu- tive course, incisively endorsing the national policy indicated by the convention, he went on to speak with pride of the position of Georgia in the sisterhood of states and her unequaled resources. Her bonds were quoted at a higher premium than those of any other state. Her debt was only two and a half millions, while she owned property worth from seven to ten millions. Her railroad enterprises were being pushed rapidly, so that the people of remote sections were becoming neighbors. His earnest expressions of interest in the subject of popular education drew enthusiastic cheering. But the part of his speech that surprised tlie convention and illustrated his dutiful ideas, was his declaration that he should not undertake to canvass the state. He said : " My official course has been open and aliove board, and is known to the people. I am willing,' to be judged by my acts. While in office I could not canvass the state with- out frecjuently neglecting important official duties ; and I am unwilling to neglect the duties of an important official trust confided to me by the people for the purpose of canvassing for another term in office. If my health permits, and I perform faithfully my executive duties, and by necessary co-operation with the able, efficient and trust- worthy officers of the state road, can .issist them to jiour into your state treasury from thirty-five to forty thousand dollars in casli per month, I shall feel that I am doing the state more service than I or any one who may be my opponent could do by traveling over her territory and making stump speeches. This monthly argument I expect to continue to repeat. Thirty-five to forty thons.ind dollars per month is an argument in favor of the ilemocracy tliat will be felt in the elections." Singularly free from the slightest attempt at rhetorical display, Gov. Brown's speeches have been exceptionally effective. His avowal that he would not canvass for re-election placed him, if anj^thing could, with increased strength before the state. CHAPTER XII. THE GUBERNATORIAL TUSSLE BETWEEN GOV. BROWN AND WARREN AKIN. The Opposition Convention calluil liy an Extraordiuarv Pronunciamento. — Sharp As- saults on Gov. Brown. — Persouellu uf the Convention. — Warren Akin Xoniinateil. — The Canvass of Col. Akin. — The Congressional Canvass. — Martin J. Crawford. — Gov. Brown Re-elected. — The Legislature of 1859. — Its Personelle. — Clifford Anderson, John Screven, Robert N.* Elv, George N. Lester, A. R. Lawton. — Gov. Brown's Second Inauguration. — Review of Gov. Brown's Rare Administration. — Brown's Reference to Federal Affairs — His Artinitv with the Southern Side of the Slavery Question. — \ Strong Message. — Tribute to Sir James Oglethorpe. — An L^nerected Monument Appropriated. The Kuow-Nothing flurry was over. The name of "Know-Nothing " had been discarded for " American," and this title was becoming weari- some. The party was anti-Democratic, but at sea for a proper name. Tlie press of that party was divided. The Macon Journal and Mes- senger, and Columbus Enquirer were against running a candidate. The Sumter Repuhlican wanted a convention, but wished it to endorse Brown. A number, however, were for a convention, among them the Lagrange Reporter, Atlanta American, Athens Watchman, Bainbridge Georgian and others. The central executive committee of the Ameri- can party, composed of J. H. R. Washington of Macon, J. W. A. San- ford of Milledgeville, J. JI. Calhoun of Atlanta and Foster Blodgett of Augusta issued an address declaring that they did not deem it advis- able to call a convention of the American party. They, however, arraigned the Democratic party for a " series of unparalleled abuses and frauds upon the American people ; " and enumerated among these the " Kansas swindle," squandering the public monej', encouraging sectional feuds, conniving at Mormon protection and electing an abolition Gov- ernor over a Southern state. The evils connected with the naturalization of foreigners would be corrected in due time. To hurl the corrupt democ- racy from power was the high public duty of the day. The committee therefore called an Opposition Convention to meet in Milledgeville the tiiird Wednesday in July, 1858, to consist of delegates chosen without respect to political antecedents, provided they were opposed to the party in power. This remarkable pronunciamento, one of the most 94 THE OPPOSITION CONVEKTION. astounding political documents ever issued, wound up with these words, " Our word for it, we shall be able to organize such a party as will not only correct all local abuses, but rout the plunderers, and save the national government of our fathers from demoralization and ruin." This formidable fulmination of a bewildered committee representing a shattered and floundering party organization, occasioned a flood of rail- lery from the Democratic press of Georgia. Grandiloquence, bombast, last splutter of the wet powder pyramid, possum party, womble- cropped family, conglomerated, ring-streaked, were some of the ridicul- ing phrases that found vent against this amusing manifesto. The Savannah Republican was the most savage of the opposition press against Gov. Brown. It flamed out ferociously against him. It called him " that inflated little demagogue Joe Brown," that flapped his wings like " a bantam cock ; " said he was " disgustingly puerile " in his speech in the convention ; that an "ass" would rule the people of Georgia as well. These terms were somewhat different from the pol- ished encomiums of the eloquent Jackson. The Milledgeville Recorder, the organ of the opposition party candidly owned that Gov. Brown " has done well and deserves the thanks of the whole people of Georgia." Thus divided among themselves, the opposition were undecided what to do. There was one controlling reason why the organization under some name should be kept alive, and this was that in several congressional districts they could secure congressmen. The convention was called by the central committee in July in Milledgeville. The Savannah RepuhUcan, in bitter opposition to Gov. Brown, insisted that the opposition convention should not meet in Milledgeville, because Brown had been nominated there. A call was issued for Macon, and the conven- tion met there and adjourned until the 10th of August, 1858, in Atlanta. The re-assembling of the convention in Atlanta was during a wet, gloomy spell of weather, that typified the spirit and the prospects of the party it represented. Hon. D. A. Reese was chairman of the con- vention. A business committee consisting of C H. Hopkins, Jonathan Davis, R. P. Trippe, B. H. Hill, Dr. H. V. M. Miller, Dr. R. D. Winn, David W. Lewis, Joini Milledge, was appointed. Messrs. Trippe, Winn and Lewis not being present, their places were filled by Peter AV. Ale.xan- der, Mr. Gibbs of Walton and Jliles W. Lewis. Dr. Miller, the chair- man of the committee, reported that the committee had failed to agree as to the propriety of nominating a candidate for Governor, and desired to refer the matter to the convention. A spirited scene occurred in the body over this matter. Col. W. F. COL. "WAREEN AKIN. 95 Wright of Newnan, who was running for congress against Col. Gartrell, let it out that in the event the convention decided to nominate the com- mittee had determined on the man. Mr. Alexander wanted the vote of the convention to be by counties and not by delegates. These two matters created quite a disturbance. Both Mr. Alexander and Col. Joslma Hill of Morgan charged upon Col. Wright a blunder in divulg- ing the action of the committee. The confusion was very great. One delegate whose name is not given in the proceedings threw a bombshell in the stormy assemblage by saying that " he had supposed all along that the question was not who they should nominate, hut who they could yet to teike the nomination. If they could get a responsible man to take it, he thought it foolish to waste any more time in determining how it was to be given to him." After a tumultuous time the convention voted to have a nomination and the committee reported the name of Col. Warren Akin of Cass county, now Bartow, for Governor. The committee to notifv Col. Akin of his nomination was James Johnson, John Milledge and Cincinnatus Peeples. Col. Akin accepted the nomination in a brief letter that con- tained no enunciation of policy, but declared that he would not be able to canvass the state. This he re-considered afterward.s, however, and he did make a series of speeches. Col. Warren Akin at this tijue had not been prominent, in state pol- itics, though he had considerable local reputation as a very able and successful lawyer. He was a self-made man, possessing decided ability, and very effective speaking power, and as much purity of private char- acter as any public man we have ever had in Georgia. He was a local metliodist preacher. Col. Akin was rather a small man in physique, but had a voice of remarkable compass, both shrill and deep, with pe- culiar ringing quality in its high notes. He had unusual fervor and sincerity of conviction and earnestness of character. He could not be called a popular gentleman, on account of a certain unyielding vigor, and a forcible impatience at what he condemned. As a laborious student, in a clear comprehension of the law, and in strong argument. Col. Akin had no superior, and few equals in his circuit. No man in his section enjoyed a larger share of individual and public esteem thJin he, and his selection to lead the forlorn hope of the opposition was a de-' served tribute to his worth and ability. He was afterwards elected to the confederate congress, and made merited reputation in that field. He was a strong speaker, but in his canvass he was not at a proper advantage. He was principally confined to a warfare upon Gov. 96 GOV. BEOWX RE-ELECTED. Brown's administration, and that had been too good a one to admit of successful assault. He traversed the state, making as much of the can- vass as any one could have done. The opposition press settled into a very bitter and slanderous war upon Gov. Brown, assailing him with detraction and scandal." Gov. Brown staid in his office quietly discharg- ing his executive duties, and letting the democratic press and the peo- ple fight his battle. Col. Akin made a gallant but an unavailing campaign. He had no hope of success, nor did the sensible men of his party. He made much reputation in the state for eloquence and ability, but he gained no votes from Brown. On the contrary. Gov. Brown in- creased his previous majority of something over 10,000, to over 22,000, or more than doubled it. In Brown's own county, Cherokee, and Akin's own county, Cass, as well as in Baldwin, that had never given a democratic candidate for governor a majority. Brown obtained majori- ties. Mixed with the gubernatorial canvass was the congressional cam- paigns. The democrats had nominated Peter Love, Martin J. Craw- ford, Alexander M. Speer, Lucius .J. Gartrell, John W. H. Underwood, James Jackson, R. G. Harper, and Jenks Jones. Mr. Stephens had retired from public life, and Jenks Jones of Burke was the democratic nominee in his place. Against these gentlemen the opposition party was running J. Mclntyre; against Crawford, Gen. Bethune and Mr. Douglass; Thomas Hardeman, Jr., W. F. Wright, Shackelford, Lytle, Joshua Hill and Ranse Wright. The opposition elected Hardeman and Hill by small majorities. Three of the democrats re- elected had made high reputation, Martin J. Crawford, James Jackson and Lucius J. Gartrell. All of these had delivered eloquent speeches in Congress, that had attracted much attention. Mr. Gartrell was a large, powerful man, robust, hearty and full of animal spirits, a bold, buoyant declaimer, and a ready debater. Crawford and Jackson were both slender, nervous men, but of intellectual vigor and earnest speakers. Crawford has, all of his life, been marked by a dry vein of exquisite humor, and a keen, practical wisdom that have made him not only an en- tertaining companion, but a man of strong influence. Jackson, of the tw,o, was the most fervent orator. No man in the state has been more ^ree from partisanship, whether political or personal, than Crawford. It is a little curious that three of the gentlemen, conspicuous in that con- gressional canvass of 1859, Crawford, Jackson and Speer, now occupy the supreme bench of Georgia, in this year 1881, and constitute a very able court. Mr. Speer was defeated, but he has from that day to this THE LEGISLATURE OF 1859. 97 been an influential public man, especially noted for practical ability and a genial disposition. Mr. Jenks Jones is still living in Burke county, one of the honored and influential citizens of that fine old county, "a lawyer of ability, and a gentleman of great local power. The Legislature convened in November. It was overwhelmingly dem- ocratic. Of those who had so vigorously fought the bank veto of Gov. Brown, few had been re-elected. The House included among its leading members, Clifford Anderson of Bibb, Julian Hartridge and John Screven of Chatham, George N. Lester of Cobb, R. N. Ely of Dougherty, T. W. Ale.xander of Floyd, R. L. McWhorter and JNI. W. Lewis of Greene, J. L. Harris of Glynn, D. W. Lewis of Hancock, I. Fannin of Morgan,' C. J. Williams of Muscogee, William Gibson of Richmond, and S. J. Smith of Towns. The speaker elect was Isaiah T. Irvin of Wilkes county. Among the brightest of these men was Julian Hartridge of Savannah, a very ornate and eloquent speaker and brilliant lawyer, who afterwards became a congressman and died in congress. His colleague, John Screven, was a son of Dr. James P. Screven of Savannah, who was the chief founder of the Atlantic and Gulf railroad, in which the state took a million dollars of stock. Col. John Screven is still living, a stately, slender gentleman of delightful address. He was for years mayor of Savannah, and succeeded his father as president of the Gulf road. Two members of this general assembly, by a curious coincidence, have held the position of Attorney General of the state under the present execu- tive Gov. Colquitt, Robert N. Ely and Clifford Anderson. The admin- istration of Mr. Ely as Attorney General, has been a conspicuous success, being especially noted for his collection of nearly a quarter of a million of back taxes from the railroads. Col. Anderson is a large, dig- nified gentleman of high ability, and a graceful, strong speaker. Col. An- derson was a member of the confederate congress, as also was George N. Lester. Mr. Lester has been Judge of the Superior court, and wa's de- feated candidate for congress in the hot contest in the 7th district, in 1878, with the famous Parson Felton. Few men have equaled Judge Lester on the stump. Thick-set and solid in figure, with heavy, mas- sive, homely features, bearded to the very eyebrows with dense black whiskers, with a voice of remarkable sweetness and power in its low tones, with an inexhaustible fund of humorous anecdotes, and an inimita- ble humorous way of telling them, with a fine sonorous flow of words, and especial capacity of pathos, this gentleman is a rare talker on thj hustings. The Senate, which was an enormous body, comprising 132 senators. 98 ALEXANDER R. LAWTON. was an unusually able council. L. H. Briscoe, Phil Tracy, Peter Cone, A. S. Atkinson, Alexander R. I.awton. A. T. Hackett, Daniel S. Printup, Thomas Butler Kinff, Geo. T. Bartlctt, Harrison W. Riley, R. Spalding, R. P. Trippe, Hines Holt, George W. Jordan, T. L. Guerry, Clement A. Evans, W. S. Wallace, W. W. Paine, James L. Seward, Edward A. Flewellen and William A. Harris, were in this senate. Philemon Tracy of Macon, was a most brilliant and promising young man, who died early. A. T. Hackett is at present a state senator, a ready speaker. Col. D. S. Printup has amassed a large fortune by successful practice of the law. George T. Bartlett has been a judge of high repute. Old Gen. Harrison W. Riley was a character, an illiterate man, but a local king, an odd, burly, shrewd old fellow, long since dead. Clement A. Evans brilliantly distinguished himself as a Brigadier General in the confederate army, and is now a shining light in the Methodist Georgia conference— a preacher of great power and piety. George \V. Jordan still continues to come to the legislature from Pulaski county, when he wishes. The strongest man in this legi-slature was probably Alexander R. Lawton of Savannah, who has frequently represented Chatham county in the Legislature, who was afterwards Quartermaster General of the confederacy, and who recently was defeated by Joseph E. Brown for the United States Senate. Gen. Lawton has been a force in Georgia for the last twenty-five years. His erect, solid, sturdy, well-set fiijure and fine, open resolute face, well tyY>iiy the man, intel- lectually and morally. His clear intelligence, intrepid firmness, unwav- ering truth, straight-forward candor, unpretentious simplicity, blended dignity and politeness and business energy and promptness have made him a person of growing public influence. Hon. T. L. Guerry was elected president of the Senate, and F. H. West secretary. Gov. Brown was inaugurated and entered upon his second term as the Executive of Georgia under circumstances peculiarly auspicious. He had made an adminstration especially original and salient. He had ripened from being unknown into a state influence and political power unprecedentlv rapid and potential. He had received a popular endorse- ment absolutely conclusive. He was enthroned in the public confidence. His abilitv, practical judgment, energy, immovable will, fearless courage, sagacity and devotion to the public interest, had all been shiningly shown and tested. He had performed great and undeniable public ser- vice. He had reduced the rate of taxation from nine cents to six and one half cents on $100. He had brought up the State railroad from a condition of almost entire unremuneration to where it had paid over GOV. brown's second ixaugdral. 99 8400,000 in a single year, into the state treasury, to relieve the tax bur- dens. He had established a school fund of 8150,000 a year. He had canceled an extra S100,000 of the public debt beyond what was due. He had been the direct means of hedging in a latitudinarian banking system with safeguards and restraints that to this day are preserved. He had vindicated the independence of the executive department of the state government from legislative encroachment. He had fearlessly inaugurated the practice of a true civil service policy. He had instilled into every branch of the state administration a healthy activity and official responsibility. And the people knew and credited him with his valuable work. His position at this time was a proud one. He stood upon a splendid vantage ground of popular influence. He had attained this power by his own unaided brain and resolute will. And from this time on he was destined to be the master spirit in Georgia affairs, holding his firm rule through all the tumultuous phases of a great strife, and amid every shifting change of personal influence. His inaugural address was a practical, characteristic emanation. Allud- insr to the fact that he had become Governor the first time in a period of trouble and distrust, he modestly said that he had tried to meet his official responsibilities conscientiously. The people had passed their verdict upon his administration. He then entered into a brief review of the present condition of the State, making an eloquent sum- mary of the resources and advantages of the commonwealth. Amid all of this sunshine and prosperity, however, there was a cloud upon the northern horizon that portended evil. He thus clearly stated the national issue pending. " Our fathers consented to enter the confederacy of these states only npon terms of perfect equality ; and we, as their sons, woald he unworthy of our sires, if we consented to remain in the confederacy a day longer than this principle of equality is recognized. Prompted hy ambitious leaders, who are willing to sacrifice their country for place and power, a majority of the people of the northern states have formed themselves into a great sectional, political party, which virtually denies our equality in the Union." Proceeding to state that in the great presidential contest of 1860, soon to come, the issue lay between the Black Republican and Demo- cratic parties, he thus concluded: " I love the union of these states, and am prepared to make every reasonable sacrifice to maintain it, so long as it does not violate the rights of my native South. But should the two come into conflict, I love the rights of the South more, and am prepared to defend them at any sacrifice and at every hazard. In the present condition of affairs I would advise the citizens of Georgia to stand united with the National Democracy, so long as they continue to stand by her rights, aud to protect them in the Union. But should this 100 SPIRIT OF THS YEAR BEFORE THE WAR. organization he broken down, and her constitutional rights be denied, and lier equality in the Union debtroyed, I would then advise her citizens to strike for independence out of the Union — and to pledge each other, ' their lives, their fortunes, and their most sacred honor,' never to forsake each other till triumphant success shall have crowned their efforts. My fervent prayer to Almighty God is, that this necessity may be averted, — that wisdom, moderation and justice may control all our National and State couucils — and that the rights of the States, and the Union of the States, may be thus perpetuated." The concluding expressions of this inaugural were the outcome of the national situation in politics, and betokened the dangerous temper of the southern people at that time, but a little more than a year before the great civil war of the century. Gov. Brown's utterances were sig- nificant, and emanating from that source, were full of portent. He was not a man to utter meaningless words. He was a singularly true expo- nent of the controlling popular sentiment, and has been all of his life. A subtle sympathy with the masses added to extraordinary common sense methods has made him a natural born, popular leader. In the premonitory phase of the great conflict that began in 18C1, Gov. Brown was in profound affinity with the southern side of that important moral and political convulsion. He represented two especial and practical characteristics of southern spirit, the intense state's rights conviction, and the decisive purpose to enforce that conviction. This matter will be more fully touched upon a little farther on, but at the present the narrative of state affairs will be resumed. Gov. Brown's second annual message was an entirely practical docu- ment. It contained some of those business-like suggestions that his common sense intelligence was ever deducing from actual experience. And they were made in that direct, unmincing .sort of way that belonged to the man. There was no circumlocution, no red-tape diplomacy in Gov. Brown's official utterances. He went directly to the pith of mat- ters, and dealt with facts without ceremonj'. In his views he was governed by no consideration of the majesty of a coordinate branch of the state government. There was no glamour of official authority that affected him. He attacked what he conceived to be an error or a wrong practice in the General x\ssembly, and asserted what he conceived to be a constitutional prerogative of the Governor's office in a fearless and frank manner, and without any punctilious palaver of etiquette. He was a homespun man of business, doing what he deemed his duty care- less of opposition or consequences. He rasped in his message what is to-day, and has always been, an evil practice of legislatures, viz., neg- lecting the earlier part of a session, and hurrying business at the close, resulting in hasty and inconsiderate legislation. He also attacked THE VETO POWER. 101 another chronic practice of legislation, demanding reform, and which the new Constitution of 1877 endeavored to correct, — trivial class and local action. He took ground against the expensive multiplication of new counties which had become a nuisance. He urged the reduction of the Senate from its unwieldy size. He assaulted the costly clerk system of the legislature, which had become an onerous pecuniary burden to the State. His entire message was full of plain, sensible recommenda- tions in regard to the judiciary, education, militia, etc. Among other valuable suggestions he urged what has since been commenced, a miner- alogical and geological survey of the State. He was then an ardent advocate for state aid in developing the resources of the commonwealth. His views on education, as can be supposed, were liberal and broad. All of his messages and inaugurals pressed the enlargement of free educational facilities for the people. During his first term Gov. Brown had used the veto power more freely than any Governor in the state's history. His enemies had attempted to impair him in the public estimation for this. In his message he made a brief allusion to his exercise of the veto power, in which with a few sharp sentences he shattered these assaults. The constitution had assigned to the Governor certain powers and duties as well as to the General Assembly, and the people should hold himself responsible for the independent exercise of those powers. The revision of bills passed by the legislature was a constitutional power of the Executive. If the Governor out of mere respect for the General Assembly signed bills his judgment did not approve, he denied to the people the exercise of that executive revision which under the constitution they had a right to demand as a protection against hasty or unwise legislation. And the Governor went on with his vetoes. He vetoed a bill relieving a surety on a criminal bond; a man standing between the law and a criminal must take the consequences. He vetoed a bill granting a divorce to certain parties; divorces belonged to the courts. He vetoed a bill giving to certain minors the privileges of adults; the law fixing twenty- one years as legal maturity is a wise one, founded on the experience of ages, and it is safe to adhere to it. He made other vetoes, but all of them based upon clear, sound reasons of law or public policy, and evincing the vigilant care and unyielding decision that he brought to the discharge of his executive duties. The session of 1859 elected Hon. R. F. Lyon and Linton Stephens judges of the supreme court in the place of Henry L. Benning and Charles J. McDonald. Judge Lyon was almost wholly without speak- 1U2 UNEXPECTED TEIBUTE TO OGLETHOEPE. ing ability as a lawyer, but he was an able counselor and gentleman of fixed views. He is still living and in the practice of his profession. The abolishment of imprisonment for debt was a subject of discussion by this Legislature. The following resolution passed the House, but seems not to have been acted on farther, and is a tardy tribute to the man it honors: " Whereas, it has been customary from time immemorial with all c\\\\ ami enlightened nations to honor the memory of their illnstrious anil nolile tlead, and emlilazon their deeds in marble or brass for coming posterity, it is therefore hut right and proper for ns as Georgians, and the dictates of patriotism and a grateful people demand that the life, memory and character of the illustrious founder of our great and growing state, should he rescued from the darkening shade of oblivion; therefore be it Resolved, That the Governor he authorized and requested to have erected in the capi- tol yard a handsome, elegant and appropriate marble monument to the memory of the illustrious founder of onr state, Gen. James Oglethorpe, who combined in his life and character the great and uoble qualities of a soldier, scholar, statesman, pliilauthropist and christian." CHAPTER XIII. A HOT CHAPTER OF GATHERING REVOLUTION. The Drive to Disimion. — Yancey's "Leaguers of tlie Soutli." — Alec Stephens Retired. — Toombs' Disuuiou Speech. — Senator Alfred Iversoii's Griffin Disunion Speech. — Alec Stephens' Union Speech of Farewell at Augusta. — Tlie two Utterances a striking picture of Contrasts. — The Disastrous Political Effect on Iversou. — The John Brown Raid, and the Georgia Legislature's Burning Resolutions. — The State Aflame, — Two State Democratic Nominating Conventions in Georgia to send dele- gates to the National Democratic Presidential Convention at Charleston. — Tlie Split of the Georgia Democracy. — Howell Cobb and Alec Stephens, Presidential Timber. — Cobb endorsed by one Convention, and not by the other, withdraws. — rl'iie Delegation to Charleston. — Personelle of the Georgia Conventions. — A Succession of Exciting Events. — Anotlier Great Speech of Mr. Toombs. — " Pull Down tlie Pillars and Bring a Common Ruin." — Georgia the Dominant Factor in the Revolution at hand and Toombs its Genius. DuEi>'G the year 1850 the great conflict between the North and South was steadily maturing. Public sentiment in regard to slavery was in an inflamed and inflaming condition. The popular pulse tingled at the very mention of the subject. The Black Republicans of the North were avowed in their purpose to crush slavery. We had in the South bold open disunionists. In Alabama an association had been estab- lished by the Hon. William L. Yancey, called the " Leaguers of the South," the motto of which was, " A Southern Republic is our only safety." Alexander H. Stephens, the most conservative leader of the South, bade farewell to public life, and thus was eliminated from the national councils the most prudent, influential and eloqutnit union power we possessed. Mr. Toombs long before had made a burning speech in the United States Senate that thrilled the country, in which he daringly declared that unless the aggression upon slavery and the rights of the South ceased, he was for Disunion. The Supreme Court of the United States had decided in the celebrated Dred Scott case that there was no difference between slave property and other property, and a Territory could not discriminate against slaves. Mr. Douglas had planted himself upon the famous " squatter sovereignty " doctrine, which claimed the right of Territorial legislatures to determine the ques- tion of slavery in the Territories. Mr. DougLis was bitterly abused by 104 SENATOR IVERSON's DISUNION SPEECH. a large portion of the Southern Democrats for this doctrine, while Mr. Buchanan was denounced by those who sustained Mr. Douglas. Senator Iverson came home and made a lengthy speech in GriiEn, Georgia, on the fourteenth day of July, 1859, that created intense and acrimonious discussion. It was a most aggressive Southern Rights speech. His slogan was, " Slavery, it must and shall be preserved." He denounced the Missouri Compromise which, " to save the union," had divided the national territory into " free " above and " slave " below a certain line of 36° 30'. He denounced the Wilmot Proviso, which was to shut out slavery from all the territory acquired from Me.xico. He denounced the famous Compromise measures of 1850, which provided for the admission of all new states, with or without slav- ery, as their Constitutions might prescribe. He declared " all lost at the North," and the Northern Democracy "paralyzed and powerless." He denounced the Kansas bill which made Kansas a free state. He had once embraced the " squatter sovereignty " heresy, but he now repudiated it, and declared that it was the duty of Congress to protect slavery in the territories. Reading this speech of Mr. Iverson in the light of events since, it was profoundly prophetic. He declared that 1861 would witness the inauguration of a free soil President, and he boldly announced that the election of such a President he should con- sider a declaration of war against slavery, and be in favor of separation and the formation of a Southern Confederacy. He was in favor now of a square defiance to the abolition party, a repudiation of all com- promises, and a distinct unconditional demand for the equality and pro- tection of slave property everywhere. This speech was widely circulated and heatedly discussed. Mr. Iver- son was charged with pandering to extreme Southern prejudice to get re-elected to the senate. Mr. Stephens but a few days before made his well remembered speech in Augusta, in retiring to private life, in which he had declared that the great questions of difference between the North and South he considered honorably and finally settled, and the country was in a most prosperous condition. He declared that slavery was firm and secure; that it was getting stronger and will continue to get stronger. He declared the compromise of 1850, which opened the territories to slavery and left them free to all, was a grand triumph of constitutional equality. He did not believe that we would have much more slave country without an increase of African stock. Mr. Stephens wound up with this tribute to the Union: "With our common country I leave like good wishes and the earnest hope for undisturbed peace and STEPHENS AND IVEKSON. 105 prosperity, and that our institutions unimpaired, national and state, may long continue to bless millions, yet unborn, as they have blessed us." It would be difficult to conceive of two utterances of public view and policy so utterly and absolutely antipodal as these speeches of Mr. Stephens and Mr. Iverson. Mr. Stephens saw an era of peace, pros- perity, order, the triumph of slavery and the South, and settled princi- ples and a fixed Union. Mr. Iverson read in the public aspects, sectional strife, hopeless conflict of interest, the victory of abolitionism, con- tinued ag'gressions and internecine struggles with the horror of Disunion which he demanded in preference to Mr. Stephens' settlement. It is bootless now to enter into any comparison of the conflicting views of these two distinguished and able public men. Both were right in some things, and both wrong. No fallible human intelligence, however strong, can grasp the great plans of a Divine Providence. The mighty convulsion that was to end in the utter uprootal of slavery was swiftly culminating. Under the ordinary human judgment, Mr. Stephens seemed right, and the general Georgia and Southern public sentiment concurred with him. Mr. Iverson was generally condemned, and there is little doubt that his radical disunion speech lost him his re-election as United States Senator. He was marvelously and prophetically right in many things. He did not exaggerate the truth when he said that there could be no compromise with abolitionism, and there would be no let up in its war upon slavery. He saw with amazing correctness the nature of the crusade against the slave institution, and he portrayed in wonderfully accurate words the drifting portents of the times. He diagnosed the coming' storm clearer than his more generally sagacious contemporary. The earthquake was at hand, and he foretold it with a wise wit. He was wonderfully right in another thing. Compromises had but postponed the day of a square fight for slaverv. The true Southern policy was to have met the issue at once, and fully to have resisted concession at the begiifning. The battle had to come for its existence. It would have been wise and politic to have maintained its proud and vital equality against every assault. Concession but strengthened the enemy. But Mr. Stephens was grandly right in his essentially wise and correct judgment that the proper place to fight abolitionism and defend slavery was In The Union. Every advan- tage was given the North in leaving it the name, the memories, the glory, the organization and sacred power of the Union. The Southern people were with Mr. Stephens then. Less wise and firm than he, they did not stay with him when the hour of passion was upon them. And lOG THE JOHN BROWN RAID. Strange, most strange inconsistency, they repudiated Iverson and liis policy at its very suggestion, and followed his policy when the con- tingency he predicted came, and disregarded the counsel of the wiser Stephens. Iverson was for disunion if a sectional free soil president was elected, and the State of Georgia condemned the man and de- nounced the suggestion. When the event happened, in accordance with his prediction, they followed his counsel, though they had buried politically its author. It was a comical yet a pathetic political incon- gruity. But none the less did Senator Iverson's speech demonstrate the domi- nant possibilities of revolution alive and flaming unconsciously yet pow- erfully, and growing swiftly in the Southern heart, and working out mysteriously the colossal purposes of Providence. Mr. Toombs, in response to an invitation, made a speech in Augusta, September 8, 1859, which was a careful, exhaustive and masterly review of the whole sub- ject of federal legislation upon slavery, in which he, notwithstanding the squatter-sovereignty views of Mr. Douglas, from which he differed, declared his preference for him. Mr. Toombs also took position against putting- a plank in the Democratic platform demanding the protection of slavery in the Territories. While he believed in the right of Con- gress to do it, he was against the exercise of the power. This speech was a remarkably conservative one. There occurred at this time an incident that stimulated sectional pas- sion to fever heat. Old John Brown, or, as he was better known, Ossa- wattamie Brown, of Kansas notoriety, organized a slave insurrection at Harpers Ferrj', Virginia. Both the Governor of Virginia, Henry A. Wise, and President Buchanan promptly acted in suppressing the mat- ter. This occurrence was like the application of a lighted match to a powder magazine. It inflamed the whole country. North and South. It drove argument and reason from the public forum. The South believed that the Harper's Ferry affair was but the small part of a general abolition movement to strike down slavery. In the Georgia Legislature Mr. Hartridge offered a set of resolutions declaring the fixed determination of the people of Georgia as to their future course and conduct. Referring to the John Brown raid, they said: "Fanaticism grown bold by impunity has invoked the aid of treason, murder and rapine, has crossed the border, and, advancing upon Southern soil, has spread bloodshed and excitement throughout a Southern State." These bold words of accusation concluded with this resolve: " Xlie State of Georgia holds herself readv to enter into any concert of action with TWO STATE DEMOCEATIC CONVENTIONS CALLED. 107 the sister Southern States, which will secure their common rights under the Constitu- tiou lu the Union, or if that be no lunger possible, their independence and securiti/ out of it." Mr. Lewis, of Hancock, offered an amendment of bitter defiance that " We do not waive or postpone the conflict which such aggressions seek and provoke," and further, that the history of the past taught us " that it is unreasonable to expect the protection of our rights by the Federal government." Resolutions were passed thanking Governor Wise and President Buchanan for their prompt action in the matter. These official declarations of the General Assembly will afiord some concep- tion of the spirit of the people of Georgia and the crushing drift of sentiment to a dissolution of the" Union and Southern independence. The National Democratic Convention to nominate a Presidential can- didate was to meet in Charleston, S. C. Already public attention in Georgia was converging to that important gathering. On the evening of the 21st of November, 1859, a largo portion of the Democratic members of the Legislature met in the Representative Chamber in Milledgeville. Peter Cone presided; James J. Diamond was Secretary. Thomas F. Jones, of Newton, offered resolutions, which were adopted, calling a State Convention for the Sth of December to appoint delegates to Charleston. On the 22d of November the State Executive Committee, composed of D. C. Campbell, E. J. McGehee, Thos. P. Saffold and S. W. Burney, called the Democratic State Convention for the second Monday in March, 1860. Col. Wm. K. De Graffenreid, of this commit- tee, dissented from the committee and joined the Democratic members of the Legislature in their call for a convention for December, before the Legislature adjourned. Thus there was a conflict upon this matter. It seemed as if the unfortunate slavery controversy that was convulsing the country and so swiftly sweeping to a great upheaval of peace, was affecting everything with its discordant spirit of dissension. The strife in the Georgia Democracy became lively over this twin convention busi- ness. The practice had begun as far back as 1842 of the party mem- bers of the Legislatiire calling State Conventions to appoint delegates to the Presidential nominating conventions, and had continued unbro- kenly up to this time. And these State conventions consisted chiefly of the members of the Legislature, who represented their counties in the convention. If counties were not represented or represented only in part in the Legislature by Democrats, such counties sent other dele- gates. The call of the members, therefore, for the convention of the 8th of December was in conformity with precedent, and its advocates 108 THE LEGISLATIVE DEMOCEATIC CONVENTION. claimed that the Executive Committee could only attend to guberna- torial contests. The convention of tlie 8th was held, but was not a full body, only 75 counties out of 133 being represented, while it was a large one. Isaiah T. Irwin was made president, and F. H. West and George Hillyer sec- retaries. The committee on business consisted of Messrs.' Seward, Deloney, Smith of Talbot, Printup, Briscoe, Smythe, Oliver, Smith of Towns, Hill, Lawton, Broyles, King, Tracy, Cone, Rice, Fulton, Jones, Ragsdale, Hutchins and Morris. The resolutions of the convention recommended Howell Cobb for the Presidency, endorsed Buchanan for his course in the Harper's Ferry affair, and " Pledged support of the nominee of the Charleston convention npoa the condition that it determines to maintain the equality of the states and the rights of the .South — that we will yield nothing of those rights for the sake of harmony, but will demand a firm, strict and unqualijied adherence to the doctrines and principles on the subject of slavery, and the rights of the South in the common territories of the Union, which have been recently declared by the Supreme Court of the United States." The following delegates were elected to the national convention: From the state at large: Isaiah T. Irwin, John H. Lumpkin, H. L. Benning, Henry R. Jackson; alternates, Charles J. McDonald, Thomas Butler King, William H. Stiles, O. A. Lochrane. The district delegates were: James I/. Seward, Julian Hartridge, Arthur Hood, J. W. Evans, L. B. Smith, E. Strohecker, James J. Dia- mond, L. H. Featherston, G. J. Fain, W. T. Wofford, William H. Hull, S. J. Smith, J. M. Lamar, L. H. Briscoe, D. C. Barrow, L. A. Nelms. Fifty-two Democratic members of the legislature published their dis- approval of the action of the convention in appointing delegates to the Charleston convention and protested against the authority of what they contemptuously called the "meeting" to bind the Democratic party. Among these were William A. Harris, A. S. Atkinson, A. B. Mathews, C. J. Williams, R. N. Ely, and James S. Reed. The two members of the executive committee in Milledgeville, Col. Campbell and Dr. Mc- Geehee, issued a temperate card stating their reasons for calling the March convention and leaving the matter to the party to ratify or dis- approve. Judge Benning, Gov. McDonald, Col. Featherston and Col. Lochrane of the delegates selected, declined to recognize the validity of their appointment and refused to serve. The papers rushed into a hot controversy over the matter. A good deal of temper was shown, and considerable recrimination indulged in. Mr. Howell Cobb was charged with inspiring the late convention and molding its action in the interest HOWELL COBB FOR PRESIDENT. 109 of his presidential ambition. The name of Alexander H. Stephens was sprung by his friends for the Presidency, and a decided antagonism was created between the adherents of these distinguished Georgians in con- nection with the glittering prize of the national chief magistracy. Hon. William H. Stiles, one of the alternate delegates chosen, wrote a letter to the Savannah Exjjress maintaining that the March convention was the only regular and legitimate one, but suggesting a compromise for harmony. His plan was for the delegates chosen to resign and the March convention to re-appoint them, and show the spectadle of a united Democracy and a united South. Hon. Howell Cobb wrote a most patri- otic and characteristic letter, in which he used this conciliatory language: " I can but repeat that my name shall uot dinde and distract the party. If there are a sufficient number in the Democratic party of Georgia opposed to my nomination, to justify the idea of serious divisions in the party, then I will unconditionally withdraw my name. This is no time for divisions in the soutli, and especially with southern Dem- ocrats, and any personal sacrifice, which I may be called upon to make, to ensure union and liarmony, shall be cheerfully made." And he gave this positive assurance: " So far as I am personally concerned, a demonstration of serious opposition to my nomination from the democracy of Georgia, in any shape or form, or from any conven- tion, would end all connection of my name with the nomination at Charleston." The position of Mr. Cobb was a peculiar one. He had, as secretary of the treasury under President Buchanan, made a national reputation for ability and statesmanship. The objection to him in Georgia was formulated in the following words of the Columbus Times: " Mr. Cobb is far from being the choice of the Georgia democracy for the presidency, as his extreme Union views are in antagonism with the prevaiUmj senti- ment in the Democratic ranks." And this criticism shows the tendency of public opinion to the final dissolution, and that conservative views were becoming powerless in the seething agitation. Mr. Cobb's friends were advised by him. to unite in sending delegates to the March convention, in order that the will of the party might be tested. At the various county meetings the matter was fully discussed, and the opinion was conflicting and varied. In many counties the del- egates of the December convention were reappointed. A large number of counties endorsed Mr. Cobb for the presidency. A number expressly repudiated the action of the December convention. It was a warm issue and it stirred the State violently. The March Democratic Convention assembled on the 14th, 1860, in Mil- ledgeville. Ninety counties of the 132 in the State were represented by 110 THE CONVEXTIOX OF MARCH, 1800. 203 delegates. Among these were L. H. Briscoe, L. N. Whittlo, O. A. Lochrane, P. Tracy, A. R. Lawton, Julian Hartridge, A. S. Atkinson, L. N. Trammell, D. S. Printup, Soloniqn Cohen, Geo. A. Gordon, Jno. M. Guerard, Gen. G. P. Harrison, W. Phillips, R. N. Ely, J. W. Duncan, C. W. Styles, J. M. Mobley, J. G. Cain, Samuel Hall, T. P. Saffold, Porter Ingram, John A. Jones, P. H. Colquitt, L. J. Aired, Henry Cleve- land, Claiborne Sneed, J. D. Ashton, J. L. Seward, D. N. Speer, C. J. Wellborn, George Hillyer, E. P. Howell and E. R. Harden. Of these Henry Cleveland was the editor of the Augusta Constitutionalist, a bright writer, and who since the war has written a life of Alexander H. Stephens. Claiborne Sneed is now judge of the Augusta circuit, and has been a state representative, a gentleman of talent and force. E. P. Howell is now the editor of the Atlanta Constitution. He was state senator for two terms, and has evinced an extraordinary aptitude for public life, and is a gentleman of great shrewdness and practicality, and is destined to wield a strong public influence. D. N. Speer is the present State treasurer. Hon. Alexander R. Lawton was made president of the convention. The proceedings continued for two days, were stormy and inharmonious, and finally adjourned, leaving the party in the State angry, rent, and at sea. Of the ninety counties forty-seven repudiated the December con- vention and forty-three sustained it. Of the forty-two counties not represented in the convention, twenty-four were represented in the December convention. There were eighteen counties not represented in either convention. The forty-three counties in the March convention that supported the action of the December convention, added to the twenty-four counties represented in the December convention that were not represented in the March Convention, made sixty-seven counties, or two over half of the counties in the State that favored the December action. These figures will show how the party was split. The resolu- tions 01 the December convention were voted down, thus throwing over Mr. Cobb and leaving the party without any enunciation of principle. The same delegates at large were appointed, but the alternates were different save ex-Gov. McDonald alone; Hiram Warner, Solomon Cohen and J. A. Wingfiold being the three others in place of King, Stiles and Lochrane. Four delegates from each district were chosen by the dele- gates of the respective districts. These were: 1st. J. L. Seward, J. Hartridge, H. M. Moore, ^\m. B. Gaulden. 2nd. W. Johnson, John A. Jones, Wm. M. Slaughter, Jas. M. Clark. 3rd. E. L. Strohecker, L. B. Smith, O. C. Gibson, E. J. McGeehee. I HOWELL conn's withdrawal. Ill 4th. J. J. Diamond, L. H. Featherston, W. Phillips, S. C. Candler. 5th. G. J. Fain, W. T. Wofford, James Hoge, Lawson Fields. 6th. \Vm. H. Hull, S. J. Smith, H. P. Thomas, A. Franklin Hill. 7th. L. H. Briscoe, Jefferson Lamar, J. W. Burney, James Thoming. 8th. L. A. Nelms, D. C. Barrow, J. D. Ashton, H. R. Casey. Alternates from tlxe districts were also appointed. The district dele- gates of the December convention were all re-appointed save Arthur Hood and J. W. Evans. The alternates were nearly all different. An important resolution offered by Julian Hartridge, and unanimously adopted, provided for the appointment of an Executive Committee by the President of the convention with power to call all conventions of the Democratic party of Georgia, and to exercise all the other powers belonging to such committee until another convention meets. This established the practice that has been uninterruptedly followed since of the appointment of an Executive Committee empowered fully to repre- sent the party until another convention and the creation of a new com- mittee. And Mr. Hartridge's resolution was intended to remedy the disastrous party difficulty, whose effects were being experienced in the existing widespread dissension. The committee appointed consisted of Porter Ingram, A. S. Atkinson, P. Tracy, C. Murphy, D. S. Printup, S. J. Smith, L. H. Briscoe, and Henry Cleveland. The action of the convention in refusing to adopt the action of the December body urging Mr. Cobb for the Presidency, and failing to make a declaration of sentiment and policy, was a most unfortunate mat- ter, and left a deep breach in the party. Mr. Cobb, in accordance with his published declarations previously made, addressed a letter to the President of the December convention, Mr. Irwin, unconditionally with- drawing his name from the canvass for the presidency. His letter was a very graceful and appropriate one, in admirable temper and full of patriotic feeling. ^Vhile he claimed for the convention that endorsed him absolute party legality, yet he waived all question of regularitv. He only regarded the party will. He frankly owned that while a major- ity of the state Democracy supported him, there was a decided opposi- tion to him. The connection of his name with the nomination was calculated to produce discord where there should be harmony, and he therefore withdrew it. The letter was a model of its kind, and its noble spirit and lofty utterances, so free from the slightest tinge of irritation or disappointment, placed him higher than ever in popular esteem. He wound up with a reference to the approaching contest, in which a fanatical enemy was striving to seize the Federal g'overnment 112 ROBERT TOOMBs' GREAT DISUNION SPEECH. to bring dishonor upon the South. To overthrow this enemy, and save the government and the South from dishonor and ruin, which would fol- low the successful inauguration of a Black Republican administration, was our duty. Union and harmony were necessary to do this, and to them he should contribute all he could with the confident hope of being fully and cordially sustained by the people of Georgia, At this time the tendency to peace between the sections was not at all helped by a brilliant, daring and masterly speech of Robert Toombs in the United States Senate, on a resolution offered by Stephen A. Douglas directing the judiciary committee to report a bill for the pro- tection of each State and Territory against invasion by the authorities of every other state and territory. Mr. Toombs made a terrible arraignment of the Black Republican party. He said that the country was virtually in civil war; that a large body of the Senators before him were enemies of his country, and were using their official power to assail and destroy the institutions of the states. We demand peace or war. Reviewing the action of the Republican party in regard to slavery, he asserted that the Republican hands were soiled with the blood of our constitutional compact. They mocked at constitutional obligations and jeered at oaths. They had lost their shame with their virtue. The speech was a scorching, splendid piece of invective, but it was more, it was a pro- found, exhaustive and unanswerable argument, welded like an iron bar. Gathering vehemence as he concluded, this audacious Mirabeau thun- dered these unforgivable words at his colleagues of the opposite party representing millions of Northern people. " I denounce the Republican party as enemies of the Constitution and enemies of ray country, and I shall tre.at them as such. I submit it to the judgment of tlie Senate, the country and tlie civilized world, if according to the public law of all civilized na- tions, we have not just cause of war against our confederates." The impassioned orator then declared that with the success of the " traitorous " Republican party " peace and safety are incompatible in the Union," and concluded with these burning words: " Listen to no ' vain babblings,' to no treacherous jargon about ' overt acts ; ' they have already lieen committed. Defend j'ourselves, the enemy is at your door ; wait not to meet liim at tlie hearthstone — meet him at the door-sill — and drive him from the temple of liberty, or pull down its pillars and involve liim in a common ruin." The effect of these fiery and war-like utterances was simply indescrib- able. They rendered peace impossible. They frrenzied the Republi- cans, they enthused our own hot-heads beyond restraint. They drove on the revolution by a million-spirit power. Coming from a Senator, THE REVOLUTION AT HAND. 113 spoken in the great and august forum of the national Senate Chamber representing the solemn sentiment and grand majesty of a sovereign state, they were tremendous expressions. They made a peaceful solu- tion of the impending strife an impossibility. They made the State of Georgia the dominant factor of the strife, and the foremost and control- ling agency of the Revolution. It booted little that such conservative and Union instruments as Stephens and Johnson were stemming the deadly drift. The spirit of discord was regnant. It had sundered the Georgia Democracy, and in that unhappy division had shorn the rising Cobb of his power and promise. It was not an undramatic coincidence that while Georgia was foremost in her influence in the national coun- cils through her imperious Toombs, and was potentially stimulating the threatening disunion, she had two prominent candidates for the Presi- dency of the Union, the most prominent of whom she herself slaugh- tered. But a higher power was ruling the destinies of nations. Tiie great revolution was at hand, and our Georgia Toombs was its genius. CHAPTER XIV. THE FATAL SPLIT OF THE NATIONAL AND GEORGIA DEMOCRACY, IN 1860. The Charleston Convention. — The Georgia Delegation Sundered. — A Majority led by II. L. Benning, secede. — A Minority Remain. — Solomon Colien. — William B. Gaul- den the " Lion of Liberty." — Georgia Democracy Riven like the Delegates. — A vivid Batch of Letters on tlie Split from Hiram Warner, Howell Cobb, .Josejjii E. Brown, A. II. Stephens, Peter E. Love, Robert Toombs, H. V. Johnson .and E. A. Nisliet. — Brown's cool Practical, View. — The strange Reversals of Howell Cobb, and H. V. Jolmson. — Tiie Constitutional Union Convention. — Its persouelle. — Tlie Democratic Convention. — Its Personclle. — A Volcanic Session and a Burst up. — A National State Democratic State Convention organized. — Two sets of Delegates to Baltimore. — Discord Rife. — The Disunion Drift Irresistible. — Tlie Baltimore Convention. — Georgia Refused to go in. — Douglas and H. V. Johnson Nominated. — Tlie National State Right's Convention organized. — Breckenridge and Lane Nominated. — The Deadly Work Done. — The Democracy in Fragments and the Revolution Sure. Staetling events sped swiftly in Georgia, as in the Union, in tliis cru- cial year of 1800. The Charleston Convention met on the 23d of April and continued in turbulent session until the 2nd day of May, when it adjourned without making a nomination, to reassemble in Baltimore on the 18th of June. Some 57 ballots were taken, Mr. Douglas leading with 152^ out of 319, but unable to get more. The platform was hotly contested. Three reports were made by the committee on platform. One was the majority report made by the members of fifteen Southern states and the two states of Oregon and California, being seventeen of the thirty-three members of the committee. This report presented the Cincinnati platform with some additional resolutions declaring the equal right of slave property in the territories and the duty of Congress to protect it. The Cincinnati platform declared for non-interference by Congress with slavery in the territories. The majority report went be- yond the Cincinnati platform in declaring it the duty of Congress to protect slave property in the territories. Two minority reports were presented, one offering the Cincinnati platform with some resolutions simply condemning interference with the fugitive slave law, but leaving out the protection of slave property in the territories. The last minor- ity report was adopted, which was the squatter sovereignty progrannne THE CHARLESTON CONVENTIOX. 115 of Mr. Douglas. On the defeat of the majority report and the adop- tion of the minority report, the delegates of Alabama, Mississippi, Florida, Louisiana, Arkansas, Texas and a part of those from Dela- ware, seceded from the convention under lead of William L. Yancey of Alabama. The Georgia delegation obtained leave to retire, to consult as to their course, and split into fragments. A majoi-ity, consisting of Junius Wingfield, Henry L. Benning, Henry R. Jackson, J. M. Clark, William M. Slaughter, John A. Jones, D. C. Barrow, J. J. Diamond, A. Franklin Hill, E. L. Strohecker, O. C. Gibson, H. P. Thomas, P. Tracy, J. M. Lamar, E. J. McGeehee, George Hillyer, Mark Johnson, E. R. Harden, J. H. Lumpkin, J. G. Fain, James Hoge and W. J. Johnson, withdrew from the convention as a duty, as they declared. I. T. Irvyin, W. H. Hull, L. H. Briscoe and Julian Hartridge withdrew in obedience to the vote of the majority. The balance of the delegation remained to share in the proceedings, consisting of Solomon Cohen, Hiram Warner, J. W. Burney, William B. Gaulden, James L. Seward, James Thomas, S. C. Candler, J. A. Render, L. A. Nelms, and Henry Cleveland. Mr. Solomon Cohen made a speech explaining his position. Mr. Cohen was a leading- citizen of Savannah, who was at one time Post- master, a gentleman of high social standing and considerable speaking ability. He and his colleagues, while in sympathy with the seceders in principle, remained behind hoping that a better spirit might prevail and justice be done to the South by the Northern Democrats. Mr. Mont- gomery of Pennsylvania, replied that he was willing for the Southern members to retire, if they wished, and that the majority of the conven- tion had made up their minds and would not change. Upon this Col. Wm. B. Gaulden, who enjoyed the soubriquet of the " Roaring Lion of Liberty County, " arose and made a speech that convulsed the conven- tion with laughter. He denounced protection to slavery as a humbug, and said he intended to stand by his Northern brethren until the last day, late in the evening. He then branched into an unqualified sup- port of the African slave trade. But the fragment of the delegation were not permitted to vote, on the ground that the state delegation was instructed to vote as a unit. Mr. Seward had previously attempted to cast his individual vote, and the resolution of the Georgia Conven- tion upon the matter had been discussed, and the unit rule had been de- clared to apj:)ly to the Georgia delegation. Mr. Cohen vainly protested against the disfranchisement and denounced it as a usurpation. The seceding members of the Charleston Convention, including most of the majority part of the Georgia delegation, formed a separate con- 116 VIEWS OF DISTINGUISHED GEORGIANS. vention, and ciillotl a Convention for the 2nd Monday in Juno, in Rieli- niond. The course of the Georijia delojiation created a profound fcelinsT at home. The minority of the delegation issued a brief card explaining their course, and stating that they did not feel at liberty to bolt the convention and disrupt the party. The majority published a more lengthy address, signed by Ileni-y L. Benning, tlic chairman of the delegation, elaborately arguing the whole question. They wound up this very able paper with the statement that some of the Northern dele- gates had shown a disposition to modify the platform, and there was some hope of this. They advised that a State Convention be called, and that such convention appoint delegates to both the Richmond and Baltimore conventions. The Executive Committee of the party issued a call for a state convention to assemble in Jlilledgeville, the 4th day of .Tune. A number of gentlemen of Macon, Robert Collins, John J. Greshain, James W. Armstrong and others, addressed a letter to the leading public men of the State, expressing alarm at the rupture of the Charleston Convention and asking their views of the situation. Re- plies were received from Hiram Warner, Howell Cobb, Joseph E. Brown, A. H. Stephens, Peter E. Love, Robert Toombs, H. V. Johnson and Eugenius A. Nesbit. Judge Warner had been one of the staying delegates in the Charleston convention. His letter was an incisive one. Believing the democratic organization of the Union to afford the best guarantee for the preser- vation of our rights, ho resisted j\Ir. Yancey's bold attempt to destroy it. Believing also in the doctrine of congressional non-intervention, and having thought the Cincinnati platform a good one in 1856, he deemed it a good one in 18G0, and declared the bolt from the Charleston con- vention to have been based upon a flimsy jirete.vt. Howell Cobb fully endorsed the action of the seceding delegates, and said that the democ- racy of the state should sustain -them. Every state whose delegates were for the majority platform was a democratic state, and the other sixteen states were republican. The nomination of Jlr. Douglas he condemned. He suggested a state convention that should reappoint the same delegates to go to both Baltimore and Richmond, and advised a postponement of the Richmond convention until after attempt was exhausted at Baltimore to unite the party. The letter of Mr. Stephens was such an one as might be expected from him, calm, dispassionate, firm, statesmanlike. Ho argued that non-intervention had been the estab- lished policy of the party. He had not favored it orig-inally, but had EOEERT TOOMDS LKTTER. 117 acquiesced in it, and now thouglit we should abide it. A convention should be called and delegates sent to Baltimore. Tlie demand of the seceders should be withdrawn and nomination of a good man made. If we were determined to quarrel with the North on general account, base it on the aggressive acts of our enemies and not the supposed short- coming's of our friends. He repeated his previously expressed views of .the impregnability of the slave institution. Mr. Toombs wrote a char- acteristic letter, short, pithy, snapping like a pistol shot, with consider- able moderation ostensibly, but holding the sword in a gloved hand. The seceding delegates should meet at Baltimore with the adjourned convention and endeavor to affect an adjustment. If this adjustment could not be made the Richmond convention could be held with clearer light for its guidance. If such a policy as he urged met with any considerable opposition in Georgia, let a party convention be called to take action. The reserve hostility of this sententious letter was seen, however, in the significant acknowledgment that he was jsurposely yielding nothing, with the ultimate idea of demanding everything, and the unqualified declaration that, he never could give his assent that there was any rightful power anywhere to exclude slave property from the territorial domain. He wound up with the suggestive and pregnant sentences: " Our greatest danger, to day, is that the Union will survire the Constitution. * * » Look at tlie preservle jiatriots iu the uou-slavehohliug States, "svlio, neither dishearteued liy treachery nor overawed liy majorities, niaiutuiu the truth aud staud liy the Cousti- tutiou and the equality of the States, the only bond of everlasting Uuiou." The electoral ticket was: Electors at large. — C. J. McDonald, H. R. Jackson. A-lternutes. — A. H. Colquitt, Wm. H. Dabnoy. District Electors. — 1st, Peter Cone; 2d, Wm. JI. Slaughter; 3d, O. C. Gibson; 4th, H. Buchanan; 5th, Lewis Tumlln; Gth, H. Strickland; 7th, W. A. Lofton; 8th, Wm. M. Mcintosh. The Dpuglas and Johnson State Democratic Convention met in Milledgeville on the 14th of August, 18G0. A. J. Lawson of Burke, was made President. Sixty -three counties were represented by 190 delegates. The electoral ticket selected was: Electors at large. — Ale.\. H. Stephens, Aug. R. Wright, of Floyd. Alternates. — T. P. Saffold, Jas. Gardner. District Electors. — 1st, James L. Seward; 2d, B. Y. Jlartin; 3d, Nathan Bass; 4th, H. Warner; 5th, J. W. Harris; Gth, J. P. Sinunons; Tth, J. S. Hook; 8th, J. Gumming. The resolutions were a simple endorsement of Douglas and .Johnson and the platform of tlie convention that nominated them. A resolution was also passed inviting Mr. Douglas to visit Georgia and deliver an address. Gov. Jolinson was invited before the Convention and de- livered a powerful and eIoc)uent speech. VRAXCIS S. BARTOW. 127 The convention of the Bell and Everett party put the following ticket in the field: State Elcetorx. — ^A'ilIiam Law, B. H. Hill. District Electors. — 1st, S. B. Spencer; 3d, M. Douglass; 3d, L. T. Doyal; -Itli, W. T. Wright; oth, J. R. Parrott; Gth, H. P. Bell; 7th, J. E. Dupree; 8th, L. Lamar. The issue was clearly made up with tlie three electoral tickets, all composed of the very best men in the State. There was no personal consideration in the support given. The issue was decided on its merits. The canvass was very active. The state was covered with large gather- ings and swarmed with speakers. Many of the opposition party came over to Brcokenridge and Lane, notably such men as Dr. H. V. M. Miller, and Francis S. Bartow. The canvass was aggressive on all sides. Mr. Bell was savagely assaulted for not having endorsed the Dred Scott decision. Mr. Douglas was charged with being ready to ally with the Black Republicans, and one of his strongest and most influential sup- porters, Hon. A. H. Chappell, left him on account of this accusation. The point was fiercely pushed upon Gov. Johnson as to what he would do if Abe Lincoln was elected, and whether he would submit. He thundered back that he would hold the Breckenridge and Lane party responsible. The whole tendency of the intensely heirfed canvass was to educate and drive the popular will to disunion if the Black Republi- cans succeeded. Said that most brilliant and impetuous spirit, Francis S. Bartow, in a burning speech in Savannah, with a sad prophetic fore- caste of his heroic death at Manassas in the very beginning of the war: "I am tired of this endless coutroversy. I am wearied with seeing this threateniug cload forever above our lieads. If the storm is to come, and it seems to me as though it must, be its fury ever so great, I court it uow iu the day of my vigor and streugtli. (Applause). If any man is to peril life, fortujie and honor in defense of our rights, I claim to be one of these men. (Immeuse applause.) Let it come now, I am ready for it. Put it not off until to-morrow, or the ne-xt day, we shall not be stronger by waiting. (Continued applause.) I do not wish to destroy the government. I am a Union man in every fiber of my heart. I have gloried in its missions of humanity, iu its heroic birth, and youtliful struggles, and in the grandeur of its maturity. God never launched a nation on a more magnificent career. It h.is been the home of the oppre.ssed and the asylum of the descdate from every land. In it to day are wrapped tlie hopes of universal man — but I will peril all — all before I will abandon our rights iu the Union or submit to be governed b_v an unprincipled majority. (Great applau.se)." It is the nature of manly men — men of high spirit, to fret under sus- pense, and to precipitate impending and inevitable issues. It was this spirit whicli made the situation in 1860 so full of delirium and peril. Southern men saw no end to the slavery agitation save in submission or 128 A CARNIVAL OP ELOQUKNCE. fight. Tlie former was out of the question. Thoy invited the latter as the only means of settling the struggle. It was a desperate feeling, and it seized the most tame-spirited. Tiicre perliaps has never been a time tliat brought to the front more vehement and maddening elo- quence than that stormy year of 18G0. Georgia was full of superb orators,- and in the themes of that wild day they found constant and congenial material for impassioned and irresistible oratory. It is in such whirling times of ujjheaval and passion and madness that eloquent men find their most thrilling mission. The canvass was a carnival of splendid speaking, ilen's blood was at fever heat under a long felt and long-repressed sense of wrong. It was no day for reason or argument save what rolled with the passions, that were rising higher daily. Georgia has never been so afiluent in great minds and superlative speakers as in that time. There was a superb galaxy of mental giants and genuine orators. Toombs, Johnson, Cobb, the Stephens brothers, Jackson, Bartow, Miller, the two Wrights, Hill, and Colquitt were all men of splendid power on the stump, all magnetic, and all throw themselves into that dramatic agita- tion with the whole fervor of their souls. Any one of these men was fitted to lead in any assemblage anywhere, while several enjoyed a national reputation of the very largest measure. Jlr. Douglas himself came to Georgia and spoke in Atlanta during the canvass to an immense audience. Ben Hill and Warren Akin bore the brunt of the battle on the Bell and Everett side, and did it well. Mr. Hill, near the close of the can- vass, published a letter urging tlie fusion of parties for the sake of the country, but he was unmercifully lampooned for the suggestion by the Breckenridge and Lane press and speakers. And Col. Wm. McKinley, the chairman of the Breckenridge e.xecutive committee, published a card officially denying for the cammittee any idea of such a fusion. It was charged that the movement was a confession of weakness and a trick to defeat Breckenridge, but in the light of results, it was a wise and a patriotic proposition. As an illustration of the spirit that prevailed, the treatment of Col. Varney A. Gaskill is in point. He was chairman of the Fulton county Breckenridge executive committee. Believing that he was coquetting with the Bell and Everett people, the committee met and passed, and published the following bitter resolution: "Whereas, V. A. G.tskill having forfcitcil all confiJencc of tins Executive Committee, by his poliiical course in the prosiileutial canvass, liy his public and jirivate political ter- giversations, therefore. Resolved, That V. A. Gaskill he expelled from this Executive conmiittee, and that he is no longer worthy of our political fellowship." BEECKENEIDGE AND LAXE ELECTED. I'^O An organization was established in the state that was originated in Macon, called the " Minute Men," irrespective of party, wliose purpose was to " sustain soutliern constitutional equality in the Union, or fail- ing in that, to establish our independence out of it." In Atlanta, tlie " Minute Men" was started by Col. T. C. Howard, and numbered over 4(10 members. Such men as Howell Cobb, noted as Unionists, emphatically menaced and foreshadowed disunion. Said Mr. Cobb at Marietta, but a short while before the election in a most powerful and effective speech: " The hour of Georgia's dishonor in the Union should be the hour of her independence out of the Union." The day of election came at last, and Lincoln and Hamlin were elected. In Georgia the vote stood as follows: Breckenridge and Lane, 51,893, Douglas and Johnson, 11,580, Bell and Everett, 42,855. None of the electoral tickets having received a majority of the whole vote, the choice of the electors was therefore thrown into the legislature. The success of the Black Republican ticket fell upon the South with maddening effect. There had been a fi,\ed belief that somehow such a result would not happen, and the Breckenridge men in Georgia were pretty sure of carrying the presidency. But there stood the inexorable result, and it produced the effect of a volcanic eruption. The Georgia legislature assembled for its regular annual session, the same legislature that had held in 1859. The speaker of the House, Hon. I. T. Irwin, had died, and Gen. C. J. Williams was elected in his place. Several new senators and representatives had been elected, among them, R. C. Humber, George T. Barnes and John Davison, who have been prominent since the war. Mr. Barnes is at present the Georgia member of the National Democratic Executive Committee, this being his second term in that capacity. He is a gentleman of fine talent and character. The annual message of Gov. Brown was devoted to the business mat- ters of the state, and made a striking exhibit. The state road had paid $450,000 into the Treasury. Of the state debt not due, 1117,000 had been paid in addition to the interest and principal due. The School Fund had been increased §300,000, besides $150,000 paid out for educa- tional purposes. The sum of 875,000 had been appropriated at the last session to buy arms for the state military. An increase of the appro- priation was recommended. All of the institutions of the state were in the best condition. The subject of our Federal relations. Gov. Brown made the occasion of a special message of great length and elaboration, and practical ability. The message was written before it was certain that the Black Republican ticket was elected, but when sufficient re- 130 GOVERNOR brown's MESSAGE. turns had come in to render it ]irobahle. Reviewing the anti-fugitive slave law legislation of half a dozen of the northern states, he urged as the only means to meet such aggression, a system of retaliatory legisla- tion against such states. He recommended measures of reprisal upon the property of Massachusetts citizens for instance in Georgia, and with- drawal of protection to such citizens, besides discrimination against the manufactures and products of the offending states. In the event that the Black Republican ticket was elected, he advised the calling of a con- vention of the people of the state, to devise a proper course. He con- cluded with the recommendation that the sura of one million of dollars be appropriated for a military fund, with the view of armed resistance to any further aggression. This message of Gov. Brown was a typical instance of the man's methods. Its keen discernment of the situation, its stern recognition of disagreeable facts, its thoughtful consideration of remedies, its thorough preparation for the worst, its bold assumption of responsibility, its daring aggressiveness, its large comprehension of probable needs, and its mag'nitude of plan, all inspired by prompt and iron-willed nerve, and conducted with confidence and practical sense, were all just what the people had learned to expect from this remarkable man. The mes- sage awakened a general interest over the whole Union. It evoked bitter denunciations from abroad. For a month the table of the e.xecii- tive office was covered with letters from every factory in the North, representing in every variety of penmanship, orthography and rhetoric, the ills which would befall any number of men, women and children, should Georgia carry out the policy of her Governor. It was but a few days until the election of Lincoln and Hamlin was a certainty. County meetings were held in all parts of Georgia, and resolutions poured in a steady current upon the General Assembly urging action. Savannah led off under inspiration of the impetuous Bartow, and declared that the election of Lincoln and Hamlin ought not to be submitted to, and asking for a convention, and measures to org'anize and arm the forces of the State. A convention of military companies presided over by John W. Anderson, resolved that " Georgia can no longer remain in the Union consistently with her safety and best interest." The appropriation of a million of dollars for military purposes, recommended by the Governor, was endorsed by this convention of soldiers, and their services tendered to the Governor. Governor Brown issued his proclamation amiouncing that tliere had been no selection of electors by the people, and the duty devolved upon THE FIRST STEP IN SECESSION. 131 the General Assembly, and he suggested that in view of the fact that the Black Republican candidates were elected, and the Georgia vote would not alter the result, that for the sake of harmony, so essential now in the South, a refusal to go through the forms of an election would be politic. He also announced by authority that ex-Gov. McDonald, one of the electors on the Breckenridge ticket, would not allow his name used, as he was too feeble to cast the vote. The legislature, however, deemed it imperative to choose the electors, and the Brecken- ridge ticket was elected, substituting Alfred H. Colquitt for ex-Gov. McDonald. This legislature of 1860 did important work. A convention of the people of Georgia was called for the IGth day of January, 1861, the election of delegates to take place on the first Wednesday in January, 1861. The act passed unanimously. The committee upon the State of Republic addressed a communica- tion to the following gentlemen, asking them to meet together in a practical and conciliatory counsel, and suggest a line of policy for the legislature: Joseph E. Brown, Alex. H. Stephens, R. Toombs, Jo.s. H. Lumpkin, R. F. Lyon, Charles J. .leukins, J. W. A. Sanford, H. L. Benning, G. Andrews, Linton Stephens, M. J. Crawford, B. H. Hill, F. S. Bartow, James Jackson, T. R. R. Cobb, H. V. .Johnson, E. H. Baxter, J. H. Howard. These gentlemen assembled and recommended the call- ing of a convention with the following preamble: " Whereas, tlie present crisis ia our national .affairs, in the judgment of this General Assembly, demands resistance ; and, whereas, it is the privilege and right of the sovereign people to determine upon tlie mode, measure and time of such resistance." The office of Adjutant General of the state was created; the accept- ance by the Governor of 10,000 troops was authorized; the purchase of 1,000 Maynard rifles and carbines for the coast defence ordered; and an appropriation of one million of dollars for military purposes made. A Direct Trade Company was incorporated; the sum of $3,500 appropri- ated yearly to the State Agricultural Society, a practice still kept up; and $3,500 appropriated to the Cotton Planters' Convention. All of these were practical matters, looking to preparation for the troubles impending, and for a changed condition of affairs. The menacing state of politics could, of course, have but one effect upon business. Capital became alarmed. All classes of business felt the shock of apprehension. Trade was di.sturbed, investments ceased, and general commerce was paralyzed. Money was locked up, and the cloud of financial distress darkened the country. The banks, North and 133 ANOTHER BATTLE OF THE BAXKS. South, looked forward to suspension, and a bill was introduced and passed, granting relief to the Georgia banks. It seemed as if tlic banks were destined to be a fruitful and constant source of conil)at between Governor Brown and the legislatures of the State. Somehow or other thev could not ag'ree, and the E.xecutive was not the sort of a person to yield his convictions to any pressure, nor to pin his opinions upon any number of coat sleeves. He promptly sent back a veto of the bank relief bill. lie said that he had been opposed in 1857 to bank suspen- sions, and liis views had been sustained by tlie people. There was less reason now for a bank suspension than then. The advocates of bank relief admitted that the banks could meet their liabilities, but it woiild cost something. In view of their superior advantages some sacrifice is due from them. Bank men practiced upon popular credulity with the absurdity that suspensions were for the benefit of the people. If so, why were the lobbies filled with liank officers spending money to secure the passage of relief bills. He had seen such influences brought before . in 1857. The people had not asked for suspension. The relief measure freed the banks from t!ie penalties of not redeeming their bills, and left the bill hokler to suffer loss. Was this a benefit to the people ? It would be time enough to legalize suspension on account of the political state of affairs when an occasion arose, and as far as they should go would be to put in the E.xecutive discretion to withhold proceedings against the banks if it was required. In the event of suspension of any Savannah, Augusta or Atlanta bank, the collection of debts in the state ceased until December 1st, 18G1, and executions became stopped witli- out security. These provisions were an injustice to plaintiffs in/? fii and to creditors, and gave all advantage to creditors out of the .state who could resort to the United States Courts. Northern merdiants could enforce claims against Southern merchants, while Southern mer- chants would be powerless to raise money from their debtors, ^\'as this resistance to Northern aggression ? Regretting to differ from tlie legislature, he j'et was compelled to veto the bill because objectioiuible and unjust. .The bill was promptly jiassed over his veto, but the matter did not stop here. His utterances in the veto message about lobbyists seemed to have given offense. Mr. Dixon of Muscogee, offered a resolution requesting the Governor to give information showing that any member had voted for the relief bill for money, or that any bank liad used money to secure the passage of the bill. The words about which expla- nation was asked, were these: TIIK IKIVSE RASPS GOVERNOR liROWX. 13:5 " Why is it, that these pentlemen never tal^e upon themselves to guard the people's interest, ami spend money to secure the passage of bills through tlie legislature, except wlieu it is desirable to pass a bank suspension bill." To this resolution tlie Governor returned a well-tempered, polite reply, directed to the Senate, in which he said that he took pleasure in saying to the Senate, " that no charge of bribery was intended, that the language was general, and was meant to be directed against what is known as lobby influence, when gentlemen leave their homes, and spend money for travehng expenses, tavern bills, etc., for the purpose of hanging around the General Assembly to try to influence the minds of members, so as to secure the passage of a particular bill." The unruffled and immovable Executive proceeded to say that he saw nothing in the message " he desired to retract or modify." No member of the Sen- ate to whom his message was addressed appeared to have suspected reflection on himself until the discovery was supposed to have been dis- covered elsewhere. He did not doubt that upon a calm review each Senator would now see that he saw in it no imputation upon himself, as " conscious innocence will never appropriate to itself language in which others can see no charge, or even dubious language as an imputation of criminality." This message gave still farther offense to the House, which passed a resolution offered by Mr. Dixon, which was put on the journals of the House, reciting that the answer had not been communicated to the House, that it was an evasion of a charge the Governor could not main- tain, and the language of the answer was disrespectful to the House, therefore, "Resolved, That his Excellency, Gov. Brown, 1ias not only almsed the privileges of tliis House, but has failed to maiutain in his official intercourse with this body, that dignity of deportment, which becomes the Chief Magistrate of Georgia." It was a war-like time then. Men's fighting blood was up. And it took, in the sweeping belligerence of the imiversal atmosphere, little provocation to get up a muss between anybody and about anything. Joe Brown too was the worst person in the country to tackle. Nature, in making him, had rather put an over than an under stock of coni- Iiativeness. It is rather to be suspected that his Excellency had a sort of natural relish for a set-to with other folks. Be this as it may, it stands true that no one ever struck Gov. Brown without getting hit back, arv,d if he ever declined a combat it is not chronicled, nor has it been susceptible of proof. This attack on the Governor was a flimsy one, and it is surprising that it was made, and that the legislative body 134 GOVEIJNOR liROWN STRIKES BACK AT THE HOUSE. allowed itsoli" to take part in it. Congregations of men nor official veneer never had any terrors for this level-headed man of the people. He flung back the House censure with a cool, biting defiance and con- tempt. Reviewing the matter concisely he showed that he had not evaded the charge, violated any privilege of the House, nor failed in dignity in his intercourse with the House. He used this language about the resolution of the House. ' " They were conceived in passiiju, prompted by a spirit o{ personal revenge, and not of public duty — uudignilied in their bearing, untrue in their statemeuts, aud uujust in the assault which tliey make upon a co-ordiuate branch of tlie government." He ordered his reply to be entered upon the permanent records of the Executive Department, the legislature having adjourned before he pre- pared the message. Like everything else that he did, this spirited re- ply and the controversy that elicited it, only strengthened Gov. Brown with the people as a fearless champion of the public, interest and the bold assailant of evil. It was a striking evidence of the hold he had on the public confidence and the estimate that was placed upon his judgment, that the electoral ticket chosen by the legislature addressed him alone of all the dis- tinguished public men of the State, a letter asking his views upon the situation as being " eagerly desired." Gov. Brown's response was a practical common-sense view of affairs, in which he said some very strik- ing truths. The election of Mr. Lincoln, simply as a successful candi- date, would not justify secession, but as the triumph of the Northern section of the Union over the Southern section, upon a platform of avowed hostility to Southern rights, justified the South in withdrawing from a confederacy where she could not be protected. Submission to the inauguration of Mr. I.,incoln now would result in the final abolition of slavery. If resistance was not made now it would be fruitless here- after. He discussed fully the business effect upon the South of the abolition of slavery. Impartially scrutinizing the outlook, he expressed the opinion that the South could never live in peace with the Northern abolitionists unless we could have new constitutional guarantees that would stop the slavery agitation. These the Northern people would never give. There was no doubt that the States around Georgia would secede, and we would tlius be surrounded by free and independent states, with whom we liave a common interest, and to refuse to stand with whom would in no way benefit us. Let wise men be sent to the convention,- and let them act for the best to protect our rights and pre- serve our liberties. I CHAPTER XVI. THE STUBBORN BATTLE IN GEORGIA OVER DISUNION. A Majority Against Disuuion. — The County Appeals to tlie Legislature. — A Striking Batch of Papers. — The Greene County Resolutions anil M.W. Lewis. — Stately Invec- tive. — Stephens, Johnson and Ben Hill, agaiu.st Secession. — Dr. Loviclc Pierce. — Howell Cobb. — L. J. Gattrell. — The People Halting. — Toomlis Drives the WeJge Finally. — His Master Stroke of Disunion. — His Couserv.itive Danhury Letter. — His Scheme of tlie Crittemleu RBsolutioas, wliicli Tested the Black Republican Wil- lingness to Compromise. — His Ringing Disp.atch for Disunion. — William L. Harris of Mis.si.ssippi. — Gov. Brown and the Banks Ag.aiu. — The Clioice Pardon. — Charles J. Jenkins. A PEETTY fair criterion of the disunion sentiment in Georgia before the election of Lincohi and Hamlin was the Breckenridge vote. The union element voted for Douglas and Bell. The Breckenridge plat- form naturally attracted the most pronounced Southern rights men who were for making an unqualified issue for slavery. The vote showed a majority against disunion. The election of Lincoln set the current steadily to secession, and fixed a majority for national dissolution. But there was yet an immense reserve of decided union sentiment, that resolutely sought to stem the disunion tide. Over forty counties held public meetings and transmitted resolutions to the General Assembly. These solemn utterances of public opinion constituted a remarkable body of popular exjjressions. Whether for or against disunion they were tinged with a white heat, and echoed the tumultuous agitation of the time. The bulk of them demanded secession, but there were some most extraordinary, eloquent and prophetic appeals and pleas for union. The resolutions from Greene countj', presented to the legislature by Miles W. Lewis, cover seven pages in the House journals of 1860, and furnished a striking and masterly argument for a conservative course. Pronouncing the election of Lincoln a violation of national comity, and not to be submitted to except temporarily, they yet declared it was not per se a sufficient cause for immediate dissolution, for a power- ful array of reasons: — Because it was a constitutional election, against Northern interest to dissolve the union, because the South was not yet united, because time and delay should be given to let the North try to do justice, because haste in the overthrow of the government would cut off sympathy for oiu' movement, because the masses of the Southern 13G COUNTY EESOLUTIOXS OX THE CRISIS. people were not ripe for disunion, because we were not ready for war, because no serious effort had been made at reconciliation, because we O'.ved a duty to mankind to preserve our republic and its genius, because of the injury to our state and national securitios and the terrible pecu- niary results, and because a dissolution if proper ou^ht to be done with slow deliberation and after every eifort to preserve it, quoting the example of our colonies which only dissevered finally and irrevocably the bond to th(? mother country after two years' fighting. State conven- tions, and then a Soutliern convention, temperate but firm, should be held, urging our rights before the North and making a last grand united effort for a settlement such as we wished. The last of these powerful and statesmanlike resolutions deserves giving entire. " Resolved, That in view of the great and solemn crisis wliich is upon us, wo request our fellow citizens to unite with us in praver to Almighty God that he would deliver us from discord and disunion, and aliove all, from civil war and from bloodshed ; and that he would so guide our counsels and actions that we may he able to maintain our rights without revolution." There were a number of the counties that sent up similar resolutions to the above, Sumter, Milton, Troup and others. But the majority struck hotly for immediate secession. Some were magnificent ebullitions of stately and impassioned invective. No man can read this masterly set of puI)lio resolutions witliout being impressed with their dignity, force, viffor of thought and uncommon e.\ccllence of diction and aujjust gravity and intensified fervor of spirit. TJiey were the outcome of an aroused and welded public sentiment, focalized to the most impressive majesty of deep human feeling and conviction. There was an original- ity of conception and a variety of treatment too about them that was wonderful, and indicated the marked ability as well as profound reflec- tion of their authors. The grand problems of our government, the difficult questions of civil, social and political policy, the philosophical relations of sections and classes, and tl-.e practical matters of administra- tion were discussed and expounded with a marvelous incisivcncss and condensation, and an apothegmatic felicity of language. The Dougherty County resolutions reported to the House by Mr. R. N. Ely, presented forciljly an idea, urged by a number of other counties, that represented the view of the more conservative secessionists. This was the necessity of co-ojjeration among the Southern States. It w'as declared, "It would he monstrims if .a sin;,'le Southern St.ate should, without consult.ition and by separate action, attempt to decide tlie great question tliat now presses upon the South, not only for herself, but for her remaining fourteen sister states." THE l.OXK STAR WIUTK KI..VG IX AUCL'STA. 137 This was the very thing that did liappen, a thing that was a great wrong, that was unwise and impolitic to the last degree, and that was remediless. These resolutions put the true wisdom of the crisis in these words : " The time has come for the Jinal settlement of the slavery ijuestion vpon an enduring and unequivocal basis, and to a General Conference of tlie Soiitlieru States, we wciild en- trust the duty of declaring what that basis shall he." The Richmond County action, reported to the legislature by Mr. Wm. Gibson, contained this beautiful and significant incident. The chair- man having stated the object of the meeting, then informed the assem- blage that it had been made known to him that a white flag with tjie lone star, and inscribed thereon: " Georgia — Eqitaliti/ in or Indepen- dence out of the Union,'''' had been placed upon the cupola of the Temple of Justice in wjiich they were then assembled; and was then waving over their heads; which announcement was received with long, con- tinued applause. When on motion it was unanimously resolved, " That this meeting adopt the flag and its position as their act, evincive of their determination in the present crisis." It is at such fevered times when the public blood is in a state of exalted fervor that poetic trifles like the above incarnate the solemn purposes of earnest, iron-minded men and idealize a stern gravity into romance. But serious as was the crisis, and ominous the drift to revolution, the people were not ripe for the plunge. Some very strong men were opposing tlie policy of secession. H. V. .Tohnson, Alex. H. Stephens and Ben. H. Jlill stood firmly against it. Mr. Stephens made a speech to the Georgia legislature, that take it all in all, was the grandest of his life. Unaffected by the whirlwind of passion around him, that terror- ized men, he uttered a clear, firm counsel against secession. , He daringly asserted that the South was not blameless, and with an unsurpassed moral and physical courage planted himself against disunion. In the calm retrospection of those crazy days this appeal of reason was simply sublime. Dr. Lovick Pierce, the powerful methodist Divine, threw his strong influence against it. Yet he was taunted in the press with in- consistencj', because in 1844 he had urged the secession of the southern Methodist church, because Bishop Andrews was ofliciallj' crucified by the northern Methodists for being a slave-holder. Howell Cobb wrote from AVashington a long and unsurpassably able letter, calm, logical, dispassionate and even cold in its temperate, but inexorable argument, discussing the whole situation and urging immediate secession. He quoted voluminously from all of the Republican leaders, to show the im- 138 THE DRIFT TO SECESSION'. movable abolition intent of the party, he demonstrated that the result of the election was war to the death on slavery, he showed that there was no hope for the South in any other remedy than secession, he argued that honor and interest required immediate withdrawal from the Union, and he announced that he was coming home to share the destiny of his state, and resigned his position as Secretary of the Treasury. L. J. Gartrell ^vrote to Dr. William C. Humphries of Atlanta, a letter declaring that it was the policy and duty of Georgia to secede. Mr. Gartrell had made an enviable reputation in congress and stood among the promising young men of the state. He had delivered several speeches in congress that attracted much attention, and had borne him- self in debate so as to win the respect of bis opponents, as well as the applause of his friends. The venerable ex-Gov. WUson Lumpkin, in a letter to Asbury Hull, H. C. ^I. Hammond, E. S. Taylor and others, stated that there was no -hope from the North and secession was the onlv chance of prosperity. Gov. Lumpkin had not been in public life since 184.3. But the people still were not matured for the grave step. It was re- served for Robert Toombs with a consummate management to fashion and drive the wedge that rived apart the stately structure into contend- ing halves. To him, beyond all question, belongs the leadership of the South in sundering the Union. He was the unquestionable genius of the revolution. William L. Yancey was a powerful factor in the disin- tegration. But Toombs was the chief and master architect of the dis- ruption. His final achievement was a master stroke of diplomacy, sure, subtle and invincible. It fell upon the South with resistless effect. It swept away the last ftot-hold of conserxatism. The heaviest objection to a resort to disunion, was the idea that the Republicans were willuig to give guarantees against any further interference with slavery, and this willingness should be tested before going to the last extremitv. To meet this idea a number of southern senators and representatives, including Iverson, Crawford, Jones, Jackson, Gartrell and Underwood of Georgia, issued an address, brief and pointed, stating that all hope of relief was gone, and both southern honor and safety required secession. But this was not satisfactory to the conservative element. It was left for Mr. Toombs to pat the finishing stroke to the indecision and reluct- ance of the haltinff. The legTslature had voted down a resolution in favor of immediate secession, and in the senate a motion to reconsider was lost after a stiff debate, in which Harris, Lawton, !Moore, Spaulding and Tracy were for immediate action, and Jones, Trippe, and Ben. Hill EGBERT TOOMBS FIXES SECESSION'. 139 were against it. Spaukling dubbed Trippe a submissionist ; Jones sneered that the co-operationists would have the figliting to do; Harri.s retorted that Jones was a " citizen in war and a soldier in peace;" Moore declared that Hill's speeches were on both sides; and Tracy charged that Hill " was in love with his subject, and that subject him- self." The sharp sparring showed the feeling at play, and the result evinced the proper deliberation before a grave step. Mr. Toombs had been invited to address the citizens of Danburv, Va., and wrote a letter declining, but giving his views. This letter was a very adroit one. It was so moderate as to expose him to taunts from the extreme secessionists and conservatives both that he was backing down. But it was the most practical drive yet made to unite the divided South in disunion. It recommended delay until the 4th of March, to test the Republican willingness to do right to the South. At the same time he incensed the Republicans by boldly charging upon them the purpose to destroy slavery by hostile laws and stimulating re- volts and protecting slave-thieves and insurrectionists. He declared the only remedy for these enormous evils was new constitutional guaran- tees protecting the South. Let these be offered to the Republicans as a test of their spirit. These constitutional restrictions were worth a cart -load of political planks, and if the Republicans refused to grant them, then the time for action was at hand, and he was willing to delay for such a test in concession to the earnest and honest men who were hopeful of redress in the Union. Mr. Toombs knew well that the Republicans would hoot at the idea of sucn constitutional amendments, but he knew that their rejection would solidifv our people. In accordance with this programme of Mr. Toombs, the Hon. J. J. Crittenden of Kentucky offered before the United States Senate Crisis Committee of thirteen, a series of resolutions reciting the pend- ing trouble, and proposing as a settlement of it constitutional amend- ments for the revival of the Missouri compromise line, denial of right to abolish slavery in the arsenals and District of Columbia, transit for slaves over non-slave-holding territory and payment for fugitive slaves rescued from oiBcers by mobs. A time was appointed when the committee agreed to be all present and act on the resolutions. On this committee were Messrs. Davis, Doolittle, Collamer, Wade, Toombs, Grimes, Hunter, Bigler, Crittenden, Douglas, Rice and Powell. Under the rules of the committee no proposition should be considered adopted that did not pass by a majority of the Republicans. The propositions were all rejected, Mr. Toombs voting ayainst them, though he declared 140 HOX. -WII.I.IAM L. IIAHRIS, 01' -MISSISSIITI. he would go for tlieiii if tlip Republicans offered and went for lliem ia good faith. But the fact stands that he voted against them. He immediately telegraphed a ringing address to the people of Georgia, reciting that the Black Republicans had not only voted against any constitutional guarantees for the Soutli, but declared that thej' had no guarantees to offer. He wound up with these momentous word.s, the most important and effective for the disunion movement that had been announced by any man or set of men in this tremendous agitation: " I tell you upon the faith of a true man, that all fui-ther looking to the North for security for your coustitutioual riglits in the Uniuu, ouyht to lie instantly abaudoned. It is frauglit with notliing but ruin to yourselves and your posterity. " Secession by the fourth of March next, should be tiniiidored from tlie ballot-Vio.K by the uuauimous voice of Georgia on tlie second d.ay of January next. Snch a voice will be your best guarantee for Luiertv, Security, Tr.^nquillity axd Glory." From this time on, thougli a very considerable portion of the people opposed secession, the policy of disunion in Georgia was an established fact, and the movement sped swiftly and steadily to its consunnuation. The Hon. William L. Harris of Mississippi, as delegated commissioner from that state to Georgia, made an address to the General Assembly communicating officially the fact that Mississippi had called a state convention to consider the situation, and asked Georgia's co-operation in the adoption of efficient measures for their common defense and safety. The address of ilr. Harris was a very eloquent and effective appeal. His references to Baldwin, Jackson and Troup, the famous Governors of Georgia, were verj' fine. He declared Georgia " the bright- est exemplar among the advocates and defenders of state rights and state remedies. He touchingly alluded to the fact that Mississippi was cut off from Georgia, "glorious old mother" — and that thousands and thousands of Georgia's sons and daughters were adopted children of Mississippi, who still fondly looked to their native state for sympathy and guidance. Mr. Harris in his mission for Mississippi but reflected the feeling in all of the Southern states which looked to the action of Georgia above any other state; and this deep interest in Georgia's action demonstrated how powerful and influential w-as our common- wealth. The Legislature adjourned on the 10th of December, 1860, having passed resolutions of sympathy with the message of Mississippi as com- municated through Hon. Wm. L. Harris, and resolving that should any or all of the Southern states determine in the present emergencj' to with- draw from the Union, such seceding states should form a confederacy. -^-I^ .i T y y^y^^^A THE CHOICE I'ARDOX. 141 Before the adjournment the bank agitation was resumed. After the passage of the bank relief bill over Governor Brown's veto, the banks began to suspend specie payment, and one bank liad susjjended before. The Governor issued his proclamation as required by law, announcing the suspension, but he showed his unabated hostility to the measure and his unconcjuered resolution in spite of legislative majorities, by con- cluding his proclamation making known the suspension with the paren- thetical statement that he " feared too many know it now to their injury." After a brief trial of the suspension act. Governor Brown addressed a message to the General Assembly making recommendations for additional legislation. He called their attention to the fact that in- solvent banks, as well as solvent ones, had the benefit of the act, and were relieved of all responsibility. He went on to discuss the suspen- pension, and showed that his prediction had come true that exchange had gone up to three per cent. He put in some heavy blows upon the bank relief chamjiions, sliowing how relief relieved the people, increas- ing cost of purchases and freights. If the Legislature would not repeal the obnoxious law, at least let it reduce exchange to one per cent., and place insolvent banks in a different category from the solvent banks. These tilings were done. Another matter that excited much discussion was the pardon by the Leg-islature of a gentleman by the name of Wm. A. Choice, convicted of murder. He was very highly connected, and powerful influences were brought to bear for the purpose of saving him from the penalties of the law. At the session of 1859 an act had passed for his pardon, and Governor Brown had vetoed it upon the merits of the case. Ben Hill took a strong interest in the case, and it was brought before the Legis- lature again. Mr. Hill pushed it with great ability and vigor, and the pardon was again granted by the Legislature and again vetoed by Gov- ernor Brown. The bill provided for placing Choice in the Lunatic Asylum, and was passed over the Governor's veto by a constitutional majority. The case attracted general attention in the state, and a right warm feeling was stirred up between Governor Brown and the friends of Choice. There was some newspaper controversy over it. In the Legislature also there was acrimony on the part of members growing out of the ([uestion whether Governor Brown had a right to- veto a par- don in a murder case. The case illustrated the unyielding persistence of Governor Brown's character, and his unswerving adhesion to what he conceived to be his dutj-. The unfortunate subject of this controversy died within the last 143 C. J. JENKINS JUDGE OF SUl'REME COURT. year in tlie asylum. Commenting upon this case, the Augusta Dcs- patch had these words: " We are not much of an admirer of tlie ' one man power,' hnt the judgment, justice and bravery with which Governor Brown has exercised it makes us almost in love with it." Judge Linton Stephens having resigned as Judge of the Supreme Court, this Legislature did a.graceful act of honor to the State in elect- inar Charles J, Jenkins. CHAPTER XVII. TPIE MOST VITAL CHAPTER OF GEORGIA HISTORV— HER SECESSION FROM THE UNION. Georgia Foremost iu the Slavery Agitation. — Her Potential Men. — Her Destiny of Leadersliip to Continue through Joe Brown. — Carolina Secession. — Its Flaming Effect. — Bartow and Lochrane. — Gov. Brown's Seizure of Fort Pulaski. — H. R. Jackson — A. R. Lawton. — The Convention Endorses Brown. — The Soutliern Press on the Seizure. — The Macon Companies. — Richard R. Cuyler. — The Secession Con- vention. — Georgia the Pivotal State. — Personelle of Convention — Ahlest Body of Georgia Annals. — E. A. Nisbet.— T. R. U. Cobb. — Dr. Joseph P. Logan. — Nesbit's Secession Resolution. — ex-Gov. Johnson's Famous Subslitute. — A Debate of Giants. — Tom Cobb gives the Key Note. — An Historic Picture. — Robert Toombs. — " We Accejit War." — Committee to Draft Secession Ordinance. — The Ordinance. — The Signing. — The Protest of Si.K. — The Ship given to the Lightning and the Gale. — The Inspiration and the Effect of Georgia's Secession. From 18.50, when Georgia leaped to the front in the slavery contro- versy, and gave to the country the famous " Georgia Platform," as tlie crucial enunciation of Southern doctrine on slavery, up to the crisis in 1800, our state had been the foremost in the agitation. The phenomenal Stephens had focalized the national gaze in the memorable contentions about this subject. The imperial Toombs had led the Southern states- men with a blended brilliance, ability and audacity, that no man ever surpassed in any forensic arena. The large-souled Cobb had guided the policy of Buchanan's administration in the culminating years of the political strife. In her ponderous-brained Johnson the state had fur- nished as a Vice-Presidential candidate on the Dougla^ ticket one of the pivots of the campaign. Around the name and agency of Georgia hung the most potential prestige of any Southern state. Her positive instrumentality in the drama was destined to continue. We have seen how Mr. Toombs drove the impending storm to a crisis. We shall see how from this time on, the focal figure in Georgia during the four deadly years that followed was Joseph E. Brown. He had done little during the long birth of the revolution. But when it became inevitable, his agency as a leader was someMiing marvelous. It seemed as if nature had put him in the place for the emergency. His peculiar qualities found a fitting field for their display and the public benefit. His acts lii BVRSIXG SPEECH OF F. S. BARTOW. seemed like insinrations. There was a prevision of needs, a forecaste of events, a vigor of action and a daring in responsibility, that exactly met the appalling crisis and savored of the heroic. The man seemed born for the time. The homespun mountaineer, hero of the plowing bull and the calico bed-quilt, had ripened into the acknowledged genius of a great commonwealth in the ordeal of a mighty revolution. The people, masses and leaders, looked to his cool sense, iron nerve, and resourceful capacity in this trial, and he met their demands and hopes fully. His leadership was intuitive, masterly, undisputed. He did as one made for the era. Precisely at fifteen minutfes past one o'clock on Thursday, the 20th day of December, 18G0, under an ordinance of secession passed in sov- ereign convention, the State of South Carolina withdrew from the Union of the United States, and resumed her independent state sovereignty. That act was the first stop in the great civil commotion of the century. It was the beginning of an end of illimitable extent. It was not the practical inauguration of the war, but it was the preface to it. The news stirred the South wildly. It fired the Southern people into a sort of delirium. All over Georgia the people celebrated the startling event with gatherings and speeches, and a general exhilaration. In Atlanta guns were fired at sunrise. An immense crowd assembled, and a hun- dred guns echoed the public joy from noon until sunset. There was a grand torchlight procession and a balloon ascension. Abraham Lincoln was burned in effigy, and Howell Cobb made a burning and powerful speech. On the 2Sth, a few days later, Francis S. Bartow and O. A. Lochiane addressed the citizens of Atlanta. While Bartow was speaking, a dispatch was handed him just received, that Fort Moultrie in Charles- ton Harbor had been burned by the Federal troops, and the garrison had gone over to Fort Sumter, and Charleston had ordered out two regiments. The scene that followed baffles description. The audience became wild with enthusiasm. Three cheers • were given for South Carolina amid such a tornado of applause as is rarely heard. The ready and impassioned Bartow, resuming his speech with folded arms, rang out with a biting sarcasm, " Yes, while you talk of co-operation, you hear the thunders of the cannon and the clash of sabers reach you from South Carolina." The applause was deafening over this. Continuing, the orator thrilled forth: " Is this gallant, noble state of South Carolina, that had the boldness to take the lead in this matter, to be left to the cold calculating of the co-operationists of Georgia? " Vehement replies SEIZURE OF FORT PULASKI. 145 of No! Never!! Never!!! Never!!!! thundered from every part of tlie dense gathering. This action of the Federal authorities in regard to Forts Moultrie and Sumter inflamed the already high war fever of the South to an over- mastering fury. Even such far-sighted men as Gov. Brown were not decided that tlie North would attempt coercion of the seceded states. They believed that war possibly might not follow. But the Fort Sum- ter matter left no doubt of the Federal purpose to resist forcibly seces- sion. Tlie appointment of Mr. Holt as secretary of war in the place of Floyd confirmed this, Mr. Holt being alleged by Mr. Toombs to be inimical to the South, and his selection foreshadowing active hostility. Under the light of this momentous revelation of policy, so full of un- speakable results, the disunion sentiment still further increased. It was under this knowledge that the practical genius and prompt decision of Gov. Brown came into play with one of those strokes of action for which he has been noted. He began a series of daring assumptions of responsibility that made Georgia memorable, and himself famous. He took a step of decisive leadership that at once showed the jjeople, not only of the State, but of the South, and of the rapidly disintegrating Union, that Georgia's Governqr was fully equal to the needs of the emergency. And it was this step that continued the remarkable agency of this State as the most potential factor in this great strife, and it gave to Georgia whatever of glory may attach to committing the first overt act of war. Georgia, it must be remembered, was still a member of the Union. She did not secede until the 19th of January, 1861. She was in the Union, while Carolina was out of it. The seizure of the coast defenses was not only therefore a dictate of military forecaste and wisdom, but it was an aggressive act of war against the Federal gov- ernment, whose authority was still operative. Fort Pulaski at the mouth of the Savannah river commanded the ap- proach to that city, and was the chief fortification on the Georgia coast. Quick to conceive a practical idea. Gov. Brown was as quick to execute it. In the event of war. Fort Pulaski was a military necessity to the State, and war was coming. Gov. Brown determined to seize it im- mediately. There had been some private movement in Savannah look- ing to an occupation of the Fort by the citizens of the city, but the cooler-headed men advised against such an act, and the Governor was advised of the purpose. He went to Savannah in person to decide, and promptly determined to officially order the seizure. The first regiment of Georgia V'olunteers was commanded by Col. Alexander R. Lawton, 10 146 GOV. brown's oedeb to gex. a. r. lawton. to whom the Governor issued the following order, which was carefully prepared, and exjslaiiis the reasons for tlie act. " HEADgDAKTERS GEORGIA MiLITIA, I Savannah, January 2, 1861. ) Colonel A. R. Lawton, Commanding \sl Regiment Georgia Volunteers, Savannah: Sir: In view of the fact that tlie Government at Washington has, as we are in- formed upon high authority, decideil on the policy of coercing a seceding State hack into the Union, and it is believed now has a movement on foot to reinforce Fort Sumter at Charleston, and to occupy with Federal troops the Southern forts, including Fort Pulaski iu this State, wliicli if done would give the I'ederal Government in any contest great advantage over the people iu tliis Slate ; to the end therefore that this strong- hold, which commands also the entrance into Georgia, may not be occupied by any hos- tile force until the Convention of the State of Georgia, which is to meet on the 16th instant, has decided on the policy which Georgia will adopt iu this emergency, you are ordered to take possession of Fort Pulaski as by piihlic order herew ith, and to hold it against all persons, to be abandoned only under orders from me or under compulsion by an overpowering hostile force. Immediately upon occupying the fort, you will take measures to put it in a thorough state of defense, as far as its means aud ours will permit ; and for tins purpose you will advise witli Cajitain Ciaghorn, Chatham Artillery, who has been charged with all mat- ters relating to ordnance and ordnance stores and their su]i])ly. You will further arrange with Captain Ciaghorn a series of day and night signals for communicating with the city of Savannah, for the purpose of calling for reinforcements, or for other necessary purpose^. And you will arrange with Mr. John Cunningham, Military Purveyor for the time being, for the em])loynient of one or more steamboats, or other means of transportation by laud or by water that may be necessary, and for other supplies (except for ordnance stores, for wliich you will call upon Captain Ciag- horn) as may be required. If circumstances should require it, the telegraph will be pl.aced under surveillance. I think from our conversation you fully understand my views, and relying upon your patrioti.'iin, energy and sound discretion in the execution of this important aud delicate trust, I am, sir, very resjiectfnlly, Tour obedient servant, JOSEPH E, BROWN, Governor and Commander-in-Chief." An additional order was issued by the Adjutant-General, Henry C Wayne, in regard to the details. There was a spirited rivalry among the volunteer companies of Savannah to participate in this duty. De- tails from the Chatham Artillery, under Captain Joseph S. Ciaghorn; Savannah Volunteer Guards, under Captain John Screven, and Og-le- thorpe Light Infantry, under Captain Francis S. Bartow, amounting to 134 men, 50 each being taken from the infantry companies and 34 from the artillery, were made of a force to seize the fort. The seizure was made on the morning of the 3d of .lanuary, 18G0. The writer was a member of the Oglethorpe Light InfantJ-y, and was one of the detail FORT rULASKI. 147 from that company for this duty. The seizure created the greatest ex- citement over the whole South. It was in accord with the spirit of the hour, and Governor Brown received unstinted encomiums for his deci- sive conduct. Its effect on the otiier Southern states was electrical and wide-spread. It stimulated the war spirit, and immediately gave Georgia the prestige that she held to the end of the conflict. Col. Lawton in communicating the occupancy of the fort made the following statement of an incident that was regarded as an unpleasant complication, but which Gov. Brown promptly settled: " On steaming down the river this morning I ascertained with regret that certain un- anthorized persons had taken possession of the United States revenue cutter, Dobbin, and are now exercising control over lier in the waters of Georgia." Col. Lawton stated that he had taken the cutter, and expressed re- gret that such embarrassing questions should be presented by unauthor- ized persons at that critical time. Gov. Brown immediately notified Mr. John Boston, collector of the port, that the cutter was at his dis- posal, regretting the lawless seizure of the vessel, and the cutter was delivered to the captain. The fort contained when thus taken, twenty thirty-two pounder guns in bad condition, and very little ammunition. Every effort was made to put the fort in order. The garrison of gentleman soldiers was put under strict military discipline. The guns were properly mounted and ammunition supplied. Drilling and practice firing were daily done. The cartridge bags for the heavy guns were furnished by the deft fin- gers of the Savannah ladies. Some lady sent down to the fort a fine fruit-cake iced beautifully and the word " Secession " wrought in with sugar, while another more practical, sent down a package of lint. Gov. Brown remained long enough in Savannah to see the seizure com- pleted, and returned to the seat of government. He telegraphed an account of his proceedings to the Governors of Florida, Alabama, Mis- sissippi and Louisiana, and received strong endorsements of his course in reply, and the intimation that his example should be immediately fol- lowed. Gov. Moore of Alabama immediately seized the forts and arse- nals in that state. The minute men of Macon passed unanimously some resolutions of Charles J. Harris, Esq., approving the seizure, and pledg- ing themselves to sustain Gov. Brown at any sacrifice. The state con- vention that met soon after passed this resolution: " This convention highly approves the energetic and patriotic conduct of Gov. Brown in taking possession of Fort Pulaski by Georgia troops, and re(|uests liim to liold pos- session until the relations of Georgia with the Fedunil government le determined by this convention." • 148 WAE SPIRIT IN MACON. The Governor on his way to Milledgeville was received all along- the line of railroad with demonstrations of ajjproval of his course. On his arrival in Milledgeville, a large number of citizens with music and torches went to the executive mansion and serenaded him, and he made a short talk that was clveered with a hearty good will. Tlie press was very emphatic in approval of the Governor's action. Said the Augusta Democrat : " He has exhibited an intelligence, firmness and compre- hensive statesmanship, equaled by few and surpassed by none in the annals of the state." The Southern journals generally commended his course. The Alabama Sjiirit of the SoiitJi thus paid him tribute: "We caimot but .ailniire the skillful aud energetic manner iu wliicli Gov. Brown man- ages and controls the puljlic .affairs of Georgia. He talies counsel of no man's fears ; lis- tens to no timid suggestions of delay ; waits for uo co-operation or compromise. He turns neitlier to the riglit liand nor the left, but proceeds right onward to vindicate the honor aud protect tlie riglits of Ids government. He executes his plans with tlie nerve of a. soldier aud tlie .skill of a statesman. He defies tlie tlireats of federal power, and lauglis his enemies to scorn. He is full of Jacksonian will and courage ; possessing wisdom to de- vise and boldness anil sagacity to execute. He has much administrative capacity, and in our opinion is better fitted for President of a Southern confederacy than any man in the .South." This as contemporary comment, outside of State bias, will afford some conception of how this self-reliant and resolute Executive of Georgia in that troublous day impressed impartial public judgment. A little episode occurred at this time that will exemplify the popular feeling as well as Governor Brown's spirit. The officers of the volun- teer companies of Macon, Captain R. A. Smith, Captain E. Smith, Cap- tain E. Fitzgerald, Captain T. M. Parker, Captain L. M. I.amar and Lieutenant Wm. H. Ross telegraphed to Governor Brown, asking him " if he would .sanction the movement of Georgia volunteers going to the aid of South Carolina." This was the prompt response: " I will not. Your first duty is to Georgia. South Carolina is able at present to take care of herself. You may be needed at home very soon. " JOSEPH E. BROWN." On the 9th day of January, 18G0, the State of Mississippi followed the example of South Carolina and formally seceded from the Union. On the 11th of January, Florida and Alabama withdrew. Each day as it dawned brougiit some new contribution to the war spirit. The Fed- eral steamer " Star of the West " attempted to run in to Fort Sumter and was fired upon by the Carolina troops in Fort Morris and driven back. It was a rising flood of combative feeling. The sense of coming conflict pervaded the most thoughtless, and serious people thrilled under THE SECESSION SPIRIT IN GEORGIA. 149 the moving stimulus. Richard R. Cuyler, the President of the power- ful Central Road Company, patriotically notified Gov. Brown that his bank was ready to take one hundred thousand dollars of the bonds for the defence of the State at par. Secession cockades and badges were made by the thousand and worn openly and gaily. Some lady wore a bonnet made of white and black Georgia cotton, covered with a net- work of black cotton, the streamers ornamented with Palmetto trees and Lone Stars embroidered with gold thread, while the feathers were formed of white and black worsted. The Georgia Convention assembled on the IGth day of January, 1801. The eyes of the whole Union were upon this most august body. There was an interest in its deliberations, both profound and wide-spread. It was felt to be the turning point of the real commencement of the revo- lution. If staid, self-poised, deliberate powerful Georgia held back from the work of disintegration it would have been such a substantial check to the destructive movement as would have done much to stop it. Georgia's cooperation rendered the revolution sure. The Federal ad- ministration looked anxiously to our State as the crucial agency of the agitation. The people of the North focalized their attention upon this arbiter of an impending and incalculable convulsion. It was known that a majority of the people of Georgia favored secession, but the minority' in favor of cooperation and delay was a very large and power- ful body of public sentiment, ably and patriotically headed. The vote taken in the election for members of the convention showed an aggre- gate of 50,213 for secession and 37,123 against, giving a majority of only 13,120 for immediate disunion, out of 87,3GG. This was a much smaller majority than Gov. Brown had obtained in his last election. In many counties the anti-secessionists had heavy majorities. Such strong counties as Baldwin, Floyd, DeKalb, Cass, Franklin, Gordon, Gwinnett, Lumpkin, Murray, Walker, Walton and others went some of them over- whelmingly against disunion. In many counties it was the closest sort of a shave, giving either way only a vote or two. The most one-sided secession county in the whole State was Cobb, which gave 1,035 votes for and only seven against disunion. Chatham was also nearly unan- imous for secession. In a very few counties no opposition candidate to secession was run. In Taliaferro and Tattnall no secession candidate was put up. These statistics will show how much the people were divided on this issue, and yet in the crazy fever of the war excitement and the more noisy demonstration of the secession champions, the op- position was almost unheard and absolutely impotent. A few brave 150 PERSOXELLE OF THE SECESSION CONVEXTION. sj)irits spoke out fearlessly, and courageously endeavored to stem the rushing and turbulent tide of disunion. But the generality of conser- vative men feeling powerless to do anything, and unwilling to incur a certain odium that clung to men alleged to be lukewarm or opposed to Southern interest, went quietly along simply voting in the opposition. The secession convention was the ablest body ever convened in Georgia. Its membership included nearly every leading public man in the State, the leaders of all parties and shades of political opinion. Tiie President of the Convention was George W. Crawford, who had been Governor of the State from 1843 to 1847, a gentleman of large influence and command- ing ability, and for years a recognized popular leader. There was Robert Toombs, United States Senator, and for a short time Secretary of State in the Confederate Administration ; the two famous Stephens brothers, Alexander H. Stephens, Vice President of the Confederate States, and Linton Stephens, Judge of the Supreme Court. Ex-Governor Herschell V. Johnson, candidate for Vice President on the Douglas ticket and ex- United States Senator; Eugenius A. Nesbit, ex-Member of Congress and ex-Judge of the Supreme Court ; Benjamin H. Hill, present United States Senator ; Alfred H. Colquitt, the present able and popular Gov- ernor of Georgia; Henry L. Benning and Hiram Warner, ex-Judge and ex-Chief .Justice of the Supreme Court. There was also Augustus H.' Kenan, Washington Poe, David J. Bailey, ex-President of the Georgia Senate, Gen. W. T. Woiford, Francis S. Bartow, Thos. R. R. Cobb, Dr. H. R. Casey, Judge R. H. Clark, H. P. Bell, member of Congress since the war. Dr. J. P. Logan of Fulton county, one of the most eminent and scientific physicians in the State, Wm. H. Dabnej', D. P. Hill, Goode Bryan, Judge W. B. Fleming-, Henry R. Harris, member of Con- gress since the war, Thos. P. Saffold, Judge Augustus Reese, Pur- metas Reynolds, Arthur Hood now Judge, Willis A. Hawkins, since Judge of tiio Supreme Court, T. M. Furlow, A. H. HaTisell, S. B. Spencer, since Mayor of Atlanta, P. W. Alexander, C. W. Styles, N. A. Cars- well, now Judge of the Superior Court, and John L. Harris, since then a .ludge. Among these gentlemen two were the most potential and unexpected workers for secession. Judge Eugenius A. Nesbit, the author of the Ordinance of Secession, had always been a very conservative piiblic man. He was a small gentleman, tliough of great personal dignit}-. He possessed unusual culture and erudition. He was a christian of pro- found piety. He had been a Congressman and a Judge of the Supreme Court, and was known for eloquence, learning, ability, classical educa- DA j-f* sr SRAJii' _^ K:rG^ by ^b ia.rcixi^ . '/. DR. JOSEPn p. LOGAN. 151 tion, and a moral and social character of exquisite purity. The other of these two unlooked-for disunion advocates was Thos. R. R. Cobb, like Judg'e Nisbet, an earnest, fervent christian worker, but who, unlike his distinguished colleague, had never taken any part in political life. He was a lawyer of marvelous industry and acumen. The secession issue aroused all the fervor of his earnest soul. The election of Lincoln threw him into the political arena, the most intense, unwearied cham- pion of secession in the state. All of the pov<-erful energies of his mind and will were bent upon this mission of withdrawing Georgia from the Union and establishing a Southern Confederacy. He was, as Mr. Stephens fitly called him, a sort of Peter the Hermit in this secession crusade, pursuing it with an unquenchable enthusiasm. Nothing could more vividly show the engulfing fever of the day than the fact that such men as Dr. J. P. Logan were drawn into public activity. Leading the medical profession, he was a scientific enthusiast in his high calling. A gentleman of imposing figure and a noble face, with genial dignity of manner, combining every christian grace of character with decisive manhood, high intellectuality and rare medical skill and erudition, his interest in the movement showed how the solid strata of our best citizens was stimulated to zeal in this agitation. Mr. Albert Lamar was made the Secretary of the Convention. Gov. Brown and ex-Gov. Howell Cobb were invited to seats upon the floor. The convention was addressed b\' Hon. James li. Orr, Commissioner from South Carolina, and Hon. .lohn G. Shorter, Commissioner from Alabama, explaining the attitude of those states and seeking the cooperation of Georgia in disunion. On the ISth of January Judge Nisbet introduced a resolution declaring in favor of secession and for the appointment of a committee to report an ordinance of secession. This precipitated the issue. For this resolution ex-Gov. H. V. Johnson, acting in concert with Mr. Stephens, offered a substitute written by ex-Gov. Johnson, reciting Georgia's attachment to the Union; the assaults that had been made upon slavery and the insecurity they begat in the Southern mind; the peril that threatened the South from a hostile majority, a peril aug- mented by the recent secession of several Southern states; and that while Geoi'gia could not abide permanently in the Union without new and ample constitutional guarantees, yet she was not disposed to with- draw hastily or without consultation with her Southern Confederates, whose counsel and cooperation she invoked to secure our rights in the Union if possible, or to protect them out of the Union if necessary. The substitutes proposed an ordinance that Delaware, Maryland, Vir- 152 DISCUSSIOX OF GIANTS OVER SECESSION. g-inia, Kentuckj', North Carolina, I^oiiisiana, Texas, Arkansas, Ten- nessee and Missouri be invited to send delegates to a conjrress in Atlanta the lOth day of February, 1861, to consider the situation aftd devise a course. The independent republic of South Carolina, Florida, Alabama and Mississippi were invited to send Commissioners to said Congress. It was further declared in the ordinance that Georgia pre- sented as indispensable constitutional guarantees before she could re- main in the Union, congressional inability to abolish or prohibit slavery in the territories, surrender of fugitive slaves, punishment of rescue of slaves from officers, protection of slave property like other property in the territories, the admission of new states with or without slavery as the people thereof wish; the right of transit and protection for slaves, and the prohibition of negroes holding Federal office. It was further ordained by the substitute that upon any attempt at coercion of the seceded states Georgia would join them in resistance; that Georgia would hold Fort Pulaski and other Federal property until her iinal de- cision; that Commissioners be sent to the other slave states; that if all efforts fail she will help form a Southern Confederacy, and that tiie con- vention adjourn to the 25th day of February, 1801, and concluding with the unalterable determination of Georgia to maintain her rights, equality and safety at all hazards, and to the last extremity. The discussion over this issue was elaborate, able and eloquent. Judge Nisbet, Gov. .Johnson, T. R. R. Cobb, Mr. Stephens, Mr. Toombs, Alexander Means, Augustus Reese, Ben Hill and Francis S. Bartow, all spoke. It was a discussion of giants. The secession champions were Nisbet, Cobb, Toombs, Reese and Bartow, and pitted against them in favor of further attempt at a friendly settlement of troubles, were Johnson, Stephens, Means and Hill. The kej^-note of the secessionists, as condensed by Mr. T. R. R. Cobb in a speech of remarkable power, was, "We can make better terms out of the Union than in it! " And Mr. Stephens gave it as his opinion, that this single, focal idea of Mr. Cobb, looking to a more certain re-formation of the Union on a higher vantage ground outside of the Union, did more in carr^'ing the state out than all the arguments and eloquence of all others combined. The sound, unanswerable position of the anti-secessionists was enunciated by Mr. Stephens in the sentence, that " the point of resistance should be the point of aggression." Secession as a remedj' for anticipated aggressions was not wise or politic, and these gentlemen opposing seces- sion believed that Georgia, standing firm with the border states in an effort to obtain a redress of grievances, would succeed. "^ It was a grand A GRAND DEBATE. 153 debate over the grandest of themes, tliis discussion of superior minds, trained to controversy, upon a sul)ject involving the happiness and welfare, not only of the commonwealth, but of the nation with its millions. The debate was historic, and deserves to be pictured for posterity. Tliere is little doubt that it .settled the issue — the mighty and appalling issue of war or peace. The destinies of a nation hung upon it. Had the milder policy prevailed, and Georgia been in the role of peace-maker, there is no telling how the end would have been. The conservative course was the wise one. It was too grave an issue and too awful a result to hqve been decided hastily, and not to have first exhausted every possible means of friendly adjustment in the Union. But a Higher Power was ruling the occasion. The great and mysterious ends of Providence were in process of fulfillment. The frenzy of revolution was on the people: the counsels of prudence were subordi- nated to the honorable resentment of a chivalric section, and the work of the emancipation of four millions of slaves progressed to its bloody and final consummation. Ex-Gov. Johnson had moved the reference of the original and substi- tute to a special committee. After the debate the previous question was called and sustained, which brought the convention to a direct vote on Mr. Nisbet's secession resolution. The resolution was passed by a vote of 106 yeas to 130 nays, under all the circumstances a most extra- ordinary vote in its development of anti-secession views. The truth is, that some of the ablest and strongest intellects of the .state and the convention opposed secession, and that measure was carried by so small a majorit}" as to demonstrate how reluctant our people were to enter upon a violent course. [ Mr. Toombs was the undoubted head of the secessionists in the convention. His superb qualities of leadership, and his double leverage as a Senator in the United States and a member of the convention, with all the power and information that such senator- ship gave him, equipped him for hastening the march of the revolution. He had made a speech in the United States Senate on the 7th of Janu- ary, 18C1, of surpassing power— a speech intended to put upon record the wrongs and the cause of the South — a speech of crushing logic and sublime eloquence. One by one he had in clear, forcible language laid down the demands of the South, and their foundation in solemn consti- tutional guarantees. He candidly made .the striking admission, " that a very large portion of the people of Georgia prefer to remain in this Union with their constitutional rights — I would say ninety per cent, of them — believing it to be a good government." Unanswerably arguing 154 COMMITTEE TO DRAFT SECESSION ORDINANCE. that the Constitution was the compact of union, he discussed every grievance of which the South complained in the liglit of the Constitu- tion. The speech was full of magnificent bursts of thrilling eloquence. He concluded with this impassioned passage : " These charges I liave proven liy the reconi, and I put them before tlie civilized wnrici, and demand the judgment of to-day, of to-morrow, of distant ages, anil of lieaven itself, upon the justice of these causes. I am content, whatever it be, to peril all in,.so noble, so holy a cause. We have appealed, time and time again, for these constitutional rights. You have refused them. We appeal again. Restore us those rights as we had them, as your court adjudges them to be, just as our people have said they are ; redress these flagrant wrongs, seen of all men, and it u:ill restore fraternity, and peace and unity to all of us. Refuse them, and what then? We .shall then ask you, ' Let U3 depart in peace.' Refuse that, and you pre.sent us war. We accept it ; and inscribing npoA our banners the glori- ous words, ' Liberty and Equality,' we will trust iu the blood of the brave and the God of Battles for security and tramiuillity." Coming to Georgia with these grim words of war upon his eloquent lips, echoing their stem spirit over the whole country, and flaming men's hearts everj-where in the broad land, he took his seat in the sov- ereign convention of his great state, and there resumed the fiery mission of a nation's severance. It was a wonderful work, this disintegration of a gigantic government. And looking back from a twenty years' stand- point of tirne, one wonders that no prescience of the immeasurable mis- eries that followed were vouchsafed to the architects, the undoubtedly patriotic and pure-souled architects of that act of colossal i-uin and destruction. God for his own good reasons allowed no prophetic reve- lations of the terrible future, and the revolution went on in which a noble people, in a sacred cause of self-government, were crucified for a humanitarian wrong, for which they were not responsible. Thus inscrutably does Providence forge out its great plans. The secession battle was fought and whipped over Judge Nisbet's resolution. After its passage the colonial flag of Georgia was raised amidst a wild e.xcitement. It was a short work to complete the act. Judge Nisbet promptly moved that the committee to report an ordinance of secession consist of seventeen memLers. It was carried. The Presi- dent appointed tlie following gentlemen: E. A. Nisbet, chairman ; Robert Toombs, H. V. Johnson, F. S. Bartow, H. L. Benning, W. U. Brown, G. D. Rice, T. H. Trippe, T. R. R. Cobb, A. H. Kenan, A. H. Stephens, Jas. Williamson, D. P. Hill, B. H. Hill, E. W. Chastain, A. H. Colquitt, Aug. Reese. Immediately after the appointment of the committee a message was received from Governor Brown in response to a resolution calling on him for any information THE GEORGIA SECESSION ORDINANCE. 155 ill liis possession that would facilitate the action of the body, furnish- ing the ordinance of Georgia ratifying the Constitution of the United States, and also a copy of resolutions of the New York legislature ten- dering aid to the President to uphold the Union. The committee reported the following- Ordinance of Secession: "AN ORDINANCE " To dissolve tlie Union lietween the State of Georgia and other States united with her under a cunijiact of Government entitled, ' The Constitution of the United States of America.' " ]Ve the people of the Slate of Georgia, in Convention assembled, do declare and ordain, and it is herehtj declared and ordained ; " That the ordinance adopted by the people of the State of Georgia in Convention on the second day of January, in tlieyear of our Lord 1788, wliereby tlie Constitution of the United States of America was assented to, ratified and adopted ; and also all acts and parts of acts of the General Assembly of this State ratifying and adopting amendments of the said Constitution, are hereby repealed, rescinded and abrogated. "We do further declare and ordain, Tliat the union now sulisisting between the State of Georgia and other States, under the name of the United States of America, is hereby dissolved, and that tlie State of Georgia is in the full possession and exercise of all those rights of sovereignty, which belong and appertaiii to a free and independent State." On motion of Mr. Toombs the ordinance was twice read. Ben. Hill moved, as a substitute for the ordinance, the preamble and resolutions that had been offered by ex-Gov. H. V. Johnson. On this motion the vote stood 133. yeas to 164 nays, a slight gain in the anti-secession vote, though the motion was lost. Mr. Nisbet then moved the passage of the ordinance, and the vote stood 208 yeas to 89 nays, showing that 44 of the anti-secession members voted for the ordinance under the idea that its passage was a foregone conclusion and further opposition was useless, while it was necessary to give all the moral force possible to the act. Ben. H. Hill voted on this ballot for secession. But H. V. Johnson, the Stephens brothers. Gen. Woffiord and Hiram Warner still voted against it. The announcement of the President, Mr. Crawford, that it was his pleasure and privilege to declare that the State of Georgia was free, sovereign and independent, was followed by an applause that was tempered by the gravity of thoughtful men over a step of serious and unknown import. The hour of the passage of this momentous ordinance was two o'clock p. m., the 19th day of January, 18G1. The Atlanta Intelligencer a year after, recalling the event, thus described it: " There was an exultant shout, and men breathed freer and looked nolder, and felt more like freemen wlio had liurst the shackles that liail enslaved them for years. From the hall of the House of Representatives the momentous event soon reached the vast and excited multitude outside, who had crowded to Milledgeville, most of them with the 156 PROTEST AGAlXST SECESSION'. patriotic intent to urge upon tlie convention Georgia's right and duty to secede. The people shouted, tlie hells were rung, the cannon roared, the citv w.as illuminated, and great was the rejoicing." Mr. Nisbet offered this resolution, wliioli was adopted: " W/ienas, the lack of unanimity in the action of this convention, in the p.issage of the Ordinance uf Secession, indicates a difference of opinion amongst the menihers of the convention, not so much as to the rights which Georgia claims, or the wrongs of which she complains, as to the remedy and its application before a resort to other means of redress : "And icltereas, it is desirable to give expression to that intention which really exists among all members of this coni-eution to sustain the St.ite in the course of action which she has pronounced to be pro])er for the occasion, Therefore : " Rcsali-ed, That members of this Convention, including those who voted against the said ordinance, as well as those who voted for it, will sign tlie same as a pledge of the unanimous determination of this Convention to sustain and defend the St.ate in this her chosen remedy, with all its responsibilities and consequences, without regard to individual approval or disapproval of its adoption." At twelve o'clock on Monday, the 21st day of January, 1861, the ordinance of secession was signed in presence of the Governor and State House officers, Judges, and a throng of spectators, and the great seal of State attached. The delegates all signed the ordinance, but six of them did so under j)rotest, which is as follows: " We, the undersigned, delegates to the Convention of the State of Georgia, now in session, while we most solemnly protest .against the action of the majority in adopting an ordinance for the immediate and sep.trate secession of this Stiite, and would have preferred the policy of cooperation with our southern sister states, yet .as good citizens, we yield to tlie will of a m.ajority of her people as expressed liv their representatives, and we hereby pledge ' our lives, our fortunes and our sacred honor ' to the defense of Georgia, if uecessary, against hostile invasion from any source whatsoever. "James P. Simmons, of Gwinnett. Thos. M. McRae, of Montgomery. F. H. Latimer, of Montgomery. Davis WnEi.cniiL, of Hall. P. M. BvHD, of Hall. James Slmmons, of Pickens. " MiLLEl>GETiT,i,E, Ga., Jauu.irv 22, 1861." This decisive act of Georffia settled the revolution. Whatever doubts had e.xisted as to the policy or purpose of the South as to secession were dissipated. The spirit of the Georgia convention, so riven as it was by a conflict of opinion as to disunion, and yet so conciliatory and harmonious in the final action, confirmed the effect of its example abroad. Committed to secession after a stubborn conflict and close division, the State was compactly welded in its cordial support of the adopted THE ELECTRICAL EFFECT OF GEORGIA'S SECESSION. 157 policy. The ship was given to the lightning' and the gale against the wishes of a powerful minority of her crew, but when the venture was made, every man leaped to his post for the storm, devoted, loyal, intrepid and invincible. The news of the action at Milledgeville was flashed over- the wires, carrying the inflammable intelligence. It stirred the State to delirium. Ratification meetings were held every where. Guns were fired and orators spoke their burning words. The die was cast for war, and the chivalric spirit of a brave people gave back a unanimous and deep-souled response. In the sister states of the South the effect was electrical. That solid, staunch old Georgia should throw her splendid autonomy into the current of secession created a boundless enthusiasm, and the secession crusade became irresistible. Looking at the motives that animated the people of Georgia in this most serious step, one must admit that they were pure, conscientious and chivalric. They believed they were risking life, property and honor for liberty and self-government — for a violated constitution, whose prin- ciples incarnated the genius of republican institutions. It was eternally to their honor that they staked so much for their convictions of right. That they failed in their cherished cause detracts nothing from their heroic devotion and sacrifice to truth. That they should have been used by Providence in the execution of a humanitarian reform but consecrates their heroism. PART II. The Bloody Harvest of War. CHAPTER XVIII. THE PRINCELY PROSPERITY GEORGIA STAKED ON THE M'AR. Gov. Brown's Promptness. — The Seizure of the Augusta Arsenal. — Captain Elzev. — Col. Henry R. Jatkson.— Col. Win. H. T. Walker.— Work of the Convention.— The Delegates to Moutgoinery. — Commissioners to Southern States. — Their Keports. The Address of the Convention, written by Mr. Toombs. — A Summary of Georgia's Condition. — Striking Statistics. — Her E.xceptional Attitude. — Si.xty-two Millions Growth in a Single Year. — A Romance of State Expansion. — A Flood Tide of Progress. — Gov. Brown's Marvelous Administration. — Georgia's Largest Measure of Material Advancement under His Rule. — An Increa.se of 176 Millions in Brown's Four Years. — An Amazing Growth. — Georgia had Ennobled Peace. — She was to Illumine War. From the date of Georgia's secession, events went forward swiftly. Gov. Brown with characteristic promptitude ha.stened to make practical the sovereignty of the State. The United States flag was still flying over the Augusta Arsenal. Captain Arnold Elzey was in charge of it, in command of eighty United States soldiers. During the heated pub- lic feeling before secession, the people were in great excitement over Federal occupation of the Arsenal. This excitement became almost uncontrollable when the Federal flag continued to float over the Arsenal after secession, and it was the all-absorbing theme of talk. Gov. Brown went promptly to Augusta, arriving there on the 22d of January, 1861. Colonel, afterwards Gen. Henry R. Jackson, accompanied the Governor as his aid. The following communication was addressed to Captain Elzey: " Augusta, Ga., Jan. 2.3, I86I. " Capt. Arnold Elzey, U. S. A.. Commanding Augusta Arsenal : " Sir. — I am instructed by his Excellency, Gov. Brown, to say to you that Georgia, having seceded from the United States of America, and resumed exclusive sovereignty over her soil, it h.as become my duty to require you to withdraw the troops under your command at the earliest pr.acticahle moment, from the limits of this state. " He propo.ses to take possession of the Arsenal, and to receipt for .all public property under your charge, which will hereafter be accounted for, on adjustment, between tlie State of Georgia and the United States of America. " He begs to refer you to the fact th.at the retention of foreign troops upon the soil of Georgia, after remonstrance, is, under the laws of nations, an act of hostility ; aud he 1G2 ' THE AUGUSTA ARSENAL. I claims tliat the State is uut ouly at ])eace, Ijut auxiuus to cultivate the most amicable re- latious with tlie Uuiteil States Guverumeut. " I am further iustruoted to say that au answer will be expected by to morrow morn- iug, at uiue o'clock. " I am Sir, Very Respectfully, Your ObeUieut Servant, HENUY R. JACKSON. Aid de Camp, etc." Captain Elzey refused to give up the Arsenal, and telegraphed the situation to the authorities at Washington, receiving at one o'clock at night this reply: " Washington, Jan. 2.3, 1861. '• Capt. Arnold, Second Artillery, Commanding Augusta Arsenal, Ga. : " The Governor of Georgia hevs assumed against your post ,ancl the United States an attitude of war. His summons is harsh aud peremptory. It is not expected that your defense should be desperate. If forceil to surreniler by violence or starvation, you will stipulate for honorable terms, aud a free passage by water with your company to Xew York. " T. HOLT, Secretary of War." During the day of the 23d the volunteers of the city were ordered out, and some 800 troops responded. The refusal of Captain Elzey to surrender created the exciting pro.spect of a battle, and hence every man turned out that could raise a uniform and gun. Troops came in from the country. The companies out were the Augusta Battalion, companies A and B of the Minute Men and the militia, all under the immediate connuand of Lt. Col. Camming. Brig. Gen. Harris had general direc- tion, aided by Brig. Gen. Williams of Columbus. Col. Wm. Phillips was on the Governor's staff. Gov. Brown determined to make no hostile demonstration on the 23d, but to allow Captain Elzej' a day for consideration. The troops were dismissed until the 24:th, at nine o'clock, A. M., when they reassembled and were just about to march for the Arsenal, when Capt. Elzey sent the following communication, which caused a countermanding of the order to march. " Head Qcarters Augusta Arsejtal, ) Georgia, Jan. 24, 1861. ( " Sir, — I have the honor to inform you that I am directed by Captain Elzey, command- ing this post, to say, in reply to the demand of the Governor of the State of Georgia, made through you yesterd.ay, requiring him to withdraw his command beyond the limits of the State : he begs to request an interview with his Excellency, the Governor, for the purpose of negotiating honorable terms of surrender at as early an hour this morning as practicable. " I have the honor to be, very respectfully. Your Obedient Servant, J. C. JONES, " To Col. H. R. Jackson, Aid de Camp." Lieut. 2d Art. Adg. LAEGE CAPTURE OF VALUABLE ORDNANCE. 103 At ten o'clock Gov. Brown, with Generals Williams and Harris, and his staff, Col. H. R. Jackson, Col. Wni. Phillips, Lt. Col. M. C. Fulton, Lt. Col. C. V. Walker, and Lt. Col. Henry Cleveland rode to the Arse- nal, where the terms of surrender were agreed upon. 1. The United States flag was to be lowered and saluted. 2. The company to march out with military honors. 3. A receipt ta be given for the property with a view to future ad- justment. 4. The company to retain its arms and property, to stay in its quar- ters until withdrawal from the State, and to have passage to New York by Savannah. The State obtained a large quantity of valuable ordnance and munitions, among them a fine battery of two twelve-pound howitz- ers, two cannons, twenty-two thousand muskets and rifles, many of tliem of the best kind, and heavy stores of powder, grape and other am- munition. After the arrangements were completed, a cordial exchange of friendly courtesies was had. Col. Wm. Henry Walker crossed the room and heartily shook hands with Capt. Elzey, assuring him that he had done all that a brave officer could. A silent embrace was Capt. Elzey's reply, and the incident filled with tears the eyes of those who wit- nessed the touching incident between these two old army faends, sud- denly placed in hostile relations to each other. The two were at West Point together. Col. Walker was afterwards made a Major General in the Confederate army. He was the possessor of a courage that bor- dered upon the desperate. He was peculiarly unfortunate, having been frightfully wounded on three separate occasions in his service before the war, once being literally shot to pieces. He was finally killed in the battles around Atlanta. The garrison was called out and the four field, pieces used in firing the salute. Thirty-three guns were fired, one for each star on the old flag, Georgia included. The flag descended from the staff between the thirty-second and thirty-third fire. All of the officers of the com- pany, and some of those with the Governor had seen active service under it. Col. Jackson through the Mexican war. As the flag fell from the staff, a deep feeling of pain and regret was entertained. Refreshments w-ere ordered by Capt. Elzey, and a number of toasts were pledged, several of them deserving preservation. Col. • Jackson offered this feeling and memorable sentiment: "The flag of stars and stripes, mav it never be disgraced, while it floats over a true Southern patriot." This toast was warmly appreciated by the officers of the 1G4: DELEGATES TO 3IOXTGOMERY. Federal company, who were Southern officers. Governor Brown, while not drinking wine, proposed a toast to Captain Elzey, in which he paid that officer a merited and generous compliment. Gov. Brown returned immediately to Milledgeville. At three o'clock Gen. Harris, with twelve of the Washington Artillery, and a squad of the Oglethorpe Infantry, proceeded to the Arsenal and took possession. At half past four the representative flag of Georgia was formally raised, a pure white banner with a large red five-pointed star in the center, the symbol and the emblem of the state's supreme sovereignty. Salutes were fired with two cannon belonging to the Washington Artillerj- ; one gun for the sovereignty of Georgia ; five guns for the seceded states; and fifteen for the prospective Southern Confederacy. In com- menting upon Gov. Brown's judicious execution of this duty, the Augusta Cotistitutionalist complimented him upon the fact that he used every effort to preserve peace between the State and the United States, and it used these words: " Our State may well be proud of her Governor." It was apprehended at one time that bloodshed wonld ensue; but the prompt and overwhelming demonstration of force, giving time for a calm knowledge of the situation, resulted in the peaceable surrender of the post with its incalculably valuable stores for the great conflict so soon at hand. This episode added to the enthu- siasm of the hour, and stimulated the war feeling. Captain Elzey afterwards became a General officer in the Confederate army. The work of the State Convention proceeded rapidly. Ordinances were passed in quick succession, perfecting the details of sovereign rule, in regard to citizenship, the courts, inter-state slave trade, postal arrangements, and other matters. Delegates were elected to the South- ern Convention to meet at Montgomery on the 4th of February, 18G1. These were: State at Large. — Robert Toombs and Howell Cobli. 1st District, Francis S. Bartow; 2nd District, Martin J. Crawford; 3d District, EJugenius A. Nisbet; 4th District, Benjamin H. Hill; 5tli Dis- trict, Augustus R. Wright; 6th District, Thomas R. R. Cobb; 7th Dis- trict, Augustus H. Kenan; 8th District, Alexander H. Stephens. This was a very strong delegation. Some complaint was made by the extreme secession press at the selection of B. H. Hill, A. H. Kenan and A. R. Wright, on account of their not having been secessionists. The Convention selected also Commissioners to send to Southern states that had not seceded. The persons chosen were: For Virginia, H. L. Benning of Muscog'ee. EEPOETS Oi' SOUTHEKN COMIIISSIONEES. 1G5 For Maryland, A. R. Wright of Richmond. For Kentucky, H. R. Jackson of Chatliam. For Tennessee,. H. P. Bell of Forsyth. For Missouri, L. J. Glenn of Fulton. For Arkansas, D. P. Hill of Harris. For Delaware, D. C. Campbell of Baldwin. For North Carolina, Saml. Hall of Macon. Col. Henry R. Jackson declined to serve, and Dr. W. C. Daniell was appointed in his stead. W. J. Vason had been previously chosen as Commissioner to Louisiana, and J. 'W. A. Sanford, Commissioner to Texas. Reports of their mission to these states were made by Campbell, Sanford, Wright, Hall, Daniell, Vason and Bell. Col. D. P. Hill, the Commissioner to Arkansas, proceeded to that state and remained three months at work, and did not return until Arkansas seceded, at which time the Georgia Convention had adjourned, and his report was never made. He labored faithfully, however, canvassing the state of Arkansas from one end to the other. Col. L. J. Glenn went to Missouri, but had a ditlicult time, meeting with much trouble in his mission. The reports of the Commissioners constitute a very interesting series of papers, and are embodied in the Journal of the Convention. Col. Campbell found in Delaware a Legislatui'e hostile to secession, and hence limited his work to a brief letter to Gov. Burton, who transmitted it to the Gen- eral Assembly without comments. Col. Campbell predicted that when Virginia and Maryland seceded, Delaware would do so. Ranse Wright, the Commissioner to Maryland, found Gov. Hicks of that state uncom- promisingly opposed to secession, and if a disruption was made he favored a Central Confederacy, including New Vork, Pennsylvania, New Jersey, Delaware, Virginia, Missouri and Ohio, and was then in correspondence with the Governors of those states upon the subject. An unofficial convention of secessionists was in session in Maryland, but adjourned until some time in March. Col. Wright thought the people of Maryland would take the matter in their own hands and join the South. The letter of Col. Wright to Gov. Hicks was a very elo- quent and able presentation of the issues involved. The report of Samuel Hall, the Commissioner to North Carolina, rep- resented a most cordial reception from the Governor, the legislature and citizens of that state. He addressed the legislature in a speech of elaboration and power, that concluded with an eloquent anticipation of the future glory of a Southern Confederacy. His mission was a success IGG SECESSIOX ADDRESS TO THE PEOPLE. in this, that the legislature submitted the question to the people whether a convention should be called. Dr. Daniell was able to do nothing in Kentucky. Wni. J. Vason, the Commissioner to Louisiana, addressed the legislature of that state, but found the state up to the neck in secession. Col. H. P. Bell, the Commissioner to Tennessee, found the people against secession, but Governor Harris was confident they would come to it in time. Col. Lutiier J. Glenn went to Missouri and faithfully executed his mission. He had a troublesome time, but over- came the difficulties manfully. The Convention continued in session until the 20th of January, ISGl, when it adjourned to meet in Savannah. A number of important mat- ters were ordained, among them, the reduction of the Senate of the state to a body of forty-four members, as it has Ijcen ever since and is now. The Congressional Districts were increased from nine to ten. The Governor was authorized to raise two regiments of troops for state defense. The address of the Convention upon the Ordinance of Secession as reported by Mr. Nisbet, chairman of the committee of seventeen, was written by Mr. Toombs, and was a masterly review of the causes that induced Georg'ia to secede. It is a clear, concise, ringing statement of the issue, pithy, concentrated and forcible. x\rraigning the Republi- can party for its crusade against slavery, the great question of slavery is the burden of the paper. The address concludes in these sinewj' sentences. The people of Georgia " Know the value of parchment rights in trcaelierous hands, and therefore they refuse to commit their oivn to the rulers whom the North offer us. Why? Because by their declared principles and policy they have outlawed three thousand millions of our pro- perty in tlie conimou territories of the Union, put it under the ban of the Republic iu tlie states where it exists, and out of tlie protection of Federal law every-where ; because they give sanctuary to thieves and incendiaries who assail it to the wliole extent of their power, in spite of tlieir nuist solemn oldis.ations and covenants ; because their avowed purpose is to subvert our society, and sui)ject us, not only to the loss of our propertv, but tlie destruction of ourselves, our wives and our children, and the desolation of our liouies, our altars an Half-past 9, P. M. ) " I have demanded of the Governor of Xew York, the prompt delivery to my agent for D. C. Hodgkius & Sons, citizens of tliis State, of their guns, seized by the police of New York, on board the M<->nticello, and dei)osited in the arsenal of that state. The demand has been delivered to him. He has Iiad a reasonable time and has made no reply. I am determined to protect the persons and property of the citizens of tliis st.ate against all such lawless violence, at all hazards. " In doing so, I will, if necessary, meet force by force. I feel it my duty in this cose to order reprisal. You will therefore direct Col. Lawtou to order out sufficient military force, and seize and hold, subject to ray order, every ship now in the harbor of Savan- n,ah, belonging to citizens of New York. When the property of which our citizens have been robbed is returned to them, then the ships will be delivered to the citizens of New York who own them. " JOSEPH E. BROWN. " Col. H. R. Jackson, Aid de Camp, Savannah, Georgia." After the issuance of this order to Col. Jackson, Gov. Brown received SEIZUEE OF NEW YORK VESSELS. 173 a dispatch frnm Gov. Morgan acknowledging the receipt of the first dispatch, alleging that certain arms had been detained in New York, but saying " its grave character and unofficial form forbid him from tak- ing action in regard to it without better authenticated information." Gov. Morgan's dispatch concluded by saying that a response was given to enable Gov. Brown if the first dispatch was " veritable " to com- municate his wishes by letter. The reply of Gov. Morgan was unfortu- nate in several respects, especially in connection with the prompt methods and unyielding temper of Gov. Brown. Such a dispatch to verify the authenticity of the first one could have been sent immedi- ately. The delay indicated, what was afterwards shown, a disposition to trick in the matter. Gov. Brown was neither insensible to the dis- courtesy of silence, nor willing to lose his chances of redress by delay or subterfuge. The terms of the reply excited his suspicion of Gov. Morgan's fair dealing. AVary and resolved, he permitted Col. Jackson to proceed in making the seizure of vessels, so as to be upon perfectly equal terms with Gov. Morgan. A less firm or vigilant person would have acted on Gov. Morgan's evasive telegram, which probably was inspired by information of the order of reprisal. On the Sth, Col. Jackson seized the following vessels: the brig Kirby; bark, Adjuster; brig, Golden Lead; schooner, Julia, and -bark, Golden Murray. Col. Lawton effected the seizure. Detachments of the Phcenix Riflemen vmder Captain George Gordon were placed in charge of the ships, with instructions not to molest crew or cargo. On the Sth, the same day. Gov. Brown wrote fully to Gov. Morgan detailing the whole matter. After a recapitulation of the facts, Gov. Brown thus continued and concluded this plain-spoken letter. "I am niialile to perceive what reason you hail to doulit tliat my dispatch wa.s verita- ble. It was dated at the Executive Departmeut aud signed here by me. You also ob- ject to it on account of its unofficial form. It is not only dated at this Department, but I e.\pressly state that I make the dem.and as Governor of Georgia. I am not aware of tlie additional lanjjaasre wliicli your Excellency would consider requisite to give to a demand of this cliaracter official form ! " A lengthy official correspondence in this case is neither invited or desired. The out- rage was a public one. Citizens of this state have been robbed of their property in your state l)y officers under your control. As the Executive of Georgia, I have demanded its re-delivery to its owners. My demand when met, hasibeen met evasively, by raising a technical objection to its form, which has no foundation in fact, as a simple reference to tlie demand itself will show. The case is one, therefore, which requires action, not lengthy diplomacy. I have the honor therefore to notify your Excellency of the seizure of tlie vessels above mentioned under my order, and that I shall hold them until justice be done the injured citizens of this state, above named, by re-delivery of the 17-t THE PEESS ON THE SEIZURE. puus to them or to G. B. Lamar of New York, whom I have appointed my agent to receive them. If the projicrty seized as reprisal belongs to citizens uf Kew York, who are friendly to the cause of justice ami truth, and the equal riglits of the peojile of the Southern states, I shall regret the inconvenience to whicli tliey may be e.vjjosed. " I cannot forget, however, that my first duty is to protect the citizens of tliis State against tlie lawless violence of the officers or citizens of otlier states. If, in so doing, iucidental injury shoulil be done to orderly .and law-abiding citizens of such offending state, for just and full indemuity tliey must look to their own goverumeut, which has brought the injury upon them. " I trust your Excellency may have no difticulty in arriving at the conclusion that this communication is ' official ' and ' veritable.' " At the hour of nine o'clock P. ll., on the 9th of February, the day after his letter was written to Gov. Morgan, and before it was received. Gov. Brown received this telegram : "New York, Feb. 9, 1861. " The arms have beeu put at the command of the owners here : please release all vessels. " ^i- B. LAMAK." Upon receipt of tliis dispatch Gov. Brown telegraphed to Col. Jackson: " I have just received a telegram from G. B. Lamar, my agent in New York, stating that the arms have been put at the commands of tlie owners. The object for which the seizure was made Iiaviug lieen accomplished, and tlie rights of the citizens of this State haviug been vindicated, you will order vessels seized to be immeiliately released." Gov. Brown also i-eplied by telegram to G. B. Lamar that he had ordered the release of the vessels. But the matter was not to end here. The subject was very fully discussed, and especially the law of reprisals. The Governor's authority to resort to this arbitrary remedy was clearly shown by quotation from Vattel's " Law of Nations." The Savannah Re^yublican took issue on the matter with the Governor, and condemned his course as hasty, and endorsing Gov. Morgan's action in requiring the dispatch to be authenticated. Public sentiment in the State was, how- ever, almost unanimously in favor of Governor Brown's action, and there was much tart commentary on the Savannah Repuhlican. Out of the State the Governor was highly commended. The Charleston Courier said he was "the man for his place and for the times." The Richmond Despatch said there was a " broad grin over everj^body's face at the lightning-like rapidity with which the New York police let e/o the guns." The New York Jlrrald dubbed Gov. Morgan's act as " the clima.x of absurdity, folly and political iniquity," and further declared that: " Gov. Brown will find an abundant justification of the act he has ordered in the respousibilities of his position, and in the necessity of indemnifying private citizens, who are his constituents, for an unwarrantable robbery committed by our police, for which they could obtain no other redress. It is the very nearest thing to a civil war. MEW YORK LEGISLATURE AND CONGRESS. 175 but let the blame rest where it belongs, upon the Republicau Executive of Xew York, whose atrocious usurpation of powers that do not heloug to him; lias led to siicli a sad result." .The New York Herald of the 8th contained a paragraph that Gov. Morgan assumed that the arms were intended to be used against the Federal government, and felt bound by his official oath to interfere. And such was, undoubtedly, his motive, and he was sustained by the Republican press of the North. Mr. Toombs telegraphed from Milledge- ville to Fernando Wood, mayor of New York city, asking about the seizure, and saying, that a reply was important to us and to New York. Mayor Wood replied, that the seizure had been made, but that the city of New York should in no way be held responsible for the outrage. As mayor he had no authority over the police. If he had tlie power, he said, he would summarily punish the authors of the illegal and unjusti- fiable seizure of private property. A dispatch was also sent to Crom- well & Co., agents in New York of the steamer Monticello, from parties in Savannah, stating that the seizure of the arms had created excite- ment, and asking if they could not get the arms back, as retaliation was feared. The matter stirred so much public interest, that it was made the subject of a resolution in the New York Legislature, requiring the metropolitan police commissioners to report to the House by what authority, if any, they ordered the seizure and detention of the arms. The resolution, however, was voted down. Henry C. Wayne, Adjutant- General of Georgia, addressed a brief communication to the New York Herald, correcting the erroneous statement, that the State of Georgia had purchased the arms. Early after the seizure, the law firm of Munn & Parsons of New York, representing W. H. D. Callender, cashier of the State Bank of Hartford, Conn., demanded of Mr. Kennedy, superintendent of the police, the arms. Kennedy referred the matter to his counsel, and finally peremp- torily refused the demand, and a writ of replevin was served upon him, when he placed the arms in the custody of Sheriff Kelly. The agents of the seized ships were in constant telegraphic communication with their owners in New York. Mr. G. B. Lamar was notified of Gov. Brown's purpose to seize the ships, and was preparing a dispatch advis- ing against the course when he received information of the seizure. In Washington, Congress took up the matter, Hon. .lohn Cochrane of New York offering a resolution directing the Secretary of the Treasury to inform the House, whether he had any official information on the subject, and he further gave notice of his purpose to call up and j^ress 176 SECOND SEIZURE OF VESSELS. to a passage a bill previouslj- introduced, providing for the protection of the commercial interests of the nation against flagitious attacks upon them by the seceded states. The matter, it will be seen, was for the time the theme of national discussion, as well as of home interest. It was even moldins national legislation. But in spite of promises it was unsettled, and it was des- tined to test still further Gov. Brown's pluck and persistence, and evoke Confederate legislation against Gov. Brown's course, which was as powerless as all the other agencies at work to stop the resolute Executive in his protection of Georgia citizens and Georgia rights. Mr. Lamar was informed that the guns were at the command of their owners and, as has been stated, so notified Gov. Brown, who ordered the release of the ships. Mr. Lamar waited ujjon Mr. Kennedy, and to his surprise was informed that he had changed his rriind and would not deliver up the arms to any person except the sheriff, until compelled to do so by law, and would also make further seizures of " contraband articles." The New York Herald announced the delivery of the arms, but the New York Tribune denied that they had been given up, prob- ably acting on partisan information. In this state of things Governor Brown met the new issue as squarely as he had the old one. He instantly ordered another seizure of vessels. There appears to be well-grounded doubt for implicating Gov. Morgan in the treachery that was used, and the retention of the arms after their delivery had been agreed upon. In fact he denied to a Herald reporter that he had ever ordered any seizure at all of the arms, and expressed the opinion that the whole thing had originated in a late charge of Judge Smalley to the grand jury. And a letter was published alleged to have been written by him to Funch and Meincke in New York city, owners of the bark "Adjuster," at the first seizure, advising them to go into the courts for their rights, giving the opinion that the retalia- tion was unjustifiable, and that if idemnity could no where else be obtained, the Federal government itself would in a last resort be liable. The Herald was disposed to place the responsibility either upon Super- intendent Kennedy or the police commissioners, to whom he owed his appointment. Gov. Brown's second order of .seizure to Col. Henry R. Jackson was issued on February 31st, ISGl. His letter of instructions was quite full, going with considerable detail into the occurrence. In this he stated that Mr. John Boston, the collector of the port of Savannah, had received word that the guns hail been delivered up. He also RELEASE OF THE SHIP ADJUSTEEi 177 referred to Gov. Morgan's silence on the subject. It was clearly evident that it was the settled policy of the New York authorities to subject Southern commerce to a dishonorable surveillance, and to seize our propertv and plunder our citizens at their pleasure. He added these strong and manly words: " Under tliese circumstances I feel tliat I, as the Executive of Georgia, ivould prove recreant to tlie high trust reposeil iu nie Ijv my fellow-citizens, were I to refu>e to pro- tect their rights against such unprovoked aggression, by all the means which the law of nations, or the constitutiou and laws of this state have placed at my command. It therefore becomes my duty again to direct you to call out such military force as may be necessary for tliat purjiusc, and to renew the reprisuls by the seizure, as soon as practi- cable, of vessels in tlie harbor of Savannah, or other property iu the city, or elsewhere within your reach, belongiug to the state, or to citizens of New York, at least eijual in value to double the amount of the original seizures made by you. You will hold the property so seized, subject to my order ; and it will be released when the guus iu ques- tion (together with .any other property of our citizens which has been or may in the meantime be unlawfully seized by the authorities of New York) are actually shipped from the harbor, and are beyond the reach or control of the police of the city of New York or the authorities of that state." In response to this order Col. Jackson seized three ships, the Martha J. Ward, the bark Adjuster and the brig Julia A. Hallock. Gov. Brown then wrote on the 25th of February, ISGl, to Gov. E. D. Morgan, noti- fying him of the new seizure, and concluding with this information of the additional steps he should take: " Should I fail to receive official information from your Excellency, prior to tlie 2.5th March next, that the gmis above mentioned have been delivered to their riglitful owners, or to G. B. Lamar, my ageut, and that he has been permitted to ship them from the Port of New York to Savannah, I shall on tliat day, cause the vessels above named, to be sold in the City of Savannah, to the higliest bidder, and out of the proceeds of tlie sale I shall indemnify the injured citizens of this state against the loss sustained by them on account of the unjust and illeg.ol seizure and detention of their property by the authorities of New York. That you may not fail to receive this notice, it will be sent to you at Albany, in duplicate, by differeut mails." Of the three vessels last seized the bark Adjuster was freighted with a cargo of cotton belonging to British and Russian subjects. Proof of this was furnished to Col. Jackson and by him forwarded to Gov. Brown, who at the intercession of the representatives of the British and Russian governments, permitted the bark to be released and pro- ceed to sea instead of compelling them to unload and seek another ship. This was done to cultivate friendly relations with foreign powers and throw no obstructions in the way of foreign commerce. This release of the bark Adjuster was made on the 28th of February, 1801. On the 2nd of March, 18G1, executive order was issued to Col. Jackson to adver- 12 178 THE CONFEDERATE CONGRESS CONDEMNS GOV. ISKOWN. tise tlie two reniaiiiing ships for sale on the 25th of Marcli fur casli. The advertisement of the sale was published, and would have been car- ried out, but on the 18th of March, G. B. Lamar telegraphed that the ten cases of arms had been delivered and were on their way to Savannah. Discerning that they were powerless against Governor Brown's sum- mary and unalterable methods, the New York authorities wiselv gave in and released the guns. The Governor, on the 22nd of March, upon entirely satisfactory proof of the release of the guns, concluded this novel altercation by ordering Col. Jackson to release the vessels. Tlie order ended with these characteristic words: " ]t is to Ije hoped that the annoyance and losses to private interests occasioned by tlie lawless, unprecedented and wholly unjnstitialile conduct of the New York authori- ties, and the ultimate vindication of tlic riyht liy tlie steps I have liecn constrained to take, will prevent tlie recurrence of iuiy like complication in the future." The Provisional Government of the Confederate States had been organized on the 9th of February, 1860, and the Provisional Congress was in session in Jlontgomery. This Congress condemned the action of Governor Brown in seizing these vessels, on the ground that it was wrong in Gov. Brown to take such independent State action, as this was the jarovince of the Confederate government. It is needless to say that the censure weighed not a feather in the estimation of the intrepid and independent Executive of Georgia, whose action was based upon a careful and deliberate investigation of his authority, and under a sense of duty as to the protection he owed the citizens of Georgia. Nor did it swerve him one hairs-breadth from his course. It was a specimen of his practical and direct ways that he went straight to results. While the Confederate states' authorities with the multiplicity of great matters upon them, would have necessarily treated this as a minor all'air, and pursued it leisurely and with ceremonious diplomacy, sending special envoys and using elaborate manifestoes, Gov. Brown took the short path "to success, and wasting time upon no formalities or circumlocution, he made his peremptory demand, and when it was refused, enforced it with an iron-handed retaliation that asked no favors and granted none, but tore justice from unwilling authority. Tlie matter was pending from the 23d day of January to the 22d day of March, 18G1, just tv/o months, and engrossed as the public mind was with the secession of states, the disintegration of the Union, and the formation of a new government, this striking controversy between the two leading states of the hostile sections, involving sacred rights and testino- strong remedies, held the popular thought and even evoked the COlirLIlIEXT TO GOVERXOK BROWN. 179 official consideration of both national governments. Some idea can be formed of liow Gov. Brown's conduct in the affair impressed men from a lengthy editorial in Mr. Gardner's paper, the Augusta Constitutionalist. This editorial began by saying that the distinguished gentleman who occupied the Executive chair of Georgia had made sundry marks upon the records of the present, that time will not readily erase, and which the pen of the historian of those days will not forget to copy. It re- viewed some of his leading acts of rule. Among other things it showed how, when events were crowding upon each other's heels, and while the Federal administration was amusing South Carolina with empty pledges and really occupying the impregnable walls of Sumter, Governor Brown, without the firing of a gun, displaced the Stars and Stripes, wherever they floated on Georgia soil. It took up the last act of the Governor in his daring reprisal upon New York. It referred to the charge that had been made, that Gov. Brown had, in this, made a political move for the Presidency of the Southern Confederate States. It showed that even the New York Herald, the leading journal of the Western world, had in an able discussion of the matter, shown that the policy of reprisals had been conceived and urged upon the legislature of Georgia, by Gov. Brown, in his famous special message on the crisis, and that he was act- ing in conformity with a settled policy. This editorial was remarkable in its unqualified tribute to Gov. Brown's statesmanship, as coming from a paper owned by a defeated rival for the governorship and which had persistently fought him. It declared that Georgia was indebted to South Carolina for this superb Governor, and it used this culminating- language : " He may reasonalily expect .inytliing, for from the poor boy of Pickens, South Caro- lina, he became a Georgia lawyer of good reputation, the Judge of the Superior Court of the Blue Ridge Circuit, then Governor of Georgia; Governor agaiu by tlie largest majority ever giveu in the State ; and as a distinguished Congressman once remarlied to us, ' We might as well send him to the Senate, and nominate him for I'resident, for lie is bound to go through, and that will be the quickest way to get rid of biin.' " CHAPTER XX. THE BIRTH OF THE CONFEDERACY AND THE SHADOW OF WAR. Georgia Cougressmen Withdraw. — Jo.sliua Hill Resigns. — Soutlieru Cuuveiitioii. — Howell Cobb its Presideut. — Georgia Leading. — Toombs aud Tom Cobb govern- ing spirits. — Jeff Dai'is, Presideut, A. H. Stei)Iien3, Vice-President. — Martin J. Crawford, Commissioner to the United States. — His Mission Kuding in a Haughty Defiance. — Browu's Vigorous War Preparations. — The Leap to Anns. — Georgia War Appointments. — Davis Speaks through Georgia. — Tlie First Confederate Flag in Georgia. — Capt. G. W. Lee. — The Secession Convention in Savannah. — George W. Crawford's E.xquisite Speech. — The Spirit of the Soutli. — Fighting Providence. — Troops Organized. — Guns Ordered. — The Seizure of tlie Dahlonega Mint — Old Harrison Hilev. — Gov. Brown's Admirable Tact in Dealing with the North Georgia Union Sentiment. — The United States Flag in Pickens County. On the 23d day of Januaiy, 18G1, all of the Georgia Representatives in Congress, except Hon. Joshua Hill, withdrew from the body in a letter addressed to Hon. William Pennington, Speaker of the House. The letter recited the fact of Georgia's secession, quoting- the ordinance and concluded thus'i " The so<'ercign State of Georgia, of which we are representatives in this House, having thereby dissolved tlie political connection between that State aud the Goverument of the United States, and having thereby repealed the ordinauce of 1788, by which the Constitution of the United States was ratified, and having resumed all the powers dele- gated to the Federal Goverument, we herel)y announce to you that we are no longer members of the House of representatives of the United States Congress. Martin J. Crawford, Peter E. Love, Thoniius J. Hanleman, Jr., Lucius J. Gartrell, John W. H. Underwood, James Jackson, John Jones." Hon. Joshua Hill did not withdraw, but resig-ned in the following brief letter to Mr. Pennington, dated the 23d of January, ISGl, also. "Sir, — Satisfied as I am. that a majority of the couventiou of the people of Georgia, now sitting, desire that the State should no longer be Kepresented upon this floor, I in obedience to this wisli of the peojde's rejiresentatives, hereby resign the seat I hold as a member of this House." Mr. Hill, upon the seizure of Fort Pulaski by Gov. Brown, had made a speech in opposition to this action of the Governor. This speech was made in Congress, and on the 24th of January a large number of citi- zens of Geneva, Talbot county, assembled and hung Mr. Hill in effigy ^J^^^Ci-^^-JLt^^^^^^^Z!^.^^ TIIK IMtOVISIOXAL CONFEDERATK GOVERXMEXT. 181 for this spoocli. Gen. Scott was also burned in effigy by the students of Franklin college. Mr. John Boston, collector of the port of Savan- nali, resigned his place. Tiie flag of Georgia was immediately hoisted on the staff over the custom house by Major Lachlan Mcintosh, who had resigned from the United States army. The flag raised was of a neat design, bearing the coat of arms of tlie State, surmounted by six stars, the number of the seceded states. Over the whole was an eye. Tlie flag was white, with the stars all deep red save Georgia, which was blue. At 12^ o'clock on the 4th day of February, 1801, the convention of the seceded states met in Montgomery, Alabama. Hon. Howell Cobb was made permanent president, and J. J. Hooper of Alabama, secretary. Georgia, Florida, Alabama, Louisiana, Mississippi and South Carolina were represented. A provisional government was formed; and on the 9th of February, 18G1, Jefferson Davis was elected Provisional Presi- dent, and Alexander H. Stephens Vice-President. There is no doubt but that Mr. Toombs was expected to be the President. The Georgia delegation held a meeting, all being present except Mr. Hill and Mr. Wright, and agreed to present the name of Mr. Toombs. It was sub- sequently rumored that Mr. Toombs said his name was not to be pre- sented, and it was then determined, if this was true, that the Georgians would support Mr. Davis for President, and Mr. Stephens for Vice-Presi- dent. The motion to put Mr. Stephens in the second place, if Mr. Toombs should not be presented for the first office, was made in the Georgia delegation by Mr. Kenan and seconded by Mr. Nisbet. The name of Howell Cobb was also spoken of, but some of the delegations from Carolina, Florida and Alabama, who heard of the proposition to elect Mr. Cobb were unwilling to support him on account of old party conflicts. Mr. Toombs did forbid the use of his name, and Davis and Stephens were unanimously chosen. It will thus be seen that Georgia carried into the new Southern movement the same controlling influence that she had been accustomed to wield, furnishing a President for tlie convention, two strong men for the Presidency of the Government, and the Vice-President of the Confederacy. Mr. Toombs and Thomas R. R. Cobb were the leading spirits of the committee to draft a constitution for a pei-manent government, and Mr. Bartow, chairman of the military com- mittee. On the 18th of February, 1861, Jefferson Davis was inau- gurated as Provisional President, and he made Robert Toombs his Secretary of State. A commission of three persons was appointed by Mr. Davis under resolution of the Confederate Congress, to go to Washington and negotiate friendly relations with the United States 183 M'M. H. SKW.VF.I) ANI> MAKTIX J. CRAWFORD. Government. This commission eonsisted of Hon. Martin .T. Crawford of Georgia, John Forsyth of Alabama, and A. B. Roman of Louisiana. Mr. Crawford of Georgia was the leading spirit in this important com- mission, clothed as it was with powers of the broadest extent and most delicate responsibility, in the settlement of the great and dilKeult ques- tions that involved the two governments. Mr. Crawford and Mr. Forsyth proceeded immediately to Washington, arriving there just as Mr. Buchanan was about retiring from office. On the 12th of March, ISGl, they addressed a communication to Mr. Wm. H. Seward, Secretary of State under President Lincoln, notifying him of their mission and asking the appointment of an early day to present their credentials and enter upon their duties. On the l.")th of March, Mr. Seward prepared what he termed a " Memorandum," declining official intercourse with Messrs. Crawford and Forsyth. Under various pretexts and infinite duplicity the decision of Mr. Seward was withheld and the commissioners deceived until the Sth of April, when it was delivered to them, they remaining under pledges that Fort Sumter would be given up to the South, and a peaceful solution of troubles be made. The commissioners on the 9th of April addressed a reply to Mr. Seward — a powerful, incisive document, in which they clearly set forth the attitude of the seceded states, and the duplicity that had been shown to them. They declared that the refusal to entertain their over- tures connected with concurrent action of the United States govern- ment was viewed by them, and could only be received by the world, as a declaration of war against the Confederate States. They climaxed this declaration with these haughty words: " The undersigned, in beli.alf of their government and people, .accept the gauge of battle thus thrown down to them ; and appealing to God and the judgment of mankind for the righteousness of their cause, the people of the Confederate States will defend their liberties to the last against this fl.agrant and open attempt at their subjugation to sectional power." Georgia was still in the lead of this great revolution. Her destiny seemed inevitable for a foremost agency in the now certain strife. It was through one of her bold sons that a peaceful solution of the matter was sought, and when that failed, that the prompt, ringing, defiant acceptance of the issue was with heroic emphasis and a lofty spirit formulated to the foe and the world. The war was a settled fact. The retention of Sumter, the war-like preparations and the refusal to treat with the Southern Commissioners, were simply the preface to the blood- shed so soon to come. Both sides girded for the fight. Georgia cspe- THE WAR FEVER. 183 cialh', under her prompt and thorough-going Governor, went to work in dead earnest, getting ready for genuine war. The people, though the}' had been divided in the policy of disunion, rallied to the cause when it was decided. There was a considerable union element in the mountain section tliat clung to the Federal government, and that stood stubbornly union to the end. It was quite a liberal sprinkling of the citizens populating the hilly belt far from the railroads, but with this exception the million of Georgia inhabitants backed loyally the South- ern cause. Voting not much over 100,000 citizens, the state of Georgia gave 120,000 soldiers to the war, or 30,000 excess of her voting popu- lation. This constitutes a wonderful record of chivalry, not surpassed in the world's history. The war flush was on the state, and there was a good deal of demon- stration of enthusiasm, but with a settling of the public mind to the business of fighting, there came a deeper real intensity, more quiet. We felt the heat, but the flash diminished. Men, too, were right noisy over the situation. There was much flurry, and occasionally the enthu- siasm boiled over, but the consciousness of serious work ahead made thinking peoule serious, and toned down the effervescence. There was an unbounded confidence in the future, save among a few. The leaders believed in success. The masses exag-gcrated the ease of whipping out the North. There was a curious and strange undervaluation of the so- called Yankee as a fighter, the belief prevailing that one sturdy South- erner could vanquish several Northerners. This idea prevailed largely, and gave an over confidence to our soldiers. Such men as Herschell V. Johnson and John E. AVard doubted the final success and were pro- foundly depressed. But the general feeling was buoyant and hopeful. Gov. Brown promptly proceeded to organize the two regular regiments authorized by the Convention. He appointed as Colonels, William J. Hardee and Wm. H. T. Walker; Lieutenant Colonels, Chas. J. Williams and E. W. Chastain ; Majors, L. B. McLaws, Wm. M. Gardner, Alfred Cumniing and E. R. Harden. Among the other officers appointed were Joseph Wheeler, afterwards Lieutenant General of Cavalry, W. W. Kirkland, R. H. Anderson, Alfred Iverson, Jr., Geo. P. Harrison, Jr., and J. Alexander, Brigadier Generals, and P. 51. B. Young, Major General. Jefferson Davis came through Georgia on his way to Montgomery^ to be inaugurated as President of the Confederacy. His trip from Chattanooga to Atlanta, and thence to Montgomery, was an ovation. At Ringgold, Dalton, Resaca, Adairsville, Cartersville and Marietta lie 184 THE FIRST CONFEDERATE FLAG IN GEORGIA. was greeted by crowds. xVtlanta sent a delegation to meet him, of which Dr. W. F. Westmoreland was a member. Bartow county was then called Cass county, and its name was afterwards changed in honor of Francis S. Bartow. Mr. Davis made a speech at Cartersville which he thus commenced. "Georgians — for by no higher title could I address you — your Iiistory from the days of the Revolution down to the time that your immortal Truu|) niaiiitniiied the rights of your State and of all the states, iu his contest with Feder.al usurpation, ha.s made Georgia sacied soil. Nor ha\-e you any reason to be other tlian proud of the events recently transpiring within your borders, and especially the action of your present Governor in ■wresting from the robbers of the North tlie property of your own citizens which they had stolen. His proni])titude in demanding the jjroperty from the Governor of New York, and in seizing the vessels of citizens of New YorI<, when the demand was not im- mediately complied with, is worthy of all praise." In Atlanta the demonstration was a magnificent one. Over 5,000 people gave him a reception, ilayor .Tared I. Whitaker introduced him to the vast concourse. In his sj)eech he paid high tribute to Georgia. At every point on the Atlanta and West Point railroad crowds gathered to do him honor. At Newnan, Miss Buriiey Dougherty was delegated to present him with a large bouquet. On the 5th day of March, ISGl, the first Georgia company was tendered for the Confeder- ate service and accepted. It was an Atlanta company called " Lee's Volunteers," and commanded by Capt. G. W. Lee. In connection with this event, the flag of the Southern Confederacy was first raised in the State of Georgia. Capt. Lee was returning from Montgomery to At- lanta after his mission. The passengers obtained at Grantville the requisite material, and the flag was made on the train between Grant- ville and Fairburn, by Mrs. W. T. Wilson and Mrs. H. H. Witt of At- lanta, Miss L. Smith of Albany, Ga., Mrs. Chas. Wallace of Knoxville, Tcnn., Mrs. R. F. Butt of New Orleans, and Mrs. S. A. Awtry of Cus- seta, Ala. Col. W. T. Wilson presented the flag to Capt. Lee in a stir- ring speed], to whicli Capt. Lee replied eloquently, .fudge Blalock of Fairburn, and .1. ^\'. Beal of Lagrange also .spoke. Capt. Lee paraded in Atlanta the ne.xt day with his company under this flag, which was an exact copy of the first flag of the Confederate States that had been raised in Montgomery, on the 4th of March, ISGl. The flag was com- posed of a blue union with seven stars in a circle, representing the seven Confederate States, with three equal horizontal stripes of red, white and red. The incident created much enthusiasm. The Georgia Secession Convention resumed its session in Savannah, on the 7th day of March, 18C1, and continued its deliberations until Sat- THE SECESSIOX CONVEXTIOX ADJOLRXS. 185 urdaj', the 23rd day of Marcli, wlien it .■i(ljoiiriied sute die. The Con- stitution was unanimously ratified on the IGth day of March. The Gov- ernor was authorized to raise and expend all of the funds necessary to carry out the acts for public defense, both by issuing bonds and Treas- ury notes. Resolutions were passed offering to cede ten miles square of territory for a capital and permanent seat of government for the Con- federate states. The control of military operations, and forts and arms was transferred to the Confederate govenmient. A new state constitu- tion was adopted. The president of the convention, ex-Gov. George W. Crawford, made an address upon its adjournment, brief, but with some very strong and sententious expressions. Complimenting the body upon its dignit}', he thus continued: " When first assembled there was less disagreement as to the burthen of our griev- ances than to tlieir remedy, and esiiecially as to tlie time of its application. Happily, conciliation produced concord. When our common patroness spoke, her son.s, less from opinion than instinct, forgetful of the |)ast, and mindful of tlie future, rallied to the res- cue. Clasping each other with a fraternal grasp, they were less intent on sharing in the glorv than participating in a common peril and a common destiny. Thus may the sons of Georgia ever be, " \"on have overturned a government which had liecome sectional in policy and sec- tional in hostility. It had lost nationality, and tlie first rec{uisitc of every government — that of protection of person and nroperty. True you have overthrown the Federal Union, but you have preserved the Federal Constitution. You have retained ancestral wisdom in the formation of your government, separated only from those abuses wliich experience has developed. In short you have effected a political reformation." These words, so happily chosen, so concisely and clearly put, are remarkable in the definition they present of the loyal devotion of our people to the idea of our constitutional government. Never were any people more faithful to a principle than the South was in the late war to the genius of true republican theory — to the very incarnation of char- tered liberty. It must stand as an unalterable truth, that the millions of the South tried to shatter the Union, the better to preserve the consti- tution and its holy principles. No men were ever truer to the spirit of a government than the seceding Southerners. They understood and felt, and believed its doctrines, and they sought to enforce them when they conscientiously deemed them in danger. And so the verdict of a just and impartial posterity must be. They miscalculated the method, and they staggered under the incubus of slavery, which closed to them the practical sympathy of the worhl, as well as that higher and more valuable support, the aid of the Divine Providence. Weaker people than ours have conquered more fonnidable odds. Our defeat must ever be incredible in the light of the glowing history of successful human 180 THE INITED STATES MINT AT DAIILOXEGA. resistance. But in the illumination of a great Providential plan to uptear a million-rooted evil against human freedom, our failure is lustrously explicable. We fought, not men, but a Providential destiny. The convention turned over niattci's of arms and soldiers to the Con- federacy, but Gov. Brown was too provident. to cease his organization of State military. He continued to organize the volunteer force. He contemplated creating two divisions, appointing Col. Henry R. Jackson Major-General of the First division, and Col. Wm. H. T. Walker Major- General of the Second division; and Paul J. Semmes of Muscogee and Wm. Phillips of Cobb, Brigadiers. Only one division was found prac- ticable, and Gen. Walker was appointed to command it. Gen. Henry K. Jackson generously relinquishing his own chances and urging Walker for the command. Gov. Brown had contracted with an iron company in Pitts- burg, Pa., for a large number of cannon of large caliber and long range for coast defense, but when the guns were made, .such was the prejudice of the people of that city against the seceding states, that the contractors declined delivering the guns and abandoned the contract. The Governor gave a new contract to the Tredegar Iron Works of Richmond, Va., and procured these guns from that source. In order to stimulate the building of a foundry for casting cannon, the convention passed an ordinance offering a bonus of §<10,000 to any one erecting such a foundry as could furnish three guns a week, and should make a 10-incli columbiad at an early day. The United States mint at Dahlonega, which had some 120,000 of gold coin belonging to the United States government, was taken posses- sion of in a way that demonstrated the discrimination that Gov. Brown exercised in his difficult role at this time. Reference has been made to the Union sentiment existing among the mountain people. At the time the secession ordinance passed. Gen. Plarrison ^V. Riley, a leading poli- tician of Lumpkin county, declared that he meant to seize and hold the mint for the United States. The bold avowal created some excitement and alarm, as the extent of the Union feeling in North Georgia was not known. Gov. Brown was intimately acquainted with the people of that section and knew precisely how to deal with them. The convention promptly passed an ordinance making it treason for any person to be concerned in any attempt to give aid to the enemies of the State. Gov. Brown did not deem it advisable to make any show of military force in the mountain section, but thought it best to trust to the patriotic spirit of the masses there. Gen. Riley, while a very illiterate man, was a very inlluential one; a bluff, eccentric, determined spirit, with a wonderful GOV. BROWN AND CiEX. HARRISON W. EII.EY. 187 local poi)ularity. The report of liis threat to seize the mint was tele- graphed to Gov. Brown, and a strong pressure was brought to bear upon him, by several leading men of the State, to send troops at once and secure the mint by force, and not permit the rebellious old Riley to get a foothold. The Governor knew Riley well from his boy- hood, and was satisfied that a very large element in his course was a desire to attract notoriety, and that he was too shrewd to undertake a rebellion against the State in North-east Georgia, unless advantage was given him ; and that with so large a proportion of Union sentiment as there was in that section of the State, if any difficulty was raised with Riley about the mint, the popular sympathy would have been with him, and there would have been serious trouble. Gov. Brown stated this to the gentlemen who approached him on the subject, and told them as he knew Riley well and had been partly raised in that section of Georgia; he would manage the matter rightly if they would leave it to his discre- tion. A few days afterwards the Governor wrote to several prominent citizens of Dahlonega, telling them that he had heard such a report in reference to Gen. Riley, but had known him too long and had too high an appreciation of his good sense and patriotism to believe he would attempt such a thing, and that as old, personal friends he and Riley must have no collision. The Governor did not think it best to write to Riley personally, but wrote to friends who would communicate the facts to him. This course had a soothing effact upon Riley; and toned him down. The Governor also quietly notified the superintendent of the mint that the State now held and possessed it. The superintendent formally recognized the authority of Georgia over and her right to the mint, and consented to act under the Executive, who gave him written orders. If any military support was needed the Governor would give it. It shows the inflamed spirit of the day that, not understanding the course of the Governor, several of the papers condemned his seeming inactivity in making a demonstration upon the mint; but it was all right when understood. Another incident in connection with Pickens county will show with what consummate tact Gov. Brown dealt with the Union feeling of the northern part of Georgia. At Jasper, Pickens county, where the Union loyalty was very ardent, a United States flag was raised upon a pole, soon after secession, and kept afloat in bold open defiance of Con- federate authority for several weeks. It was just such an incident as could have been injudiciously inflamed into a local breach that would have given infinite trouble during the whole war, and resulted in an 188 ti:b united states flag in i-ickexs couxtv. angry, cancerous and unhealable sore in our very midst. The provoca- tion was very irritating to the people after we had seceded, to have the flag of the repudiated Union floating defiantly, the insulting sj'mbol of a rejected authority, tiie aggressive emblem of a hostile power seeking our suojection. Appeals upon appeals were made to Gov. Brown to send troojjs to cut it down. To all of these the astute Executive was wisely deaf. He preferred to let the Union ebullition spend its force. There were very few slaves in that section, and in consequence the slavery sentiment was not strong, while the devotion to the government was very ardent. The veneration for the United States flag was espe- cially earnest. Gov. Brown declined to have the flag cut down. He said : " B}' no means ; let it float. It floated over oiir f.nthers, and ive all love the flajr now. We have only been com|)C-lleil to lay it a-tiile by the injustice that has liceii practiced nmler its folds. If the people of Pickens desire to hang it ont, and keep it there, let them do so. I will send no troops to interfere with it." The flag continued to float for a while, until the people became ashamed of this sort of action, and took it down themselves without any disturbance whatever; and the county soon after came in with its troops, and did good service in the Confederate cause. As a further evidence of Gov. Brown's sagacious diplomacy in deal- ing with this tender-footed section with its intense Union drift, his conduct in the acceptance and organization of troops may be mentioned. Mr. Davis, the President of the Confederacy, made a requisition upon Gov. Brown for the first Georgia regiment that was called into the Confederate service, to go to Fort Pickens at Pensacola, to aid in its defense. Gov. Brown made a call for troops. Some idea of the boom- ing war fever may be gleaned when it is stated that over 250 companies were tendered for this service, out of which one regiment was to be selected. There was the greatest possible jealousy among the Captains of the different companies, each being anxious to secure a place in the regiment. The companies were selected according to priority of the date of their tender, a list having been kept, and the time when each was offered being carefully noted. The only exception made to this rule, was in the single case of the tenth company, which he gave to the corps of Captain Harris of Dahlonega, and the regiment was detained two days at Macon before the organization was completed, waiting for Harris's company to reach there, as the Governor learned they were on their way. The delay was occasioned by the company having to march from Dahlonega to Atlanta. On their arrival tiie preference was given GOV. liKOWX's UAPPy DEALING WITH UNIONISM. 189 to theiu in anus, accoutrements and equipments, conceding to them the best of everything. These courtesies were written home to their friends, who were among the good families of Lumjakin countj-, and they were written by men then in the service of the Confederacy. Their friends, of course, took an interest in them, and their feelings naturally began to be drawn out after them. The result was that when another call was made, Lumpkin county tendered another company. A company was tendered from Fannin count}', away across tiie Blue Ridge. A place was left for the Fannin men until they had marched to Atlanta, where regiments were being organized, and they were put in in the same manner. This policy was pursued, giving preference to the mountain companies in every case. In this way the Governor soon had one or more companies in the service from each county in that section; and it was not long until the great mass of the peoj3le there had chang-ed about, and stood with their friends who had gone into the Confederate service. Some, it is true, remained Union men to the last, and some few gave trouble, but not a great many. Had a different policy have been pursued and coercion been attempted, or any unkind means used against them at the start, tliere would have been serious trouble with that section of Georgia. As it was by this astute and well-ccnddered course, pursued with tact and persistence, a large and troublesome Union element was not only neutralized, but absolutely enlisted in the cause heartily. In nothing that happened did Gov. Brown more beneficially use his shrewd practical judgment for the South than in this matter. It was a serious peril and he discerned it at once. But for this masterly management. North and North East Georgia most probablv would have become as dangerous a union stronghold as the memoralile country of East Tennessee. The value of Gov. Brown's statesmanship in this peril has never been understood or appreciated. But it was a great service, timely, and of an inestimable benefit. Governor Brown began to purchase arms before the legislature passed the act calling the secession convention, and he pressed the matter vigorously, importing every weapon he could until the firing upon Fort Sumter cut off our means of purchasing them from the Northern States. Even after that time, however, until the blockade was considered a serious obstruction, the importation of arms into the state was contin- ued by Governor Brown. No state in the South did so much in this matter of furnishing armed troops to the Confederacy as Georgia did under Gov. Brown's vigorous administration. Fully thirty regiments were turned over to the Confederate government armed with weapons 190 BOATS FOR COAST DEFENSE. bought by the State of Georgia. And in addition to these^ there was a large number of arms retained for our state troops. Governor Brown was authorized to purchase some boats for coast defense, which he did immediately, placing- this little navy in charge of that heroic old seaman, Commodore Josiah Tattnall, who had resigned from the United States navy and oflEered his services to his native state. The strong points upon the coast around Brunswick were fortified to the best of our means, and manned with six months' troops. CHAPTER XXI. THE BLAZING WAR FEVER OF THE FIRST OF 18C1. The State a MUitarv Camp — Eagerness to Eulist. — Pecuniary Sacrifices.^Miss Hen- rietta Kenan. — " Mrs. Joe Brown's Boys." — Forty Georgia Regiments by October. — Gov. Brown's Marvelous Energy. — Tlie People's Demanti for Him to be Gover- nor a Tliird Time. — Tlie Famous Letter of Tliomas C. Trice — " No Time for Fool Parties or Swelled-Head Goveruors." — The Striking Press Comment. — "The Man for the Times." — The First Georgia Regiment. — The Volunteers' Privilege of Electing Officers. — Gov. Brown's Ardent Speech. — The Great " Conier-Stoue." Speech of Alex. Stephens. — The Most Momentous Utterance of the Century. — Its Immeasurable Effect. — The Anti-Slavery World Set against Us by It. — Georgia's Continuance of a Dominant Factorship in the Struggle. — Georgia Troops for Vir- ginia. — Hardeman's Battalion — Military Ardor and Womanly Grief. — The Ogle- thorpe Light Infantry. — Brown and Bartow. — The Rape of The Guns. — A Hot Controver.sy. — " I Go to Illustrate Georgia." — Col. A. II. Cohjuitt — Bad Practice of Enlistment. During the year 18G1 the military activity in the State of Georgia was incessant and ubiquitous. The commonwealth was one vast re- cruiting camp. The roll of the drum and the stirring notes of the fife resounded from moiuitain to seaboard. Hill and valley echoed to the tread of armed men gathering, organizing and leaving home and com- fort for the tented field and the soldier's life. It was a wild time — a continuous day of fevered enthusiasm. Men, women and children par- ticipated in the exaltation of patriotic spirit. There was no looking baek. A brave people had turned their energies to war, and they went at it as a business. Tiie war spirit boomed like a storm. The rivalry to enlist was universal and unquenchable. Letters poured in upon the Governor seeking commissions for perilous service, until the burden be- came so heavy that he was forced to advertise in the papers that he did not have the clerical labor to even answer. For ever}' requisition of troops there was a fifty-fold proffer of eager soldiers. Such a spirit of willing chivalry as was exhibited was never exceeded in the annals of warfare. And to show the character of the men and organizations, a cavalrj' company in Rome, the Floj'd Cavalry, represented a money property of §730,000 among 40 men, while another of .3.5 men in Mil- ledgeville, the Governor's Horse Guards, stood for two and a half mil- lions of wealth on the ta.\ books. . 192 PATRIOTIC GENEROSITY OF THE PEOPLE. All over the State citizens were offering to make pecuniary sacrifices for the cause. Gov. Brown himself, subscribed and paid one thousand dollars toward the support of the Georgia troops in the service, and determined to appropriate the net income of his farm to the same great cause. His wife devoted lier time, as did thou.sands upon thousands of other noljle and delicate women, to making clothing for the .soldiers. Miss Henrietta Kenan, of Milledgeville, a daughter of Col. Augustus H. Kenan, a brilliant, (jueenly woman, tendered to Gov. Brown in behalf of herself and her motiier, for the use of the state, their silver plate of considerable value. The Governor said if it became a necessity he would accept ,it. A company was organized below Gaddistown, in Fannin County, and named " Mrs. Joe Brown's Boys." In recognition of the compliment, Mrs. Brown, the wife of the Governor, fitted this company with a suit of clothes, purchasing the cloth in Milledgeville and making and sending one to each member. All over the state volun- tary generous patriotism was shown. Some idea may be formed of how gloriously Georgia responded to the demands upon her manhood, from the fact that up to the first of October, 1861, she had sent forty magnificent reg'imeiits to the battle field. This makes a grand fact in her war record. And during this whole seethino- time Gov. Brown stood the central fio-ure and o-uidinjr intelligence, winning opinions tiiat seem almost extravagant, so laud- atory were they of his energy, management and patriotism. His genius for organizing was something marvelous. His cool impetuosity and comprehensive forecast, his wise audacity and calculating, methodical ability for any occasion, were matters of universal recognition and panegyric. The Southern press united in admiring his peerless admin- istration, while the people and press of Georgia idolized him. In Jhe midst of all of the sweeping war excitement the thoughts of the people, clear in advance of the end of his term began to look to him for the unprecedented distinction of a third term, of gubernatorial service. Early in March, 1801, a communication appeared from Mr. Thomas C Trice of Pike county, urging the people of Georgia without distinction of party to re-elect Gov. Brown. The letter of Mr. Trice was a plain, brief, matter-of-fact document, striking right to the point in a few homely words, but it had a wonderful effect. There are times when men niak(^ a liajjpy strike by voicing the public thought. Said Mr. Trice in his homely way: "I do not helieve there is another man in Georgia, who i;( every way .as well raleula- tcd for Governor as Joseph E. Brown. 1 do not nieau by this tliat Joe Brown has more THE MAN FOR THE TIMES. 193 sense than everybody else. I mean just wliat I s.a_v — that no man in Georgia will make sucli an Executive as Joe Brown, auil therefore I tliiuli that he shoulJ be re-elected. " We need just such a plain, sensible, practicable mau as Joe Brown is to attend to the Executive business of tlie State, while we tr_v to make bread at home. It is no time now for fool parties amonj,' farmers, uor for swelled-head Governors. We need strict economy at home, and prudeut, plain, investigating men to manage our State affairs." This sententious, blunt-spoken expression of choice started a deluge of responses from all parts of the state endorsing the idea. Mr. Trice awoke to find himself famous as the unexpected announcer of a univer- sal notion. His crisp letter was a formulation of the public wish. Some of the endorsements were in very strong words. One writer declared Gov. Brown, " with the single exception of Jefferson Davis, as first in the affections and confidence of the Southern people," and said that he was wanted in the Senate of the Confederate States. At that time, and since, it has been asserted that Gov. Brown aspired to Con- federate office. But a day or two ago in the United States Senate, where Gov. Brown now is, Senator Jlahone of Virginia asserted that Gov. Brown desired to be President of the Confeclerate States. There was not the slightest basis for such an assertion. As will be later seen. Gov. Brown had the honor of a Cabinet position in his grasp. But it is the truth that he had not only no wish for any Confederate office, but under no circumstances would he have given up the jalace of Governor of Georgia for any position in the gift of the people. His measure of ambition was to serve his state as Executive. Perhaps the most com- prehensive summary at the time of the estimate in which Gov. Brown was held in tltose days, and at the same time the most vivid picture of the situation, are found in the following editorial from the Georgia Forester, which was universally copied then. The writing was headed, " The Max for The Tunes,'''' itself a volume of meaning. The editorial thus discoursed: "Perhaps there never was a time when strong will, iron nerve and common sense, combiued in a single chiiracter, were more to I)e valued, or wlien they were more needed thau in the present crisis. A great revolution, civil and political, is progressing. One of the most powerful governments on earth is fast crunililing to ]iieces, and in its con- vulsive deatli-struggles shakes the civilized world. The wildest passions are blazing with infuriate madness from the breasts of thirty millions of people. " Amiil this war of elements, this storm of contending factions, and this whirhnnd of evil passions, there is one mau who stands like the towering sea-built rock, that breasts, breaks and scatters the angry, surging waves. One who calmly watches the quick, revolving wheel of events, and with daring intrepidity and dignified deliberation con- fronts every issue th.at is presented, and foils every effort to circumvent his movements or to interrupt his quiet progress. Conscious of the vast responsibilities that rest upon 13 194 THE FIKST GEOKGIA VOLUNTEER REGIMENT. him, and appreciating fully tlie dangers tliat surround and tlireaten to engulf tlie glori- ous ship he commands, with iron nerve and a will that increases in strength and rises in grandeur as ho approaches the Scylla and Cliaryhdis of his voyage, right onward he directs her course and bids defiance to the swelling wave and the lightning flash. Firm in the right, with truth in his heart, and God o'er his head, he acts while others pause to reconnoitre and negotiate ; and wins the victory, while others stop and calculivte the cost of defe.at. "Combining wisdom with p.itriotism, prudence with nerve, and boldness with justice and deliberation, Joseph E. Brown is emphatically the man for the times." These strong words bear the mark of the intensified fervor of the time which called them forth, hut they constitute a remarkable tribute for any man to win, and they show the part Joe Brown was enacting and the manner in which he was impressing days when force and equi- poise were the regnant and inexorable qualities for leadership. From this time on the idea of the blunt-phrased Trice for Brown's re-election ■went on steadily to consummation, over-riding custom with the resistless current of the popular will, — that incarnation of the voice of God as embodied in the voice of the people. Returning to the current of war progress, the organization of the first regiment for Pensacola at JIacon, was a matter of general state interest. Gov. Brown went over and reviewed and addressed the troops. The companies consisted of the Augusta Oglethorpe Light Infantry, Capt. Clark; Augusta Walker Light Infantry, Capt. Camp; Dahlonega Volunteers, Capt. Harris; Bainb ridge Independent Volunteers, Capt. Evans; Forsyth Quitman Guards, Capt. Pinckard; Atlanta Gate City Guards, Capt. Ezzard; Perry Southern Rights Guard, Capt. Houser; Newnan Guards, Capt. Hanvey; Sandersville Washington Rifles, Capt. Jones; Columbus South Guards, Capt. Wilkins; Etowah Guards, Capt. Larey; Ringgold Volunteers, Capt. Sprayberry; Macon Brown Infantry, Capt. Smith; and Macon Independent Volunteers, Capt. Adderhold. The appointment of officers by the Military Department of the Gov- ernment has been the practice of war and of regular armies of profes- sional soldiers; but the privilege of the election of officers by the men they command is the delight of volunteers, the outcome of the spirit of our free institutions, and the very foundation of an efficient volunteer service. It was this privilege, so dear to our volunteer soldiery, that inspired one of the historic controversies that Gov. Brown" had after- wards with President Davis. It was under this system of election that all of our State regiments were organized, except the 1st Georgia Regu- lars, which was raised under a special law of the convention. The elec- tion for field officers for the regiment bound for Pensacola, was held ALEX. STEPIIE>'S' GREAT COEXEK-STONE SPEECH. 195 at Camp Oglethorpe, as it was appropriately named, and resulted : James N. Ramsay, Colonel; J. O. Clarke, Lieutenant Colonel; and G. H. Thompson, Major; Col. Ramsay was a Lieutenant, and beat Cap- tains Jones and Pinckard. The regiment was organized the 3d of April, 1861. On the 5th, Gov. Brown reviewed the troops before avast assem- blage, and then delivered an eloquent and powerful speech, full of an impassioned feeling unusual with him, that stirred an over-mastering enthusiasm. He retrospected concisely but burningly the causes and progress of the revolution. In his references to their mission, he was especially happy. He said truthfully, " My whole soul is in this move- ment, and my heart swells with emotions I cannot utter." He con- cluded amid a prolonged burst of applause with these solemn words: " Go then, ami may the God of liattles go with you, and lead, protect and defend you, till the last foot-print of the invader shall be obliterated from the soil of our common country." One company of this regiment was the Bainbridge Volunteers, uniformed in coarse flannel shirts, and pantaloons of the coarsest negro cloth, yet representing over a million dollars of wealth. A battalion was organized at the same time, with Capt. Larcy as major. It was but a few days before this that Hon. Alexander H. Stephens delivered a lengthy speech to an immense audience in Savannah, that went over the civilized world. It was a remarkable utterance in many respects, but in nothing more remarkable than in being regarded as one of those advance pioneer expressions of a cardinal idea of new and orig- inal statesmanship, that are only formulated by master minds, and come but once in generations of men. The great eloquence of the man, the ■ wonderful attraction attaching to him in view of his slender physical tenure of life, so disproportioned to his genius, the exalted position he held as Vice-President of the new Confederacy, and the resultant authoritative character of'this deliverance, all made the sjjeech a marked one. But the great theory of the address — a bold, immense and revolu- tionary innovation upon the settled convictions and prejudices of man- kind — gave the speech its celebrity, and made it the theme of universal discussion among the ruling minds of the English-speaking language. The address was dubbed the " Corner-Stone " speech, and the grand central idea was that: " Our new government was founded upon the great truth that the negro is not equal to the white man — that slavery, snbordination to the superior race, was his natural and moral condition. * * This stone, wliich was rejected by the first builders, ' is become the chief corner stone ' in our new edifice." 196 THE AVORLD SET AGAIXST THE SOUTH. The enunciation of this startling philosophy by Mr. Stephens evoked an overwhehning' enthusiasm at home, and in the South, and excited a profound feeling North and abroad. It became the representative idea of the Confederacy. It fixed clearly and simply the question of the rev- olution. It was unanimously accepted by the South. It put the civil- ized world upon notice as to what a recognition of the Confederacy meant. It propounded a prodigious issue, moral and political. It pre- cipitated an unappealable arbitrament of the issue which concerned the most humanitarian convictions of mankind upon the essence of human freedom. Georgia again exercised that leading agency in this colossal agitation to which she seemed by some strange destiny fated. To one of her great .spirits belonged the crowning honor of originating and formulating in his eloquent and masterly utterances, the very funda- mental thought of the gigantic movement. Mr. Stephens left nothing unsaid that perfected his great idea. He stated distinctly that the Union just split, rested upon "the fundamen- tally wrong idea that the enslavement of the African was a violation of the laws of nature." He said that it was apprehended that we would " array against us the civilized world." He continued in a magnificent display of eloquence, that drew deafening applause that he " cared not who, or how many they may be, when we stand upon the eternal prin- ciples of truth, we are obliged and must triumph." The moral effect of this great speech was beyond all calculation. It put squarely against the Confederacy the abolition sentiment of the world. It prevented foreign recognition. It narrowed the issue from the broad domain of political independence founded upon a contract that had been violated, and wpon which the sympathy of the world was with us, to the untenable foothold of the intrinsic righteousness and supreme good policy of slavery, in which civilized mankind stood immutably against us. The slavery questioji had been a large one in the agitation, but it simply represented a greater question of self-gov- ernment. This speech of the Vice-President of the Confederacy claim- ing slavery to be a divinely originated institution based in truth, and the soul of the new government, set it uj) as the vital question of the conflict. It changed the battle-ground, shifted the war-flag, substituted a new slogan, and put us in isolation. It was an heroic thing, and it worked to the great scheme of Providence for human freedom. And it continued Georgia as the decisive factor of the revolution. On the 1.3th of April, 18G1, the siege of Fort Sumter ended by the surrender of Jlajor Anderson. On the 15th of April, President Lincoln A AVILD TIME OF PATEIOTISM AND PARTING. 197 made his call for 75,000 men to suppress the rebellion. On the 18th of April, Virginia seceded from the Union. On the 19th of April, Presi- dent Davis telegraphed Gov. Brown for two or three companies to go immediately to Norfolk, Virginia, and inquired when he could have them ready. Gov. Brown went to the telegraph office in Milledgeville and telegraphed for volunteer companies in Macon, Griffin and Colum- bus, asking each Captain whether his company would like to go, and when they could be ready. The responses in every case were: "We would like to go; how much time can you give us?" Ho replied, " You must start to-morrow." While some of them said they would need more time, yet rather than lose their place in the battalion, they would go thus hastily. In twenty-four hours the battalion was on the cars in motion for Norfolk, and they were said to have arrived there about the first troops that reached the place, and a little before the Virginia troops arrived at the sea-board of their own state. This inci- dent will show the eager war spirit of the people, and Gov. Brown's swift celerity in answering requisitions. The four companies forming this battahon were the Macon Floyd Rifles, Capt. Thos. Hardeman; !Macon Volunteers, Capt. Smith; Columbus City Light Guard, Capt. P. H. Colquitt, and a Griffin company under Capt. Doyal. Col. Thomas Hardeman, ex-member of Congress, was made the commander of this gallant corps, and he and they did some of the finest service per- formed in the war. Requisitions were rapidly made upon Gov. Brown for troops, first 5,000 and then 3,000 men, ^nd proinj)tly filled. There was no halting in this stern time. Men rushed forward to enlist, and the dear women sent them to the front in heroic tears. The people assembled by the thousand to bid adieu to the departing soldiers. It was a wild day with its under-stratum of sobs and womanly grief. The huzzas of shouting patriotism and the roar of thundering cannon sped the gallant troops away, perhaps forever, amid a torrent of soulful weeping- and convulsive embraces. It was buoyant and sorrowful, art era of proud sadness and damp-eyed exhilaration. The bounding ardor of the soldier was chas- tened in the tender grief of the women left behind to pray. Handker- chiefs and hands waved fervent farewells from apprehensive but resolute hearts. The whole State was aflame. In every county companies were made up. Newton county, that had been a Union stronghold, organized five companies in a few days, and raised a subscription of ten thousand dollars for aiding these military corps. The city of Macon in a short while furnished five hundred men. These are examples of the rest. 198 A SAVANNAH COMPANY THE FIRST FOR THE WAR. Gov. Brown stood to his wonderful labor of organization with an unceasing persistence. His resourceful energy seemed to grow, if possible. He issued a proclamation prohibiting the payment of any debt of money or property North; and the protesting by any bank of any paper due to Northern banks or people. He also issued a procla- mation exempting persons and operatives engaged in the manufacture of arms, woolen or cotton goods or iron, from military duty. All of the troops enlisted for the Confederate service up to May, 18G1, were twelve months' companies, of which five regiments were organized. President Davis called the Confederate Congress together on the 39th of April, 1861, and immediately an act was passed authorizing the enlistment of troops for the war. Francis S. Bartow, the chairman of the military committee, was the captain of a volunteer company in Savannah, the " Oglethorpe Light Infantry," of which the writer was a member and a private. The company was organized in 1856, and was one of the popular corps in that gallant city always noted for its mili- tary spirit and the number and efficiency of its military organizations. Capt. Bartow was in couununication with the company, and as soon as the act authorizing war troops was passed and approved, he communi- cated the fact by telegraph to his company. A meeting was promptly called. The writer well remembers the glowing spirit of that meeting. Amid a storm of enthusiasm and excitement a resolution was unani- mously passed tendering the company for the war to the President. The tender was flashed over the wires in hot haste, so as to be the first, and the acceptance was sent back as quickly, Capt. Bartow immediately seeking Mr. Davis. To this superb company of young men, there being hardly a married man in it, among the best young citizens of Savannah, sons of her old and honored families, belongs the honor of being the first company in the entire Confederacy that gave its services to the South for the whole war. As this company had also furnished a detail of men for the detachment that seized Fort Pulaski under orders of Gov. Brown, before the State seceded, it had a record distinctive above all other companies of the great revolution, which will grow brighter with time. And as the company in its service in Virg-inia and elsewhere, went through the greatest battles of the war during the entire four years, beginning with the first Manassas, and fought with an increasing chivalry to the very close, it achieved an illustrious iiistory and made an imperishable record of glory. This company left for Virginia on the 21st day of May, 1861, escorted to the depot by the entire soldiery of Savannah and swarming throngs of Bartow's rai-k of the guns. 199 citizens. Amid salvos of artillery and the enmassed applause of the assembled people of the whole city, the train moved off with this splen- did young organization. They had arms belonging to the State, and carried them without the consent of the Executive. This rape of the guns elicited a tart correspondence between Gov. Brown and Capt. Bartow, in which some hard things were said on both sides, which prob- ably both of these patriotic gentlemen would have wished unwritten. Gov. Brown contended for the State's authority. Capt. Bartow repelled what he regarded as an assault upon his patriotism. In his letter Bartow used an expression, that in connection with his early and brilliant death at Manassas, became a marked utterance. He said, " I go to illustrate Georgia." All of these incidents, the participation in the seizure of Fort Pulaski, being the first company to enlist for the war, the forcible taking away of the State's guns, the controversy over them, and Capt. Bartow's high position in the Confederate Congress, all tended at that time to make the Oglethorpe Light Infantry of Savannah a famous com- pany. Its twenty-fifth anniversary was celebrated in Savannah on the 19th of January, 1881, by a handsome banquet, when its honorable history was recalled and commemorated. This company was organized with other Georgia companies in Virginia into the 8th Georgia regiment, and Capt. Bartow was made Colonel; Wm. Montgomery Gardner, Lt. Colonel. The surgeon was Dr. H. V. M. Miller, so prominent in Georgia politics, who has recently presented a handsome portrait of Bartow to the Young Men's Library Association of Atlanta. This regiment was finally com- manded by Col. Lucius M. Lamar, a handsome and gallant officer and a member of the General Assembly of Georgia of 1880-1. It made a memorable record of service, on the march, in camp and in battle, coming up to every patriotic requirement, and in the language of the brilliant but ill-fated Bartow, " illustrating Georgia." The first regiment organized for the war was the 6th Georgia, of which Alfred H. Colquitt, the present Governor of Georgia, was made the Colonel. The practice of the Confederacy accepting troops directly without any reference to the State authority, was a bad one. All requisitions for soldiers should have been through the Executive. ■ Thousands of Georgia soldiers went into the Confederate army in this way, of whom there is no record. No report of them was ever made to the state authorities, and thus the Georgia records are, and must ever remain incomplete. The writer organized the 4th Regiment of Georgia Cavalry, sending the muster rolls directly to the War Department at Richmond, and there is no record of a soldier or officer in the war 200 THE UNKNOWN HEROES OP GEORGIA. archives of Georg-ia, while the organization had, first and last, over 1,500 men in it. This instance will illustrate the matter. It was an iiTegular way of doing things that we now see Gov. Brown was right in opposing. It made endless confusion and incurable uncertainty in the records of the state's service. It renders it an impossibility for the full roll of our Georgia soldiers ever to be obtained, and the entire measure of justice be done to the substantial devotion of the state to the Southern cause. Thousands of gallant Georgians fought and perished in this gigantic struggle whose names and heroism are unknown and unpreserved. CHAPTER XXIT. ' THE PRECEDENT OF A CENTURY OVERTHROWN, AND BROWN MADE GOVERNOR THE THIRD TIME. Gov. Brown in a Constant Battle. — Unliinged Times. — lien's Fighting Blood up. — Brown's Curious Altercations. — The Columhua Guards. — The Startling Episode of the Salt Famine. — One of the Worst Terrors of The War. — Brown's Daring against the Salt Tyranny. — The First Manassas Baftle. — Its Stupendous Effect. — The Georgia Coast. — " Dixie Doodle." — Curious War Names. — The " Nancy Harts." — Spoiling for a Fight. — The Bank Convention. — Cotton Planters' Convention. — The Cobbs. — Georgians to the Army. — Coast Defense. — The New Georgia Constitution — Col. Wliitaker's Letter to Gov. Brown. — Brown Allows his Name for Governor. — A Coincidence. — The Grandson of the only Third Terra Governor urging Brown to a Third Term. — Bitter Assaults on Brown. — Oppo.sitiou Convention. — Its Personelle. — H. V. Johnson Declines as a Delegate. — Judge E. A. Nesbit Nomi- nated. — Thos. E. Lloyd.— The Press Nearly Solid against Brown.— Brown's Trenchant Address. — Brown Overwhelmingly Re-elected. DuRixG the turbulent days of 18G1, Gov. Brown did not by any means, find his executive office a bed of roses. It was not in the nature of things that a man so daring and positive, so fearless in assuming re- sponsibility, and so constitutionally combative, should not get into more or less turmoil beyond what an easier-tempered person would have escaped. The Governor was not a milk and water man, taking things lightly and shifting serious burdens upon other convenient peo- ple. He met his duties boldly, fully and promptly. He shirked no crisis. He confronted every emergency squarely. He made mistakes, as no human being can avoid doing. He was sometimes too aggressive. He occasionally bore too hard on men. He, perhaps, could not brook assault as peacefully as he might. He was, mayhap, too rigid and too unyielding where some concession would have availed better. But in spite of these things, it would have been almost out of the question to have supplied his place. The whole power and fervor of his strong intense soul were in the cause. It was no time for tender-footed and vacillating spirits. An imperious, dominant will was the need of the era — an unhesitating, self-reliant intelligence. The times were un- hinged too. Social bonds were loosened. The ligaments of law were slipping their hold. War was on us, and the passions gathering and 203 THE SALT FAIIIXE. Strengthening. The epoch was every day getting wilder. Men were unconsciously going backward in moral restraint under the license of war. They were ripening in individual audacity, and the stem temper born of strife. It required a firm nerve to maintain its leadership among the stormy elements at play. Gov. Brown had some curious altercations about very strange mat- ters. The controversy with Bartow over his rape of guns was a speci- men. This was extensively discussed, men and newspapers siding both ways. Mr. Davis, however, came through Atlanta, and had a long and friendly talk about the matter with Gov. Brown, and frankly acknowl- edged that the policy of the Confederate authorities receiving troops over the head of the state Executives was wrong, and he intended to have no more of it, but get all of his requisitions supplied by the state Governors. Another wholly unnecessary diflBculty was one between the Columbus Guards and Gov. Brown, in which the Executive simply tracked the law, and in doing so, came in collision with a body of men whose eager desire to enlist rushed them into disregard of law. The statute prescribed the size of companies to be from fifty to eighty men, not exceeding the latter number. Capt. Ellis had 130 men, and the Governor refused to take the extra sixty men, though Martin J. Craw- ford urged it. Capt. Ellis took his extra men to Savannah anyhow. The Governor stuck to the law, telegraphing Gen. Lawton to enforce the statute. And the Governor was savagely assailed for his action. The fact is the men of the state were burning to enlist, and in the hot eagerness to do a freeman's duty, they quarreled over the privilege of service and the opportunity for peril. Nothing, however, swerved the Executive from his line of resolution. And in every case the public judgment sustained him when the facts were understood. In no case did he act from any personal motive. He sought the success of the cause, and he pursued his object with an immovable tenacity of purpose. A remarkable instance of his daring readiness to take any risk for the public good, was in the prosaic but incalculably momentous neces- sity of salt. This simple and cheap article of living, that exercises so little thought, and that is as plentiful as the air, became the subject of an appalling famine in the South. It lay in measureless quantities in the boundless ocean that bordered the Confederacy for a thousand mUes. Yet with the coast blockaded, with inadequate facilities for its manufacture, with its importation cut off by the bayonets of a beleaguering cordon of hostile soldiers, the scarcity of salt became a terror to the people. It was a romantic fate that made this boundless THE TEEEIBLE EPISODE OF SALT TYRANNY. 203 commodity worth almost pound for pound with silver. It was one of the strangest straits of the Confederacy, this famine of salt. Specula- tors took advantage of it. Even early in 1861, the war of the salt changers began. And it continued until the legislature took the matter in hand and sought to protect the people from these salt sharks. While the matter was pending the speculators took alarm and started to rush their hoards out of the state. The meat for the soldiers needed salt to cure it. The salt famine threatened the commonwealth in earnest. In tliis crisis Gov. Brown, with his wonted boldness, liberally construing the constitutional provision that allowed the Executive in cases of emergency to seize private property for public use, clutched several large lots of salt for the state, and prohibited its general ship- ment out of the state. The speculators howled. The price they gave with freight, storage, interest, drayage and ten per cent, interest, was tendered to the subjects of this rape of salt. The Legislature passed its protective measure, but the Governor had saved the state from the salt famine by his bold audacity and prompt interference ahead of slow legislative action. The public uses were provided for, with some sur- plus over, which was sold around to the poor people who could not pay speculation prices, and thus the public necessities were relieved. His audacious exercise of authority, such as few men would have dared to use, and especially when it was a matter of discussion as to the right, elicited some hard criticism from his enemies, but the people, the omnipotent depository of opinion and power, sustained him over- whelmingly, as it will back any man in the end who is disinterestedly doing the right as he conscientiously sees it. This salt trouble was a permanent one during the war. The salt famine hung over the state with its vital terrors until the surrender. The legislatures fought it as sternly and persistently as they pushed the battles. They had to come to the relief of the poor finally. The state took in its own hands the manufacture of salt in self-defense. And not only this, but the state had to organize a great salt bureau, and appropriate half a million of dollars, and make distribution of the despotic staple. In the archives of the Executive Department are huge volumes of records, and enor- mous books that a strong man staggers in carrying across the room, all devoted to the novel and terrible episode of our salt tyranny in the war. The battle of the First Manassas took place on the 21st day of July, 18G1, in which memorable engagement the 7th Georgia, and 8th Georgia regiments were engaged, and won a signal fame. The 7th reg- 204 THE EFFECT OF THE FIKST IIAXASSAS BATTLE. imeut was eoiiimanded by Col. Lucius J. Gartrell, ex-meinber of con- gress. Gen. Johnson, in his official rej)ort, mentions the name of Col. Gartrell with others as having distinguished themselves in that engage- ment. His son, Henry Claj' Gartrell, was killed in the battle. Col. Bartow commanded the Brigade consisting of the 7th, 8th, 9th and 11th Georgia, and 1st Kentucky Regiments. This battle, the first im- portant action of the war, was a remarkable one in its effects. It was a thorough victory for the Confederates, and a most disastrous defeat for the Federals. It was at first and for a long time believed that tiie Fed- erals enormously outnumbered us, but recent statistics said to be cor- rect show that the contending forces were nearer equality than has been supposed. The battle was bloody, and for a while desp{>rate. Our losses were heavy. The Georgia troops especially happened at the very brunt of the fighting, and in pursuance of that same destiny, that seemed to press Georgia into the crucial situations of this great struggle at vital times, turned the tide of battle with a frightful loss of gallant men, including the intrepid Bartow himself, who fell, caught in the arms of Col. Gartrell, uttering the now historic exclamation, " They HAVE KILLED ME, BUT NEVER GIVE IT up! " The state of Georgia thus not only gave the deciding stroke in this momentous battle, but furnished the first conspicuous martyr of the war. The battle gave a terrific momentum to the war spirit of the North, while it affected the South disastrously. It seemed a confinnation of the immeasurable fighting superiority of the South. It aroused the North; it demoralized and distracted the South by a controversy that alienated leaders and caused dissension during the whole war over an issue as to whether the fruits of the victory were not neglected. The pride, the resentment, the courage of the Northern people were stimu- lated to desperation, and from this time on, the war progressed in dead earnest. In Georgia the activity, if anything, redoubled. Camps of instruction and of pre-paration were organized, and filled with troops drilling and fitting for the next call. A large attention was given to the coast of Georgia. The Confederate Government had placed Gen. A. R. Lawton in command from Savannah to the Florida line, and Commodore Tatt- nall in charge of the naval force. Every co-operation was g-iven to these officers. Gov. Brown spent §80,000 in equipping Fort Pulaski. Up to the 2Gth of July, seventeen thousand men had been organized, armed and equipped at a cost of 8300,000, and sent into service, most of them out of the state. Fully 30,000 guns and accoutrements were IIUMOKOUS INCIDENTS OF THE EAKLY -WAR FEVEE. 205 supplied to tlie Confederacy by the state of Georgia, at her own cost, first and last. Three steamers had been purchased for coast defense, one costing 8-10,000 and the others less. The Governor purchased $44,205 of material for making gunpowder, which he allowed the Con- federate authorities to take. There were many interesting features of the war fever of 18G1, that would prove very readable. Amid the serious work was a by-play of light incident that helps to complete the picturesque picture of a dramatic time. Some patriotic poetaster drew from his muse a South- ern version of the familiar " Yankee Doodle," and dubbed it " Dixie Doodle." The names of some of the companies were a typical outcome of the spirit of the times. The company commanded by the present Governor Colquitt, was the " Baker Fire Eaters," and his regiment was called the " Coffin Regiment," in memory of a soubriquet given to his- famous father, Walter T. Colquitt, in the memorable political campaign of 1850 and 1851, as the " Elder Colonel of the Coffin Regiment." "Defenders of the South," Capt. J. A. Norwood of Troup County; " Union Invincibles," Captain Sam Patterson of Union Co. ; " Dixey Boys," Capt. H. Bryan of Thomas Co. ; " .Miller Wild Cats," Capt. B. R. Kendrick of Colquitt Co. ; " Monroe Crowders," of Forsyth Co. ; " Sons of Liberty," Capt. E. F. Lawson; "Davis Invincibles," etc., were some of these suggestive names. The ladies of La Grange in their mili- tary enthusiasm organized a company called the " Nancy Harts," in honor of that revolutionary heroine of whom it was said, " she was a rare patriot, but a devil of a wife." Of this company Dr. A. C. Ware was Captain; Mrs. Nannie Morgan, First Lieutenant; Mrs. P. B. Heard, Second Lieutenant; Miss A. Smith, Third Lieutenant; Miss A. Bull, First Sergeant; Miss A. Hill, Second Sergeant; Miss M. E. Colquitt, Third Sergeant; Miss P. Beall, First Corporal; Miss L. Pullen, Second Corporal; Jliss S. Bull, Third Corporal; Miss E. Key, Treasurer. Mrs. Overby, widow of B. H. Overby, and daughter of Hugh L. Haralson, gave §100 for the soldiers' families, and pledged herself to continue the patriotic contribution. The " Wrightsville Infantry," commanded by Captain Jessie A. Glenn, was ordered to Savannah. The newspapers copied extensivelj' a piteous letter from Capt. Glenn to Hon. A. R. W^right, after whom the company was named, begging to get away from Savannah to someplace "inhere there is a jwospcct of a ftiht.''' The universal hankering was to get a chance at the enemy, and Capt. Glenn voiced the general wish. Two Conventions were held in Georgia in June, 18C1, of public inter- 206 " GEORGIA LEADERS GO INTO THE ARMY. est. The first was at Atlanta, a " Bank Convention of the Confederate States," which met June oil, ami did important work in aiding the finan- cial measures of the new government. Georgia, Alabama, Florida and South Carolina were represented. The Georgia delegates were R. R. Cuyler, S. Cohen, H. Roberts, Isaac Scott, W. S. Cothran, A. Austell, W. H. Inman, G. B. Lamar, and W. E. Jackson. The President was G. B. Lamar, and Vice-President, Jas. S. Gibbs of South Carolina. Resolutions were passed for the banks to receive Confederate Treas- ury notes, and asking railroads and tax officers to take them. The sec- ond Convention was the Cotton Planters' Convention in Macon. A committee composed of J. H. R. Washington, Pulaski S. Holt and Nathan Bass was appointed to issue a call for a Confederate Cotton Planters' convention, which was done. A camp of instruction, called Camp McDonald, was organized in Cobb county of some 2,000 troops under command of Brig. Gen. Wm. Phillips. War speeches were made in Atlanta by distinguished gentlemen passing through, among them Hon. Roger A. Pryor and Hon. R. M. T. Hunter of Virginia. The Confederate Congress adjourned in May, at Montgomery, to meet in July, at Richmond. It first authorized an issue of fifty millions of bonds for war purposes. Howell Cobb and T. R. R. Cobb issued an address to the planters of Georgia, urging them from patriotic consid- erations to invest in these bonds, in which address they called attention to the two proud facts that Georgia was the only State that had adopted the Confederate Constitution by a unanimous vote, and that she was offering the largest number of volunteers of any State, thus preserving that leadership in this revolution that Georgia had maintained. As Bartow had gone into the army, so our other Georgia leaders drifted in. Howell Cobb accepted the tender of a regiment in June, 1861, unable to resist the war impulse. He was followed smftly by his brother, Thomas R. R. Cobb, and by Mr. Toombs, and all of them became Briga- dier Generals. The regiments of Georgia regulars were consolidated into one, and officered by Col. C. J. Williams and Lieut. Col. E. W. Chastain. In September, Gov. Brown made a visit to the coast, and found the force under the Confederate authorities there, wholly inadequate to the defense. He promptly, on his own responsibility, called out additional State troops. Up to the first of September, twenty-five regiments and three battalions had been organized in Georgia under Gov. Brown's authority, and some seven independent regiments, making 30,000 troops Georgia had furnished for the war, and of this number, over 20,000 GOVERNOR BROAVN URGED FOR A THIRD TERM. 207 were in Virginia. Manj^ of tliem were suffering for clothing. Gov. Brown issued proclamations making earrtest appeals for the people at home to contriliute money and clothing. He also made proclamation that ho v.'as exhausted of arms, and called upon the people to loan the State their private rifles and shot-guns for public defense. He ordered a full enrollment of all men liable to militia duty. All of his measures were vigorous and timely. Every point connected with the State's interest was closely watched and promptly attended to. The vote upon the new Constitution of Georgia will show how com- pletely the people were absorbed in the war to the exclusion of all other considerations. The vote for ratification was 11,4:99, and against rati- fication 10,704, a majority of only 795 for ratification, and a total vote of but 22,203 out of 120,000. The time was approaching for the election of a Governor. The people early in the year had sounded in no uncertain tones the desire to. have Gov. Brown re-chosen, in spite of the custom that limited Gov- ■ ernors to two terms. In August, Jared I. Whittaker addressed a letter to Gov. Brown propounding two inquiries: " First. — Whetlier iu his opinion it wna proper, under existinf; circumstances, to hold a convention to nominate a candidate for Governor, and conventions iu the districts to nominate candidates for Congress. " Second. — Whether, if it should be tlie wisli of the mass of the people of Georgia, without regard to old party differences, Gov. Brown would in that critical period of the State's histbry, consent to serve a third term iu the executive office." To this letter Gov. Brown, on the 1.3th day of August, 1861, replied. He advised against holding conventions. There were no political divisions and no need for any party machinery, while the people had no time for any unnecessary assemblages. In regard to his being Governor a third time, he frankly stated that neither his personal interest nor inclinations prompted him to give his consent to run again. He made this allusion to the past: "In the days of your honored grandfather, Jared Irwin, who served with so much ability as Governor of Georgia, there was no such usage as that of a first or second term only, for he was called to the executive chair the third time. The political usage has since been for the executive to retire at the end of the first or second term. It has, how- ever, been but a usage, as tliere is no constitution.al difficulty in the way of the same person holding tlie office for a tliird term. I have had no inclination to violate this usage. If I have made no character in the office in four years, I may not expect to do so iu six. If I have made any reputation during that time, I have then something to risk by holding the office another term iu the midst of a revolution." It was a right interesting coincidence, that the grandson of the only 208 A STATE CONVENTION CALLED. Governor in the history of the State who had been elected for three terms, should l)e the instrument of pressing upon Gov. Brown the popular wish for his undertaking the responsibilities and wearing the honors of a third term. Gov. Brown continued his letter, quoting the reasons that had been urged for his taking a third. These were, his familiarity with the duties and the situation, and the danger of putting a new and inexperienced man in the place, and his duty as one who had done so much to bring about secession to now stand to liis post and bear his burden of the revolution. He, therefore, felt that he could not refuse if the peojile desired his services, but that he could not and would not make any canvass for the election. This permission of Gov. Brown for the popular use of his name for Governor was the signal for a heavy assault upon him. In his positive administration he had awakened some bitter personal enmities. His wonderful popularity excited a wide jealousy among the leaders of public opinion in tlie State. Before his letter some of the press had suggested and advocated a convention for September, and the opposition pushed the movement. A convention was called for the 11th of September, 18G1, in Milledgeville. Nvimbers of counties called meetings and by resolu- tions refused to send delegates. Herschell V. Johnson was chosen a delegate to the convention, and declined in a strong letter. He said the contest before the convention for the nomination would be purely a personal one, in which he took no interest, the candidates being all worthy; that the State needed a united people, and the convention would not concentrate public opinion; that a large part of the people, not being represented in the convention, would not be bound by its action; that Gov. Brown was virtually an independent candidate, and thus two candidates were a certainty; that under these circumstances he would not be trammeled, but should vote for the man whose elevation he deemed best " calculated to promote the public welfare irrespective of partisan or personal considerations." There is no doubt that this pertinent letter of ex-Gov. Johnson had a powerful effect in checking representation in the convention. There is no doubt, eitlier, that the people were with Gov. Brown. The homely words of Trice had struck a bed-rock basis of popular endorsement. The convention had 17-4 representatives from only fifty-eight counties out of 133, and it was claimed that only forty of these had delegates actually empowered. Col. Cincinnatus Peeples was temporary chairman, and Judge Dennis F. Hammond permanent president. Wm. L. Mitchell, chairman of the committee on business, reported the nomination of ^. ^. J^a^-f: ^FSEOTtOU. EUGEXIUS A. NISDET NOMINATED FOR GOVERNOR. 209 Judge Eug'onius A. Nisbet for Governor. Hon. Gcorg'e N. Lester moved the appointment of a committee, which reported an electoral ticket, headed by David Irwin of Cobb and Thos. E. Lloyd of Chatham. The district electoral nominees were John L. Harris, Arthur Hood, J. L. Wimberly, Dr. E. McGehee, I. P. Garvin, L G. Fannin, O. C. Gibson, John Ray, H. H. Cannon and H. F. Price. Of these gentlemen, Hon. Thomas E. Lloyd of Savannah was the admitted leader of the bar in that city of accomplished lawyers. A modest gentleman of fortune and old family, indifferent to politics, nothing of an advocate, lacking wholly the charm of eloquence, he was yet a profound and learned counselor of law, and the very head of the civil branch of jurisprudence. A good liver, fond of his billiards and his wine, a luxurious bachelor, he was yet an unwearied student of his profession, and the most pains-taking, erudite and accurate attorney at a bar noted for its able and learned members. He was a legal umpire in disputed points of law. He liad a purely legal mind, clear, philosoph- ical, discriminating, quick, powerful and analytic. He read widely, he digested fully. His temper was exquisite, and his spirit thoroughly balanced. His truth and sense of honor were perfect. He was the finest specimen of a civil lawyer that we have ever had in Georgia. His quiet manners and retiring disposition prevented him from earning that State repute that his extraordinary legal abilities and attainments entitled him to receive. Where he was known he passed for his remarkable value. He never sought office, and when it was thrust upon him he took it reluctantly and laid it down with delight. The convention further presented Davis and Stephens for re-election as President and Vice-President of the Confederacy. The nomination of Judge Nisbet was a very strong one, the strongest, perhaps, that could have been made. He was an opponent well worthy of Gov. Brown, and fitted to test to the utmost his popular strength. He had been the leader of the secession convention, and enjoyed all the popularity that fact was calculated to give him. He was pure, able, eloquent, learned, distinguished. He had illustrated the State in Congress. He had graced private life, ornamented his profession and adorned the supreme bench. The opposition hailed his nomination enthusiastically. The press of the State, with but a few exceptions, took up his cause and went against Gov. Brown in a solid phalanx. The Savannah Repuhlicaii led a bitter, unsparing warfare against the Governor. The Augusta papers followed in the same line zealously. The Federal Union of Milledge- ville and the Atlanta Intelligencer were the principal journalistic cham- u 210 GOVERNOR brown's ADDRESS. pions of Gov. Brown, and made pretty nearly a single-handed fight. The campaign waxed warm. The papers showered their diatribes against the unquailing Brown, who, refusing to make any canvass, devoted his energies to the gathering storm of war, leaving the people to attend to liis campaign. He made but one public manifesto, — a sharp, tren- chant, but well-tempered paper, stating his position clearly and firmly. This short address to the people of Georgia was dated the 19th day of September, 1801. He showed that he was before the people of the State as a candidate before the convention assembled, and when there were no party organizations to render a convention or caucus necessary. Mr. Chambers, of Columbus, was also a candidate. The convention, if it had been a full one, representing the people, might have justly asked obedience to its mandates. But the convention did not even represent half of the counties of the State, while in many counties that had delegates the masses of the people had declared against the convention. The convention had failed to condemn his administration, and this failure he used eiiectivcly. He charged that the convention movement was simply a caucus of the politicians and office-seekers to rekindle the fires of party strife when our whole people should be a unit, for the protection of life, liberty, property and all that was dear to us. This point he pushed with vigor and plausibility. Perhaps the most character- istic part of this unmincing address was his frank way of dealing with the value of his executive experience to the State. He thus put this delicate matter: " But it is insisted with much earnestness, that it has not been the usage for the same person to hold the office of Governor for tliree terms. This is certainly true, and it is equallv true that it has not been the usage to have revolution, or to have a wicked war waged upou us, and the soil of our own Stjte tlireatened to be drenched with the blood of her sons, shed by an invading army ; nor lias it been the usage for Georgia to have in the field thirty tliousand troops, called out by her executive, whose duty it is to know when, and with what preparation each company went to the field, what had been sup- plied to them and what tliey lack, and to know the condition of the finances of tlie State, and her present means of affording the most speedy assistance to her suffering troops, as emergencies may require jirompt action. Whether the public good reijuires that he who has conducted tliese affairs from the beginning, should retire in the midst of them, and give place to a new man, who has yet to learn the coudition of the financial affairs of the State, and the location and necessities of our troops, is a question which the farmers, merchants and mechanics of our State are, I think, as competent to decide at the ballot-box, as a few politiciaus and political aspirants are to decide in caucus at Milledgeville." Gov. Brown concluded by stating that he left the matter for the people to pass upon, not doubting that they would act for their best GOYEEXOE BROWX RE-ELECTED A THIRD TIME. 211 interest. Like all of Gov. Brown's documents for the people, this plain,^ matter-of-fact business presentation of his cause was effective. It elicited criticism, abuse, raillery, but its common-sense notions seized the public intelligence. Every sort of accusation was heaped upon tire Governor. He was charged with being arbitrary, unconstitutional, self- opinionated, greedy of power, assuming to be the State, inflated and vain. But the fighting went on, and he continued his grim war energy, and the newspapers thundered at him, and the people bent their souls to the bloodshed, unheeding the journalistic cannonade at his indifferent head, and when the day came to vote, they put him back in the great chair of state, then a herculean responsibility, by a splendid popular majority of 13,691 in a vote of 79,205. Gov. Brown received 40,493 votes, and Nisbet 32,802. The fight was whipped, and it was a remarkable personal victory, a tribute of popular esteem, of which any man might be proud, and crowning as it did, four years of exalted official trust, and overriding the precedent of a century, it was the grandest endorsement public opinion had ever given a public official in the annals of the good old Commonwealth. CHAPTER XXIII. GOV. BROWN'S STORMY TIME WITH THE LEGISLATURE OF lSOl-3. " A Nisbet Legislature that will give Browu the Devil." — Its Personelle. — T. M. Nor- Mood. — Gov. Brown's Message. — Criticism of Confederate Legislation. — Gov. Brown's Third Inauguration in a Suit of Georgia-made Jeans. — Georgia War Mat- ters. — The Transfer of Georgia Coast Troops to the Confederacy. — Our Coast Threatened. — Gov. Brown Urges Defense. — E. C. Anderson Runs the Blockade with Arms. — Vetoes. — Tlie Two Wars — tlie North against the South, and the Legisla- ture against Brown. — Brown's Message pending the Bill to Transfer Our Troops. — Legislative Anger. — Warren Akin Deuounces Gov. Brown. — Judge E. G. Caljaniss. — Col. Ch.ost.-iin's Regiment Refused to be Transferrcil. — Savage Committee Report of Norwood. — Gov. Brown's Severe Reply. — Tlie Generiil Assembly hopelessly Divided. — Gov. Brown's Views finally Emljodied. — Judges. — Toombs Elected C. S. Senator, and Scornfully Rejects it. — Confederate Congressmen. " Bkowx is elected, but we have a Nisbet Legislature that will give him the devil," was currently reported to be the street gossip of the opposition. A lively session was betokened in this floating chaff, and the promise was fulfilled. The legislative deliberations of November and December, 18G1, were unusually important, and in their picturesque animation suited well the war times. The body convened on Wednes- day the 6th day of November. Hon. John Billups was elected Presi- dent of the Senate, and Hon. Warren Akin Speaker of the House. In the Senate were the following gentlemen: George A. Gordon of Savan- nah; James L. Seward; D. A. Vason of Georgia, afterwards Judge; T. M. Furlow of Americus; J. T. Shewmake; W. Gibson of Richmond; M. W. Lewis of Greene ; Wier Boyd of Lumpkin ; A. J. Hansell of Cobb and Hiram P. Bell, afterward a member of Congress. In the House among the leaders were, L. H. Briscoe; L. N. Whittle of Bibb; Thomas M. Norwood of Chatham, a United States Senator since the war; L. N. Trammell of Catoosa, afterward president of tlie Georgia Senate; George "N. Lester of Cobb, elected subsequently to the Confederate Congress; Milton A. Candler of DeKalb, since the war a member of Congress; Robert Hester of Elbert; Z. B. Hargrove, a prom- inent Republican leader since the war; A. E. Cochrane; C W. DuBose of Sparta; W. H. Felton of Macon; E. G. Cabiniss of Monroe; G. T. Barnes of Richmond; Peter E. Love of Thomas, ex-member of Con- THE TURBULENT TEMPER OF THE TIME. 213 gress; B. H. Bighara of Troup and James S. Hook, afterward Judge of the superior court. Hon. Thomas M. Norwood was a small, unattractive looking gentleman, of little grace of oratory, but a jjerson of some uncommon intellectual characteristics. He had a capacity of cold, strong logic and elaborate argumentation, coupled with a rich vein of caustic satire. Not a prolific speaker, he yet was after preparation a very strong one, and made, as a United States Senator, two elaborate speeches, that won him a national reputation. Another small, homely person, who developed after the war into a good prominence, and won some very flattering political victories, was M. A. Candler of DeKalb. A pale, low-browed, slender individual; he possessed a full, sonorous voice and an unusual energy of expression and delivery. He was a positive character, and earned justly his promotion. The General Assembly met under circumstances of unparalleled inter- est and overwhelming import. We were in the very flood tide of war, straining every power, and threatened with an invasion of our own soil. The enemy was thundering at our portals, a large fleet beleaguering our coast. The emergency had to be met promptly and fully. It was unfortunate that there was a strofig fragment of the body disposed to antagonize the Executive. If ever unity was desirable it was in that grave crisis. But somehow the drift to turbulence was irresistible. !Men were affected by the temper of a revolutionary era. Difference of opinion rushed to extremes and speedily grew to acrimony. Discussions degenerated into disputes, and debates became altercations. There was, perhaps, no man in the State who was more fitted by nature for the combative spirit of the times than Gov. Brown. A belligerent campaign suited him wonderfully. Opposition brought him cordially to the front always, and aggression nerved every fiber of his soul to an indomitable resistance. His career shows that he never gave up while he could battle. His message to the Legislature was a very lengthy and a strong state paper, breathing a spirit of stern manhood that represented faithfully the sentiment of the people. Tlie philosophy of the war and the needs of the hour were masterfully argued. He criticised two acts of Confederate legislation that he deemed wrong, the one authorizing the President to accept State troops without reference to the State authori- ties, and the other, giving to the President the appointment of the field officers of the State volunteers. His recital of the war measures he had taken constituted a remarkable record of energy and responsibility. Georgia had on the first day of November, 1801, fifty regiments in ser 214 GOVEKXOR BKOWX'S THIRD IXAUGURATIOX. vice, of which she had armed and equipped thirty. It was an astonish- ing work. He urged an appropriation of three and a half millions for the military needs of 1802, the passage of a stay law, the legalizing further bank suspension and other vigorous war measures. He con- cluded his message with this ringing paragraph: " I would cheerfully expend iu the cauae the last dollar I could raise, and would fer- veutly pray, like Samsou of old, that God would give me strength to lay hold upon tlie pillars of tlie edifice, aud would enable me wliile beudiug witli its weight, to die a glo- rious death beueath the crumbling ruins of that temple of Southern freedom whick has so long attracted tlie world by the splendor of its magnificeuce." The message elicited very high encomiums, and was especially com- plimented for its discussion of the means of perpetuating our institu- tions and preserving our commercial independence. The message, like the inaugural which followed his installation as Governor for his third term, urged unity and harmony among the members, and co-operation cordially in the trying ordeal through which they were then passing. Gov. Brown was re-inaugurated on the 8th of November, at 12 o'clock, dressed in a suit of Georgia-made jeans, and the accounts represent him as " deejaly imjjressive and solemnly eloquent." It was certainly a striking situation that he held. His force of character and supreme leadership in a great public crisis had made the people demand the con- tinuance of his administration in the face of long-honored custom. The Atlanta Intelligencer had stated by his authority that it was his per- sonal desire to retire from the office. He had been re-elected over the most potential representative of the popular secession element in the State, by a splendid majority without making a speech. And he stood the chosen leader of a great commonwealth under all these impressive cir- cumstances confronting the miglity revolution. His inaugural revealed his consciousness alike of the tribute and the burden. Nor was his attitude less dramatic because an organized and implacable minority stood facing him, eager and resolute to batter him down and crush him before the people. He was aware to the fullest extent of the deter- mined hostility threatening him. The report of the Comptroller General gave the details of the year's work. One million of dollars had been spent for military purposes. The banks had loaned the state S842,o00. The following regiments had been organized: 1st Regiment, Colonel C. J. Williams, Regular. 2d " " H. W. Mercer, " 1st " " J. R. Ramsay, Volunteer. GEORGIA CONFEDERATE REGIMENTS. 215 2d Regiment, Colonel Paul J. Semmes, Volunteer. 3d " " A. R. Wright, 4th " " Geo. Doles, " 5th " " Jno. K. Jackson, " Gth " " A. H. Colquitt, " 7th " " L. J. Gartrell, " 8th " " W. M. Gardner, " 9th " " E. R. Goulding, " 10th " " L. McLaws, " 11th " " G. T. x\nderson, " 1:2th " " Ed. Johnson, " 1:3th " " W. Ector, " 14th " " A. V. Brumby, " 15th " " T. W. Thomas, " 10th « « H. Cobb, 17th " " H. L. Benning, " 18th " " W. T. WoiTord, " 19th " " W. W. Boyd, 20th « " W. D. Smith, " 21st " " J. T. Mercer, " 22d " " Robert Jones, " 23d " " T. Hutcheson, " 24th " " R. McMillan, " 25th " " C. C. WUson, Georgia Legion, " T. R. R. Cobb, " Phillips Legion,, " Wm. Phillips, " 1st Battalion, Lt. Col. J. B. Villepigue, " 2d " Major T. Hardeman, " 3d " " Stoval, " Independent Georgia Dragoons, Captain I. W. Avery. In camp in Georgia were also the following: Regiment, Colonel T. J. Warthen, Volunteer. " " Levi B. Smith, " " David J. Bailey, « « " A. Littlefield, " 5 Companies, " Wm. H. Stiles, " 7 " " E. L. Thomas, « 8 " " Aug. R. Wright, " 7 " " A. R. Lamar, " 1 Regiment, " C. W. Styles, " 2W MII.ITAnV CHANGES. Gen. Henry R. .Jackson had declined the position of Major General in favor of Gen. Walker, and was fighting- in West Virginia as a Con- federate Brigadier, and had made fame there winning the Greenbrier battle. Gov. Brown had appointed Gen. W. H. T. Walker Major Gen- eral, who had resigned and accepted a position as a Confederate Briga- dier General. Gen. Paul J. Semmes had been appointed Brigadier General, but resigned and accepted the Colonelcy of the 2d Georgia Confederate regiment. Gen. Phillips had organized a Brigade, but the Confederate government refused to take any Georgia appointed Gene- rals, and he was commanding a legion. Gov. Brown had appointed George P. Harrison and F. W. Capers Brigadier Generals, both of whom had organized Brigades on the coast. Ira R. Foster was the state Quarter Master General, who had exhibited a signal efficiency in the arduous duties of this most important department. Col. J. I. Whitaker was appointed the State Commissary General. The Hon. Thomas Butler King had been sent as Commissioner to Europe to arrange a line of steamers for direct trade, under the act of the last legislature incorporating the " Belgian American Company," and giving the states guarantee for 8100,000 for five years. While the legislature was in session a large Federal naval expedition captured Port Royal on the South Carolina coast, and threatened the Georgia sea-board. The attacking force had forty-one vessels. Com- modore Tattnall had four small gun vessels, the Savannah, Lt. J. N. Maffitt; Resolute, Lt. J. P. Jones; Sampson, Lt. J. Kennard; and Lady Davis, Lt. J. Rutledge. The legislature called upon Gov. Brown for information as to the protection of the Georgia coast, to which Gov. Brown replied, showing the condition of our defences, and asking means to protect the state. He immediately called for additional troops. On the 19th of November he sent a message to the Senate, giving a detailed account of the past operations on the coast and his correspond- ence with the Secretary of War about the matter. On the 2Gth he ad- dressed a message to the House, as the result of a conference with the House committee, in which he called attention to the fact that the mili- tary appropriation was exhausted, that he was borrowing money every day, and that it was with difficulty that he could maintain the troops in the field. The Confederate government was not doing all that was needed, and j'et the state had to be defended, and he implored the representa- tives of the people to lay aside all differences of opinion and furnish the means to protect the commonwealth, reserving the settlement of accounts with the Confederacy for the time when the danger was past. COXFLKT BETWEEN GOV. BKOWX AND THE LECISI.ATIRE. 217 The foe was perfecting plans to capture Fort Pulaski, and thus control the coast. The danger was imminent. The delay of the legislature in voting means to effectually defend the sea front was the occasion of Gov. Brown's importunities and appeals, and of much popular censure and complaint. The legislature was halting, properly feeling that the Confederate authorities, that had the benefit of so large a contribution of Georgia soldiers and arms in other states, owed it to the state to give her protection. Gov.' Brown participated in this feeling, but the aid was not forthcoming and the enemy was at the threshold, his " flag wav- ing over part of our .soil and insulting the state's sovereignty while it threatens the e.xistence of her institutions, the liberties of her sons and the safety and purity of her daughters." Again, on the .5th of December, 18G1, Gov. Brown sent in a message to the General Assembly. He had been down in person to Savannah, conferring with Gen. Robert E. Lee, who was in command of the South- ern coast. A timely arrival of 13,3-1:1 Enfield rifles, 4 cannons, 409,000 cartridges, 7 tons of shell and 500 sabres had been made, brought in by Col. Edward C. Anderson, through the Blockade from Europe where that gallant officer and gentleman had been sent by Gov. Brown, the importation alike testifying to Gov. Brown's providence and Col. An- derson's faithful vigilance and intrepiditj^ A proposition was before the General Assembly to transfer the Georgia troops called out by the Governor for service on the coast to the Confederacy, and if they were not received to disband them and get rid of the e.xpense. There had been a growing breach between the Governor and the legislature, and it was charged by Gov. Brown's friends that this proposed legislation, involving delay in voting means and taking the short term state troops from Gov. Brown's control was a stroke at him. He had astounded, and displeased the legislature by vetoing a bill reducing the pay of the Judges and Governor fully a third; and a bill fixing the pay of the members at five dollars a day. These vetoes had stirred a bitter feeling in the General Assembly, and were regarded as Executive declarations of war. The reduction of the Governor's salary would not affect him personally, as it did not go into operation during his term. His veto of the pay of members was applying their views of economy to themselves. There, is little doubt that a verj^ bad feeling had arisen between the Ex- ecutive, and a controlling majority of the General Assembly, and the battle between them became a stubborn and bitter one. Some correspondent in the Atlanta IntelUgencer aptly satirized the matter and avowed that the country was witnessing two well-established 218 GOVEEXOB BEOM'X'S BOLD MESSAGE. wars, — tliat of the Xorth against the South, and the other of the legis- ture against Joe Brown. There was no mistake about it either. The legislature took the war-jjath and made a lively fusilade against the un- quailing and responsive Governor. Right in the midst of the discussion upon the transfer of our short-term state troops to the Confederacy, Governor Brown plumped a stiff, daring message into the body arguing against the proposed policy. The message fell upon the body like an exploding bomb-shell. The storm it created was something extraordi- nary. It precipitated the long-'irooding battle. Recounting the emer- gency that led him to call out these state troops when the Confederacy had not placed adequate defenses upon the Georgia coast, and showing that he had foreseen and provided for the very emergency that had come, he proceeded to discuss what he termed the " fatal policy " that with the enemy on our soil in force and our safety imperilled would pause to count cost, and look to the contingency of disbandment of de- fense, and the abandonment of the state to the invader. The Governor's message on this exciting subject at that heated time was a model of force and unanswerable logic, and the wonder is that any such proposition as he was combating was entertained. He showed that the destruction of property if the enemy took possession, would be ten times any cost of defense. He argued the right of the legislature to transfer the troops to the Confederacy without their con- sent, claiming such forced transfer as a violation of faith. While the President of the Confederacy could not accept them under the Confed- erate law, as they were organized under the different state law, with their brigade and company organizations in conflict with the Confeder- ate law. He thus boldly .ended this intrepid and aggressive message: " If this fatal policy should be determined upon by the General Assembly, I will be responsible for none of the consequences growing out of it ; and in the name of the peo- ple of Georgia, I now in advance enter my solemn protest against it. If the State troops are disbanded, or tlie appropriations to maintain them are made upon the condition that tliey be transferred or disbanded, wliich is etjuiv;Jent to an order to disband them, it will become my duty, .as tlie Executive of the State to proclaim to her people, that while the enemy is tliundering at her gates, lier representatives have left me powerless for her defense, b"y withholding tlie necessary means, and even talving from me those already at my command. " If I have used strong language, I mean no disrespect. Wlien all that is dear to a peo- ple is at sialic, tiie occasion requires the utmost frankness and candor." It is doubtful if in any of Gov. Brown's series of high-spirited con- flicts with the legislative assemblies of Georgia, there was any one which exhibited more strongly the man's absolutely unconquerable COLONEL WARREN AIvIN's ATTACK OX GOVERNOR liROWX. 219 intrepidity and independence than this tlie stormiest of them all, and the culminating one. In none did he display so conspicuously that unhesi- tating self-reliance and fearless contempt of any amount of opposition that belonged to him. He never quailed for a moment or yielded an inch of his position. Even amid the clash of arms, this conflict stirred the state. An intense interest was felt all over the commonwealth, and the people endorsed the game Governor. AVhen tlie message was delivered to the House, the Secretary who transmitted it to that body, Mr. Buleau Campbell, stated that it was on the sul>ject of " State defence." Offence was immediately taken at this, the Speaker, Col. Akin and others declaring that the message was an unwarrantable interference on the part of the Governor with the legislation then progressing. Mr. Whittle moved to take up the mes- sage, but the motion was lost. The message was read the next day, and Mr. Cabaniss moved to suspend the rules to introduce some resolu- tions denouncing the action of the Governor in sending into the House of Representatives an argument against the passage of the bill then under consideration for the public defense. The motion to suspend was lost. The bill was passed. The discussion was fiery and acrimoni- ous. The bill was reconsidered the next day, and Mr. Cabaniss again attempted to get his resolution of censure in. The Speaker, Mn Akin, yielded the chair to Judge Cochran and came upon the floor, and attacked the Governor's message unsparingly. His remarks were thus reported in the Milledgeville Union: " Col. Akin remarked tliat the Governor had offered the gi-ossest iudignitv to tliis House in the message thrust as an argument before ns on yesterday. He proceeded to review the message. The Governor argued that tlie troops would not submit to the pro- visions of the bill displacing their officers. He bid the commander-in-chief and all his troops defiance to-day. Let them come with bayonets in their hands, and drive us from these halls, if they are not willing to acquiesce in the legislative action. He would bare his bosom to tlieir bayonets and be the last to jump from these windows on their approach." As may be conceived, a controversy between the two great co-ordi- nate branches of the State government, the Legislature and the Execu- tive, as important and hostile as this, and conducted with such heat of temper and vigor of language, stirred a profound excitement all over the State. Gov. Brown's friends of the press roundly declared that the House of Representatives had " disappointed the people in all it has done, and in what it has not done, and from the Speaker down, with some honorable exceptions, demonstrated an incapacity or a want of inclination to maintain the chivalry and honor of Georgia." The ofiB- 220 GOVERNOR brown's MESSAGE REFERRED. eers of Col. Chastain's regiment of State volunteers, passed resolutions and sent them to the Governor to be transmitted to the Legislature, declaring that they were not the property of the General Assembly to be sold and transferred from one owner to another, and avowing that while pledging tliemselves to the Southern cause, they would not be transferred without their consent. And even the papers most inimical to Gov. Brown, like the Augusta Chronicle and Sentinel, while quali- fying their commentary so as not to be misunderstood as being his gen- eral champion, approved his position against the transfer of these State troops. The message of the Governor was referred to a special committee, consisting of Norwood, Love, Cabaniss, Schley and Lester, and with- held from the records until the committee could report. The committee on the 13th of December, 18G1, made a savage report. It took g-round that the message was an unwarrantable interference in the business of the House and in open, direct and palpable violation of the Constitution. It charged that the Governor had prostituted his high office in holding over the heads of the Legislature the threat of a disobedient soldiery, to deter them from the passage of a bill which ho disapproved. It declared that the Governor had misrepresented their bill in saying that it contemplated leaving the State to the invasion of the enemy. It concluded with a series of resolutions, enumerating these charges against the Governor and ordering the message, with the report, to be entered upon the journals of the House. No official notice of this action was given the Governor. The Senate not participating in the action, the report was not the act of the General Assembly. The report elicited a warm debate. Messrs. Wiiittle, UuBose, Hook and Cochran maintained that the Governor had the right to communi- cate as he had done. Mr. DuBoso thought that the Governor intended no discourtesy, and deemed it unnecessary to spread the report on tlie journals. Mr. Hood moved as a substitute for the report, to spread the message and bill as passed, on the journals. Judge Cabaniss thought the report just. Mr. Smith, of Brooks, moved to put message, bill and report on the journals. Judge Cochran made a strong speech against the report and resolutions. Col. Akin exclaimed that he had done the Governor an injustice about the refusal of the troops to yield to legis- lative action. He did not think the Governor meant to convey the idea that the troops would be guilty of insubordination. He had sought the Governor to personally make the correction. Mr. Hook and Judge Cochran commended Col. Akin's conduct. GOV. BEOWN STRIKES BACK AT THE HOUSE. 221 Gov. Brown came back at the House as aggressively as ever, protest- ing against the "injustice and misrepresentations" of the report. He deemed it due to the otBce he held to maintain its constitutional pre- rogatives against the unwarrantable assumptions of the House. The Constitution made it the duty of the Governor to give the Legislature " information of the state of the republic, and to recommend to their consideration such measures as he may deem expedient." He gave a synopsis of the bill reported by the finance committee, and showed that he had not misrepresented the measure before the House, and he added that if after his message was received the bill was relieved of its objectionable features, it was an evidence tliat the argument contained in the message was productive of a good effect. In reply to the charge of prostituting his office by transmitting the protest of the soldiers, he showed that the resolutions of Col. Chastain's regiment were sent to tlie House after it had acted, but he said that he trusted lie might claim the forbearance of all intelligent citizens for " having laid the remon- strance of a regiment of brave State volunteers against an act of gross injustice to them before a body whose action had shown that its will was to perpetrate the act." The Governor referred to the fact that the message was addressed to the General Assembly, of which the Senate was a part and which had taken no offence. The Governor had so overwhelmingly the best of the argument that he came out of this remarkable altercation with increased reputation for courage and firmness. The Legislature divided hopelessly; the Senate and House split up and antagonized each other; committees of conference were appointed, and finally resolutions of compromise were agreed upon and passed, which embodied Gov. Brown's views. They provided for a transfer of the State troops only with their consent, and for retaining them if not transferred. The sum of 85,000,000 was appropriated for a war fund for 1862; also, $200,000 for a Georgia Re- lief and Hospital Association; $100,000 for the support of the State troops; 8100,000 for the relief of sufferers by the great fire in Charles- ton, South Carolina; 150,000 to aid in manufacture of salt. The banks were allowed further relief and privilege of suspension. Resolutions were passed pledging the state to fight until peace was won; recom- mending the farmers to reduce the cotton crop and plant provision crops; and to prevent monopolies and extortions. Among the other matters done by this General Assembly were the confirmation of the appointments made by Gov. Brown, of Charles J. Jenkins as Judge of the Supreme Court, and O. A. Lochrane, Judge 223 KOBERT TOOMBS DECLINES TO BE C. S. SEXATOR. JIacon Circuit, G. D. Rice, Judge Blue Ridge Circuit, N. L. Hutclilns, Judge Western Circuit, E. H. Worrill, Judge Chattahoochee Circuit and *"VV. "\^'. Jlontgomery, Attorney General. The election for two Confederate State Senators resulted in Hon. Benjamin Hill being elected on the first ballot over Toombs, Johnson, Wrn. Law, James Jackson and Alfred Iverson. The contest over the other senatorship was animated and protracted. The first ballot stood, Iverson, 85, Jack- son, 35, Toombs, 4t), Johnson, 22, James Bethune, 5, John P. King, 3, G. E. Thomas and J. E. Brown, 1 each. On the third ballot the vote stood, Iverson, 73, Jackson, 44, Toombs, 83. After tlie otli ballot Iverson was withdrawn, and Toombs receiving 129 votes and Jackson 67, Robert Toombs was declared elected. Gov. Brown notified Jlr. Toombs of his election, who declined the office, stating that he could better serve his state and country in the armj^ than in the Senate. He went on to say in deep displeasure at the struggle over the election, " I deem it not inappropriate on this occasion, to say that the manner in which the legislature thought proper to confer this trust relieves me from any obligation to sacrifice either my personal wishes or my con- victions of public duty in order to accept it." It was a characteristic thing in Mr. Toombs, a spoiled pet of popular favor, accustomed to win his political victories in a lordly way, and with the ease of Kingly right, to angrily spurn a triumph obtained after a close fight and when he had run through many ballots one of the minority candidates. It was openly charged at the time that the whigs had clutched the legislature, and it was a sort of confirmation of it that none but old whigs were elected, with one or two exceptions. And it was said that Mr. Toombs did not go through until the issue narrowed to him and Democrats of longer standing than himself. Tiie election for members of the Confederate Congress had resulted in the success of the following gentlemen : 1st District, Julian Hartridge. 2d C. J. Munnerlyn. 3rd Hin3s Holt. 4th A. H. Kenan. 5th David W. Lewis. Gth ^y. W. Clark. 7tl. R. P. Trippo. Sth L. J. Gartrell. 0th Hardy Strickland. 10th Augustus R. Wright. RESIGNATIOX OF JUDGE NISI'.ET. 223 The dissolving of party lines had resulted in bringing in nearly every opposition leader. Judge Nisbet resigned from the Provisional Con- federate Congress on account of ill-health. The ticket of electors put out by the convention that nominated Judge Nisbet, had no ojspo- sition and was elected, and cast the vote of the state for Davis and Stephens. CHAPTER XXIV. THE ORGANIZATION OF STATE TEOOPS UNDER MAJOR GENERAL HENRY R. JACKSON. The Permaueut Confederate State's Government. — Georgians in High Civil and Jlilitary Office. — Gov. Brown's Famous Conti'oversies witli the Confederate Authorities and tlieir Continuance of Georgia's Foremost Agency in the Revolution. — Georgia The Cham))ion of Constitutionalism. — Old Leaders Swallowed Up. — Brown Lifts the State Supremacy. — Year 1862 begins Calamitously. — Address of Cohh, Toombs ■ and Crawford. — Georgia's War Ta.-c. — State Forces Organized. — Maj. Gen. Henry R. Jackson and His Patriotic Self-Sacritice. — Tribute to Gen. Jackson by Gov. Browu. — Col. Chastain. — Funny Feminine Suggestion to Whip Tlie Federals. — Pemberton Succeeds Lee. — Fort Pulaski Capture. — Col. C. H. Olmstead. — A Gallant Act. — Effect of This Loss. — Reorganization of State Militia. — Gov. Brown's Letter on Planting Cotton. — Gen. Toombs. The organization of the Confederate States Government under its permanent constitution was made on the 23nd day of February, 18G2. Mr. Stephens was Vice-President. Mr. Toombs had gone into the army, giving up liis place as Secretary of State. Mr. Philip Clayton of Georgia was Assistant Secretary of the Treasury. G. E. W. Nelson of Georgia was Superintendent of Public Printing. Gov. Brown appointed his old friend, Dr. John W. Lewis, Confederate State Senator in place of Gen. Toombs. Up to this time we had in the Confederate army from Georgia, Major Generals, David E. Twiggs, Wm. J. Hardee. Brigadier Generals, Henry R. .Jackson, \Ym. H. T. Walker, A. R. Lawton, Robert Toombs, W. H. C. Whiting, L. McLaws, H. W. Mercer, W. M. Gardner, John K. .Jackson, Howell Cobb, J. B. Villepigue, T. R. R. Cobb, Ambrose R. Wriglit, Henry L. Benning, J. R. Ramsay, Paul Semmes, and Alfred H. Colquitt. Some of Georgia's strongest men in statesmanship had gone into the army. Mr. Stephens soon became powerless with the Confederate administration on account' of his decided difference of view with Mr. Davis upon vital measures. Neither of them were men to yield, and thus they soon drifted hopelessly apart. It therefore happened that Georgia, from having been a controlling power in the revolution, became almost a nidlity at this time so far as concerned the guidance of its policy. But the time was soon coming when the state was to Georgia's stand for coxstitctioxalism. 225 resume lier agency in matters, but it was to be on a different line entirely, and yet a consistent one. Georgia had led in breaking the Union to preserve the principles of constitutional government. She was destined to figure as an uncompromising opponent of Confederate encroachment upon the spirit and the law of the Constitution. And the man who was fated to bear the colors in this struggle was the Governor of Georgia, Joseph E. Brown. There has been much stricture upon his course, to the effect that the resistance to unconstitutional legislation should have been pretermitted in the hour of war. The time has come to discuss this question fairly and dispassionately. Was Governor Brown right or wrong in princi- ple '? It is admitted that he contended for a right thing, but it is claimed that it was done at an ine.xpedient time. No time is inex- pedient to maintain the right. Right is always expedient. Where was the greater danger, from unconstitutional legislation, in a Federal 6r a Confederate government ? If it was right to destroy the Union to. preserve the Constitution, it was no less right to deny the sanction of endorsement to the extra-constitutional acts of the Confederacy. It is also true that the final result was not endangered by these conflicts of constitutional argument that placed Georgia in a noble attitude as the champion of that constitutional law and liberty for which we were fight- ing. If we were right and sincere in our going to war to secure our ideas of government, we then did right in maintaining them in the Southern republic. The reasoning is irresistible. Georgia in standing up for a strict observance of constitutional limitations did her duty, and she deserves the more credit that she did it amid all the temptation to ignore it that arose from the dangers of war and the anarchy of revolu- tion. The consistency of the South was preserved by this splendid role that Georgia, under the leadership of Gov. Brown, pursued. It was a dutiful vindication of the conduct of the South in going into the war, and must so be regarded in the calm light of historic truth. There is no escaping the verdict. If we were right to fight for constitutionalism, we were right to oj^pose. its sacrifice even in the stern exigencies of war. The war absorbed our old leaders, swallowed them up, as it were, in the leveling atmosphere of the bayonet. Toombs and the Cobbs and other great spirits of statesmanship sank into excellent brigadiers among a host of others. Men like Stonewall Jackson, who in the calm of peace would have gone through life obscure and undistmguished; or like For- rest, who would have achieved an undesirable notoriety as successful negro traders, flamed into fame legitimately due to military genius and 15 226 THE CONFEDERATE SITUATION GLOOMY. surpassing acliievement. Georgia had a host of brilliant soldiers and dazzling otficers. She had her Hardees, Gordons, Wheelers, Tattnalls and a host of others of lower rank equally heroic and faithful. But so had other states, and we had no superiority. The whole South was brave and true. It was in this monotony of heroism that Gov. Brown raised the State to her wonted supremacy of influence by his hold, able and unanswerable maintenance of our constitutional consistoncv. And at this long day from that era, reading his masterly and exhaustive papers, written amid all the distractions of those tunndtuous times, under all the tremendous inducements to passive subservience, they stand as unequaled demonstrations of intrepid personal conviction and exalted acts of august official duty. This is strong language, but it is due. There may have been an infusion of considerations not relevant, and an occasional betrayal of a stem temper into the indiscretion of severity, but admitting these minor defects. Gov. Brown's defenses of constitutional principle in his great and memorable controversies with the Confederate authorities, must be his most striking record of cour- ageous and masterful statesmanship, and will constitute Georgia's most enduring claim to historic glory in connection with her sacrifices and contributions to the cause of Southern independence. State sovereignty and Constitutional government. The year 1863 began calamitously for the South. Our expectation of a speedy end had been disappointed. The Federals had a force of 800,000 men in the field, and the South had 300,000. Kentucky and Tennessee had fallen into the Federal hands. Lodgment had been made on the coast of North Carolina by Burnside's expedition. Southern embassies to Europe had failed to secure intervention and even recog- nition. Just before the provisional government of the Confederacy- ended, Howell Cobb, R. Toombs, M. J. Crawford and Thos. R. R. Cobb issued an address to the people of Georgia placing the situation clearly before them. What they called "unpalatable facts" were candidly given. The purport of the address was, that we were in a frightful conflict with a determined enemy, whose numbers and resources we could not equal, and we could only succeed by a united and unconquer- able resistance that would put the torch to every home before yielding it to the foe. The address discarded hope of foreign interference as remote, and expressed confidence in the final result. A requisition was made upon Georgia for twelve additional regiments. The Confederate war tax on Georgia amounted to $3,494,112.41, and was promptly raised by the issue and sale of State bonds. Gov. Brown //^^=<^^-^^^ ^yz--<- GENERAL HENRY R. JACKSON. 227 having the amount in hand before it was due. Ten per cent, was saved by relieving tlie Confederate authorities of the direct collection from the people, and in addition to this the Comptroller General, Col. Thweatt, discovered an error in the Confederate assessment of §G0,01G.1G, which his vigilance saved to the State. The banks patriotically advanced two millions of the amount to the Governor as early as February, the tax being due April 1st. The operations on the Georgia coast in the early part of 1862 were very active. Gov. Brown selected Gen. Henry R. Jackson for the com- mand of the State forces on the coast, and nominated him as Major- General, in chief command of all the State troops, which nomination was unanimously ratified by the Senate of Georgia. This gallant officer had served brilliantly in the Mexican war as Colonel of a regiment. His service in West Virginia during 1861 had been conspicuous and valuable. The operations in that locality were ended. Gen. Jackson therefore hailed joyfully the prospect of a change to Georgia, his own State, whose coast was the object of Federal attack. The selection of Gen. Jackson for this duty was a deserved recognition of his merit, and a compliment of which he could well be proud. Gov. Brown immediately sought to have him ordered on this congenial and honorable mission, he welcoming gladly a transfer from inactivity to a field of peril and usefulness — that field his own beloved State, and he urged the change. It was one of those strange acts of the Confederate administration that it so frequently did, to disregard this call for this worthy officer. The campaign in Virginia had ended; by far the larger portion of Gen. Jackson's command had been withdrawn from him and sent elsewhere; he had been ordered into winter-quarters vnthin hand- ling distance of the remnant. All eyes were directed to the Southern sea-board as the scene of operations for the winter. Gen. Lee, who was in command on the Southern coast, as he told Gov. Brown, preferred Gen. Jackson to command the Georgia troops, and had been " negotiat- ing" with the war department for him at the time. Eager to accept the flattering call of his own State from an inactive to active duty, Gen. Jackson applied for leave of absence to take the more perilous service in Georgia, but was sternly and inexplicably refused. With that chiv- alric patriotism that belonged to the man, Gen. Jackson resigned the coveted commission which he held in the Confederate army, feeling that he could not ignore the demands of his own people menafced with danger, to stand peaceful watch in the then quiet mountains of West Virginia. Gen. .Tackson as Major-General of the State troops had under him 2'38 TPaBUTE TO GEXEliAL ni:XRY r.. JACKSOX. Brigadier Generals George P. Harrison, F. AV. Capers, and also, William H. T. AA'alker, who had resigned from tlie Confederate servieo. Gen. Jackson cooperated with Brig. Gen. A. R. Lawton, who had command of the Confederate forces and the territory comprehended in tlio Depart- ment of Georgia. Brig. Gen. H. W. Mercer of the Confederate army commanded Savannah. Gen. Robert E. Lee was in command of the extreme Southern coast, including Georg'ia and South Carolina. Gen. Jackson received orders direct from Gov. Brown. His Adjutant General was Lt. Col. Charlton H. Way. During the brief campaign of a little over three months in which the state troops were in service, there was a vast deal accomplished. Gen. Jackson was very zealous, and between himself and Gen. A. R. Lawton, commanding the Confed- erate troops, there existed an admirable accord. The official co,rres- pondence of Gen. Jackson's division shows many interesting, as well as some lively episodes. Gov. Brown gave a close suj)ervision to every detail of the service. The Governor entertained a cordial re- gard and admiration for this capable and distinguished officer. In his message to the General Assembly in the following November, in referring to the state troops Gov. Brown used this language about Gen. Jackson: " It is bnt justice to Major Geiier.il Jackson, tliat it be remarked that lie had, with untiring energy and consummate ability, pressed forward the preparation of the defenses and the training of the army, and tliat the people of Georgia owe mnch of gratituile to him for the safety of the city of fSavannah and its present freedom from the tyrannical rule of the enemy. There is not probably an intelligent, impartial man in the state who does not regret that the services of this distinguished son of Georgia should not have been properly appreciated by the Confederate authorities, and that he should not, after the Georgia army was transferred, have been invited liy the President to a command equal to his well-known ability and merit. This was requested by the Executive of this state, which request was presented to the President by her entire del- egation in Congress." Col. E. W. Chastain, who commanded the 8th regiment of Gen. Walker's Brigade, was arrested by Gen. Walker for using severe lan- guage to Major O, C. Myers, the Assistant Adjutant General of the Brigade. The Governor knew the value of the volunteers and their spirit too well to disgrace officers on account of a hasty ebullition of profanity, and insisted that Col. Chastain should not be punished beyond arrest. Capt. Henry Cleveland, in charge of the Savannah arsenal, had been the editor of the Augusta Constitutionalist, and was a writer of genius. In his position in the Ordnance Department he appears not to have had very harmonious relations with Major Lachlan Mcintosh, FIGHTING THE FEDERALS WITH TUEPENTIXE. 229 the Chief of Ordnance for the state. Writing in January to Gen. Jackson, Major Mcintosh thus discoursed: " It is Imt right for me to say ttiat I fully ajipreciate Captain Cleveland's eccentricity, and deeply regret that there is not some other Held open to that gentleman wherein to exercise his wondrous administrative abilities." A lady signing herself " P. M. L.," made the following unique sug- gestion for the defense of the city of Savannah, stating that she had been trying to think up a plan to " e.xpel the Yankees " from the coast and had hit upon this plan. " To put on board of boats about 500 or 1,000 barrels of turpentine (first having made a calculation of the speed of the water of the Savannah river, so as to allow the proper time to elapse), and go to within a mile of the fleet (during the uight) and at different distances have the turpentine turned out along across the water, having allowed the projjer time to elapse from the turning out of the turpentiue, for it to reach the fleet, as it will not mix with the water. Theu set fire to tlie turpentiue poured upon the water, and it will do them much damage, if not entirely rout them. Now if you will head the e.\pedition to see that all is done at the proper time, and in order and iio failure. I think somebody will be hurt. It at least will be wortli trying. I only give the initials of my name below, as I do not wish you for a mouif-nt to think that I, a lone female, should dictate to one of your experience and judgment what should be done." This feminine invention is solemnly filed among the patriotic archives of that exciting period. Gen. Lee was transferred to anotlier depart- ment, and Maj. Gen. Pemberton assigned to the command of this de- partment. The enemy inaugurated tl?e series of movements that resulted in the loss to the Southern cause, and to Georgia, of Fort Pu- laski. Tybee and Warsaw Islands were covered with Federal troops. The inlets of our coast swarmed with Federal vessels. Skidaway and Green Islands were abandoned by Gen. Pemberton. The line of defense was confined to the main land. By the 22d of February, the Federals succeeded in a complete isolation of Fort Pulaski, by removing the ob- structions in Walls Cut and thus entering the Savannah river in the rear of the Fort. Commodore Tattnall succeeded in effecting a passage to the Fort in the very teeth of the Federal gunboats, and supplied the garrison with six months' provisions. Eleven batteries were thrown up on Tybee Island. The garrison of Fort Pulaski consisted of 365 men and 24 officers, under command of Col. Charles H. Olmstead, a gallant and capable of- ficer. He was 9, graduate of the State Military University at Marietta, and combined in a striking degree the graces and culture of the true gentleman with the intrepidity anil skill of the soldier. Gen. David Hunter commandino; the Federal forces, demanded the surrender of the 230 THE SPIRIT OF GEORGIANS TRUE. Fort on the niorning- of the lOtli of April, 18C1, and Col. Olmstead re- plied briefly that he was there " to defend the fort, not to surrender it." The bombardment began and continued for two days. The main fire of the foe was directed on the south-east angle of the fort. The guns in it were all dismounted, and a large breach made through which the shot and shell went directly to the magazine. Retreat was impossible, and further defense impracticable. The Fort was surrendered at half past two o'clock, the 11th day of April, 18G2, honorable terms having been granted the garrison. Col. C. C. Jones in his well-written sketch of the Chatham Artillery, relates an incident of personal daring that oc- curred during this siege that deserves preservation. In the second day's bombardment, in a stonn of shot and shell the flag was shot down. Lt. Christopher Hussey, of the Montgomery Guards (Capt. Guilmartin), and private John Latham, of the Washington Volunteers (Capt. McMahon), leaped upon the parapet, upon wliieh the fatal hail of battle was raining an unbroken torrent, disentangled the fallen symbol of defiance, coolly carried it to the north-eastern angle of the fort and floated it gayly to the ball and breeze on a temporary staff, erected for the occasion on a gun carriage. It was an intrepid act of personal heroism. The loss of Fort Pulaski stimulated the preparation for the defense of the land. The term of enlistment of the troops was expiring in many cases. The hot fever of the early days of the war had very much quieted down. The effervescence had dissolved. Men were not so eager to tight. A year of actual service had dissipated the poetry of soldiering. Men had come to a recognition of the cold realities of a desperate con- flict. There was a decided toning down of that buoyant eagerness for enlistment that so marked the inception of the struggle, but it was still true that the men of Georgia came forward willingly to the serious work in store for us and not to be avoided. The loss of Fort Pulaski stirred every patriotic heart in Georgia. It nerved every man and woman to resistance, and to cordially persevering in the duty of the hour. Gov. Brown issued a Proclamation for a complete organization of the militia with a view to a draft if there were not voluntary enlistments. The State troops had almost unanimously voted against a transfer to the Confederate war authorities. In recognition of the grave crisis the 7th day of March was appointed as a day of Fasting, Humiliation and Prayer. The use of corn in the distillation of spirits was prohibited by proclamation to prevent the consumption in that way of grain needed for food. A reward of S5,000 was offered for the discovery of any salt THE BAD POLICY OF PLAXTING COTTON. 231 springs or wells that would afford 300 bushels of salt a day, the Gov- ernor taking the responsibility of proclaiming such reward without authorit}'. Gov. Brown paid a visit to the coast early in April, and reviewed and addressed the State troops. In this speech he compli- mented their defense of the sea-board, and urged them to re-enlist, mak- ing an earnest appeal to their patriotism. A vital subject at that time was the policy of the farmers of planting provision crops instead of cotton. Judge Linton Stephens in behalf of a number of citizens addressed a note to Gov. Brown asking his views on this matter. The reply was an able discussion of the subject. He said that we had more to fear from the production of cotton than any other disadvantage. The ordinary sources of provision supply were very much diminished. We would have to rely upon ourselves for food. The reply ended with an appeal to the farmers to do their duty in this crisis. Hon. Ale.x. H. Stephens came to Georgia and made a strong speech, urging the people to continued energy and sacrifices in the prosecution of the war, and in this speech he pressed the paramount necessity of raising ample food crop. Gen. Toombs incurred much odium by his course on this matter, he boldly insisting upon raising upon his own plantation nearly full crops of cotton. And the following dispatch from Gen. Toombs brought him considerable animadversion. " Richmond, June II, 1862. " To Messrs. Geo. Hill, A. F. Newsom and Win. Carter, Committee. " Gkntlemen : — Your telegr.ani has lieen received. I refuse a single h.and. My pro]v ertv, as long as I live, shall never be sul)ject to the orders of those cowardly miscreants, the Committees of Public Safety of Randolph County, Ga., and Eufaula. You may rob me in my absence, but you cauuot intimidate me. "ROBERT TOOMBS." County meetings were held in wiiich the farmers pledged themselves to drop cotton and raise provisions. CHAPTER XXV. BROWN AND DAVIS IN THEIR GREAT TUSSLE OVER CONSCRIPTION. Tlie Conscription Act. — Not Needed in Georgia. — Col. A. II. Keu.an and Gov. Brown. — A Caliinet Place in Brown's Grasp. — The Correspondence between Gov. Brown and Presidejit Davis. — A iModel of Statesmanlike Controver.-. 237 officers. The riHit to select tlieir own officers was one dearly cherished bv the troops, and they did better service when allowed the privilege. The volunteers clung to the right tenaciously. The Conscription Act embraced so large a proportion of the militia officers in Georgia that it would absolutely disband the organized militia left at liome, and leave the women and children helpless against negro insurrection. Gov. Brown wound up with these very kind words: " If I have used strong laiifru.ise iu any part of this letter, I l)ep; you to attrihute it only to my zeal iu the advocacy of principles and a cause which I consider no less than the cause of constitutional lil)erty, imperiled hy the erroneous views and practice of those placed upon the watch tower as its constant. guardians. " In conclusion, I heg to as.sure you tliat I fully appreciate your expressions of personal kindness, and reciprocate tliem in my feelings toward you to the fullest extent. I knew the vast responsihilities resting upon you, and would never willingly add unnecessarily to their weight, or in any way emharrass you iu the discharge of your important duties. While I cannot agree with you in opinion upon the grave question under discussion, I beg you to command me at all times wheu I can do you a personal service, or when I can, without a violation of the constitutional ohligations resting upon me, do any service to the great cause iu which we are so vitally interested." The third letter of Mr. Davis, dated July 10, 1862, disclaimed any sentiment that " Congress is the final judge of the constitutionality of a contested power." He adds that " the right of each state to judge in the last resort whether its reserved powers had been usurped by the general government is too familiar and well-settled a principle to admit of discussion." Mr. Davis concludes thus: " As I cannot see, however, after the most respectful consideration of all that you have said, anything to change my conviction that Congress has exercised only a plainly- granted specific power in raising its armies hy conscription, I cannot sliare the alarm and concern about state rights which you so evidently feel, but which to me seem quite unfounded." July 22, 18G2, Gov. Brown wrote his fourth letter, which concluded this memorable correspondence between the President of the Confed- eracy and the Governor of the leading Southern state upon the most important act of Confederate legislation. In this letter Gov. Brown struck Mr. Davis a center stroke and turned his own fire upon him. He insisted that in all regiments organized in the State, and turned over as organized bodies to the Confederate government, they should be per- mitted to elect their own officers to fill vacancies. He made this demand with the greater confidence becau.se in the Mexican war, when President Polk tendered Mr. Davis (then colonel of a gallant Mississippi regiment) a commission as brigadier general for heroic services, Mr. Davis declined the appointment on the ground that the President had no right under 238 THE STATE TROOTS TIRNED OVER TO MR. DAVIS. tlie Constitution to appoint a brigadier general to command 'the State volunteers then employed in the service of the United States Govern- ment, but that the State alone could make such appointments. If such was the constitutional difficulty then, certainly, under the same pro- visions, the Confederate Government could not appoint not only the brigadier generals but the field and company officers of State troops. The profound interest created by this controversy pervaded the whole Confederacy. The importance of the subject, the high position of the gentlemen and the ability and dignity of the letters make the discussion one of the mile-stones of the revolution. Mr. Davis in his " Rise and Fall of the Confederacy," recently pub- lished, prints his own letter of the 39th of May, 18G2, as his presentation of his own side of the question, except that he omits the paragraphs complimenting Gov. Brown and the State of Georgia. He also fails to extend to Gov. Brown the justice of publishing his side of the question. The discussion was so important, able and exhaustive on both sides, that it is deemed a matter of sufficient historic interest and value to print in " Appendix B " of this work the letters in full of Mr. Davis of the 29th of May, 1862, and of Gov. Brown of June Slst, 1862, as embodying the full argument of each distinguished gentleman for and against the great subject of Conscription. The reader can for himself contrast the elaborate pleas. But notwithstanding his effort to preserve the sanctity of constitu- tional principle. Gov. Brown gave a practical aixl instantaneous obedience to the Confederate law. Hon. G. W. Randolph, the Con- federate Secretary of War, telegraphed Gov. Brown on the loth of April, 1862, of the passage of the Conscription Act, which placed in the Confederate service all men between 18 and 35 years of age, not legally exempt. Gov. Brown the same day responded by telegraph, " I pro- pose to turn over the troops who yet remain in service with the respon- sibility to you, immediately, in such manner as may be most agreeable to the President." This unhesitating and unconditional co-operation with the Confederate authorities should satisfy all fair-minded men that Gov. Brown in defending the principle for which he was fighting was governed by a high and commendable sense of duty, and was entirely consistent with a devotion to the cause and an energy in its mainte- nance, that were not surjiassed in the whole vast extent of the struggle. Mr. Randolph telegraphed to Gov. Brown to keep his troops together, and employ his State enrolling officers. Gov. Brown telegraphed on the 16th to Maj. Gen. Henry R. Jackson the expiration of his command, FAREWELL OEDERS OF GEN. .JACKSON AND GOV. BROWN. 339 and directing that the Brigade commanders under him witli tlieir com- mands report to Brig. Gen. Lawton. He tendered his thanks to the officers and men for their patriotic conduct, and justly stated that " the works around the city of Savannali will relate to posterity the skill, in- telligence, energy and patriotism of the State troops of 1861-G2." Gen. Jackson, on the 10th, issued his order bidding farewell to his Division, in which he used these words: " Wliile he confesses to a keen disappointment in the disorganization of his command before it had encountered the enemy in Ijattle, he feels strengthened by the conviction that whenever, or under whomsoever, its elements may he called into action, tliey will exhibit not only the heroism of Georgian's fighting for their liberties, but the force and efficiency of drilled .and disciplined soldiers." Gov. Brown issued an order, wliich, like the farewell order of Gen. Jackson, is a touching and graceful expression of feeling. In it he used this remarkable language — remarkable in connection with the Con- script Act, in illustrating the conscientious purity of his position in re- gard to that measure. "The country is now in great peril, and the city of Savannah threatened with an early attack. Under these circumstances whatever may he your npinion or mine of the the wisdom or jiropriety of the Conscription Act, it behooves us all as Georgian.'? and patriots, to sacrifice our personal interests, feelings and aspirations u])on the alt,ar of our common country. I therefore admonisli eacli and every one of you, to perforin in the future, as you have done in the past, .all your duties as soldiers, with promptness and cheerfulness, and to remain in the service without regard to the expiration of your re- spective terms, till Savannah is safe, and the invaders driven from the soil of our be- loved State." Taking it all in all the episode of this gallant division of state troops was a right romantic one, and of striking interest, and its transfer was full of touching features. Called into existence under a doubtful authority, yet through a masterly prescience of the future in Gov. Brown, it was vindicated by the very emergency that he foresaw and that it remedied, and it was a crowning tribute to his daring readiness to assume responsibility for the public good. It was this quality in Gov. Brown that made him so valuable, .so famous and so popular dur- ing the war. Signally clear-sighted and absolutely fearless, he uner- ringly divined future necessities, and fearlessly acted while other men deliberated. He did whatever he believed for the best, leaving con- sequences to take care of themselves. Nor was there any vacillation or looking back after he had acted. lie shrank from no opposition or criticism, but confronted the logic of his deeds with unflinching intre- pidity. ;C43 INJUSTICE AND IJLUXDERIXG OF THE CONFEDERATE AUTHORITIES. The legislative battle over the State troops was a highly colored act of this lively drama. And it tested Gov. Brown's supreme nerve in adhering to his will. It looked as if the legislature would crush liim out. It raised the V)lack flag against him, nearly, and in its collective majesty thundered his destruction, ito august aggregate of condemna- tion striking him in his single-handed isolation. But he stood like a rock, defied tluir arguments, recriminated their denunciation, and boldly appealed to the people. They sullenly yielded the victory, which he firmly clutched from their unwilling hands. But when the treasured fortification of Pulaski fell and the sea-board was beleaguered with fleets and armies, and the brave troops he had so long before called into service on his own audacious and questionably authorized volition stood the safe-guard and protection of Georgia's liberty, then did he receive the full meed of praise and gratitude due to what was heroic personal and official sense and courage. Perhaps the most interesting matter connected with this superb divis- ion of state forces, this noble little Georgia army was the generous self- sacrifice of its officers, who so promptly laid down their clierished commissions and with them the opportunity of that e.xalted ambition, which so largely enters into both the patriotism and militarv glory of the soldier's career. Can it be wondered that a directing administra- tion should finally fail that so wofuUy blundered as to throw over the superb oflicers who led this division, who had organized and dis- ciplined it, and who could point to a proud piece of handiwork, renounced in a lofty spirit of self-abnegation, that deserved recogni- tion. There was not in the comprehension of both armies a brighter galaxy of military spirits than the division and brigade commanders of this rare little force, and yet not one of them was retained by the Con- federate government, the command being received by regiments and battalions. It was a cruel injustice and a fatal folly. And the aggre- gate of such blunders helped the idtimate defeat. The injustice was especially reprehensible in connection with the heroic and capable commander of this superb division. Gen. Henry R. Jackson. In the Mexican war he had served with Mr. Davis, and there had been some intercourse not entirely smooth. Mr. Davis has been noted for carrying with him the memory of resentments. There would be no severe stretch of probabilities to read in the treatment of Gen. Jackson the invisible stimulus of an unforgotten prejudice. He had, in order to take this state command at the call of his native common- wealth, been forced to lay down his brigadiership, a leave of absence MAJOK GENEKAL IIEXRY E. JACKSOX. 241 for tliat purpose having been refused him by the Confederate govern- ment. He had wrought his division to superb organization and effi- ciency. In the hour of proud consummation he unmurmuringly yielded it up to the Confederate authorities to avoid embarrassment created by his rank, and retired to the ranks, eVen offering himself as a private in the company he had taken to Mexico. The people of Florida, through a committee, called for him to command there, but another was assig-ned to tliat duty. A Georgia delegation from the army of Tennessee applied for Gen. Jackson, but the President received the application in silence. When Gen. Cobb was ordered to the command of a military geographical division, embracing Florida and a part of Georgia, he wrote to Gen. Jackson to ascertain whether he would desire the command of a district under Gisneral Cobb, should a plan which he had submitted, dividing his command into two districts, be adopted. Gen. .Jackson replied that he would be thankful for any position in the field, and wrote to Gen. Cooper, the Confederate Adjutant General, soliciting the appointment. Gen. Cooper replied in a brief note that, as the President did not approve of Gen. Cobb's plan, Gen. Jackson's " services were not needed." It was a strange purposa that withheld service from an eager, gallant, skilled and experienced officer of such consummate ability, who so urgently and variedly sought military duty. Gen. Jackson was finally restored tardily to his Brigadier's rank in the Confederate army when the ill-fated struggle was drawing to its close, and with a noble brigade skillfully handled, he accompanied Hood to Tennessee. He shone in every battle, and finally in the lines before Nashville he held his place until both flanks were driven back, and was captured by -overwhelming numbers. He was retained as a prisoner of war until the surrender of the armies of the Confederacy, which occurred a few months afterwards, and thus honorably termi- nated the military career of this brave, accomplished and patriotic officer. Several incidents occurred that demonstrate Gov. Brown's quality of decision. Upon the issuance of Gov. Brown's order stopping the dis- tillation of whiskey. Col. Laughridge, the commanding colonel of the Murray county militia, not only denied the right of the Governor to issue the order, but himself disobeyed it by running a still. The Gov- ernor immediately ordered the arrest of Col. Laughridge, and he was court-martialed, convicted, and fined $500. When the Governor ordered the seizure of salt, he took one thousand bushels belonging to A. K. 16 24:3 SIRS. JIAKY A. -WILLIAMS, AUTHOR OF nECORATIOJf DAY. Seago of Atlanta. Mr. Seago was paid for liis salt and receipted for the money. The salt was placed in charge of William Watkiiis, one of the military store-keepers of the State. Mr. Seago filed an action of Trover against Mr. AVatkins, and made the necessary affidavit to put him under §33,000 bail. Gov. Brown promptly ordered the slieril: to release Mr. Watkins from arrest and abstain from any further proceedings, declar- ing that in time of war, with the enemy on our -soil, he could not per- mit military operations to bo hindered by civil authority. Learning that there was some talk of the sheriff refusing to obey the order, the Governor issued an additional instruction to Gen. W. P. Howard, com- manding the l.st Brigade of the 11th Division of the militia, to use any force necessary to prevent "Watkins' incarceration in prison, or if im- prisoned, to release him and arrest the sheriff. This settled the matter and quieted the sheriff. During the early part of 1SG3, two very valuable Georgians died, Col. C. J. Williams of Columbus, colonel of the 1st Georgia Regulars, and Col. Walter Ector of the 13th Georgia Infantry, both gentlemen dying from disease incurred in the service in Virginia. Col. Williams stood very high in the State, and had been prominent in our politics. He had been Speaker of the House of Representatives. He had in a high degree, the confidence and esteem of Gov. Brown. His widow, Mrs. Mary A. Williams, originated the beautiful " Decoration Day" that has become an established custom of the country. North and South, since the war. And she also conceived and started into actual opera- tion, from Georgia to Virginia, the beneficent system of " Waj'side Homes " for soldiers, that did so much good during the war. She was the daughter of Major John H. Howard, a noted politician and railroad president. In 1840, she presented a flag to the 1st Georgia regiment, commanded by Col. Henry R. .Jackson, her prospective husband, C. J. Williams, being Major, wliom she married after the ^Mexican war. She died in Columbus, at the house of her son, on the l.ith of April, 1874, and was buried with military honors. Her grave is decorated every memorial day. She sent her only son to the war at fourteen years of age. In Appendix "C" will be found the original communication, written to the Columbus Times, suggesting the " Memorial Day" custom. A son of hers, C. H. Williams, is one of the leading journalists of the State, now publishing the Atlanta Gazette. Upon the refusal of Mr. Toombs to accept the election as Confederate States Senator, the Hon. Alfred Iverson, ex-United States Senator, pub- lished a letter declaring that he would not acce;it the appointment from MRS. MARY A. WILLIAMS, Author of the Decoration Day Custom. THE AMLSIXG MISTAKE OF THE TYPES. 243 Gov. Brown, the legislature having defeated him for the office. He took occasion to refer to his famous Griffin speech, to which reference has been made in this volume, and which elicited so much hostile com- mentary, and was declared to have buried him politically. In that speech he had declared for disunion on the ground that the abolitionists meant to destroy slavery, and separation alone would save slavery. He had been discarded for that speech, but called attention to the verifica- tion of his views, and the fact that the people now stood with him. The concluding sentences of this letter of the distinguished ex-Senator are a striking expression of the confident spirit of the times, and like many other prophecies of that day, read incongruously in the light of the final result. In complacent review of his disunion efforts, Mr. Iverson thus spoke: "Our lilierties will lie won ; our government will be maintainerl ; our independence achieved and acknowledged bv all nations. The blasts of 'wild war' will subside and gentle peace retnrn to bless and snn'le upon our beloved Southern homes. Having con- tributed all iu my power to bring about these glorious results, I ask no more tlian to enjoy in peace and quiet the blessings of freedom under a government for which mv heart has yearned for years." An amusing mistake occurred in connection with the patriotic spirit of the people as shown in the willingness expressed to strip their roofs to furnish material to mould into cannon. The matter was generally discussed. In the over-mastering desire to aid the cause, the people were ready to make any sacrifice and give up any property that could be used. The Adjutant General of the State, Gen. Henry C. Wayne, wrote to a Savannah lady in reply to an inquiry about utilizing brass and copper for manufacturing cannon. The letter was published in the Savannah JVeics, and contained this expression: "I mention this that we may not have our ipi'ves stripped to no jmrposc." The letter was widely copied and evoked a volley of comment and speculation as well as raillery. Tlie Atlanta Commonwealth solemnly declared that " an official announcement of the fact was uncalled for." It seems that the General's letter should have been printed with the word " roo/s " in- stead of wives, which would have made the expression read, " I mention this that we may not have our roofs stripped to no purpose." The At- lanta InteUigriici:)- stopped the very ridiculous agitation with an expla- nation of the matter, and trusted that the good wives of the country would be satisfied and pardon that printer's blunder. In April of this year, 18G3, occurred a most audacious attempt of some Federal spies on the State road. The leader in it was a man by 244 BOLD ATTEMPT TO DESTROY THE STATE ROAD. the name of Andrews, who was at the head of a band of twenty-two men. He was a tall, black-bearded man, wearing a military black over- coat with a large cape. The object of the men was the destruction of the thirteen bridges on the Western and Atlantic railroad, besides general damage to the road. The project was moi-e daring than feasible, or of any practical utility, as it contemplated injury that could so soon be remedied. But it illustrates the spirit of adventurous hazard that prompts bold men in war times. These men got on the train at Marietta and at Big Shanty, some twenty-five miles froni Atlanta, uncoupled the engine and three cars from the passenger train while the passengers were in at breakfast, and made for Chattanooga. Mr. W. A. Fuller, the conductor, with Mr. Anthony Murphy, the superintendent of the road shops, and the engineer Jeff Cain, started on foot in pursuit. ' They soon reached a hand-car, and gathering reinforcements as they went along they pushed vigorously for the audacious depredators. It was a long and an e.xciting chase. At Acworth the track was blocked with forty or fifty cross-ties, and the telegraph wires were torn down for a quarter of a mile. Reinforced by another hand-car and ten more men, they swept on, to be tumbled in a ditch near Etowah by the torn-up track at a short curve. Here an engine was obtained belonging to Hon. Mark A. Cooper, and also a coal car. At Kingston the artful spies had made up a story about carrying ammunition to Beauregard, and duped the switch keys from the agent. Here the Rome engine was obtained and they dashed on twenty-five minutes behind the bridge burners. Near Adairsville they came upon a torn track. Fuller and Murphy took it afoot and met the down train at Adairsville and turned its engine back, having to stop every short while to remove cross ties from the track. A mile and a half beyond Calhoun they came in sight of the flying fugitives, who dropped a car to stop the way. Near Resaca another car was detached. The. indomitable Fuller switched these two cars on a sideling at Resaca and dashed on. The spies had loaded their remaining car with cross ties, and dumped them out at intervals to block the way. The trouble with the ready-witted fellows was that their steam was giving out. The oil-cans and everything else inflammable were hurled into the diminishing fire. lu sight at Dalton and also at the Tunnel, they drove their engine to the last. At Dalton they piled up cross ties. At Ringgold the engine began to flag, and several miles beyond the race was over, though they ven- omously reversed their engine to collide with ours, and then they took to the woods. The pursuit through the country was as vigorously THE SPIES PUNISHED. 245 pressed, mouhted men having started out from Catoosa. Andrews when captured, offered $10,000 to be released. He had several thou- sand dollars on his person. The whole number of the spies, twenty- two, was caught and carried to Knoxville, where they were tried by a court martial convened by Gen. Ledbetter, commanding the post. Col. Leander W. Crook was President of the Court Martial, The prisoners were defended by Hon. John Ba.vter and Judge Gait. The man Andrews proposed the scheme to Gen. Mitchell at Shelbyville, and was to be paid $60,000 in gold if successful. Seven men of the 2nd Ohio regiment volunteered, and fourteen of the 21st Ohio Regiment were detailed on this duty. Andrews and the seven volunteers, named Wm. Campbell, Geo. D. Wilson, M. A. Ross, P. G. Shadrack, Samuel Slavens, S. Robinson, and John Scott were convicted, and hung near Atlanta. Andrews was executed in June, 18C2, near Walton Spring, and the others south-east of the Atlanta cemetery. The 14 detailed men were not tried, and afterwards were regularly exchanged. The father of M. A. Ross, who lives in Christianburg, Ohio, came for his son's body after the war. Col. W. J. Lawton was commanding the Post of Atlanta at the time, and O. Winningham was the officer of the day. CHAPTER XXVI. A GLOOxMY CHAPTER OF WAR'S RAVAGE. Georgia had Done lier Whole Duty. — Negroes for Coast Fortificatious. — Gov. Brown's Stron;; MessS0X ELECTED CONFEDERATE STATES SENATOR. 2jl Whittle said tliat he understood Gov. Johnson to believe the coiisciip- tion act unconstitutional, but he would support the law and the administration. Judge Jackson and Mr. Cobb favored the law and sustained the administration. Mr. J. II. R. Washington and Mr. Candler both tliought the discussion inappropriate, while Mr. Stephens protested against the proceeding- as extraordinary and out of place, and calculated to convert the legislative hall into a hustings and to draw party lines. The second ballot gave the election of Herschell V. Johnson, he receiv- ing- 111 votes; Jackson, 40; Dougherty, 24, and Toombs, 14. The House appears never to have acted on the Camden county matter. The joint committee on the State of the Republic made majority and minority reports on the conscript law. The majority report was pre- sented by Judge E. A. Cochran, chairman, and declared that the Con- federate government could not raise armies by compulsion, only through requisitions on the states, leaving each state to exercise such compulsion as may be necessary in her own case and to appoint officers; and all laws of the Confederate Congress using direct compulsion without requisition and impairing the right of the states to choose officers were unconsti- tutional. . Tlie majority report, however, declared that Georgia would furnish her just quota of troops and leave the conscription acts undis- turbed, reserving sucli rightful remedies as may be demanded by future emergencies. ■Judge E. G. Cabaniss presented the minority report, signed by him- self and J. A. L. Lee, S. L. Barber, W. J. Reese, Z. B. Hargrove, Geo. S. Black, Peter E. Love, O. L. Smith, L. D. Carlton and Geo. T. Barnes. This report declared the Conscript Acts constitutional, recommended acquiescence in the decision of the Supreme Court, and that the Gov- ernor countermand all orders suspending the e.xecution of the Conscript Act. These reports were discussed in both houses by the ablest men, and numerous substitutes were offered, but the legislature adjourned on the 13th of December, 18G2, without taking any action, to convene on the 4th Wednesday in April. The General Assembly passed acts limit- ing the cultivation of cotton to three acres to a hand; appropriating ^500,000 to supply the people with salt; $100,000 for cotton cards; §545,000 to obstruct our rivers; $400,000 for the Georgia Relief and Hospital Association; $1,500,000 for clothing for our soldiers; $2,500,- 000 for the support of the indigent widows and families of deceased or disabled soldiers; $1,000,000 for a military fund; $300,000 to remove indigent white non-combatants from any part of the State threatened with invasion. This aggregated over six millions appropriated for war 253 ASSUMING THE CONFEDERATE WAR DEBT. purposes. The Governor was authorized to raise two regiments for home defense, and to impress hands to perfect the defenses around Sa- vannah. The General Assembly further passed a resolution that " Savannah should never be surrendered, but defended street by street and house by house, until if taken, the victors' spoils should be alone a heap of ashes." Just before the adjournment of the legislature. Governor Brown sent in a message urging that some action be taken to secure to our volun- teers the right which they were seeking to elect their own officers in vacancies occurring in regiments already in service. But nothing was done. Gov. Brown convened the legislature by special proclamation, on the 25th of March, 18G3. This was done to urge thkt the law be altered allowing the planters to cultivate three acres of cotton to the hand. The great question of the revolution was one of Bread, and the farmers must produce bread and not cotton. In his message this matter and others were discussed. The project was mooted at that time of the states assuming the Confederate war debt, and several states, Alabama, Florida, Mississippi and South Carolina had agreed to do this. Gover- nor Brown opposed the policy with wonderful acumen, taking ground for giving aid to the Confederate government by direct taxation. This measure occasioned a heavy struggle in the General Assembly. There were majority and minority reports and debates and substitutes innu- merable, but finally a bill authorizing the guarantee of the bonds of the Confederate States on Georgia's proportionate share of $200,000,- 000 was defeated by four votes. The fund of two and a half millions for the indigent families of sol- diers was distributed between the two sessions, and the distribution reported at the March session. The figures are interesting and pathet- ically demonstrative of the devotion of our people to the cause and the ravages of that great war among our patriotic population. Tiie vast total of the unfortunate beneficiaries of this generous fund was 84,119. Of this terrible number of war indigents, 45,718 were children, and 22,037 kins-women of poor living soldiers; 8,492 were orphans, and 4,003 widows of deceased and killed soldiers, and 550 were helpless soldiers, disabled in service. These are appalling figures for less than two j-ears' warfare for a single state of the Union, and they testify with over- whelming emphasis to the awful magnitude and destructiveness of the struggle. No words can bear such impressive witness to the deadly drift and extent of that revolution as these simple statistics. GEORGIA'S DESI'ERATE STRESS. 253 The plain, unvarnished truth is that the pressure of that day was something desperate. Georgia had three-fourths of her voting popu- lation fighting in other States, who were clamoring for proper clothing and food. Her own borders were threatened by a merciless enemy. And poverty and destitution were raging among her people. The orders and appeals with which the papers were filled, will afford some conception of the stress. There were calls for troops, orders for desert- ers, appeals upon appeals for clothing and shoes, proclamations doling out salt by the half bushel, savage prohibitions of whiskey distillation, impressments of negroes for fortifications, begging for hospital funds, lists of dead and wounded and diseased soldiers. It was a dolorous and incessant activity. Every heart and every hand were busily at work, thinking, toiling, straining in the single, overshadowing cause of brutal war. Gov. Brown devoted himself with an herculean and grandlv self- abnegating zeal to the war. A beautiful incident is related of him, that touches even at this long day, from its occurrence. He went up to his farm in Cherokee for a day, in March, 1803. A gentleman on officia. business followed him. As he neared the farm, the gentleman overtook a large number of wagons and carts, and foot passengers, going the same way as himself. When he arrived at his destination he found a host of other vehicles and people, and Gov. Brown in person, engaged at his corn crib in the gratuitous distribution of some four thousand dollars' worth of corn and shucks to the poor people of the countv in proportion to the size of their families and their wants. These people receiving his generous bounty were the families of the soldiers from Cherokee county, and he was giving to them every bushel of his sur- plus corn. Said the narrator of this incident: " The sight was a most grateful oue to our traveler, who came back to Atlanta, im- pressed with the (loulile couvictioii of Gov. Browu heing not only a good Governor, but a good man. Tlie grateful tears which he saw in tlie eves of the good women of Chero- kee who were being made the recipients of Gov. Brown's patriotic lilierality, made an impression upon liim which he says will be lasting, aud which has tanglit him not to be chary in his charities iu the future." It is little to be wondered at that Gov. Brown had gained such a hold upon the masses of the people in that dreadful time. He not only drove straight to practical success in every measure he urged or attempted, but he gave practical daily evidence of his sympathy with the wants and sufferings of the unfortunate. He showed the most subtle perception of the popular wishes, and at the same time he boldly 254 CKS. lee's tribute to gen. T. R. R. COBB. ignored the trammels and circumlocution of official red tape. Everv controversy he had with any authorit}' or power but strengthened liini with the masses, and was a battle in their interest. In the Camden county matter, he was protecting the coast, and the delay and oppo- sition of the General Assembly but magnified his own daring and eay-er readiness to go to the aid of the alarmed. His fight against conscrip- tion was for the two-fold purpose of vindicating the cherished sover- ignty of the State, and assuring to our volunteers a recognition of their rights and manhood. Add to all this, unquestioned championship of the people's wishes and interests, his boldness and common-sense genius, and then cap the whole with his unsolicited devotion of his means to a generous charity, and it would have been a marvel if he had not clutched the public heart with a resistless grasp. During the year 18G2, the Georgia troops suffered very much. Gen- erals Toombs, Lawton, and Ranse Wright were all wounded, and Col. C. A. McDaniel of the 41st Georgia, and Gen. T. R. R. Cobb were killed. The death of Gen. Cobb was the occasion of the following beautiful and feeling letter from Gen. Lee. "Camp near Fredericksburg, | Doc. 18, 1 86-2. S " Gen. Howell Col)b. Geueral, I beg leave to express ray deep sympathy in your great sorrow. Your noble and gallant brother has met a soldier's death, and God grant that this army and our country may never be called upon to mourn so great a sacrifice. "Of his merits, his lofty intellect, his accomplishments, his professional f.ame, and above all his Chiistiau character, I need not speak to you who knew him so intimately and well But as a patriot ami soldier death has left a deep gap in the army, which his military ajuitude and skill render it li.ard to fill. In the battle of Fredericksliurg he won an immortal fame for himself and liis brig.ade. Hcmr after honr he held his posi- tion in front of onr batteries, while division after division of the enemy was linrled against him. He announced the determination. of himself and his men never to le.ave their post until tlie enemy was beaten, and with nnsliakcn coiu'age and fortitude he kept his promise. " May God give consolation to his afflicted family, and may the name and fame of the Christian statesman and soldier be cherished as a bright example and holy rememlirance. " With great esteem, your obt. svt., " R. E. LEE." Such a letter as this from the moderate and pure-souled Lee, using words so strong, is a crown of honor worth}' of all esteem. Consider- ing the source and the terms it is as high a panegyric as any man ever won. Less for its beauty, great as that is, than its inspiration and truth, should it be valued. The two men, Bartow and Cobb, were a glorious brace of martyrs that Georgia gave to the cause of Southern GOVERNOR nROWX AXD HEX IIIl.L. 255 liberty, and it was an ominous incidont that these two men, who thus grandly yet uselessly perished, were the two most representative cham- pions and zealous enthusiasts in the Disunion movement. Purer men never gave up life in any cause. It was at this time that Hon. Benjamin H. Hill became prominent as the congressional prop of the Confederate administration. And from this time on no- man in the Confederate Congress was more potential with that administration. Georgia, in Mr. Hill, resumed her influence in the direction of the revolution. Closely linked to Jlr. Davis in sym- pathy, a constant and devoted personal friend and official adviser, entrusted with frequent and important missions of delicacy, a brilliant and earnest defender and exponent of the Confederate policy, through the remaining two lurid j^ears of the struggle, Mr. Hill and Mr. Davis stood in a warm cooperation with each other. Georgia could not evade her inevitable destiny of leadership in this war. Mr. Hill came to Georgia and made to the Legislature a magnificent speech in favor of conscription, and in it he handled Gov. Brown with the gloves off. It has been curious how interwoven have been the political careers of Governor Brown and Mr. Hill, sometimes antagonistically, and then in a remarkable harmony. When Gov. Brown first ran for Governor it was Jlr. Hill whose glittering oratory, his homely but magnetic common sense vanquished. It was Mr. Hill's burning utterances that vitalized the next campaign of Governor Brown, though he was not the figure- head as before. In Reconstruction days Brown and Hill locked shields in a famous encounter of brains. And to-dav, in warm accord, thev focalize the celebrity due to two masterful senators of the United States, splendid complements to each other's rare and most different endowments. In that day of conscription. Hill, representing the Davis policy, came at Brown with hard blows.' Brown struck back as he always strikes, with vigor. And he rather obtained the advantage of Mr. Hill, who made the mistake of giving his argument a personal direction. The flaw in Mr. Hill's logic was that he voteil against the conscription in Congress, which he was so ably advocating, and Gov. Brown used it unsparingly. No man ever had a keener perception of the weak places in the armor of his foemen than Gov. Brown, nor drove the hammer upon the flaws more mercilessly. The adjournment of the legislature without any action upon con- scription left Gov. Brown uninstructed. He had refused to let his militia officers be enrolled as conscripts, the Supreme Court having held that they were not subject, and the clamor was very boisterous 2o(J GOVERNOR BROWX ORDERS THE MILITIA OFFICERS OUT. The opposition press rang with abuse of his favoritism to his pets. He took the storm of abuse with his wonted coolness, and soon gave his abusers a dose of practical punishment that created a lively clatter. Gen. Beauregard was commanding the Southern coast. Savannah was threatened in February, and Gov. Brown was called on for help. It was a rare inspiration, blending a grim patriotism with a certain rich- flavored humor, that led the Governor to order his whole legion of militia officers, from the Generals down to the humblest company rank, into service at Savannah. The order was perfect in its lively details. It transformed Major Generals into Captains of companies, turned Brigadiers into Lieutenants and Captains and Lieutenants into pri- vates. If any officers refused to go, their exemption from conscription was incontinently withdrawn. This novel order commanded immediate service, and it concluded with these inimitable words: " The liiirh character, intelligence ami military training of the persons of whom this force will be composed, justifies the e.xpectation entertained hv the Commander-in- Chief, that they \vill not only render the State the most effectiye service in this hour of trial, but that they \yill display an intrepidity of valor upon tlie battle field, wliicli will make them iuvincil)le, and will satisfy all that injustice has been done the militia officers of Georgia by those who have doubted their willingness to sacrifice their lives, if need be, in the defense of their State." This order created a wonderful sensation in the State. Even the opposition press gave m to its felicity and relished and approved it. 'A grin, so to speak, spread over the State, that added a tinge of relief to the impending horrors of invasion and the darkness of a really grave situation. The papers commented upon it spicih', and Governor Brown with a stern complacency surveyed the conclusive efifect of his happy order. Men that had reviled him for shielding favorites from conscription, frankly owned that they were mistaken, and that he had shown that he was actuated by an honest desire to maintain the con- stitutional rights of the State. The Macon Telegraph, a persistent opposer of Gov. Brown, dec!a"ed that it was a good conception of his, that it would give new vigor to the volunteer movement, and that the example of officers shouldering their guns and taking place in the ranks as privates, would stimulate the spirit of self-sacrifice in all classes. And Mr. Clisby, the editor of that paper, with a fine humor that belonged to him, gave a vivid account of the effect of the order upon the astounded militia officers. The Confederate authorities had conceded to Gov. Brown the exemption of these militia olBcers from conscription, and they were taken aback at this reduction in rank and TORY TROUBLE IX NOETII-EAST GEORGIA. 257 summary injection into service. They obeyed promptly, however, and reported in Savannah, but the emergency passed and they were sent back home subject to recall if required. At this time also began trouble in the north-eastern counties of the State, Rabun, Union, Gilmer and adjoining counties, that continued more or less to the end of the war. At the beginning there was some Union feeling in that section that threatened formidable resistance to secession, and which as we have shown, was quieted by Governor Brown's admirable tact. That section in the latter part of 1863 and the first part of 1863 became the refuge of a band of deserters and Union sj'nipathizers, who organized a rebellion on their own account against Confederate authority and the peace of the State. They plun- dered about generally. Gov. Brown issued liis proclamation outlawing these men, and sent Maj. Gait and Maj. Wynn, commanding detach- ments of reserve infantry and cavalry, to break up the mischief. These officers seized some 50 of the ring leaders, headed by a deserter named .leff Anderson, returned some 200 men directly to their commands, and hustled out fully 2,000 absentees. The year 1862 ended with one dollar of gold being equal to three and four of Confederate money. Our Confederate currency was rapidly depreciating, and patriotic men in vain resisted it. For instance, a public meeting was held in Macon, presided over by that noble gentle- man and distinguished ex-Judge, Thaddeus G. Holt, to devise means to strengthen the money of the new nation. Provisions and clothing had nearly quadrupled in value. One of the greatest obstacles that the South had to contend against in the war was the speculation that was constantly made in the staples of life. The General Assembly of Georgia constantly fought against it. In nothing did Gov. Brown more signalize himself than in his unsparing warfare against the speculators and extortioners. He stopped at nothing to thwart their infamous schemes and disappoint their subtle calculations. He seized their hoards without mercy, and struck down their nefarious projects. 17 CHAPTER XXYII. THE INCREASING WAR FEVER OF 1803. The Average of 1863 against tlie South. — Gov. Brown Wislied to Itotirp. — Kis Con- scriptiou for Governor Irresi.stilile — The Augnsta Constitutionalist Lcatls Off. — An Urgent Letter from some Augusta Gentleman calls Gov. Brown Out — Brown's Letter. — Josliua Hill ami Timotliy Fnrlow against Brown. — A Triangular Fight. — Foreign Comment. — " JloJel War Governor." — Brown Elected the Fourth Time. — Confederate Congressmen.— The Legislature of 18G3-4. — Its Personelle. — Gov. Brown's Clarion Inaugural. — His Message. — Military Changes. — John B. Gordon Kising into Fame. — Gen. Toomhs. — Longstrect's View of Toomhs. — Gov. BroWn and Hon. James Scddon. — Gov. Brown's Second Memorable Controversy. — Gov. Brown and Mr. A. Fullarton, the British Consul. — A Spicj- Correspondence. — Gov. Brown's Interest in the Soldiers. — His Part in the Missionary Mass Meeting and Baptist Convention. — Forest's Capture of Speiglit. — Tlie Kepnlse by Fort McAl- lister. The year 1863 was one of increasing war-strain in Georgia. It was marked by an heroic monotony of sacrifices and service. At short intervals came demands for troops, to which our unconquerable men re- sponded with a gladsome readiness and in every case far beyond the call. The Federal Government Iient to the conflict with the energy of a giant. Congress voted Lincoln five hundred millions of monev, and three millions of soldiers to whip the fight. On the first of January Lincoln issued his famous Emancipation Proclamation. The South met the colossal storm unquailingly. The year went on in blended vic- tory and disaster, but the average was against us. We lost Tennessee, tiiat luxuriant land of milk and honey, the bounteous paradise of the soldiers' campaigning. Vicksburg fell, and the Confederacy at one stroke was riven into two fragments, split and cleft hopelessly asunder. The battle of Gettysburg was fought and lost, grandest fight and most disastrous defeat of the war, and deadly ending of the only formidable invasion of northern territory made by the South. Stonewall Jackson, that wonderful warrior, was fatally wounded by our own men and lost to the Confederacy. We won the battle of Chiekamauga, fateful River OF Death, but failing to follow it up, a terribly punished foe rallied and gathered his forces, and the cruel blistering, inexcusable defeat of Missionary Ridge by Gen. Grant, closed the year with our Western GOVERXOK r.KOWX COXSCRIl'TEI) FOR A FOURTH TERJI. 2.j9 army sliattered and demoralized at Dalton, and the bosom of devastation hovering at Chattanooga upon our own beloved State. Our regular biennial election came on this j'ear of 1803. The press- ure upon Governor Brown had been superhuman. He had been very ill once or twice during his term. It was his wish to retire from the gubernatorial chair. But again the people, with a spontaneous and deep- voiced earnestness, called upon him to serve for a fourth term. It was a grand tril)ute to the man and the officer, to the individual, the patriot and the Governor. Desjjite his innumerable conflicts, that bred antago- nisms against him hot and fierce, and many of them implacable, the masses of the people clamored for him to continue in his great trust. Letters from all parts of the state poured upon him, beseeching him to remain. Journals that had opposed him insisted upon his re-election. Distinguished officers of the army wrote to him to consent to serve. The movement for his re-election appears to have been started by that powerful paper, the Augusta VonstttutionaUst, which had been almost uniforml}' opposed to him. This journal, early in the year, came out in a strong editorial and candidly admitted that in a " Great crisis, a time of much peril and excitement, with new revolntionarv phases con- tinually presenting themselves, he has administered affairs with singular wisdom, justice and success, has maintained the character, credit, rights and honor of Georgia and her people, and aided largely to hring the great struggle in which we are engaged to a suc- cessful and triumphant issue." On the IGth day of May, 1803, Messrs. George Schley, B. H. Warren, .Tames Gardner and Robt. H. May of Augusta, addressed a letter to Gov. Brown asking him to allow his name to be used. They .stated that they had differed with him on many points of public policy, but appre- ciating his honesty of purpose, his adherence to the welfare and charac- ter of Georgia, and his devotion to the interest and comfort of our soldiers, as lovers of our country, they believed they could best promote " her cause by merging all past differences in Gov. Brown's re-election. Gov. Brown replied on the 31st of May that he would serve if elected. He said that he had desired the position in time of peace. He had been gratified. He could not now decline its responsibilities in time of trouble. He alluded to the main ground of objection that had been urged against him, that he had opposed the Confederate administration on its conscription policy. He had done it conscientiously, under an honest difference of opinion. He frowned upon any attempt to build up an opposition party to the Confederate administration. He also opposed any reconstruction of the old Union. 2G0 liROWX, JOSHUA HILL, AXD T. M. FIRLOW. There is some interesting secret historj' connected with Gov. Brown's fourth candidacy for Governor, that has never been in print. The facts were furnished by Col. P. Thweatt. Gov. Brown had decided not to run, and called a meeting of a large number of his friends at the executive mansion to whom he announced his purpose. Gov. Brown wished Gen. Toombs to be Governor, and induced Col. Thweatt and other friends to canvass his chances, and after a careful scrutiny it was believed that Mr. Toombs' trouble with Mr. Davis would prevent his election. Gov. Brown was very warmly attached to Gen. Toombs, and earnestly desired his election, and reluctantly gave up the idea of his candidacy. At the meeting of friends, among whom were Col. Thweatt, Mr. Seward of Thomas, Mr. Gordon of Chatham, I. R. Foster of Chero- kee and Gen. Wayne, Gov. Brown announced his resolution not to run, and asked them to look about for some one else. It was moved to appoint a committee, and an additional motion was made that Col. Thweatt be added to it. Col. Thweatt declined to take any part in the matter, expressing the opinion, that none of the gentlemen proposed could be elected, and urging Gov. Brown, if he wished to take care of and sustain his friends, to withdraw his determination and let his friends run him again. This stopped further action. And Gov. Brown, under the strong pressure, yielded his inclinations and ran the fourth time. Col. Thweatt says, that until Gen. Toombs assailed Gov. Brown in 1808 he never had a warmer or more devoted friend than Gov. Brown. This acceptance placed Gov. Brown before the people again. The opposition sought to get out a number of gentlemen. Gen. Gartrell, Gen. Colquitt, Judge Cabiniss and Judge Jenkins were all pressed to run, but declined. Finally the Atlanta Gazttte put out the name of Hon. Joshua Hill, and stated authoritatively that he would serve if elected, but that he would not send forth nor deliver any address. The Rome Southerner hoisted Mr. Hill's name. The Atlanta Gazette ominously expired before the election. A pretty heavy fusillade was made against Mr. Hill, that he was in favor of a reconstruction of the Union. Messrs. George W. Adair, Jno. J. Thrasher and James W. Calhoun of Atlanta, addressed him a letter about this charge, to which he replied denying it, but making no announcement of policy. The Milledgeville Eecorder put out the name of the Hon. Timothy Furlow, and that gentleman accepted in a letter declaring vigorously for the support of Mr. Davis and his administration. Thus stood the triangular contest. It was inspired by a shrewd policy. Mr. Hill was the representative of the conservative element and the ralljang point for GOVERNOR BROWX EI.KCTED GOVERNOR .THE FOURTH TERM. 2G1 a decided and growing Union fragment in North Georgia. Mr. Furlow was a secessionist and an ardent war man, and was expected to divide Brown's support. It was hoped by the opposition that in the spHt of elements the election would be thrown into the legislature, as it was not believed Gov. Brown could get a majority over both of his compet- itors. Mr. Furlow was a wealthy, liberal gentleman, devoted to the Southern cause and very popular. The campaign was only tolerably lively. People were too much absorbed in war to take much interest in politics. The enemy was at the door. The field of conflict was on the point of transfer to Georgia soil. Civil matters were at a discount in the turbulence of strife. The jingle of the sabre and the tread of armed men silenced the ordinary tumult of political agitation. A sort of mild campaigning was done, but it made little noise. The ch-ead work of revolution was running its bloody course, and men felt little inclination to vex themselves over civil place. Gov. Brown left his canvass to take care of itself, and busied himself with preparation for the storm gath- ering against Georgia. How he was impressing impartial minds can be understood from the following opinion of the Mobile Register: " Wliatever the Georgians may tliiiik of their Governor lie is immensely popular away from home. In his own State he appears to have bitter enemies, auj tills is evi- dence to our mind that he is a man of grit ami not of straw. We look upon Mr. Brown as a model War-Governor — a veritable Stonewall Jackson among State E.xecu- tives. . . . For our part we render our sincere thanks to Governor Brown, and we believe his course meets the general and fullest approbation of tlie country." The New York Utrdld watched the contest closely and predicted Mr. Hill's election. But the ballots told a different tale. There were 64,80-1: votes polled, only half a vote, showing the abstraction of the public mind from politics by the war. Governor Brown received 30, .558, Joshua Hill 18,223, and Timothy Furlow 10,024. Gov. Brown had 18,330 majority over Hill and 20,534 over Furlow, and he beat both 8,312. The army vote from seventy-three regiments was 15,223, of which Brown received 10,012, Hill 3,324, and Furlow 1,887; Brown's army majority over Hill was 6,G88, and over Furlow 8,125, and over both 5,801. These figures show how Gov. Brown stood with the fighting men of the State, and how fully and emphatically the soldiers endorsed him. The vote also shows the terrible decimation our Georgia regiments had undergone in the service, testifying eloquently to their manhood. The following gentlemen were elected to the Confederate Congress: First district, Julian Hartridge; second district, W. E. Smith; third iij2 THE LEGISLATURE OP 1863. district, M. H. Blaiifonl; iourtli district, Clifford Anderson; fifth dis- trict, J. T. Shewmake; sixth district, H. Echols; seventh district, James M. Smith; eighth district, George N. Lester; ninth district, H. P. Bell; tenth district, Warren Akin. Of these, Wm. E. Smith, H. P. Bell and Julian Ilartridge have been United States Congressmen since the war, James M. Smith, Governor of Georgia, and Clifford Anderson is at present Attorney General. In the Legislature there were some very able men. Among the Sen- ators were Thos. E.* Lloyd, the great civil lawyer of Savannah; T. L. Guerry; Phil Cook, since a Congressman; J. H. Pate, now a Judge of the Superior Court; Gen. A. R. Wright, the brilliant Panse, a Congress- man subsequently; E. H. Pottle, now a Judge; Alex. M. Speer, now a Justice of the Supreme Court; and C. D. McCutchen, recently a Judge of the Superior Court. Among' the leading Representatives were Gen. W. S. Holt and Thomas Hardeman of !Macon, the latter an ex-Con- gressman; J. B. Jones, ex-member of Congress; L. N. Trammell, Presi- dent of the Senate since for two terms; Philip M. Russell of Savan- nah; W. F. Wright; R. Hester; Morgan Rawls, a Congressman after the war; M. Dwinell, a prominent journalist; Gen. R. W. Carswell, now a Judge; Jas. M. Russell; J. R. Stewart, now a Judge; Thos. G. Law- son, now a Judge; and B. H. Bigham. The Hon. Thomas Hardeman was elected Speaker of the House, and Hon. A. R. Wright President of the Senate. The fourth inaugural ad- dress of Governor Brown was a remarkably ringing- document, that seemed to have caught the clang of steel from the spirit of the great conflict. It had a single idea in it, put with singular eloquence. It simply sounded in a clarion voice the manly duty of the hour. Scan- ning the vast strug'gle, it sped to the State one throbbing idea that we were in to the death, and must unite and achieve freedom. The annual message of Governor Brown to this legislature, of Novem- ber 1863, was one of the best papers of his executive career. It put the situation clearly and concisely before the people. It urged some very decisive measures, the repeal of the substitute law, authority to civil offi- cers to arrest absentees from the army and the increase of the pay of soldiers. He argued that our soldiers should be clothed and their fam- ilies fed by the State whenever it was necessary t(j any amount. The improper impressment of private projx'rty, the right of the State troops to elect their own officers he warmly advocated. The I^egislature adjourned December 14, l.SOo. It appropriated *.300,000 to the " Georgia Relief and Hospital Association; " 82,500,000 CONTINUED WAK ENLISTMENTS. 203 for soldiers' clothiiiG;; §6,000,000 for indigent families of soldiers; $300,000 for salt; 83,000,000 for a military fund; $750,000 for a blockade steamer. The enrollment of all militia between 16 and 60 years was authorized, and the Governor empowered to call them out if necessary. Resolutions were passed re-affirming the resolutions of the General Assembly of 1861, pledging the state to the fight until peace was established upon the basis of Southern independence. A resolution was also passed accepting battle flags of the 4th, 1-lth, 20th and 20th Georgia regiments and the 12th Georgia battalion, and several Federal flags captured by the 4th Georgia and Dole's brig-ade. During the year 1803 many interesting military matters transpired in Georgia and in connection with Georgia troops. The two regiments of Georgia state troops were organized by the election of E. M. Gait Colonel of the 1st regiment, and R. L. Storey Colonel of the 2d. The following infantry regiments also had been organized for Confederate service: 60th Georgia, Colonel "\Vm. H. Stiles. 61st " " John H. Lamar. 62d « " J. R. Griffin. 63d " " George A. Gordon. 64th " " Jno. W. Evans. 05th " " Jno. S. Fain. Some light infantry battalions had also been formed. Also the following cavalry regiments: 5th Georgia Cavalry, Colonel R. H. Anderson. 0th " " John R. Hart. 7th " " E. C. Anderson, Jr. 8th " " J. L. McAllister. 9th " « J. TaliafeiTO. Also a second 4th Georgia cavalry under Col. Duncan L. Clinch. Mr. Davis had made requisition for 8,000 home guards. Governor Brown called for these troops, and 18,000 offered, demonstrating the ready gallantry of our Georgians and the correctness of Gov. Brown's position that the conscript law was unnecessary in Georgia to raise soldiers. Mr. Davis would not permit the selection by these commands of their brigade and division officers. Gen. Howell Cobb was made Major General and assigned to the charge in Georgia. Ho assumed command September 14, 1803. Gen. Alfred Iverson, Jr., and Gen. Henry .lackson were reported Brigadiers under him, tlie former at Rome and the latter at Savannah. Gen. Gustavus AV. Smith, who had resin-ned 264 GENERAL TOOMBS RESIGNS. from tlie Confederate army, was employed by Gov. Brown in aid of the fortification of tlie state. Col. R. A. Smith of the 4-l:th Georgia, Lt. Col. J. C. ilounger of the 9th Georgia, and Lt. Col. W. T. Harris of the 2d Georgia, were killed. A very sad loss to the state was Col. Peyton H. Colquitt of the 4Gth Georgia at Chickainauga, one of the most brilliant young men in the commonwealth. Col. Wm. Gibson of the 48th was badly wounded. It was in April, 18C3, that a Georgia gentle- man was made Brigadier General, who became the most famous and brilliant soldier the state had in the war. Gen. John B. Gordon. It was early in this.year that Gen. Toombs resigned. Of this versatile genius Gen. Longstreet, who arrested him once, said that if he had been educated at a military school in subordination, he would have been as illustrious and successful as a soldier as he was as a statesman, so great were his natural military abilities. And a curious incident is told which is vouched for by Col. Raphael J. Moses, who was serving under him, that at one period Gen. Toombs was desired at the same time by Gen. Lee and President Davis, one desiring to consult him on a war point, and the other on a matter of civil administration, both important affairs, and he had to hurry from Richmond to the front the same day to fill both momentous advisory lOles. Yet his ungovernable spirit of intractable insubordination to any authority kept him in hot altercation with his superiors, and resulted in such bitter feeling that he resigned his coveted stars. His farewell to his brigade was a model of eloquent pathos and incisive soldierly ardor. He came home, refused to run for Congress, and started to raise a regiment for the home service. During this year, 1863, Gov. Brown had several of his memorable controversies that gave him so much celebrity in the Confederacy. In May, 1863, a correspondence occurred between Gov. Brown and Hon. James A. Seddon, Secretary of War, in regard to the right of the Fifty-first regiment of Georgia Volunteers to fill by election, the colonelcy made vacant by the killing of Colonel Slaughter at Chancel- lorsville. This regiment was one of twelve organized regiments turned over to the President in February, 1862, under requisition of Mr. Davis, and declared by Mr. Benjamin, Secretary of War in 18G2, to be entitled to elect their own officers and have them commissioned by the Gov- ernor of Georgia. Gov. Brown claimed, apart from this pledge, that this regiment came under the clause of the Constitution reserving to the States the appointment of the olficers. Mr. Seddon claimed that under the conscription law the President was authorized to appoint the officers. Gov. Brown argued tliat the conscription law was in conflict GOV. r.ROMN's COKKESPONDENCE -WITH THE ISEITISU COXSUL. 205 vi'itli the Constitution, aiul the Constitution must govern. Gov. Brown picad that the principle had been decided on this very question, raised in Col. Benuing's regiment of Gen. Toombs' brigade, in favor of the right of the State to commission. Mr. Seddon refused to yield. Gov. Brown concluded his final letter with this thrust: " Tlie Prcsiileiit has the power in liis owu liauds, aud I am oliliged for the present reluctantly to ac(iuiesce in wliat I consider a great wrong to thousands of gallant Georgia troops and a palpaOle iufriugement of the rights and sovereignty of the State. I will only add that this letter is intended more as a protest against your decision than as an effort to protract a discussion which it seems can he productive of no practical results." There was probably no matter of higher value to our spirited volun- teers than this very privilege of selecting their officers, and the Con- federate authorities made a great mistake in their policy on this point. While it was true, as a general principle, that the ordinary war rules were founded in a long experience as to regular and professional sol- diers, our voluntary citizens' army was an organization of patriotic gentlemen, inspired by love of country and a blended sentiment of duty and honor. Mr. Davis and Gen. Bragg, both of them, failed to comprehend the difference. Some of our most skillful fighters and best strategists were civilians who had not enjoj^ed military education. The great bulk of our officers were men untrained in war. Gen. Sidney Johnson and Gen. Lee both appreciated the regime best for the volun- teer. The Legislature endorsed Gov. Brown's views on this subject of election of officers, and passed a resolution urging them on the Confed- erate Congress. A very spicy correspondence is that between Gov. Brown and Mr. A. Fullarton, British consul at Savannah. This was in Jul_y, 18C3, when Gov. Brown ordered a draft of, eight thousand men for home defense from persons between eighteen and forty-five years, including British subjects. Mr. Fullarton protested against such service, stating that for maintaining internal peace and order, British subjects were liable to duty, but not for fighting the United States troops. He claimed that the United States was not a foreign power in relation to Georgia. Gov. Brown replied, refusing to exempt British subjects from such duty or modify liis order. The United States was a foreign nation at war with Georgia. If the British subjects did not wish to incur the burdens of living in Georgia they could leave. Mr. Fullarton replied that while advising British subjects to do police or patrol duty, he counseled them if they were required to leave their homes or meet the L^nited States forces in actual conflict, to throw down their arms and refuse to render 2GG REMARKABLE STATISTICS. the service, which violated their ncutralitj'. He claimed that Gov. Brown's course was in contrast with the practice of the United States Government and other Southern Governors. Gov. Brown replied tliat while Her Majesty's subjects lived in Georgia they must perform the duties imposed upon them by the law of nations. The Governor put in a home stroke by saying- that if Fullarton really thought the United States was not a foreign power hostile to Georgia, he should have appealed for protection to British subjects resident in this State, to the government in Washington, and not to the Governor of Georgia. He added that if Her Majesty's subjects should act on Mr. FuUarton's advice and tlirow down their arms on the approach of danger, and thus be guilty of the unnatural and unmanly conduct of refusing to defend their domiciles, they would be promptly dealt with as citizens of this State would be committing such dishonorable delinquency. As to the United States exempting British subjects, as it had by the use of money drawn large numbers of recruits from the dominions of Her Majesty, in violation of the laws of the realm, it may well afford to affect a pretended liberality which costs it neither sacrifice nor incon- venience. Mr. Fullarton gave up the contest, and there is no report of any hardship being suffered. In all subjects pertaining to the welfare of the soldiers, Gov. Brown not only took a deep interest, but did an active part. A Missionary mass meeting M'as held in Griffin, April 2G, 18G3, Rev. Dr. Mell pre- siding, the object of which was christian ministrations among our sol- diers in the field. Gov. Brown attended and made an earnest speech for this noble cause, and gave a liandsome donation to army colportage for the dissemination of religious reading among the troops. In the Baptist Biennial Convention at Augusta, May 11, 18G3, resolutions of Dr. Broadus were reported, rendering- hearty support to the Con- federate government and paying tribute to Stonewall Jackson. Rev. Dr. Boyce, of South Carolina, opposed these resolutions as covering po- litical ground. Gov. Brown made a speech of great power and fervor in support of them, and they were unanimously passed. In September, 18G3, a dinner was given by the Atlanta ladies to the paroled Vicks- burg prisoners. Gov. Brown was the orator of the occasion, and made a most effective and patriotic speech. There are some remarkable statistics for this year. Confederate money fell in value until from 4 to l.in 18G"-J, it became 21 to 1 in gold in 1863. The property of the state swelled in figures, from $578,352,- 2G2, in 18G2, to §991,59G,583, in 18G3. Polls decreased in number from GEORGIA THE HEA\'IE.ST LOSEK OF MEN'. 207 91,503 to 00,108. The State road paid in to the treasury, $1,050,000. The jJiibHc debt had grown to $14,1-19, -110. The Bank capital of the State had enhanced to $70,713,048. An income tax had been imposed wliich showed $15,737,479 of profits on business in the state, yielding a tax of $08.3,235. But the most striking and honorable statistical fact — placing Georgia in a position of unequaled distinction for the jiatriot- ism and valpr of its people, and its guiding agency in the war, was her greater loss of soldiers than any other Southern State. The Second Auditor at Richmond, published the following statement of soldiers' deaths to December 31, 1803: Georgia, 9,504; Alabama, 8,987; North Carolina, 8,201; Texas, 0,377; Virginia, 5,943; Mississippi, 5,307; South Carolina, 4,511; Louisiana, 3,039; Tennessee, 2,849; Arkansas, 1,948; Florida, 1,119. It was during this year that two small but most conspicuously brill- iant military exploits took place on Georgia soil, the fame of which a just and appreciative history will not permit to die. The raid of Streiglit the Federal cavalryman into Georgia, wdth a splendid band of 1,800 dar- ing and thorougiily equipped troopers was thwarted, and the whole command captured at Rome by the unparalleled Forrest with but 000 men. Following them night and day, assaulting- them at every stand, he finally compelled a surrender at the very threshold of the picturesque little mountain city, and saved the state some dreadful devastation. The other equally historic and glorious incident was the repulse of a fleet of seven Federal monitors and gunships by the intrepid little gar- rison of Fort McAllister, at the mouth of the Ogeechee river on the Georgia coast, in March, 1803, under command of Capt. Geo. W. Ander- son. Major John B. Gallie, the commandant, was killed at the begin- ning of the engagement. This was the seventh attempt that had been made to take this Fort, a simple earthwork with sand parapets, all of which had failed. This was the last and crowning effort. The garrison resisted an eight hours' desperate bombardment with guns, throwing as large as 15-incli shot and shell, and finally drove off the attacking ex- pedition crippled and whipped. The papers rang with the splendid achievement, and the General commanding complimented it in a general order, directing the garrison to inscribe on their flags, " Fort McAllister, March 3rd, 1803." The history of war may be searched in vain to find two more heroic and dauntless achievements than these matchless instances of skill and valor. They were unsurpassable exhibitions of chivalric courage and sublime patriotism. CHAPTER XXVIII. THE FIRST HALF OF THE MOST THRILLING YEAR OF GEORGIA ANNALS, 18G4. Georgia becomes the Cruci.il Battle Ground of the War. — Virginia and Georgia. — Georgia the Hope of the Confederacy. — Gov. Brown Convenes the Legislature. — His Great Message. — A Document that Vivified the Confederacy. — Extraordinary Press Comment. — Tlie Focal Southern Governor. — It Evokes, also, Savage Censure. — Linton Stephens' Hesolutious .and Menioraljle Speech on Got. Brown's Line. — Gov. Brown Endorsed. — The Repeal of the Habeas Corpus Suspension Recommended. — Alec Stephens' Strong Speech. — Protest against the Resolutions. — Linton Stephens' Famous Adjustment Resolutions. — Gov. Brown's Fi.xedness. — Special Message that the Legislature must act or he would Re-couvcne it Immediately. — The Grapple of Joe Johnston and Sherman. — Resaca. — Tanners Ferry. — The Anguish of Leaving Homes to the Enemy.— Cassville. — New Hope Church. — The Dead Lock. — Keune- saw and its Twenty-three Savage Days of Fight. — Over tlie Chattahoochee. — Joe Johnston Removed, and the End Begun. — Tlie Protest against Removal. — Davis' Misgivings — The Anomaly of Johnston's Career. — Georgia Adhering to her Fate of Supreme Agency in the War. The year 1804 was a vivid and memorable one .in Georgia annals, the most dramatic, thrilling- and eventful in her century and a Jialf of august history. From the first to the last week of this fateful twelve months there was a continued succession of throbbing and vital incidents that involved the fate of the Confederacy and the destiny of the conti- nent. The State became the crucial point of the war, the decisive battle ground of the conflict, in strange pursuance of that mysterious fortune that seemed to make her the foremost instrumentality of the revolution. Both in civil and soldierly matters she was the scene, during this salient year, of controlling occurrences that shaped and settled the struggle. With the result of events in Georgia in ISCithe war was practically ended. The conclusion was clearly in sight from the smitten and smouldering wreck of our noble State — ravaged, battle- charred and desolated out of recognition. The bloody swath through this State of four liundred miles, from the Tennessee line to the ocean border, quartering the Confederacy, and destroying the Confederate base of supplies, left the Southern cause crushed, quivering and doomed. The Georgi(i campaign made the Virginia campaign simply a question of time, after wiiich the end was at hand, close, final, deadly. GEORGI.V. THE HOPE OF THE CONFEDERACY. 2G9 The difference between Viro-inia and Georgia, in their relative situa- tions and importance in the anatomy of the revolution, was very striking. Virginia was a gate- way on the border. Georgia was the very vitals of the Confederacy. When Vicksburg fell it was a gloomy halving of the young republic of the South. Georgia became the heart of the cause. This State was the main source of grain supplies. It was also the chief manufactory of military stores, Atlanta being the grand center of production and distribution. Back in the supposed interior point of safety, the thousands of Federal prisoners in our hands, held under a Federal policy of non-exchange, were huddled at the famous Anderson- ville stockades in South-Western Georgia. But the living, dominant spark of Confederate existence and power lay in the grand army, one of the two that propped up the super-incumbent and massive yet tottering cause of Southern nationality. This army reposed on Georgia soil, gathering its wounded energies for the last, conclusive, desperate ordeal. t The war was at length focalized in Virginia and Georgia, and the crucial point was Georgia. The loss of Georgia was not only the destruction of one army, but it was the cutting o£E the source of subsistence and munitions for the other army, and therefore the more important prize. The operations everywhere save at these points were about ended. The Mississippi Valley was practically gone, Tennessee, Missouri and Ken- tucky were riveted, beyond hope, back to the Union, and in the other states resistance was barren. The unspeakable importance of the cam- paign in Georgia can be imagined, alnd the vital value of the Southern army here in that vivid year can be but faintly estimated. The hope of the Confederacy rested upon th'e commonwealth of Georgia, and the year 1864 records the most romantic, sustained and versatile passage of arms on a large scale with the mightiest results known to modern history. As the year 1863 broke in gloom, so the year ISC-i began for the South in the same darkness. After the bat- tle of Missionary Ridge our army lay crushed at Dalton. Bragg was forced by public opinion to yield its leadership. Gen. Hardee took temporary command, but in the grand spirit of patriotism, as morally heroic as it was unexampled, he declined the permanent generalship. That incomparable organizer, Gen. Joe Johnston, was placed over the shattered force, and the work of rehabilitation proceeded thoroughly under his superb direction. The Federal head-quarters were at Chatta- nooga, and a magnificent army was organized there, ready when the " tugging leash " was slij)pcd to precipitate upon the devoted soil of 370 WARM COMIM.I5IEXTS TO COVKIIXOU nnOW.V. Georgia tlio glory and tlie woe of tliis last trial of the stupendous revoliftion. The wliole country pulsed with the thrill of the impending storm. The authorities at Riehmond and Washington looked with equal and fierce anxiety to the clash. The South gazed in breathless suspense. The people of Georgia braced tlieir unquailing and intrejjid energies for the encounter, and their dauntless Executive, composed and self- reliant, masterfitlly met the emergency with every reso;u-ce of a power- ful state and every sjinpathy of its gallant citizens. Gov. Brown called the legislature together to convene Thursday, the 10th of March, 18G4. He sent in to that bod}' the best message of his Executive career. It was a genuine inspiration. He incarnated in its glowing sentences the central idea of constitutional government and the very genius of South- ern heroism. It fell upon the Confederacy with the vivifying potency of a blended .slogan of battle and of law. From every part of the Con- federacy came back the ans\vering echo of encomium and approval. Said the Selma (Ala.) Reporter, " From the sea of blood whose fell waves threaten to sweep away the guerdons that encircle the Ark of our Covenant of Freedom, there rises, in the person of Joseph E. Brown of Georgia, a nucleus around which a summoned resistance will aggre- gate which it were madness to oppose." Said tlie J/ississippiaii : " The country, the People are with Gov. Brown in sentiment. Wo hear it on steamboats, in cars, in hotels, in ])rivate and public circles."' Said the Charleston Jfercrri/ : " Our sym- pathies are in unison with the whole course of Governor Brown's argu- ment." Said the Petersburg Express: "The Governor of Georgia is devoted heart and soiil to the cause of the South." Said the Memphis Appeal: "Such action by the Sovereign States is at this time needed to prevent usurpation, centralization of power, and preserve intact the personal libertj^ guaranteed to us." •These extracts, taken at random from the mass of contemporaneous expression of opinion out of the State, will give an idea of Gov- ernor Brown's prominence in the South, and how he loomed above the whole file of Southern Governors in that animated day. His influence went out beyond state bounds. He was the acknowledged leader and exponent of the large element of citizens in his way of thinking. In the' State the majority of the press was against him, as curiously enough it has lieen during the greater portion of Gov. Brown's long and successful public career. But he received from a powerful minority of the State press some striking commendation ujion his message. GOVERNOR brown's WAR MESSAGE. 271 The Columbus Sini, Augusta Chronicle, Atlanta Intelligencer, Atlanta Confederacy, and Milledgeville Union all endorsed the Governor in strong terms. The message covers forty-five pages of the journals of the General Assembly, and a perusal of its burning sentences and unanswerable arguments will explain the profound sensation it created over the South. The message recommended some additional war measures, and then entered into a fervid, powerful discussion of two great subjects. One was the passage by the Confederate Congress of an enlarged con- scription act, enrolling citizens from 17 to 50 years of age, and of an act suspending the writ of Jtaheas corpus. The other subject was the principle involved in the war, and the conduct of the struggle by the North. These two vital and gigantic public themes were tieated vnth a vigor and exhaustiveness, with an ability and energy, that could not be surpassed, and the overmastering document fell upon the public mind with tremendous effect. Some parts of this stern, dominant paper are magnificent expressions of sentiment and thought clothed in lofty language. There pervades the whole document a sublimated spirit, born of the extraordinary times, and as exalted as the majestic subjects discussed. There was a high and sustained power in it that showed a wonderful ability wrought up to a sublime exercise of its strength. The seeming'ly extravagant encomiums of the press out of the state given before will demonstrate how able minds regarded this remarkable state paper. It was at once a logical protest against cen- tralized despotism in friend and foe, and a masterful plea for the sanctity of our cause. Looking at the message, with its ability proportioned to the subject, and this is saying much, it was a rare exhibition of discernment and courage, a profound and philosophical discussion of the principles of constitutional liberty and a bold, timely admonition of statesmanship. An Alabama paper voiced the public estimate in these strong words: " It is a majestic pyramid of imprejriialile f.acts, built with the skill of a scholar anil a logician — a pyramid whose base is as broad as the sovereignty of the states, with an apex as lofty as the ambition of all lovers of constitutional freedom. It is an epitome of the war in its vit.il aspects, and luminous with a grasp of practical statesmanship adequate to the salvation of the Confederacy, provided its admonitions and teachings find a lodgment in the popular mind at the South." Perhaps the most vaUuiliIe personal tribute to this message was the one paid by Gen. Toombs, who wrote to Gov. Brown a characteristic and lengthy letter, presenting some additional arguments in its sup- 273 LiXTOX sTErnExs' great srEEcii. port. In this letter lie tendered Gov. Brown his " sincere thanks for the ability, firmness and success with which you have supported the cause of personal liberty." And he went on with these strong words: "Among; your m.iny and well-merited claims upon the confidence and gratitude of the people of Georgia and of the whole Confederacy for your groat, valuable and unwearied services in the cause of Soutliern liberty, none rank higher or endure longer than this nolile defense of the most valuable of all human rights." The message also elicited some very harsh and opposing criticism, and there was a warm diversity of opinion upon the policy of question- ing the acts of the Confederate authorities in the desperate pressure of the conflict. Some very hard names were applied to Gov. Brown, " dis- organizer," " madman," " marplot," etc. Hon. Linton Stephens intro- duced resolutions enforcing Gov. Brown's vievrs. The debate was able and earnest. Outside gentlemen made speeches at night. Howell Cobb, A. H. Kenan and Hon. L. Q. C. Lamar of Mississippi made strong, eloquent addresses in support of the Acts of the Confederate administration. Alexander H. Stephens delivered a lengthy and elab- orate speech upon the line of Gov. Brown's message. Linton Stephens made perhaps the strongest speech on the subject — an enunciation of great power and intensity, in which he uttered with nervous fire the memorable and ringing expression, " I am for the cause and not for DYNASTIES ! " The Augusta Chronicle is responsible for the statement that the lobby of the Legislature was filled with prominent administra- tion officials opposing Gov. Brown's policy. The resolutions passed by a majority of three in the House and eight in tlie Senate. They declared the act of Congress suspending Afli^fM corpus unconstitutional, recommended repeal by the next Congress and obedience to the act until repealed. A protest was entered against these resolutions, signed by 43 members, among them Thos. G. Lawson, M. Dwinell, J. D. Mat- thews, Thos. Hardeman, Jr., D. P. Hill, W. S. Holt, W. O. Fleming and others. The protest was based upon the ground that the law should be acquiesced in until decided unconstitutional by the courts. Georgia thus led off in the protest against this infringement upon liberty, and took the initiative as the honored sentinel, in the language of Alex. Stephens, to preserve Constitutional liberty and independence as objects " co-ordinate, co-existent, co-equal, co-eval and forever insep- arable." Nor was this action without practical and solid results. The states of Alabama, North Carolina and Mississippi, the home of Mr. Davis, followed Georgia and Gov. Brown in tliis vital matter and protested THE FAMOUS GEORGIA PEACE RESOLl'TIOXS. ^ l .J against the suspension of habeas corpus. But this was not all. The second Confederate Congress after a powerful, exhaustive and heated discussion refused to continue the suspension though Mr. Davis insisted upon it. It was a signal triumpli of the Georgia policy inspired by Governor Brown. A resolution was also passed expressing unabated confidence in Mr. Davis. Another very celebrated action of Georgia through her General Assembly at this time was the passage of some resolutions, also the work of Linton Stephens, declaring the ground on which the Confed- erate States stood in the war, and the terms on which peace ought to be offered to the enemy. These resolutions have become famous, and stand as a monument of that governing statesmanship that during the revolution Georgia so supremely and without rivalry exercised. The resolutions declared the object of good government and the right of the people to alter government to secure those objects; that the Declaration of Independence was the outcome of this principle; that Georgia was such a nationality as was entitled to exercise the full right of self-gov- ernment; the causes of separation and a justification of secession; the vindication of secession by the subsequent policy of Mr. Lincoln, especially the proposition to establish governments in the seceded states if one-tenth of them were loyal to the North; that an honorable close of the war was highly desirable, and to put an end to the unnatural, unchristian and savage work of carnage and havoc, the Confederate government, after signal successes of arms, should officially tender peace on the great principles of 17T6, allowing the border states to make free choice of future associations; that the effect of such a course would be* salutary upon the foe and upon our soldiers and people; but renewing pledges of the prosecution of the war, defensive on our part, until an honorable peace was obtained and the independence and nationality of the Confederate States established upon a permanent and enduring basis. An incident illustrating Gov. Brown's fixedness of purpose was this: The legislature passed a resolution to adjourn on the 19th of March, 18G4, at 13 o'clock m., without acting on the Habeas Corpus and other matters. The morninor of the 19th Gov. Brown sent in a message noti- fying the General Assembly that unless the great questions requiring action were finally settled in some way, he should convene the body in extra session on the 21st. The session was prolonged until night and action taken. Among the acts passed by this General Assembly, of an aggressive war character, was a law allowing loyal Southern females in 18 274 JOIIXSTOS'S FAMOl'S RETREAT BEGIXS. Georgia to secure total divorces from liusbands in the military service of the United States, or voluntarily in the lines of the enemy furnishing them aid and comfort. Tho battle flags of the 10th and 50th Georgia Regiments wore placed in the archives. The Georgia troops whose time had expired had generally re-enlisted and resolutions of compli- ment were passed. On the -Ith day of May, 1804, began the great Georgia campaign that ultimately ended in the downfall of the Confederacy. Gen. Joe Johnston had in the interval between the 37th day of December, 1863, and May, 18G1, brought up the army to the highest point of efficiency from its sadly disorganized condition after the calamitous defeat of Missionary Ridge. His force was 42,850. Gen. William T. Sherman, commanding the Federal army, had 98,797 and 254 cannon; or more than double Johnston's army. It is to be doubted if there was ever in military annals a more consummately conducted campaign. It was a game of chess between masters. It was a grapple of giants. It was a joust of arms of unsurpassed skill between two warriors who exhibited each the highest art of warfare. Both wero wary, adroit, sagacious strategists, and both were bold fighters. Johnston's policy was to pre- serve his precious army at the sacrifice of territory, draw Sherman away from his base of supplies, and give battle, only where he had the chance of success, and- where defeat to Sherman would be most disastrous. The writer was with Johnston during a large portion of the retreat, commanding cavalry, and participating in the actions until wounded at the battle of New Hope Church. He therefore knows practically the man- agement of the campaign by Johnston. It was a faultless demonstra- tion of soldierly genius. The fighting was continuous. Johnston fought under shelter of entrenchments, preserving life to the utmost extent, administering all the punishment possible, and when flanked, leisurely falling back without the loss of a gun or canteen or wheel-spoke, his army intact, deliberate and orderly as on parade. There were no sur- prises, no discomfitures, no disorders. The men were troubled at giving up their homes to the enemy. But their confidence in Johnston never abated. Sherman's policy was to precipitate a great battle and crush Johnston at one blow. Failing in this, he shied around the strong fronts and compelled Johnston's retirement. The two captains both showed a marvelous subtlety in penetrating each other's adroit designs. Between Dalton and Ringgold where the two armies confronted each other, lay #-: LtIl iN Ji-rv/vij TANNER S rEr.RY COMPELS KESACA OIVEN UP. 2,0 Rocky Face Jlountaiii with Johnston impregnably settled against direct attack. Making a vigorous show of assault on the front with Schofield's and Thomas' armies, Sherman sent McPherson's army through Snnke Creek Gap on the left, to Resaca, eighteen miles below Dalton on the State road. Johnston had seen the trap and made Resaca too strong for assault, and the catch failed. Johnston quietly gave up Dalton and concentrated his army around Resaca. Tlie town of Calhoun is six miles below Resaca. At Calhoun was Johnston's base and reserves. The Oostanaula river runs by Calhoun down to within a mile of Calhoun, when it turns and goes in the direction of Rome. At Tanner's Ferry, two and one-half miles, a near point of the bend to Calhoun, Col. I. W. Avery of the 4th Georgia Cavalry was stationed with a brigade of cavalry and a battery of artil- lery defending two miles of the river. A mile behind him was Gen. John T. Morgan's brigade of cavalry in reserve, and at Calhoun Gen. W. H. T. Walker's division of infantry, both of which commands he was directed to call upon if too heavily pressed. On the afternoon of the l-lth of May, 18G4, Sherman made a general attack on Johnston's army at Resaca, and simultaneously threw a heavy force at Tanner's Ferry to drive a crossing. Col. Avery's brigade, extending along two miles of river, presented a thin line of defense. Immediate dispatches were sent both to Gen. Morgan and Gen. Walker of the attack, and a most stubborn resistance was made, but the crossing was forced after several hours' fighting, in which one half of the brigade was destroyed. Gen. Morgan arrived a short while after the enemy were over, and after dark Gen. Walker arrived. The Federals entrenched and strangely delayed to move upon Calhoun, to which they were three and one-half miles nearer than Johnston's main army at Resaca. The next morning. Gen. Walker, deceived by the enemy's quiet, and against the opinion of the cavalry officers in front, dispatched Gen. Johnston that the report of the passage of the Oostanaula was unfounded, and caused a change of plan. Gen. Walker then threw Gen. .Jackson's brigade of infan- try against the cjuict enemy and met with a quick and bloody repulse, and immediately notified the army commander. That night Gen. John- ston retired from Resaca, having repulsed the Federals with a loss to them of 5,000 men, while his own was inconsiderable. On the morning of the IGth, Gen. Hardee rode out to the Picket line where Col. Avery was, and after a close inspection of the enemy's lines, came to the conclusion from the inactivity that no movement was threatening. In five minutes after he left, there was an advance sweep- 27G soi-DiERS aiviXG up iiojies to the foe. ing the cavalry back, and a lively brush occurred between Hardee and Mt'Pherson. Johnston fell baek to Cassville. Rome was abandoned to tlie Federals. At Cassville, Johnston determined to give battle. It was a very strong position for us. The men were burning to fight. The writer remembers well the afternoon of the 19th of May, 1804, reading Johnston's ringing battle order — a model of terse, fiery rhetoric to his brigade in the falling twilight, in an old field environed by solemn woods. The men called for a speech, and in common with others, the writer made a few words of deep-felt appeal from a convenient stump. The delight of these grim soldiers at the prospect of fighting for their beloved homes was inspiring. The writer's command was composed mostly of men from the section we were giving up, and in retreating ' they were leaving their wives and children behind them to the ruthless mercies of the foe. It is such a test as this that tries brave men to the very depths. None can understand the anguish of such a retreat, save those who have undergone it. Death almost were preferable to an or- deal so full of agony of soul and wretched dread for loved ones. This was bringing home to soldiers the last and worst horror of the bligliting war. And when it was announced that a stand was to be taken and the battle fought, there was such a thrill of joy pulsing the hearts of these brave patriots as gave stern token of the unconquerable fight they would have made. Men were never more earnest, and they would have never yielded that field. • But the battle purpose was unwisely re- linquished by Gen. Johnston, and the golden opportunity of the cam- paign was lost against his decided judgment. Gen. Johnston afterward traveled with the writer in the fall of 1SG4, from Macon to Charlotte, and said that the battle was renounced by him at the urgent entreaty of Generals Hood and Polk, two of his corps commanders, who said they could not hold their positions; while Gen. Hardee, the other corps com- mander, who had the weakest place in the line, declared his ability to maintain his ground. Gen. Johnston himself, said he regarded it as the loss of the best chance of the retreat, and that he had always regretted that he did not give battle then. He apprehended, however, that Hood and Polk would not fight with zeal if they did it in fear of defeat, so he yielded to them. The army was discouraged at not fighting this battle, but soon recovered, and it shows their stern sense of duty and sturdy patriotism, that they remained in the ranks, though they were leaving their homes in the hands of the enemy. Sherman, presuming that Johnston would utilize the Allatoona Pass for a stand, made another flank movement for Dallas. The sleepless THE NEW HOPE CHURCH BATTLE. ^77 Johnston cletecteil the now step and quietly interposed Iiis army at New Hope Cluirch. Here was a desperate bout, furious and bloody, in which Sherman was frightfully punished. Early he made an effort to turn our right and get in between Johnston and the railroad. This was the afternoon of the 2Gtli of May, 1804. Col. Avery was thrown at the double quick with a part of the 4th Georgia Cavalry to check the movement until troops could get up to thwart it. Gen. Johnston in his Narrative says of this perilous attempt upon his flank, " Although desperately wounded in the onset, Col. Avery, supported in his saddle by a soldier, continued to command, and maintained the contest until the arrival of forces capable of holding the ground." Major Sidney Herbert, the capable and careful correspondent of that powerful paper, the Savannah News, writing in ISTS the particulars of a conversation with Gen. Johnston, reported him as making this additional statement about this most dangerous and nearly successful effort of a corps of the enemy to cut him from his base, an effort prevented in a manner show- ing the value of moments and of the determined resistance of even a small force against a large one at the opportune time: " Finding him- self confronted by the advance guard of several divisions of Federal troops. Col. Avery saw that it was hopeless to contend against such odds, yet a stern sense of duty made it plain to him that he must resist their advance until the Confederate forces could have time to place themselves in action. Under these circumstances, and impelled by tins strong sense of duty, he fought against overwhelming numbers and with bloody results, until the needed reinforcements came up. His rare personal courage inspired his brave soldiers. Although severely wounded, he remained in his saddle supported by a soldier, and thus ac- complished, under great physical suffering, his grand self-imposed task for duty's sake." From this time to the 4th day of June the two armies lay in a dead-lock, fighting daily. Every effort made by Sherman to trip his adversary was abortive. Every assault was bloodily repulsed. Sherman began to flank again, this time moving to the right of Johnston, and the two vast gladiators faced each other, Sherman near Acworth, and Johnston near Marietta. Johnston manned a line of emi- nences, of which Pine Mountain in the center. Lost Mountain on his left, and Memorable Kennesaw Mountain on his right composed the ob- structive trio. Rested, reinforced, provisioned, Sherman determined to break the cordon if possible by force, and on the 9th of June, 1864, he commenced. The history of war reveals lio such battle. Until the 3rd day of July, twenty-three savage days, he battered away with his ponder- 278 THE DESPEEATE TWENTY-THREE DAYS' BATTLE. ous human mallet to break down and through the interposing wall of flesh and steel. It was one incessant straining battle, lulling occasionally to a hot skirmish, and then blazing into a deadly struggle. Hood had the right, Hardee the left, and Polk the center. McPherson confronted Hood, Schofield faced Hardee, and Thomas grappled with Polk. On the l-itli of June the Bishop-soldier Polk yielded his sacred life. Sher- man pushed the mortal game with a grand tenacity. Pine Mountain was' first abandoned, and then Lost Mountain was sullenly relinquished, and Johnston contracting his line presented a stronger chain of obstacles than ever, while Sherman had spent men in vain with a prodigal thrift- lessness. For the first time Johnston threw Hood against the enemy's right in a crisp tentative reconnoisance, but it was done with a repulse and a loss. On the 27th of .Tune Sherman made his crucial drive, and a mad, terrific clash it was, Thomas and McPherson with three-fourths of the Federal army striking Hardee and Loring-, who had succeeded the noble Polk. The Federal line, with a desperate courage unsurpassed anywhere, rolled against Johnston's entrenched ranks, but it recoiled, smitten and shattered, in crumbling, bloody fragments, with the loss of thousands. Sherman was satisfied with a direct march upon our army for over three straight crimson weeks, and he returned to his tactical waltzing. He shot McPhorson's army for the Chattahoochee on the right, and back slid the undeceivable Johnston out of the strategic trap, and after a number of days of lively snapping, on the 9th of July, 1864, he crossed the Chattahoochee with his army as solid as a packed cotton bale, and North Georgia, reposing in Sherman's grim clutch, helpless and miserable. Both armies went to sponging off for the next grapple. For two weeks they rested. It is always wise to heed a foe. The following pregnant and impressive sentences so aptly tell the truth that quoting them is an irresistible temptation. They are from Swinton's famous Book. " In the Latter days of the Confederacy, the grim fatality which from the outset had walked with it, side by side, along its destined course, silent aud unseen, seemed to throw off, at length, the cloak of invisibility, to stab it boldly with mortal blows. While in the enthusiasm of the contest, it seemed liardly fanciful to declare that fate itself, shadowing the Confederacy so long through successes, with unsuspected presence, at length revealed its sardonic figure in tlie moment of destiny, to fix its doom and down- fall. One such mysterious blow to tlie Confederacy was tliat by which Gen. Johnston was removed from its Western army, at the moment when lie was most needful for its salvation, kept from command till an intervening general had ruined aud disintegrated it, and then gravely restored to the leadershij) of its pitiful fragments." GENERAL JOE JOIIXSTOn's REMOVAL.' 279 On the 17th of July, 18G4, the Federal army resumed its active work, and on the same day the President, Mr. Davis, relieved Gen. Johnston of the command of his army, and substituted Gen. Hood in his stead. Johnston had made vigorous preparations for tlie defense of Atlanta. He was sitting in his tent talking with Gen. Mansfield Lovell, when a package of communications was brought to him. He read one, and then with a quiet unconcern and a pleasant smile handed it to Gen. Lovell, saying, " What do you think of that ? " It was the order reliev- ing him of command. Stunned at the order. General Lovell begged him to make no obedience to it until an effort could be made to get it reversed. Johnston declined to make any effort. Gen. Lovell, how- ever, got the corps commanders together. Generals Hardee, Stewart and Hood, and they petitioned and protested against the change, deputizing Gen. Hood himself as a matter of courtesy to send the protest. Gen. Hood sent the dispatch, but it was worded in such a way as to carry no force and exert no effect. Mr. Davis declined to withdraw the order and Johnston returned to privacy. In this connection it is said upon the authority of two gentlemen closely connected with Mr. Davis, one of them, alleged to be Gen. A. R. Lawton, who had been made the Quartermaster-General cf the Con- federate armies, and the other. Gen. Gilmer, that he was opposed to removing Gen. Johnston, and reluctantly jdelded to the advice of his Cabinet advisers. The account goes that at the meeting when it was determined, Mr. Davis walked up and down the room with his hands behind him in deep anxiety, saying with earnest emphasis and a most troubled manner, that he doubted the propriety of it. This report is the more important because it conflicts with the generally accredited opinion and puts Mr. Davis in a different light. It is not perhaps irrelevant nor an exaggeration to say that Gen. Johnston's career presents the most remarkable anomaly of military annals. From the beginning to the end he was distrusted and depre- ciated by the Confederate authorities, yet he held from first to last the confidence and admiration of armies and people. And every effort of the several made to retire him to obscurity, but strengthened him in popular esteem, and resulted in calling him to new exaltation of power, new display of genius and increase of fame. It seemed impossible to dispense with him. The public outcry for his installation in responsible leadership was irresistible. His genius was openly decried, and his administration condemned by his superiors, yet it was utterly in vain so far as the public confidence was concerned. The people stubbornly 280 THE DOWNFALL BEGAN. believed in him, and tlie soldiers clamored for his Generalship and fought under it with an unshakable trust and a loving enthusiasm. And while he labored under a continuous censure from the Confederate rulers, lie enjoyed a constant (jHuniph of praise from the masses of the people. It certainly presents a strange incident of the war, this incon- gruity of Johnston's connection with the struggle. Another curious fatality of Johnston was, that his genius was conspicuously and most mournfully vindicated by the blundering failure of others, instead of the successes achievable by the enforcement of his counsels and plans. When Gen. Johnston was removed he had been fighting an army double his own for seventy-four consecutive days, lie had lost in killed and wounded 9,450 men, and inflicted a loss upon the enemy equal to the Southern army. He turned over to Gen. Hood a splendid experienced army of 50,637 veteran soldiers, disciplined, seasoned and buoyant, as fine a band of fighters as the world ever saw, well equipped and armed, well olBccred, well organized and invincible in Gen. John- ston's hands against attack. The removal of Johnston was the begin- ning of the end. It was the turning point to ultimate failure. Slier- man gave a long, deep breath of relief, and said, " Heretofore the fight- ing has been as Johnston pleased, but that hereafter it would be as he pleased." From this time on, the cause steadily sank, until it was engulfed in ruin. The army was the prop of the cause, and the leadership was given to one who was brave enough, but who fatally underestimated its value. Territory lost could be regained. The army gone, the cause was dead. The downfall was progressing surely, and our great Georgia was the theater of its enactment in strange fulfillment of romantic destiny. GEN J E: JOH NSTON. CHAPTER XXIX. SHERMAN TEARS ATLANTA FROM HOOD. The Georgia Militia. — Gen. G. W. Smith — Gov. Brown'.s Heroic Ardor. — Johnston's Praise of Brown. — Brown and Da^•is. — Hood's Gallant Waste. — The Battles of the 18th and 22ud of July around Atlanta. — The Death of Col. John M. Brown, brother of Gov. Brown. — Sherman's Cavalry. — Stoueinan's Capture. — Hood's At- tack 28th July. — Bombardment of Atlanta. — Gov. Brown orders out County Officers. — Hood Sends off his Caviilry. — Jonesboro. — Atlanta Falls. — Its Moral Effect. — The South Stunned. — The North Vivified. — Compliments to the State Militia. — Gov. Brown and Mr. Sedden in tlieir Last Stern Correspondence. — The Close of a Series of Intellectual CouHicts th.at will Gain Interest with Time. — De Fontaine's Pen Picture of Joe Brown. — Sherman in Atlanta. — His Exile of her People — Hood and Sherm.an. — Tart Letters. — Bcaureg.ard. — Convention of Gov- ernors. — Mr. Davis and Ben Hill Visit Georgi.a. — D.avis' Unwise Speech at Macon. — A Photograph of Mr. Davis. — His Qualities and Needs. — Hood sent to Tennessee. — And tlie Dark End at Hand. — The Appointment of General A. R. Lawtou Quartermaster-General of the Confederate Government. — A Distinguished Officer. — The Great Comjjlinient of this Assignment. — A Vast Responsibility Well Borne. — Georgia's Controlling Agency Continued in this. — Gen. Lawton's Brilli.ant Admin- istration. — Destruction of all the Quartermaster's Papers. — The Enlistment of Negro Soldiers. — A Remarkable Document. We have come to Hood's fatal assumption of command, in the heart of Georgia, of the most important of the twin armies of the Confeder- acy, on the 17th day of July, ISG-J:. Atlanta and its vicinity were to become the arena of momentous occurrences. The defenses around Atlanta had been going on for weeks. Heavy rifled cannon had been brought from Mobile; the military shops had been removed. Gov. Brown had organized over 10,000 of the State militia, and placed them in the trenches around Atlanta, under Major-General Gustavus W. Smith, with Gen. Toombs as chief of staff, who was placed under Gen. Hood's orders. The conduct of Gov. Brown in this crisis deserves all praise. He did all that mortal man could to aid the desperate and fail- ing cause. His appeals were eloquent and urgent for the sons of the State to rally to its defense. He had used every possible means to supply the troops with arms and clothing. He had chartered ships to import supplies. The Confederate Secretary of the Treasury refused to permit any vessel to clear unless she carried out one-half of the cargo for the Confederate government, which blocked Gov. Brown's 283 THE BATTLE OF ATLANTA, JULY 22X1), 18G4. operations. He had bought 30,000 blankets for soldiers and 30,000 cotton cards, and had 300 bales of cotton loaded on the ship Little Ada to send out and pay for them, when Mr. Memniinger refused a clearance for her. Gov. Brown, in conjunction with Gov. Clark, Gov. Watts and Gov. 'Vance appealed to Congress for relief. The matter created much comment at the time, but the Confederate authorities I'efused to yield. Gen. Johnston states in his " Narrative," that on all occasions he was zealously seconded by Gov. Brown. Quite an important correspond- ence took place between Gov. Brown and Mr. Davis in June, 18(14. Gov. Brown wrote to Mr. Davis asking if reinforcements could not be sent to Georgia, and suggesting that Forrest or Morgan cut Sherman's communications. Mr. Davis replied, saying that he coulJ not change the disposition of our forces so as to help Gen. Johnston more effec- tually. Gov. Brown answered: " If your mistake should result in the loss of Atlanta and the occupation of other strong points in this State by the enemy, the blow may be fatal to our cause, and remote posterity may have reason to mourn over the error." Gen. Hood lost little time in assuming the aggressive. Throwing completely over the cautious Fabian strategy of Johnston, Hood com- mitted an error that the most ordinary soldier would have avoided — threw his army against Sherman's double force, strongly entrenched, and met with a bloody repulse. If Sherman with twice the men had been unable to ever drive Johnston, what hope could Hood possibly have to force strong entrenchments with half the men. Hood took command at sunset on the 18th July, ISG-i. On the ;20th, in the after- noon, he struck Sherman on the Buckhead road running- from the Chattahoochee river to Decatur. He indented the Federal line at the first onset, but a five hpurs' gory battle sent him hustling' back with a loss of about 5,000 men against a Federal loss of 1700. Nothing daunted. Hood moved out on the Federal left on the night of the 21st, and on the morning of the 22nd pounced savagely upon Sherman. There has been no heavier fighting than this fierce battle. From 11 o'clock until night it raged. The Confederates secured several important advantages by sheer audacity. Gen. James P. McPherson was killed in this battle. Gen. McPherson, though a young officer, was one of the most brilliant in the Federal armies. A monument in the woods near Atlanta marks the spot where he fell. Several batteries were captured, and several valuable positions taken gallantly. Wheeler's cavalry did good service. Prodigies of superb but useless valor were y,^/^^<'r:Zt^ J.L". GOVEEXOR brown's BROTHER KILLED. 283 • done by Hood's noble men. But Sherman was too strong and too game. Hood withdrew from his fatally earned inches of progress with two pitiful guns and the loss double the enemy, whose hard fighting was shown in a summary of 3,7^2 casualties. In this battle Gen. \V. H. T. Walker was killed and Gen. Mercer wounded. Among the desper- ately hurt was Lieut. Col. John M. Brown, a brother of Gov. Brown, who was wounded while leading his regiment, one of the State organi- zations, gallantly in a charge. He was twenty-five years old. He had been wounded at the battle of Resaca while holding the rank of Major. He returned to his command before his wound was healed, and was unani- mously elected Lieut. Colonel. He took part in the Kennesaw battle. He was commanding the regiment on the 32nd. He was a very prom- ising officer, and beloved by his regiment. This was the second brother that Gov. Brown lost in the service. Col. Brawn died from his wound at the executive mansion on the 25th of July, 1864. While standing by the bedside of his dying brother. Gov. Brown was called upon to provide means for the defense of Milledgeville threatened by a raid, and it seemed doubtful if he would be permitted to bury his brother in peace. Sherman's cavalry were very active. Garrard broke some bridges near Covington on the Georgia road. Rousseau tore up the West Point road at Opelika. Stoneman with 5,000 troopers and McCook with 4,000 went.out to meet on the Macon road and rip up matters. Both com- mands were surrounded. McCook escaped, but Stoneman surrendered to a force consisting of Iverson's Georgia brigade, Adams' Alabama brigade and Williams' brigade, under command of Brig. Gen. Alfred Iverson. Stonemaji had attacked Macon but had been repulsed by a part of Gov. Brown's militia under Gen. Cobb, both Gov. Brown and Gen. Cobb being on the field, and acting under suggestion of Gen. Jos. E. Johnston, who was present supervi.sing the engagement. Over 600 Federals were captured. The grateful citizens of Macon proposed a dinner to Iverson and his command, but the command was ordered away before the purpose could be carried out. The fighting around Atlanta up to this time had been done on the South-east. Sherman moved his forces over on the west side, and Hood followed him up. On the 28th of July, 1864, Hood made another of his daring onslaughts upon Sherman with the same unsuccessful and bloody result, a loss of three or four of his own men to one of the enemy. The losses of Hood in killed and wounded, not including the captured, up to July the 31st, from the night of the 18th, or thirteen 284 THE EOMBAEDMENT OF ATLANTA. daj-^s, were 8,8-11, or only 009 less than Johnston had lost in seventy-four days' continuous battle, in which Johnston had whipped every conflict and Hood lost every one he had fought. On the 5th of August Schofield struck Hood's line, but was driven back with a loss of 400 men. This was the sole Confederate success won by Hood, and it illustrated the wisdom of Johnston's strategy. A division of Federal cavalry made an attack upon Macon, but were repulsed by Maj. Gen. Howell Cobb with two regiments of militia and several other connnands. Sherman constantly bombarded Atlanta, throwing his shot and shell into the heart of the city. The private residences were daily struck. The dwelling of Judge C. H. Strong, the present clerk of the superior court, the stores of Beech & Root and W. F. Herring on Whitehall street, tl>e residences of E. B. Walker and A. M. Wallace on Ivy street, and hundreds of others, were damaged. People burrowed in their cellars for protection; basement stories were at a decided premium; and holes in railroad cuts were utilized in the cause of personal safety. The campaign was rapidly culminating. Sherman finding that direct assault was unavailing, and that Hood had learned by costly experience the lesson that Johnston had so astutely understood at the start, that he must economize his army, again resorted to his old strategy. In the meantime Gov. Brown, appreciating the emergency, was reinforcing the State militia. He used every means to get men to the front. Some foreigners wore dodging military duty. Pie issued an order driving aliens from the State unless they would do service. He ordered out the county officers. He infringed pretty nearly upon the cradle and the grave. His energy was unbounded. And tire raw State militia did noble duty. Gen. Johnston on the 7th of July wrote to Gov. Brown complimenting the Georgia State troops. After the liattle of the 22nd of July Gen. Hood wrote Gov. Brown that they had fought with great gallantry. The field officers were as follows: First Brigade, Brigadier General R. AV. Carswell. First Regiment, Colonel E. H. Pottle. Second Regiment, Colonel C. D. Anderson. Fifth Regiment, Colonel S. S. Stafford. First Battalion, Lieutenant Colonel McCay. Second Brigade, Brigadier General P. J. Phillips. Third Regiment, Colonel Jno. M. Hill. Fourth Regiment, Colonel R. McMillan. Sixth Regiment, Colonel J. W. Burney. Independent Artillery Battalion, Colonel C. W. Styles. ATLAXTA LOST BY THE CONFEDEEATES. 285 The Staff was as follows: Major General, Gustavus W. Smith. Inspector General, General Robert Toombs. Adjutant General, Major W. K. De Graffenseid. Chief of Artillery and Ordnance, Colonel Joseph S. Claghorn. Chief Quartermaster, Colonel L. H. O. Martin. Chief Commissary, Major W. J. Williford. Medical Director, Dr. H. R. Casey. Division Surgeon, Dr. Thomas A. Rains. Aid-de-Camp, Colonel Linton Stephens. Gen. Sherman struck out on the 25th of August, 18G4, for his final mischief in the matter of securing Atlanta. Gen. Hood perpetrated another of his irreparable blunders, that Gen. Johnston so unerringly avoided. Ho sent off Wheeler's cavalry to cut the State road. Sherman leaped to the opportunity. Ho dashed down on the West Point railroad and tore up twelve continuous miles. He then made for the Macon railroad, threatening it for eleven miles from Rough and Ready to Jones- boro. Hardee and S. D. Lee were at Jonesboro, and made a rushinolici/ if wo could, without surrendering principle or a foot of ground, arouse the latent enmity of Georgia against Davis." And Mr. Lincoln, in his response, said: " I feel great interest in the subjects of your dis- patch." And when later Mr. Davis made his visit to Macon and Hood's army, Mr. Lincoln believed, as he telegraphed to Gen. Sherman, that the object of Jlr. Davis' visit was to see ilr. Stephens and Gov. Brown, to stop the peace mischief that Gen. Sherman had inaugurated with those two dangerous gentlemen. Gen. Sherman's idea was to appeal 302 Till! DKFECT OF SIIKUMAN's PEACE KITORT. to Georgia's safety from further war ravage and work it througli officials supposed to be hostile to tlie Confederate administration. No less than three messengers were sent by Gen. Sherman. INIr. AVilliam King was his ambassador to both Gov. Brown and Mr. Stephens. Judge A. R. Wright, of Rome, was sent to Washington, to talk with President Lincoln, and by him entrusted with messages for Jlr. Davi.s. Hon. Joshua Hill, of Madison, Ga., was sent as messenger to Gov. Brown. Mr. King was a citizen in private life, an elderly gentleman of high character, old family, fine intelligence and unquestionable patriot- ism. The other gentlemen have been spoken of in this volume. The fundamental idea of Gen. Sherman was separate State action of Georgia; and herein was its intrinsic weakness. As much as Mr. Stephens condemned the policy of the administration of his E.xecutive — Mr. Davis — and as antagonistic as Gov. Brown felt to certain leading measures of the Confederate authorities, neither of them was capable, in any stress of disaster, and under any possession of State influence, of desertinff the fortunes of the Confederacy and leavings the other mem- bers of the compact to bear the calamities of failure. AVhile it was simply an impossibility that the soldiers or people of Georgia would have been willing to purchase exemption from the common peril and universal ruin by abandonment of the cause, thus securing safety by dishonor. And both Gov. Brown and Mr. Stephens, from their very supposed attitude of disaffection and hostility to Mr. Davis, were necessarily the more careful in tlieir conduct that no possible sus- picion of bad faith should attach to them. Both Mr. Stephens and Gov. Brown declined to accept Gen. Sher- man's invitation to visit him on this peace mission. Mr. Stephens con- sidered that neither he nor Gen. Sherman had the proper authority to represent and hind their respective governments, though if Gen. Sher- man should think that there was any prospect that he and Mr. Stephens could agree upon terms of adjustment to be submitted to the govern- ments, he would, with the consent of the Confederate authorities, meet him and enter upon the task of restoring peace. This reply of Mr. Stephens dissipated the idea that he would act in the slightest degree independ- ently of Mr. Davis and take part in a separate negotiation by the State. Gen Sherman, in his dispatch to President Lincoln, discloses the agency he hoped Mr. Stephens would play in this shrewdly conceived peace project, in these significant words: "The people do not hesitate to say, that Mr. Stephens was and is a LInion man at heart; and they say that Davis will not trust liim, or let him have share in his govern- GOV. BUOWn's ACTIOX in the SHERMAN PEACE MOVEMENT. 303 ment." Mr. Stephens, by his reply, completely dropped liimself out of the project. Gov. Brown was unwilling; to enter into any negotiations involving separate State action. His dismissing the State militia for a time to go home and harvest the crops, and his calling the Legislature together to consider the critical state of affairs, impressed Gen. Sherman with the belief tliat Gov. Brown was leaning to the peace idea; that the temporary disbandment of the State troops was an initiatory movement in the matter, while he wanted the Legislature to share the responsibility. Mr. Davis made his visit to Georgia at that time, and so strongly had the peace plan of Gen. Sherman, bj^ securing Georgia's disaffection through Mr. Stephens and Gov. Brown, seized and impressed Mr. I^incoln, that the President conceived and telegraphed Gen. Sherman: "I judge that Brown and Stephens are the objects of his (Davis') visit." But Gen. Sherman and Mr. Lincoln were both mistaken. They mis- conceived Gov. Brown, who never for a moment entertained the idea of withdrawing Georgia from her Confederate alliance. It is due to him to say this, and it is also due to say that the people of Georg'ia would not have entertained such a proposition. They were committed to the Confederacy, and meant to rise or fall with it. There is no ground for believing, as Mr. Lincoln imagined, that Mr. Davis visited Georgia at that time to look after Mr. Stephens and Gov. Brown, and stop their supposed peace mischief. His mission was to confer as to the proper direction to be given to Hood's army in this critical juncture. The peace mission was so -important a one that Gov. Brown, at the time, made a note of the whole matter so far as he was concerned, whicli was published for the information of the people. His action involved an exceedingly able presentation of the question, showing that he gave the matter profound and conscientious reflection. That Georgia, in her sovereign capacity, had the right to withdraw from the Southern Con- federate compact, not through her Executive, but through a convention of her people, he had no doubt. But while she possessed this power, she would never violate her faith pledged to her Confederate allies, never shrink from the suffering that fell to her lot, never make separate terms to save herself, and " whatever may be the opinion of her people as to the injustice done her by the Confederate administration, she will triumph with her Confederate sisters, or she will sink with them in one common ruin." Gov. Brown argued, that Gen. Sherman and he had no power or right to represent the government of tiie United States and the government of the Confederate States, or in any way bind them. Hon. Joshua Hill, in his interesting and graphic account, gives 304 JUDGE A. R. WKIinn's VISIT TO PRESIDENT MXCOLX. some valuable itiformation, sliowing Gen. Shonnairs desires, and also contributes convincing testimony as to the stubljorn fidelity of the people to the cause. He made a strenuous effort to influence the Legis- lature to take some peace action, but could get no encouragement, and finally desisted. Gen. Sherman, however, began to doubt the possibility of success on his original idea of detaching Georgia from the Confed- eracy, and he widened iiis project to include broader negotiations and larger agencies. Here conies in Judge Wright, who was sent bv Gen. Sherman to see President Lincoln, and, learning his pacific temper and . views, convey them to Mr. Davis. The version furnished by Judge Wright is a most important contribu- tion to this peace narrative. He spent two weeks in Washington, conferring daily with President Lincoln and his Cabinet, and finally brought back to Mr. Davis messages of his willingness to enter upon peace negotiations. The report of Mr. Lincoln's views is wholly new, and is of incalculable value historically. Some of his statements will be a revelation, and must do great honor to his memory. Among the remarkable statements were, that " the South was a part of his country, and as dear to him as the North. He had never had an idea of inter- fering with her rights." Also, that " he then had his proclamation of amnesty written for the whole South, from Mr. Davis down to the humblest citizen, and though a part of his Cabinet was opposed to it, the day we laid down our arms it would be published, and the South restored to her rights in the Union as far as was in his power." Also, that he was favorable to a gradual emancipation of the blacks in tweiity- one years. Mr. Lincoln's message to Mr. Davis was a very earnest one. Judge Wright says that Mr. Lincoln " e.xtracted from him a solemn promise that his friendly sentiments and his earnest desires for peace on the basis of the rights of the States should be truly, fully and earnestly impressed upon Mr. Davis." Judge Wright never had the chance of seeing Mr. Davis until after the close of the war, and the message was, therefore, not delivered. Judge "Wright, however, told Mr. Lincoln that the peace mission would be hopeless. There is little doubt, in the light of subsequent events, that Mr. Davis would have refused to act on these messages. His unquenchable faith in the ultimate success of the Confederate cause, and his unbending resolution to make no compromise, would have been an insuperable barrier to any peace based upon the only idea vipon which Mr. Lincoln was willing to close the war, viz.: the submission of the South to the Union. rUllLIC Ol'INIOX IN GEOKGIA ON SHEEMAN's I'KACK EfFOET. 305 Rciiieniberiiig that his peace effort was made in September, lSG-4, and that tile celeljrated Hampton Roads conference between Mr. Lincohi and Mr. Seward, of the North, and Mr. Stephens, Mr. Hunter 'and Judge Campbell, of the South, took place in February, 18G5, five months after, it will be seen that Gen. Sherman's attempt at peace was the first that was made. The South, in 18G-1, was in a much better condition to nego- tiate peace than in 18G5, and could have gained better terms. Mr. Stephens was engaged in both attempts. In his book, " The War between the States," he gives a full account of the Hampton Roads conference, and it is a matter of interesting significance that it is shown very clearly that Mr. Lincoln was governed by the same ideas of policy in both. The two peace efforts constitute a valuable and striking- episode of the great struggle, and will form an important and suggestive chapter in the history of our civil war. The matter at the time created a good deal of excitement in the public mind in Georgia. There was a varied comment upon it. Some claimed that it was the duty of Gov. Brown and Mr. Stephens to accept General Sherman's invitation, and make an effort to settle our troubles by negotiation. Others, though not many, in their flaming zeal, con- tended that it was the duty of the Governor to seize General Sherman's messenger and order him hung as a traitor. The prevailing opinion was that nothing would come of it. But the incident was another link in the chain of Geora'ia's crovernins: influence in the grreat strus-ole, an influence that covered both the war-like and peaceful features of the revolution. The final strategy of this ghastly Georgia campaign must look, far off in the cool, impartial future, like a terrible drama of tragic harle- quinade. Hood did the very folly that Sherman would have prayed for him to do, had he been a pious man. As it was, the wily Federal .said, " If Hood will go to Tennessee, I will give him rations to go with." Mr. Davis had most unwisely blazoned in his speeches to the dejected public this Tennessee programme. And as it reached Sherman he had thus spoken. With Forrest banging and gashing at his long line of communication, hundreds of miles, and a stout, solid, fierce army before him, he would have had a tough time. His fiat of exile for the city of Atlanta evidenced his sense of danger. To have stayed in Atlanta was unspeakably perilous. To have gone back would have yielded the good of his victory. To go forward was to cut loose from his base into the atmosphere like an anchorless ship. Sherman was deeply anxious. As he took Atlanta he ir.ade witli a part of his force 20 30G SIIERMAX STARTS TO THE SEA. a little tentative dash at Hood's ontienched lino at Lovejoys, and recoiled, sliivering. In this perplexing hour, Hood gayly bid adieu to Atlanta, and coquetting up the state road, capturing squads at Big Shanty, Acworth and Dalton, and destroying a respectable amount of railway track, skipped into Alabama, and thence into Tennessee. .Sherman sent ofE Thomas to care for Hood, took a little scout himself ill that direction, satisfied himself that Hood had really gone blunder- ing, and stripping himself to about 00,000 men, he started for the Atlantic Ocean. He began his easy but destructive march on the loth day of Novem- ber, 1804. Spreading out his columns to a width of about forty miles, foraging his army as he went along, tearing up everj^ mile of railroad track, gutting villages, cleaning up provisions, pillaging houses, destroy- ing furniture, gathering hordes of negroes to be dropped, the jaunty, massive column left a blistering devastation for throe hundred miles upon the fair bosom of our noble state. In the writer's temporary home in Sandersville a piano was butchered to fragments, books and pictures destroyed, and for days the female inmates of the household lived upon corn gathered from whore the horses of the Federal troop- ers had been fed. In his dispatches to Gan. Grant about this move- ment Sherman foreshadowed the desolation in such expressions as " utter destruction of roads, houses and people," " make Georgia howl," " make a wreck of the road and of the country," " smashing things to the sea," " make the interior of Georgia feel the weight of war," and " ruin Georgia." There was no opposition to speak of. The strange spectacle had been seen of two great armies in deadly tug,' deliberately leaving each other, and marching in opposite directions to conquer the fight. A division of ^^^llecler's cavalry pegged away on the advancing column. At Macon, Gen. Cobb went out and rattled with a division of the Georgia militia at the huge serpent. At Griswoldville, ten miles below Macon, there was a bloody little fight between Sherman and our Georgia militia, in whicli these troops fought with the gallantry and skill of veterans, inflicting heavy loss and suffering severe punishment with- steady nerve. In Burke county tliere was some sprightly but ineffect- ual brushing. But Sherman went on flipping off these attacks with unconcern. Our little force kept the tiling lively in proportion to num- bers. Sherman reports 764 men lost on the march, and 1,338 captures of Confederates. The incidents of this march were dramatic in their destructiveness ■WHAT ^VAS DONE IN MILLEDlSEVlLLE. 307 Atlanta was fired, and Sherman marclied out amid the crimson flames of the city and a volley of exploding ammunition that sounded like a des- perate battle, his men singing, " John Brown's soul goes marching on." Of about 5,000 houses all were destroyed except about 400. Eleven- twelfths of the place, shops, depots, mills, dwellings, stores, were burned. A few stores on Alabama street were left. The residences between Lloyd and ^A'^ashington streets were left, and most of the churches, thanks to Father O'Rilcy of the Catholic church. Three thousand car- casses of animals lay in the streets. The very dead were taken from "their vaults and the colTnis stripped of silver tippings. Gen. Sherman had his headquarters one night on Howell Cobb's plantation, and on learning the fact ordered the soldiers to spare nothing. On the 23d day of November, 1864, the legislature of Georgia, being in session, Gov. Brown received a telegram during the dinner hour that General Sherman had left Atlanta the day before and was on the march through the country for Savannah. As soon as this information was • spread through the town, the people became greatly excited, and the members of the legislature, who had adjourned for dinner at the time, participated in the excitement, and began making preparation for a rapid transit from the Capital, as it was not known how soon the cav- alry, who were supposed to be a good way in advance of the army, might reach Jlilledgeville. The bills and other matters before the Gen- eral Assembly at the time it adjourned for dinner, were left lying on the desks and no one returned to look after them. Fabulous prices were paid for conveyances of different sorts ; and the members during that afternoon had nearly all left the Capital on their way home with the best means of convej'ance at their command, taking such routes as in their opinion could not be interfered with by the invading army. Some took the railroad trains; others got carriages, buggies, wagons or what- ever else came in their way. This left the city almost destitute of vehicles for transportation. Soon after Gen. Sherman's movements were known. Gov. Brown gave orders to Gen. Ira R. Foster, the prompt and efficient Quartermaster- General of Georgia, to secure the removal of all the most valuable per- ishable property of the State then at the Capital, consisting of books of record in the State House,- the more valuable furniture there, the furniture from the executive mansion and the property of the most value in the penitentiar}% arsenal, armorj', and in the Quartermaster and Com- missary departments. Herculean efforts were made by the Quarter- master-General to procure transportation and convey the public property 308 THE CONVICTS ORGANIZED. to plapos of safety as rapidly as jiosslble ; and no one M-as better quali- fied for the task than General Foster, as he had ability, promptness, de- cision and dispatch in such matters, that were very remarkable. Upon consultation with the Governor it was concluded that the more val- uable books of the library and other such property should be carried to the lunatic asylum and there stored. But as the asylum was located some three miles from the city, with the limited transportation at com- mand, it was impossible to carry there within the short time allowed all the other public property. It was known of course that General Sherman would not burn the lunatic asylum, and it was sup- posed that State property stored in it which could in no way be used for forwarding the purposes of the war would be safe. On further con- sultation it was concluded that it would be best to haul the bulk of the public property of the character above-mentioned, and all the more val- uable property of the State in the city to the railroad depot and try to get it to Macon, before the railroad should be cut, and shipped to south-west Georgia, as it was believed that neither the cavalry of the enemy nor the infantry would likely traverse that country. Part of a train of cars was detained at Milledgeville for that purpose, and other cars in reach were ordered to be sent there promptly. Tlie property was then hauled rapidly to the railroad and loaded on the cars. But as very few wagons could be obtained, and there was great consternation in the city, it soon became next to impossible to procure labor. Here the Quartermaster-General again consulted with the Governor, who was doing all in his power to aid in the removal, and the Governor informed him that he had determined to pardon the convicts in the penitentiary, and put them under command of the Quartermaster-Gen- eral for the time, to aid in removing the property of the State to a place of safety, and that he would pardon each who would enlist in the State .service, and thus try to turn them to the advantage of our cause instead of leaving them for Sherman to use against us. As we were making guns in the penitentiary, it was expected that it would be burned; and if the convicts were in the walls when Gen. Sherman reached there they would either be turned loose for indiscriminate plunder or enlisted in the Federal army. To avoid this Gov. Brown determined promptly- on the policy of enlisting them in the State service for the benefit of the Confederacy. He went immediately to the penitentiary, had the .convicts drawn up in a line, delivered a short address to them, appealing to their patriotic pride, and offered pardon to each one who would aid in the re- moval of the State property, and then enlist for the defense of the Con- THE DISPOSITION OF STATE PAPEItS. 309 federacy. They responded almost unanimously. There were a few life- time men in for murder, who were not included in the offer, and they were sent through tlie country under guard to a point where they could be shipped on the railroad to South-west Georgia, where they were kept till after Sherman passed through and were then brought back and con- fined in Milledgeville. But the great body of the convicts were formed into a military company under the notorious Dr. Roberts, who was a very intelligent man, and who promptly volunteered, and in that capac- ity they did valuable service in aiding to remove the State property, and loading it upon the train. As soon as this service was done, a suit of soldier's clothing and a gun were furnished to each, and Captain Roberts was ordered to report to Gen. Wayne, who had command of the Georgia cadets, from the Military Institute, at Marietta, then in Mill- edgeville, and a small battalion of other militia. The company was ac- cepted by Gen. Wayne, and carried by him to Savannah, on his retreat in advance of the Federal army, and they were used in ainioying it wherever Gen. Wayne saw an opportunity to strike a blow. A portion of the convicts deserted and left, but a large majority of them, including Capt. Roberts, remained at their post doing duty faithfully during the cam- paign; so that the discharge became honorable. As already stated, the members of the legislature generally left the city on the afternoon of the 23rd day of November, 1864 Gov. Brown and family, and Gen. Foster, and Gen. Wayne, and some of the other heads of the departments remained in the city until the next afternoon. All the more valuable property of the State had been secured either in the asyluiii or sent to safe places or loaded upon the cars ready to be re- moved to South-west Georgia. In the State House the old files of doc- uments and letters for the last half a century or more, which were not regarded very valuable and could not be assorted and taken care of in the limited time, were left in their respective places of deposit. After Gen. Sherman had passed through Milledgeville, and the officers of the State were permitted to return, thej^ found these papers scattered all over the floor of the State House; and as reported by the citizens, large quantities had been used by the soldiers in kindling their fires. In this way many of the old documents, and many of the papers that were filed were destroyed or lost, though they were generally of a character not deemed to be very valuable; and the time, and means of transporta- tion were not sufficient to enable the authorities to care better for them. The furniture in the Executive Mansion was the last thing attended to. During the afternoon the more valuable and portable portion of it 310 GENERAL IRA R. FOSTEr's ACCOUNT. was removed as rapidly as possible to the railroad depot and placed on the trains. The scone was a busy and an exciting one. During the twenty-four liours the Governor and the Quartermaster-General re- mained in the tliscliarge of their duty, in taking care of the public prop- erty ; their efforts were untiring. A letter addressed by Gen. Foster to a friend in this city at a recent date draws the following picture of the scene: " I have oftentimes tlionght ot the scenes tlirongh wliioU we p.assed in getting rcadv to leave Milluilgeville on Slierinau's ilcscent on that auticnt hut memoralilc city of hills. In this (Inun.a, I .see a man serving his fourth term as Governor of the Great Emjiire State of the South, after giving orders to his Quartermaster-General on tlie near ap- proach of the eueniv.and putting him in charge of the puldic property witli direction to see that it was taken care of and removed, reversing the order of things bv laving hold with his own hands ajid working hoth day and night under the direction of his suliordi- uate to secure a fullillment of his genend orders. And I see by his side a delicate but anxious wife, unceasingly laboring to accomplish the s,ame end. Notwithstajiding this, it has been printed in a book and published in newspapers, and reiterated by many mis- guided tongues, that Gov. Brown, wdiile Sherman's army was descending on Milledge- ville, carried off his own property, including cows and cabbage, and left the State pro- perty behind uuprotected. I was in command of the transportation of the property at the time, and I know whereof I speak and I know these statements are unfounded. / kiioiv they are untrue. I ought to know more about the taking care and the protection and the removal of the State property at Milledgeville than any one else, as I was there in person and had immediate supervision, with the entire control of the whole thing uu- der my own command. " It is true tliat some of the old papers were left in the State Honse, which, if I had had further time, would have all l>een removed. But the fates of war denied me the desired privilege. The removal of the furniture from the E.xecntive Mansion wi\s the last work. In looking around the mansion to see what ought to be taken along, I discovered in the garden a fine lot of coleworts, and I directed old Aunt Celia, the good old colored cook, without the knowledge or presence of her master or mistress, to cut down the coleworts and bring them near where tlie wagons were being loaded. I intended to take away the last one of them, as they would be lost where they were, and I had sufficient room in the car to carry them. And I knew the Governor's family would need some, and my own family, then at Dawson, in South-west Georgia, as Uefugees driven from their home iu Atlanta before the tierce march of Sherman, would like to have part of them, as they were in a strange country and had no time to raise vegetables, and were nnich pressed for food of that character. " I had idso, at the E.Nilo camp, near Daw.son. seven hundred persons, compo.sed of the widows, wives and children of Confederate soliliers, aged men and maimed and dis- charged soldiers, who had lieen expelled from Atlanta by Gen. Slicrman, homeless and without food. I'nder Gov. Brown's orders they had been picked up from the line of railro.ad from Atlanta to Macon, and shipped to Dawson, where I had erected nearly one hundred houses iu which they were sheltered and fed at the expense of the State, under the immediate su|)ervi.sion of Capt. Milton A. Candler, who did his whole duty in their behalf. To these homeless sufferers I intended to give most of the coleworts ; but in GENERAL lUA R. FOSTER'S ACCOUNT. 311 this I was (lisappoiuteU. As I was having tlie last loail of furniture at tlie Executive Mansion placed on the wagons, a few moments after I h;ul giien the order to Aunt Celia to cut the cahhage, Gov. Brown received information hy telegrajih, that Sherman's cavalry were making rapid advances to>vards the Central railroad, between MiUedgeville and Macon. This message admonisheil us tiiat we should be uji and olT, else \\e might find ourselves prisoners of war. So I had only a few cabbage wliich were cut aud car- ried to the gate by Aunt Celia, tlirown ou top of the load. Teams weie Imrried to the train, wagons ([uickly unloaded ou cars, leaving, for waut of time to sa\e tliem, almost the entire lot of fine cabbage standing in the garden. Steam lieing up, orders were given the eugiueer to sound his whistle au{l press for Macon witli all jiossible speed. It is presumable we probably made the irij) (juicker than it was ever done before by any eugiue ou that particular road. At Gordon wo stopped a moment to bid farewell to Geu. Wayne and his staff, who had trausportatiou to carry them down the Central rail- road, with orders to do all in their power to protect the railroad bridge. The State Cadets, a uoble band of hoys, was under Wayue's command. '■A very short time only was spent at Gordon, when the train conveying the Governor and family, the Quartermaster-Geueral and his assistants, and a large amount of state property and furniture was on its way under a full head of steam for Macon, where we arrived just liefore dark. And on reaching Macon a telegram was handed Gov. Brown, stating that the Federal cavalry had just cut tlie road at Griswoldville, the next station Ijelow. The advauced cavalry must have been almost in sight of Griswoldville wlieu tlie train p:isscd. " We remaiued in the cars that uight at Macon. Next morniug I went down to South-west Georgia with the train ; and as Sherman's infantry had not reached Macon, aud it was understood they would not before that evening, Gov. Brown ran down with us as far as Montezuma, where his family were set off by the side of the road, and left to make their way to his plantation, thirty miles from that point in Dooly county. IIo took an engine and returned upon it rapidly, tliat eveniug, to Macon, and reached there, as I am informed, just as Sherman's column, passing by, fired upon the militia. The engagement amounted to very little. The militia were entrenched, and it was not Sherman's ]iolicy to attack localities ou the lines of his march. His desire was to get tlirough to the sea with as little delay and as little difficulty as possilile. " While we were switched off on a siding at Montezuma, a hurried dinner was pre- pared, and while eating dinner aboard the cars I said to Mrs. Brown, she ought to have had for dinner some of our MiUedgeville greeus. This was the first time I had named to Gov. Brown or to his wife that I had cut and put on the train any of the cole- worts from the garden in MiUedgeville. I doubt that any member of the family knew up to that time that a small number of the coleworts which I had secured were on the train, as the family had left the mansion for the train liefore the last wagon left that carried tlie coleworts out aud put them mion the cars. Aunt Celia knew that she had cut aud loaded a small lot iu the yard ; Ijiit .as she liad gone with the family into the train, she di Gen. Dibrell gives thi% interesting account of what he knew of this famous and exaggerated money: " I was directed to furnish four additional wagons to transport the specie, and Gen. Breckenridge in person directed Gen. Duke, witli his brigade, to guard the specie train. We crossed the Savannah river and halted near Washington, Ga., about sunrise on the morning of the 2d of May. Tlie specie train was parked in a lot near a house occupied hy Gen. Breckenridge for he.ad-quarters. The specie was taken into his room. I was present part of the time. The first box opened contained l)ulIion, and was nailed up again. By direction of Gen. Breckenridge, muster rolls of all troops present were made out. Tills money for the troops, upward of S108,000, was turned over to Maj. E. C. White, my division fjuartermaster, (he being the senior quartermaster present,) and the amount due each soldier, $26.25, was paid through the regimental quartermaster on each muster roll. Each officer and soldier, including infantry and cavalry, as well as Gen. John C. Breckenridge, received just the same amount, $26.25. " Maj. Wliite, after the payments were all m.ade, handed me a report in writing of the amount received by him and tlie p.ayments made to each command, showing how lie had disbursed the $108,000. This report I brought home with me, but have lost or mislaid it. M.aj. Wliite was a citizen of Anne Arundel county, Md., but of l.ate I h.ave been un- able to learn his address. G. G. Dibrell." Just before the President (Mr. Davis) left. Gen. Joseph E. Johnston ■sent Major Moses an order to furnish 250,000 rations to troops return- 320 IXCIDEXTS AT WASUIXGTOy, GA. iiig to their homes. Tlie Confederate States had at the time of John- ston's capitulation with Sherman a very large supply, comparatively speaking, of rations at different points on the Georgia railroad, which connects Atlanta and Augusta, some one hundred and seventy miles apart, but as soon as it was known that the last hope of the Confederacy had passed away, the half-starved peojile along the line of railroad soon transferred the Confederate counnissary stores to more convenient places, and there was not a week's rations for one hundred men from one end of the road to the other. We not only had no rations to feed the returning troops, but if we had had enough to fill every storehouse on the route, there was no way of protecting them. It was in this contingency that Maj. Moses wrote and induced the Commissary General, St. Johns, to sign the last official order ever drawn by the Secretary of War of the Confederate govern- ment. It was signed by Gen. J. M. St. Johns, by direction of the Con- federate Secretary of War, in Washington, Ga., while in transitu and bound for parts unknown. It ordered Maj. Moses to arrange with some Federal general at Augusta or Macon to supply the returning troops and provide the hospitals with rations and necessary medicines, and for that purpose apply to the Confederate government for the necessary funds. The order being signed, Maj. Moses did apply, but it was like calling spirits from the vasty deep. They did not come. In this emergency Maj. !Moses applied to Gen. Toombs, and he obtained an order from Gen. Breckenridge, the Confederate Secretary of War, upon the officer in charge of the specie train, to pay Maj. Moses $40,000 in bullion, of which §10,000 was to be turned over to the Quarterma.ster Department, in charge of Felix R. Alexander, Assistant Quartermaster under Gen. Alexander R. Lawton, the Confederate Quartermaster-Gen- . eral. Armed with this order, Maj. Moses overtook the train of wagons a mile or so from Wasliington, the night of its departure, and received and receipted for what was estimated or guessed to be fi40,000 of gold bullion. This bullion was carried back to AVashington, and being guarded over night, §10,000 was paid over to the Quartermaster-General, Lawton, and with the other §30,000 Maj. Moses started for Augusta, guarded by four members of the Washington artillery. Maj. Moses had a stirring time with his perilous treasure. It was, of course, known immediately that he had it in possession. The war had unhinged men's ideas and principles. But still more demoralizing of the public conscience was the desperate stress of the people, coupled with the knowledge ATTEMPTED RAPE OF THE BULLIOX. 327 that the Confederate cause was dead, and that this specie was ownerless and a probable treasure trove and boot}' for the Federal soldiery. Maj. Moses, with punctilious honor, was resolved to part with it only with his life and to deliver it according to orders in fulfillment of its kindly mission. On the train from Washington to Barnett, where the branch road joins tiie Georgia railroad, he was watched and menaced with constant danger. At Barnett lie had his car switched off before the train arrived at the depot and left in a cut, but the eager crowd swarmed around it. The car was taken up to the depot, and for several liours, until the Augusta train arrived, Alaj. Moses was in the most perturbing perplexity and strain of his life. There were some two or three hundred return- ing soldiers, besides the no less determined citizens.' These desperate men, a reckless mob, coolly demanded the money, as being as much theirs as any one's, and they were armed to enforce their demand. A number of soldiers and officers stood by Maj. Moses, giving him friendly aid, among whom were Private Shepherd, formerly of Columbus, Ga., then of Texas, and Gen. Sanford, who is now practicing law in Mont- gomery, Ala. Maj. Moses remonstrated quietly and argumentatively with the menacing men surrounding him, and appealed to their honor and patriotism and stated his orders. At length it seemed nothing could avert the attempted ravishment of this specie. A wounded officer seemed to be the ringleader. Finally, as if by an inspiration, Maj. Moses stepped up to this officer and addressed him in these words: " Sir, your rank indicates that you are a gentleman, and your wound testifies that you have been a gallant soldier. I appeal to you in the spirit of that honor that belongs to all brave men, to assist me in the discharge of this trust." Tlie officer promptly responded that lie would willingly aid in tlie matter, and he went around among tlie threatening soldiers, quieting them. Maj. Moses was enabled to safely continue his trip, and delivered the bullion to Gen. Molineux, stationed at Augusta, and did so upon liis promise to feed the returning soldiers and see that the sick in the hos- pitals were cared for. The bullion was weighed and turned out in excess fully 85,000. It was delivered by order of Gen. Molineux to one Adams, of Massachusetts, then acting as provost marshal of Augusta. Maj. Moses has since attempted to learn whether this money ever reached the Federal treasury, and went in company with Maj. J. D. Waddell to Washington citv, and delivered it to the Hon. Jerrv 328 GOLD FOR GENERAL TOOMBS. Black, witli tlic request tliat lie would trace the fund, but he has never heard the result of the investigation. Just after the departure of Gen. Breckenridge from Washington with a body of cavalry, a cavalry man rode back in a gallop and threw a bag of gold coin over the fence around Gen. Toombs' residence, and then rapidly rode away. No explanation was given of this liberal act, no instructions accompanied the money, and there was no clew ever obtained as to the motive or purpose of the soldier. The bag contained §5,000 in gold currency. Gen. Toombs at the time was in great stress for money, and was borrowing gold for his contemplated flight out of the country, but he swore with a round oath he would not touch a dol- lar of this money, so strangely and unexpectedly showered upon him. The bag was turned over to Capt. Abrahams, a Federal commissary, for the purchase of flour and other provisions for the returning Confed- erate soldiers, and Maj. Moses states that his son aided in this disposition of the fund. Gen. Toombs was a princely financier and has always had a lordlv scorn of unclean or illegitimate money. His escape and adven- tures abroad were right romantic. After Mr. Davis and his party had all scattered out from Washington, and Gen. Toombs was about to get away, a Federal soldier rang at the door. Gen. Toombs himself wer^t to the door, and the soldier told him he was after Gen. Toombs and asked if he was at home. The General replied " Yes," and asked the soldier to wait while ho informed the General. Going in and telling Mrs. Toombs to delay the soldier as long as possible. Gen. Toombs went out the back door, mounted a horse that he had ready back of his premises, in anticipation of just such a contingency as this, and took to the woods, making for> the coast. Mrs. Toombs held the soldier on one pretext and another for nearly half an hour, carrying him from room to room, all locked and the keys lost. These moments enabled Gen. ■ Toombs to get away. In England he was without a dollar in money; but a banking firm, for which he had done legal business before the war, learned of his being in that country and tendered him $100,000 for his use, which he declined, except several thoijsand dollars that he used for a friend. He was traveling on the train and met accidentally a nobleman whose acquaintance he had made in Washington, and this gentleman imme- diately consulted him professionally on a matter connected with some American securities, and for this legal opinion Gen. Toombs received a fee of $5,000, which relieved his necessities. No man in the Union has been a more successful maker of money than Gen. Toombs. -^^^^I^t^ X^y<^C^ yia^i^^ft^ i/^y/^^-- '0'^ ^f.- ^C^ <«'er — educational institutions re- opened — our sacred temples and our altars witli their holy ministrations frequented as of yore, and the blessing of Almighty God overspreading aud vivifying all earnest effort, Georgia will illustrate the teachings of adversity by .speedily achieving an enlarged prosperity." The General Assembly only remained in session until the 1.5tli of December, when it adjourned until January 15, 1866. The following State House officers were elected: N. C Barnett, Secretary of State; J. T. Burns, Comptroller General ; John .Tones, Treasurer, and J. W. Burke, public printer. Col. Barnett is still the Secretary of State, enjoying a ripe old age, and honored with a degree of popular confidence founded upon a life of spotless integrity and a character full of manly and social excellencies. The condition of Georgia at this time was full of anxiety for patriots. There were organized bands of thieves all over the State under the lead of bad white men. Every newspaper teemed with accounts of robbery. 23 354 THE STATE OX ITS FEET. Stock was stolen every niglit, and piinishineut was rare. In localities were shocking- exhibitions of lawlessness and crime. Large numbers of the Federal soldiers had been withdrawn from the State, leaving the people without the protection of their authority and arms. The bad element of the blacks had become violent, and reveled in a carnival of vicious insubordination, and the courts were not in sufficient punitive operation. Colored incendiaries from abroad were stirring about among the negroes and stimulating them to lawlessness. The cities and towns especially were scenes of nmrdor, plunder, assassination and riot. In this bad condition of order Gov. Johnson contemplated the remedy of organizing and arming companies of discreet volunteers. On the I'Jtli day of December, 18G5, Gov. Jenkins received the fol- lowing telegram from Washington, which terminated the temporary administration of Provisional Governor James Johnson, and put upon its legs what seemed the permanent state government of the people. The cherished end seemed at last in sight, and the travail of a painful reconstruction gloripusly ended. "Washington, T). C, I9tli Decemlier, 18G5. "To His Excellency the Governor of the State of Georgia: " Sir, — By Jirectiuu of the President I have the honor herewitli to transmit (o you a copy of a conimunicatioii whicli lias lieen acUlresseil to liis Kxcelleiicy, James Jolinsou, late Provisional Governor, whereby he has been relieved of the trust heretofore reposed in him, and directed to deliver into your possession the papers and property relating to the trust. " I have the honor to tender you the cooperation of the Government of the United States, whenever it may he found necessary, in effecting the early restoration and the permanent prosperity of the state over which you have been called to preside. " I have the honor to be, with great respect, your most obedient servant, " W. H. SEWARD." The thrill of joy that pulsed through the smitten state at the publi- cation of this joyful document can be better understood than described. It was the practical realization of tliat familiar holy history of the promised land after a toilsome pilgrimage of unspeakable woe. But the drama of reconstruction was the kaleidoscope of a harlequin. The seemingly glad recovery of our political hope was the beginning of the dreariest and most fantastic political tragedy of the world's annals. And the consistency of the unparalleled picture can only be preserved in the mind by connecting with this graceful and dignified installation of a splendid representative state government, its brutal and ignomini- ous overthrow and expulsion, and the erecting in its place of a dynasty of force, plunder and execration. THE FEEEDilAS's CODE. 355 The Legislature re-assembled on the 5th day of January, 18GG. The most serious subject for action was the government of the emancipated blacks. The Convention had authorized Gov. Johnson to appoint a committee to prepare a negro code of laws. That committee consisted of Judge Ebenezer Starnes, W. Hope Hull, L. E. Bleckley and Samuel Barnett, and was a rare selection of able, brave and pure-minded men. These commissioners, after long and conscientious preparation, pj-e- sented to the Legislature the result of their labors — a code of laws just and liberal to the freedmen, and safe to the whites. It gave ample security to rights of person and property, but withheld political privi- leges. This code was a matter of solicitous thought and patriotic concern among the members, and the opinion upon it varied and trem- ulous. Several of the General Assembly, R. A. T. Ridley, F. A. Frost, D. E. Butler, John D. Stewart and .Jesse A. Glenn addressed a letter to ex-Gov. Brown, asking his opinion. On the 14th of Februarv, 1866, he replied in a letter of masterly wisdom. It was a singularly clear-cut, sententious, practical enunciation of view, and in the light of results wonderfully correct. It took positive square ground against a special Freedman's Code, or any laws discrimina'ting in court rights and rem- edies. He said the United States Government w-ould not permit the enforcement of a separate penal and civil code. He used this expres- sion, which was a vague and intuitive premonition of the coming spread of the colored revolution: "Unless inadness rules the hour, they will never be placed upon a basis of political equality with us." But even this far-sighted gentleman did not realize the inexorable drift of events under the changed order of things, and at that time, as always, he manifested his thorough Southern sympathy ; and he did not advocate in advance the inauguration of measures whose accept- ance he afterwards advised as a matter of necessity. It is important to look at this in properly estimating his after course, which entailed upon him so much bitter odium. Gov. Jenkins in his message called attention to a curious inconsistency of the reconstruction going on. President Johnson had proclaimed the amendment to the United States Constitution, adopted by the vote of Georgia, which had been solicited and accepted in recognition of her rights as a state of the Union. Yet the incongruous sight was witnessed of the state being both out of and in the Union at the same time. If she was out, the amendment adopted by her vote was void. If she was in, her rights were perfect. This anomaly of her position was one of the farcicalities of that reconstruction tiiat marked the end of our ffreat war. 350 AI.EXAXDEE H. STEPHENS' SPEECH. The legislature elected as Judges of the Supreme Court, Dawson A. Walker and Iverson I-. Harris. Walker beat Gen. Beiining and Rich- ard F. Lyon. 'Harris beat Hiram Warner, Richard H. Clarke, Barnard Hill and John Scliley. The defeat of Gen. Denning, a soldier, by Judge Walker, a non-conibatant, was a strange victory, and keenly felt by Gen. Benning. It was largely due to William Dougherty, the great lawyer who fought Gen. Benning about his decision in the Columbus Bank cases, as has been noticed before in this volume. The General Assembly elected Ale.xander H. Stephens and Herschell V. Johnson, United States Senators. Mr. Stephens beat Joshua Hill. Mr. Johnson beat Gen. L. J. Gartrell, C. Peeples and James Johnson. Gen. Gartrell received ninety-three votes on one ballot, the contest being a lively one. He finally withdrew on the si.xth ballot when within one vote of an elec- tion. Neither of these senators were ever admitted to their seats. Dur- ing the session, Mr. Stephens was formally invited to address the legisla- ture, and his speech appears upon the journals of the General Assembly, — an unwonted and distinguished compliment. The speech was a pro- found and statesmanlike utterance, philosophical, dispassionate, concil- iatory. It took tlie distinct ground that " we must accept the issues of the war, and abide by them in good faith." The legislature adjourned on the 13th day of March, 18CG. Among the important measures passed, were stay and homestead laws; appro- priations to repair and equip the state road, and buy artificial limbs for maimed soldiers, and resolutions complimenting President Johnson, and requesting the withdrawal of soldiers. Gov. Jenkins gave a marked ev- idence of his firmness and courage, by vetoing the stay and homestead laws in the teeth of a universal public clamor for these measures as a re- lief in the pecuniary stress of the state. Conceiving them unconstitu- tional, the brave and honest statesman refused tliem his sanction under the solemn obligation of his oath. But the stay law was passed over his veto. CHAPTER XXXIV. THE SECOND IRON HANDED AND WHIMSICAL PHASE OF RECONSTRUCTION. The Memorable Strife between Andrew Johnson and Thad. Stevens. — The Fourteenth Anieudnient. — Negro Citizenship and White Disfrancliisemeut. — The Fierce Ue- fonstruution Committee of Congress. — National Union Convention. — Gov. Jenkins' Mes.«age against tlie Fourteenth Amendment. — The Legislature Rejects the Amend- ment. — Conservatism Baffled at the North, and the South Trembling in liadical Clutches. — Two Reconstructions. — Practical State Matters. — The Federal Court. — ExGov. Brown and his Triumphs on the Test Oath and the Stay Law. — Freed- men's Bureau. — Ladies' Memorial Association. — Emigration to Mexico and Brazil. — Tlie Sherman Bill — Negro Suffrage Added. — Andrew Johnson's Impeachment. — The South luHamed. — Gov. Brown's visit North to Probe the Situation. — His Fateful Letter advising Acceptance of the Conqueror's Terms as the only means of State Regeneration. — A Letter that Scorched his Career for Years. — Ex-Gov. Brown Predicts its Unjiopularity. — The Terrific Storm of Odium he Met. — His Frightful Associations. — The "Carpet Bagger." — T. M. Norwood. — Gov. Jenkins' Suit to Test the Sherman Bill. — An Instructive Antithesis. — Brown and Jenkins. The year 1866 marked the inauguration of one of the most exciting civil conflicts in the history of our great republic. This was the ever memorable struggle between the President and Congress of the United States, over the reconstruction of the seceded and conquered States. President Johnson had exacted the abolition of slavery and the repu- diation of our war debts. The.se demands had been complied with, and the Southern States reorganized. Congress refused the admission of our Senators and Representatives and remitted the matter of recon- struction to a special committee. The extreme Republicans of the North were not satisfied with the concessions made by the South, and the fight began over President Johnson's policy of national restoration. In April, 18G6, President Johnson proclaimed peace restored, and the great insurrection at an end. The Southern insurrection was indeed over, but the war waged none the less furiously against the South, not a war of Ijlood, but a war of malice and proscription. Thaddeus Stevens led the i crusade, whose object w-as the further humiliation of the South, and the crusade ended in the passage of the Fourteenth Amendment to the Con.stitution of the United States. This amend- ment made negroes citizens, reduced representation in Congress in pro- 358 NATIONAL UNION CONVENTION AT PHILADELPHIA. portion to citizens refused the voting privilege, and disfranchised all of our citizens who had held office before the war and fought on the South- ern side. It was fiercely opposed all over the South. Our people stood solidly against it. The measure excited a heated discussion over the whole country. Another measure that was passed over President John- son's veto, and which excited a deep feeling and a hot argumentative conflict, was the Civil Rights bill. The implacable Reconstrviction committee of Congress, headed by Thad. Stevens, continued fulminating its harsh propositions in swift succession, which congress after stormy debate passed. A resolution was forced through that the rebellion deprived the South of civil government, and it was the duty of Congress to provide them with civil governments, to continue suspension of liabeas corpus and keep soldiers in the South to protect the blacks and Union citizens. Then another was ground out that no Senator or Representative be admitted from any Soutliern state until Congress shall have declared such state en- titled to representation. Upon these came the Fourteenth Amendment, which the Southern States must ratify to gain admission. The National Union Convention was held in Philadelphia on the 14th of August, 18GG, to stop, if possible, this radical mischief. Gov. Brown presided at a county meeting in Fulton county to arrange for delegates, and made an admirable speech that was widely copied and compli- mented. He used this language: "While we cannot accord to the negro race social and political equality, I believe it is the fixed purpose of nineteen-twentieths of the people of Georgia to see that they have legal equality and that justice and equity be constantly administered." The delegates appointed from Georgia were: State, A. H. Stephens, H. V. Johnson, A. H. Chappell and D. A. Walker; District, W. B. Flem- ing, J. B. Gordon, Eli Warren, J. L. Wimberly, H. Warner, E. H. Worrell, T. Hardeman, P. W. Alexander, Linton Stephens, A. R. Wright, J. H. Christy, R. McMillan, R. F. Lyon, Jas. Milner. But all was unavailing. The extreme Republicans had the power and they pushed it ruthlessly. Their whole course was an unbroken carnival of inconsist- ency and despotism. They fought the war for the Union, and after success themselves smashed it. They battled for the constitution, and Iiaving established, they tlien ignored and violated it. They were for party and not the country. They acted against law, justice, humanity and the constitution, yet that mattered nothing. And opposition to their demands but increased the number and severity of their exactions. The Fourteenth Amendment disfranchised the leading whites of the THE FOURTEENTH AMENDMEXT KIJJEOTED. 359 South, but it did not confer suffrage on the negro. The rejection of the one brought both, and it was a perception of the futility of non- compliance, and the injury of opposition in evoking additional wrongs and accumulating conditions of humiliation that impelled the practical wise-visioned Brown to advise ceasing unavailing contention, and stop oppression by the acceptance of irresistible terms. The leo-islature met in November. Gov. Jenkins in his message made a masterly argument against the Fourteenth Amendment, which echoed the public heart. The joint legislative committee, headed by B. A. Thornton of the Senate, and II. A. T. Ridley of the House, made a masterly and unanswerable report, written by Col. R. J. Moses against it, which took these two simple and impregnable positions: " 1. If Georgia is not a state composing a part of the Federal government, known as tlie Government of the United States, ameudnieuts to tlie Constitution of tlie United States are not properly before tliis Ijodv. " 2. If Georgia is a state, composing a part of the Federal government, known as the government of the United States, then these amendments are not proposed according to the re(|uirement3 of tlie Federal Constitution, and are proposed in such a manner as to forbid the legislature from discussing the merits of the amendments witliout an implied surrender of the rights of the state." This superb report. concluded with this resolution: " Resolved, That the legislature of Georgia declines to ratify the proposed amendment, adding a fourteenth article to the constitution of the United States." The Senate voted unanimously in favor of it, and the House passed it with only two dissenting voices, Ellington of Gilmer, and Umphrey of Fannin. Such unanimity has rarely been witnessed. The two irre- sistible considerations governing the rejection of this amendment were that it was without the authority of the constitution, and it made our ])eople the ignominious authors of the disfranchisement of our own best citizens. The year 1866 closed with conservatism baffled and beaten in national matters, and the South panoplied in argument and robed in right, yet trembling in the cruel clutch of a pitiless Radicalism, angered by the contemptuous rejection of its bitter terms by its helpless vic- tim. We had enjoyed two reconstructions. Sherman accepted our surrender on terms of the immediate restoration of the States to the Union. Johnson repudiated this consistent result, and, compelling the abolition of slavery and our war debts, organized us on these ideas. Congress upset Johnson as he had overthrown Sherman, and demanded of the South the voting of citizenship to the negro and the disfranchise- ment of the Southern leaders. This was spurned, and the high-con- tracting parties stood lowering at each other in the throes of a battle 3C0 STATE INCIDENTS. • more bitter than the one of bullets so recently ended. But it was all one-sided. There could be but one result. We were powerless ; they implacable. Resistance did not convince, it only stimulated anger. Failing- of eflFect, opposition invited increased exaction, and put ami- cable agreement out of the question in the savage temper of our adver- saries and the unbridled force of our victors. Looking back to that burning day, and reviewing the perplexities of tliat emergency, there was no choice but between the two extremes, the acquiescence of Brown or the deathful hostUify of Toombs. The one gave peace, the other wooed extermination. The situation presented no middle ground seem- ingly. But the medium line was pursued, and the writer was its advo- cate, and there came in due and inexorable sequence an additional in- stallment of this hybrid reconstruction, more fantastic and harsh tlian ever. During the year 1866 a good deal was done in practical State matters. Maj. Campbell Wallace was put in charge of the State road, and Col. Wm. M. Wadley made president of the Central railroad. Mr. T. 'KV. Chichester borrowed $400,000 in New York for Gov. Jenkins. Nearly 8:^00,000 was spent to buy corn for the poor of the State. Some $3,030,000 of State bonds had been issued to repair the State road, pay past due coupons and bonds and buy corn, swelling our State debt from $2,676,500 to §5,840,000. Notwithstanding our desperate condition of poverty and ravage, our securities brought ninety cents on the dollar. And in spite of the fact that we were not regarded as a State, the gen- eral government levied upon the State as a State her quota of a direct tax levied on the Union, her part being $584,067.33. There had been granted in the South by President Johnson 7,197 pardons up to the first of May, 1866, of which 1,328 were in Georgia. Judge Erskine had opened the Federal Court in Savannah on the 9th da}' of May, 1866, with Henry S. Fitch, a brilliant Indianian, as United States District Attorney. Judge William Law, who had practiced forty-nine years in that court, applied for admission and was refused because he could not take the test oath. Ex-Gov. Brown represented him in attacking the constitutionality of the law creating- the test oath, and made a speech of great length and magnificent power and legal learn- ing. Mr. Fitch made a reply of unconnnon merit and eloquence. Judge Erskine ruled the oath unconstitutional and Judge Law was admitted. The Supreme Court of the United States afterwards declared the test oath unconstitutional. E.\-Gov. Brown also was employed in an important case involving the THE BEGINNING OF THE COTTON CRAZE. 3G1 constitutionality of the State stay law, and made a speech of surpass- ing erudition and logic. The entire people were deeply interested in this absorbing question, and the case was looked to with profound intensity of feeling. He won his case, the supreme court deciding the law constitutional. Afterwards, when on the supreme bench as Chief-Justice, he ruled in favor of the constitutionality of this class of laws. A system of county courts was created, the judges being elected by the people of each county, and holding office for four years without salary, but allowed fees. These were important courts, having jurisdic- tion of civil cases, except titles to land, and divorces, and criminal cases except those capital. The Freedmen's Bureau had an almost exclusive jurisdiction of negro affairs. It will ever remain one of the political curiosities of that unique time. The power in these petty Bureau officials was autocratic and sweeping. There was never in the world such a travesty of law. These agents decided titles to land, granted divorces, arrested and imprisoned for debt, made compulsory labor con- tracts for blacks who would not make them, and arbitrarily fixed the value of the services of laborers at from ^13 to §15 a month with board and lodging, the laborer, however, to furnish his own clotliing and medicine. There were so many outrages perpetrated by these agents, and the clamor was so great, that finally the heads of the Freedmen's Bureau were relieved in Georgia, the Carolinas and Alabama, and military officers were put in charge. It was this year that the planters began the suicidal farm policy they have so pertinaciously pursued ever since, and which has resulted in so much pecuniary embarrassment, of raising cotton to the exclusion of provision crops. The West became the corn crib and smoke-house of the South. Provisions were bought on time at enormous usury, and cotton raised at a loss, and thus the planters became more involved every year. There was a cotton craze, that for a while seemed incurable. Among the tender and touching things done by the General Assembly was the appropriation of 85,000 to the Ladies' Jlomorial Association, under the lead of Mrs. Charles J. Williams of Columbus, and Miss Mary A. Green of Resaca, to gather together our soldier dead scattered about and properly mark their graves. Some exquisite speeches were made in the Legislature by several of the members, among them, Hon. James M. Russell, Col. R. J. Moses, Col. Claiborne Snead and J. A. Glenn. This Legislature also granted state-aid to the Macon and Bruns- wick railroad, after a very animated struggle. Ex-Gov. II. V. Johnson 3G3 A GLOOMY OUTLOOK AXI) MORE RECOXSl lU'CTIOX. was re-elected United States Senator. In 18CC, J. W. Clift and C. H. Prince qualified as members of Congress. Both during 1805 and 18CG there was considerable agitation of the subject of emigration to Me.xico and Brazil, and quite a number fool- ishly expatriated themselves. There was a small colony iu Mexico, among whom were Generals Magruder, Hindman and Price and ex-Gov. Harris of Tennessee. But Gen. Lee advised against it, and the good sense of our people condemned such expatriation. And finally the exiles themselves returned, after a bitter experience of hardship in foreign lands. It was the brave thing to stand to our dear land in her adversity, and raise her from her sad ashes. Amid all the obstacles and distractions, the drawbacks and disturbances, there had been a little progress in prosperity. Our people had gone to work bravely. Our cities, especially, had picked uji somewhat. Our railroads had been rebuilt, our farms restored in .some degree. But the Radical policy had hindered rehabilitation, creating distrust and engendering discourage- ment. Our agricultural labor, the basis of prosperity, was unsettled and in an indescribable condition of demoralization. Adventurers had come in to control this ignorant class, and poison them against their old masters. There was a brooding sense of calamity in the State, and the outlook was gloomy enough. In this nebulous state of darkness the Radical element in Congress, relentlessly pursuing the strife with President Johnson, and imagining the interest of their party to lie in a truculent increase of severity, passed a measure offered by Mr. Sherman, tendering back the same Constitutional amendment that had been rejected, with negro suffrage added. The otlier gentle features of this grim Sherman bill were simply the transformation of our state government into a Provisional concern, handicapped with a bayonet absolutism, and subject to the imperial caprice of an acrid Congress. Truly it would liave been a marvel of ingenuity that could have conceived a more incongruous abortion of politico-military polity than this. What a commentary it was, too, on the rancorous and unreasoning popular sentiment backing it at the North, that sturdy, stern old Reverdy Johnson, true and cour- ageous friend of the South in Congress, who had fought a generous battle for us, sadly voted for this bill as the best he could get, and tiie kindest measure possible. This was reconstruction with a vengeance. Andrew Johnson gamely vetoed it in words of grand force and elo- quence. But the constitutional majority, inspired by public opinion. I ■WHITE DISFEANCIIISEMENT AND BLACK SUPREMACY. 363 brushed out his ineffectual yet unanswerable protest, and fastened the iron enactment upon the quivering and helpless South. It was an amazing piece of statesmanship to disfranchise our intelli- gence and make the hereditary slaves of two centuries rulers of our political destiny. It degraded, alarmed and exasperated our people. We had the whole argument of the case on our side. They had the might. Our reconstructors had excelled themselves in this last fantas- tic of national restoration. Our people were angered to white heat, and thev entered upon an uncompromising fight against the astounding proiect. In this crisis ex-Gov. Brown, with that cool method that dis- tinguished him, went North to look into the matter, and see just how earnest the North was, and what hope there was of resistance to these most odious measures. He had taken ground as a matter of choice against these wrongs. He was powerless, as were his people, to suc- cessfully oppose any measures that were inevitable. And he resolved to ascertain just what was necessary to do to restore the state to the control of his state-countrymen. Judge Dawson A. Walker accompa- nied him. These gentlemen went to Washington early in February, 18G7, while the Reconstruction measures were pending, and thoroughly o-auged public sentiment upon reconstruction. Gov. Brown probed the subject to the bottom. He conversed with the most influential men upon both sides. From President Johnson down he conferred with leaders of every shade of opinion. The impeacliment crusade against President Johnson had begun. Against the Sherman bill he had fired a noble but ineffectual veto, and on the last day of the old Congress it went through. The new Congress passed the supplemental reconstruc- tion bill providing for a registration of loyal voters, the calling of a convention by the vote of the people, and the ratification of the consti- tution made by such convention by a popular vote, all under military guidance. Mr. Johnson struck this measure with another spirited veto, but it was promptly passed, and the revengeful malignancy of impeach- ment gathered fresh force from the incident. It was a gloomy state of things when the very constitutional exercise of official prerogative upon the line of constitutional right in our favor evoked so vengeful a spirit. Gov. Brown satisfied himself that these terms, hard and galling as they were, must be taken, just as they were taken, and he came home and advised their acceptance by the people. Impartially scrutinizing that act of advice, with the passions of the hour cooled, and in the light of final results, it must be confessed that Gov. Brown's course was practical, politic and inspired by his convic- 3G4 GOVERNOR brown's FATEFUL RECONSTRUCTION LETTER. tions of duty. A letter was addressed to liim on the 22d of February, 18G7, by Ira R. Foster, James F. Alexander, A. R. Reagan, John Collier, L. C. Wells, P. Pease, M\ R. Venable, D. F. Hammond, P. L. Wynatt, -A. K. Seago, R. P. Zimmerman, L. S. Salmons, William Herring, E. E. Rawson, J. A. Hayden, Joseph Thompson, E. P. Watkins, J. J. Thrasher, T. W. J. Hill and E. Hulburt, asking his judgment as to what course should be pursued by the people of Georgia in the existing crisis. He answered, and it was the most fateful letter of his life. It has been burned into the history of the country, and it scorched his career for dreary years. He was too sagacious a judge of public opinion, not to foresee that it would elicit a large measure of unpopularity. He showed it to some close friends, and witli an accurate prevision of its effect and of the public feeling, ho said: "In the present excited state of the popular mind, the chances are that bold leaders will inflame their passions and prejudices, and they will reject the terms proposed, and have to suffer the consequences. And in that case, from having been for years one of the most popular men in Georgia, I shall become for a time the most unpopular from the Potomac to the Rio Grande." The gentlemen in whom he confided his views concurred with him fully, and begged him to withhold the letter, and not immolate himself. They urged that he was out of public olTice, and therefore was under no obligation to give advice, that would impair his popularity. Gov. Brown's reply was to this effect: "I am indebted to the people of Georgia for all that I am as a public man, and I have made up my mind to fell them the truth, and warn them of their danger, be the conse- quences what they may to me as an .individual." To estimate the full effect of this letter. Gov. Brown's position among the people must be understood. For eiglit long and momentous years he had been the civil autocrat of Georgia, and in a continuous series of heated conflicts he had clutched popular endorsement with an irresistible power. He was by long odds the most potential and idolized public man in the State, seemingly impregnable among the masses. Such a revulsion has rarely been witnessed. The popular idol at one stroke was hurled to the ground, and upon him raged a pitiless storm of vin- dictive execration. The mutterings of the thunder and the play of the lightning began at once on his devoted head. Tlie man who stands before the prejudices of a people has a fearful task before iiim. But when, as in this case, he confronts not only their prejudices, but their convictions and their memories, the doom of an overwhelming odium is his certain fate. GOVERNOR r.ROWN's I'AIXFUL ATTITUDE. 365 Tlie perusal of Gov. Brown's letter at this long distance from that volcanic day, even by one who, like the writer, shared in the fever that fired the Southern heart tlicn, shows it to bo a singularly argu- mentative, dispassionate, forcible document, calm-tempered, logical, and driving his cool conclusions home with ponderous emphasis. The Sher- man bill had not even passed when he wrote, but he predicted its' passage. He discussed the relative condition of political parties at the North, he stated the exact realities of the situation, and he adv'sed a prompt, full acceptance of the conditions imposed upon us, as we could oiler no further resistance, and every delay but increased the severity of the terms offered. There was this strong evidence of disinterested sin- cerity in his advice, that he was not a candidate for any office, nor seek- ing any personal benefit; and in addition to this, he was among those disfranchised by the very bill to whoso hard stipulations he counseled obedience. Later, Mr. Sherman, the author of the bill, introduced a •measure in Congress for Gov. Brown's relief, and this fact was used against the latter as'an evidence of some collusion; but it was not only not a part of an understanding, and wholly unprompted by him, but it was a natural outcome of Gov. Brown's attitude, and was probably intended to show that the road to certain reconstruction was the path of submission. Another burdensome feature of this unpopular position of Gov. Brown, was that it threw him into frightful, personal, and political as- sociations. Home men of no character, unanimated by his patriotism, and disinterested sense of public duty, and seeing in the cruel crisis the chance for place or plunder, joined, the reconstruction movement, and such accessions imparted odium to him. The Federal army left among us a host of adventurers, and our helpless condition invited a horde from the North, who naturally sought the protection of the government and the security of Radicalism, in their schemes of personal advance- ment, whose main props were the unscrupulous and ingenious manipula- tion of the deluded African, the supporting tyranny of the soldier, and the proscription of the good whites. To these some felicitous word-user gave the memorable name of " carpet-bagger." The North and the West have given to the South a large element of noble and precious manhood, — social and business strains of virtuous and enterprising blood, and no citizens stand better, or rank higher. And such superb accretions of citizenship, are always welcome and cherished. But the reconstruction carpet-bagger was none of these. Hon. Thomas Nor- wood has made a clever sketch of this wonderful creature. Said he: 3nf) Norwood's sketch of the carpet-isagger. " His like tlic world has never seen from the (lavs of Cain, or of tlie forty thieves in the faljleil time of Ali Balia. Like the wind he li'.ows, and we liear tlie sound thereof, bnt no man knowctli whence he cometh, or whither he goetli. National historians will be in douht liow to class him. Ornitholoijista will claim him, because in many respects he is a bird of prey. He lives only on corrui)tion, and takes his flight as soon as the car- cass is picked. . . He is no product of the war. He is ' the canker of a calm world,' and of a peace which is despotism enforceil by bayonets. His valor is discretion ; his in- dustry, perpetual strife, and his eloquence 'the parcel of a reckoning' of chances, as he smells out a path which may lead from the Wliite House to a custom house, a |)Ost office, the internal revenue bureaus, or perchance to either wing of the Federal capitol. His shibboleth is ' the Kcpublican party.' From that party he sprung as naturallv as mag- gots from putrefaction. . . Wherever two or three, or more negroes are gatliered to- gether, he like a leprous spot is seen, and liis cry, like the daughter of the horse-leech, is always, 'give — give — nie office !' Witliout office he is nothing; with office he is a pe.>-t and public nuisance. Out of office he is a beggar ; in office he grows rich till his eves .stick out with fatness. Out of office he is, hat iu hand, the outside ornament of every negro's caliin, a plantation loafer, and the nation's lazarene ; in office he is an adept in 'addition, division and silence.' Out of office he is tlie orphan ward of the administra- tion and the general sign-post of penury ; in office he is the complaining suppliant for social equality with Southern gentlemen." No record of these unique daj-s is complete without some description of this remarkable character, that flourished in that congenial era with the luxuriance of the "green bay tree." They flocked into the cohorts of reconstruction, and shed by their unwelcome and irrepressible affilia- tion an ignoble discredit upon the honest and patriotic supporters, like Gov. Brown, of a public policy condemned in principle, but assented to as a matter of force in the choice of evils. A meeting was called in Atlanta, and the split began immediately. The meeting divided. Gov. Brown made a strong, clear talk, but it did not heal the breach. Resolutions for and against reconstruction were passed by the sundered .halves of the gathering. A meeting was called in Dalton, and after a warm discussion, in which the writer opposed the Brown policy. Judge Walker was endorsed on the Brown line by a majority of four votes. Gov. Jenkins went on to Washington and instituted proceedings to test the constitutionality of the Sherman bill. His lawyers were Jeremiah S. Black, Robert J. Brent, Edgar Cowan and Charles O'Conor. This was a great proceeding, that involved the e.xistence of a state govern- ment of a million of people, and hundreds of millions of property. The legal form used was a bill reciting by a quaint anomaly, the attempt and failure of the state to secede, and her fixed status in the Union un- der the very philosophy of such failure and as shown by tlie very act of the United States government submitting constitutional amendments to her for ratification or rejection. The bill urged that the Sherman bill GOV. JENKINS BRINCS SUIT FOR GEORGIA'S SOVEREIGNTY. 3G7 and supplement were iznconstitutional, and asked tliat Edwin il. Stan- ton, Secretary of War, Ulysses S. Grant, General of the army, and John Pope, General commanding Georgia, be enjoined from enforcing the Sherman bill in Georgia and come into court to answer. Gov. Jenkins issued, on the 10th of April, 18G7, an address, from Washing- ton city to the people of Georgia, advising " a firm but temperate re- fusal of acquiescence in an adoption of the Sherman bill, and a patient, manly endurance of military government, until, in the efflux of time, and on the subsidence of the passions generated by civil war, better counsels shall prevail at the Federal capital — we, meantime, strictly ob- serving law and order, and vigorously addressing ourselves to industrial pursuits." The alternative of this course was prompt acquiescence in • the demands of Congress, which he counseled against until at least the result of the great case in the United States Supreme Court was had. He concluded this dignified and important document with these grave words, which powerfully indicate his deep sense of responsibility: " SliuuM we fail (as fail we may) there will remain nothing that I can do for j-ou. Yonr destiny will be in your own hands, and you must clioose between the alternative first presented. In making that choice, you haye my counsel, perhaps erroneous but certainly honest. It was a peculiarly suggestive and interesting spectacle presented in the antipodal attitude of these two distinguished Georgians, Gov. Jen- kins and ex-Gov. Brown, in reference to this tremendous question of the vitality of a great sovereign State. Both were men of unusual brain power, both of uncommon firmness, both of undoubted personal in- tegrity and truth, both acknowledged statesmen and patriots, and both with the stimulus of an established fame and an exceptional popularity to inspire them. And here they stood in absolute conflict of counsel to their people under all the great burden of their sacred reputations, the fruit of long and crucial years of illustrious public service. It was a dramatic antithesis of momentous advice. It was an opposition of for- midable powers over a gigantic issue. Gov. Jenkins was robed in offi- cial authority. Ex-Gov. Brown was but a simple citizen, yet exalted by the prestige of his recent and unprecedented E.xecutive fame and achievements. There were many deep-hued accessories of this picture. In the stormy days of war Gov. Brown had been the exponent of its clashing turbulence, and .Judge Jenkins on the Supreme Bench had placidly administered the civil law, the calm symbol of peace amid the red thunder of strife. Now when the cannon were irrevocably hushed, and the current of blood had ceased beyond hope for the vanquished. 308 JOSEPH E. BKOWX AND CHARLES J. JENKINS. the unyielding battler stood in the fullest concession to the compact of surrender, working for the speedy and practical restoration of the State's lost sovereignty and the people's crushed welfare, while the severe jurist sturdily contended in a spirit equally patriotic against the same concession, even to the certain prolongation of a subjugated condition. It was a remarkable reversion of attitudes. And following out the striking antithesis, the course of Jenkins led through the reverential approbation of his own people to his deposition and their further politi- cal crucifixion, while the course of Brown steered through unmeasured and unparalleled obloquy for himself, resulted in the ultimate redemp- tion of the commonwealth and the regeneration of her government. Both of these gentlemen have since then received unusual marks of popular confidence and favor, and now enjoy an enviable affluence of public esteem. Gov. Jenkins, in his ripe old age, has retired from public life, honored and revered, his active years passed away for all time. Gov. Brown, as a United States Senator, in the very maturity of his great powers, is exercising a marked and beneficial influence in controlling and molding the destinies of this gigantic nation. He is nobly representing that very Georgia that once so execrated him for his devotion to her interest. The matter illustrates the great fact that, however obscured and hidden, the truth will ultimately jjrevail. And it is of infinitely more concern to men that they should be sincere and honest-purposed than that they should be either wise or correct. Gov. Jenkins failed in his line, yet in spite of its probably protracting the State's rehabilitation, its inspiration was so noble that his countrymen held him in even higher esteem. Gov. Brown's course led to restora- tion, and the very ordeal of unpopularity that his unwelcome but sagacious counsel created, evincing his firm nerve in a disagreeable duty, will but enhance the final valuation of his sacrifices and sufferings. CHAPTER XXXA^ A THROBBING CHAPTER OF RECONSTRUCTION HARLE- QUINADE ENDING AYITH GOV. JENKINS' REMOVAL. The Georgia Rill. — Gov. Brown's Sagacitv. — The Bill DismisseJ. — Gen. Pope and Gov. ■Tenkius. — Tlie Storm upon Joe Brown. — Alec Stephens. — Gen. Toonihs. — H. V. Jolinson. — B. H. Hill. — Brown and Hill in a Stern Controversy. — Broivn'slron Res- olution Fearfully Tested. — Geu. Pope's Curious Letter. — Judge J.W. H. Underwood. — Judge I. L. Harris. — Judge Hiram Warner. — The Drift of Personal Government to Ahsolutism. — Judge A. Reese removed. — E. Hulhurt. — The Democratic Convention at Macon. — Fight over Resolutions. — A Crisis in the Democratic party. — The Recon- struction Constitutional Convention of 18G8. — Its Personelle. — Colored Delegates. — The Detested Symbol of Conquest and Odious Change. — The Proscription of Recon- structionists. — Ludicrous Incident. — Gov. Bro\vn's Strong Influence for Good.— His Position. — Gen. Pope calls on Gov. Jenkins for Money. — Gov. Jenkins' Refusal. — Gen. Meade Succeeds Gen. Pope. — Gen. Meade Re-applies to Gov. Jenkins. — Gov. Jenkins Declines. — Ilis Flavorous Sarcasm. — Gen. Meade Removes Gov. Jenkins, an