■-~^' .\^ 5^V _ ^^ X^ ^/ r ,\ "JV r/ .^ &<* '^ ..^^' V -bo ,\ t^ V^ '"I c- I "oo' ,0 i^-^ ^rf^: 'j^- ■y-.y % '^^' aV '^^' "^ \- # ■^> c^. %H^ >. s-^ .^^ -6 A ■i f ^to 1137 A' /9/ ANCIENT HISTORY; OB, THE OLD STATES AI^D EMPIEES. COLLEGES kJ^ SCHOOLS. JOHISr LOR.D, LL.D., LEOTtrHEB ON HISTORY AT DARTMOUTH COLLEGE, AND AUTHOR OF " THE OLD BOMAN WORLD," " ilODEEN UI3T0RY," ETC. NEW YORK: OHAKLES SCRIBISrEPw & COMPAITY. 1810. r,n. A.V.IK.V «•■■>"-" '• '■vsn-A.. a.vp k iifMHricAriiK Ar. NLyiitAl\.i.iin.Kiij;.Mliy;LithUuinru«Jwayl' Entered according to Act of Congress in the year ISTO, By CIIAELES SCEIBNER & COMPANY, 111 the office of the Librarian of Congress at Washington, D.O. 33 5^ PREFACE. This work is designed for educational pur- poses, since there is still felt the need of some book, within moderate limits, which shall give a connected history of the ancient world, without encumberino: it with names and details of com- paratively little importance. The author, in cond^ensing; the last standard authorities pertaining to the Oriental monarchies, the Grecian States, and the Roman Empire from its foundation to its fall, has simply aimed to present the salient points — the most important events and characters of four thousand years. The history of the Jewish nation has not been neglected, especially in its connection with the Oriental world. This" link is too impressive to iv PREFACE. be omitted, altLougL drawn from tlie Bible, and, therefore, familiar. All history, secular and sacred, is alike the record of Divine Providence. The author has carefully revised the first edition, and has changed the title from that of "Ancient States and Empires " to that of "Ancient History," as more simple. He hopes that this work, new in its arrangement and grouping, will prove useful to those for whom it is designed. It should be studied before "The Old Roman World," w^hich is a description merely of the ancient civilization. Stamford, Augvst, 1810. OOI^TEI^TS. BOOK I. THE ANCIENT ORIENTAL NATIONS. CHAPTER I. THE ANTEDILUVIAN WORLD. PAGB Creation — The Garden of Eden — Fall of Adam — Cain and Abel — The Deluge — Its Tradilions, 13 CHAPTER XL POST-DILUVIAN HISTOUT TO THE CALL OF ABRAHAM. Noah and his Sons — The Tower of Babel — Dispersion of the De- scendants of Noah — Patriarchal Consutution, 19 CHAPTER HI. THE HEBREW RACE TO THE SALE OP JOSEPH. Abraham — Lot — Covenant with Abraham — Sodom — Isaac — Ja- cob — Esau — Laban — Joseph, 24 CHAPTER IV. EGYPT AND THE PHARAOHS. Geography of Ancient Egypt — Wonders — Dynasties — Ramesis 11. — Thebes — Religion and Manners of the Old Egyptians, 34 CHAPTER V. THE JEWS TO THE CONQUEST OF CANAAN, Elevation of Joseph — The Famine — Settlement of tlie Israelites in Egypt — Moses — The Exodu? — The Jewish Code — The Wilder- ness, 43 6 Contents, CHAPTER yi. THE CONQUEST OP CANAAN TO THE ESTABLISHMENT OP THE KINGDOM OP DAVID. PAGE Joshua — The Canaanites — The Judges — Saiii-uel — The Philis- tines — Saul, 56 CHAPTER Yir. THE JEWISH MONARCHY. David — Solomon — Jerusalem — The Rebellion of the Ten Tribes — The Princes of the House of David — The Princes who reigned at Samaria — The Jewish Captivity, 62 CHAPTER YIII. THE OLD CHALDEAN AND ASSTBIAN MONARCHIES. Nineveh — Assyrian Kings — The Chaldteans — Babylon, 80 CHAPTER IX. THE EMPIRE OF THE MEDES AND PERSIANS. Media — Median Princes — Lydian Mouarchs — The Persians — Zo- roaster — Cyrus — Cambyses — Xerxes — Fall of the Monarchy, . . 88 CHAPTER X ASIA MINOR AND PHCENICIA. The various nations of Asia Minor — Lydians — Croesus — Phoeni- cians — Voyages and Colonies — Carthage, 100 CHAPTER XL THE RULE OP THE HIGH PRIESTS, AND OF THE ASMONEAN AND IDUMEAN KINGS. Jleturn of the Jews — Esther — Rebuilding of Jerusalem — Alex- andria — The High Priests — The Asmonoan Princes — Herod and the Idumean Kings, 108 CHAPTER XII. THE ROMAN GOVERNMENT. Pontius Pilate — Herod Antipas — Agrippa — The Pharisees — The Saducees — The Essenes — Revolt of Jerusalem — Siege and Fall of Jerusalem, 128 Contents. BOOK II. THE GRECIAN STATES. CHAPTER XIII. THE GEOGRAPHY OF ANCIENT GREECE AND ITS EARLY INHAB- ITANTS. PAGB Mountains — Rivers — National Productions — States — Cities — Early Inhabitants, 143 CHAPTER XIV. THE LEGENDS OF ANCIENT GREECE. Tlie Heroic Ages — Ancient Deities — Legends of Heroes— The Danaides — Hercules — The Argonauts — Pelope — Theseus — Cadmus — CEdipus — Priam — Helen — The Heraclidae — Early Kings, 155 CHAPTER XY. STATES AND COLONIES TO THE PERSIAN WARS. Lycurgus and Sparta — The Helots — Constitution of Sparta — Mes- senia — Corinth — Megara — Athens — Solon — His Legislation — Pisistratus — Boeotia — Phocis — Epirus — Ionian Cities, 177. CHAPTER XYL GRECIAN CIVILIZATION BEFORE THE PERSIAN "WARS. Legislature — Amphyctionic Council — Delphic Oracle — Olympian Games — Pythian Games — Nemean and Isthmian Games — Tem- ples — Political Rights — Commerce — Art, 195 CHAPTER XYIL THE PERSIAN WAR. Revolt of Ionian Cities — Their Conquest by the Persians — Darius — Invasion of Greece — Miltiades — Themistocles — Aristides — Marathon — Xerxes — His enormous Army — Thermopyhe — Leon- idas — Salamis — Efiects of tlie Battle — Mardouius — Battle of Plataea — Battle of Mycali — Rivalry betvN^een Athens and Sparta, 205 8 Contents, CHAPTER XYIII. THE AQE OF PERICLES. TAGB Rivalry between Athens and Sparta — Confederacj of Delos — Sparta — Rebellion of Helots — Girnon — Pericles — The Piraeus — The Long Walls of Athens — Aggrandizement of Athens — Demo- cratic Power — Improvements of Athens — Literature and Art,. . 233 CHAPTER XIX. THE PELOPONXESIAN WAR. The Causes of the "War — Influence of Pericles — Warlike Prepara- tions — Invasion of Attica — The various Campaigns — Plague of Athens — Athens sohcits Aid from Persia — Revolt of Mitylene — Xicias — Alcibiades — Cleon — Attack of Megara — Battle of Pelium — Brasidas — Loss of AmpLipolis — Peace of ISTicias — Battle of Mantinaea — Invasion of Sicily — Syracuse — Gelo — Mismanagement of Nicias — Treason of Alcibiades — Lysander — Capture of the Athenian Fleet — Annihilation of Athenian Power — Triumph of Sparta — Consequences of the War, 250 CHAPTER XX. MARCH OF CYRUS AND RETREAT OF THE TEN THOUSAND. Cyrus — Xenophon — Cyrus in Asia — Battle of Cunaxa — Retreat of the Greeks — Their Hardships and Success — Moral effect of , the Retreat, 294 CHAPTER XXL THE LACEDEMONIAN EMPIRE. Great Power of Sparta — Jealousy of Greece — Tyranny of Sparta — Agesilaus — Alienation of Allies — Conspiracies against Sparta — Revolt of Thebes — Battle of Coroneia — Decline of Sparta, 304 CHAPTER XXn. THE REPUBLIC OF THEBES. Thebes — Revolt from Sparta — Alliance with Athena — Epaminon- das — Pelopldas — Attack of Thebes — Humiliation of Sparta — Tlie Invasion by Epaminondas — Dismemberment of Sparta — The- ban Supremacy — Fate of Orchomenes — Battle of Mantinaea — Philip of Macedon, 315 Contents. 9 CHAPTER XXIIL DIONYSIUS OF SICILY. PAGB Carthagenian "War — Dionjsiiis — His great Success3S — Tmalcar — Invasion of Italy — Fate of Crotou — Dion — Dionysius 11. — Plato in Sicily — Dion Master of Syracuse — Timoleon — His Xoble Character. 333 CHAPTER XXI 7. PHILIP OF ilACEDON. Philip and Thebes — His Duplicity and Ambition — Social War — Demosthenes — Phocion — Conquest of Thessaly — Encroachments on Grecian Liberties — Siege of Periuthus — Alliance of Thebes and Athens — Fall of Thebes — Humiliation of Athens, 356 CHAPTER XXY. ALEXANDER THE GREAT. The Persian Empire — Alexander — Conquest of Greece — Alexan- der in Asia — Battle of the Granicus — Conquest of Asia Minor — Battle of Issus — Siege of Tyre — Founding of Alexandria — Darius — Battle of Arbela — Conquest of Persia — Death of Clitus — Invasion of India — Hephasstion and his funeral — Death of Alexander — Effects of his Conquests, 3t3 BOOK III. THE R 2.1 A N EMPIRE. CHAPTER XX VL THE INFANCY OF ROME. Foundation of Rome — Romulus — Nuraa — Successive Kings — Early Struggles of Plebeians — The Servian Constitution — Expul- sion of the Kings — Early Civihzatiou of Rome, 398 CHAPTER XXVII. THE ROMAN REPUBLIC TO THE INVASION OF THE GAULS. Legends of Early Rome — The Heroic x\ge — Conflict between Pa- tricians and Plebeians — Cliange in the Constitution — Republican Laws — Cincinnatus — The Decemvirs — Siege of Yeii — The Gauls — Sack of Rome 410 10 Contents. CHAPTER XXVIII. THE CONQUEST OF ITALY. PAGE The Samnite War — Subjection of Latium — Tarenteum — Pyrrhus —Subjection of Italy, 422 CHAPTER XXIX. THE FIRST PUNIC WAR. Causes of the "War — Sicily — Hioro — Carthage — Creation of a Roman Fleet — Battle of Mylaj — Regnilus — Hamilcar — Hasdru- bal — Acquisition of Sicily, 429 CHAPTER XXX. THE SECOND PUNIC WAR. Hannibal — Fall of Saguntum — Invasion of Italy — Battle of the Thrasimene Lake — Scipio — Fabius — Battle of Canute — Revolt of Allies — AVisdom and Talent of Hannibal — Victories of Scipio — Siege of Syracuse — Scipio in Africa — Battle of Zama, 439 CHAPTER XXXI. MACEDONIAN AND ASIATIC WARS. Macedonia — -Philip — Achaean League — ludependence of Greece — Antiochus — Protectorate of Rome in Asia — Battle of Pydna — ^railius Paulus, 455 CHAPTER XXX I L THE THIRD PUNIC WAR. Massinassa — War against Carthage — Scipio — Siege of Carthage — Fall of Carthage — Eflfect of The Punic 'Wars — Great accession of Roman Territories, 4G4 CHAPTER XXXIII. ROMAN CONQUESTS TO THE TIME OF THE GRACCni. The Spanish Peninsula — War with the Spaniards — Scipio — War with Macedonia — War in Achaia — War in Asia, 473 CHAPTER XXXIV. ROMAN CIVILIZATION AT THE CLOSE OP THE THIRD PUNIC AVAR. The Aristocracy — The Provincial Governors — Festivals and Games — Cato — Change in the Constitntion — Agriculture — Commerce — Bluvery — Sraa 1 Farmers — Great Fortunes — Literature— Art, . . 478 Contents. 11 CHAPTER XXXY. PAGH THE REFORM MOVEMENT OF THE aRACCHI. Evils of the Government — Tiberius G-racchus — His Reforms, and Death — Caius Gracchus — Attack on the Aristocracy — Success of Gracchus and Death, 488 CHAPTER XXXYI. THE WAR WITH JUGURTHA AND THE CIMBRI. The Numidian "War — Jugurtha — Mitelhis — Marius — The Cim- bri — Invasion of Italy — The Victories of Mariu s, 499 CHAPTER XXXVII. THE SOCIAL WAR. The Servile Classes — Insurrection — - Sulla — His Leg-islatioii, 501 CHAPTER XXXVIII. THE MITHRIDATIO AND CIVIL WARS. MARIUS AND SULLA. Mithridates — Pontus — Sulla; Battle of — Chseronia — Rising of Asia — Cinna — Civil "War — Dictatorship of Sulla— "Abdication of Sulla, 512 CHAPTER XXXIX. ROME TO THE CIVIL WARS OF POMPEY AND C^SAR. Reaction in favor of the Aristocracy — Pompey — The Servile War — War with the Pirates — Second Mithridatic War — LucuUus — Porapey in the East -— Cicero — Catiline — = Cyssar, 520 CHAPTER XL. THE CIVIL WARS BETWEEN POMPEY AND OJJSAR. Rivalshlp between Csesar and Pompey — Military Preparations — War— Defeat of Pompey — Fhght and Death of Pompey — Con- sequences of the Battle of Pharsalia ■— Caesar in the East and West — His Dictatorship — - Triumphs — Death — Character, . , . . 534 CHAPTER XLI. THE CIVIL WARS FOLLOWING THE DEATH OP C^SAR. Antonius — Octavius — Lepidus — Brutus — Cassius — Cicero — The Triumvirate — Civil War— Battle of Philippi-- Battle of Actium — Supremacy of Octavius, 5^^ 12 Contents, CHAPTER XLIL THE ROMAN EMPIEE ON THE ACCESSION OF AUGUSTUS. PAGE Extent the of Empire — Cities — Rome — Government — Army — Commerce — Literature — Art, 558 CHAPTER XLHI. THE SIX C^SARS OF THE JULIAN LINE. Augustus — Ministers — Campaign — Tiberius — Wars with the Ger- mans — Germanieus — Caligula — Claudius — The Conquest of Britain — Messalina — Agrippina — Nero, 567 CHAPTER XLIY. THE CLIMAX OF THE EMPIRE. Galba — Yespasian — Titus — Domitian — Nerva — Trajan — Hadri- an — Antonius Pius — Marcus Aarelius — Commodus, 595 CHAPTER XLY. THE DECLINE OF THE EMPIEE. Moral Corruption — Pertinax — Septiroius Severus — Caracalla — Elagabulus — Alexander Severus — Maxiraiu — Decius — Gailien- us — Invasion of the Barbarians — Warlilie Emperors — Arrest of Ruin — Diocletian — Constantino — Division of the Empire, . . . 605 CHAPTER XLVI. THE FALL OF THE EMPIRE. Successors of Constantino — Theodosius — Irruption of Barbarians — The Goths — Alaric — Capture of Rome — The Yandals — Second Siege and Sack of Rome — The Huns — Fall of the Western Empire — Conclusion, 628 BOOK I . AISTCIEI^T OEIEJSTTAL IN^ATIONS. CHAFTEK I. THE Al^'TEDILUYIAN WOELD. The history of this world begins, according to the chro- nology of Archbishop Ussher, which is generally received as convenient rather than probable, in the year 4004 before Christ. In six days God created light and darkness, day and night, the firmament and the continents in the midst ^j^^ ^^.^^^ of the waters, fruits, grain, and herbs, moon and '^^*^"* stars, fowl and fish, living creatures upon the face of the earth, and finally man, with dominion " over the fish of the sea, and the fowls of the air, and cattle, and all the earth, and every creeping thing that creepeth upon the earth." He created man in his ovv^i image, and blessed him with univer- sal dominion. He formed him from the dust of the ground, and breathed into his nostrils the breath of life. On the seventh day, God rested from this vast work of creation, and blessed the seventh day and sanctified it, as we suppose, for a day of solemn observance for all generations. He then planted a garden eastward in Eden, with every tree pleasant to the sight and good for food, and r^^^ f^arden there placed man to dress and keep it. The orig- oi'^'^en. inal occupation of man, and his destined happiness, were thus centered in ao-ricultural labor. 14: The Antediluvian World. [Chap. I. But man was alone ; so God caused a deep sleep to fall Adam and upou him, and took one of his ribs and made a ■^^®- woman. And Adam said, " this woman," which the Lord had brought unto him, " is bone of my bone, and flesh of my flesh ; therefore shall a man leave his father and mother, and shall cleave unto his wife : and they shall be one flesh." Thus marriage was instituted. We observe three divine institutions while man yet remained in a state of innocence and bliss — the Sabbath ; agricultural employ- ment ; and marriage. Adam and his wife lived, we know not how long, in the Primeval garden of Eden, with perfect innocence, bliss, and Paradise. dominion. They did not even know what sin was. There were no other conditions imposed upon them than they were not to eat of the fruit of the tree of knowledge of good and evil, which was in the midst of the garden — a pre- eminently goodly tree, " pleasant to the eyes, and one to be desired." Where was this garden — this paradise — located ? This is a mooted question — difticult to be answered. It lay, thus Situation of f^^* ^^^^ know, at the head waters of four rivers, two Eden. ^^ which wcrc the Euphrates and the Tigris. We infer thence, that it was situated among the mountains of Armenia, south of the Caucasus, subsequently the cradle of the noblest races of men, — a temperate region, in the latitude of Greece and Italy. We suppose that the garden 'was beautiful and fruitful, Glory of beyond all subsequent experience — watered by Edeu. mists from the earth, and not by rains from the clouds, ever fresh and green, while its two noble occupants lived upon its produce, directly communing with God, in whose image they were made, moral and spiritual — free from all sin and misery, and, as we may conjecture, conversant with truth in its loftiest forms. But sin entered into the beautiful world that was made, and death by sin. This is the first recorded fact in human history, next to primeval innocence and happiness. Chap, l.j The Garden of Eden. 15 The progenitors of the race were tempted, and did not resist the temptation. The form of it may have ^^e temi.ta- been allegorical and symbolic ; but, as recorded by ^^""• Moses, was yet a stupendous reality, especially in view of its consequences. The tempter was the devil — the antagonist of God — the evil power of the world — the principle of evil — a (-. . T n . . The Devil. Satanic agency which Scripture, and all nations, m some form, have recognized. When rebellion against God began, we do not know ; but it certainly existed when Adam was placed in Eden. The form which Satanic power assumed was a serpent — then the most subtle of the beasts of the field, and jji^ assump- we may reasonably suppose, not merely subtle, but ^^.^m ^of ^ a attractive, graceful, beautiful, bewitching. serpent. The first to feel its evil fascination was the woman, and she was induced to disobey what she knew to be a The disob©- direct command, by the desire of knowledge as well ev".^^ ^ as enjoyment of the appetite. She put trust in the serpent. She believed a lie. She was beguiled. The man was not directly beguiled by the serpent. Why the serpent assailed woman rather than man, the The Fail of Scriptures do not say. The man yielded to his wife. " She gave him the fruit, and he did eat." Immediately a great change came over both. Their eyes v>'ere opened. They felt shame and remorse, for they had sinned. They hid themselves from the presence of the Lord, and were afraid. God pronounced the penalty — unto the woman, the pains and sorrows attending childbirth, and subserviency to her hus- band ; unto the man labor, toil, sorrow — the curse ' . ' ' . The penalty. of the ground which he was to till — thorns and thistles — no rest, and food obtained only by the sweat of the brow ; and all these pains and labors were inflicted upon both until they should return to the dust from whence they were taken — an eternal decree, never abrogated, to last as long as man should till the earth, or woman bring forth children. 16 Tlie Antediluvian World. [Chap. I. Thus came sin into the world, through the temptations of Introduction Satan and the weakness of man, witli the penalty oi sm. ^£ labor, pain, sorrow, and death. Man was expelled from Paradise, and precluded from re- Expu'.sion entering it by the flaming sword of cherubim, until dise! ^' ^ the locality of Eden, by thorns and briars, and the deluge, was obliterated forever. And man and woman were sent out into the world to reap the fruit of their folly and sin, and to gain their subsistence in severe toil, and amid the accumulated evils which sin introduced. The only mitigation of the sentence was the eternal enmity The mitiffa- between the -seed of the woman and the seed of the tion of the . . n i • punishment. Scrpcut, lu whicli the final victory should be given to the former. The rite of sacrifice was introduced as a type of the satisfaction for sin by the death of a substitute for the sinner ; and thus a hope of final forgiveness held out for sin. Meanwhile the miseries of life were alleviated by the fruits of labor, by industry. Industry, then, became, on the expulsion from Eden, one Industry— of the final laws of human happiness on earth, f.'nd.imen- while the sacrificc held out hopes of eternal life by tions of life, the Substitution which the sacrifice typified — the Saviour who was in due time to appear. With the expulsion from Eden came the sad conflicts of the race — conflicts with external wickedness — conflicts with the earth — conflicts with evil passions in a man's own soul. The first conflict was between Cain, the husbandman, and ^ . , Abel, the shepherd ; the representatives of two Cam and ' ^ ^. ^ Abel. great divisions of the human family in the early ages. Cain killed Abel because the oifering of the latter was preferred to that of the former. The virtue of Abel was faith : the sin of Cain was jealousy, pride, resentment, and despair. The punishment of Cain was expulsion from his father's house, the further curse of the land for him^ and the hatred of the human family. He relinquished his occupation, became a wanderer, and gained a precarious support, while his descendants invented arts and built cities. Chap. I.] The Deluge, 17 Eve bear another son — Seth, among whose descendants the worship of God was preserved for a long time; but the descendants of Seth intermarried finally with the descendants of Cain, from whom sprung a race of lawless men, The descend- so that the earth was filled with violence. The antsofCain. material civilization which the descendants of Cain intro- duced did not preserve them from moral degeneracy. So great was the increasing wickedness, with the growth of the race, that " it repented the Lord that he had made man," and he resolved to destroy the whole race, with the exception of on6 religious family, and change the whole surface of the earth by a mighty flood, which should involve in destruction all animals and fowls of the air — all the antediluvian works of man. \ It is of no consequence to inquire whether the Deluge was universal or partial — whether it covered the whole 1 1 ••IT-' c An The deluge. earth or the existmg habitations oi men. All were destroyed by it, except ISToah, and his wife, and his three sons, with their wives. The authenticity of the fact rests with Moses, and with him we are willing to leave it. This dreadful catastrophe took place in the 600th year of Koah'S life, and 2349 years before Christ, when Theproba- , -, ble condition the world was 1655 years old, according to oftheante- Usshur, but much older according to Hale and world. other authorities — when more time had elapsed than from the Deluge to the reign of Solomon. And hence there more people destroyed, in all probability, than existed on the earth in the time of Solomon. And as men lived longer in those primeval times than subsequently, and were larger and stronger, " for there were giants in those days," and early invented tents, the harp, the organ, and were artifi- cers in brass and iron, and built cities — as they were full of inventions as well as imaginations, it is not unreasonable to infer, though we can not know with certainty, that the ante- diluvian world was more splendid and luxurious than the world in the time of Solomon and Homer — the era of the Pyramids of Egypt. 18 TUe Antediluvian World. [Chap. i. The art of building was certainly then carried to consider- able perfection, for the ark, which Noah built, was four hundred and fifty feet long, seventy-five wide, and forty-five deep ; and was constructed so curiously as to hold specimens of all known animals and birds, with provi- sions for them for more than ten months. This sacred ark or ship, built of gopher wood, floated on the world's waves, until, in the seventh month, it rested upon the mountains of Ararat. It was nearly a year before ]^oah ventured from the ark. His first act, after he issued forth, was to build an altar and offer sacrifice to the God who had preserved him and his family alone, of the human race. And the Lord was well pleased, and made a covenant The Divine with him that lie would never ao-ain send a like covenant . ^ . with Noah, destructiou upou the earth, and as a sign and seal of the covenant which he made with all flesh, he set his bow in the cloud. We hence infer that the primeval world was w^atered by mists from the earth, like the garden of Eden, and not by rains. " The memory of the Deluge is preserved in the traditions The tradi- of nearly all nations, as well as in the narrative tion of the "^ i i • i dehige. of Moscs ; and most heathen mythologies have some kind of sacred ark." Moreover, there are various geological phenomena in all parts of the world, which can not be accounted for on any other ground than some violent dis- ruption produced by a universal Deluge. The Deluge it- self can not be explained, although there are many ingen- ious theories to show it miglit be in accordance with natural causes. The Scriptures allude to it as a supernatural event, for an express end. When the supernatural power of God can be disproved, then it will be time to explain the Deluge by natural causes, or deny it altogether. The Christian world now accepts it as Moses narrates it. CHAPTEE II. POSTDILUVIAN HISTORY TO THE CALL OF ABEAHAM.— THE PATRIARCHAL CONSTITUTION, AND THE DIVISION OF NA- TIONS. When ISToah and his family issued from the ark, they were blessed by God. They were promised a vast posterity, do- minion over nature, and all animals for food, as well as the fruits of the earth. But new laws were imposed, against murder, and against the eating of blood. An authority was given to the magistrate to punish murder. TheNoacMc " Whosoever sheddeth man's blood, by man shall ^°^^' his blood be shed." This was not merely a penalty, but a prediction. The sacredness of life, and the punishment for murder are equally asserted, and asserted with peculiar em- phasis. This may be said to be the N^oachic Code, afterward extended by Moses. From that day to this, murder has been accounted the greatest human crime, and has been the most severely punished. On the whole, this crime has been the rarest in the subsequent history of the world, although com- mitted with awful frequency, but seldom till other crimes are exhausted. The sacredness of life is the greatest of human privileges. The government was patriarchal. The head of a family had almost unlimited power. And this government was re- ligions as well as civil. The head of the family was both priest and kins;. He erected altars and divided Patriarchal •/'111 cnnstitu- inheritances. He ruled his sons, even if they had tions. wives and children. And as the old patriarchs lived to a great age, their authority extended over several generations and great numbers of people. 20 Postdiluvian History to Abraham. [Chap. il. ISToah. piirsiiecT the life of a husbandman, and planted vines,' probably like the antediluvians. Nor did he escape the shame of drunkenness, though we have no evidence it was an habitual sin. From this sin and shame great consequences followed. Noah was indecently exposed. The second son made light of it ; the two others covered up the nakedness of their Consequen-' father. For this levity Ham was cursed in his of Noah. children. Canaan, his son, was decreed to be a servant of servants — the ancestor of the races afterward exterminated by the Jews. To Shem, for his piety, was given a special religious blessing. Through him all the nations of the earth were blessed. To Japhet was prom- ised especial temporal prosperity, and a participation of the blessing of Shem. The European races are now reap- ing this prosperity, and the religious privileges of Chris- tianity. Four generations passed without any signal event. They all spoke the same language, and pursued the same avoca- Settiements tions. They lived in Armenia, but gradually of his (ie- , ,. . ^ scendants. Spread ovcr the surrounding countries and espe- cially toward the west and south. They journeyed to the land of Shinar, and dwelt on its fertile plains. This was the great level of Lower Mesopotamia, or Chaldea, watered by the Euphrates, Here they built a city, and aspired to build a tower which The Tower should I'cach uiito the heavens. It was vanity of Babel. ^^^ pride which incited them, — also fear lest they should be scattered. We read that Nimrod — one of the descendants of Ham — a mighty hunter, had migrated to this plain, and set up a king- dom at Babel — perhaps a revolt against patriarchal author- ity. Here was a crreat settlement^ — perhaps the Nimrod. •' ^ ^ -^ central seat of the descendants of Noah, where Nimrod — the strongest man of his times — usurped dominion. Under his auspices the city was built — a stronghold from which he would defy all other powers. Perhaj)s here he Chip, ti.] The Disjpersioii of Nations. 21 instituted idolatry, since a tower was also a temple. But, whether fear or ambition or idolatry prompted the building of Babel, it displeased the Lord. The punishment which he inflicted upon the builders was confusion of tongues. The people could not understand each other, and were obliged to disperse. The tower was left unfinished. The Lord " scattered the people abroad upon the face of all the earth." Probably some remained at Babel, on the Euphrates — the forefathers of the Israelites when they dwelt in Chaldea. It is not probable The Confu- • -, T fl-' 1 1 sion of that every man spoke a dmerent language, but tongues. that there was a great division of language, corresponding with the great division of families, so that the posterity of Shem took one course, that of Japhet another, and that of Ham the third — dividing themselves into three separate nations, each speaking substantially the same tono-ue, afterward divided into different dialects from their peculiar circumstances. Much learning and ingenuity have been expended in trac- ino; the different races and lano^uas^es of the earth to the grand confusion of Babel. But the subject is too Dhfersion complicated, and in the present state of science, ^ too unsatisfactory to make it expedient to pursue ethnologi- cal and philological inquiries in a work so limited as this. We refer students to Max Muller, and other authorities. But that there was a great tripartite division of the human family can not be doubted. The descendants of Japhet occupied a great zone running from the high lands of Ar- menia to the southeast, into the table-lands of Iran, and to ISTorthern India, and to the v/est into Thrace, the Grecian peninsula, and Western Europe. And all the nations which subsequently sprung from the children of Japhet, spoke lan- guages the roots of which bear a striking affinity. The settie- This can be proved. The descendants of Japhet, "hlUf^en^ ^Jf supposed to be the oldest son of Xoah, possessed "^''P^^*- the fairest lands of the world — most favorable to development and progress — most favorable to ultimate supremacy. They 22 Postdiluvian History to Abraham, [Chap. ii. composed tlie great Caucasian race, which spread over [N^orth- ern and Western Asia, and over Europe — superior to other races in personal beauty and strength, and also intellectual force. From the times of the Greek and Romans this race has held the supremacy of the world, as was predicted to ISToah. " God shall enlarge Japliet, and he shall dwell in the tents of Shem, and Canaan shall be his servant." The con- quest of the descendants of Plam by the Greeks and Komans, and their slavery, attest the truth of Scripture. The descendants of Shem occupied another belt or zone. It extended from the southeastern part of Asia Minor to the The settle- Persian Gulf and the peninsula of Arabia. The discendlnts^ pcoplc lived iu tcuts, wcrc not ambitious of con- ofShem. quest, wcre religious and contemplative. Tlie great theogonies of the East came from this people. They studied the stars. They meditated on God and theological questions. They were a chosen race with whom sacred his- tory dwells. They had, compared with other races, a small territory between the possessions of Japhet on the north, and that of Ham on tlie south. Their destiny was not to spread over 'the world, but to exhibit the dealings of God's providence. From this race came the Jews and the Messiah. The most enterprising of the descendants of Shem wei-e the Phoenicians, who pursued commei'ce on a narrow strip of the eastern shore of tlie Mediterranean, and who colonized Car- thage and iSTorth Africa, but were not powerful enough to contend successfully with the Romans in political power. The most powerful of the posterity of Noah were the The descend- clcscendants of Ham, for more than two thousand ants of Ham. ygj^j.g^ siucc they crcctcd great monarchies, and were warlike, aggressive, and unscrupulous. They lived iu Egypt, Ethiopia, Palestine, and the countries around tlie Red Sea. They commenced their empire in Babel, on the great plain of Babylonia, and extended it northward into the land of Asshur (Assyria). They built the great cities of Antioch, Rehoboth, Calah and Resen. Their empire was the oldest in the world — that established by a Cushite CriAP. II] The Descendants of Ham. 23 dynasty on the plains of Babylon, and in the liiglilands of Persia. They cast off the patriarchal law, and indulged in a restless passion for dominion. And they were the most civil- ized of the ancient nations in arts and material life. They built cities and monuments of power. These temples, their palaces, their pyramids were the wonders of the ancient world. Their grand and somber architecture lasted for centuries. They were the wickedest of the nations of the earth, and eifem- inacy, pride and sensuality followed naturally from their material civilization unhallowed by high religious ideas. They were hateful conquerors and tyrants, and yet slaves. They were permitted to prosper until their vices wrought out their own destruction, and they became finally subser- vient to the posterity of Japhet. But among some of the descendants of Ham civilization never advanced. The negro race of Africa ever has been degraded and enslaved. It has done nothing to advance human society. None of these races, even the most successful, have left durable monu- ments of intellect or virtue : they have left gloomy monu- ments of tyrannical and physical power. The Babylonians and Egyptians laid the foundation of some of the sciences and arts, but nothing remains at the present day which civilization values. How impressive and august the ancient prophecy to JS"oah ! How strikingly have all the predictions been ful- filled ! These give to history an imperishable interest and grandeur. CHAPTER III. THE HEBEEW EACE FKOM ABRAHAM TO THE SALE OF JOSEPH. We postpone the narrative of the settlements and empires which grew up on the banks of the Euphrates and the Nile, the oldest monarchies, until we have contemplated the early history of the Jews — descended from one of the children of Sheni. This is not in chronological order, but in accordance with the inimitable history of Moses. The Jews did not become a nation until four hundred and thirty years after the call of Abram — and Abram was of the tenth o-eneration from Noah. When he was born, great cities existed in Babylon, Canaan, and Egypt, and the descendants of Ham were the great potentates of earth. The children of Shem were quietly living in tents, occupied with agri- culture and the raising of cattle. Those of Japhet were exploring all countries with zealous enterprise, and found- ing distant settlements — adventurers in quest of genial cli- mates and fruitful fields. Abram was born in Ur, a city of the Chaldeans, in the year 1996 before Christ — supposed by'some to be the Edessa of the Greeks, and by others to be a great maritime city on the right bank of the Euphrates near its confluence with the Tigris. From this city his father Terah removed with his children and kindred to Haran, and dwelt there. It was in Meso- potamia — a rich district, fruitful in pasturage. Here Abram remained until he was 75, and had become rich. While sojourning in this fruitful plain the Lord said unto him, " get thee out of thy country, and from thy kindred, and from thy father's house, unto a land v>^hich I will show Chap. III.] The Wanderings of Abram. 25 thee." " And I will make thee a great nation, and will bless thee, and make thy name great, and thou shalt be a blessing. And I will bless them that bless thee, and curse him that curseth thee. And in thee shall all the families of the earth be blessed." So Abram departed with Lot, his nephew, and Sarai, his wife, with all his cattle and substance, to the land of Canaan, then occupied by that Hamite race which The^andw- had probably proved unfriendly to his family in 1"?^ *"^ s®*; i- J t- J J tlements of Chaldea. We do not know by what route he ^t^raham. passed the Syrian desert, but he halted at Shechem, situ- ated in a fruitful valley, one of the passes of the hills from Damascus to Canaan. He then built an altar to the Lord, probably among an idolatrous people. From want of pasturage, or some cause not explained, he removed from thence into a mountain on the east of Bethel, between that city and Hai, or Ai, when he again erected an altar, and called upon the living God. But here he did not long re- main, being driven by a famine to the fertile land of Egypt, then ruled by the Pharaohs, whose unscrupulous character he feared, and which tempted him to practice an unworthy deception, yet in accordance with profound worldly sagacity. It was the dictate of expediency rather than faith. He pre- tended that Sarai was his sister, and was well treated on her account by the princes of Egypt, and not killed, as he feared he would be if she was known to be his wife. The king, afflicted by great plagues in consequence of his attentions to this beautiful woman, sent Abram away, after a stern rebuke for the story he had told, with all his possessions. The patriarch returned to Canaan, enriched by the princes of Egypt, and resumed his old encampment near ^^^^ Bethel. But there was not enousjh pasturag-e for separation his flocks, united with those of Lot. So, with *nraham. tercourse with idolators. But he did not prevent his young warriors from eatins: his bread in their huns^er. It was not the Sodomites he wished to rescue, but Lot, his kinsman and friend. Abram, now a powerful chieftain and a rich man, well ad- vanced in years, had no children, in spite of the promise of God that he should be the father of nations. His „• His pros- apparent heir was his chief servant, or steward, p^*'*^- Elizur, of Damascus. He then reminds the Lord of the promise, and the Lord renewed the covenant, and Abram rested in faith. Not so his wife Sarai. Skeptical that from herself should come the promised seed, she besought Abram to make a concu- bine or wife of her Egyptian maid Hagar. Abram T 1 T 1 o • • 1 Hagar. listens to her, and grants her request, oarai is then despised by the woman, and lays her complaint before her husband. Abram delivers the concubine into the hands of the jealous and offended wife, who dealt hardly with her, so that she fled to the wilderness. Thirsty and miserable, she was found by an angel, near to a fountain of Avater, who encouraged her by the promise that her child should be the father of a numerous nation, but counseled her to return to Sarai, and submit herself to her rule. In due time the child was born, and was called Ishmael — destined to be a wild man, with whom the world should be at enmity. Abram w^as now eighty-six years of age. Fourteen years later the Lord again renewed his covenant that he should be the father of many nations, who The renew- should possess forever the land of Canaan. His tlth^'^lbl-a- name was changed to Abraham (father of a multi- ^'''™- tude), and Sarai's was changed to Sarah. The Lord promised that from Sarah should come the predicted blessing. The patriarch is still hicredulous, and laughs within himself; but God renews the promise, and henceforth Abraham be- 28 Hebrews frotn Abraham to Joseph. [Chap, hi, lieves, and, as a test of his faith, he institutes, by divine direction, the rite of circumcision to Ishmael and all the ser- vants and slaves of his family — even those '' bought with money of the stranger." In due time, according to prediction, Sarah gave birth to ™ , . ^, „ Isaac, who was circumcised on the eisrhth dav. The birth of ' & .- 5 Isaac. when Abraham was 100 years old. Ishmael, now a boy of fifteen, made a mockery of the event, whereupon Sarah demanded that the son of the bondwoman, her slave, should be expelled from the house, with his mother. Abra- ham was grieved also, and, by divine counsel, they were both sent away, with some bread and a bottle of water. The water was soon expended in the wilderness of Beersheba, and Hagar sat down in despair and wept. God heard her lamentations, and she opened her eyes and saw that she was seated near a well. The child was preserved, and dwelt in the wilderness of Paran, pursuing the occupation of an archer, or huntsman, and his mother found for him a wife out of the land of Egypt. He is the ancestor of the twelve tribes of Bedouin Arabs, among whom the Hamite blood predominated. Meanwhile, as Abraham dwelt on the plains of Mamre, The the destruction of Sodom and Gomorrah took destrnction . of Sodom. place, because not ten righteous persons could be found therein. But Lot was rescued by angels, and afterward dwelt in a cave, for fear, his wife being turned into a pillar of salt for daring to look back on the burning cities. He lived with his two daughters, who became the guilty mothers of the Moabites and the Ammonites, who settled on the hills to the east of Jordan and the Dead Sea. Before the birth of Isaac, Abraham removed to the South, and dwelt in Gerah, a city of the Philistines, and probably for the same reason that he had before sought the land of The dupii- Egypt. But here the same difficulty occurred as ham.^ ^ ^^ in Egypt. The king, Abimelech, sent and took Sarah, supposing she was merely Abraham's sister ; and Abraham equivocated and deceived in this instance to save Chap, tti.] The Trial of Alraham. 29 his own life. But the king, warned by God in a drf am, restored unto Abraham his wife, and gave him sheep, oxen, men servants and women servants, and one thousand pieces of silver, for he knew he was a prophet. In return Abraham prayed for him, and removed from him and his house all im- pediments for the growth of his family. The king, seeing how Abraham was prospered, made a covenant with him, so that the patriarch lived long among the Philistines, wor- shiping " the everlasting God." Then followed the great trial of his faith, when requested to sacrifice Isaac. And when he was obedient to the call, and did not withhold his son, his only son. The p • 1 1 1 • Trial of from the sacrificial knife, havmg faith that his Abraham. seed should still possess the land of Canaan, he was again blessed, and in the most emphatic language. After this he dwelt in Beersheba. At the age of 120 Sarah died at Hebron, and Abraham purchased of Ephron the Hittite, the cave of Mach- ^^^^^ ^^ pelah, with a field near Mamre, for four hundred s^^'^^- shekels of silver, in which he buried his wife. Shortly after, he sought a wife for Isaac. But he would not accept any of the daughters of the Canaanites, among whom he dwelt, but sent his eldest and most trusted servant to Mesopotamia, with ten loaded camels, to secure one of his own people. Rebekah, the grand-daughter of The Nahor, the brother of Abraham, was the favored of Isaac. damsel whom the Lord provided. Her father and brother accepted the proposal of Abraham's servant, and loaded with presents, jewels of silver and jewels of gold, and rai- ment, the Mesopotamian lady departed from her country and her father's house, with the benediction of the whole family. " Be thou the mother of thousands of mil- lions, and let thy seed possess the gate, of those which hate them." Thus was " Isaac comforted after his mother's death." Abraham married again, and had five sons by Keturah ; but, in his life-time, he gave all he had unto Isaac, except 30 Hehrews fronfi Ahrahain to Joseph. [Chap. hi. some gifts to his other children, whom he sent away, that Second thev might not disiDute the inheritance with Isaac. Abraham. Hc died at a good old age, 175 years, and was buried by his sons, Isaac and Ishmael, in the cave of Mach- pelah, which had been purchased of the sons of Heth. Isaac thus became the head of the house, with princely posses- sions, living near a well. But a famine arose, as in the days of his father, and he went to Gerar, and not to Egypt. He, however, was afraid to call Rebekah his wife, for the same reason that Abraham called Sarah his sister. But the king happening from his window to see Isaac " sporting with Rebekah," knew he had He been deceived, yet abstained from takino; her, and deceives the 07 Philistines, cvcu loaded Isaac with new favors, so that he be- came very great and rich — so much so that the Philistines envied him, and maliciously filled up the wells which Abraham had dug. Here again he was befriended by Abim- elech, who saw that the Lord was with him, and a solemn covenant of peace was made between them, and new wells were dug-. Isaac, it seems, led a quiet and peaceful life — averse to all strife with the Canaanites, and gradually grew very rich. The He gave no evidence of remarkable strenstli of aflBiction . ^ * of Isaac. mind, and was easily deceived. His greatest affliction was the marriage of his eldest and favorite sou Esau with a Hittite woman, and it was probably this mis- take and folly which confirmed the superior fortunes of _Jacob. Esau was a hunter. On returning one day from hunting he was faint from hunger, and cast a greedy eye on some Jacob and Pottage that Jacob had prepared. But Jacob Esau. would not give his hungry brother the food until he had promised, by a solemn oath, to surrender his birthright to him. The clever man of enterprise, impulsive and passionate, thought more, for the moment, of the pangs of hunger than of his future prospects, and the quiet, plain, and cunning man of tents availed himself of his brother's rashness. Chap. III.] Esau sells his Birthright. 81 But the birthright was not secure to Jacob without liis father's blessing. So he, with his motlier's contrivance, for he was her favorite, deceived his father, and ap- Jacob 1 -r-( T T T IT \ obtains the peared to be Esau. Isaac, old and dim and birthright. credulous, suj^posing that Jacob, clothed in Esau's vest- ments as a hunter, and his hands covered with skins, was his eldest son, blessed him. The old man still had doubts, but Jacob falsely declared that he was Esau, and obtained what he wanted. When Esau returned from the hunt he saw what Jacob had done, and his grief was bitter and profound. He cried out in his agony, " Bless me even me, also, O my father." And Isaac said : *^ Thy brother came with subtilty, and hath taken away thy bless* ing." And Esau said, " Is he not rightly named Jacob — that is, a supplanter — for he hath supplanted me these two times : he took away my birthright, and behold now he hath taken away my blessing." "And he lifted up his voice and wept." Isaac, then moved, declared that his dwelling should be the fatness of the earth, even though he should serve his brother, — ^that he should live by the sword, and finally break the yoke from off his neck. ^^^^ ^^^ ^^.^ This was all Esau could wring from his father. ^^ Esau. He hated Jacob with ill-concealed resentment, as was to be expected, and threatened to kill him on his father's death. Rebekah advised Jacob to flee to his uncle, giving as an excuse to Isaac, that he sought a wife in Mesopotamia. This pleased Isaac, who regarded a marriage with a Canaanite as the greatest calamity. So he again gave him his 'blessing, and advised him to select one of the daughters of Laban for his wife. And Jacob departed from his father's house, and escaped the wrath of Esau. But Esau, seeing that his Hittite wife was offensive to his father, married also one of the daughters of Ishmael, his cousin. Jacob meanwhile pursued his journey. Arriving at a cer- tain place after sunset, he lay down to sleep, with stones for his pillow, and he dreamed that a ladder set up on the earth reached the heavens, on which the angels of God ascended 32 Hebrews from Abraham to Joseph. [Chap, in and descended, and above it was the Lord himself, the God of his father, who renewed all the promises that had been made to Abraham of the future prosperity of his house. He then continued his journey till he arrived in Haran, by the side of a well. Thither Rachel, the daughter of Laban, , ^, came to draw water for the sheep she tended. Jacob s wan- ^ rferings. Jacob rolled away the stone from the mouth of the well, and watered her flock, and kissed her, and wept, for he had found in his cousin his bride. He then told her who he was, and she ran and told her father that his nephew had come, Isaac's son, and Laban was filled with joy, and kissed Jacob and brought him to his bouse, where he dwelt a month as a guest. An a2:reement was then made that Jacob should serve He served Laban scvcn years, and receive in return for his Laban. scrviccs his youugcst daughter Kachel, whom he loved. But Laban deceived him, and gave him Leah instead, and Jacob was compelled to serve another seven years before he obtained her. Thus he had two wives, the one tender- eyed, the other beautiful. But he loved Rachel and hated Leah. Jacob continued to serve Laban until he was the father of eleven sons and a daughter, and then desired to return to The uarrei ^^^ o^Yu country. But Laban, unwilling to lose so ■with Laban. profitable a son-in-law, raised obstacles. Jacob, in the mean time, became rich, although his flocks and herds were obtained by a sharp bargain, which he turned to his own account. The envy of Laban's sons was the result. Laban also was alienated, whereupon Jacob fled, with his wives and children and cattle. Laban pursued, overtook him, and after an angry altercation, in which Jacob re- counted his wrongs during twenty years of servitude, and Laban claimed every thing as his — daughters, children and cattle, they made a covenant on a heap of stones not to pass either across it for the other's harm, and Laban returned to his home and Jacob went on his way. But Esau, apprised of the return of his brother, came out Chap. Ill] Jacob at Bethel. 33 of Edom against him with four hundred men. Jacob was afmid, and souo-ht to approach Esau with pres- Meeting of , ? r. r. Esau and ents. The brothers met, but whether from fra- Jacob. ternal impulse or by the aid of God, they met affectionately, and fell into each other's arms and wept. Jacob offered his presents, which Esau at first magnanimously refused to take, but finally accepted : peace was restored, and Jacob continued his journey till he arrived in Shalem — a city of Shechem, in the land of Canaan, where he pitched his tent and erected an altar. Here he was soon brought into collision with the people of Shechem, whose prince had inflicted a great wrong. Levi and Simeon avenged it, and the city was spoiled. Jacob, perhaps in fear of the other Amorites, retreated to Bethel, purged his household of all idolatry, j^^^^ .^^ and built an altar, and God again appeared to him, bethel. and blessed him and chano;ed his name to Israel. Soon after, Rachel died, on the birth of her son, Benjamin, and Jacob came to see his father in Mamre, now -r. ^. . ' Death of 180 years of age, and about to die. Esau and i^achei. Jacob buried him in the cave of Machpelah. Esau dwelt in Edom, the progenitor of a long line of dukes or princes. The seat of his sovereignty was Mount Seir. Jacob continued to live in Hebron — a patriarchal prince, rich in cattle, and feared by his neighbors. His favorite son was Joseph, and his father's partiality ex. r^^^ ^^^^ ^^ cited the envy of the other sons. They conspired Joseph. to kill him, but changed their purpose through the influence of Reuben, and cast him into a pit in the wilderness. While he lay there, a troop of Ishmaelites appeared, and to them, at the advice of Judah, they sold him as a slave, but pre- tended to their father that he was slain by wild beasts, and produced, in attestation, his lacerated coat of colors. The Ishmaelites carried Joseph to Egypt, and sold him to Potaphar, captain of Pharaoh's guard. Before we follow his fortunes, we will turn our attention to the land whence he was carried. . 3 CHAPTER IV. EGYPT AKD THE PHAKAOHS. The first country to whicli Moses refers, in connection The original With the Hebrew history, is Egypt. This favored inhabitants ^ ^ ., , . of Egypt. land was the seat oi one oi the oldest monarchies of the world. Although it would seem that Assyria was first peopled, historians claim for Egypt a more re- mote antiquity. Whether this claim can be substantiated or not, it is certain that Egypt was one of the primeval seats of the race of Ham. Mizraim, the Scripture name for the country, indicates that it was settled by a son of Ham. But if this is true even, the tide of emigration from Armenia probably passed to the southeast through Syria and Pal- estine, and hence the descendants of Ham had probably occupied the land of Canaan before they crossed the desert between the Ped Sea and the Mediterranean. I doubt if Egypt had older cities than Damascus, Hebron, Zoar, and Tyre. But Egypt certainly was a more powerful monarchy than any existing on the earth in the time of Abraham. Its language, traditions, and monuments alike point to a Their pecu- high antiquity. It was probably inhabited by a harities. mixcd racc, Semitic as well as Hamite ; though the latter had the supremacy. The distinction of castes indicates a mixed population, so that the ancients doubted whether Egypt belonged to Asia or Africa. The people were not black, but of a reddish color, with thick lips, straight black hair, and elongated eye, and sunk in the degraded superstitions of the African race. Chap. IT.] Ancient Egypt. 35 The geographical position indicates not only a high anti- quity, but a state favorable to great national The fertility wealth and power. The river Nile, issuing from ^'^^^^'p^- a great lake under the equator, runs 3,000 miles nearly due north to the Mediterranean. Its annual inundations covered the valley with a rich soil brought down from the mountains of Abyssinia, making it the most fertile in the world. The country, thus so favored by a great river, with its rich allu- vial deposits, is about 500 miles in length, with an area of 115,000 square miles, of which 9,600 are subject to the fertili- zing inundation. But, in ancient times, a great part of the country was irrigated, and abounded in orchards, gardens, and vineyards. Every kind of vegetable was cultivated, and grain was raised in the greatest abundance, so that the peo- ple lived in luxury and plenty while other nations were sub- ject to occasional famines. Among the fruits, were dates, grapes, figs, pomegranates, apricots, peaches, oranges, citrons, lemons, limes, Tbe produc- bananas, melons, mulberries, olives. Among vege- Egypt tables, if we infer from what exist at present, were beans, peas, lentils, luprins, spinach, leeks, onions, garlic, celery, chiccory, radishes, carrots, turnips, lettuce, cabbage, fennel, gourds, cucumbers, tomatoes, egg-plant. What a variety for the sustenance of man, to say nothing of the various kinds of grain, — barley, oats, maize, rice, and especially wheat, which grows to the greatest perfection. In old times the horses were famous, as well as cattle, and sheep, and poultry. Quails were abundant, while the marshes afforded every kind of web-footed fowl. Fish, too, abounded in the Nile, and in the lakes. Bees were kept, and honey was produced, though inferior to that of Greece. The climate also of this fruitful land was salubrious with- out being enervating. The soil was capable of supporting a large population, which amounted, in the time of Herodo- tus, to seven millions. On the banks of the Nile were srreat cities, whose ruins still astonish travelers. The The castes of land, except that owned by the priests, belonged ^^^^' 86 Egypt and the Pharaohs. Chap. lY. to the king, who was supreme and unlimited in power. The people were divided into castes, the highest being priests, and the lowest husbandmen. The kings were hereditary, but belonged to the priesthood, and their duties and labors were arduous. The priests were the real governing body, and were treated with the most respectful homage. They were councilors of the king, judges of the land, and guar- dians of all great interests. The soldiers were also numerous, and formed a distinct caste. When Abram visited Egypt, impelled by the fixmine in Canaan, it was already a powerful monarchy. This was about 1921 years before Christ, according to the received chronology, when the kings of the 15th dynasty reigned. Egyptian Thcse dynasties of ancient kings are difficult to be dynasties. settled, and rest upon traditions rather than well defined historical grounds, — or rather on the authority of Manetho, an Egyptian priest, who lived nearly 300 years before Christ. His list of dynasties has been confirmed, to a great extent, by the hieroglyphic inscriptions which are still to be found on ancient monuments, but they give us only a barren catalogue of names without any vital historical truths. Therefore these old dynasties, before Abraham, are only interesting to antiquarians, and not satisfactory to them, since so little is known or can be known. These, if correct, would give a much greater antiquity to Egypt than can be reconciled with Mosaic history. But all authorities agree in ascribing to Manes the commencement of the first dynasty, 2712 years before Christ, according to Hales, but 3893 ac- cording to Lepsius, and 2*700 according to Lane. Neither Menes nor his successors of the first dynasty left any monu- ments. It is probable, however, that Memphis was built by them, and possibly hieroglyphics were invented during their reigns. But here a chronological difiiculty arises. The Scriptures ascribe ten generations from Shem to Abram. Either the generations were made longer than in our times, or the sev- enteen dynasties, usually supposed to have reigned when Chap. ly.] Egyjptian Dynasties. 37 Abram came to Egypt, could not have existed ; for, according to the received chronology, he was born 1996, b. c, and the Deluge took place 2349, before Christ ; leaving but 353 years from the Deluge to the birth of Abraham. How could sev- enteen dynasties have reigned in Egypt in that time, even supposing that Egypt was settled immediately after the ' Flood, unless either more than ten generations existed from Noah to Abram, or that these generations extended over seven or eight hundred years ? Until science shall reconcile the various chronologies with the one usually received, there is but little satisfaction in the study of Egyptian history prior to Abram. Nor is it easy to settle when the Pyramids were constructed. If they existed in the time of Abram a most rapid advance had been made in the arts, unless a much longer period elapsed from Noah to Abraham than Scripture seems to represent. Nothing of interest occurs in Egyptian history until the fourth dynasty of kings, when the pyramids of Ghizeh, were supposed to have been built — a period more remote than Scripture ascribes to the Flood itself, according to our receiv- ed chronology. These were the tombs of the Memphian kings, who believed in the immortality of the soul, and its final re- union with the body after various forms of transmigration. Hence the solicitude to preserve the body in some endurino* monument, and by elaborate embalmment. What Tj^e Pyra- more durable monument than these great raasses of °^^^®' granite, built to defy the ravages of time, and the spoliations of conquerors ! The largest of these j^yi'amids, towering- above other pyramids, and the lesser sepulchres of the rich, was built upon a square of 'ZoG feet, and the height of it was 489 feet 9 inches, covering an area of 571,536 feet, or more than thirteen acres. The whole mass contained 90,000,000 cubic feet of masonry, weighing 6,316,000 tons. Nearly in the centre of this pile of stone, reached by a narrow passage, were the chambers where the royal sarcophagi were depos- ited. At whatever i^eriod these vast monuments were actu- 38 Egyj^t and the PJiaradhs, [Chap. IY. ally built, they at least go back into remote antiquity, and probably before tlie time of Abram. The first great name of the early Egyptian kings was Se- sertesen, or Osirtasin I., the founder of the twelfth dynasty of kino-s, B.C. 2080. He was a great conqueror, and tradition con- founds him with the Sesostris of the Greeks, which gathered up stories about him as the Middle Ages did of Charlemagne and his paladins. The real Sesostris was Ramenes the Great, of the nineteenth dynasty. By the kings of this dynasty (the twelfth) Ethiopia was conquered, the Labyrinth was built, and Lake Moevis dug, to control the inundations. Under them Thebes became a great city. The dynasty Thsbes lasted 100 years, but became subject to the Shep- herd kings. These early Egyptian monarchs were fond of peace, and their subjects enjoyed repose and prosperity. The Shepherd kings, who ruled 400 years, were supposed by Manetho, to be Arabs, but leaves us to infer that they were The shep- Phoenicians — as is probable — a roving body of con- herd kings, q^^ei-oi-g^ -^^q easily subdued the peaceful Egyp- tians. They have left no monumental history. They were alien to the conquered race in language and habits, and probably settled in Lower Egypt where the land was most fertile, and where conquests would be most easily re- tained. It was under their rule that Abram probably visited Egypt when driven by a famine from Canaan. And they were not expelled till the time of Joseph, by the first of the eighteenth dynasty. The descendants of the old kings, we suppose, lived in Thebes, and were tributary princes for 400 years, but gained sufficient strength, finally, to expel the Shemite invaders, even as the Gothic nations of Spain, in the Middle Ages, expelled their conquerors, the Moors. But it was under the Shepherd kings that the relations Friendly re- bctweeu Egypt and the Hebrew patriarchs took Hebrews ^^^ placc. We infer this fact from the friendly inter- sheTiherd coursc and absence of national prejudices. The kings. Phoenicians belono-ed to the same Semitic stock Chap. IV.] Expulsion of the Shejyherd Kings. 39 from which Abraham came. They built no temples. They did not advance a material civilization. They loaded Abram and Joseph with presents, and accepted the latter as a min- ister and governor. We read of no great repulsion of races, and see a great similarity in j^ursuits. Meanwhile, the older dynasties under whom Thebes was built, probably b. c. 2200, gathered strength in misfortune and subjection. They reigned, daring five dynasties, in a subordin- ate relation, tributary and oppressed. The first king of the eighteenth dynasty seems to have been a remarkable man — the deliverer of his nation. His name was Aah-mes, or Amo- sis, and he expelled the shepherds from the greater Expulsion of part of Egygt, b. c. 1525. In his reign we see on herd kings. the monuments chariots and horses. He built temples both in Thebes and Memphis, and established a navy. This was probably the king who knew not Joseph. His successors continued the work of conquest, and extended their dominion from Ethiopia to Mesopotamia, and obtained that part of Western Asia formerly held by the Chaldeans. They built the temple of Karnak, the " Vocal Memnon," and the avenue of Sphinxes in Thebes. The grandest period of Egyptian history begins with the nineteenth dynasty, founded by Sethee I., or Sethos, B. c. 1340. He built the famous "Hall of Columns," in the temple of Karnak, and the finest of the tombs of the The- ban kings. On the walls of this great temple are depicted his conquests, especially over the Hittites. But the glories of the monarchy, now decidedly military, culmin- Greatness of ated in Ramesis H. — the Sesostris of the Greeks. ^^''™^^^^ ^^• He extended his dominion as far as Scythia and Thrace, while his naval expeditions penetrated to the Erythraean Sea. The captives which he brought from his Avars were employed in digging canals, which intersected the country, for purposes of irrigation, and especially that great canal which united the Mediterranean with the Red Sea. He added to the temple of Karnak, built the Mem- His nonium on the western side of the Nile, opposite tuSrworks. 40 ^gypi ci^ci the Pharaohs. [Chap. iy. to Thebes, and enlarged the temple of Ptah, at Memphis, which he adorned by a beautiful colossal statue, the fist of which is (now in the British Museum) thirty inches wide across the knuckles. But the Rameseum, or Mem- nonium, was his greatest architectural work, approached by an avenue of sphinxes and obelisks, in the centre of which was the great statue of Ramesis himself, sixty feet high, carved from a single stone of the red granite of Syene. The twentieth dynasty was founded by Sethee II., b. c. 1220 (or 1232 B.C., according to Wilkinson), when Gideon ruled the Israelites and Theseus reigned at Athens and Priam at Troy. The third king of this dynasty — Ramesis III. — built palaces and tombs scarcely inferior to any of the Theban kings, but under his successors the Theban Decline of powcr declined. Under the twenty-first dynasty, Thebes. YM.oh began b. c. 1085, Lower Egypt had a new capital, Zoan, and gradually extended its power over Upper Egypt. It had a strong Semitic element in its population, and strengthened itself by alliances with the Assyrians. The twenty-second dynasty was probably Assyrian, and began about 1009 b. c. It was hostile to the Jews, and took and sacked Jerusalem. From this period the history of Egypt is obscure. Ruled Obscurity by Assyriaus, and then by Ethiopians, the gran- history. ' deur of the old Theban monarchy had passed away. On the rise of the Babylonian kingdom, over the ruins of the old Assyrian Empire, Egypt was greatly pros- trated as a military power. Babylon became the great monarchy of the East, and gained possession of all the terri- tories of the Theban kings, from the Euphrates to the Nile. Leaving, then, the obscure and uninteresting history of Egypt, which presents nothing of especial interest until its conquest by Alexander, b. c. 332, with no great kings even, with the exception of Necho, of the twenty-sixth dynasty, B. c. 611, we will present briefly the religion, manners, cus toms, and attainments of the ancient Egyptians. Chap, iy.] Egyptian Deities, 41 Their religion was idolatrous. They worshiped various divinities : Num, the soul of the universe ; Amen, Eeiigion the generative principle ; Khom, by whom the pro- Egyptians. ductiveness of nature was emblematized; Ptah, or the creator of the universe ; Ka, the sun ; Thoth, the patron of letters; Athor, the goddess of beauty; Mu, physical light ; Mat, moral light ; Munt, the god of war ; Osiris, the personification of good; Isis, who presided over funeral rites ; Set, the personification of evil ; Anup, who judged the souls of the departed. These were principal deities, and were worshiped through sacred animals, as emblems of divinity. Among them were the bulls. Apis, at Memphis, and Muenis, at Helio- -,. 1 1 T A • . mi -,., The Deities. pons, both sacred to Osiris, ihe crocodile was sacred to Lebak, whose offices are unknown; the asp to Num ; the cat to Pasht, whose offices were also unknown ; the beetle to Ptah. The worship of these and of other ani- mals was conducted with great ceremony, and sacrifices were made to them of other animals, fruits and vegetables. Man was held accountable for his actions, and to be judged according to them. Be was to be brought before Osiris, and receive from him future rewards or punishments. The penal laws of the Egyptians were severe. ^^^^^^ ^^ ^^^ Murder was punished with death. Adultery was -Egyptians. punished by the man being beaten with a thousand rods. The woman had her nose cut off. Theft was j)unished with less severity — with a beating by a stick. Usury was not per- mitted beyond double of the debt, and the debtor was not imprisoned. The government was a monarchy, only limited by the priesthood, into whose order he was received, T T . . -, -. ... Government and was administered by men appointed by the king. On the whole, it was mild and paternal, and exer- cised for the good of the people. Polygamy was not common, though concubines were allowed. In the upper classes women were treated Hawtsofthe with great respect, and were regarded as the equals P^'^i'^®- 4:2 Egyjpt and the Pharaohs. [Chap. iy. of men. They ruled their households. The rich were hos- pitable, and delighted to give feasts, at which were dancers and musicians. They possessed chariots and horses, and were indolent and pleasure-seeking. The poor people toiled, with scanty clothing and poor fare. Hieroglyphic writing prevailed from a remote antiquity. Literary The papyrus was also used for hieratic writing, culture. ^^^ numerous papyri have been discovered, which show some advance in literature. Astronomy was cultivated ^y the priests, and was carried to the highest point it could attain without modern instruments. Geometry also reached considerable perfection. Mechanics must have been carried to a great extent, when we remember that vast blocks of stone were transported 500 miles and elevated to enormous heights. Chemistry was made subservient to many arts, such as the working of metals and the tempering of steel. But architecture was the great art in which the Egyptians excelled, as we infer from the ruins of temples and palaces ; and these wonderful fabrics were ornamented with paintings which have preserved their color to this day. Architecture was massive, grand, and imposing. Magical arts were in high estimation, and chiefly exercised by the priests. The industrial arts reached great excellence, .especially in the weaving of linen, pottery, and household furniture. The Egyptians were great musicians, using harps, flutes, cym- bals, and drums. They were also great gardeners. In their dress they were simple, frugal in diet, though given to occa- sional excess ; fond of war, but not cruel like the Assyrians ; hospitable among themselves, shy of strangers, patriotic in feeling, and contemplative in character. CHAPTER V. THE JEWS UNTIL THE CONQUEST OF CANAAN. When Joseph was sold by the Midianites to Potiphar, Egypt was probably ruled by the Shepherd kings, potiphar and who were called Pharaoh, like all the other ^^*^^' ' kings, by the Jewish writers. Pitiphar (Pet-Pha, dedi- cated to the sun) was probably the second person in the king- dom. Joseph, the Hebrew slave, found favor in his sight, and was gradually promoted to the oversight of his great household. Cast into prison, from the intrigues of Potiphar's wife, whose disgraceful overtures he had virtuously and honorably rejected, he found favor with the keeper of the prison, who intrusted him with the sole care of the prison- ers, although himself a prisoner, — a striking proof of his transcendent virtue. In process of time two other high officers of the king, having offended him, were cast into the same prison. They had strange dreams. Joseph inter- preted them, indicating the sj^eedy return of the one to favor, and of the other to as sudden an execution. These things came to pass. After two years the king himself had a singular dream, and none of the professional magicians or priests of Egypt could interpret it. It then occurred to the chief butler that Joseph, whom he had forgotten and ne- glected, could interpret the royal dream which troubled him. He told the king of his own dream in prison, and the ex- planation of it by the Hebrew slave. Whereupon Joseph was sent for, shaven and washed, and clothed with clean raiment to appear in the royal palace, and he interpreted the king's dream, which not only led to his promotion Eieration of to be governor over Egypt, with the State chariots "^"^^ * 4:4: T/ie Jews to the Conquest of Canaan. [Chap. T. for his use, and all the emblems of sovereignty about his person — a viceroy whose power was limited only by that of the king — but he was also instrumental in rescuing Egypt from the evils of that terrible famine which for seven years afflicted Western Asia. He was then thirty years of age, 1715 B. c, and his elevation had been earned by the noblest qualities — fidelity to his trusts, patience, and high principle — ■ all of which had doubtless been recounted to the king. The course which Joseph pursued toward the Egyptians His rule a ^^^® apparently hard. The hoarded grain of seven Viceroy. years' Unexampled plenty was at first sold to the famishing people, and when they had no longer money to buy it, it was only obtained by the surrender of their cattle, and then by the alienation of their land, so that the king became possessed of all the property of the realm, personal as well as real, except that of the priests. But he surren- dered the land back again to the people subsequently, on condition of the payment of one-fifth of the produce an- nually (which remained to the time of Moses) — a large tax, but not so great as was exacted of the peasantry of France by their feudal and royal lords. This proceeding un- doubtedly strengthened the power of the Shepherd kings, and prevented insurrections. The severity of the famine compels the brothers of Joseph „, „ . to seek corn in Es^ypt. Their arrival of course. The famine o j l ? in Egypt. jg l^nown to the governor, who has unlimited rule. They appear before him, and bowed themselves before him, as was predicted by Joseph's dreams. But clothed in the vesture of princes, with a gold chain around his neck, and surrounded by the pomp of power, they did not know him, while he knows them. He speaks to them, through an interpreter, harshly and proudly, accuses them of being spies, obtains all the information he wanted, and learns that his father and Benjamin are alive. He even imprisons them for three days. He releases them on the condition that they verify their statement ; as a proof of which, he demands the appearance of Benjamin himself. Chap. Y.] Josejph^ Goveriior of Egyj)t. 45 They return to Canaan with their sacks filled with corn, and the money which they had brought to purchase it, secretly restored, leaving Simeon as surety for the appearance of Benjamin. To this Jacob will not assent. But starvation drives them again to Egypt, the next year, and Jacob, re- luctantly is compelled to allow Benjamin to go with them. The unexpected feast Avhich Joseph made for them, sitting himself at another table — the greater portions Benjamin ^ '- and his given to Benjamin, the deception played upon brothers. them by the secretion of Joseph's silver cup in Ben- jamin's sack, as if he were a thief, the distress of all the sons of Jacob, the eloquent pleadings of Judah, the re- strained tears of Joseph, the discovery of himself to them, the generosity of Pharaoh, the return of Jacob's children laden not only watli corn but presents, the final migration of the whole family, to the land of Goshen, in the royal chariots, and the consummation of Joseph's triumphs, and happiness of Jacob— all these facts and incidents are told by Moses in the most fascinating and affecting narra- ^^^^^ ^g ^^ tive ever penned by man. It is absolutely trans- historian. cendent, showing not only the highest dramatic skill, but re- vealing the Providence of God — that overruling power which causes good to come from evil, which is the most im- pressive lesson of all history, in every age. That single epi- sode is worth more to civilization than all the glories of ancient Egypt ; nor is there any thing in the history of the ancient monarchies so valuable to all generations as the record by Moses of the early relations between God and his chosen people. And that is the reason why I propose to give them, in this work, their proper place, even if it be not after the fashion with historians. The supposed familiarity with Jewish history ought not to preclude the narration of these great events, and the substitution for them of the less im- portant and obscure annals of the Pagans. Joseph remained the favored viceroy of Egypt until he died, having the supreme satisfaction of seeing the prosperity of bis father's house, and their rapid increase in the land of 4:Q The Jews to the Conqiiest of Canami. [Chap. Y. Goshen, on the eastern frontier of the Delta of the Nile, — Prosperi- a land favorable for herds and flocks. The capital ty of the .. ^-, ^ Hebrews. of tliis district was On — aiterward Heliopoiis, the sacred City of the Sun, a place with which Joseph waa especially connected by his marriage with the daughter of the high priest of On. Separated from the Egyptians by their position as shepherds, the children of Jacob retained their patriarchal constitution. In 215 years, they became exceedingly numerous, but were doomed, on the change of dynasty which placed Ramesis on the throne, to oppressive labors. Joseph died at the age of 110 — eighty years after he had become governor of Egypt. In his latter years the change in the Egyptian dynasty took place. The oppression of his people lasted eighty years ; and this was consummated by the cruel edict which doomed to death the infants of Their subse- Israel ; made, probably, in fear and jealousy from quent mis- -t. ^ix -i- rr<-i eries. the rapid increase oi the Israelites. I he great crimes of our world, it would seem, are instigated by these passions, rather than hatred and malignity, like the massacre of St. Bartholomew and the atrocities of the French Revolution. But a deliverer was raised up by God in the person of Moses, the greatest man in human annals^ when we consider his marvelous intellectual gifts, his great work of legislation, his heroic qualities, his moral excellence, and his executive talents. His genius is more powerfully stamped upon civili- zation than that of any other one man — not merely on the Jews, but even Christian nations. He was born b. c. 1571, sixty-four years after the death of Joseph. Hidden Moses. ... . in his birth, to escape the sanguinary decree of Pha- raoh he was adopted by the daughter of the king, and taught by the priests in all the learning of th« Egyptians. He was also a great warrior, and gained great victories over the Ethiopians. But seeing the afilictions of his brethren, he pre- ferred to share their lot than enjoy all the advantages of his elevated rank in the palace of the king — an act of self- renunciation unparalleled in history. Seeing an Egyptian Chap. V.] The Slavery of the Israelites. 47 smite a Hebrew, he slew liim in a burst of indignation, and was compelled to fly. He fled to Jethro, an Arab chieftain, among the Midianites. He was now forty years of age, in the prime of his life, and in the full maturity of his powers. The next forty years were devoted to a life of contemplation, the best preparation for his future duties. In the most secret places of the wilderness of Sinai, at Horeb, he communed with God, who appeared in the burning bush, and revealed the magnificent mission which he was destined to fulfill. He was called to deliver his brethren from bondage ; but forty years of quiet contemplation, while tending the flocks of Jethro, whose daughter he married, had made him timid and modest. God renewed the covenant made to Abraham and Jacob, and Moses returned to Egypt to fulfill his mission. He joined himself with Aaron, his brother, and the two went and gathered together all the elders of the children of Israel, and after securing their confidence by signs and wonders, re- vealed their mission. :". They then went to Pharaoh, a new king, and; entreated of him permission to allow the people of Israel .to go into the wilderness and hold a feast in obedience to the command of God. But Pharaoh said, who is the Lord that I The slavery of* flif* Tsripl ■ should obey his voice. I know not the Lord — ites. your God. The result was, the anger of the king and the increased burdens of the Israelites, which tended to make them indifferent to the voice of Moses, from the excess of their anguish. Then followed the ten plagues which afflicted the Egyp- tians, and the obstinacy of the monarch, resolved to suffer any evil rather than permit the Israelites to go free. But the last plague was greater than the king could bear — the destruction of all the first-born in his land — and he ^, . Ine ten hastily summoned Moses and Aaron in the night, plagues. under the impulse of a mighty fear, and bade them to depart with all their hosts and all their possessions. The Egyptians seconded the command, anxious to be relieved from further evils, and the Israelites, after spoiling the Egyptians, de- 4:8 The Jews to the Conquest of Canaan, [Chap. V. parted in the night — " a night to be much observed" for all generations, marching by the line of the ancient canal from Rameses, not far from Heliopolis, toward the southern frontier of Palestine. But Moses, instructed not to conduct his people at once to a conflict with the warlike inhabitants of Canaan, for which they were unprepared, having just issued from slavery, brought them round by a sudden turn to the south and east, upon an arm or gulf of the Red Sea. To the eyes of the Egyptians, who repented that they had suf- fered them to depart, and who now pursued them with a great army, they were caught in a trap. Their mirac- The deliver- ulous deliverancc, one of the ^reat events of ance of the . • r. -i t-i Israelites, theu' history, and the ruin oi the xLgyptian hosts, and their three months' march and countermarch in the wilderness need not be enlarged upon. The exodus took place 430 years from the call of Abraham, after a sojourn in Egypt of 215 years, the greater l^art of which had been passed in abject slavery and misery. There were 600,000 men, besides women and children and strangers. It was daring their various wanderings in the wilderness of Sinai— forty years of discipline — that Moses gave to them Hebrew the I'ules they were to observe during all their gen- dence. eratious, until a new dispensation should come. These form* that great system of original jurisprudence that has entered, more or less, into the codes of all nations, and by which the genius of the lawgiver is especially manifested ; although it is not to be forgotten he framed his laws by divine direction. Let us examine briefly the nature and character of these laws. They have been ably expounded by Bishop Warbur- ton, Prof. Wines and others. The great fundamental principle of the Jewish code was The princi- to establish the doctrine of the unity of God. Jewish code. Idohitry had crept, into the religious system of all the other nations of the world, and a degrading poly- theism was everywhere prevalent. The Israelites had not Chap. V.J The Worshijp of Jehovah 49 probably escaped the contagion of bad example, and the suggestions of evil powers. The most necessary truth to impress upon the nation was the God of Abraham, and Isaac, and Jacob. Jehovah was made the supreme head of the Jewish state, whom the Hebrews were required, first and last, to recognize, and whose laws they were required to obey. And this right to give laws to the Hebrews was deduced, not only because he was the supreme creator and preserver, but because he had also signally and especially laid the foundation of the state by signs and miracles. He had spoken to the patriarchs, he had brought them into the land of Egypt, he had delivered them when oppressed. Hence, they were to have no other gods than this God of Abraham — this supreme, personal, benevolent God. The violation of this fundamental law was to be attended with the severest penalties. Hence Moses institutes the worship of the Supreme Deity. It was indeed ritualistic, and blended with sacrifices and ceremonies ; but the idea— the spiritual idea of God as the supreme object of all obedience and faith, was impressed first of all upon the minds of the Israelites, and engraven on the tables of stone — " Thou shalt have no other gods before me.'* Having established the idea and the worship of God, Moses then instituted the various rites of the service, and laid down the principles of civil government, as the dictation of this Supreme Deity, under whose supreme guidance they were to be ruled. But before the details of the laws w^ere given to guide the Israelites in their civil polity, or to regulate the worship of Jehovah, Moses, it would seem, first spake the word of God, amid the thunders and lightnings of Sinai, to the assembled people, and delivered the ten fundamental com- The Ten . . ^ T n Command- mandments wliich were to bind them and all sue- ments. ceeding generations. Whether these were those which were afterward written on the two tables of stone, or not, we do not know. We know only that those great obligations were declared soon after the Israelites had encamped around Sinaij and to the whole Jieople orally. 4 50 The Jews to the Conquest of Canaan. [Chap. V. And, with these, God directed Moses more particularly to declare also the laws relating to man-servants, and to man- slaughter, to injury to women, to stealing, to damage, to the treatment of strangers, to usury, to slander, to the observ- ance of the Sabbath, to the reverence due to magistrates, and sundry other things, which seem to be included in the ten commandments. After this, if we rightly interpret the book of Exodus, Moses on Moscs Went up into the mountain of Sinai, and Sinai. there abode forty days and forty nights, receiving the commandments of God. Then followed the directions respecting the ark, and the tabernacle, and the mercy-seat, and the cherubim. And then were ordained the priesthood of Aaron and his vestments, and the garments for Aaron's sons, and the ceremonies which pertained to the conse- cration of priests, and the altar of incense, and the brazen laver. After renewed injunctions to observe the Sabbath, Moses „, , ^, , received of the Lord the two tables of stone, The tables of ' stone. " written with the finger of God." But as he descended the mountain with these tables, after forty days, and came near the camp, he perceived the golden calf which Aaron had made of the Egyptian ear-rings and jewelry, — made to please the murmuring people, so soon did they for- get the true God who brought them out of Egypt. And Moses in anger, cast down the tables and brake them, and destroyed the calf, and caused the slaughter of three thou- sand of the people by the hands of the children of Levi. But God forgave the iniquity and renewed the tables, and made a new covenant with Moses, enjoining upon him the utter destruction of the Canaanites, and the complete extirpa- The idoiatr ^^^^ ^^ idolatry. He again gathered together the of the Jews, people of Israel, and renewed the injunction to ob- serve the Sabbath, and then prepared for the building of the tabernacle, as the Lord directed, and also for the making of the sacred vessels and holy garments, and the various ritu- alistic form of worship. He then established the sacrificial Ch.u>. Y.] The Mosaic Legislature, 51 rites, consecrated Aaron and his sons as priests, laid down the law for them in their sacred functions, and made other divers laws for the nation, in their social and political relations. The substance of these civil laws was the political equality of the people ; the distribution of the public domains among the free citizens which were to remain inalienable and perpet- ual in the families to which they were given, thus making absolnte poverty or overgrown riches impossible; the estab- lishment of a year of jubilee, once every fifty years, when there should be a release of all servitude, and all debts, and all the social inequalities which half a century produced ; a magistracy chosen by the people, and its responsibility to the people ; a speedy and impartial administration of justice ; the absence of a standing army and the prohi- bition of cavalry, thus indicating a peaceful policy, and the preservation of political equality; the establishment of agriculture as the basis of national prosperity ; universal industry, inviolability of private property, and the sacredness of family relations. These were fundamental principles. Moses also renewed the Noahmic ideas of the „, ,, , The Mosaic sacredness of human life. He further instituted legislation. rules for the education of the people, that " sons may be as plants grown up in their youth, and daughters as corner stones polished after the similitude of a palace." Such were the elemental ideas of the Hebrew commonwealth, which have entered, more or less, into all Christian civilizations. I can not enter upon a minute detail of these primary laws. Each of the tribes formed a separate state, and had a local administration of justice, but all alike recognized the theocracy as the supreme and organic law. To the tribe of Levi were assigned the duties of the priesthood, and the general oversight of education and the laws. The members of this favored tribe were thus priests, lawyers, teachers, and popular orators — a literary aristocracy devoted to the culti- vation of the sciences. The chief magistrate of the united tribes was not prescribed, but Moses remained the highest magistrate until his death, when the command was given to 52 The Jews to the Conquest of Canaan. [Chap. v. Joshua. Both Moses and Joshua convened the states gene- ral, presided over their deliberations, commanded the army, and decided all appeals in civil questions. The office of chief magistrate was elective, and was held for life, no salary- was attached to it, no revenues were appropriated to it, no tribute was raised for it. The chief ruler had no outward badges of authority; he did not wear a diadem; he was not surrounded with a court. His power was great as commander of the armies and president of the assemblies, but he did not make laws or impose taxes. He was assisted by a body of seventy elders — a council or senate, whose decisions, however, were submitted to the congregation, or general body of citi- zens, for confirmation. These senators were elected ; the office was not hereditary ; neither was a salary attached to it. The great congregation — or assembly of the people, in which lay the supreme power, so far as any human power . ^ could be supreme in a theocracy, — was probably a theocracy. delegated body chosen by the people in their tribes. They were representatives of the people, acting for the general good, without receiving instructions from their con- stituents. It was impossible for the elders, or for Moses, to ad- dress two million of people. They spoke to a select assemblj^ It was this assembly which made or ratified the laws, and which the executioner carried out into execution. The oracle of Jehovah formed an essential part of the con- stitution, since it was God who ruled the nation. Tlie oracle, in the form of a pillar of cloud, directed the wanderings of the people in the wilderness. This appeared amid the thunders of Sinai. This oracle decided all final questions and difficult points of justice. It could not be interrogated by private persons, only by the High Priest himself, clad in his pontifical vestments, and with the sacred insignia of his office, by " urim and thummim." Within the most sacred recesses of the tabernacle, in the Holy of Holies, the Deity made known his will to the most sacred personage of the nation, in order that no rash resolution of the people, or senate, or judge might be executed. And this response, Chap. Y.] The Jewish Code. 63 given in an audible voice, was final and supreme, and not like the Grecian oracles, venal and mendacious. This oracle of tlie Hebrew God " was a wise provision to preserve a con- tinual sense of the principal design of their constitution — to keep the Hebrews from idolatry, and to the worship of the only true God as their immediate protector ; and that their security and prosperity rested upon adhering to his counsels and commands." The designation and institution of high priest belonged not to the council of priests — although he was of the tribe of Levi, but to the Senate, and received the confirmation of the people through their deputies. " But the priests belonged to tlie tribe of Levi, which was set apart to God — the king of the commonwealtli." " They were thus, not merely a sacerdotal body, appointed to the service of the altar, but also a temporal magistracy having important civil The Priest- and political functions, especially to teach the peo- ^"^^" pie the laws." The high priest, as head of the hierarchy, and supreme interpreter of the lawSj had his seat in the cap- ital of the nation, while the priests of his tribe were scattered among the other tribes, and were hereditary. The Hebrew priests simply interpreted the laws ; the priests of Egypt made them. Their power was chiefly judicial. They had no means of usurpation, neither from property, nor military command. They were simply the expositors of laws which they did not make, which they could not change, and which they themselves were bound to obey. The income of a Levitewas about five times as great as an ordinary man, and this, of course, was derived from the tithes. But a greater part of the soil paid no tithes. The taxes to the leading class, as the Levites were, can not be called ruinous when compared with what the Egyptian priesthood received, espe- cially when we remember that all the expenses connected with sacrifice and worship were taken from the tithes. The treasures which flowed into the sacerdotal treasury belonged to the Lord, and of these the priests were trustees rather than possessors. 54 The Jews to the Conquest of Canaan, [Chap. y. Such, in general terms, briefly presented, was the Hebrew constitution framed by Moses, by the direction of God. It was eminently republican in spirit, and the power of the people through their representatives, was great and control- ling. The rights of property were most sacredly guarded, and crime was severely and rigidly punished. Every citizen was eligible to the highest offices. That the people were the source of all power is proven by their voluntary change of government, against the advice of Samuel, against the The Hebrew oraclc, and agaiust the council of elders. We look Constitution, j^^ ^^^^ ^^ ^1^^ aucicnt constitutions of Greece and Rome for the wisdom we see in the Mosaic code. Under no ancient government were men so free or the laws so just. It is not easy to say how much the Puritans derived from the Hebrew constitution in erecting their new empire, but in many aspects there is a striking resemblance between the republican organization of New England and the Jewish commonwealth. The Mosaic code was framed in the first year after the ex- odus, while the Israelites were encamped near Sinai. When the Tabernacle was erected, the camp was broken up, and the wanderino; in the desert recommenced. This was con- tinned for forty years — not as a punishment, but as a disci- pline, to enable the Jews to become indoctrinated into the principles of their constitution, and to gain strength and organization, so as more successfully to contend with the people they were commanded to expel from Canaan. In this wilderness they had few enemies, and some friends, and these were wandering Arab tribes. We can not point out all the details of the wanderings under the leadership of Moses, guided by the pillar of fire and the cloud. After forty years, they reached the broad valley which runs from the eastern gulf of the Red Sea, along the foot of Mount Seir, to the valley of the Dead The wander- Sea. Diverted from a direct entrance into Canaan ings of the , . , -. ttmi i&faeiites. by hostilc Edomitcs, they marched to the hilly country to the east of Jordan, inhabited by the Amor- Chap. T.] Death of Moses, 65 ites. In a conflict with this nation, they gained possession of their whole territory, from Mount Hermon to the river Arnon, which runs into the Dead Sea. The hills south of this river were inhabited by pastoral Moabites — descendants of Lot, and beyond them to the Great Desert were the Am- monites, also descendants of Lot. That nation formed an alliance with the Midianites, hoping to expel the invaders tbei-. e;^. damped on the plains of Moab. Here Moses deliv- ered hig fnrewell instructions, appointed his successor, and pi:i£ssd a"?ray on Mount Pisgah, from which he could see the promised land, but which he was not permitted to con- quer. That task was reserved for Joshua, but the complete conquest of the Oanaanites did not take place till the reign of David. CHAPTEE YI. THE CONQUEST OF CAJSTAAN TO THE ESTABLISHMENT OE THE KINGDOM OF DAVID. The only survivors of the generation that had escaped from Egypt were Caleb and Joshua. All the rest had of- fended God by murmurings, rebellion, idolatries, and sundry offenses, by which they were not deemed worthy to enter the promised land. Even Moses and Aaron had sinned against the Lord. So after forty years' wanderings, and the children of Israel were encamped on the plains of Moab, Moses finally Non-inter- addressed them, forbiddino- all intercourse with course of the , . ... t %• /-it Jews with other nations, enjommg obedience to God, requir- other na- . , ..„.,, -, , tions. mg the utter extirpation oi idolatry, and rehearsing in general, the laws which he had previously given them, and which form the substance of the Jewish code, all of which he also committed to writing, and then ascended to the top of Pisgah, over against Jericho, from which he surveyed all the land of Judah and ISTapthali, and Manasseh and Gilead unto Dan — the greater part of the land promised unto Abraham. Death of ^^ ^^^^^^ died, at the age of 120, b. c. 1451 and no Moses. man knew the place of his burial. The Lord then encouraged Joshua his successor, and the. conquest of the country began — by the passage over the T^cT,„„ Jordan and the fall of Jericho. The manna, Joshua. ' with which the Israelites for forty years had been miraculously fed, now was no longer to be had, and sup- plies of food were obtained from the enemy's country. None of the inhabitants of Jericho were spared except Rahab the harlot, and her father's household, in reward for Chap. YL] Joshua. 67 her secretion of the spy wliich Joshua had sent into the city. At the city of Ai, the three thousand men sent to take it were repulsed, in jDunishment for the sin of Achan, who had taken at the spoil of Jericho, a Babylonian garment and three hundred sheckels of silver and a wedge of gold. After he had expiated this crime, the city of Ai was taken, and all its inhabitants were put to death. The spoil of the city was reserved for the nation. The fall of these two cities alarmed the Hamite nations of Palestine west of the Jordan, and five kings of the Amorites entered into a confederation to resist the invaders. The Gibeonites made a separate peace with the Israelites. Their lives were consequently spared, but they were made slaves forever. Thus was fulfilled the pro- phecy that Canaan should serve Shem. Meantime the confederate kings — more incensed with the Gibeonites than with the Israelites, since they were traitors to the general cause, marched against Gibeon, one of the strongest cities of the land. It invoked the aid of Joshua, who came up from Gilgal, and a great battle was fought, and resulted in the total discomfiture of the five Canaanite kings. The cities of Makkedah, Libnah, Gizu, Eglon, Hebron, successively fell into the hands of Joshua, as the result of their victory. The following year a confederation of the Northern kino-s, a vast host with horses and chariots, was Combination 1 • IX T 1 IP ^ of the Uaua- arrayed against the Israelites ; but the lorces oi anites the Canaanites were defeated at the " Waters of Joshua. Merom," a small lake, formerly the Upper Jordan. This vic- tory was followed by the fiiU of Hazor, and the conquest of the whole land from Mount Halak to the Yalley of Lebanon. Thirty-one kings were smitten "in the mountains, in the plains, in the Avilderness, in the south country : the Hittites, the Amorites, the Canaanites, the Perizites, the liivites, and the Jebusites." There only remained the Philistines, whose power was formidable. The conquered country was divided among the different tribes, half of which were settled on the 58 The Conquest of Canaan to David, [Chap. VI. west of Jordan. The tabernacle was now removed to Shiloli, in the central hill country between Jordan and the Mediter- ranean, which had been assigned to the tribe of Ephraim. Jacob had prophetically declared the ultimate settlements of the twelve tribes in the various sections of the conquered country. The pre-eminence was given to Judah, whose territory was the most considerable, including Jerusalem, the future capital, then in the hands of the Jebusites. The hilly country first fell into the hands of the invaders, while the low lands were held tenaciously by the old inhabitants where their cavalry and war chariots were of most avail. The Israelites then entered, by conquest, into a fruitful Conquest of land, wcll irrigated, whose material civilization was Canaan. already established, with orchards and vineyards, and a cultivated face of nature, with strong cities and forti- fications. Joshua, the great captain of the nation, died about the year Death of 1426 B. c, and Shechem, the old abode of Abraham Joshua, ^^^ Jacob, remained the chief city until the fall of Jerusalem. Here the bones of Josej^h were deposited, with those of his ancestors. The nation was ruled by Judges from the death of Joshua for about 330 years — a period of turbulence and The Judges, _ rry^ .^ • 1^ -11 /> oi conquest. Ihe theocracy was m lull lorce, administered by the high priests and the council of elders. The people, however, were not perfectly cured of the sin of idolatry, and paid religious veneration to the gods of PhcB- nicia and Moab. The tribes enjoyed a virtual independence, and central authority was weak. In consequence, there were frequent dissensions and jealousies and encroachments. The most powerful external enemies of this period were the kings of Mesopotamia, of Moab, and of Hazor, the Midianites, the Amalekites, the Ammonites, and the Philis- tines. The great heroes of the Israelites in their contests with these people were Othniel, Ehud, Barak, Gideon, Jephthah and Samson. After the victories of Gideon over the Midianites, and of Jephthah over the Chap. YL] Samuel. 69 Amraonites, the northern and eastern tribes enjoyed com- parative repose, and when tranquillity was restored Eli seems to have exercised the office of high priest with extraordinary dignity, but his sons were a disgrace and scandal, whose profligacy led the Avay to the temporary subjection of the Israelites for forty years to the Philistines, who obtained possession of the sacred ark. A deliverer of the country was raised up in the person of Samuel, the prophet, who obtained an ascendancy over the nation by his purity and moral wisdom. He founded the "School of the Prophets '' in Ramah, and to him the people came for advice. He seems to have exercised the office of judge. Under his guidance the Israelites recov- e *ed their sacred ark, which the Philistines, grievously tor- mented by God, sent back in an impulse of superstitious fear. Moreover, these people were so completely over- thrown by the Irsaelites that they troubled them no longer for many years. Samuel, w^hen old, made his sons judges, but their rule was venal and corrupt. In disgust, the people of Israel then desired a kins:. Samuel warned them of the The israei- ^ lte« demand consequences of such a step, and foretold the a King, oppression to which they would be necessarily subject; but they were bent on having a king, like other nations — a man w •'^ should lead them on to conquest and dominion. Samuel tnen, by divine command, granted their request, and selected Saul, of the tribe of Benjamin, as a fit captain to lead the people against the Philistines — the most powerful foe which had afflicted Israel. After he had anointed the future king he assembled the whole nation together, through their deputies, at Anoint- Mizpeh, who confirmed the divine appointment. Saui. Saul, who appeared reluctant to accept the high dignity, was fair and tall, and noble in appearance, patriotic, warlike, generous, aftectionate — the type of an ancient hero, but vacillating, jealous, moody, and passionate. He was a man to make conquests, but not to elevate the dignity of the 60 The Conquest of Canaan to David. [Chap. YI. nation. Samuel retired into private life, and Saul reigned over the whole people. His first care was to select a chosen band of expe- rienced warriors, and there was need, for the Philistines His wars gathered together a great army, with 30,000 with the , , T~ ^ T T T - Philistines, chariots and 6,000 horsemen, and encamped at Michmash. The Israelites, in view of this overwhelming force, hid themselves from fear, in caves and amid the rocks of the mountain fastnesses. In their trouble it was found necessary to olFer burnt sacrifices ; but Saul, impulsive and assuming, would not wait to have the rites performed accord- ino- to the divine direction, but offered the sacrifices himself. By this act he disobeyed the fundamental laws which Moses had given, violated, as it were, the constitution ; and, as a penalty for this foolish and rash act, Samuel pronounced his future deposition; but God confounded, nevertheless, the armies of the Philistines, and they were routed and scattered. Saul then turned against the Amalekites, and took their king, whom he spared in an impulse of generosity, even though he utterly destroyed his people. Samuel reproved him for this leniency against the divine command. Saul attempted to justify himself by the sacrifice of all the ene- mies' goods and oxen, to which Samuel said, " Hath the Lord as great delight in burnt sacrifices and offerings as in obeying the voice of the Lord ? Behold ! to obey is better than sacrifice, and to hearken than the fat of rams ; for rebel- lion is as the sin of witchcraft, and stubbornness as iniquity and idolatry." Most memorable words ! thus setting virtue and obedience over all rites and ceremonies — a final answer to all ritualism and phariseeisra. The remainder of the life of Saul was embittered by the consciousness that the kingdom would depart from his The unhap- housc ; and by his jealousy of David, and his un- ])iness of , . r-i-'i i i* Saul. manly persecution of him ; m whom he saw his successor. He was slain, with three of his sons, at the battle of Gilboa, when the Philistines gained a great yictory — - B. c. 1056. Chap. TL] Saul, 61 David, meanwhile had been secretly anointed by Samuel as kino; over Israel. Nothino; could exceed his ^^ ., t5 o David. grief when he heard of the death of Saul, and of Jonathan, whom he loved, and who returned his love with a love passing that of women, and who had protected him against the wrath and enmity of his father. ' David, of the tribe of Judah, after his encounter with Goliah, was the favorite of the people, and was rewarded by a marriage with the daughter of Saul — Michal, The enmity who admired his gallantry and heroism. Saul too ^^ ^^"^^^" had dissembled his jealousy, and heaped honors on the man he was determined to destroy. By the aid of his wife, and of Jonathan, and especially protected by God, the young warrior escaped all the snares laid for his destruction, and even spared the life of Saul when he was in his power in the cave of Engedi. He continued loyal to his king, patiently waiting for his future exaltation. On the death of Saul, he was anointed king over Judah, at Hebron ; but the other tribes still adhered to ^, , ' Tbe elevation the house of Saul. A civil war ensued, during of David, which Abner, the captain-general of the late kino-, was treacherously murdered, and also Ishboseth, the feeble suc- cessor of Saul. The war lasted seven and a half years, when all the cribes gave their allegiance to David, who then fixed his seat at Jerusalem, which he had wrested from the Jebu- sites, and his illustrious reign began, when he was thirty years of age, b, c. 1048, after several years of adversity and trial. CHAPTEE YII. THE JEWISH MOXARCHT. We can not enter upon a detail of the conquests of David, tlie greatest warrior that his nation has produced. In suc- The r6i<-n of ^^^^^^^^^ Campaigns, extending over thirty years, he David. • reduced the various Canaanite nations that re- mained unconquered — the Amalekites, the Moabites, the Pliilistines, the Edomites, and the Syrians of Tobah. Hiram, king of Tyre, was his ally. His kingdom extended from the borders of Egypt to the Euphrates, and from the valley of Coelo-Syria to the eastern gulf of the Bed Sea. But his reign, if glorious and successful, was marked by troubles. He was continually at war ; his kingdom was afflicted with a plague as the punishment for his vanity in numbering the people ; his son Amnon disgraced him ; Absalom, his favorite son, revolted and was slain ; he himself was expelled for a time from his capital. But David is memorable for his character, and his poetry, Character of liis romautic vicissitudcs of life, and as the. founder of a dynasty rather than for his conquests over the neighboring nations. His magnificent virtues blended with faults, his piety in spite of his sins, his allegiance to God, and his faith in his promises invest his character with singular interest. In his Psalms he lives through all the gener- ations of men. He reigned thirty-three years at Jerusalem, and seven at Hebron, and transmitted his throne to Solomon — his youngest child, a youth ten years of age, pre- cocious in wisdom and culture. The reiojn of Solomon is most distino-uished for the masr- The reign of nificcnt Temple he erected in Jerusalem, after the oomon. (Jesigns furnished by his father, aided by the Chap. VII.] Solomon. 63 friendship of the Phoenicians. This edifice, " beautiful for situation — the joy of the whole earth," was the wonder of those times, and though small compared with subsequent Grecian temples, was probably more profusely ornamented with gold, silver, and precious woods, than any building of ancient times. We have no means of knowing its architectural appearance, in the absence of all plans jj^g architec and all ruins, and much ingenuity has been ex- t^i'^'^i ^^rks. pended in conjectures, which are far from satisfac- tory. It most probably resembled an Egyptian temple, modified by Phoenician artists. It had an outer court for worshipers and their sacrifices, and an inner court for the ark and the throne of Jehovah, into which the high priest alone entered, and only once a year. It was erected upon a solid platform of stone, having a resemblance to the temples of Paestum. The portico, as rebuilt, in the time of Herod, was 180 feet high, and the temple itself was entered by nine gates thickly coated with silver and gold. The inner sanctuary was covered on all sides by plates of gold, and was dazzling to the eye. It was connected with various courts and porticoes which gave to it an imposing appearance. Its consecration by Solomon, amid the cloud of glories in which Jehovah took possession of it, and the immense body of musicians and singers, was probably the grandest religious service ever performed. That 30,000 men were em- ployed by Solomon, in hewing timber on Mount Lebanon, and 70,000 more in hewing stones, would indicate a very extensive and costly edifice. The stones which composed the foundation were of extraordinary size, and rivaled the greatest works of the Egyptians. The whole temple was overlaid with gold — a proof of its extraordinary splendor, and it took seven years to build it. The palace of Solomon must also have been of great mag- nificence, on Avhich the resources of his kingdom - - „ . ^^ The palace. were employed tor thirteen years. He moreover built a palace for his wife, the daughter of Pharaoh, composed of costly stones, the foundation-stones of which were fifteen feet 64 The Jewish Monarchy. [Chap. Yll. in lenjith, surrounded witli beautiful columns. But these palaces did not include all his works, for the courts of the temple were ornamented with brazen pillars, with elaborate capitals, brazen seas standing upon bronze oxen, brazen bases ornamented with figures of various animals, brazen hi vers, one of which contained forty baths, altars of gold, tables, candelabras, basins, censers and other sacred vessels of pure gold, — all of which together were of enormous expense and great beauty. During the execution of these splendid works, which occu- pied thirteen years or more, Solomon gave extraordinary . , indications of wisdom, as well as sio-ns of o-reat The wisdom ... of Solomon, temporal prosperity. His kingdom was the most j)owerful of Western Asia, and he enjoyed peace with other nations. His fame spread through the East, and the Queen of Sheba, among others, came to visit him, and witness his wealth and prosperity. She was amazed and astonished at the splendor of his life, the magniiicence of his court, and the brilliancy of his convei-sation, and she burst out in the most unbounded panegyrics. " The half was not told me." She departed leaving a present of one hundred and twenty talents of gold, besides spices and precious stones ; and he gave, in return, all she asked. We may judge of the wealth of Solomon from the fact that in one year six hundred and sixty-six talents of gold flowed into his treasury, besides the spices, and the precious stones, and ivory, and rare curiosi- ties which were brought to him from Arabia and India. The voyages of his ships occupied three years, and it is supposed that they doubled the Cape of Good Hope. All his banqueting cups and dishes were of pure gold, and " he exceeded all the kings of the earth for riches and wisdom," v^ho made their contributions with royal munificence. In his army were 1,400 chariots and 12,000 horses, which it would seem were purchased in Egypt. Intoxicated by this splendor, and enervated by luxury, „. Solomon foro;ot his hisrher duties, and yielded to His apos- _ o ^ '^ ' •' ^ tasy. the fascination of oriental courts. In his harem CnAP. VII.] Apostacy of Solomon. 65 were YOO wives, princesses, and 300 concubines, who turned his heart to idolatry. In punishment for his apostacy, God declared that his kingdom should be divided, and that his son should reign only over the single tribe of Judah, which was spared him for the sake of his father David. In his latter days he was disturbed in his delusions by various adversaries who rose up against him — by Hadad, a prince of Edom, and Rezon, king of Damascus, and Jeroboam, one of his principal officers, who afterward became king of the ten revolted tribes. Solomon continued, however, to reign over the united tribes for forty years, when he was gathered to his fathers. The apostacy of Solomon is the most mournful fall record- ed in history, thereby showing that no intellectual power can rescue a man from the indulgence of his passions and the sins of pride and vainglory. How immeasurably superior to him in self-control was Marcus Aurelius, who had jj.^ ^^^^^^ the whole world at his feet ! It was women who "^^y^- estranged him from allegiance to God — the princesses of idola trous nations. Although no mention is made of his repentance, the heart of the world will not accept his final impenitence ; and we infer from the book of Ecclesiastes, written when all his delusions were dispelled — that sad and bitter and cynical composition, — that he was at least finally persuaded that the fear of the Lord constitutes the beo-innins: and the end of all wisdom in this probationary state. And we can not but feel that he who urged this wisdom upon the young with so much reason and eloquence at last was made to feel its power upon his own soul. The government of Solomon, nevertheless had proved arbi- trary, and his public works. oppressive. The mon- Therebei- •^ ' ^ ■'■■'■.. lion of Jero- arch whom he most resembled, in his taste for boum. magnificence, in the splendor of his reign, and in the vexa- tions and humiliations of his latter days, was Louis XIY. of France, who sowed the seeds of future revolutions. So Solomon prepared the way for rebellion, by his grievous exactions. Under his son Rehoboam, a vain and frivolous, and obstinate young man, who ascended the throne b. c. 975, 5 66 Th^ Jewish Monarchy. [Chap. YII. the revolt took place. lie would not listen to his father's councillors, and increased rather than mitigated the burdens of the people. And this revolt was successful: ten tribes joined the standard of Jeroboam, with 800,000 fighting men. Judah remained faithful to Rehoboam, and the tribe of Ben- jamin subsequently joined it, and from its geographical situ- ation, it remained nearly as powerful as the other tribes, having 500,000 fighting men. But the area of territory was only quarter as large. The Jewish nation is now divided. The descendants Division «f of David reign at Jerusalem; the usurper and '^'^ rebel Jeroboam reigns over the ten tribes, at Shechem. For the sake of clearness of representation we will first pre- sent the fortunes of the legitimate kings who reigned over the tribe of Judah. Rehoboam reigned forty-one ye^rs at Jerusalem, but did evil in the sight of the Lord. In the fifth year of his reign his capital was rifled by the king of Egypt, who took away the The mT->iT ^^* death. givmg bis aid to the king oi Babylon, or to pre- vent the march of Necho, which lay through the great plain of Esdi*8&lon. Josiah, heedless of all warnings, ventured in person against the Egyptian army, though in disguise, and was slain by an arrow. His dead body was brought to Jerusalem, and was buried in one of the sepulchres of his fathers ; and all Judah and Israel mourned for the loss of one of the gi^atest, and certainly the best of their kings. The prophet Jeremiah pronounced his eulogy, and led the lamentations of the people for this great calamity, B. c. 608. 72 The Jewish Monarchy. [Chap. vn. The people proclaimed one of his sons, Shallum, to be king, „. under the name of Jehoahaz, but the Eo-yptian His succes- ' oJ X s«i". conqueror deposed him and set up his brother Jehoiakim as a tributary vassal. He reigned ingloriously for eleven years — an idolator and a tyrant. In his days Nebuchadnezzar, king of Babylon, came up Nebnchad- agaiust him, having driven the Egyptians out of a:?:ifnst^^'^^ Palestine. Jehoiakim made his submission to the Judah. conqueror of Egypt, who now reigned over the whole Assyrian empire, but did not escape captivity in Babylon, with many other of the first men of the nation, including Daniel, and the spoil of Jerusalem. He was restored to the throne, on promise of paying a large tribute. He served the king of Babylon three years and then rebelled, hoping to secure the assistance of Egypt. But he leaned on a broken reed. A Chaldean army laid siege to Jerusalem, and Jehoiakim was killed in a sally, b. c. 597. His son Jehoiacliin had reigned only three months when ISTebuchad- nezzar, a great general, came to carry on the siege in person. The city fell, the king was carried into captivit}^, with 10,000 The fill of ^^ ^^^* subjects, auioug whom were Ezekiel and Jerusalem. Mordccai, and only the poorer class remained behind. Over these people Nebuchadnezzar set up Zede- kiah, the youngest son of Josiah, as tributary king. Yet even in this state of degradation and humiliation the Jews, wrought upon by false prophets, expected deliverance, ao-ainst the solemn warnino-s of Jeremiah, who remained at Jerusalem. Zedekiah, encouraged by the partial successes of the Egyptians, rebelled, upon which the king of Babylon resolved upon the complete conquest and utter ruin of the country. Jerusalem fell into his hands, by assault. Captivity of ^^^ ^^^^^ Icvclcd witli tlic grouud, and the temple the Jews. ^y^s destroyed. Zedekiah, in attempting to escape, was taken, had his eyes put out, and was carried captive to Babylon, together M^ith the whole nation, and the country was reduced to utter desolation. It was not, how- ever, repeopled by heathen settlers, as was Samaria. The Chap. VIL] The Ten Tribes. 73 small remnant that remained, under the guidance of Jere- miah, recovered some civil rights, and supported themselves by the cultivation of the laud, and in their bitter misery- learned those lessons which prepared them for a renewed j^ros- perity after the seventy years captivity. Never afterward was idolatry practiced by the Jews. But no nation was ever more signally humiliated and prostrated. Can we hence wonder at the mournful strains of Jeremiah, or the bitter tears which the captive Jews, now slaves, shed by Jeremiah. the rivers of Babylon when they remembered the old prosperity of Zion. The Jewish monarchy ended by the capture of Zedekiah. The kingdom of the ten tribes had already fallen to the same foes, and even more disastrously, because the kings of Israel were uniformly wicked, without a sino-le ^, , exception, and were hopelessly sunk into idolatry; J^^.^^^^^i' whereas the kings of Judah were good as well as Judah. evil, and some of them were illustrious for virtues and talents. The descendants of David reigned in Jerusalem in an unbro- ken dynasty for more than 500 years, while the monarchs of Samaria were a succession of usurpers. The degenerate kings were frequently succeeded by the captains of their guards, who in turn gave way for other usurpers, all of whom were bad. The dynasty of David was uninterrupted to the captivity of the nation. And the kingdom of Judah was also more powerful and prosperous than that of the ten tribes, in spite of their superior numbers. But it is time to consider these ten tribes which revolted under Jeroboam. Their history is uninteresting, ^^^ ^^^ and, were it not for the beautiful episodes which t"b<^s- relate to the prophets who were sent to reclaim the ]:)eople from idolatry, would be without significance other than that which is drawn from the lives of wicked and idolatrous kin Of s. Jeroboam commenced his reign b. c. 975, by setting up for worship two golden calves in Bethel and Dan, and thus in- augurated idolatry : for which his dynasty was short. His 74 The Jewish Monarchy. [Caip. YIL son Kadah was murdered in a military revolution, b. c. 953, and the usurper of his throne, Baasha, destroyed his whole T ^ house. He, too, was a wicked prince, and his son Jeroboam. ' , ' . . ^ . ' , Elah was slain by Zimri, captain of his guard, who now reigned over Israel, after exterminating the whole family of Elah, but was in his turn assassinated after a reign of seven years, b. c. 929. Omri, the captain of the guard, was now raised by the voice of the people to the throne ; but he had a rival in Tibni, whom he succeeded in conquering. Omri reigned twelve years, and bought the hill of Samaria, on which he built the capital of his kingdom. But he „. . ^ , exceeded all his predecessors in iniquity, and was His wicked ^ \. j ^ reign. succceded by his son Ahab, who reigned twenty- two years. He was the most infamous of all the kings of Israel, both for cruelty and idolatry, and his queen, Jezebel, was also unique in crime — the Messalina and Fredigonde of her age. It was through her influence that the worship of Baal became the established religion, thus showing that the general influence of woman on man is evil whenever she is not Christian. And this is perhaps the reason that the ancients represented women as worse than men. It was during the reign of this wicked king that God raised up the greatest of the ancient prophets — Elijah, and sent him to Ahab with the stern intelligence that there should be no rain until the prophet himself should invoke it. After three years of grievous famine, dur- ing which he sought to destroy the man v>"ho pro- phesied so much evil, but who was miraculously fed in his flight by the ravens, Ahab allowed Elijah to do his will. Thereupon he caused the king to assemble together the whole people of Israel, through their representatives, upon Mount Carmel, together with the four hundred and fifty priests of Baal, and the four hundred false prophets of the grove, Thedestruc- whom Jczebel Supported. He then invoked the priests oF people, who, it seems, vacillated in their opinions Bani. Ij-^ respect to Jehovah and Baal, to choose finnHy, Chap. VIIJ Ahcib and Jezebel, 75 of these two deities, the God whom they would worship. Having discomfited the priests of Baal in the trial of sacri- fices, and mocked them with the fiercest irony, thereby show- ing to the people how they had been imposed upon, Elijah incited them to the slaughter of these false prophets and foreign priests, and then set up an altar to the true God. But all the people had not fallen into idolatry ; there still had remained seven thousand who had not bowed unto BaaL Rain descended almost immediately, and Ahab departed and told Jezebel what had transpired. Hereupon, wrath of she was transported with rage and fury, and '^'^^^^^*^^- sought the life of the prophet. He again escaped, and by divine command went to the wilderness of Damascus and anointed Hazael to be king over Syria, and Jehu to be king over Israel, and Elisha to be his successor as prophet. Soon after this, Benhadad, the king of Syria, came from Damascus with a vast army and thirty-two allied kings, to be- siege Samaria. Defeated in a battle with Ahab, the war with king of Syria fled, but returned the following year ^^^'^scus. with a still larger army for the conquest of Samaria. But he was again defeated, with the loss of one hundred thousand men in a single day, and sought to make peace with the kino- of Israel. Ahab made a treaty with him, instead of taking his life, for which the prophet of the Lord predicted evil upon him and his people. But the anger of God was still further increased by the slaughter of Naboth, through the wiles of Jezebel, and the unjust possession of the vineyard which Ahab had coveted. Elijah, after this outrage on all the fundamental laws of the Jews, npet the king for c„i.se upon the last time, and pronounced a dreadful penalty "^^^^* — that his own royal blood should be licked up by dogs in the very place where Naboth was slain, and that his pos- terity should be cut off" from reigning over Israel ; also, that his wicked queen should be eaten by dogs. In three years after, while attempting to recover Ramoth, in Gilead, from Benhadad, he lost his life, and was brought in his chariot to Samaria to be buried. And the dogs came TB The Jewish Monarchy. [Chap. YIL and licked the blood from the chariot where it was washed. ,, . , He was succeeded by Ahaziah, his son, b. c. 913, who renewed the AYorship of Baal, and died after a short and inglorious reign, b. c. 896, without leaving any son, and Jelioram, his brother, succeeded him. In reference to this king the Scripture accounts are obscure, and he is sometimes confounded with Jehoram, the son of Jehosha- pliat, king of Judah, who married a daughter of Ahab. Tliis accounts for the alliance between Jehoshaphat and Ahab, and also between the two Jehorams, since they were brothers-in-law, which brought to an end the long wars of seventy years, which had wasted both Israel and Judah. Jehoram did evil in the sight of the Lord, but was not disgraced by idolatry. In his reign the Moabites, who paid a tribute of one hundred thousand sheep and one hundred thousand lambs, revolted. Jehoram, assisted by the kings of Judah, and of Edom, marched against them, and routed them, and destroyed their cities, and tilled up their wells, and felled all their good trees, and covered their good land with stones. Meanwhile, it happened that there was a grievous famine in Samaria, so that an ass's head sold for eighty pieces of sil- ver. Benhadad, in this time of national distress, came with Famine in ^ mighty liost and besieged the city; but in the Samana. i;iight, iu his camp was heard a mighty sound of chariots and horses, and a panic ensued, and the Syrians fled, leaving every thing behind them. The spoil of their camp furnished the starving Samaiitans with food. After this, Jehoram was engaged in war with the Syrians, now ruled by Hazael, one of the generals of Benhaclad, who Wars with had murdcrcd his master. In this war, Jehoram, ae byiuuis. ^^ Joram, was wounded, and went to be healed of his wounds at Jezreel, where he was visited by his kinsman, Ahaziah, who had succeeded to the throne of Judah. While he lay sick in this place, Jehu, one of his gen- erals, conspired against him, and drew a bow against him, and the arrow pierced him so that he died, and his Chap. YII.] Death of Elisha. 77 body was cast into Naboth's vineyard. Thus was the sin against Naboth again avenged. Jehu prosecuted the work of vengeance assigned to him, and slewAhaziah, the king of Judah, also, and then caused Jezebel, the queen mother, to be thrown from a window, and the dogs devoured her body. He then slew the seventy sons of Ahab, and all his great men, and his kinsfolk, and his priests, so that none remained of the house of Ahab, as Elijah had predicted. His zeal did not stop here, but he collected together, by artifice, all the priests of Baal, and smote them, and brake their images. But Jehu, now king of Israel, though he had destroyed the priests of Baal, fell into the idolatry of Jeho- ^ ' , -^ . Jehu. ram, and was therefore inflicted with another in- vasion of the Syrians, who devastated his country, and deci- mated his people. He died, after a reign of twenty-eight years, b. c. 856, and was succeeded by his son, Jehoahaz. This king also did evil in the sight of the Lord, so that he was made subject to Hazael, king of Syria, all his days, who ground down and oppressed Israel, as the prophet had predicted. He reigned seventeen years, in sorrow and humi- liation, and was succeeded by his son Johash, who ^^^ followed the wicked course of his predecessors. His reign lasted sixteen ^'-ears, during which Elisha died. There is nothing in the Scriptures more impressive than the stern messages which this prophet, as well as Elijah, sent to the kino-s of Israel, and the bold rebukes with which he re- proached them. Nor is any thing more beautiful than those episodes which pertain to the cure of JSTaanian, the Syrian, and the restoration to life of the son of the Shunamite woman, in reward for her hospitality, and the interview with Hazael before he became king. All his predictions came to pass. He seems to have lived an isolated and ascetic life, though he had great influence with the people and the king, like other prophets of the Lord. Jeroboam II. succeeded Johash, b. c. 825, and ^^^^j. ^^^^^ reigned successfully, and received all the territory reigns. which the Syrians had gained, but he did not depart from IS snc- cessurs. 78. The Jewish Monarchy, [Chap. YIL the idolatry of the golden calves. His son and successor, Zachariah, followed his evil courses, and was slain by Shal- lum, after a brief reign of six months, and the dynasty of Jehu came to an end, b. c. 772. Shallum was murdered one month afterward by Menahem, who reigned ingloriously ten years. It was during his reign that Pul, king of Assyria, invaded his territories, but was induced to retire for a sum of one thousand talents of silver, which he exacted from his subjects. He was succeeded by Pekaiah, a bad prince, who was assassinated at the end of two years by Pekah, one of his caj^tains, who seized his throne. During his reign, which lasted twenty years, Tiglath-Pilaser, king of Assyria, made war against him, by invitation of Ahaz, and took his principal cities, and carried their inhabitants captive to Nineveh. He was assassinated by Hosea, who reigned in his stead. He also was a bad prince, and became subject to Shalraanezer, king of Assyria, who came up against him. In the ninth year of his reign, hav- ing proved treacherous to Shalmanezer, the king of Assyria „ „ , besieo'ed Samaria, and carried him captive to his Fall of o ' ^ Samaria. Q^rn capital. Thus ended the kingdom of the ten tribes, who were now carried into captivity beyond the Euphrates, and who settled in the eastern provinces of Assyria, and probably relapsed hopelessly into idolatry, without ever revisiting their native land. In all probability most of them were absorbed among the nations which com- posed the Assyrian empire, b. c. 721. Nineteen sovereigns thus reigned over the children of The kings Israel in Samaria — a period of two hundred and fifty- of Israel. ^^^^ years, uot ouc of whom was obedient to the laws of God, and most of whom perished by assassination, or in battle. There is no record in history of more inglori- ous kings. There was not a great man nor a good man among them all. They were, with one or two exceptions, disgraced by the idolatry of Jeroboam, in whose steps they followed. Nor was their kingdom ever raised to any con- siderable height of political power. The history of the re- Chap. YIL] Elijah and Elisha. 79 volted and idolatrous tribes is gloomy and disgraceful, only relieved by the stern lives of Elijah and Elisha, the only men of note who remained true to the God of their fathers, and who sought to turn the people from their sins. "Where- upon the Lord w^as very angry with Israel, and removed them out of his sight," CHAPTER YIII. THE OLD CHALDEAN AND ASSTEIAN MONARCHIES. On a great plain, four liundred miles in length and one rrr, 1 . hundred miles in width, forming' the valley of the Tlie plains ' •=' -^ of Babylon. Euphrates, bounded on the north by Mesopota- mia, on the east by the Tigris, on the south by the Persian Gulf, and on the west by the Syrian Desert, was estab- lished, at a very early period, the Babylonian monarchy. This plain, or valley, contains about twenty-three thousand square miles, equal to the Grecian territories. It was desti- tute of all striking natural features — furnishing an unbroken horizon. The only interruptions to the view on this level plain were sand-hills and the embankments of the river. The river, like the Nile, is subject to inundations, though less regular than the Nile, and this, of course, deposits a rich allu- vial soil. The climate in summer is intensely hot, and in winter mild and i^enial. Wheat here is indio-enous, and the vine and other fruits abound in rich luxuriance. The land was as rich as the valley of the Nile, and was favorable to flocks and herds. The river was stocked with fish, and every means of an easy subsistence was afforded. Into this goodly land a migration from Armenia— the primeval seat of man — came at a period when history begins. Nimrod and his hunters then gained an ascend- ency over the old settlers, and supplanted them — Cushites, of the family of Ham, and not the descendants of Shem. The Tower '^^^^^ beginning of the kingdom of Nimrod was of Babel. Babel, a tower, or temple, modeled after the one which was left unfinished, or was destroyed. This was erected, probably, b. c. 2334. It was square, and arose with Chap. YIIL] Foundation of J^ssyria. 81 successive stories, each one smaller than the one below, presenting an analogy to the pyramidical form. The high- est stage supported the sacred ark. The temple was built of burnt brick. Thus the race of Ham led the way in the arts in Chaldea as in Egypt, and soon fell into idolatry. "VYe know nothing, with certainty, of this ancient monarchy, which lasted, it is supposed, two hundred and hftj^-eight years, from b. c. 2234 to 1976. It was not established until after the dispersion of the races. The dynasty of which Nimrod was the founder came to an end during the early years of Abraham. The first king of the new dynasty is supposed to be Ched- orlaomer, though Josephus represents him as a general of the Chaldean king who extended the Chaldean conquests to Palestine. His encounters with the kings of -pj^g fom^fia- Sodom, Gomorrah, and others in the vale of Sid- ^g" ^[j^Jf® dim, tributary princes, and his slaughter by Abra- monarchy. ham's servants, are recounted in the fourteenth chapter of Genesis, and put an end to Chaldean conquests beyond the Syrian desert. From his alliance, however, with the Tidal, king of nations ; Amraphel, king of Shinar ; and Arioch, king of Ellasar, we infer that other races, besides the Hamite, composed the population of Chaldea, of which the subjects of Chedorlaomer were iDre-eminent. His empire was subverted by Arabs from the desert, b. c. 1518; and an Arabian dynasty is supposed to have reigned for two hundred and forty-five years. This came to an end in consequence of a grand irruption of Assyrians — of Semitic orio-in. " Asshur (Gen. Extension of J ~ the kiiT^- 10, 11), the son of Shem, built Mneveh," which dom. was on the Tigris. The name Assyria came to be extended to the whole of Upper Mesopotamia, from the Euphrates to the Tagros mountains. This country consisted ot undu- lating pastures, diversified by woodlands, and watered by streams running into the Tigris. Its valleys were rich, its hills were beautiful, and its climate was cooler than the Chaldean plain. 6 82 CTialdean and Assyrian Monarchies, [Chap. Yili. It would seem from the traditions preserved by the Greeks, that Nineveh was ruled by a viceroy of the Babylonian king. This corresponds with the book of Genesis, which makes the dynasty Chaldean, while the people were Semitic, since the kingdom of Asshur was derived from that of Nimrod. " Mnus, the viceroy," says Smith, "having revolted from the king of Babylon, overruns Armenia, Asia Minor, and the shores of the Euxine, as far as Tanais, subdues the Medes and Persians, and makes war upon the Bactrians. Semiramis, the wife of one of the chief nobles, coming to the camp before Bactria, takes the city by a bold stroke. Her courage wins the love of ISTinus, and she becomes his wife. On his death she succeeds to the throne, and undertakes the conquest of India, but is defeated." These two sovereigns built Nineveh on a grand scale, as well as added to the edifices of Babylon. This king was the founder of the northwest palace of Nineveh, three hundred and sixty feet long and three hun- dred wide, standing on a raised platform overlooking the Tigris, with a grand fa9ade to the north fronting the town, and another to the west commanding the river. It was built of hewn stone, and its central hall was one hundred and twenty feet long and ninety wide. The ceilings were of cedar brought from Lebanon. The walls were paneled Avith slabs of marble ornamented with bas-reliefs. The floors were paved with stone. (See Rawlinson's Herodotus.) All this is tradition, but recent discoveries in cuneiform literature shed light upon it. From these, compared with the fragments of Berosus, a priest of Babylon in the third cen- tury before Christ, and the scattered notices of Scripture his- tory, we infer that the dynasty which Belus founded reigned more than five hundred years, from 1272 to 747 before Christ. Of these kings, Sardanapalus, the most famous, added Babylonia to the Assyrian empire, and built vast architec- tural works. He employed three hundred and sixty The palaces. , , , . , . pi- i tnousand men m the construction or this palace, some of whom were employed in making brick, and others in Chap. VIII.] Conquests of the Assyrians. 83 cuttinsT timber on Mount Hermon. It covered an area of eight acres. The palaces of Nineveh were of great splendor, and the scenes portrayed on the walls, as discovered by Mr. Layard, lately disinterred from the mounds of earth, repre- sent the king as of colossal stature, fighting battles, and clothed with symbolic attributes. He appears as a great warrior, leading captives, and storming cities, and also in the chase, piercing the lion, and pursuing the wild ass. This monarch should not be confounded with the Sardanapalus of the Greeks, the last of the preceding dynasty. His son, Shalmanezer, was also a great prince, and added to the dominion of the Assyrian empire. Distant nations paid tribute to him, the Phoenicians, the Syrians, the Jews, and the Medians beyond the Tagros mountains. He defeated Benhadad and routed Hazael. His reign ended, ^gg 1.^^11 it is supposed, b. c. 8'50. Two other kings sue- ^^^s^- ceeded him, who extended their conquests to the west, the last of whom is identified by Smith with Pul, the reigning monarch when Jonah visited Nineveh, b. c. 770. The next dynasty commences with Tiglath-Pileser H., who carried on wars against Babylon and Syria and Israel. This was in the time of Ahaz, b. c. 729. His son, Shalmanezer, made Hosea, king of Israel, his vassal, and reduced the country of the ten tribes to a province of his empire, and carried the people away into captivity. Hezekiah was also, for a time, his vas- conquests of sal. He was succeeded by Sargon, b. c. 721, ac- shaimanezer. cording to Smith, but 715 b. c, according to others. He reigned, as Geseneus thinks, but two or three years ; but fif- teen according to Pawlinson, and built that splendid palace, the ruins of which, at Khorsabad, have supplied the Louvre with its choicest remains of Assyrian antiquity. He was one of the greatest of the Assyrian conquerors. He invaded Babylon and drove away its kings ; he defeated the Philis- tines, took Ashdod and Tyre, received tribute from the Greeks at Cyprus, invaded even Egypt, whose king paid him tribute, and conquered Media. 84: . Chcddean and Assp^icm Monm^chies. [Chap. Till. His son, Sennnclierib, who came to the throne, b. c. 702, is Q , ., an interestino- historical personao-e, and under him Sennacherib. ^ i o 5 the Assyrian empire reached its culminating point. He added to the palace of N^ineveh, and built one which exceeded all that had existed before him. ISTo monarch surpassed this one in the magnificence of his buildings. He erected no less than thirty temples, shining with silver and gold. One of the halls of his palace was two hundred and twenty feet long, and one hundred and one wide. He made use of Syrian, Greek, and Phoenician artists. It is from the ruins of this palace at iLoyunjlk that Mr. Layard made those valuable discoveries which have enriched the British Museum. He subdued Babylonia, Upper Mesopotamia, Syria, Phoenicia, Philistia, Idumsea, and a part of Egypt, which, Avith Media, a part of Armenia, and the old Assyrian territory, formed his vast empire — by far greater than the Egyptian monarchy at any period. He chastised also the Jews for encouraging a revolt among the Philistines, and carried away captive tAVO hundred thousand people, and only abstained from laying siege to Jerusalem by a present from Hezekiah of three hundred talents of silver and thirty of gold. The destruction of his host, as recorded by Scripture, is thought by some to have occurred in a subsequent Culmination iuvasiou of Judca, wheu it was in alliance with ofthepo^ye^• -^ , -, _-^. of Nineveh, iigypt. ihat he returned to JSineveh and dwelt there " is asserted by Scripture, but only to be as- sassinated by his sons, b. c. 680. His son Esar-Haddon succeeded liim, a warlike monarch, who fought the Egyptians, and colonized Samaria with Babylonian settlers. He also built the jDalace of Mmrod, and cultivated art. The civilization of the Assyrians shows a laborious and Assyrian patient pcoplc. Its cliicf glory was in architect- ure. Sculpture was imitated from nature, but had neither the grace nor the ideality of the Greeks. War was the grand business of kings, and hunting their pleasure. The people were ground down by the double tyranny of Chap. YIII.] NineveJi. 85 kings and priests. There is little of" interest in the Assyrian annals, and what little we know of their life and manners is chiefly drawn by inductions from the monuments exca- vated by Botta and Layard. The learned treatise of Raw- linson sheds a light on the annals of the monarchy, whicli, before the discoveries of Layard, w^ere exceedingly obscure, and this treatise has been most judiciously abridged by Smith, whom I have followed. It would be interesting to ■ consider the mythology of the Assyrians, but it is too com- plicated for a work like this. Under his successors, the empire rapidly declined. Though it nominally included the whole of West- Decline of . the mon- ern Asia, irom the Mediterranean to the desert of archy. Iran, and from the Caspian Sea and the mountains of Armenia to the Persian Gulf, it was wanting in unity. It embraced various kingdoms, and cities, and tribes, which simply paid tribute, limited by the power of the king to enforce it. The Assyrian armies, which committed so great devastations, did not occupy the country they chas- tised, as the Romans and Greeks did. Their conquests were like those of Tamerlane. As the monarchs became effeminated, new powers sprung up, especially Media, which ultimately completed the ruin of Assyria, under Cyaxares. The last of the monarchs w^as probably the Sardanapalus of the Greeks. The decline of this great monarchy was so rapid and complete, that even Nineveh, the capital city, was blotted out of existence. No traces of it remained in the Destruction time of Herodotus, and it is only from recent ex- ^^^'^^^e^- cavations that its site is known. Still, it must have been a great city. The eastern wall of it, as it now appears from the excavations, is fifteen thousand nine hundred feet (about three miles) ; but the city probably included vast suburbs, with fortified towers, so as to have been equal to four hundred and eighty stadias in circumference, or sixty miles — the three days' journey of Jonah. It is supposed, with the suburbs, to have contained five hundred thousand 86 Chaldean and Assyrian Monarchies. [Chap. ym. people. The palaces of the great were large and magnifi- cent ; but the dwellings of the people were mean, built of brick dried in the sun. The palaces consisted of a large number of chartibers around a central hall, Its remains. i i • -n c- ■^ open to the sky, since no pillars are found neces- sary to support a roof. ISTo traces of windows are found in the w^alls, which were lined with slabs of coarse marble, Avith cuneiform inscriptions. The facade of the palaces we know little about, except that the entrances to them were lined by groups of colossal bulls. These are sculptured with considerable spirit, but art., in the sense that the Greeks un- derstood it, did not exist. In the ordinary appliances of life the Assyrians were probably on a par with the Egyp- tians; but they were debased by savage passions and degrad- ing superstitions. They have left nothing for subsequent ages to use. j^othing which has contributed to civilization remains of their existence. They have furnished no models of literature, art, or government. While Nineveh was rising to greatness, Babylon was under an eclipse, and thus lasted six hundred and fifty years. It was in the je-^v 1273 that this eclipse began. But a great Growth of change took place in the era of Narbonassar, b. c. a yion. ^,^y^ when Babylou threatened to secure its inde- pendence, and which subsequently compelled Esar-Haddon, the Assyrian monarch, to assume, in his own person, the government of Babylon, b. c. 680. In 625 B. c. the old Chaldeans recovered their political importance, probably by an alliance with the Medes, and The ISTabopolassar obtained undisputed possession of Chaldean t-jt-- -in tt i imt t monarchy. J^abyloii, aiid loundcd a short but brilliant dynasty. He obtained a share of the captives of Nineveh, and increased the population of his capital. His son, Nebu- chadnezzar, was sent as general against the Egyptians, and defeated their king, Neko, reconquered all the lands bordering on Egypt, and received the submission of Jehoiakim, of Jeru- salem. The death of Nabopolassar recalled his son to Baby- lon, and his great reign began b. c. 604. Chap. YIII.] Babylon. 87 It was he who enlarged the capital to so great an extent that he may almost be said to have built it. It was in the form of a square, on both banks of the Euphrates, Nebuchad- forty-eight miles in circuit, according to Herodotus, °^^^^^' with an area of two hundred square miles — large enough to support a considerable population by agriculture alone. The walls of this city, if we accept the testimony of Hero- dotus, were three hundred and fifty feet high, and eighty- seven feet thick, and were strengthened by two hundred and fifty towers, and pierced with one hundred gates of brass. The river was lined by quays, and the two parts of the city were united by a stone bridge, at each end of which was a fortified palace. The greatest work of the royal arcnitect was the new palace, with the ad- Magmfl- . . . . . p cence of jommg hanging garden — a series of terraces to Babylon, resemble hills, to please his Median queen. This palace, with the garden, was eight miles in circumference, and splendidly decorated with statues of men and animals. Here the mighty monarch, after his great military expeditions, solaced himself, and dreamed of omnipotence, until a sudden stroke of madness — that form which causes a man to mistake himself for a brute animal — sent him from his luxurious halls into the gardens he had planted. His madness lasted seven years, and he died, after a reign of forty-three years, b. c. 561, and Evil-Merodach, his son, reigned in his stead. He was put to death two years after, for lawlessness and intemperance, and was succeeded by his brother-in-law and murderer, Neriglissar. So rapid was the decline of the monarchy, that after a few brief reigns Babylon r;^n of the was entered by the army of Cyrus, and the last °^^°'^^^ ^• king, Bil-shar-utzur, or Bilshassar, associated with his father ISTabonadius, was slain, b. c. 538. Thus ended the Chaldean monarchy, seventeen hundred and ninety-six years after the building of Babel by Nimrod, according to the chronology it is most convenient to assume. CHAPTEE IX. THE EMPIEE OF THE MEDES AND PERSIANS . The third of the great Oriental monarchies brought in contact with the Jews was that of the Medes and Persians, which arose on the dissohition of the Assyrian and Babylo- The country ^^^^^^ cmpires. The nations we have hitherto of the Medes alludcd to wcrc either Haraite or Shemite. But and Per- sians. Q^^Y attention is now directed to a different race, the descendants of Japhet. Madai, the third son of Japhet, Avas the progenitor of the Medes, whose territory extended from the Caspian Sea on the north, to the mountains of Per- sia on the south, and from the highlands of Armenia and the chain of Tagros on the west, to the great desert of Iran on the east. It comprised a great variety of climate, and was intersected by mountains whose valleys were fruitful in corn and fruits. " The finest part of the country is an ele- vated region inclosed by the offshoots of the Armenian mountains, and surrounding the basin of the great lake Urumizu, four thousand two hundred feet above the sea, and the valleys of the ancient Mardus and the Araxes, the north- ern boundarv of the land. In this mountain reg:ion stands Tabris, the delightful summer seat of the modern Persian shahs. The slopes of the Tagros furnish excellent pasture ; and here were reared the famous horses which the an- cients called ^issean. The eastern districts are flat and pestilential, where they sink down to the shores of the Cas- pian Sea; rugged and sterile where they adjoin the desert of Iran." The people who inhabited this country were The martial hardy and bold, and were remarkable for tlieir character of the people, liorsemaiiship. ± hey were the greatest warriors Ckap. IX. Bevolt of Media. 89 of the ancient world, until the time of the Greeks. They were called Aryians by Herodotus. They had spread over the highlands of Western Asia in the primeval ages, and formed various tribes. The first notice of this Aryan (or Arian) race, appears in the inscriptions on the black obelisk of Nimrod, b. c. 880, from which it would appear that this was about the period of the immigration into Media, and they were then exposed to the aggressions of the ^.^^-^^ ^.j^^g Assyrians. " The first king who menaced their in- ^'^ Me'iia. dependence was the monarch whose victories are recorded on the black obelisk in the British Museum." He made a raid into, rather than a conquest of, the Median country. Sargon, the third monarch of the Lower Empire, effected something Tike a conquest, and peopled the cities which he founded with Jewish captives from Samaria, b. c. 710. Media thus became the most eastern province of his empire, but the conquest of it was doubtless incomplete. The Median princes paid trib- ute to the kings of Nineveh, or withheld it, according to their circumstances. Accordino- to Ctesias, the Median monarchy commenced B. c. 875 ; but Herodotus, with greater probable accuracy, places the beginning of it b. c. 708. The revolt of Media from Assyria was followed by the election of Deio- ces, who reigned fifty-three years. The history of this king is drawn through Grecian sources, and can not much be depended upon. According to the legends, the seven tribes of the Medes, scattered over separate villages, suffered all the evils of anarchy, till the reputation of Deioces made him the arbiter of their disputes. He then retired into pri- vate life; anarchy returned, a king was called for, and Deioces Avas elected. He organized a despotic power, which had its central seat in Ecbatana, which he made his capital, built upon a hill, on the summit of which was the royal palace, where the king reigned in seclusion, transacting all business through spies, informers, petitions, and decrees. Such is the account which Rawlinson gives, and which Smith fol- lows. 90 JEm/pire of the Medes and Persians, [Chap. ix. The great Median kingdom really began with Cyaxares, about the year b. c. 633, wlien the Assyrian empire Cyaxares. ' . -_^ i -T • t-t was wanmg. He emerges irom the obscurity like Attila and Gengis Khan, and other eastern conquerors, at the head of irresistible hordes, sweeps all away before him, and builds up an enormous power. This period was distin- guished by a great movement among the Turanian races (Cimmerians), living north of the Danube, which, according to Herodotus, made a great irruption into Asia Minor, where some of the tribes eftected a permanent settlement ; while the Scythians, from Central Asia, overran Media, crossed the Zagros mountains, entered Mesopotamia, passed through Syria to Egypt, and held the dominion of Western Asia, till expelled by Cyaxares. He only established his new king- dom after a severe conflict between the Scythian and Aryan races, which had hitherto shared the possession of the table- lands of Media. From age to age the Turanian races have pressed forward to occupy the South, and it was one of these great move- Theinup- Hicuts which Cyaxarcs opposed, and opposed suc- tion of the cessfullv — the first recorded in history. These no- races. mads of Tai'tary, or Scythian tribes, which overran Western Asia in the seventh century before Christ, under the new names of Huns, Avari, Bulgarians, Magyars, Turks, Mon- gols, devastated Europe and Asia for fifteen successive cen- turies. They have been the scourge of the race, and they commenced their incursions before Grecian history begins. Learning from these Scythian invaders many arts, not before practiced in war, such as archery and cavalry move- , - ments, Cyaxares was prepared to extend his em- Cyaxares. t^^^q ^q ^he wcst ovcr Armenia and Asia Minor, as far as the river Halys. He made war in Lydia with the father of Crcesus. But before these conquests were made, he probably captured Nineveh and destroyed it, b. c. 625. He was here assisted by tlie whole force of the Babylonians, under Nabopolassar, an old general of the Assyrians, but who had rebelled. In reward he obtained for his son, Nebu- Chap. IX.] The Cimmerians, 91 chadnezzar, the hand of the daughter of Cyaxares. The hast of the Assyrian monarchs, whom the Greeks have called Sardanapalus, burned himself in his palace rather than^all into the hands of the Median conqueror. The fall of Nineveh led to the independence of Babylon, and its wonderful growth, and also to the conquests of the Medes as far as Lydia to tlie west. The war with ^ .,, •I War with Lydia lasted six years, and was carried on with vari- Ly^^ia. ous success, until peace was restored by the mediation of a Babylonian prince. The reason that peace was made was an eclipse of the sun, which happened in the midst of a great battle, which struck both armies with superstitious fears. On the conclusion of peace, the son of the Median king, Astyages, married the daughter of the Lydian monarch, Alyattes, and an alliance was formed between Media and Lydia. At this time Lydia comjDrised nearly all of Asia Minor, west of the Halys. The early history of this country is r^^^^j^ ^^^^ involved in obscm-ity. The dynasty on the throne, monaiciiy. when invaded by the Medes, was founded by Gyges, b. c. '724, who began those aggressions on the Grecian colonies which were consummated by Croesus, Under the reign of Ardys, his successor, Asia Minor was devastated by the Cimmerians, a people who came from the regions north of the Black Sea, between the Danube and the Sea of Azov, being driven away by an inundation of Scythians, like that which afterward desolated Media. These Cimmerians, having burned the great temple of Diana, at Ephesus, and de- stroyed the capital city of Sardis, were expelled from Lydia by Alyattes, the monarch against whom Cyaxares had made war. Cyaxares reigned forty years, and was succeeded by Asty- ages, B. c. 593, whose history is a total blank, till near the close of his long reign of thirty-five years, when the Per- sians under Cyrus arose to power. He seems to have resigned himself to the ordinary condition of Ori- ental kings — to effeminacy and luxury — brought 92 Empire of the Medes and Persians, [Chap, ix, about by the j)rosperity wliich he inlierited. He was contem- porary with Croesus, the famous king of Lydia, whose life haslbeen invested with so much romantic interest by Hero- dotus — the first of the Asiatic kinoes who commenced hostile aggression on the Greeks. After making himself master of all the Greek States of Asia Minor, he combated a power which was destined to overturn the older monarchies of the East — that of the Persians — a race closely connected with the Medes in race, lano-nagfe, and relio-ion. The Persians first appear in history as a hardy, warlike people, simple in manners and scornful of luxury. They were uncultivated in art and science, but possessed great wit, and a j^oetical imagination. They lived in the mountainous region on the soutliwest of Iran, where the great plain descends to the Persian Gulf. The sea-coast is hot and arid, „,, , as well as the eastern reo'ion where the mountains Ine early » history of pj^gg j^^^q ^jjg table-land of Iran. Between these siaus. tracts, resembling the Arabian desert, lie the high lands at the extremity of the Zagros chain. These rugged regions, rich in fruitful valleys, are favorable to the cultiva- tion of corn, of the grape, and fruits, and afford excellent pasturage for flocks. In the northern part is the beautiful plain of Shiraz, which forms the favorite residence of the modern shahs. In the valley of Bend-amir was the old capi- tal of Persepolis, whose ruins attest the magnificent palaces of Darius and Xerxes. Persia proper was a small country, three hundred miles from north to south, and two hundred and eighty from east to west, inhabited by an Aryan race, who brought with them, from the country beyond the Indus, a distinctive religion, language, and political institu- tions. Their language was closely connected with the Aryan dialects of India, and the tongues of modern Europe. Hence the Persians were noble types of the great Indo- European family, whose civilization has spread throughout the world. Their religion was the least corrupted of the ancient races, and was marked by a keen desire to arrive at truth, and entered, iu the time of the Gnostics, into the Chap. IX.l Zoroaster. 9 Q speculations of the Christian fathers, of whom Origen was the type. Their teachers were the Magi, a wise and learned caste, some of whom came to Jerusalem in the time of Ilerod, guided by the star in the East, to institute inquiries as to tlie birth of Christ. They attempted to solve the mysteries of creation, but their elemental principle of religion was worship of all the elements, especially of fire. But the Persians also believed in the two principles of good and evil, Avliich were called the principle of dualism, and which they brought from India. It is thought by Rawlin- son that the Persians differed in their religion from the primeval people of India, whose Yedas, or sacred books, were based on monotheism, in its spiritual and personal form, and that, for the heresy of " dualism," they were com- pelled to migrate to the West. The Medes, with whom they subsequently became associated, were inclined to the old elemental worship of nature, which they learned from the Turanian or Scythic population. The great man among the Persians was Zoroaster — or Zerdusht, born, probably, b. c. 589. He is immortal, not from his personal history, the details of which we '■ . , . Zoroaster. are ignorant, but from his ideas, which became the basis of the faith of the Persians. He stamped his mind on the nation, as Mohammed subsequently did upon Arabia. His central principle was " dualism" — the two j^owers of good and evil — the former of which was destined ultimately to conquer. But Avith this dualistic creed of the old Persian, he also blended a reformed Magian worship of the elements, which had gained a footing among the Chaldean priests, and which originally came from the Scythic invaders. Magisni could not have come from the Semitic races, whose original relio'ion was theism, like that of Melchisedek and , His religion. Abraham; nor from the Japhetic races, or Indo- European, whose worship was polytheism — that of personal gods under distinct names, like Jupiter, Juno, and Minerva. The first to yield to this Magism were the Medes, avIio adopted the religion of older settlers, — the Scythic tribes, 94: Em.jpire of the Medes and Persians, [Chap. IX. their subjects, — and which faith superseded the old Aryan relis^ion. Character of The Pcrsiaus, the flower of the Aryan races, the Persians -^.gj.g peculiarly military in all their habits and aspirations. Their nobles, mounted on a famous breed of horses, composed the finest cavalry in the world. Nor was their infantry inferior, armed with lances, shields, and bows. Their military spirit was kept alive by their moun- tain life and simple habits and strict discij)line. Astyages, we have seen, was the last of the Median kings. He married his daughter, according to Herodotus, to Cam- byses, a Persian noble, preferring him to a higher alliance among the Median princes, in order that a dream might not be fulfilled that her ofispring should conquer Asia. On the return of the dream he sought to destroy the child she was about to bear, but it was preserved by a herdsman ; and Rise of w^hen the child was ten years of age he w\as chosen corus. 1^^^ j^-g playfellows on the mountains to be their king. As such he caused the son of a noble Median to be scourged for disobedience, who carried his complaint to Astyages. The Median monarch finds out his pedigree from the herdsman, and his officer, Harpagus, to whom he had intrusted the commission for his destruction. He invites, in suppressed anger, this noble to a feast, at which he serves up the flesh of his own son. Harpagus, in revenge, conspires with some discontented nobles, and invites Cyrus, this boy- king, now the bravest of the youths of his age and country, to a revolt. Cyrus leads his troops against Astyages, and gains a victory, and also the j)erson of the sovereign, and his great reign began, b. c. 558. The dethronement of Astyages caused a war between Lydia and Persia. Croesus hastens to attack the His "wnrs. usurper and defend his father-in-law. He forms a league with Babylonia and Egypt. Thus the three most powerful monarchs of the world are arrayed against Cyrus, who is prepared to meet the confederation. Croesus is de- feated, and retreats to his capital, Sardis ; and the next Chap. IX.] Reicjn of Cyrus. 95 spring, while summoning his allies, is attacked unexpectedly by Cyrus, and is again defeated. He now retires to Sardis, which is strongly fortified, and the city is besieged by the Persians, and falls after a brief siege. Crcesus himself is spared, and in his adversity gives wise counsel to his con- queror. Cyrus leaves a Lydian in command of the captured city, and departs for home. A revolt ensues, which leads to a collision between Persia and the Greek colonies, and the sub- jection of the Grecian cities by Harpagus, the general of Cyrus. Then followed the conquest of Asia Minor, ^^.^ ^^^^ which required several years, and was conducted by empire, the generals of Cyrns. He was required in Media, to con- solidate his power. He then extended his conquests to the East, and subdued the whole plateau of Iran, to the moun tains which divided it from the Indus. Thus fifteen years of splendid military successes joassed before he laid siege to Babylon, b. c. 538. On the fall of that great city Cyrus took up his resi- dence in it, as the imperial capital of his vast dominion. Here he issued his decree for the return of the He makes T ,. . . Tj^i 1MT Babylon his Jews to their ancient territory, and lor the rebuild- capicui. ing of their temple, after seventy years' captivity. This de- cree was dictated by the sound military policy of maintain- ing the frontier territory of Palestine against his enemies in Asia Minor, which he knew the Jews would do their best to preserve, and this policy he carried out with noble generosity, and returned to the Jews the captured vessels of silver and gold which ISTebuchadnezzar had carried away ; and for more than two centuries Persia had no warmer friends and allies than the obedient and loyal subjects of Judea. Cyrus fell in battle wdiile fighting a tribe of Scythians at the east of the Caspian Sea, b. c. 529. He was the great- est general that the Oriental world ever j^roduced, and well may rank with Alexander himself His reign of Greatness of the reign of twenty-nine years w^as one constant succession ot Cyms. wars, in which he was uniformly successful, and in which 96 Emjpire of the Medes and Persians. [Chap. IS". success was only equaled by his magnanimity. His em- pire extended from the Indus to the Hellespont and the Syrian coast, far greater than that of either Assyria or Baby- lonia. The result of the Persian conquest on the conquerors Deeeneraey themsclves Avas to producc hablts of excessive sfan^coi^''^' li^xury, a wide and vast departure from their querors. original mode of life, which enfeebled the empire, and prepared the way for a rapid decline. Cambyses, however, the son and successor of Cyrus, car- ried out his policy and conquests. He was, unlike Cainbyses. . i ./ i. ^ his father, a tyrant and a sensualist, but possess- ed considerable military genius. He conquered Phoenicia, and thus became master of the sea as well as of the land. He then quarreled with Amasis, the king of Egypt, and sub- dued his kingdom. Like an eastern despot, he had, while in Egypt, in an hour of madness and caprice, killed his brother, Smerdis. It hap- pened there was a Magian who bore a strikino; re- His follies. ^ , semblance to the murdered prince. With the help of his brother, wliom the king had left governor of his house- hold, this Magian usurped the throne of Persia, vfhiie Cam- byses was absent, the death of the true Smerdis having been carefully concealed. The news of the usurpation reached Cambyses while returning from an expedition to Syria. An accidental TTsiirpation wouud froiii the Boiut of his sword proved of the Mil- ^ -A ^ -, -, ^. gians. mortal, B, c. 522. r>ut Cambyses, about to die, called his nobles around him, and revealed the murder of his brother, and exhorted them 'to prevent the kingdom falling into the hands of the Medes. He left no children. The usurper j^roved a tyrant. A conspiracy of Persians followed, headed by the descendants of Cyrus ; and Darius, the chief of these — the son of Hystaspes, became king of Persia, after Smerdis had reiojned seven months. Darius. ..-,.^. But this reign, brief as it was, had restored the old Magian priests to power, who had, by their magical arts. Chap. IX.] HcDolt of tJw Ionian Cities. 9Y great popularity with the people, not only Medes, but Persians. Darius restored the temples and the worship which the Magian priests had overthrown, and established Hiscon- the religion of Zoroaster. The early years of his ^"^^*^^- reign were disturbed by rebellions in Babylonia and Media , but these were suppressed, and Darius prosecuted the con- quests which Cyrus had begun. He invaded both India and Scythia, while his general, Megabazus, subdued Thrace and the Greek cities of the Hellespont. The king of Macedonia acknowledged the supremacy of the great monarch of Asia, and gave the customary His great- present of earth and water. Darius returned at °^^^" length to Susa to enjoy the fruit of his victories, and' the pleasures which his great empire afforded. For twenty years his glories were unparalleled in the East, and his life was tranquil. But in the year b. c. 500, a great revolt of the Ionian cities took place. It was suppressed, at first, but the Atticans, at Marathon, defeated the Persian warriors, b. c. 490, and the great victory changed the whole course of The reyoit ... -^ . . of the Ionian Asiatic conquest. Darius made vast preparations cities. for a new invasion of Greece, but died before they were completed, after a reign of thirty-six years, b. c. 485, leaving a name greater than that of any Oriental sovereign, except Cyrus. Unfortunately for him and his dynasty, he challenged the spirit of western liberty, then at its height among the cities of Greece. His successor, Xerxes, inherited his power, but not his genius, and rashly provoked Europe by new invasions, while he lived ingloriously in his seraglio. He was murdered in his palace, the fate of the great tyrants of eastern monarchies, for in no other way than by the assassin's dagger could a change of administra- tion take place — a poor remedy, perhaps, but not worse than the disease itself. This tyrant w^as the Ahasuerus of the Scriptures. 98 Erri'pire of the Medes and Persians. [Chap. IX. We need not follow the fortunes of the imbecile princes Fate of the who succeedecl Xerxes, for the Persian monarchy Persian em- _, , , , t •! j:> ii pire. was now degenerate and weakened, and easily leil under the dominion of Alexander, who finally overthrew the power of Persia, b. c. 330. And this was well. The Persian monarchy was an abso- lute despotism, like that of Turkey, and the monarch not only controlled the actions of his subjects, but was the own&r even of their soil. He delegated his power to satraps, who ruled during his pleasure, but whose rule was disgraced by every form of extortion — sometimes punished, however, when it became outrageous and notorious. The satraps, like pashas, were virtually independent princes, and exer- its charac- ^^^'^^ ^ the rights of sovereigns so long as they teristics. secured the confidence of the supreme monarch, and regularly remitted to him the tribute which was im- posed. The satrapies were generally given to members of the royal family, or to great nobles connected with it by marriage. The monarch governed by no council, and the laws centered in the principle that the will of the king was supreme. The only check.which he feared was assassination, and he generally spent his life in the retirement of his serag- lio, at Susa, Babylon, or Ecbatana. The Persian empire was the last of the great monarchies of the Oriental world, and these flourished for a period of two thousand years. When nations became wicked or extended over a large territory, the patriarchal rule of the primitive ages no longer proved an efficient government. Men must be ruled, however, in some way, and the irresponsible des- potism of the East, over all the diiferent races, Semitic, Hamite, and Japhetic, was the government which Provi- dence provided, in a state of general rudeness, or pastoral sim- plicity, or oligarchal usurpations. The last great monarchy was the best ; it was that which was, exercised by the de- scendants of Japhet, according to the prediction that he should dwell in the tents of Shem, and Canaan should be his servant. Chap. IX.] Glance at Asia Minor, 99 Before we follow the progress of the descendants of Japhet in Greece, among whom a new civilization arose, designed to improve the condition of society by the free agency displayed in art, science, literature, and government — the rise, in short, of free institutions — w^e will glance at the nations in Asia Minor which were brought in contact with the powers we have so briefly considered. CHAPTEE X. ASIA MINOR AND PHCENICIA. Concerning the original inhabitants of Asia Minor our information is very scanty. The works of Strabo shed an Oricrinaiin- indefinite lisrht, and the author of the Iliad seems habitants of o 7 Asia Minor, to have been but imperfectly acquainted with either the geography or the people of that extensive coun- try. According to Herodotus, the river Halys was the most important geographical limit; nor does he mention the great chain of Taurus, which begins from the south- ern coast of Lycia, and strikes northeastward as far as Armenia — the most important boundary line in the time of the Romans. Northward of Mount Taurus, on the upper portion of the river Halys, was situated the spacious plain of Asia Minor. The northeast and south of this plain was mountainous, and was bounded by the Euxine, the ^gean, and the Pamphylian seas. The northwestern part included the mountainous region of Ida, Temnus, and Olym- pus. The peninsula was fruitful in grains, w^ine, fruit, cat- tle, and oil. Along the western shores of this great peninsula were Pelasgians, Mysians, Bythinians, Phrygians, Lydians, and other nations, before the Greeks established their colonies. Further eastvv^ard were Lycians, Pisidians, Phrygians, Cap- padocians, Paphlagonians, and others. The Phrygians, Mysi- ans, and Teucrians w^ere on the northwest. These various Its various iTS-tions wcrc not formed into large kingdoms or nations. Confederacies, nor even into large cities, but were inconsiderable tribes, that presented no formidable resist- ance to external enemies. The most powerful people were the Lydians, whose capital was Sardis, who were ruled by Chap. X.J The Gordian Knot, 101 Gyges, 700 b. c. This monarchy extinguished the inde- pendence of the Greek cities on the coast, without impeding their development in wealth and civilization. All the nations west of the river Halys were kindred in language •and habits. East of the Halys dwelt Semitic races, Assyr- .ians, Syrians, Cappadocians, and Cilicians. Along the coast of the Euxine dwelt Bythinians, Marandynians, and Paph- lagonians — branches of the Thracian race. Along the southern coast of the Propontis were the Doliones and Pelasgians. In the region of Mount Ida were the Teucrians and Mysians. All these races had a certain affinity with the Thracians, and all modified the institutions of the Greeks who settled on the coast for purposes of traffic or colo- nization. The music of the Greeks was borrowed from the Phrygians and Lydians. The flute is known to have been invented, or used by the Phrygians, and from them to have passed to Greek composers. The ancient Phrygians were celebrated chiefly for their flocks and agricultural produce, while the Lydi- ^^ pj^^. ^^ ans, dwelling in cities, possessed much gold and ^°»- silver. But there are few great historical facts connected with either nation. There is an interesting legend con- nected with the Phrygian town of Gordium. The primi- tive king, Gordius, was originally a poor husbandman, upon the yoke of whose team, as he tilled the field, an eagle perched. He consulted the augurs to explain the curious portent, and was told that the kingdom was destined for his family. His son was Midas, offspring of a maiden of prophetic family. Soon after, dissensions breaking out among the Phrygians, they were directed by an oracle to choose a king, whom they should first see approaching in a wagon. Gordius and his son Midas were the first the}^ saw approaching the town, and the crown was conferred upon them. The wagon was consecrated, and became celebrated for a knot which no one could untie. Whosoever should un- tie that knot was promised the kingdom of Asia. It remained untied until Alexander the Great cut it with his sword. 102 Asia Minor and Phmnicia. [Chap. X. The Lydians became celebrated for their music, of which the chief instruments were the flute and the harp. The Lydians. ,_, . • i oi t • t • • Their capital, Sardis, was situated on a j^recipi- tous rock, and was deemed impregnable. Among their kinsrs was Croesus, whose sci'eat wealth was derived from the gold found in the sands of the river Pactolus, which flowed toward the Hermus from Mount Tmolus, and also from the industry of his subjects. They were the first on record to coin gold and silver. The antiquity of the Lydian monarchy is very great, and was traced to Heracles. The Heracleid dynasty lasted five hundred and five years, and ended with Myrsus, or Kandaules. His wife was of exceeding beauty, and the vanity of her husband led him to expose Gyges. . her person to Gyges, commander of his guard. The afironted wife, in revenge, caused her husband to be assas- sinated, and married Gyges. A strong party opposed his ascent to the throne, and a civil war ensued, which was ter- minated by a consultation of the oracle, which decided in favor of Gyges, the first historical king of Lydia, about the year 715 b. c. With this king commenced the aggressions from Sardis on the Asiatic Greeks, which ended in their subjection. How far the Lydian kingdom of Sardis extended during the reign of Gyges is not known, but probably over the whole Troad, His prosper- to Abydos, on the Hellespont. Gyges reigned ous reign. thirty-eight years, and was succeeded by his son Ardys, during whose reign was an extensive invasion of the Cimmerians, and a collision between the inhabitants of Lydia and those of Upper Asia, under the Median kings, who first acquired importance about the year 656 b. c, under a king called, by the Greeks, Phraortes, son of Deioces, who built the city of Ecbatana. Phraortes greatly extended the empire of the Medes, and conquered the Persians, but was defeated and slain Alliance of by the Assyriaus of 'NTineveh, His son, Cyaxares Persia. (636 — 595 B. c). Continued the Median conquests to the river Halys, which was the boundary between the Chap. X.] Conquests of the ScytJiians, 103 L3^dian and Median kingdoms. A war between these two pOAvers Avas terminated by the marriage of the daughter of the Lydian king with the son of the Median monarch, Cyaxares, who shortly after laid siege to Nineveh, but was obliged to desist by a sudden inroad of Scythians. This inroad of the Scythians in Media took place about the same time that the Cimmerians invaded Lydia, a nomad race which probably inhabited the Tauric Chersonessus scytiiian in- (Crimea), and had once before desolated Asia Mi- ^^^^^' nor before the time of Homer. The Cimmerians may have been urged forward into Asia Minor by an invasion of the Scythians themselves, a nomadic people who neither planted nor reaped, but lived on food derived from animals — proto- types of the Huns, and also progenitors — a for- rpj^^jj. g^^ar- midable race of barbarians, in the northern section a^tenstics, of Central Asia, east of tlie Caspian Sea. The Cimmerians fled before this more warlike race, abandoned their country on the northern coast of the Euxine, and invaded Asia Minor. They occupied Sardis, and threatened Ephesus, and finally were overwhelmed in the mountainous regions of Cilicia. Some, however, eifected a settlement in the territory Avhere the Greek city of Sinope was afterward built. Ardys was succeeded by his son Tadyattes, who reigned twelve years ; and his son and successor, Alyattes, expelled the Cimmerians from Asia Minor. But the Scythi- scythian con- ans, who invaded Media, defeated the king, Cyax- ^'^®^''^- arps, and became masters of the country, and spread as far as Palestine, and enjoyed their dominion twenty-eight years, until they were finally driven away by Cyaxares. These nomadic tribes from Tartary were the precursors of Huns, Avars, Bulgarians, Magyars, Turks, Mongols, and Tartars, who, at diflerent periods, invaded the civilized portions of Asia and Europe, and established a dominion more or less durable. Cyaxares, after the expulsion of the Scythians, took Nine- veh, and reduced the Assyrian empire, while Alyattes, the king of Lydia, after the Cimmerians were subdued, made 104 Asia Minor and Phcenicia. [Chap. x. war on the Greek city of Miletus, and reduced the Milesians to great distress, and also took Smyrna. He reigned fifty-seven years with great prosperity, and transmitted his kingdom to Croesus, his son by an Ionian wife. His tomb was one of the architectural wonders of that day, and only surpassed by the edifices of Egypt and Babylon. Croesus made war on the Asiatic Greeks, and as the twelve Ionian cities did not co-operate with any efiect, they were His prosper- subdued. He extended his conquests over Asia *^' Minor, until he had conquered the Phrygians, Mysians, and other nations, and created a great empire, of which Sardis was the capital. The treasures he amassed ex- ceeded any thing before known to the Greeks, though inferior to the treasures accumulated at Susa and other Persian capitals when Alexander conquered the East. But the Lydian monarchy under Croesus was soon absorbed in the Persian empire, together with the cities of the Ionian Greeks, as has been narrated. But there was another power intimately connected with The Phoeni- the kingdom of Judea, — the Phoenician, which fur- cians. nished Solomon artists and timber for his famous temple. We close this chapter with a brief notice of the greatest merchants of the ancient world, the Phoenicians^ They belonged, as well as the Assyrians, to the Semitic or Their Semit- Syro-Arabiau family, comprising, besides, the Syri- ic origin. ^ns, Jews, Arabians, and in part the Abyssiiiians. They were at a very early period a trading and mercantile nation, and the variegated robes and golden ornaments fabricated at Sidon were prized by the Homeric heroes. Th^y habitually traversed the ^gean Sea, and formed settle- ments on its islands. The Phoenician towns occupied a narrow slip of the coast of Syria and Palestine, about one hundred and twenty miles in length, and generally about twenty in breadth — between Mount Libanus and the sea. Aradus was the northernmost, and Tyre the southernmost city. Between these were situated Sidon, Berytus, Tripolis, and Byblus. Within t'^is Chap. X.] PJKBnician Colonies a7id Commerce. 105 confined territory was concentrated a greater degree of com- mercial wealth and enterprise, also of manufacturing skill, than could be found in the other parts of the world at the time. Each town was an independent community, having its own surrounding territory, and political con- stitution and hereditary prince. Tyre was a sort ^^y- of presiding city, having a controlling political power over the other cities. Mount Libanus, or Lebanon, touched the sea along the Phoenician coast, and furnished abundant sup- plies for ship-building. The great Phoenician deity was Melkarth, whom the Greeks called Hercules, to whom a splendid temple was erected at Tyre, coeval, perhaps, with the foundation of the city two thousand three hundred years before the time of Herodotus. In the year 700 b. c, the Phoenicians seemed to have reached their culminating power, and they had colonies in Africa, Sicily, Sardinia, and Spain. Carthage, Phoenician Utica, and Gades were all flourishing cities before ^^^^®®* the first Olympiad. The commerce of the Phoenicians ex- tended through the Red Sea and the coast of Arabia in the time of Solomon. They furnished the Egyptians, Assyr- ians, and Persians with the varied productions of other coimtries at a very remote period. The most ancient colonies were Utica and Carthage, built in what is now called the gulf of Tunis ; and phcenidan Cades, now Cadiz, was prosperous one thousand °^^*^'^^®^- years before the Christian era. The enterprising mariners of Tyre coasted beyond the pillars of Hercules without ever losing sight of land. The extreme productiveness of the southern region of Spain in the precious metals tempted the merchants to that distant country. But Carthage was by far the most important centre for Tja-ian trade, and became the mistress of a large number of dependent cities. When Psammetichus relaxed the jealous exclusion of ships from the mouth of the Nile, the incitements to traffic were greatly increased, and the Phoenicians, as well as Ionian merchants, visited Egypt. But the Phoenicians were 106 Asia Minor and PlioeniGia. [Chap. X- jealous of rivals in profitable commerce, and concealed their tracks, and magnified the dangers of the «ea. About the year 600 b. c, they had circumnavigated Africa, starting from the Red Sea, and going round the Cape of Good Hope to Gades, and from thence returning by the Xile. It would seem that ISTechos, king of Egypt, anxious to procure a water communication between the Red Sea and the Mediterranean, began digging a canal from one to the other. In the prosecution of this project he dispatched voyn^eof Phoenicians on an experimental voyage round chins. ^^^' Libya, which was accomplished in three years. The mariners landed in the autumn, and remained long enouo-h to plant coi'n and raise a crop for their supplies. They reached Egypt through the Straits of Gibraltar, and recounted a tale, which, says Herodotus, "others may believe it if they choose, but I can not believe, that in sailing round Libya, they had the sun on their right and — to the north." In going round Africa they had no occasion to lose sight of land, and their vessels were amply, stored. The voyage, however, was regarded as desperate and unprofitable, and was not repeated. Besides the trade which the Phoenicians carried on along the coasts, they had an extensive commerce in the interior of Asia. But we do not read of any great characters who arrested the attention of their own age or succeeding ages. Phoenician history is barren in political changes and great historical characters, as is that of Carthage till the Roman wars. Between the years 700 and 530 b. c, there was a great Decline of decline of Phoenician power, which was succeeded power, by the rise of the Greek maritime cities. Nebu- chadnezzar reduced the Phoenician cities to the same depend- ence that the Ionian cities were reduced by Croesus and Cyrus. The opening of the Nile to the Grecian commerce contributed to the decline of Phoenicia. But to this country the Greeks owed the alphabet and the first standard of weights and measures. Chap, X.] Carthage. 107 Carthage, founded 819 b. c, by Dido, had a flourishing commerce in the sixth century before Christ, and also com- menced, at this time, their encroachments in Sicily, which led to wars for two hundred and fiftv years with the ^ ,^ "_ *'^ ^ Carthage. Greek settlements. It contained, it is said, at one time, seven hundred thousand people. But a further notice of their great city is reserved until allusion is made to the Punic wars which the Romans waged with this power- ful State. CHAPTEE XL JEWISH HISTOET FEOM THE BABYLOlSriAT!?' CAPTIVITY TO THE BIRTH OF CHEIST. THE HIGHP EIESTS AND THE ASMONEAN" AND IDUMEAN KINGS. We have seen how the ten tribes were carried captive to Absorption Assvria, OH the fall of Samaria, by Shalmanezer, of the ten '''_, . . ..'*', .,^ tribes. B. c, 721. From that time history loses sight of the ten tribes, as a distinct people. They were probably absorbed with the nations among whom they settled, althoufxh ima2:ination has loved to follow them into inac- cessible regions where they await their final restoration. But there are no reliable facts which justify this conclusion. They may have been the ancestors of the Christian converts afterward found among the Nestorians. They may have retained in the East, to a certain extent, some of their old institutions. But nothing is known with certainty. All is vain conjecture respecting their ultimate fortunes. The Jews of the tribes of Judah and Benjamin never The Jews at ^^ti^'^^J departed from their ancient faith, and Babylon. their mouarchs reigned in regular succession till the captivity of the family of David. They were not carried to Babylon for one hundred and twenty-three years after the dispersion of the ten tribes, b. c. 598. During the captivity, the Jews still remained a separate people, governed by their own law and religion. It is sup- posed that they were rather colonists than captives, and were allowed to dwell together in considerable bodies — that they were not sold as slaves, and by degrees became pos- sessed of considerable wealth. What region, from time im- memorial, has not witnessed their thrift and their love of money ? Well may a Jew say, as well as a Greek, " Quce Chap. XI.] Character of Daniel, 109 regio in terris nostri non plena lahorisy Taking the advice of Jeremiah they built houses, planted gardens, and submit- ted to their fate, even if they bewailed it '' by the rivers of Babylon," in such sad contrast to their old mountain homes. They had the free enjoyment of their religion, and were sub- jected to no general and grievous religious persecutions. And some of their noble youth, like Daniel, were treated with great distinction during the captivity. Daniel had been transported to Babylon before Jerusalem fell, as a Daniel. hostage, among others, of the fidelity of their king. These young men, from the highest Jewish families, were educated in all the knowledge of the Babylonians, as Joseph had been in Egyptian wisdom. They w^ere the equals of the Chaldean priests in knowledge of astronomy, divination, and the interpretation of dreams. And though these young hostages were maintained at the public expense, and perhaps in the royal palaces, they remembered their distressed coun- trymen, and lived on the simplest fare. It was as an inter- preter of dreams that Daniel maintained his influence in the Babylonian court. Twice was he summoned by Nebuchad- nezzar, and once by Belshazzar to interpret the handwrit- ing on the wall. And under the Persian monarch, when Babylon fell, Daniel became a vizier, or satrap, with great dignity and power. When the seventy years' captivity, which Jeremiah had predicted, came to an end, the empire of theMedes and Per- sians was in the hands of Cyrus, under whose sway he enjoyed the same favor and rank that he did under Darius, or any of the Babylonian princes. The miraculous deliver- ance of this great man from the lion's den, into which he had been thrown from the intrig^ues of his enemies and the unal- terable law of the Medes, resulted in a renewed exaltation. Josephus ascribes to Daniel one of the noblest and most interestinof characters in Jewish history, a s^reat ^y. , ... , skill in architecture, and it is to him that the splen- character, did mausoleum at Ecbatana is attributed. But Daniel, with all his honors, was not corrupted, and it was probably 110 From the Captivity to Christ. [Chap. XI. through his influence, as a grand vizier, that the exiled Jews obtained from Cyrus the decree which restored them to their beloved land. The number of the returned Jews, under Zerubbabel, a descendant of the kinoes of Judah, were forty-two Ileturn of o ? j the Jews. thousaud three hundred and sixty men — a great and joyful caravan — but small in number compared with the Israelites who departed from Egypt with Moses. On their arrival in their native land, they were joined by great numbers of the common people who had remained. They bore with them the sacred vessels of the temple, which Cyrus generously restored. They arrived in the spring of the year b. c. 536, and immediately made prep- arations for the restoration of the temple ; not under those circumstances wdiich enabled Solomon to concentrate the wealth of Western Asia, but under great discouragements and the pressure of poverty. The temple was built on the old foundation, but was not completed till the sixth year of Darius Hy stapes, b. c. 515, and then without the ancient splendor. It was dedicated with- great joy and magnificence, but Dedication the Sacrifice of one hundred bullocks, two hundred pie. rams, four hundred lambs, and twelve goats, formed a sad contrast to the hecatombs which Solomon had ofiered. Nothing else of importance marked the history of the dependent, impoverished, and humiliated Jews, who had returned to the country of their ancestors during the reign of Darius Hystaspes. It was under his successor, Xerxes, he who commanded the Hellespont to be scourged — that mad, luxurious, effem- inated monarch, who is called in Scripture Ahasuerus, — that Mordecai figured in the court of Persia, and Esther was Mordecai exaltcd to the throne itself. It was in the seventh and Ahasue- . , riis. year of his reign that this inglorious king returned, discomfited, from the invasion of Greece. Abandoning himself to the pleasures of his harem, he marries the Jewess Chap. XI.] Mordecai and Raman. Ill maiden, who is the instrument, under Providence, of avert- ing the greatest calamity with which the Jews were ever threatened. Haman, a descendant of the Amalekitish kings, is the favorite minister and grand vizier of the Persian monarch. Offended with Mordecai, his rival in imperial favor, the cousin of the queen, he intrigues for the wholesale slaughter of the Jews wherever they were to be found, promising the king ten thousand talents of silver from the confiscation of Jewish property, and which the king needed, impoverished by his unsuccessful expedition into Greece. He thus obtains a decree from Ahasuerus for the general massacre of the Jewish nation, in all the provinces of the empire, of which Judea was one. The Jews are in the utmost consternation, and look to Mordecai. His hope is based on Esther, the queen, who might soften, by her fascinations, the heart of the king. She assumes the responsibility of saving her nation at the peril of her own life — a deed of not extraordinary self-devotion, but requiring extraordinary tact. What anxiety must have pressed the soul of that Jewish woman in the task she un- dertook ! What a responsibility on her unaided shoulders ? But she dissembles her grief, her fear, her anxiety, and appears before the king radiant in beauty and loveliness. The golden sceptre is extended to her by her weak r^^^ story of and cruel husband, though arrayed in the pomp Esther. and power of an Oriental monarch, before whom all bent the knee, and to whom, even in his folly, he appears as demigod. She does not venture to tell the king her wishes. The stake is too great. She merely invites him to a grand banquet, with his minister Haman. Both king and minis- ter are ensnared by the cautious queen, and the result is the disgrace of Haman, the elevation of Mordecai, and the deliverance of the Jews from the fatal sentence — not a perfect deliverance, for the decree could not be changed, but the Jews were warned and allowed to defend them- selves, and they slew seventy-five thousand of their enemies. The act of vengeance was followed by the execution of 112 From the Captivity to Christ. [Chap. XI. the ten sons of Haman, and Mordecai became the real gov- ernor of Persia. We see in this story the caprice which governed the actions, in general, of Oriental kings, and their own slavery to their favorite wives. The charms of a woman effect, for evil or good, what conscience, and reason, and policy, and wisdom united can not do. Esther is justly a favorite with the Christian and Jewish world ; but Vashti^ the proud queen who, with true woman's dignity, refuses to grace with her presence the saturnalia of an intoxicated monarch, is also entitled to our esteem, although she paid the penalty of disobedience; and the foolish edict which the king promulgated, that all women should implicitly obey their husbands, seems to indicate that unconditional obedience was not the custom of the Persian women. The reign of Artaxerxes, the successor of Xerxes, was EetTirn to favorablc to the Jews, for Judea was a province Palestine of of x\^q Persian empire. In the seventh year of Jews under i ♦' Ezra. hig reign, b. c. 458, a new migration of Jews from Babylonia took place, headed by Ezra, a man of high rank at the Persian court. He was empowered to make a collec- tion among the Jews of Babylonia for the adornment of the temple, and he came to Jerusalem laden with treas- ures. He was, however, affected by the sight of a custom which had grown up, of intermarriage of the Jews with adjacent tribes. He succeeded in causing the foreign wives to be repudiated, and the old laws to be enforced which separated the Jews from all other nations. And it is probably this stern law, which prevents the Jews from mar- riage with foreigners, that has preserved their nationality, in all their wanderings and misfortunes, more than any other one cause. A renewed commission granted to Nehemiah, b. c. 445, resulted in a fresh immigration of Jews to Palestine, in spite of all the opposition which the Samaritan and other Fehemiah nations made. Nehemiah was cup-bearer to the Persian king, and devoted to the Persian interests. At that time Persia had suffered a fatal blow at the battle Chap. XL] Nehemiah. 113 of Cindus, and among the humiliating articles of peace with the Athenian admiral was the stipulation that the Persians should not advance within three days' journey of the sea. Jerusalem being at this distance, was an important post to hold, and the Persian court saw the wisdom of intrusting its defense to faithful allies. In spite of all obstacles, Nehe- miah succeeded, in lifty-two days, in restoring the old walls and fortifications ; the whole population, of every rank and order having devoted themselves to the work. Moreover, contributions for the temple continued to flow into the treasury of a once opulent, but now impoverished and decimated people. After providing for the security of the capital and the adornment of the temple, the Eebuiiding ^ . -, . . of Jerusa- ieaders oi the nation turned their attention to lem. the compilation of the sacred books and the restoration of religion. Many important literary works had been lost during their captivity, including the work of Solomon on natural history, and the ancient book of Jasher. But the books on the law, the historical books, the prophetic writ- ings, the Psalms, Proverbs, Ecclesiastes, and the Songs of Solomon, were collected and copied. The law, revised and corrected, was publicly read by Ezra ; the Feast of Taber- nacles was celebrated with considerable splendor ; Revival of and a renewed covenant was made by the people '^'i*'^®'^* i^^^s. to keep the law, to observe the Sabbath, to avoid idolatry, and abstain from intermarriasfe with stransjers. The Jewish constitution was restored, and ISTehemiah, a Persian satrap in reality, lived in a state of considerable magnificence, en- tertaining the chief leaders of the nation, and reforming all disorders. Jerusalem gradually regained political import- ance, while the country of the ten tribes, though filled with people, continued to be the seat of idolaters. On the death of ISTehemiah, b. c. 415, the history of the Jews becomes obscure, and we catch only scattered glimpses of the state of the country, till the accession of Antiochus Epiph- anes, b. c. 175, when the Syrian monarch had erected a new kingdom on the ruins of the Persian empire. For more 8 114 From the Captivity to Christ. [Chap. xi. than two centimes, when the Greeks and Romans flourished, Jewish history is a blank, witli here and there obscurity of some scattered notices and traditions which Jose- tory^'' titter' phus has recorded. The Jews, living in vassalage ^^'^*^"'''^^- to the successors of Alexander during this interval, had be- come animated by a martial spirit, and the Maccabaic wars elevated them into sufficient importance to become allies of Home — the new conquering power, destined to subdue the world. During this period the Jewish character assumed the hard, stubborn, exclusive cast which it has ever since main- tained — an intense hostility to polytheism and all Gentile influences. The Jewish Scriptures took their present shape, and the Apocryphal books came to light. The sects of the Jews arose, like Pharisees and Sadducees, and religious and political parties exhibited an unwonted fierceness and intol- erance. While the Greeks and Romans were absorbed in wars, the Jews perfected their peculiar economy, and grew again into political importance. The country, by means of irrigation and cultivation, became populous and fertile, and poetry and the arts regained their sway. The people took but little interest in the political convulsions of neighboring nations, and devoted themselves quietly to the development of their own resources. The captivit}^ had cured them of war, of idolatry., and warlike expeditions. During this two hundred years of obscurity, but real growth, unnoticed and unknown by other nations, a new cap- ital had arisen in E^-ypt ; Alexandria became a obscurity f, 11 c • T '^"<^ growth great mart oi commerce, and the seat oi revived of the Jews. Grecian learning. The sway of the Ptolemaic kings, Gre- cian in origin, was favorable to letters, and. to arts. The Jews settled in their magnificent city, translated their Scrip- tures into Greek, and cultivated the Greek philosophy. Meanwhile the internal government of the Jews fell into the hands of the high priests — the Persian governors exercis- ing only a general superintendence. At length the country, once again favored, was subjected to the invasion of Alex- ander. After the fall of Tyre, the conqueror advanced to Chap. XI.] Antiochus the Great. 115 Gaza, and totally destroyed it. He then approached Jerusa- lem, in fealty to Persia. The high priest made no resist- ance, but went forth in his pontifical robes, followed by the people in white garments, to meet the The ascend • 1 ^ • A 1 1 111 ^ ency of the mighty warrior. Alexander, probably encouraged hi^^h pnests. by the prophesies of Daniel, as explained by the high priest, did no harm to the city or nation, but offered gifts, and, as tradition asserts, even worshiped the God of the Jews. On the conquest of Persia, Judea came into the possession of Laomedon, one of the generals of Alexander, b. c. 321. On his defeat by Ptolemy, another general, to whom Egypt had fallen as his share, one hundred thousand Jews were carried captive to Alexandria, where they settled and learned the Greek language. The country continued to be convulsed by the wars between the generals of Alexander, and fell into the hands, alternately, of the Syrian and Egyptian kings — successors of the generals of the great conqueror. On the establishment of the Syro-Grecian kingdom by Seleucus, Antioch, the capital, became a great city, and the rival of Alexandria. Syria, no longer a satrapy of Persia, became a powerful, monarchy, and Judea became a prey to the armies of this ambitious State in its warfare with Egypt, and was alternately the vassal of each — Syria and Egypt. Under the government of the first three Ptolemies — those enlightened and magnificent princes, Soter, Philadelphus, and Evergetes, the Jews were protected, both at persecution home and in Alexandria, and their country enjoy- by AnUoch- ed peace and prosperity, until the ambition of An- ^®* tiochus the Great again plunged the nation in difficulties. He had seized Judea, which was then a province of the Egyptian kings, but was defeated by Ptolemy Philopator. This monarch made sumptuous presents to the temple, and, even ventured to enter the sanctuary, but was prevented by the high priest. Although filled with fear in view of the tumult which this act i:)rovoked, he henceforth hated and persecuted the Jews. Under his successor, Judea was again invaded by Antiochus, and again was Jerusalem wrested 116 From the Gajptivity to Christ. [Chap, xi. from his grasp by Scopas, the Egyptian general. Defeated, however, near the source of the Jordan, the country fell into the hands of Antiochus, who was regarded as a deliverer. And it continued to he subject to the kings of Syria, until, with Jerusalem, it suffered calamities scarcely inferior to . those inflicted by the Babylonians. It is difficult to trace, with any satisfaction, the internal government of the Jews during the two hundred years when the chief power was in the hands of the high priests — this The reign of period marked by the wars between Syria and the high L, , *' , . r. i priests. Jigypt, or rather between the successors ot the generals of Alexander. The government of the high priests at Jerusalem was not exempt from those disgraceful out- rages which occasionally have marked all the governments of the world — whether in the hands of kings, or in an oligarchy of nobles and priests. ISTehemiah had expelled from Jerusa- lem, Manasseh, the son of Jehoiada, who succeeded Eliashib in the high priesthood, on account of his unlawful marriage with a stranger. Manasseh, invited to Samaria by the father of the woman he had married, became high priest of the temple on Mount Gerizim, and thus perpetuated the schism between the two nations. Before the conquests of Alexan- der, while the country was under the dominion of Persia, a high priest by the name of John murdered his brother Jesus within the precincts of the sanctuary, which crime was pun- ished by the Persian governor, by a heavy fine imposed upon Their the wholc nation. Jaddua was the high priest in reigns. the time of Alexander, and by his dignity and tact won over the conqueror of Asia. Onias succeeded Jaddua, and ruled for twenty-one years, and he was succeeded by Simon the Just, a pontiff on whose administration Jewish tradition dwells with delight. Simon was suc- ceeded by his uncles, Eleazar and Manasseh, and they by Onias II,, son of Simon, through whose misconduct, or indo- lence, in omitting the customary tribute to the Egyptian king, came near involving the country in fresh calamities — averted, however, by his nephew Joseph, who pacified the Chap. XT.] Mattathias, 117 Egyptian court, and obtained the former generalship of the revenues of Judea, Samaria, and Phcenicia, which he enjoyed to the time of Antiochus the Great. Onias II. was succeeded by his son Simon, under whose pontificate the Egyptian monarch was prevented from entering the temple, and he by Onias III., under whose rule a feud took place with the sons of Joseph, disgraced by murders, which called for the inter- position of the Syrian king, who then possessed Judea. Joshua, or Jason, by bribery, obtained the pontificate, but he allowed the temple worship to fall into disuse, and was even alienated from the Jewish faith by his intimacy with the Syrian court. He was outbidden in his high office by Onias, his brother, who was disgraced by savage passions, and who robbed the temj)le of its golden vessels. The people, indig- nant, rose in a tumult, and slew his brother, Lysimachus. Meanwhile, Jason, the dispossessed high priest, recovered his authority, and shut up Onias, or Menelaus, as he called himself, in a castle. This was interpreted by Antiochus as an insurrection, and he visited on Jerusalem a ter- p^ ^^^^^ rible penalty — slaughtering forty thousand of the tumults. people, and seizing as many more for slaves. He then abol- ished the temple services, seized all the sacred vessels, collect- ed spoil to the amount of eighteen hundred talents, defiled the altar by the sacrifice of a sow, and suppressed every sign of Jewish independence. He meditated the complete extirpa- tion of the Jewish religion, dismantled the capitol, j^.^^^ ^^ harassed the country people, and inflicted unprece- *^^ '^'^"^^' dented barbarities. The temple itself was dedicated to Jupi- ter Olympius, and the reluctant and miserable Jews were forced to join in all the rites of pagan worship, including the bacchanalia, which mocked the virtue of the older Romans. From this degradation and slavery the Jews were rescued by a line of heroes wliom God raised up — the Asmoneans, or Maccabees. The head of this heroic family was rpj^g j^j-j^^.^, Mattathias, a man of priestly origin, living in the ^"^"s- town of Modin, commanding a view of the sea — an old man of wealth and influence who refused to depart from the faith 118 From the Captivity to Christ. [Chap XI. of his fathers, while most of the nation had relapsed into the paganism of the Greeks. He slew with his own hand an apostate Jew, who offered sacrifice to a pagan deity, and then killed the royal commissioner, Apelles, whom Antiochus had sent to enforce his edicts. The heroic old man, who resembled William Tell, in his mission and char'ac- Mattathias. . ^- ^ _ ter, summoned his countrymen, who adhered to the old faith, and intrenched himself in the mountains, and headed a vigorous revolt against the Syrian power, even fighting on the Sabbath day. The ranks of the insurrection- ists Avere gradually filled with those who were still zealous for the law, or inspired with patriotic desires for independ- ence. Mattathias was prospered, making successful raids jj.g from his mountain fastnesses, destroying heathen successes. altars, and punishing apostate Jews. Two sects joined his standard with peculiar ardor — the Zadikim, who observed the written law of Moses, from whom the Sadducees of later times sprang, and the more zealous and austere Chasidim, who added to the law the traditions of the elders, from whom the Pharisees came. Old men are ill suited to conduct military expeditions when great fatigue and privation are required, and the aged Mattathias sank under the weight which he had so nobly supj3orted, and bequeathed his power to Judas, the most val- iant of his sons. This remarkable man, scarcely inferior to Joshua and Da- His son ^'^^ ^^ military genius and heroic qualities, added Judas. prudence and discretion to personal bravery. When his followers had gained experience and courage by various gallant adventures, he led them openly against his enemies. The governor of Samaria, Apollonius, was the first whom he encountered, and whom he routed and slew. Seron, the deputy governor of Coelesyria, sought to redeem the disgrace of the Syrian arms ; but he also was defeated at the pass of Bethoron. At the urgent solicitation of Philip, governor of Jerusalem, Antiochus then sent a strong force of forty thousand foot and seven thousand horse to" Chap. XI.] Judas Maccaheus. 119 subdue the insurgents, under the command of Ptolemy Macron. Judas, to resist these forces, had six thousand men ; but he relied on the God of Israel, as his fathers had done in the early ages of Jewish history, and in a sudden attack he totally routed a large detachment of the jj^-g ^,^^.(,1^ main army, under Gorgias, and spoiled their camp.. ^^'^*^-^- He then defeated another force beyond the Jordan, and the general fled in the disguise of a slave, to Antioch. Thus closed a triumphant campaign. The next year, Lysias, the lieutenant-general of Anti- ochus, invaded Judea with a large force of sixty-five thou- sand men, Judas met it with ten thousand, and gained a brilliant victory, which proved decisive, and which Syria in- led to the re-establishment of the Jewish power at estine. Jerusalem. Judas fortified the city and the temple, and as- sumed the offensive, and recovered, one after another, the cities which had fallen under the dominion of Syria. In the mean time, Antiochus, the bitterest enemy which the Jews ever had, died miserably in Persia — the most powerful of all the Syrian kings. On the accession of Antiochus Eupater, Lysias again attempted the subjugation of Judea. This time Another nn- he advanced with one hundred thousand foot, invasion. twenty thousand horse, and thirty-two elephants. But this large force wasted away in an unsuccessful attack on Jeru- salem, harassed by the soldiers of the Maccabees. A treaty of peace Avas concluded, by which full liberty of worship was granted to the Jews, with permission to be ruled by their own laws. Demetrius, the lawful heir of Antiochus the Great, had been detained at Rome as a hostage, in consequence of which Antiochus Eupater had usurped his Continued , -n • r» v. 1 1 hostilities throne. ii.scaping from Kome, he overpowered between his enemies and recovered his kingdom. But he Puiekine. was even more hostile to the Jews than his predecessor, and succeeded in imposing a high priest on the nation friendly to his interests. His cruelties and crimes once more aroused 120 From the Captivity to Christ. [Chap. XL the Jews to resistance, and Judas gained another decisive victory, and Nicanor, the Syrian general, was slain. ' Judas then adopted a policy which was pregnant with The Jews important consequences. He formed a league form an ai- with the Romans, then bent on the conquest of liance with. ' _ ^ the Eomans. the East. The Roman senate readily entered into a coalition with the weaker State, in accordance with its uni- form custom of protecting those whom they ultimately ab- sorbed in their vast empire: but scarcely was the treaty ►'atified when the gallant Judas died, leaving the defense of his country to his brothers, b. c. 161. Jonathan, on whom the leadership fell, found the forces Jonathan Hudcr his coutrol disheartened by the tyranny of Maccabeus i\^q h.m\\ priest, Alcimus, whom the nation had master of o l i ^ judea. accepted. Leagued with Bacchides, the Syrian general, the high priest had every thing his own way, until Jonathan, emerging from his retreat, delivered his country- men once again, and another peace was made. Several years then passed in tranquillity, Jonathan being master of Judea. A revolution in Syria added to his power, and his brother Simon was made captain-general of all the country from Tyre to Egypt. Jonathan, unfortunately, was taken in siege, and the leadership of the nation devolved upon Simon, the last of this heroic family. He ruled with great wisdom, consolidated his power, strengthened his alliance with Rome, repaired Jerusalem, and restored the peace of the country. He was, on a present of one thousand pounds of gold to the Romans, decreed to be prince of Judea, and taken under the protection of his powerful ally. But His rule. • o • r> • • the peace with Syria, from the new complications to which that kingdom was subjected from rival aspirants to the throne, was broken in the old age of Simon, and he was treacherously murdered, with his oldest son, Judas, at a banquet in Jerusalem. The youngest son, John Hyr- johiiHyrca- cauus, inherited the yiq-ov of his family, and was Dus as high -,■,-,. . priest. declared high priest, and sought to revenge the murder of his father and brother. Still, a Syrian army Chap. XT.] Pharisees and Sadducees. 121 overran the country, and John Hyrcanus, shut up in Jeru- salem, was reduced to great extremities. A peace was finally made between him and the Syrian monarch, Anti- ochus, by which Judea submitted to vassalage to the king of Syria. An unfortunate expedition of Antiochus into Parthia enabled Hyrcanus once again to throw off the Syr- ian yoke, and Judea regained its independence, which it maintained until compelled to acknowledge the Roman power. Hyrcanus was prospered in his reign, and destroyed the rival temple on Mount Gerizim, while the temple of Jerusalem resumed its ancient dignity and splendor. At this period the Jews, who had settled in Alexandria, devoted themselves to literature and philosophy in that lib- eral and elegant city, and were allowed liberty The Jews in of worship. But they became entangled in the Alexandria. mazes of Grecian speculation, and lost much of their ancient spirit. By compliance with the opinions and customs of the Greeks, they reached great honors and distinction, and even high posts in the army. Hyrcanus, supreme in Judea, now reduced Samaria and Idumea, and was only troubled by the conflicting parties of Pharisees and Sadducees, whose quarrels agitated the State. He ioined the party of the Sadducees, who asserted The rule of -.-.--ii 11 ■^ John Hyrca- free will, and denied the more orthodox doc- nus. trines of the Pharisees, a kind of epicureans, opposed to se- verities and the authority of traditions. It is one proof of the advance of the Hebrew mind over the simplicity of former ages, that the State could be agitated by theological and phi- losophical questions, like the States of Greece in their high- est development. Hyrcanus reigned twenty-nine years, and was succeeded by his son, Aristobulus, b. c. 106. His brief and succeeded inglorious reign was disgraced by his starving to ^ ^^ ^^^' death his mother in a dungeon, and imprisoning his three brothers, and assassinating a fourth, Antigonus, who was a victorious general. This prince died in an agony of remorse and horror on the spot where his brother was assassinated. 122 From the Captivity to Christ» [Chap. XI. Alexander Jannaus succeeded to the throne of the Asmo- nean princes, Avho possessed the whole region of Palestine, except the part of Ptolemais, and the city of Gaza. In an attempt to recover the former he was signally defeated, and came near losing his throne. He was more successful in his attack on Gaza, which finally surrendered, after Alexander had incurred immense losses. While this priest-king was celebrating the Feast of Tab- ernacles, a mutiny, incited by the Pharisaic party, broke out, which resulted in the slaughter of ten thousand people. While invading the country to the east of the Jordan, the re- bellion was renewed, and the nation, for six years, suffered all the evils of civil war. Routed in a battle with the Syrian monarch, whose aid the insurgents had invoked, he was obliged to flee to the mountains ; but recovering his authority, Turbulent at the head of sixty thousand men, — which shows rci<^n of Alexander, the powcr of Judca at this period, — he marched upon Jerusalem, and inflicted a terrible vengeance, eight hun- dred men being publicly crucified, and eight thousand more forced to abandon the city. Under his iron sway, the coun- try recovered its political importance, for his kingdom com- prised the greater part of Palestine. He died, after a turbulent reign of twenty-seven years, b. c. '77, invoking his queen to throw herself into the arms of the Pharisaic party, which advice she followed, as it was the most powerful and popular. The high priesthood devolved on his eldest son, Hyrcanus Queen Alex- H., whilc the rcius of government were held by andra. his quccu, Alexandra. She reigned vigorously and prosperously for nine years, punishing the murderers of the eight hundred Pharisees who had been executed. Hyrcanus was not equal to his task amid the bitterness of party strife. His brother Aristobulus, belonging to the party of the Sadducees, and who had taken Damascus, was popular with the people, and compelled his elder brother to abdicate in his favor, and an end came to Pharisaic rule. But now another family appears upon the stage, wh^oh Chap. XI.] Jerusalem taken hy PoTupey, 123 ultimately wrested the crown from the Asmodean princes. Antipater, a noble Idumean, was the chief minister The idnme- of the feeble Hyrcanas. He incited, from motives ^" ^^""^y- of ambition, the deposed prince to reassert his rights, and influenced by his counsels, he fled to Aretas, the king of Arabia, whose capital, Petra, had become a great commer- cial emporium. Aretas, Antipater, and Hyrcanus, marched with an army of fifty thousand men against Aristobulus, who was defeated, and fled to Jerusalem. At this time Pompey was pursuing his career of conquests in the East, and both parties invoked his interference, and both ofiered enormous bribes. This powerful Roman was then at Damascus, receiving the homage and tribute of ah parties Oriental kings. The Egyptian monarch sent as a aM'o/pom- 23resent a crown worth four thousand pieces of ^^^" gold. Aristobulus, in command of the riches of the temple, sent a golden vine worth five hundred talents. Pompey, in- tent on the conquest of Arabia, made no decision; but, hav- ing succeeded in his object, assumed a tone of haughtiness irreconcilable with the independence of Judea. Aristobulus, patriotic yet vacillating, — " too high-minded to yield, too weak to resist," — fled to Jerusalem and prepared for resistance. Pompey approached the capital, weakened by those ever- lasting divisions to which the latter Jews were Jerusalem subjected by the zeal of their religious disputes, h^nds^of * ^ The city fell, after a brave defense of three months, ^^'^p^J'- and might not have fallen had the Jews been willing to abate from the rigid observance of the Sabbath, during which the Pomans prepared for assault. Pompey demolished the for- tifications of the city, and exacted tribute, but spared the treasures of the temple which he profaned by his heathen presence. He nominated Hyrcanus to the priesthood, but withheld the royal diadem, and limited the dominions of Hyrcanus to Judea. He took Aristobulus to Rome to grace his triumph. But he contrived to escape, and, with his son Alexander, again renewed the civil strife ; but taken prisoner, he was 124 From the Cajptimty to Christ. [Chap. XI again sent as a captive to the " eternal city." Gabinius, Eeorangiza- the Roman general — for Hyrcanus had invoked government the aid of the Romans — now deprived the high priest of the royal authority, and reorganized the whole government of Judea ; establishing five independent San- hedrims in the principal cities, after the form of the great Sanhedrim, which had existed since the captivity. This form lasted until Julius Caesar reinvested Hyrcanus with the supreme dignity. Jerusalem was now exposed to the rapacity of the Roman Jerusalem gcucrals who really governed the country. Cras- Koman geS sus plundered all that Pompey spared. He took erais. from the temple ten thousand talents — about ten million dollars when gold and silver had vastly greater value than in our times. These vast sums had been accumulated from the contributions of Jews scattered over the world — some of whom were immensely wealthy. Aristobulus and his son Alexander were assassinated during the great civil war between the partisans of Cse- Herod gov- gar and Pompey. After the fall of the latter, ernor of Gal ■ •ii-i iiee. Caesar confirmed Hyrcanus m the high priest- hood, and allowed him to rebuild the walls of Jerusalem. But Antipater, presuming on the incapacity of Hyrcanus, re- newed his ambitious intrigues, and contrived to make his son, Phasael, governor of Jerusalem, and Herod, a second son, governor of Galilee. Herod developed great talents, and waited for his time. After the battle of Philippi Herod made acceptable ofier- ings to the conquering party, and received the crown of- Judea, which had been recently ravaged by the Parthians, through the intrigues of Antigonas, the surviving son of Eeceivesthe Aristobulus. By his marriage with Mariamne, of dea. the royal line of the Asmoneans, he cemented the power he had won by the sword and the favor of Rome. He was the last of the independent sovereigns of Palestine. He reigned tyrannically, and was guilty of great crimes, having caused the death of the aged Hyrcanus, and the imprison- Chap. XI.] Death of Herod, 125 ment and execution of his wife on a foul suspicion. He paid the same court to Augustus that he did to Antony, and was confirmed in the possession of his kingdom. The last of the line of the Asmonseans had perished on the scaffold, beautiful, innocent, and proud, the object of a boundless passion to a tyrant who sacrificed her to a still greater one — suspicion. Al- ternating between his love and resentment, Herod sank into a violent fit of remorse, for he had more or less concern in the mur- der of the father, the grandfather, the brother, and the uncle of his beautiful and imperious wife. At all times, even amid the glories of his palace, he was haunted with the image of the wife he had destroyed, and loved with passionate . , . *' ' -i Ana reigns ardor. He burst forth in tears, he tried every tyi-annicaiij. diversion, banquets and revels, solitude and labor — still the murdered Mariamne is ever present to his excited imagination. He settles down in a fixed and indelible gloom, and his stern nature sought cruelty and bloodshed. His ^^ublic administra- tion was, on the whole, favorable to the peace and happiness of the country, although he introduced the games and the theatres in which the Romans sought their greatest pleasures. For these innovations he was exposed to incessant dangers ; but he surmounted them all by his vigilance and energy. He rebuilt Samaria, and erected palaces. But his great- his misera- est work was the building of Csesarea — a city of ^^*^ ^^^®" palaces and theatres. His policy of reducing Judea to a mere province of Rome was not pleasing to his subjects, and he was suspected of a design of heathenizing the nation. Neither his munificence nor severities could suppress the murmurs of an indignant people. The undisguised hostility of the nation prompted him to an act of policy by which he hoped to conciliate it forever. The pride and glory of the Jews was their temple. This Herod determined to rebuild with extraordinary splendor, so as to approach its magnifi- cence in the time of Solomon. He removed the old struc- ture, dilapidated by the sieges, and violence, and wear of five hundred years; and the new edifice gradually arose, glittering with gold, and imposing with marble pinnacles. 126 From the Captivity to Christ. [Chap. XL But in spite (A all his magnificent public works, whether to gratify the pride of his people, or his own vanity — in spite of his efforts to develop the resources of the country over which he ruled by the favor of Rome — in spite of his talents and energies — one of the most able of the monarchs who The hatred had sat on the throne of Judea, he was obnoxious in which he ,. ^ . /»i« i- ii- i was held. to his suDjects lor his cruelties, and his sympathy with paganism, and he was visited in his latter days by a terrible disorder which racked his body with pain, and in- flamed his soul with suspicions, while his court was distracted with cabals from his own family, which poisoned his life, and led him to perpetrate unnatural cruelties. He had already executed two favorite sons, by Mariamne whom he loved, all from court intrigues and jealousy, and he then executed his son and heir, by Doris, his first wife, whom he had divorced to marry Mariamne, and under .circumstances so cruel that Augustus remarked that he had rather be one of his swine than one of his sons. Among other atrocities, he had ordered the massacre of the Innocents to prevent any one to be born " as king of the Jews." His last act was to give the fatal mandate for the execution of his son Antipater, His death. . , r •> whom he hoped to make his heir, and then almost immediately expired in agonies, detested by the nation, and leaving a name as infamous as that of Ahab, a. a. 4. Herod had married ten wives, and left a numerous family. By his will, he designated the sons of Malthace, his sixth wife, and a Samaritan, as his successors. These were Arche- His kingdom laus, Autipas, and Olympias. The first inherited Lmolig Ms Idumea, Samaria, and Judea ; to the second were ^"^^' assigned Galilee and Persea. Archelaus at once assumed the government at Jerusalem ; and after he had given his father a magnificent funeral, and the people a funeral banquet, he entered the temple, seated himself on a golden throne, and made, as is usual with monarchs, a con- ciliatory speech, promising reform and alleviations from taxes and oppression. But even this did not prevent one of those disgraceful seditions which have ever marked the people of Chap. XL] Extinction of the Line of David, 127 Jerusalem, in which three thousand were slain, caused by re- ligious animosities. After quelling the tumult by the mili- tary, he set out for Rome, to secure his confirmation to the throne. He encountered opposition from various intrigues by his own family, and the caprice of tlie emperor. His 'youno;er brother, Antipas, also went to Rome to The claims ^ . . ' . of the rival support his claim to the throne by virtue of a princes. former Avill. While the cause of the royal litigants was being settled in the supreme tribunal of the civilized world, new disturbances broke out in Judea, caused by the rapaci- ties of Sabinus, the Roman procurator of Syria. The whole country was in a state of anarchy, and adventurers flocked from all quarters to assert their claims in a nation that ar- dently looked forward to national independence, or the rise of some conqueror who should restore the predicted glory of the land now rent with civil feuds, and stained with fratri- cidal blood. Varus, the prefect of Syria, attemjDted to restore order, and crucified some two thousand ringleaders of the tumults. Five hundred Jews went to Rome to petition for the restoration of their ancient constitution, and the aboli- tion of kingly rule. At length the imperial edict confirmed the will of Herod, and Archelaus was appointed to the sovereignty of TheEomans Jerusalem, Idumea, and Samaria, under the title of ^^^^ o?Her- ethnarch ; Herod Antipas obtained Galilee and ^^' Persea ; Philip, the son of Herod and Cleopatra of Jerusa- lem, was made tetrarch of Iturasa. Archelaus governed his dominions with such injustice and cruelty, that he was de- posed by the emperor, and Judea became a Roman province. The sceptre departed finally from the family of David, of the Asmonseans, and of Herod, and the kingdom sank into a district dependent on the ]3refecture of Syria, though admin- istered by a Roman governor. CHAPTER XII. THE ROMAN GOVEKNOES. The history of the Jews during the life of Herod is marked by the greatest event in human annals. In four years before he expired in agonies of pain and remorse, Jesus Christ was born in Bethlehem, whose teachings have changed the whole condition of the world, and will continue to change all insti- Birthof tutions and governments until the seed of the Christ. woman shall have completely triumphed over all the wiles of the serpent. We can not, however, enter upon the life or mission of the Saviour, or the feeble beginnings of the early and persecuted Church which he founded, and w^iich is destined to go on from conquering to conquer. We re- turn to the more direct history of the Jewish nation until their capital fell into the hands of Titus, and their political existence was annihilated. They were now to be ruled by Koman governors — or by mere vassal kings whom the Romans tolerated and protected. The first of these rulers was P. Sulpicius Quirinus — a man of consular rank, who, as proconsul of Syria, was responsible for the government of Judea, which was intrusted to Copo- nius. He was succeeded by M. Ambivius, and he again The rule of bv Aunius Rufus. A rapid succession of 2^0 v- Eoman gov- . . . . ernors. ^ emors took placc till Tiberius appointed Valerius Gratus, who was kept in power eleven years, on the prin- ciple that a rapid succession of rulers increased the oppression of the people, since every new governor sought to be en- riched. Tiberius was a tyrant, but a wise emperor, and the affairs of the Roman world were never better administered than during his reign. These provincial governors, like the I Chap. XII.] Pontius Pilate. 129 Herodian kings, appointed and removed tlie high priests, and left the internal management of the city of Jerusalem to them. They generally resided themselves at Csesarea, to avoid the disputes of the Jewish sects, and the tumults of the people. Pontius Pilate succeeded Gratus a. d. 27, — under whose memorable rule Jesus Christ was crucified and slain — a man cruel, stern, and reckless of human life, but regard- po^tius ful of the peace and tranquillity of the province. Pii^^te. He sought to transfer the innocent criminal to the tribunal of Herod, to whose jurisdiction he belonged as a Galilean, but yielded to the importunities of the people, and left him at the mercy of the Jewish priesthood. The vigilant jealousy of popular commotion, and the reck- less disregard of human life, led to the recall of Pilate ; but during the forty years which had elapsed since the death of Herod, his sons had quietly reigned over their respective provinces. Antipas at Sepphoris, the capital of Galilee, and Philip beyond the Jordan. The latter prince was humane and just, and died without issue, and his territorry was an- nexed to Syria. Herod Antipas was a different man. He seduced and married his niece Herodias, wife of Herod Philip, daughter of Aristobolus, and granddaughter of Mariamne, whom Herod the Great had sacrificed in jealousy — the last scion of the As- monsean princes. It was for her that John the Baptist was put to death. But this marriage proved unfortunate, -^^^^^ ^^, since it involved him in difficulties with Aretas, king ^'p^^- of Arabia, father of his first and repudiated wife. He ended his days in exile at Lyons, having provoked the jealousy or enmity of Caligula, the Roman emperor, through the in- trigues of Herod Agrippa, the brother of Herodias, and con- sequently, a grandson of Herod the Great and Mariamne. The Herodian family, of Idumean origin, never was free from disgraceful quarrels and jealousies and rivah'ies. The dominions of Herod Antipas were transferred to Herod Agrippa, who had already obtained from Caligula the tetrarchate of Iturasa, on the death of Philip, with the title 130 The Roman Governors, [Chap. xii. of king. The fortunes of this prince, in whose veins flowed the blood of the Asmonseans and the Herodians, surpassed Herod ^^^ romauce and vicissitude any recorded of Eastern Agrippa. princes ; alternately a fugitive and a favorite, a vaga- bond and a courtier, a pauper and a spendthrift — according to the varied hatred and favor of the imperial family at Rome. He had the good luck to be a friend of Caligula before the death of Tiberius. When he ascended the throne of the Roman world, he took his friend from prison and disgrace, and gave him a royal title and part of the dominions of his ancestors. Agrippa did all he could to avert the mad designs of Cali- gula of securing religious worship as a deity from the Jews, and he was moderate in his government and policy. On the death of the Roman tyrant, he received from his successor Claudius the investiture of all the dominions which belonged His brilliant ^^ Herod the Great. He reigned in great splendor, reign. respecting the national religion, observing the Mosaic law with great exactness, and aiming at the favor of the people. He inherited the taste of his great progenitor for palace building, and theatrical representations. He greatly improved Jerusalem, and strengthened its fortifications, and yet he was only a vassal king. He reigned by the favor of Rome, on whom he was dependent, and whom he feared, like other kings and princes of the earth, for the emperor was alone supreme. Agrippa sullied his fair fame by being a persecutor of the Christians, and died in the forty-fourth year of his age, having reigned seven years over part of his dominions, Persecutes and three over the whole of Palestine. He the Chris- ^ . ^ , ^ . , . , . tians. died m extreme agony irom internal pains, being " eaten of worms." He left one son, Agrippa, and three daughters, Drusilla, Berenice, and Mariamne, the two first of whom married princes. On his death Judea relapsed into a Roman province, his son, Agrippa, being only seventeen years of age, and Judea a Eo- too youiig to manage such a turbulent, unrea- inJe. ^^^"'^' sonable, and stifi'-necked people as the Jews, rent Chap. XII.] The Pharisees. 131 by perpetual feuds and party animosities, and which seem to have characterized them ever since the captivity, when they renounced idolatry forever. What were these parties? For their opinions and strug- gles and quarrels form no inconsiderable part of Jewish par- the internal history of the Jews, both under the *'^^' Asmonsean and Idumean dynasties. The most powerful and numerous were the Pharisees, and most popular with the nation. The origin of this famous sect is involved in obscurity, but probably arose TbePhari- not long after the captivity. They were the or- ^^^^' thodox party. They clung to the Law of Moses in its most minute observances, and to all the traditions of their religion. They were earnest, fierce, intolerant, and proud. They be- lieved in angels, and in immortality. They were bold and heroic in war, and intractable and domineering in peace. They were great zealots, devoted to proselytism. They were austere in life, and despised all who were not. They were learned and decorous, and pragmatical. Their dogmatism knew no respite or palliation. They were predestinarians, and believed in the servitude of the will. They were seen in public with ostentatious piety. They made long prayers, fasted with rigor, scrupulously observed the Sabbath, and paid tithes to the cheapest herbs. They assumed superiority in social circles, and always took the uppermost seats in the synagogue. They displayed on their foreheads and the hem of their garments, slips of parchment inscribed with sen- tences from the law. They were regarded as models of virtue and excellence, but were hypocrites in the observ- ance of the weightier matters of justice and equity. They were, of course, the most bitter adversaries of the faith which Christ revealed, and were ever in the ranks Their doc- ry . j-^, ^ trines and ot persecution. Iney resembled tlio most austere character. of the Dominican monks in the Middle Ages. They were the favorite teachers and guides of the people, whom they incited in their various seditions. They were theologians who stood at the summit of leo-al Judaism. " Thev fenced round their 132 The Roman Governors. [Chap. Xll. law hedges whereby its precepts were guarded against any- possible infringement." And they contrived, by an artful and technical interpretation, to find statutes which favored their ends. They wrought out asceticism into a system, and ob- served the most painful ceremonials — the ancestors of rigid monks ; and they united a specious casuistry, not unlike the Jesuits, to excuse the violation of the spirit of the law. They were a hierarchal caste, whose ambition was to govern, and to govern by legal technicalities. They were utterly deficient in the virtues of humility and toleration, and as such, peculiarly oifensive to the Great Teacher when he pro- pounded the higher code of love and forgiveness. Out- wardly, however, they were the most respectable as well as honorable men of the nation — dignified, decorous, and studious of appearances. The next great party was that of the Sadducees, who aimed to restore the original Mosaic religion in its purity, and ex- punge every thing which had been added by tradition. But they were deficient in a profound sense of religion, denied the doctrine of immortality, and hence all punishment in a future life. They made up for their denial of the future by a rigid punishment of all crimes. They inculcated a belief of Divine Providence by whom all crime was supposed to be The Saddu- avenged in this world. The party was not so ^^'^^' popular as that of their rivals, but embraced men of hio^h rank. In common with the Pharisees, they main- tained the strictness of the Jewish code, and professed great uprightness of morals. They had, however, no true, deep religious life, and were cold and heartless in their disposi- tions. They were mostly men of ease and wealth, and satis- fied with earthly enjoyments, and inclined to the epicurean- ism which marked many of the Greek philosophers. ISTor did they escape the hypocrisy which disgraced the Pharisees, and their bitter opposition to the truths of Christianity. In addition to these two great parties which controlled the people, were the Essenes. But they lived apart The Essenes. ■'■■'■•' .< j. from men, in the deserts round the Dead Sea, and Chap. XI1.J TJie JSssenes. 133 dreaded cities as nurseries of vice. They allowed no women to come within their settlements. They were recruited by strangers and proselytes, who thought all pleasure to be a sin. Tliey established a community of goods, and prosecuted the desire of riches. They were clothed in white garments which they never changed, and regulated their lives by the sever- est forms. They abstained from animal food, and lived on roots and bread. They worked and ate in silence, and ob- served the Sabbath with great precision. They were great students, and w^ere rigid in morals, and believed in immor- tality. They abhorred oaths, and slavery, and idolatry. They embraced the philosophy of the Orientals, and sup- posed that matter was evil, and that mind was divine. They were mystics who reveled in the pleasures of abstract contemplation. Their theosophy was sublime, but Brahmin- ical. Practically they were industrious, ascetic, and de- vout — the precursors of those monks who fled from the abodes of man, and filled the solitudes of Upper Egypt and Arabia and Palestine, the loftiest and most misguided of the Christian sects in the second and third centuries. But the Essenes had no direct influence over the people of Judea like the Pharisees and Sadducees, except in encouraging obedience and charity. All these sects were in a flourishing state on the death of Agrippa. Judea was henceforth to be ruled gt^teofthe directly by Roman governors. Cuspius Fad us, country. Tiberius Alexander, Ventidius Cumanus, Felix Fortius, Fes- tus Albinus, and Gessius Florus successively administered the affairs of a discontented province. Their brief adminis- trations were marked by famines and tumults. King Agrippa, meanwhile, with mere nominal power, resided in Jerusalem, in the palace of the Asmonroan princes, which stood on Mount Zion, toward the temple. Robbers infested the country, and murders and I'obbery were of constant occur- rence. High priests were set up, and dethroned. The people were oppressed by taxation and irritated by pillage. Prodigies, wild and awful, filled the land with dread of 184: The Boman Governors. [Chap. xn. approaching calamities. Fanatics alarmed the people. The Christians jDredicted the ruin of the State. Never was a pop- ulation of three millions of people more discontented and oppressed. Outrage, and injustice, and tumults, and insur- rections, marked the doomed people. The governors were insulted, and massacred the people in retaliation. Florus, at one time, destroyed three thousand six hundred people, a. d. 66. Open war was apparent to the more discerning. Agrippa in vain counseled moderation and reconciliation, showing the people how vain resistance would be to the overwhelming power of Rome, which had subdued the world ; and that the refusal of tribute, and the demolition of Roman fortifications, were overt acts of war. But he talked to people doomed. Every day new causes of discord arose. Some of the higher Miserable Orders wcre disposed to be prudent, but the people condition of t • i i • if • • the Jews. generally were tilled with bigotry and lanaticism. Some of the boldest of the war party one day seized the fortress of Masada, near the Dead Sea, built by Jonathan the Maccabean, and fortified by Herod. The Roman garri- son was put to the sword, and the banner of revolt was unfolded. In the city of Jerusalem, the blinded people refused to receive, as was customary, the gifts and sacrifices of foreign potentates ofiered in the temple to the God of the Jews. This was an insult and a declaration of war, which the chief priests and Pharisees attempted in vain to prevent. „ , The insurcjents, uro;ed by zealots and assassins. Popular o ? o J ? commotions, evcu sct fire to the palace of the high priest and of Agrippa and Berenice, and also to the public archives, where the bonds of creditors were deposited, which destroyed the power of the rich. They then carried the important citadel of Antonia, and stormed the palace. A fanatic, by the name of Manahem, son of Judas of Galilee, openly pro- claimed the doctrine that it was impious to own any king, but God, and treason to pay tribute to Ci3esar. He became the leader of the war party because he was the most unscru- pulous and zealous, as is always the case in times of excite- ment and passion. He entered the city, in the pomp "of a Chap. XII.] The Revolt of the Jews, 135 conqueror, and became the captain of the forces, which took the palace and killed the defenders. The high priest, Ana- nias, striving to secure order, was stoned. Then followed dissensions between the insurgents themselves, during which Manahem was killed. Eleazar, another chieftain, pressed the sieo^e of the towers, defended by Roman soldiers, Wars and 1-1 1 T 1 T / T -. rumors of Avnicn were taken, and the deienders massacred, wars. Meanwhile, twenty thousand Jews were slain by the Greeks in Csesarea, which drove the nation to madness, and led to a general insurrection in Syria, and a bloody strife between the Greco-Syrians and Jews. There were commotions in all quarters — wars and rumors of wars, so that men fled to the mountains. Wherever the Jews had settled were commo- tions and massacres, especially at Alexandria, when fifty thousand bodies were heaped up for burial. IsTero was now on the imperial throne, and stringent measures were adopted to suppress the revolt of j^^. .^^^^ the Jews, now goaded to desperation by the rebeiUon. remembrance of their oppressions, and the conviction that every man's hand was against them. Certius, the prefect of Syria, advanced with ten thousand Roman troops and thir- teen hundred allies, and desperate war seemed now inevit- able. Agrippa, knowing how fatal it would be to the Jewish nation, attempted to avert it. He argued to infatuated men. Certius undertook to storm Jerusalem, the head-quarters of the insurrection, but failed, and was obliged to retreat, with loss of a great part of his army — a defeat such as the Romans had not received since Varus was overpowered in the forests of Germany. Judea was now in open rebellion against the whole power of Rome — a mad and desperate revolt, which could Open rebei- not end but m the political ruin or tne nation. Judea. Great preparations were made for the approaching contest, in which the Jews were tofio-ht sing-le-handed and unassisted by allies. The fortified posts were in the hands of the insur- gents, but they had no organized and disciplined forces, and were divided among themselves. Agrippa, the representa- 136 The Roman Governors. [Chap. xn. tive of the Herodian kings, openly espoused the cause of Rome. The only hope of the Jews was in their stern fanat- icism, their stubborn patience, and their daring valor. They were to be justified for their insurrection by all those princi- ples which animate oppressed people striving to be free, and they had glorious precedents in the victories of the Maccabees ; but it was their misfortune to contend against the armies of the masters of the world. They were not strong: enoug-h for revolt. The news of the insurrection, and the defeat of a Horaan , prefect, made a profound sensation at Rome. Sensation at -t^ ' ^ Eome. Although Ncro alFected to treat the affiiir with lev- ity, he selected, however, the ablest general of the empire, Vespasian, and sent him to Syria. The storm broke out in Galilee, whose mountain fastnesses were intrusted by the Jews to Joseph, the son of Matthias — lineally descended from an illustrious priestly family, with the blood of the Asmon^an running in his veins — a man of culture and learn- ing — a Pharisee who had at first opposed the insurrection, but drawn into it after the defeat of Certius. He is better known to us as the historian Josephus. His measures of defence were prudent and vigorous, and he endeavored to Eoman Unite the various parties in the contest which he preparations , t , xx • t d for war. kucw was dcspcratc. He raised an army oi one hundred thousand men, and introduced the Roman discipline, but was impeded in his measures by party dissensions and by treachery. In the city of Jerusalem, Ananias, the high priest, took the lead, but had to contend with fanatics and secret enemies. The first memorable event of the war was the unsuccessful expedition against Ascalon, sixty-five miles from Jerusalem, Expedition in whicli Roiiiau discipline prevailed against num- asrainst As- . /> n t i i t e* caioa. bers. Ihis was soon followed by the advance oi Vespasian to Ptolemais, while Titus, his lieutenant and son, sailed from Alexandria to join him. Vespasian had an array of sixty thousand veterans. Josephus could not openly contend against this force, but strengthened his fortified Chap. XII.] Siege of Jotaphata. 137 cities. Vespasian advanced cautiously in battle array, and halted on the frontiers of Galilee. The Jews, under Joseph us, fled in despair. Gabaia was the first city which fell, and its inhabitants were put to the sword — a stern vengeance which the Romans often exercised, to awe their insurgent enemies. Josephus retired to Tiberias, hopeless and discouraged, and exhorted the people of Jerusalem either to re-enforce him with a powerful army, or make submission to the Romans. They did neither. He then threw himself into Jotaphata, where the strongest of the Galilean warriors had intrenched them- selves. Vespasian advanced against the city with his whole army, and drew a line of circumvallation around it, and then commenced the attack. The city stood on the top of a lofty hill, and was difficult of access, and well supplied with pro- visions. As the works of the Romans arose around the city, its walls w^ere raised thirty-five feet by the defenders, while they issued out in sallies and fought with the courage of de- spair. The city could not be taken by assault, and the siege was converted into a blockade. The besieged, supplied with provisions, issued out from behind their fortifications, and destroyed the works of the Romans. The fearful battering- rams of the besiegers were destroyed by the arts and inven- tions of the besieged. The catapults and scorpions swept the walls, and the huge stones began to tell upon the turrets and the towers. The whole city was surrounded by triple lines of heavy armed soldiers, ready f?r assault. The Jews resorted to all kinds of expedients, even to the pouring of boiling oil on the heads of their assailants. The Roman general was exasperated at the obstinate resistance, and proceeded by more cautious measures. He raised the embankments, and fortified them with towers, in which he placed slingers and archers, whose missiles told with terrible eifect on those who defended the walls. Forty-seven days did the gallant de- fenders resist all the resources of Vespasian. But they were at length exhausted, and their ranks w^ere thinned. ^ „ , , , ^ ^ ' Fall of Jota- Once again a furious assault was made by the I'l^-'t'^- whole army, and Titus scaled the walls. The city fell 138 The Roman Governors. [Chap. xir. "with the loss of forty thousand men on both sides, and Jose- phus surrendered to the will of God, but was himself spared by the victors by adroit flatteries, in which he predicted the elevation of Vespasian to the throne of JSTero. It would be interesting to detail the progress of the war, but our limits forbid. The reader is referred to Josephus. Fall of City after city gradually fell into the hands of Yes- joppa. pasian, who now established himself in Caesarea. Joppa shared the fate of Jotaphata ; the city was razed, but he citadel was fortified by the Romans. The intelligence of these disasters filled Jerusalem with consternation and mourning, for scarcely a family had not to deplore the loss of some of its members. Tiberias and Tarichea, on the banks of the beautiful lake of Galilee, were the next which fell, followed by atrocious massacres, after the fashion of war in those days. Galilee stood appalled, Fall of ^^^ ^1^ its cities but three surrendered. Of these Gamaia. Gamala, the capital, was the strongest, and more inaccessible than Jotaphata. It was built upon a precipice, and was crowded with fugitives, and well provisioned. But it was finally taken, as well as Gischala and Itabyriun, and all Galilee was in the hands of the Romans. Jerusalem, meanwhile, was the scene of factions and dissen- Factions at sious. It might havc re-enforced the strongholds Jerusalem. ^£ Galilee, but gavc itself up to party animosities, which weakened its strength. Had the Jews been united, they might have offered a more successful resistance. But their fate was sealed. I can not describe the various in- trigues and factions which paralyzed the national arm, and forewarned the inhabitants of their doom. Meanwhile, Nero was assassinated, and Vespasian was elevated to the imperial throne. He sent his son Titus to complete the subjugation which had hitherto resisted his conquering legions. Jerusalem, in those days of danger and anxiety, was still rent by factions, and neglected her last chance of organizing her forces to resist the common enemy. Never was a city Chap. XII.] Situation of Jerusalem, 139 more insensible of its doom. Three distinct parties were at war with each other, shedding each others' infatuation blood, reckless of all consequences, callous, fierce, ^^^^^ '''^^* desperate. At length the army of Titus advanced to the siege of the sacred city, still strong and well provisioned. Four legions, with mercenary troops and allies, burning to avenge the past, encamped beneath the walls, destroying the orchards and olive-grounds and gardens which everywhere gladdened the beautiful environs. The city was fortified with three walls where not surrounded by impassable ravines, not one within the other, but inclosing distinct quarters ; ^^^ fortiaca- and tliese were of great strength, the stones of *^^"°S' which were in some parts thirty-five feet long, and so thick that even the heaviest battering-rams could make no im- pression. One hundred and sixty-four towers surmounted these heavy walls, one of which was one hundred and forty feet high, and forty-three feet square ; another, of white marble, seventy-six feet in height, was built of stones thirty- five feet long, and seventeen and a half wide, and eight and a half high, joined together with the most perfect masonry. Within these walls and towers was the royal palace, sur- rounded by walls and towers of equal strength. The for- tress of Antonia, seventy feet high, stood on a rock of ninety feet elevation, with precipitous sides. High above all these towers and hills, and fortresses, stood the temple, on an esplanade covering a square of a furlong on each side. The walls which surrounded this fortress-temple were built of vast stones, and were of great height ; and within these walls, on each side, was a spacious double portico fifty-two and a half feet bi-oad, with a ceiling of cedar exquisitely carved, supported by marble columns forty-three and three- quarters feet hio;h, hewn out of sin ode stones. There 1 -1 -> -, • n ^ 1 • ^ 1 The temple. were one hundred and sixty-two of these beautiful columns. Within this quadrangle was an inner wall, seventy feet in height, inclosing the inner court, around which, in the interior, was another still more splendid portico, enteied by brazen gates adorned with gold. These doors, or gates, 140 The Roman Governors. [Chap. Xil. were fifty-two and a half feet high and twenty-six and a quarter wide. Each gateway had two lofty pillars, twenty- one feet in circumference. The gate called Beautiful was eighty-seven and a half feet high, made of Corinthian brass, and plated with gold. The quadrangle, entered by nine of these gates, inclosed still another, within which was the temple itself, with its glittering fagade. This third and inner quadrangle was entered by a gateway tower one hun- dred and thirty-two and a half feet high and forty-three and a half wide. " At a distance the temple looked like a moun- tain of snow fretted with golden pinnacles." With what emotions Titus must have surveyed this glorious edifice, as the sun rising above Mount Moriah gilded its gates and pin- nacles — soon to be so utterly demolished that not one stone should be left upon another. Around the devoted city Titus erected towers which overlooked the walls, from which he discharged his destruc- tive missiles, while the battering-rams played against ' ' the walls, where they were weakest. The first wall was soon abandoned, and five days after the second was penetrated, after a furious combat, and Titus took possession of the lower city, where most of the people lived. The precipitous heights of Zion, the tower of Antonia and the temple still remained, and although the cause was hopeless, the Jews would hear of no terms of surrender. Titus used every means. So did Josephus, who harangued the people at a safe distance. The most obstinate fury was added to presumptuous, vain confidence, perhaps allied with utter distrust of the promises of enemies whom they had offended past forgiveness. At length famine pressed. No grain was to be bought. Famine in The wealthy secreted their food. All kind feelings "" " ^' were lost in the general misery. Wives snatched the last morsel from their family and weary husbands, and children from their parents. The houses were full of dying and the dead, a heavy silence oppressed every one, yet no complaints were made. They suflered in sullen gloom and Chap. XII.] Fall of Jerusalem, 141 despair. From the 14th of April to the 19th of July, a. d. 70, from one hundred thousand to five hundred thousand, ac- cording to different estimates, were buried or thrown from the walls. A measure of wheat sold for a talent, and the dunghills were raked for subsistence. When all was ready, the assault on the places which remain- ed commenced. On the 5th of July the fortress of The assault Antonia was taken, and the siege of the temple was ^ ^^^''^ ^"^ pressed. Titus made one more attempt to persuade its defend- ers to surrender, wishing to save the sacred edifice, but they were deaf and obstinate. They continued to fight, inch by inch, exhausted by famine, and reduced to despair. They gnawed their leathern belts, and ate their very children. On the 8th of August the wall inclosing the portico, or cloisters, was scaled. On the 10th the temple itself, a powerful fort- ress, fell, with all its treasures, into the hands of ' . ' ' . . . The fall. the victors. The soldiers grazed with admiration on the plates of gold, and the curious workmanship of the sacred vessels. All that could be destroyed by fire was burned, and all who guarded the precincts were killed. Still the palace and the upper city held out. Titus prom- ised to spare the lives of the defenders if they The siege would instantly surrender. But they still demand- the city. ed terms. Titus, in a fury, swore that the whole surviving population should be exterminated. It was not till the Yth of September that this last bulwark was captured, so obsti- nately did the starving Jews defend themselves. A miscel- laneous slaughter commenced, till the Romans were weary of their work of veno-eance. During^ the whole sies^e one m.illioii one hundred thousand were killed, and ninety-seven thousand made prisoners, since a large part of the population of Judea had taken refug-e within the walls. During;; the "\vhole war one million three hundred and fifty-six thousand were killed. Thus fell Jerusalem, after a siege of five months, the most desperate defense of a capital in the history of war. It fell never to rise again as a Jewish metropolis. Never had a 142 The Homan Governors. [Chap. xil. city greater misfortunes. ISTever was heroism accomjDanied with greater fanaticism. Never was a prophecy more sig- nally fulfilled. The fall of Jerusalem was succeeded by bloody combats Coiisequen- bcforc the wholc country was finally subdued. of Jerusalem, With the final conquest the Jews were dispersed among the nations, and their nationality was at an end. Their political existence was annihilated. The capital was destroyed, the temple demolished, and the royal house extinguished, and the high priesthood buried amid the ruins of the sacred places. With the occupation of Palestine by strangers, and the final dispersion of the Jews over all nations, who, without a country, and without friends, maintained their institutions, their religion, their name, their peculiarities, and their asso- ciations, we leave the subject — so full of mournful interest, and of impressive lessons. The student of history should see in their prosperity and misfortunes the overruling Providence vindicating his promises, and the awful majesty of eternal laws. BOOK II. THE GEEOIAIsr STATES. CHAPTER XIII. THE GEOGRAPHY OF ANCIENT GEEECE AND ITS EAELT INHABITANTS. We have seen that the Oriental world, so favored by- nature, so rich in fields, in flocks, and fruits, failed Degeneracy to realize the higher destiny of man. In spite tai states. of all the advantages of nature, he was degraded by de- basing superstitions, and by the degeneracy which wealth and ease produced. He was enslaved by vices and by despots. The Assyrian and Babylonian kingdom, that " head of gold," as seen in ISTebuchadnezzar's dream, became inferior to the " breast and arms of silver," as represented by the Persian Empire, and this, in turn, became subject to the Grecian States, " the belly and the thighs of brass." It is the nobler Hellenic race, with its original genius, its enterprise, its stern and rugged nature, strengthened by toil, and enterprise, and war, that we are now to contemplate. It is Greece — the land of song, of art, of philosophy — the land of heroes and freemen, to which we now turn our eyes — the most interesting, and the most famous of the countries of antiquity. Let us first survey that country in all its stern ruggedness and picturesque beauty. It was small compared „ , . With Assyria or Persia. Its original name was of Greece. Hellas, designated by a little district of Thessaly, which lay on the southeast verge of Europe, and extended in length from the thirty-sixth to the fortieth degree of latitude. It 1^4 Geograjpliy of Sncieni Greece. [Chap. XIIL contained, with its islands, only twenty-one thousand two hundred and ninety square miles — less than Portugal or Ireland, but its coasts exceeded the whole Pyrenean peninsula. Hellas is itself a peninsula, bounded on the norih by the Cambunian and Ceraunian mountains, which sepa- rated it from Macedonia ; on the east by the ^gean Sea, (Archipelago), which separated it from Asia Minor ; on the south by the Cretan Sea, and on the west by the Ionian Sea. The northern part of this country of the Hellenes is tra- The moun- vcrscd by a range of mountains, commencing at Greece. Acra Ccraunia, on the Adriatic, and tending south- east above Dodona, in Epirus, till they join the Cambimian mountains, near Mount Olympus, which run along the coast of the ^gean till they terminate in the southeastern part of Between Os- Thcssaly, uudcr the names of Ossa, Pelion, and Tis- pusls the fo- ?eus. The great range of Pindus enters Greece at Te^mpI' *^ ^ the sources of the Peneus, where it crosses the Cam- bunian mountains, and. extends at first south, and then east to the sea, nearly inclosing Thessaly, and dividing it from the rest of Greece. After throwing out the various spurs of Othrj^s, CEta, and Corax, it loses itself in those famous haunts of the Muses — the heights of Parnassus and Helicon, in Pho- cis and Boeotia. In the southern part of Greece are the mountains which intersect the Peloponnesus in almost every part, the principal of which are Scollis, Aroanii, and Tayge- tus. We can not enumerate the names of all these mountains ; it is enough to say that no part of Europe, except Switzer- land, is so covered with mountains as Greece, some of which attain the altitude of perpetual snow. Only a small part of the country is level. The rivers, again, are numerous, but more famous for asso- ciations than for navis^able importance. The Peneus The rivers. . . . ^? %r^ t t i i which empties itself into the .^gean, a little below Tempe ; the Achelous, which flows into the Ionian Sea ; the Alpheus, flowing into the Ionian Sea; and the Eurotas, which enters the Laconican Gulf, are among the most considerable. The lakes are numerous, but not large. The coasts are lined Chap. XIII.] Natural Productions. 145 by bays and promontories, favorable to navigation in its infancy, and for fishing. The adjacent seas are full of islands, memorable in Grecian history, some of which are of con- siderable size. Thus intersected in all parts with mountains, and deeply indented by the sea, Greece was both mountainous ]^aturai ad- and maritime. The mountains, the rivers, the val- poutS^in- leys, the sea, the islands contributed to make the , light on thednTerent races that colonized Greece. The wickedness of the world induced Zeus to punish it by a deluge ; a terrible rain laid the whole of Greece under water, except a few mountain tops. Deucalion was saved in an ark, or chest, which he had been forewarned to construct. After floating nine days, he landed on the summit of Mount Parnassus. Issuing from his ark, he found no inhabitants, they having been«destroyed by the deluge. Instructed, how- ever, by Zeus, he and his wife, Pyrrha, threw stones over their heads, and those which he threw became men, and those throw'ti by his wife became women. Thus does mythology account for the new settlement of the country — a tradition doubtless derived from the remote ages through the children of Japhet, from whom the Greeks descended, and who, after many wanderings and migrations, settled in Greece. Deucalion and Pyrrha had two sons, Hellen and Amphic- Heiienand tyon. The eldest, Hellen, by a nymph was the ^^^ ^' father of Dorus, ^Eolus, and XuthuSj and he gave Chap, XIV.] Legend of Pelius and Neleus. 161 his name to the nation — ITellenas. In dividing the country among his sons, ^Eoliis received Thessaly ; Xuthus, Pelopon- nesus ; and Dorus, the country lying opposite, on the northern side of the Corinthian Gulf, as has been already mentioned in the preceding chapter. Substitute Deucalion for Noah, Greece for Armenia, and Dorus, ^Eolus, and Xuthus for Shem, Ham, and Japhet, and we see a reproduction of the Mosaic account of the second settlement of mankind. As it is natural for men to trace their origin to illustrious progenitors, so the Greeks, in their various settlements, cher- ished the legends which represented themselves as sprung from gods and heroes — those great benefactors, whose exploits occupy the heroic ages. As Hercules was the Argine hero of the Peloponnesus, so ^olus was the fether of heroes sacred in the history of the ^olians, who inhabited the largest part of Greece, ^olus reigned in Thessaly, the original seat of the Hellenes. Among his sons w\as Salmoneus, whose daughter. Tyro, became enamored of the river Eneipus, and frequenting its banks, the god Poseidon fell in love with her. The fruits of this alliance were the twin brothers, Pelias and y^-w^?, and Neleus, who quarreled respecting the possession ^''^''^"^• of lolchos, situated at the foot of Mount Pelion, celebrated afterward as the residence of Jason. Pelias prevailed, and Neleus returned into Peloponnesus and founded the king- dom of Pylos. His beautiful daughter, Pero, was sought in marriage by princes from all the neighboring countries, but he refused to entertain the pretensions of any of them, de- claring that she should only wed the man who brought him the famous oxen of Iphiklos, in Thessaiy. Melampus, the nephew of Neleus, obtained the oxen for his brother Bias, ■who thus obtained the hand of Pero. Of the twelve sons of Neleus, Nestor was the most celebrated. It was he who assembled the various chieftains for the siege of Troy, and was pre-eminent over all for wisdom. Another descendant of ^Eolus was the subject of a beautiful legend. Admetus, who married a daughter of Pelias, and 11 162 Legends of Ancient Greece. [Chap, XIY. whose horses were tended by Apollo, for a time incarnated as a slave in punishment for the murder of the Cyclopes. Apollo, in gratitude, obtained from the Fates the privilege that the life of Admetus should be pro- longed if any one could be found to die voluntarily for him. His wife," Alkestes, made the sacrifice, but was released from the grasp of death (Thanatos) by Hercules, the ancient friend of Admetus. But a still more beautiful lescend is associated with Jason, a great grandson of JEolus. Pelias, still reigning at Jason and lolchos, was informed by the oracle to beware of nauts. the man who should appear before him with only one sandal. He was celebrating a festival in honor of Poseidon when Jason appeared, having lost one of his sandals in crossing a river. As a means of averting the danger, he imposed upon Jason the task, deemed desperate, of'bringing back to lolchos the " Golden Fleece." The result was the memorable Argo- nautic expedition of the ship Argo, to the distant land of Colchis, on the eastern coast of the Black Sea. Jason invited the noblest youth of Greece to join him in this voyage of danger and glory. Fifty illustrious persons joined him, including Hercules and Theseus, Castor and Pollux, Mopsus, and Orpheus. They proceeded along the coast of Thrace, up the Hellespont, past the southern coast of the Propontis, through the Bosphorus, onward joast Bithynia and Pontus, and arrived at the river Phasis, south of the Caucasian mountains, where dwelt ^etes, whom they sought. But he refused to surrender the golden fleece except on conditions which were almost impossible. Medea, however, his daugh- ter, fell in love with Jason, and by her means, assisted by Hecate, he succeeded in yoking the ferocious bulls and plowing the field, and sowing it with dragons' teeth. Still ^etes refused the reward, and meditated the murder of the Argonauts ; but Medea lulled to sleep the dragon which guarded the fleece, and fled with her lover and his compan- ions on board the Argo. The adventurers returned to lolchos in safety, after innumerable perils, and by courses irreconcil- Chap, xiy.] The Argonauts. - 163 able with all geographical truths. But Jason could avenge himself on Pelias only through the stratagem of his wife, and by her magical arts she induced the daughters of Pelias to cut up their father, and to cast his limbs into a caldron, believing that by this method he would be restored to the vigor of you.th, and Jason was thus revenged, and obtained possession of the kingdom, which he surrendered to a son of Pelias, and retired with his wife lo- Corinth. Here he lived ten years in prosperity, but repudiated Medea in order to marry Glance, the daughter of the king of Corinth ; Medea avenged the insult by the poisoned robe she sent to Glance as a marriage present, while Jason perished, while asleep, from a fragment of his ship Argo, which fell upon him. Such is the legend of the Argonauts, which is typical of the naval adventures of the maritime Greeks, and their restless enterprises. The legend of Sisyphus is connected with the early history of Corinth. Sisyphus was the son of ^olus, and founded this wealthy city. He was distinguished ^ for cunning and deceit. He detected Antolycus, the son of Hermes, by marking his sheej) under the foot, so that the arch-thief was obliged to acknowledge the superior craft of the ^olid, and restore the plunder. He discovered the amour of Zeus with the nymph ^gina, and told her mother Avhere she was carried, which so incensed the " father of gods and men," that he doomed Sisyphus, in Hades, to the per- petual punishment of rolling up a hill a heavy stone, which, as soon as it reached the summit, rolled back again in spite of all his efforts. This les-end illustrates the never endino; toils and disappointments of men. Sisyphus was the grandfather of Bellerophon, whose beau- ty made him the object of a violent passion on the part of Antea, the wife of a king of Argos. He rejected her advances, and became as violently hated. She made false accusations, and persuaded her husband to kill him. IsTot wishing to commit the murder directly, he sent him to his son-in-law, the king of Lykia, in Asia Minor, with a folded tablet full of destructive symbols, which requii*ed 164: Legerids of A'iicient Greece. [Chap. XIY. him to perform perilous undertakings, which he successfully- performed. He was then recognized as the son of a god, and married the daughter of the king. This legend reminds us of Joseph in Egypt. We are compelled to omit other interesting legends of the Solids, the sons and dauo'hters of JEolus, amono- which are those which record the feats of Atalanta, and turn to those which relate to the Pelopids, who gave to the Peloponnesus its early poetic interest. Of this remarkable race were Tantalus, Pelops, Atreus, Thyestes, Agamemnon, Menelaus, Helen, and Hermione, all of whom figured in the ancient legendary genealogies. Tantalus resided, at a remote antiquity, near Mount Sipy- lus, in Lj^dia, and was a man of immense wealth, Tantalus. - . , „ and pre-emmently lavored both by gods and men. Intoxicated by prosperity, he stole nectar and ambro- sia from the table of the gods, and revealed their secrets, for which he was punished in the under world by perpetual hunger and thirst, yet placed with fruit and water near him, which eluded his grasp when he attempted to touch them. He had two children, Pelops and Niobe. The latter was blessed with seven sons and seven daughters, Vv^hich so in- flamed her with pride that she claimed equality with the goddesses Latona and Diana, who favored her by their friend- ship. This presumption so incensed the goddesses, that they killed all her children, and I^iobe wept herself to death, and was turned into a stone, a striking image of excessive grief. Pelops was a Lydian king, but was expelled from Asia by Ilus, kino; of Troy, for his impieties. He came to Pelops. ' » ^ ' _ 1 Greece, and beat Hippodamenia, whose father was king of Pisa, near Olympia, in Elis, in a chariot race, when death w^as the penalty of iailure. He succeeded by the fa- vor of Poseidon, and married the princess, and became king of Pisa. He gave his name to the whole peninsula, which he was enabled to do from the great wealth he brought from Lydia, thus connecting the early settlements of the Pelopon- nesus with Asia Minor. He had numerous children, who Chap. XIV.] Pelojys and Cecrojps. 165 became the sovereigns of diiferent cities and states m Argos, Elis, Laconia, and Arcadia. One of them, Atreus, was king of Mycenffi, who inherited the sceptre of Zeus, and whose weahh was proverbiaL The sceptre w^as made by Hephses- tus (Vulcan) and given to Zeus ; he gave it to Hermes ; Hermes presented it to Pelops ; and Pelops gave it to At- reus, the ruler of men. Atreus and his brother, Thyestes, bequeathed it to Agamemnon, who ruled at Mycense, while his brother, Menelaus, reigned at Sparta. It was the wife of Menelaus, Helen, who was carried away by Paris, which occasioned the Trojan war. Agamemnon was killed on his return from Troy, through the treachery of his wife Clytem- nestra, who was seduced by ^Egisthus, the son of Thyestes. His only son, Orestes, afterward avenged the murder, and recovered Mycenae. Hermione, tlie only daughter of Mene- laus and Helen, was given in marriage to the son of Achilles, Neoptolemas, who reigned in Thessaly. Mycena3 maintained its independence to the Persian invasion, and is rendered immortal by the Iliad and Odyssey. On the subsequent ascendency of Sparta, the bones of Orestes were brought from Tegea, wdiere tliey had reposed for generations, in a coffin seven cubits long. The other States of the Peloponnesus, have also their genealogical legends, which trace their ancestors to gods and goddesses, which I omit, and turn to those which belong to Attica. The great Deucalian deluge, according to legend, happened during the reign of Ogyges, 1796 years b. c, and The Deuca- 1020 before the first Olympiad. After a long i^'-^" ^^'"-^• interval, Cecrops, half man and half serpent, became king of the countr}^ By some he is represented as a Pelasgian, by others, as an Egyptian. He introduced the first elements of civilized life — marriage, the twelve political divisions of Atti- ca, and a new form of worship, abolishing the bloody sacrifices to Zeus. Pie gave to the country the name of Cecropia. During his reign there ensued a dispute between Athcna3 and Poseidon, respecting the possession of the Acropolis. 166 Legends of Ancient Greece, [Ohap xit. Poseidon struck the rocks with his trident, and produced a well of salt water; Athen^e phmted an olive tree. The twelve Olympian gods decided the dispute, and awarded to AthenaB the coveted jDOSsession, and she ever afterward remained the protecting deity of Athens. Among his descendants was Theseus, the great legendary hero of Attica, who was one of the Argonauts, and also one of those who hunted the Calidonian boar. He freed Attica from robbers and wild beasts, con- quered the celebrated Minotaur of Crete, and escaped from the labyrinth by the aid of Ariadne, whom he carried off and abandoned. In the Iliad . he is represented as fighting against the centaurs, and in the Hesiodic poems he is an amorous knight-errant, misguided by the beautiful u^Egle. Among his other feats, inferior only to those of Hercules, he vanquished the Amazons — a nation of courageous and hardy women, who came from the country about Caucasus, and whose principal seats were near the modern Trezibond. They invaded Thrace, Asia Minor, Greece, Syria, Egypt, and the islands of the uEgean. The foundation of several towns in Asia Minor is ascribed to them. In the time of Theseus, this semi-mythical and semi-historical race of female warriors invaded Attica, and even penetrated to Athens, but were conquered by the hero king. Allusion is made to their defeat throughout the literature of Athens. Although The- seus was a purely legendary personage, the Athenians were accustomed to regard him as a great political reformer and legislator, who consolidated the Athenian commonwealth, distributing the people into three classes. The legends pertaining to Thebes occupy a prominent Theban le- placc in Grecian mythology. Cadmus, the son of ^*^" ^" Agenor, king of Phoenicia, leaves his country in search of his sister Europa, with whom Zeus, in the form of a bull, had fallen in love, and carried on his back to Crete. He first goes to Thrace, and thence to Delphi, to learn tidings of Europa, but the god directs him not to prosecute his search ; he is to follow the guidance of a cow, and to found a Chap, xiy.] Cadmus and (Edijyus. 16T city where the animal should lie clown. The cow stops at the site of Thebes. He marries Harmonia, the daughter of Ares and Aphrodite, after having killed the dragons which guarded the fountain Alii a, and sowed their teeth. From these arm- ed men sprang up, who killed each other, except five. From these arose the five great families of Thebes, called S23arti. One of the Sparti marries a daughter of Cadmus, whose issue was Pentheus, who became kins". It was in his reign that Dionysus appears as a god in Boeotia, the giver of the vine, and obtains divine honors in Thebes. Among the descendants of Cadmus was Laius. He is fore- warned by an oracle that any son he should beget would destroy him, and hence he caused the infant (Edipus to be exposed on Mount Cithseron. Here the herdsmen of Poly- bus, king of Corinth, find him, and convey him to their lord who brings him up as his own child. Distressed by the taunts of comj^anions as to his unknown parentage, he goes to Delphi, to inquire the name of his real father. He is told not to return to his own country, for it was his destiny to kill his father and become the husband of his mother. Knowinor no country but Corinth, he pursues his way to Boeotia, and meets Laius in a chariot drawn by mules. A quarrel ensues from the insolence of attendants, and (Edipus kills Laius. The brother of -Laius, Creon, succeeds to the throne of Thebes. The country around is vexed with a terrible monster, with the face of a woman, the wings of a bird, and the tail of a lion, called the Sjohinx, who has learned from the Muses a riddle, which she proposed to the Thebans, and on every failure to resolve it one of them was devoured. But no person can solve the riddle. The king offers his crown and his sister Jocasta, wife of Laius, in marriage to any one who would explain the riddle. Oedipus solves it, and is made king of Thebes, and marries Jocasta. A fatal curse rests upon him. Jocasta, informed by the gods of her relationship, hangs herself in agony. (Edipus endures great miseries, as well as his children, whom he curses, and who quarrel about their inheritance, which quarrel leads to Creon. 168 Legends of Ancient Greece. [Chap. XIV. the siege of Thebes by Adrastiis, king of Argos, Avho seeks to restore Polynices — one of the sons of (Edipu«j to the throne of wliich he was dispossessed. The Argeian chieftains readily enter into the enterprise, assisted by numerous aux- iliaries from Arcadia and Alessenia. The Cadmeans, assisted by the Phocians, march out to resist the invaders, who are repulsed, in consequence of the magnanimity of a generous youth, who offers himself a victim to Ares. Eteocles then proposed to his brother, Polynices, the rival claimants, to decide the quarrel by single combat. It resulted in the death of both, and then in the renewal of the general contest, and the destruction of the Argeian chiefs, and Adrastus's return to Argos in shame and woe. Btit Creon, the father of the self-sacrificing Menoeceus, succeeds on the deatli of the rival brothers, to the administration of Thebes. A second siege takes place, conducted by Adrastus, and the sons of those who had been slain. Thebes now falls, and Thersander, the son of Polynices, is made king. The legends of Thebes have fur- nished the great tragedians Sophocles and Euripides, with their finest subjects. In the fable of the Sphinx we trace a connection between Thebes and ancient Egypt. But all the legends of ancient Greece yield in interest to that of Troy, which Homer chose as the subject of his im- mortal epic. Dardanus, a son of Zeus, is the primitive ancestor of the Troian kin "^^^ kings. They had scarcely more power than the Roman consuls ; they commanded the armies, and offered the public sacrifices, and were revered as the descendants of Hercules. The persons of most importan«^e were the ephors, chosen annually by the people, who exorcised the chief • -. ■ 1 MM- Tx^ The Ephors. executive power, and without responsibility. They could even arrest kings, and bring them to trial before the Senate. Two of the five ephors accompanied the king in war, and were a check on his authority. It would thus seem that the government of Sparta was a republic of an aristocratic type. There were Aristocratic 1 111 » • 1 1 t • form of gov- no others nobler than citizens, but these citizens eminent. composed but a small part of the population. They were Spartans — a handful of conquerors, in the midst of hostile people — a body of lords among slaves and subjects. They, sympathized with law and order, and detested the demo- cratical turbulence of Athens. They were trained, by their military education, to subordination, obedience, and self_ sacrifice. They, as citizens or as soldiers, existed only for the State, and to the State every thing was subordinate. In our times, the State is made for the people ; in Sj^arta, the people for the State. This generated an intense jDatriotism and self-denial. It also permitted a greater interference of the State in personal matters than would now be tolerated in any despotism in Europe. It made the citizens J^^^ in'^^the submissive to a division of property, Avhich if nOt ^^^^ 180 Grecian States and Colonies. [Chap. XV. a perfect community of goods, was fatal to all private for- tunes. But the property which the citizens thus shared was virtually created by the Helots, who alone tilled the ground. The wealth of nations is in the earth, and it is its cultivation which is the ordinary source of property. The State, not individual masters, owned the Helots ; and they toiled for the citizens. In the modern sense of liberty, there was very little in Sparta, except that which was possessed by the aristocratic citizens — the conquerors of the country — ^men, whose very occupation was war and government, and whose very amusement were those which fostered warlike habits. The Roman citizens did not disdain husbandry, nor the Puri- tan settlers of New England, but the Spartan citizens de- spised both this and all trade and manufacture. Never was a haughtier class of men than these Spartan soldiers. They exceeded in pride the feudal chieftain. Such an exclusive body of citizens, however, jealous of their political privileges, constantly declined in numbers, so that, in Number of ^^^^ time of Aristotlc, there were only one thousand citizens. spartan citizens ; and this decline cont inued in spite of all the laws by which the citizens were compelled to marry, and those customs, so abliorrent to our Christian notions, which permitted the invasion of marital rights for the sake of healthy children. As it was to war that the best energies of the Spartans were directed, so their armies were the admiration of the Spartan aucieut world for discipline and effectiveness. armies. Tlicy wcrc the first who reduced war to a science. The general type of their military organization was the phalanx, a body of troops in close array, armed with a long spear and short sword. The strength of an army was in the heavy armed infantry; and this body was composed almost entirely of citizens, with a small mixture of Perioeci. From the age of twenty to sixty, every Spartan was liable to mili- tary service ; and all the citizens formed an army, wliether congregated at Sparta, or absent on foreign service. Such, in general, were the social, civil, and military insti- Chap. XY.] Messenia. 181 tutions of Sparta, and not peculiar to her alone, but to all the Dorians, even in Crete ; from which we infer that it w^as not Lycurgus w^ho shaped them, but that they existed inde- pendent of his authority. He may have re-established the old regulations, and given his aid to preserve the State from corruption and decay. And when we remember that the constitution wdiich he re established resisted both the usur- pations of tyrants and the advances of deraocracy, by which other States were revolutionized, we can not sufficiently admire the w^isdom which so early animated the Dorian legislators. The Spartans became masters of the country after a long strug-o-le, and it was henceforth called Laconia. TheSpartana ^^ ' , obtain the The more obstinate Achseans became Helots, ascendency 1 • 11 .on the Pe- After the conquest, the nrst memorable event in ninsuia. Spartan history was the reduction of Messenia, for which it took two o-reat wars. Messenia has already been mentioned as the southwestern part of the Peloponnesus, and resembling Laconia in its gen- eral aspects. The river Parnisus flows through its entire lengtli, as Eurotas does in Laconia, forming fertile valleys and plains, and producino- various kinds of cereals TP. . T -I'li/^ Messenia. and fruits, even as it now produces oil, silk, ngs, ■wheat, maize, cotton, wine, and honey. The area of Mes- senia is one thousand one hundred and ninety-two square railes,^not so large as one of our counties. The early inhab- itants had been conquered by the Dorians, and it was against the descendants of these conquerors that the Spartans made war. The murder of a Spartan king, Teleclus, at a temple on the confines of Laconia and Messenia, where sacrifices were oifered in common, gave occasion for the first war, which lasted nineteen years, e. c. 743. Other States were involved in the quarrel — Corinth on the side of The war Sparta, and Sicyon and Arcadia on the part of the ^^" ^^'^' Messenians. The Spartans having the superiority in the field, the Messenians retreated to their stronghold of Ithome, where they defended themselves fifteen years. But at 182 Grecian States- and Colonies. [Chap. XT. last they were compelled to abandon it, and the fortress was razed to the ground. The conquered were reduced to the condition of Helots — compelled to cultivate the land and pay half of its produce to their new masters. The Spartan citizens became the absolute owners of the whole soil of Messenia. After thirty-nine years of servitude, a hero arose among the conquered Messenians, Aristomenes, like Judas Aristomenes. . . , , . Maccabeus, or William Wallace, who incited his countrymen to revolt. The whole of the Peloponnesus be- came involved in the new war, and only Corinth became the ally of Sparta ; the remaining States of Argos, Sicyon, Arca- dia, and Pisa, sided with the Messenians. The Athenian poet, Tyrtseus, stimulated the Spartans by his war-songs. In the first great battle, the Spartans were worsted; in the second, thej^ gained a signal victory, so that the Messenians were obliged to leave the open country and retire to the fortress on Mount Ira. Here they maintained themselves Conquest of elcveii ycars, the SjDartans being unused to sieges, Messenia. ^^^ j trained only to conflict in the open field. The fortress was finally taken by treachery, and the hero who sought to revive the martial glories of his State fled to Khodes. Messenia became now, b. c. 668, a part of Laconia, and it was three hundred years before it appeared again in history. The Spartans, after the conquest of Messenia, turned their Aggrandize- eycs upou Arcadia — that land of shepherds, free nient of . irm Sparta. and Simple and brave like themselves. I he city of Tegea long withstood the arms of the Spartans, but finally yielded to superior strength, and became a subject ally, b. c. 660. Sparta was further increased by a part of Argos, and a great battle, b. c. 547, between the Argives and Spartans, resulted in the complete ascendency of Sparta in the south- ern part of the Peloponnesus, about the time that Cyrus overthrew the Lydian empire. The Ionian Greeks of Asia Minor invoked their aid against the Persian power, and Sparta proudly rallied in their defence. Chap. XY.] The Age of Tyrants. 18 Q Meanwhile, a great political revolution was going on in the other States of Greece, in no condition to resist the j^re- eminence of Sparta. The patriarchal monarchies of the heroic ages had gradually been subverted by the poiuicai rising importance of the nobility, enriched by ^ ^^^^'^^' conquered lands. Every conquest, every step to national advancement, brought the nobles nearer to the crown, and the government passed into the hands of those nobles who had formerly composed the council of the king. With the growing power of nobles was a corresponding growth of the political power of the people or citizens, in consequence of increased wealth and intelligence. The political changes were rapid. As the nobles had usurped the power of the kings, so the citizens usurped the power of the nobles. The ever- lasting war of classes, where the people are intelligent and free, was signally illustrated in the Grecian States, and de- mocracy succeeded to the oligarchy which had prostrated kings. Then, when the people had gained the ascendency, ambitious and factious demagogues in turn, got the control, and these adventurers, now called Tyrants, assum- The age of ed arbitrary powers. Their power was only main- J'^^'^^- tained by cruelty, injustice, and unscrupulous means, which caused them finally to be so detested that they were removed by assassination. These natural changes, from a monarchy, primitive and just and limited, to an oligarchy of nobles, and the gradual subversion of their power by wealthy and enlio-htened citizens, and then the rise of demagjoo-ues, who became tyrants, have been illustrated in all ages of the world. But the rapidity of these changes in the Grecian States, with the progress of wealth and corruption, inake their history impressive on all generations. It is these rapid and natural revolutions which give to the political history of Greece its permanent interest and value. The age of the Tyrants is generally fixed from b. c. 650 to b. c. 500 — about one hundred and fifty years. ISTo State passed through these changes of government more signally than Corinthia, which, with Megaris, formed the isth- 184: Grecian States and Colonies. [Chap. XV mus which connected the Peloponnesus with Greece Proper. It was a small territory, covered with the rido-es Corinthia. ^ ^ .. i V^ -, -, ^ ? and the spurs oi the (jreranean and and (Jneian mountains, and useless for purposes of agriculture. Its prin- cipal city was Corinth ; was favorably situated for commerce, and rapidly grew in population and wealth. It also command- ed tlie great roads which led from Greece Proper through the defiles of the mountains into the Peloponnesus. It rapidly monopolized the commerce of the ^gean Sea, and the East through the Saronic Gulf; and through the Corinthian Gulf it commanded the trade of the Ionian and Sicilian seas. Corinth, by some, is supposed have been a Pha3nician col- Changes in ony. Before authentic history begins, it was in- habited by a mixed population of ^olians and lonians, the former of whom were dominant. Over them reigned Sisyphus, according to tradition, the grandfather of Bellerojjhon w^ho laid the foundation of mercantile prosperity. The first historical king was Aletes, b. c. 1074, the leader of Dorian invaders, who subdued the ^olians, and incorpora- ted them with their own citizens. The descendants of Aletes reigned twelve generations, when the nobles converted the government into an oligarchy, under Bacchis, who greatly increased the commercial importance of the city. In 754, B. c, Corinth began to colonize, and fitted out a war fleet for the protection of commerce. The oligarchy was supplanted by Cypselus, b. c. 655, a man of the people, whose mother was of noble birth, but rejected by her family, of the ruling house of the BacchiadsB, on account of lameness. His son Periandcr reigned forty years with cruel despotism, but made Corinth the leading commercial city of Greece, and he subjected to her sway the colonies planted on the islands of the Ionian Sea, one of which was Corcyra (Corfu), which gained a great mercantile fame. It was under his reign that the poet Arion, or Lesbos, flourished, to whom lie gave his patronage. In three years after tlie death of Periander, 585 B. c, the oligarchal power was restored, and Corinth allied herself with Sparta in her schemes of aggrandizement. Chap.. XV.] Athens. 185 The same change of government was seen in Megara, a neighborinff State, situated on the isthmus, between chan'^es in Corinth and Attica, and which attained great '''^'''^^' commercial distinction. As a result of commei-cial opulence, the people succeeded in overthrowing the government, an oligarchy of Dorian conquerors, and elevating a dema- gogue, Theagenes, to the supreme power, b. c. 630. He ruled tyrannically, in the name of the people, for thirty years, but was expelled by the oligarchy, which regained power. During his reign all kinds of popular excesses were perpe- trated, especially the confiscation of the property of the rich. Other States are also illustrations of this change of govern- ment from kings to oligarchies, and oligarchies to cimnges in demagogues and tyrants, as on the isle of Lesbos, where Pittacus reigned dictator, but with wisdom and virtue — one of the seven wise men of Greece — and in Samos, where Polycrates rivaled the fame of Periander, and adorned his capital with beautiful buildings, and patronized literature and art. One of his friends was Anacreon, the poet. He was murdered by the Persians, b. c. 522. But the State which most signally illustrates the revolutions in a;overnment was Athens. " Where on tlie ^gean shore a citj stands, — Built nobly ; pure tlie air, and light the soil: Athens, the eye of Greece, mother of arts And eloquence, native to famous wics." Every thing interesting or impressive in the history of classical antiquity clusters round this famous city. Early histo- so that without Athens there could be no Greece. ^^ ""^ Athens. Attica, the little State of which it was the capital, formed a triangular peninsula, of about seven hundred square miles. The country is hilly and rocky, and unfavorable to agricul- ture ; but such was the salubrity of the climate, and the in- dustry of the people, all kinds of plants and animals flourish- ed. The history of the country, like that of the other States, is mythical, to the period of the first Olympiad. Ogyges has the reputation of being the first king of a people who 186 Grecian States and Colonies. [Chap. XY. claimed to be indigenous, about one hundred and fifty years before the arrival of Cecrops, who came, it is supposed, from Egypt, and founded Athens, and taught the simple but sav- age natives a new religion, and the elements of civilized life, 1556 B. c. It received its name from the goddess Neith, in- troduced by him from Egypt, under the name of Athena, or Minerva. It was also called Cecropia, from its founder. Until the time of Theseus it was a small town, confined to the Acropolis and Mars Hill. This hero is the great name of ancient Athenian legend, as Hercules is to Greece generally. He cleared the roads of robbers, and formed an aristocratical constitution, with a king, who was only the first of his nobles. But he himself, after having given political unity, was driven away by a conspiracy of nobles, leaving the throne to Menesthius, a descendant of the ancient kings. This monarch reigned twenty-four years, and lost his life at the siege of Troy. The whole period of the monarchy lies within the mythical age. Tradition makes Codrus the last king, who was slain during an in- vasion ol the Dorians, b. c. 104o. Kesoivmg to have no future king, the Athenians substituted the ofiice of archon, or ruler, and made his son, Medus, the superior mag- istrate. This ofiice remained hereditary in the family of Codrus for thirteen generations. In b. c. 752, the duration of the ofiice was fixed for ten years. It remained in the family of Codrus thirty-eight years longer, when it was left OTDcn for all the nobles. In 683 b. c, nine archons were annu- ally elected from the nobles, tlie first having superior dignity The first of these archons, of wlioni any thing of import- ance is recorded, was Draco, who s^overned Athens Draco. 70 in the year 624 b. c, who promulgated writ- ten laws, exceedingly severe, inflicting capital punishment for slight ofi"enses. The people grew weary of him and his laws, and he was banished to ^gina, where he died, from a conspiracy headed by Cylon, one of the nobles, who seized the Acropolis, b. c. 612. His insurrection, however, failed, and he was treacherously put to death by one of the archons, Chap. XY.] Institutions of Solon. 187 which led to the expulsion of the whole body, and a change in the constitution. . This was effected by Solon, the Athenian sage and law- giver — himself of the race of Codrus, whom the Athenians chose as archon, with full power to make new Laws. Intrusted with absolute power, he abstained from abusing it — a patriot in the most exalted sense, as well as a poet and philosopher. Urged by his friends to make him- self tyrant, he replied that tyranny might be a fair country, only there was no way out of it. When he commenced his reforms, the nobles, or Eupatridce, were in possession of most of the fertile land of Attica, while the poorer citizens possessed only the sterile highlands. This created an unhappy jealousy between the rich and poor. Be- sides, there was another class that had grown rich by com- merce, animated by the spirit of freedom. But their jj|g institu- influence tended to widen the gulf between the rich *^^"^^^* and poor. The poor got into debt, and fell in the power of creditors, and sunk to the condition of serfs, and many were even sold in slavery, for the laws were severe against debtors, as in ancient Rome. Solon, like Moses in his institution of the Year of Jubilee, set free all the estates and persons that had fallen in the power of creditors, and ransomed such as were sold in slaver}^ Having removed the chief source of enmity between the rich and poor, he repealed the bloody laws of Draco, and commenced to remodel the political constitution. The fun- damental principles which he adopted was a distribution of power to all citizens according to their wealth. Loss of aris- But the nobles were not deprived of their ascend- power, ency, only the way was opened to all citizens to reach politi- cal distinction, especially those who were enriched by com- merce. He made an assessment of the landed property of all the citizens, taking as the medium a standard of value which was equivalent to a drachma of annual produce. The first class, who liad no aristocratic titles, were called Pentacosio medimni, from possessing five hundred medimni or upAvard. 188 Grecian States and Colonies. [Chap. XV. They alone were eligible to the archonship and other high offices, and bore the largest share of the public burdens. The second class was called Knights, because they were bound to Different scrvc as cavalry. They filled the inferior offices, classes. farmed the revenue, and had the commerce of the country in their hands. The third class was called Zeugitae (yokesmen), from their ability to keep a yoke of oxen. They were small farmers, and served in the heavy-armed infantry, and were subject to a property-tax. All those whose incomes fell short of two hundred medimni formed the fourth class, and served in the light-armed troops, and were exempt from property-tax, but disqualified for public office, and yet they had a vote in pop- ular elections, and in the judgment passed upon archons at the expiration of office. " The direct responsibility of all the magistrates to the popular assembly, was the most demo- cratic of all the institutions of Solon; and though the gov- otherpoHti- emmcnt was still in the hands of the oligarchy, cai changes. '^q\qii clearly forcsaw, if he did not purposely pre- pare for, the preponderance of the popular element." " To guard against hasty measures, he also instituted the Senate of four hundred, chosen year by year, from the four Ionic tribes, whose office was to prepare all business for the popular assembly, and regulate its meetings. The Areopagus retained its ancient functions, to which Solon added a general over- sight over all the public institutions, and over the private life of the citizens. He also enacted many other laws for the administration of justice, the regulation of social life, the encouragement of commerce, and the general prosperity of the State." His whole legislation is marked by wisdom and patriotism, and adaptation to the circumstances of the people who intrusted to him so much power and dignity. The laws were, however, better than the people, and his legis- lative wisdom and justice place him among the great bene- factors of mankind, for who can tell the ultimate influence of his legislation on Home and on other nations. The most beautiful feature was the responsibility of the chief magis- Chap. XY.] Pisistratus. 189 trates to tlie people who elected them, and from the fact that they could subsequently be punished for bad conduct was the greatest security against tj^ranny and peculation. After having given this constitution to his countrymen, the lawgiver took his departure from Athens, for Departure of . . , , 1 Solon from ten years, binding tlie people by a solemn oath Athens. to make no alteration in his laws. He visited Egypt, Cyprus, and Asia Minor, and returned to Athens to find his work nearly subverted by one of his own kinsmen. Pisistratus, of noble origin, but a demagogue, contrived, by his arts and prodigality, to secure a guard, which he increased, and succeeded in seizing the Acropolis, b. c. 560, ^^ "'' ~- and in usurping the supreme authority — so soon are good laws perverted, so easily are constitutions overthrown, when demao'oo'ues and usurpers are sustained by the "- ^ ^ ^ ^ '' His reign. people. A combination of the rich and poor drove him into exile ; but their divisions and hatreds favored his return. Again he was exiled by popular dissension, and a third time he regained his power, but o'nly by a battle. He sustained his usurpation by means of Thracian mercen- aries, and sent the children of all he suspected as hostages to Naxos. He veiled his despotic power under the forms of the constitution, and even submitted himself to the judgment of the Areopagus on the charge of murder. He kept up his popularity by generosity and affability, by mingling freely with the citizens, by opening to them his gardens, by adorn- ing the city with beautiful edifices, and by a liberal patronage of arts and letters. He founded a public library, and collected the Homeric poems in a single volume. He ruled benefi- cently, as tyrants often have, — like Ciesar, like Richelieu, like Napoleon, — identifying his own glory with the welfare of the State. / He died after a successful reign of thirty-three years, B. c . 527, and his two sons, Hippias and Hippai'chus, succeeded him in the government, ruling, like their fxther, at first wisely but despotically, cultivating art and letters and friendship of great men. But sensual passions led to outrages which resulted in the assassination of Hipparchus. Hippias, having 190 Grecian States and Colonies. [Chap. xy. punished the conspirators, changed the spirit of the gov- ernment, imposed arbitrary taxes, surrounded Hippias. _ ^ _ -^ '' ' himself with an armed guard, and ruled tyran- nically and cruelly. After four years of despotic govern- ment, Athens was liberated, chiefly by aid of the Lace- daemonians, now at the highest of their power. Hippias retired to the court of Persia, and planned and guided the attack of Darius oh Greece — a traitor of the most infamous kind, since he combined tyranny at home with the coldest treachery to his country. His accursed family were doomed to perpetual banishment, and never succeeded in securing a pardon. Their power had lasted fifty years, and had been fatal to the liberties of Athens. The Lacedaemonians did not retire until their king Cleo- menes formed a close friendship with Isagoras, the leader of the aristocratic party — and no people were prouder of their birth than the old Athenian nobles. Opposed to him was Cleisthenes, of the noble family of the Alcmseon- Cleisthenes. . . "^ • i.» ids, who had been banished in the time oi Megacles, for the murder of Cylon, who had been treacher- ously enticed from the sanctuary at the altar of Athena. Cleisthenes gained the ear of the people, and prevailed over Isagoras, and eifected another change in the constitution, by which it became still more democratic. He remodeled the basis of citizenship, heretofore confined to the four Ionic tribes ; and divided the whole country into demes, or parishes, each of which managed its local affairs. All freemen were enrolled in the demes, and became members of the tribes, now ten in number, instead of the old four Ionian tribes. He Tije increase increased the members of the senate from four to five ate. hundred, fifty members being elected from each tribe. To this body was committed the chief functions of ex- ecutive government. It sat in permanence, and was divided into ten sections, one for each tribe, and each section or com_ mittee, called prytany, had the presidency of the senate and ecclesia during its term. Each prytany of fifty members was subdivided into committees of ten, each of which held the Chap. XY.] CleistJicnes. 191. presidency for seven days, and out of these a chairman was chosen by lot every day, to preside in the senate and assem- bly, and to keep the keys of the Acropolis and treasury, and public seal. Nothing shows jealousy of power more than the brief term of office wliich tlie president exercised. The ecclesia, or assembly of the people, was the arena for the debate of all public measures. The archons TtiG ccclcsiti were chosen accordincj to the reofulations of Solon, but were stripped of their power, which was transferred to tlie senate and ecclesia. The generals were elected by the people annually, one from each tribe. They were called strategi, and had also the direction of foreign affairs. It was as first strategus that Pericles governed — " prime min- ister of the people." In order to guard against the ascendency of tyrants — the great evil of the ancient States, Cleisthenes devised the in- stitution of ostracism, by which a suspected or T . .. ITT T/>i. Ostracism. obnoxious citizen could be removed from the city for ten years, though practically abridged to five. It simply involved an exclusion from political power, without casting a stigma on the character. It was virtually a retirement, during which his property and rights remained intact, and attended with no disgrace. The citizens, after the senate had decreed the vote was needful, were required to write a name in an oyster shell, and he who had more than six thousand votes was obliged to withdraw within ten days from the city. The wisdom of this measure is proved in the fact that no tyrannical usurpation occurred at Athens after that of Pisistratus. This revolution which Cleisthenes effected was purely democratic, to which the aristocrats did not submit without a struggle. The aristocrats called to their aid the Spartans, but without other effect than creating that long rivalry which existed between democracy and oligarchy in Greece, in which Sparta and Athens were the representa- tives. About this time began the dominion of Athens over the islands of the ^gean, and the system of colonizing conquered 192 Grecian States and Colonies, [Chap. XV States. This was the period which immediately preceded the Persian wars, when Athens reached the climax of political glorj^ Next in importance to the States which have been briefly mentioned was Boiotia, which contained fourteen Bccotiii. cities, united in a confederacy, of which Thebes took the lead. They were governed by magistrates, called boetarchs, elected annually. In these cities aristocratic institutions prevailed. Tlie people were chiettj'^ of ^olian descent, with a strong mixture of tlie Dorian element, and were dull and heavy, owing, probably, to the easy facilities of support, in consequence of the richness of the soil. At the west of BcBotia, Phocis, witli its small territory, stained i t>w • t i " i • i • origin. ihe Doric dialect predommated in a rude form. Epirus, west of Thessaly and Macedonia, was inhabited by various tribes, under their own princes, until the kings of Molossus, claiming descent from Achil- les, founded the dynasty which was so powerful under Pyrrus. There is but little interest connected with the States of Greece, before the Persian wars, except Sparta, Athens, and Corinth ; and hence a verv brief notice is all that is needed. But the Grecian colonies are of more importance. They Chap. XY.] TJie Ionian Cities. 193 were numerous in the islands of the ^gean Sea, in Epirus, and in Asia Minor, and even extended into Italy, Grecian coio- Sicily, and Gaul. They were said to be planted "'*"'^' as early as the Trojan war by the heroes who lived to re- turn — by Agamemnon on the coast of Asia ; by the sons of Theseus in Thrace ; by lalmenus on the Euxine ; by Dio- med and others in Italy. But colonization, to any extent, did not take place until the Cohans invaded Boeotia, and the Dorians, the Peloponnesus. The Achieans, driven from tlieir homes by the Dorians, sought new seats in the East, under chieftains who claimed descent from Agamemnon and other heroes who went to the siege of Troy. They settled, first, on the Isle of Lesbos, where they founded six cities. Others made settlements on the mainland, from the Hermes to Mount Ida. But the greatest migration Vv^as made by the lonians, who, dislodged by Achasans, went first to Attica, and thence to the Cyclades and the coasts of Asia, afterward called Ionia. Twelve independent States were gradually formed of divers elements, and assumed the Ionian name. Among those twelve cities, or States, were Samos, Chios, Miletus, Ephesus, Colophon, and Phocsea. The Tiie Ionian , ^ ^ . cities in Asia purest Ionian blood was found at Miletus, the seat Minor, of Neleus. These cities were probably inhaljited by other races before the lonians came. To these another was subse- quently added — Smyrna, which still retains its ancient name. The southwest corner of the Asiatic peninsula, about the same time, was colonized by a body of Dorians, accom- panied by conquered Acha3ans, the chief seat of which was Halicarnassus. Crete, Rhodes, Cos, and Cnidus, were col- onized also by the same people ; but Rhodes is the parent of the Greek colonies on the south coast of Asia Minor. A century afterward, Cyprus was founded, and then Sicily was colonized, and then the south of Italy. They were suc- cessively colonized by different Grecian tribes, Achaean or JEolian, Dorian, and Ionian. But all the colonists had to contend with races previously established, Iberians, Phoeni- cians, Sicanians, and Sicels. Among the Greek cities in 13 194 Grecian States and Colonies. [Chap. xy. Sicily, Syracuse, founded by Dorians, was the most import- ant, and became, in turn, the founder of other cities. Sybaris and Croton, in the south of Italy, were of Acha3an origin. The Greeks even penetrated to the northern part of Africa, and founded Gyrene ; while, on the Euxine, along the north cpast of Asia Minor, Gyzicus and Sinope arose. These mi- grations were generally undertaken with the approbation and encouragement of the mother States. There was no colo- nial jealousy, and no dependence. The colonists, straitened for room at home, carried the benedictions of their fathers, and were emancipated from their control. Sometimes the colony became more powerful than the parent State, but both colonies and parent States were bound together by strong ties of religion, language, customs, and interests. The colonists uniformly became conquerors where they settled, but ever retained their connection with the mother country. And they grew more rapidly than the States from which they came, and their institutions were more democratic. The Asiatic colonies especially, made great advances in civil- ization by their contact with the East. Music, poetry, and art were cultivated with orreat enthusiasm. The lonians took the lead, and their principal city, Miletus, is said to have planted no less than eighty colonies. The greatness of Ephesus was of a later date, owing, in part, to the splendid temple of Artemis, to which Asiatics as well as Greeks made contributions. One of the most remarkable of the Greek colonies was Gyrene, on the coast of Africa, which was of peculiar beauty, and was famous for eight hundred years. So the Greeks, although they occupied a small territory, yet, by their numerous colonies in all those parts watered by the Mediterranean, formed, if not politically, at least socially, Political ini- a powcrful empire, and exercised a vast influence thrcuionies. on the civilized world. From Cyprus to Mar- seilles — from the Crimea to Gyrene, numerous States spoke the same language, and practiced the same rites, which were observed in Athens and Sparta. Hence the great extent ol country in Asia and Europe to which the Greek language Chap. XY.] Grecian Colonics. 195 was familiar, and still more the arts wliicli made Athens the centre of a new civilization. Some of the most noted phil- osophers and artists of antiquity were born in these colonies. The power of Hellas was not a centralized empire, like Persia, or even Rome, but a domain in the heart and mind of the world. It was Hellas which worked out, in its various States and colonies, great problems of government, as well as social life. Hellas was the parent of arts, of poetry, of philosophy, and of all aesthetic culture — the pattern of new forms of life, and new modes of cultivation. It is this Gre- cian civilization which appeared in full development as early as five hundred years before the Christian era, which we now propose, in a short chapter, to present — the era which immedi- ately preceded the Persian wars. CHAPTEK XYI. GEECIAN CIVILIZATION BEFORE THE PERSIAN WARS. We understand by civilization the progress which nationu. Early civiii- havc made in art, literature, material strength, zation. social culturc, and political institutions, by which habits are softened, the mind enlarged, the soul elevated, and a wise government, by laws established, protecting the weak, punishing the wicked, and developing wealth and national resources. Such a civilization did exist to a remarkable degree among the Greeks, which was not only the admiration of their own times, but a wonder to all succeeding ages, since it was es- tablished by the unaided powers of man, and affected the relations of all the nations of Europe and Asia which fell under its influence. It is this which we propose briefly to present in this chap- ter, not the highest developments of Grecian culture and genius, but such as existed in the period immediately pre- ceding the Persian wars. One important feature in the civilization of Greece was the proQ^ress made in leg-islation by Lycuro-us and Legislation. ^ ^ . ° J J a Solon. But as this has been alluded to, we pass on to consider first those institutions which were more national and universal. The peculiar situations of the various States, indejDendent of each other, warlike, encroaching, and ambitious, led naturally to numerous wars, which would have been civil wars had all these petty States been united under a common government. But incessant wars, growing out of endless causes of irritation, would have soon ruined these States, and they could have had no proper development. Some- Chap. XYL] The Amjjhictyonic Council. 197 thing was needed to restrain passion and heal dissensions without a resort to arms, ever attended by dire calamities. And something was needed to unite these various States, in which the same language was spoken, and the same religion and customs prevailed. This union was partially effected by the Aniphictyonic Council. It was a congress, TheAmphic- 1 /-. T ' n 1 1 • /v> o tyonic (Joun- composed oi deputies from the dinerent States, cii. and deliberating according to rules established from time immemorial. Its meetings were held in two different places, and were convened twice a year, once in the spring, at Del- phi, the other in the autumn, near the pass of Thermopylae. Delphi was probably the original place of meeting, and was, therefore, in one important sense, the capital of Greece. Originally, this council or congress was composed of depu- ties from twelve States, or tribes — Thessalians, Boeotians, Dorians, lonians, Perrhaebians, Magnetes, Locrians, Octseaus, Phthiots, Achseans, Melians, and Phocians. These tribes assembled together before authentic history commences, be- fore the return of the Heracleids. There were other States which were not represented in this league — Arcadia, Elis, ^olia, and Acarnania; but the league was sufficiently powerful to make its decisions respected by the greater part of Greece. Each tribe, whether powerful or weak, had two votes in the assembly. Beside those members who had the exclusive power of voting, there were others, and more nu- merous, who had the privilege of deliberation. The object of the council was more for religious purposes than political, although, on rare occasions and national crises, subjects of a political nature were discussed. The council laid down the rules of war, by which each State that was represented was guaranteed against complete subjection, and the supj^lies of war were protected. There was no confederacy against foreign powers. The functions of the league were confined to matters purely domestic ; the object of the league was the protection of temples against sacrilege. But the council had no common army to execute its decrees, which were often disregarded. In particular, the protection of the Del- 198 Grecian Civilization. [Chap. XVI. phic oracle, it acted with dignity and effect, wliose resi^onses were universally respected. As the Delpliic oracle was the object which engrossed the The Delphic iiiost important duties of the council, and the re- omcio. spouses of tliis oracle in early times was a sacred hiw, the deliberations of the league liad considerable inllu- ence, and Avere often directed to political purposes. But the immediate managenumt of the oracle was in the hands of the citizens of Delphi. In process of time the responses of the oracle, by the mouth of a woman, which were thus con- trolled by the Delphians, lost much of their prestige, in con- sequence of the presents or bribery by wdiich favorable responses were gained. More powerful tlian this council, as an institution, were The oivm- t"^*-' 01ym})ic games, solenuiized every four years, pic gumcs. jj^ which all the States of Greece took part. These games lasted four days, and were of engrossing interest. They were supposed to be founded by Hercules, and were of very ancient date. During these celebrations there was a universal truce, and also during the time it was necessary for the people to assemble and retire to their homes. Elia, in whose territory Olympia was situated, had the whole regulation of the festival, the imnunliate object of which were various trials of strength and skill. They included chariot races, foot races, horse races, wrestling, boxing, and leaping. They were open to all, even to the poorest Greeks; no accidents of birth or condition aifected these honorable contests. The palm of honor Avas given to the men who had real merit. A simple garland of leaves was the prize, but this was suihcient to call out all the energies and am- bition of the whole nation. There were, however, incidental advantages to successful combatants. At Athens, the citi- zen Avho gained a prize was rewarded by live hundred drachmas, and was entitled to a seat at the table of the magistrates, and had a conspicuous part on the field of battle. The victors had statues erected to them, and called forth the praises of the poets, and thus these primitive sports Chap. XVI.] Oi'eGian Games. 199 incidentally gave an impulse to art and prxitry. In latc^r times, poets and historians recited tbt!ir compositions, and were rewarded with the garland of leaves. The victors of these games thus acquired a social ))re-eminence, and were iield in especial honor, like those heroes in the Mi . T , (. Scvthiaby struction ol the Persian army and the recovery oi Darius, their own liberty. Miltiades, who ruled the Chersonese — the future hero of Marathon, seconded the Avise proposal of the Scythians, but Hisliteus, tyrant of Miletus, feared that such an act would recoil upon themselves, and favor another inroad of Scythians — a fierce nation of barbarians. The result was that the bridge was not destroyed, but the further end of it was severed from the shore. Night arrived, and the 206 The Persian War. [Chap. xvii. Persian hosts appeared upon the banks of the river, but find- ing no trace of it, Darius ordered an EgjqDtian who had a trumpet-voice to summon to his aid Histiseus, the Milesian. He came forward with a fleet and restored the bridge, and Darius and his army were saved, and the opportunity was lost to the lonians for emancipating tliemselves from the Persians. The bridge was preserved, not from honorable fidelity to fulfill a trust, but selfish regard in the despot of Miletus to maintain his power. For this service he was rewarded with a principality on the Strymon. Exciting, how- ever, the suspicion of Darius, by his intrigues, he was carried captive to the Persian court, but with every mark of honor. Darius left his brother Artaphernes as governor of all the cities in Western Asia Minor. A few years after this unsuccessful invasion of Scythia by Darius, a political conflict broke out in Naxos, an island of the Cyclades, b. c. 502, which had not submitted to the Per- sian yoke, and the oligarchy, which ruled the island, were expelled. They applied for aid to Aristagoras, the tyrant of Miletus, the largest of the Ionian cities, who persuaded the Persian satrap to send an expedition against the island. The expedition failed, which ruined the credit of Aristagor- as, son-in-law to Histiseus, who was himself incensed at his detention in Susa, and who sent a trusty slave with a mes- Eevoitofthe sagc Urging the lonians to revolt. Aristagoras, Ionian cities -t ^ t i i- from Persia, as a mcaus 01 succcss, Conciliated popular lavor throughout Asiatic Greece, by putting down the various tyrants — the instruments of Persian ascendency. The flames of revolt were kindled, the despots were expelled, the re- volted towns were put in a state of defense, and Aristagoras visited Sparta to invoke its aid, inflaming the mind of the king with the untold wealth of Asia, which would become his spoil. Sparta was then at war with her neighbors, and unwillino- to become involved in so uncertain a contest. Kejected at Sparta, Aristagoras proceeded to Athens, then the second power in Greece, and was favorably received, for the Athenians had a powerful sympathy with the revolted Chap. XYIL] Heconquest of the Ionian Cities, 207 lonians ; they agreed to send a fleet of twenty ships. When Aristagoras returned, the Persians had commenced the siege of JMiletus. The twenty ships soon crossed the JEgean, and were joined by five Eretrian ships coming to the succor of Miletus. An unsuccessful attempt of Aristagoras on Sar- dis disgusted the Athenians, who abandoned the alliance. But the accidental burning of the city, including the temple of the goddess Cybele, encouraged the revolters, and incensed the Persians. Other Greek cities on the coast took part in the revolt, including the island of Cyprus. The revolt now assumed a serious character. The Persians rallied their allies, among w^hom were the Phoenicians. An armament of Persians and Phoenicians sailed against Cyprus, and a victory on the land gave the Persians the control of the island. A large army of Persians and their allies collected at Sardis, and, under different divisions reconquered all their Defeat of the principal Ionian cities, except Miletus; but the Ionian cities. Ionian fleet kept its ascendency at sea. Aristagoras as the Persians advanced, lost courage and fled to Myrkinus, where he shortly afterward perished. Meanwhile Histiaeus presented himself at the gates of Mile- tus, having^ procured the consent of Darius to pro- Histiseus. ceed thither to quell the revolt. Pie was, how- ever, suspected by the satrap, Artaphernes, and fled to Chios, whose people he gained over, and who carried him back to Miletus. On his arrival, he found the citizens averse to his reception, and was obliged to return to Chios, and then to Lesbos, where he abandoned himself to piracy. A vast Persian host, however, had been concentrated near Miletus, and with the assistance of the Phoenicians, invested the city by sea and land. The entire force of the confeder- ated cities abandoned the Milesians to their fate, and took to their ships, three hundred and fifty-three in number, with a view of fighting the Phoenicians, who had six hundred ships. But there was a want of union among wantofuni- . . on anions the the Ionian commanders, and the sailors aban- Ionian cuies. doned themselves to disorder and carelessness ; upon which 208 The Persian War. [Chap. XVII. Dionysius, of Phocsea, which furnished but three ships, rebuked the lonians for their neglect of discipline. His rebuke was not thrown away, and the lonians having their comfortable tents on shore, submitted themselves to the nautical labors imposed by Dionysius. At last, after seven days of work, the Ionian sailors broke out in open mutiny, and refused longer to be under the discipUue of a man whose State furnished the smallest number of ships. They left their ships, and resumed their pleasures on the shore, un- willing to endure the discipline so necessary in so great a crisis. Their camp became a scene of disunion and mistrust. The Samians, in particular, were discontented, and on the day of battle, which was to decide the fortunes of Ionia, they deserted with sixty ships, and other lonians followed their example. The ships of Chios, one hundred in number, fought with great fidelity and resolution, and Dionysius cap- tured, with his three ships, three of the Phoemcians'. But these exceptional exami:)les of bravery did not compensate the Their signal treachery and cowardice of the rest, and tlie con- deteut sequence was a complete defeat of the lonians at Lade. Dionysius, seeing the ruin of the Ionian camp, did not return to his own city, and set sail for the Phoenician coast, doing all he could as a pirate. This victory of Lade enabled the Persians to attack Miletus Attack of hy sea as well as land ; the siege was prosecuted Miletus. ^^'^^^ vigor, and the city shortly fell. The adult male population was slain, while the women and children were sent as slaves to Susa. The Milesian territory was devastated and stripped of its inhabitants. The other States hastened to make their submission, and the revolt was crushed, b. c. 496, five years after its commencement. The Complete Pcrsiau forces reconquered all the Asiatic Greeks, the Tlnkxn ^ iusular and continental, and the Athenian Miltiades Greeks. escapcd with difficulty from his command in *the Chersonese, to his native city. All the threats which were made by the Persians were realized. The most beautiful virgins were distributed among the Persian nobles ; the Chap. XVII.] Prejyarations of Darius. 209 cities were destroyed; and Samoa alone remained, as a reward for desertion at the battle of Lade. The reconquest of Ionia being completed, the satrap Arta- phernes proceeded to orgjanize the future govern- Artaphemes •^ -^ . . . T r. organizes th> ment, the mhabitants now bemg composed of a govemuient. great number of Persians. Meanwhile, Darius made prepa- rations for the complete conquest of Greece. The wisdom of the advice of Miltiades, to destroy the bridge over the Dan- ube, when Darius and his army would have been annihil- ated by the Scythians, was now apparent. Mardoaius was sent with a large army into Ionia, who deposed the despots in the various cities, whom Artaphernes had reinstated, and left the people to govern themselves, subject to the Persian dominion and tribute. He did not remain long in Ionia, but passed with his fleet to the Hellespont, and joined Darius pre- his land forces. He transported his army to Eu- /nvasio*n o?^ rope, and began his march through Thrace. Thence ^^"^^<*-®' he marched into Macedonia, and subdued a part of its inhab- itants. He then sent his fleet around Mount Athos, with a vicAV of joining it with his army at the Gulf of Therma. But a storm overtook his fleet near Athos, and destroyed three hundred ships, and drowned twenty thousand men. This disaster compelled a retreat, and he recrossed the Hellespont with the shame of failure. He was employed no more by the Persian king. Darius, incited by the traitor Hippias, made new prepara- tion for the invasion of Greece. He sent his her- His im- alds in every direction, demanding the customary ^rat^iis!^' token of submission — earth and water. Many of the conti- nental cities sent in their submission, including theThebans, Thessalians, and the island of ^gina, which was on bad terms with Athens. The heralds of Darius were put to death at Athens and Sparta, which can only be explained from the fiercest resentment and rage. These two powers made com- mon cause, and armed all the other States over which they had influence, to resist the Persian domination. Hellas, headed by Sparta, now resolved to put forth all its energies, and 14 210 The Persian War. [Chap. XVII. embarked, in dcsporato iiostility. A Avar wliicli Sparta had been waging for several years against Argus crippled that ancient State, and she was no longer tlie leading power. The only rival which Sparta feared was weakened, and full scope was given for the prosecution of the Persian war. iEgina, wliich had submitted to Darius, was visited by Cleomenes, king of Sparta, and hostages were sent to Athens for tb.e neutrality of that island. Athens and Sparta suspended their political jealousies, and acted in concert to resist the common danger. By the spring of 490 b. c, the preparations of Darius were Mis vast compk'ted, and a vast army collected on a plain army. upou tlic Ciliciau shorc. A tleet of six hundred ships convoyed it to the rendezvous at Samos. The exiled tyrant llippias was present to guide the forces to the attack of Attica. The Mede Datis, and Arlaphernes, son of the satrap of Sardis, nephew to Darius, were the l^ersian gen- erals. They had orders from Darius to bring the inhabitants of Athens as slaves to his presence. The Persian tleet, fearing a siniihir disaster as happened The Persian "^''^i" ^Jouiit Atlios, struck directly across the fle^it. ^Egean, from Samos to Eubani, attacking on the way the intermediate islands. Naxos thus was invaded and easily subdued. From Naxos, Datis sent his tieet round the other Cyclades Islands, demanding reinforcements and hos- tages from all he visited, and reached the southern extremity of Eub«a in safety. Etruria was first subdued, unable to resist. After halting a few days at this city, he crossed to Attica, and landed in the bay of Marathon, on the eastern coast. The despot llippias, son of Pisistratus, twenty years after his expulsion from Athens, pointed out tlie way. But a great cliange had taken place at Athens since his Poiiticjii ex])ulsion. The city was now under democratic chiiDce at . '' Athens. rulc, \\\ its bcst cstatc. Tlie ten tribes had become identified \vilh the government and institutions of the city. The senate of tlie areopagus, renovated by the annual archons, was in sympathy with the people. Great men had Chap. XYII.] The Athenian Generals, 211 arisen under the amazing stimnlus of liberty, among wliom JMiltiades, Themistocles, and Aristides were tlie most dis- tinguished. Miltiades, after an absence of six years in the Chersonesus of Thrace, returned to the city full of patriotic ardor. He was brouglit to trial before the popu- Miiuades, lar assembly on the cliarge or having misgov- genemis, erned the Cliersonese ; but he was honorably acquitted, and was chosen one of the ten generals of the republic annu- ally elected. lie was not, however, a politician of the democratic stamp, like Themistocles and Aristides, being a descendant of an illustrious race, which traced their lineage to the gods ; but he was patriotic, brave, and decided. His advice to burn the bridge over the Danube illustrates his character — bohl and far-seeing. Moreover, he was peculi- arly hostile to Darius, whom he had so grievously oifended. Themistocles was a man of great native genius and sagacity. He comprehended all the embarrassments and dan- Themis- gers of the political crisis in wliich his city was t<^«^*-^8. placed, and saw at a glance the true course to be pursued, lie was also bold and daring. He was not favored by the accidents of birth, and owed very little to education, lie had an unbounded passion for glory and for display. He had great tact in the management of party, and was intent ou the aggrandizement of his country. His morality was reck- less, but his intelligence was great — a sort of Mirabeau : with liis passion, his eloquence, and his talents. His unfor- tunate end — a traitor and an exile — shows how little intel- lectual pre-eminence will avail, m the long run, without virtue, although such talents as he exhibited will be found useful in a crisis. Aristides was inferior to both Alcibiades and Themisto- cles in G^enius, in resource, in boldness, and in f . . . . 1- . Aristides. energy ; but superior m virtue, in public hdelity, and moral elevation. He pursued a consistent course, was no demagogue, unflinching in the discliarge of trusts, just, upright, unspotted. Such a man, of course, in a corrupt society, would be exposed to many enmities and jealousies. 212 The Persian War. [Chap. XYII. But he was, on the whole, appreciated, and died, in a period of war and revolution, a poor man, with unbounded means of becoming rich — one of the few examples which our world affords of a man who believed in virtue, in God, and a judg- ment to come, and who preferred the future and spiritual to the present and material — a fool in the eyes of the sordid and bad — a wise man according to the eternal standards. Aristides, Miltiades, and perhaps Themistocles, were elected among the ten generals, by the ten tribes, in the year that Datis led his expedition to Marathon. Each of the ten generals had the supreme command of the army for a day. Great alarm was felt at Athens as tidings reached the city of the advancing and conquering Persians. Couriers were Athens ai- sent in hot haste to the other cities, especially lies tici'sclf with Sparta. Sparta, and one was found to make the journey to Sparta on foot — one hundred and fifty miles — in forty-eight hours. The Spartans agreed to march, without delay, after the last quarter of the moon, which custom and superstition dictated. This delay was fraught with danger, but was in- sisted upon by the Spartans. Meanwhile the dangers multiplied and thickened. The Persians were at Marathon. It was urged by Miltiades Prominence that not a moment should be lost in bringing dangers. the Pcrsiaus into action. Five of the generals counseled delay. The polemarch, Calimachus, who then had the casting vote, decided for immediate action. Themistocles and Aristides had seconded the advice of Miltiades, to whom the other generals surrendered their days of command — a rare example of patriotic disinterestedness. The Athenians marched at once to Marathon to meet their foes, and were joined by the Platseans, one thousand warriors, from a little city — the whole armed population, which had a great moral effect. The Athenians had only ten thousand hoplites, including Marshaiino- ^^® ^^® thousaud from Platsea. The Persian army eian^fo?ces ^^^ variously estimated at from one hundred and ten at Marathon, thousaud to six hundred thousand. The Greeks Chap. XYIL] The Battle of Marathon, 213 were encamped upon the higher ground overlooking the plain which their enemies occupied. The fleet was ranged along the beach. The Greeks advanced to the com- bat in rapid movement, urged on by the war-cry, which ever animated their charores. The wino;s of the Persian armv were put to flight by the audacity of the charge, but the centre, where the best troops were posted, resisted the attack until Miltiacles returned from the pursuit The battle of of the retreating soldiers on the wings. The defeat ^^^^thon. of the Persians was the result. They fled to their ships, and became involved in the marshes. Six thousand four hundred men fell on the Persian side, and only one hun- dred and ninety-two on the Athenian. The Persians, though defeated, still retained their ships, and sailed toward Cape Sunium, with a view of another descent upon Attica. Mil- tiades, the victor in the most glorious battle ever till then fought in Greece, penetrated the designs of the Persians, and rapidly retreated to Athens on the very day of battle. Datis arrived at the port of Phalerum to discover that his plans were baffled, and that the Athenians were still ready to oppose him. The energy and promptness of Miltiades had saved the city. Datis, discouraged, set sail, without land- ing, to the Cyclades. The battle of Marathon, b. c. 490, must be regarded as one of the great decisive battles of the world, and the first which raised the political importance of the Jesuits of Greeks in the eyes of foreign powers. It was ^^^ battle. fought by Athens twenty years after the ex23ulsion of the tyrants, and as a democratic State. On the Athenians rest the glory forever. It was not important for the number of men who fell on either side, but for srivins; the first o-reat check to the Persian domination, and preventing their con- quest of Europe. And its moral efiect was greater than its political. It freed the Greeks from that fear of the Persians which was so fatal and universal, for the tide of Persian conquest had been hitherto uninterrupted. It animated the Greeks with fresh courage, for the bravery of the Athenians 214 The Persian War. [Chap. XVII. had been unexampled, as had been the generalship of Mil- tiades. Athens was delivered by the almost supernatm-al bravery of its warriors, and was then prepared to make those sacrifices which were necessary in the more desperate struggles which were to come. And it inspired the people with patriotic ardor, and upheld the new civil constitution. It gave force and dignity to the democracy, and prepared it for future and exalted triumphs. It also gave force to the religious sentiments of the people, for such a victory was regarded as owing to the special favor of the gods. The Spartans did not arrive until after the battle had been fought, and Datis had returned Avith his Etrurian prisoners to Asia. The victory of Marathon raised the military fame of Mil- Fame of tiades to the most exalted height, and there were Miitiades, j^^ bounds to the enthusiasm of the Athenians. But the victory turned his head, and he lost both prudence and patriotism. He persuaded his countrymen, in tlie full tide of his popularity, to intrust him with seventy ships, with an adequate force, with powers to direct an expedition according to his pleasure. The armament was cheerfully granted. But he disgracefully failed in an attack on the island of Paros, to gratify a private vindictive animosity." His suhse- He lost all his eclat, and was impeached. He verses. appealed, wounded and disabled from a fall he had received, to his previous services. He was found guilty, but escaped the penalty of death, but not of a fine of fifty talents. He did not live to pay it, or redeem his fame, but KiS death. -,' -, n i ' • tit • ^ n-ii 1 • died 01 the injury lie had received, ihus tins great man fell from a pinnacle of glory to the deepest dis- grace and ruin — a fate deserved, for he was not true to him- self or country. The Athenians were not to blame, but judged him rightly. It was not fickleness, but a change in their opinions, founded on sufficient grounds, from the deep disappointment in finding that their hero was unworthy of their regards. No man who had rendered a favor has a claim to pursue a course of selfishness and unlawful ambi- Chap. XVIL] Mivalries of Party Leaders. 215 tion. No services can offset crimes. The Athenians, in their unbounded admiration, had given unbounded trust, and that trust was abused. And as the greatest despots Avho had mounted to power had earned their success by early services, so had they abused their power by imposing fetters, and the Athenians, just escaped from the tyranny of these despots, felt a natural jealousy and a deep repugnance, in spite of their previous admiration. The Athenians, in their treatment of Miltiades, were neither ungratefid nor fickle, but acted from a high sense of public morality, and in a stern regard to justice, without which the new constitution would soon have been subverted. On the death of Miltiades Themistocles and Aristides became the two lead- Jealousies between ino- men of Athens, and their rivalries composed the Aristif,s. lected under Pausanias. Meanwhile Mardonius Atticd, atA Boeotia. ravaged Attica and Boeotia, and then fortified his carap near Platnea, ten furlongs square. Platsea was a plain favorable to the action of the cavalry, not far from Thebes ; but his army was discouraged after so many disas- ters — in modern military language, demoralized — while Ar- Chap, xyii.] Preparations for Battle. 227 tabazus, the second in command, was filled with jealousy. Nor could much be hoj^ed from the Grecian allies, who secretly were hostile to the invaders. The Thehans and Boeotians appeared to be zealous, but were governed by fear merely of a superior power, and hence were unreliable. It can not be supposed that the Thebans, wlio sided with the Persians, by compulsion, preferred their cause to that of their country- men, great as may have been national jealousy and rivalries. The total number of Lacedaemonians, Corinthians, Atheni- ans, and other Greeks, assembled to meet the Per- ^he Greeks ' ' assemble sian army, b. c. 479, was thirty-eip'ht thousand seven ag^^i'.'st the •^ ' ' ^ JO Persians at hundred men, heavily arm^ed, and seventy-one Piatfea. thousand three hundred light armed, without defensive ar- mor ; but most of these were simply in attendance on the hoplites. The Persians, about three hundred thousand in number, occupied the line of the river Asopus, on a plain ; the Greeks stationed themselves on the mountain declivity near Erythse. The Persian cavalry charged, to dislodge the Greeks, unwilling to contend on the plain ; but the ground was unfavorable for cavalry operations, and after a brief suc- cess, was driven back, while the general, Masistias, who commanded it, was slain. His death, and the repulse of the cavalry, so much encouraged Pausanias, the Spartan general, that he quitted his ground on the mountain declivity, and took position on the plain beneath. The Lacedaemonians composed the right wing ; the Athenians, the left ; and various other allies, the centre. Mardonius then slight- preparations ly changed his position, crossing the Asopus, nearer '^^ ^ ^' his own camp, and took post on the left wing, opposite the right wing of the Greeks, commanded by Pausanias. Both armies then offered sacrifices to the gods, but Mardonius was able to give constant annoyance to the Greeks by his caval- ry, and the Thebans gave great assistance. Ten days were thus spent by the two armies, witliout coming into general action, until Mardonius, on becoming impatient, against the advice of Artabazus, second in command, resolved to com- mence the attack. The Greeks were forewarned of his in- 228 The Persian War. [Chap. xvn. tention, by Alexander of Macedon, who came secretly to the Greek camp at night — a proof that he, as well as others, were impatient of the Persian yoke. The Lacedaemonians, posted in the right wing, against the Persians, changed places with the Athenians, who were more accustomed to Persian warfare ; but this manoeuvre being detected, Mardonius made a corre- sj^onding change in his own army — upon which Pausanias led back again his troops to the right wing, and a second move- ment of Mardonius placed the armies in the oi'iginal position. A vigorous attack of the Persian cavalry now followed, Battle of which SO aunoycd the Greeks, that. Pausanias in piatiea. ^j^^ nisjht rcsolvcd to chano'e once ao;ain his position, and retreated to the hilly ground, north of Plataea, about twenty furlongs distant, not without confusion and mistrust on the part of the Athenians. Mardonius, astonished at this movement, pursued, and a general engagement fol- lowed. Both armies fouglit with desperate courage, but dis- cipline was on the side of the Greeks, and Mardonius was slain, fighting gallantly with his guard. Artabazus, with the forty thousand Persians under his immediate command, had not taken part, and now gave orders to retreat, and retired from Greece. The main body, however, of the defeated Persians retired to their fortified camp. This was attacked by the Lacedaemonians, and carried with immense slaughter, so that only three thousand men survived out of the army of Mar- donius, save the forty thousand which Artabazus — a more able captain — had led away. The defeat of the Persians was complete, and the spoils which fell to the victors was immense — gold and silver, arms, carpets, clothing, horses, camels, and even the rich tent of Xerxes himself, left with Mardonius. The booty was distributed among the different contingents of the army. The real victors were the Lace- daemonians, Athenians, and Tegeans; the Corinthians did not reach the field till the battle was ended, and tlius missed tiheir share of the spoil. There was one ally of the Persians which Pausanias re- solved to punish— the city of Thebes when a merited chas- Chap. XYIL] Battle of Mycale. 229 tisement was inflicted, and the customary solemnities were observed, and honors decreed for tlie [greatest chastise- and most decisive victory which the Greeks liad Thebes. ever gained. A confederacy was held at Plataea, in which a permanent league was made between the leading Grecian States, not to separate until the common foe was driven back to Asia. While these great events were transpiring in Boeotia, the fleet of the Greeks, after the battle of Salamis, un- ^a^it\e of dertook to rescue Samos from the Persians, and ^y*^^^*^- secure the independence of the Ionian cities in Asia. The Persian fleet, now disheartened, abandoned Samos and re- tired to Mycale, in Ionia. The Greek fleet followed, but the Persians abandoned or dismissed their fleet, and joined their forces with those of Tigranes, who, with an army of sixty thousand men, guarded Ionia. The Greeks disembarked, and prepared to attack the enemy just as the news reached them of the battle of Plata^a. This attack was successful, partly in consequence of the revolt of the lonians in the Persian camp, although the Persians fought with great bravery. The battle of Mycale was as complete as that of Plataea and Maratlion, and the remnants of the Persian army retired to Sardis. The Ionian cities were thus, for the time, delivered of the Persians, as well as Greece itself, chiefly by means of the Athenians and Corintliians. The Spartans, with inconceivable narrowness, were reluctant to receive the continental lonians as allies, and proposed to transport them across the .55gean into Western Greece, which proposal was most honorably rejected by the Athe- nians. In every thing, except the del'ense of Greece Proper, and especially the Peloponnesus, the Spartans showed them- selves inferior to the Athenians in ina2:nanimitv and enlarofed views. After the capture of Sestos, b. c. 478, which re- lieved the Thracian Chersonese from the Persians, the fleet of Athens returned home. The capture of this city concludes the narration of Herodotus, which ended virtually the Persian Avar, although hostilities were continued in Asia. The battle 230 The Persian War, [Chap. XYII. of Marathon had given the first effective resistance to Persian conquests, and created confidence among the Greeks. The battle of Salamis had destroj^ed the power of Persia on the sea, and prevented any co-operation of land and naval forces. The battle of Plataea freed Greece altoo-ether of the invaders. The battle of Mycale rescued the Ionian cities. Athens had, on the whole, most distinguished herself in Eiyiiiry ^^^^^ great and glorious contest, and now stood Athens"and forth as the guardian of Hellenic interests on the Sparta. qq^ ,^^^ ^}^g leader of the Ionian race. Sparta con- tinued to take the lead of the military States, to which Athens had generously submitted. But a serious rivalry now was seen between these leading States, chiefly through the jealousy of Sparta, which ultimately proved fatal to that supremacy which the Greeks might have maintained over all the powers of the world. Sparta wished that Athens might remain unfortified, in common with all the cities of Northern Greece, while the isthmus should be the centre of all the works of defense. But Athens, under the sagacious and crafty management of Themistocles, amused the Spartans by delays, while the whole population were emj)loyed upon restoring its fortifications. Although the war against the Persians was virtually con- cluded by the capture of Sestos, an expedition was fitted out by Sparta, under Pausanias, the hero of Plataea, to prose- cute hostilities on the shores of Asia. After liberating most of the cities of Cyprus, and -wresting Byzantium from the Persians, which thus left the Euxine free to Athenian ships, from which the Greeks derived their chief supplies of for- eign corn, Pausanias, giddy with his victories, unaccountably began a treasonable correspondence with Xerxes, whose daughter he wished to marry, promising to bring all Greece again under his sway. He was recalled to Sparta, before this corresj^ondence was known, having given oflense by Disgrace and adopting the Persian dress, and surrounding him- sanias! ^"" Self with Persian and Median guards. When his treason was at last detected, he attempted to raise a rebel- Chap. XVII] Corru^tio7i of Themistodes, 231 lion among the Helots, but failed, and died miserably by hunger in the temple in which he had taken sanctuary. A fall scarcely less melancholy came to the illustrious Themistocles. In spite of his great services, his popularity began to decline. He was hated by the Spartans raiiofxhe- for the part he took in the fortification of tJie city, "^i^^^^i^^- who brought all their influence against him. He gave um- brage to the citizens by his personal vanity, continually boast- ing of his services. He erected a private chapel in honor of Artemis. He prostituted his great influence for arbitrary and corrupt purposes. He accepted bribes without scruple, to the detriment of the State, and in violation of justice and right. And as the Persians could ofler the highest bribes, he was susj)ected of secretly favoring their interests. The old rivalries between him and Aristides were renewed ; and* as Aristides was no longer opposed to the policy which Athens adopted, of giving its supreme attention to naval defenses, and, moreover, constantly had gained the respect of the city by his integrity and patriotism, especially by his admirable management at Delos, where he cemented the confederacy of the maritime States, his influence was per- haps greater than that of Themistocles, stained with the im- putation of Medism. Cimon, the son of Miltiades, also became a strong opponent. Though acquitted of accepting bribes from Persia, Themistocles was banished by a vote of ostracism, as Aristides had been before — a kind of exile which was not dishonorable, but resorted to from regard to public interests, and to which men who became un- popular were often subjected, whatever may haA'e been their services or merits. He retired to Argos, and while there the .treason of Pausanias was discovered. Themistocles was in- volved in it, since the designs of Pausanias were known by him. Joint envoys from Sparta and Athens were sent to arrest him, whicli, when known, he fled to Corcyra, and thence to Ad.metus, king of the Molossians. The Epirotic prince shielded him in spite of his former hostility, and fur- nished him with guides to Pydna, across the mountains, from 232 The Persian War. [Chap XYII. which he succeeded in reaching Ephesus, and then repaired to the Persian court. At Atliens he was proclaimed a traitor, and his property, amounting to one hundred talents, accumulated by the war, Avas confiscated. In Persia, he represented himself as a deserter,- and subsequently acquired influence with Artaxerxes, and devoted his talents to laying Death of q^^-^ schcmes for the subiug:ation of Greece. He cies. received the large sum of fifty talents yearly, and died at sixty-five years of age, with a blighted reputation, such as no previous services could redeem from infamy. Aristides died four years after the ostracism of Themis- Bfnth of tocles, universally respected, and he died so poor Anstides. g^g jjQ^ ^Q have enough for his funeral expenses. Nor did any of his descendants ever become rich. Xerxes himself, the Ahasuerus of the Scriptures, who commanded the largest expedition ever recorded in human annals, reached Sardis, eiglit months after he had left it, dis- gusted with active enterprise, and buried himself amid the intrigues of his court and seraglio, in Susa, as recorded in the Death of book of Esther. He was not deficient in generous impulses, but deficient in all those qualities which make men victorious in war. He died fifteen years after, the victim of a conspirac}^ in his palace, b. c. 465 — six years afte*" Themistocles had sought his protection. CHAPTEE XYIII. THE AGE OF PERICLES. With the defeat of the Persian armies, Athens and Sparta became, respectively, the leaders of two great parties in Greece. Athens advocated maritime interests and pjvairy be- democratic institutions ; Sparta was the champion orecUm*^^ of the continental and oligarchal powers. The one ^^'^t*-^^- "was Ionian, and organized the league of Delos, under the man- agement of Aristides; the other was Dorian, and chief of the Peloponnesian confederacy. The rivalries hetAveen these lead- ing States involved a strife between those ideas and interests of which each was the recognized representative. Those States which pi-evioiisly had been severed from each other by geographical position and diversity of interests, now rallied under the guidance either of Athens or Sparta. The intrigues of Themistocles and Pausanias had prevented that Panhel- lenic union, so necessary for the full development of political power, and which was for a time promoted by the Persian war. Athens, in particular, gradually came to regard herself as a pre-eminent power, to which the other States were to be tributary. Her empire, based on maritime supremacy, became a tyranny to which it was hard for the old allies to submit. But the rivalry between Sparta and Athens was still more marked. Sparta had thus far taken the lead among the Gre- cian States, and Athens had submitted to it in the pre-emimnt- Persian invasion. But the consciousness of now Athenriud powers, which naval warfare developed, tlie *p='"'^- e ■lat of the battles of Marathon and Salamis, and the con- federacy of Delos, changed the relative position of the two Stiiti.'s. Moreover, to Athens the highest glory of resisting 234 The Age of Pericles, [Chap. xvm. the Persians was due, while her patriotic and enlarged spirit favorably contrasted with the narrow and selfish policy of Sparta. And this policy was seen in nothing more signally than in Opposition ^|^g oDDositions it made to the new fortifications of by ^pal•ta to ^ ^ thefortifi- Athens, so that Themistocles was oblio-ed to ^o to cations of ' o o Athens. Sparta, and cover up by deceit and falsehood the fact that the Athenians were really repairing their walls, which they had an undoubted right to do, but which ^gina beheld with fear and Sparta with jealousy. And this unreasonable meanness and injustice on the part of Sparta, again reacted on the Athenians, and created great bitterness and acrimony. But in si^ite of the opposition of Sparta, the new fortifica- The city ne- tious arosc, to wliicli all citizeus, rich and poor, lent vertheless ,..,-, i i • i i fortified. their aid, and on a scale which was not unworthy of the grandeur of a future capital. The circuit of the walls was fifty stadia or seven miles, and they were of sufficient strength and height to protect the city against external ene- mies. And when they were completed Themistocles — a man of great foresight and genius, persuaded the citizens to fortify also their harbor, as a means of securing the ascen- dency of the city in future maritime conflicts. He foresaw that the political ascendency of Athens was based on those " wooden walls" which the Delphic oi-acle had declared to be her hope in the Persian invasion. The victory at Salamis had confirmed the wisdom of the prediction, and given to Athens an imperishable glory. Themistocles persuaded his countrymen that the open roadstead of Phalerum was in- secure, and induced them to inclose the more spacious har- bors of Peirseusand Mimychia, by a wall as longj ThePeireus. ./ •< ./^ -^ as that which encircled Athens itself, — so tliick and high that all assault" sliould be hopeless, while within its fortifications the combined fleets of Greece could safely be anchored, and to which the citizens of Athens could also retire m extreme danger. Peirseus accordingly was inclosed at vast expense and labor by a wall fourteen feet in thickness, which Chap. XVIII.] Confederacy of Delos. 235 served not merely for a harbor, but a dock-yard and arsenal. Thither resorted raetics or resident foreio-ners, and much of the trade of Athens was in their hands, since they were less frequently employed in foreign service. They became a thrifty population of traders and handy craftsmen identified with the prosperity of Athens. These various works, absorbed much of the Athenian force and capital, yet enough remained to build annually twenty new triremes — equivalent increase of to our modern ships of the line. Athens now be- *^'® ^^^'^' came the acknowledged head and leader of the allied States, instead of Sparta, whose authority as a presiding State was now openly renunciated by the Athenians. The Pan- hellenic union under Sparta was now broken forever, and two rival States disputed the supremacy, — the mari- time States adhering to Athens, and the land States, which furnished the larger part of the army at Plataea, adhering to Sparta. It was then that the confed- Q^^f^^^^^cv eracy of Delos was formed, under the presidency of "^ ^^^^^• Athens, which Aristides directed. His assessment was so just and equitable that no jealousies were excited, and the four hundred and sixty talents which w^ere collected from the maritime States were kept at Delos for the common benefit of the league^ managed by a board of Athenian officers. It was a common fear which led to this great contribution, for the Phoenician fleet might at any time reappear, and, co-operating with a Persian land force, destroy the liberties of Greece. Although Athens reaped the chief benefit of this league, it was essentially national. It was afterward indeed turned to aggrandize x\thens, but, when it was originally made, was a means of common defense against a power as yet uncon- quered though repulsed. During all the time that the fortifications of Athens and the Peiraeus were being made, Themistocles was the ruling spirit at Athens, while Aristides commanded the fleet and organized the confederacy of Delos. It was thus confederacy several years before he became false to his country- "^^ ^^^^^' men, and the change was only gradually wrought in his 236 The Age of Pericles. [Chap. XVIII character, owing chiefly to his extravagant habits and the ar- rogance which so often attends success. During this period, a change was also made in the civil Change in Constitution of Athens. All citizens were rendered SanVonsti- admissible to office. The State became still more tution. democratic. The archons were withdrawn from military duties, and confined to civil functions. The stategi or generals gained greater power with the extending politi- cal relations, and upon them was placed the duty of super- intending foreign aftairs. Athens became more democrati- cal and more military at the same time. From this time, 479 b. c, we date the commencement of The political the Athenian empire. It gradually was cemented AtTens.*^ by circumstances rather than a long-sighted and calculating ambition. At the head of the confederacy of Delos, opportunities were constantly presented of centi^aliz- ing power, while its rapid increase of poj^ulation and wealth favored the schemes which political leaders advanced for its aggrandizement. The first ten years of the Athenian hegom- ony or headship were years of active warfare against the Persians. The capture of Eion, on the Strymon, with its Persian garrison, by Cimonon, led to the settlement of Amphipolis by the Athenians ; and the fall of the cities which the Persians had occupied in Thrace and in the vari- ous islands of the ^gean increased the j)ower of Athens. The confederate States at last grew weary of personal mil- The confed- itaiy scrvicc, and prevailed upon the Athenians to erate States. • -\ i« t ' _L^ • i jy ^ ' ^ provide ships and men m their place, tor which they imposed upon themselves a suitable money-payment. Tliey thus gradually sunk to the condition of tributary allies, unwarlike and averse to privation, while the Athe- nians, stimulated by new and expanding ambition, became more and more enterprising and powerful. But with the growth of Athens was also the increase of iTnpopuiari- jealousies. Athens became unpopular, not only tyoi Athens, ijecause she made the different maritime States her tributaries, but because she embarked in war against Chap. XYIII.] Jealousy of Sjyarta, 237 them to secure a still greater aggrandizement. N^axos re- volted, but was conquered, b .c. 467. The confederate State was stripped of its navy, and its fortifications were razed to the ground. Next year the island of Thasos likewise seceded from the alliance, and w^as subdued with difficulty, and came near involving Athens in a war with Sparta. The Thasians invoked the aid of Sparta, which was promised though not fulfilled, which imbittered the relations between the two leading Grecian States. During this period, from the formation of the league at Delos, and the fall of Thasos, about thirteen years, Expeditiona ' ' _ ^ . . against Per- Athens was occupied in maintaining expeditions eia. against Persia, being left free from embarrassments in Attica. The towns of Platoea and Thespise were restored and re- peopled under Athenian influence. The jealousy of Sparta, in view of the growing power of Athens, at last 2:ave vent in srivincr aid to Thebes, ' -^ . * ° ' Sparta. against the old policy of the State, to enable that city to maintain supremacy over the lesser Boeotian towns. The Spartans even aided in enlarging her circuit and improving her fortifications, which aid made Thebes a vehement parti- san of Sparta. Soon after, a terrible earthquake happened in Sparta, 464 b. c, which calamity was seized upon by the Helots as a fitting occasion for revolt. Defeated, Eebeiiion of but not subdued, the insurgents retreated to *^ ^ *^ "^^' Ithome, the ancient citadel of their Messenian ancestors, and there intrenched themselves. The Spartans spent two years in an unsuccessful siege, and were forced to appeal to their allies for assistance. But even the increased force made no impression on the fortified hill, so ignorant were the Greeks, at this period, of the art of attacking walls. And when the Athenians, under Cimon, still numbered among the allies of Sparta, were not more successful, their impatience degener- ated to mistrust and suspicion, and summarily dismissed the Athenian contingent. This ungracious and jealous treat- ment exasperated the Athenians, whose feelings were worked upon by Pericles who had opposed the policy of 238 The Age of Pericles, [CnAp. XYiii sending troops at all to Laconia. Cimon here was antago- nistic to Pericles, and wished to cement the more complete Cimon op- union of Greece against Persia, and maintain the Pericles. iinion witli Sparta. Cimon, moreover, disliked the democratic policy of Pericles. But the Athenians rallied under Pericles, and Cimon lost his influence, which had been paramount since the disgrace of Theraistocles. A formal resolution was passed at Athens to renounce the alliance Avith Sparta against the Persians, and to seek alliance with Aro-os, which had been neutral durinsj the Persian invasion, but which had regained something of its ancient prestige and power by the conquest of Mycenae and other small towns. The Thessalians became members of this new alliance which was intended to be antagonistic to Sparta. Alliance of Mcgara, shortly after, renounced the protection stSlTwith of tb^ Peloponnesian capital, and was enrolled Athens. amoug tlic alUcs of Athens, — a great acquisition to Athenian power, since this city secured the j^asses of Mount Gerania, so that Attica was protected from invasion by the Isthmus of Corinth. But the alliance of Megara and Athens gave deep umbrage to Corinth as well as Sparta, and a war with Corinth was the result, in which ^gina was involved as the ally of Sparta and Corinth. The Athenians were at first defeated on the land ; but this Defeat of defeat was more than overbalanced by a naval Atlienson , i t^ • «-» i • i i r* the land and victory ovcr the Doriau seamen, on the island oi victory on. i-ii ir> c> yr^ ' the sea. ^giua, by whicli the naval lorce oi uTjgina, hitherto great, was forever prostrated. The Athenians cap- tured seventy ships and commenced the siege of the city itself. Sparta would have come to the rescue, but was pre- occupied in suppressing the insurrection of the Helots. Corinth sent three hundred hoplites to ^gina and attacked Megara. But the Athenians prevailed both at ^gina and Megara, which was a great blow to Corinth. Fearing, however, a renewed attack from Corinth and the Pericles Peloponncsiau States, now full of rivalry and en- career, mity, the- Athenians, under the leadership of Chap. XYIIL] Hostilities behveen Sparta cmd Athens. 239 Pericles, resolved to connect their city with the harbor of Peirseus, by a long wall — a stupendous undertaking at that time. It excited the greatest alarm among the enemies of Athens, and was a subject of contention among different parties in the city. The party which Cimon, now cimon ostracised, had headed, wished to cement the va- ^^"'s^^^- rious Grecian States in a grand alliance against the Persians, and dreaded to see this long wall arise as a standing menace against the united power of the Peloponnesus. Moreover, the aristocrats of Athens disliked a closer amaloramation with the maritime people of the Peirseus, as well as the burdens and taxes which this undertaking involved. These fortifications doubtless increased the power of Athens, but weakened the unity of Hellenic patriotism ; and increased those jealousies which ultimately proved the political ruin of Greece. Under the influence of these rivalries and jealousies the Lacedaemonians, although the Helots were not sub- Hostilities dued, undertook a hostile expedition out of the \^l^^t-Iandi Peloponnesus, with eleven thousand five hundred ^t^^ns. men, ostensibly to protect Doris against the Phoecians, but really to prevent the further aggrandizement of Athens, and this was supposed to be most easily effected by strengthen- ing Thebes and securing the obedience of the Boeotian cities. But there was yet another design, to prevent the building of the long walls, to y,diich the aristocratical party of Athens was opposed, but which Pericles, with long-sighted views, defended. This extraordinary man, with whom the glory and great- ness of Athens are so intimately associated, now Ascenri. ncy had the ascendency over all his rivals. He is con- "^ P^^iicies. sidered the ablest of all the statesmen which Greece pro- duced. He was of illustrious descent, and spent the early part of his life in retirement and study, and when he emerged from obscurity his rise was rapid, until he gained the control of his countrymen, which he retained until his death. He took the side of the democracy, and, in one sense, was a demagogue, as well as a statesman, since he appealed to 240 The Age of Pericles, [CEkv. XYiii. popular passions and interests. He was very eloquent, and was the idol of the party which was dominant in the State. His rank and fortune enabled him to avail himself of every Hischarac- ^lode of culture and self-improvement known in Snpiisii'-' 1^^*^ ^''^Y' ^® loved music, philosophy, poetry, and inonts. ^Yt, The great Anaxagoras gave a noble direc- tion to his studies, so that he became imbued with the sub- limest ideas of Grecian wisdom. And his eloquence is said to have been of the most lofty kind. His manners partook of the same exalted and dignified bearing as his philosophy- He never lost his temper, and maintained the severest self- control. His voice was sweet, and his figure was graceful and commanding. He early distinguished himself as a soldier, and so gained upon his countrymen tliat, when Themistocles and Aristides were dead, and Cimon en2:ao;ed in military expeditions, lie supplanted all who had gone before him in popular favor. All his sympathies were with the democratic party, wliile his manners and habits and tastes and associations were those of the aristocracy. His political career lasted foi-ty years from the year 409 b. c. He was unremitting in his public duties, and w\as never seen in the streets unless on his way to the assembly or senate. He was not fond of convivial pleasures, and was, though affable, reserved and dignified. He won the favor of the people by a series of measures which provided the poor with amusement and means of subsistence. He caused those who served in the courts to be paid for their attendance and ser- vices. He weakened the power of the court of the Ai'eopa- gus, which was opposed to popular measures. Assured of his own popularity, he even contrived to secure the pardon of Cimon, his great rival, when publicly impeached. Pericles was thus the leading; citizen of his country, when he advocated the junction of thePeirasus with Athens by the The nnion ioug walls whicli have been alludied to, and when i-on$ with' 'fc^^^- Spnvtan army in Ba}otia threatened to sustain Athens. ^Y\Q, oligarchal party in the city. The Athenians, in view of this danger, took decisive measures. They took Chap. XYIIL] Cimon. 241 the field at once against their old allies, the Laced iemonians. The unfortunate battle of" Tanagra was decided in favor of the Spartans, chiefly through the deseriion of the Thessalian horse. Cimon, though ostracised, appeared in the field of battle, and requested permission to light in the ranks. Magnanim- Though the request was refused, he used all his Cimon. influence with his friends to fight with bravery and fidelity to his country's cause, which noble conduct allayed the exist- ing jealousies, and through the influence of Pericles, his ban- ishment of ten years was revoked. He returned to Athens, reconciled with the party which had defeated him, and so great was the admiration of his magnanimity that all parties generously united in the common cause. Another battle with the enemy was fought in Bcpotia, this time attended with success, the result of which was the complete ascen- dency of the Athenians over all Boiotia. They became mas- ters of Thebes and all the neighboring towns, and reversed all the acts of the Spartans, and established democratic gov- ernments, and forced the aristocratical leaders into exile. Phocis and Locris were added to the list of dependent allies, and the victory cemented their power from the Corinthian Gulf to the strait of Thermopylae. Then followed the completion of the long walls, b. c. 455, and the conquest of ^(jina. Athens was now c<>mpu-uon ^ --^ , . .of th<- long m.istress of the sea, and her admiral displayed his walls. strength by sailing round the Peloponnesus, and taking pos- session of many cities in the Gulf of Corinth. But the Athenians were unsuccessful in an expedition into Thessaly, and sustained many losses in Egypt in the great warfare with Persia. After the success of the Lacedsemonians at Tanagra tliey made no exp<'(lirions out of the Peloponnesus for several yen.rs, and aliov*^ed Ba?otia and Phocis to be absorbed in tlie Athenian empire. They even extended the truce with Athens for five years longer, and this was promoted by Cimon, who wished to resume offensive operations against 16 242 The Age of Pericles-, [Chap. XYIII. the Persians. Cimon was allowed to equip a fleet of two Death of hundred triremes and -set sail to Cyprus, where he cimon. died. The expedition failed under his successor, and this closed all farther aggressive war with the Persians. The death of Cimon, whose interest it was to fight the Pericles Persians, and thus by the spoils' and honors of rivals. war keep up his influence at home, left Pericles without rivals, and with opportunities to develop his policy of internal improvements, and the development of national resources, to enable Athens to maintain her ascendency over the States of Greece. So he gladly concluded peace with the Persians, by the terms of which they were excluded from the coasts of Asia Minor and the islands of the ^gean ; while Athens stipulated to make no further aggression on Cyprus, Phoenicia, Cilicia, and Egypt. Athens, at peace with all her enemies, with a large empire Aegranrtize- of tributary allies, a great fleet, and large accu- Athens. mulations of treasure, sought now to make herself supreme in Greece. The fund of the confederacy of Delos was transferred to the Acropolis. New allies sought her alliance. It is said the tributary cities amounted to one thousand. She was not only mistress of the sea, but she was the equal of Sparta on the land. Beside this political power, a vast treasure was accumulated in the Acropolis. Such rapid aggrandizement was bitterly felt by Corinth, Sicyon, and Sparta, and the feeling of enmity expanded until it exploded in the Peloponnesian war. It was while Athens was at this height of power and renown that further changes were made in the constitution Change in hy Pcricles. Great authority was still in the hands tum^by^eS- of the court of the Areopagus, which was composed *'®^" exclusively of ex-archons, sitting for life, and hence of very aristocratic sentiments. It was indeed a judi- cial body, but its functions were mixed ; it decided all dis- putes, inquired into crimes, and inflicted punishments. And it was enabled to enforce its own mandates, which were without appeal, and led to great injustice and oppression. Chap. XYIIL] The Dikasts, 243 The magistrates, serving without pay, were generally- wealthy, and though their offices were eligible to all the citi- zens, still, practically, only the rich became magistrates, as is the case with the British House of Commons. Hence, magistrates possessing large powers, and the senate sitting for life, all belonging to the wealthy class, were animated by aristocratic sympathies. But a rapidly increasing democ- racy succeeded in securinsj the selection of archons increase of 1 . r, . rni . 1 democratic by lot, m place of election. This threw more pop- power. ular elements into the court of Areopagus. The innovations Avhich Pericles effected, of causing the jury courts, or Dikas- teries, to be regularly paid, again threw into public life the poorer citizens. But the great change which he effected was in transferring to the numerous dikasts, selected from the citizens, a new judicial power, heretofore exercised by the mao'istrates, and the senate of the Areopao^us. The dikasts. The magistrate, instead of deciding causes and inflicting punishment beyond the imposition of a small fine, was constrained to impanel a jury to try the cause. In fact, the ten dikasts became the leading judicial tribunals, and as these were composed, each, of five hundred citizens, judg- ments were virtually made by the people, instead of the old court. The pay of each man serving as a juror was deter- mined and punctually paid. The importance of this revolu- tion will be seen when these dikasts thus became the exclusive assemblies, of course popular, in which all cases, civil and criminal, were tried. The magistrates were thus deprived of the judicial functions which they once enjoyed, and were confined to purely administrative matters. The commanding functions of the archon were destroyed, and he only retained power to hear complaints, and fix the day of trial, and pre- side over the dikastic assembly. The senate of the Areopa- gus, which had exercised an inquisitorial power over the lives and habits of the citizens, and supervised the meetings of the assembly — a power uncertain but immense, and sus- tained by ancient customs, — now became a mere nominal tri- bunal. And this change was called for, since the members 24:4: The Age of Pericles. [Chap. xvni. of the court were open to bribery and corruption, and had abused their powers, little short of paternal despotism. And Ascendency wlieu the great public improvements, the growth of the demo- ..... c -i cratic power. 01 a ucw population, tuc rising importance oi the Peirseus, the introduction of nautical people, and the active duties of Athens as the head of the Delian confederacy — all, together, gave force to the democratic elements of society, the old and conservative court became stricter, and more oppressive, instead of more popular and conciliatory. But beside this great change in the constitution, Pericles other poiiti- effected others also. Under his influence, a gene- effec^ed"Sy'* ral powcr of supei'visioii, over the magistrates and Pericles. ^^ assembly, was intrusted to seven men called Nomophylakes, or Law Guardians, changed every year, who sat with the president in the senate and assembly, and inter- posed when any step was taken contrary to existing laws. Other changes were also effected with a view to the enforce- ment of laws, upon which we can not enter. It is enough to say that it was by means of Pericles that the magistrates were stripped of judicial power, and the Areopagus of all its jurisdiction, except in cases of homicide, and numerous and paid and popular dikasts were substituted to decide judicial cases, and repeal and enact laws ; this, says Grote, was the consummation of the Athenian democracy. And thus it remained until the time of Demosthenes. But the influence of Pericles is still more memorable from Improve- the impulse he ^ave to the improvements of Athens ments of -^ ^ Athens. and his patronage of art and letters. He con- ceived the idea of investing his city with intellectual glory, which is more permanent than any conquests of territory. And since he could not make Athens the centre of political power, owing to the jealousies of other States, he resolved to make her the great attraction to all scholars, artists, and strangers. And his countrymen were prepared to second his glorious objects, and were in a condition to do so, en- riched by commerce, rendered independent by successes over the Persians, and jealous Grecian rivals, and stimulated by Chap. XVIII.] Ptihlic Buildings of Athens. 245 the poets and philosophers who flourished in that glorious age. The age of Pericles is justly regarded as the epoch of tlie highest creation genius ever exhibited, and gave to Athens an intellectual supremacy which no military genius could have secured. The Persian war despoiled and depopulated Athens. The 'city was rebuilt on a more extensive plan, and the streets were made more regular. The long walls to the Peirseus were completed — a double wall, as it were, with a space between them large enough to secure the communication between the city and the port, in case an enemy should gain a footing in the wide space between the Peirsean and Thaleric walls. The port itself was ornamented with beautiful public buildings, of which the Agora was the most con- r^^^ ^^^^jj^. siderable. The theatre, called the Odeon, was t)uiidiDg8. erected in Athens for musical and poetical contests. The Acropolis, with its temples, was rebuilt, and the splendid Propylaea, of Doric architecture, formed a magnificent ap- proach to them. The temple of Athena — the famous Par- thenon — was built of white marble, and adorned with sculp- tures in the pediments and frieze by the greatest artists of antiquity, while Phidias constructe[ T -I • cides in favor decided to assist Corcyra, and ten ships were sent, of corcyra. under the command of Lacedaemonicus, the son of Cimon. This was considered a breach of faith by the Corinthians, and a war resulted between Corinth and Athens. The Corinthians then invited the Lacedaemonians to join them and make com- mon cause against an aggressive and powerful enemy, that aimed at the supremacy of Greece. In spite of the influence of Athenian envoys in Sparta, who attempted to justify the course their countrymen had taken, the feeling against Athens was bitter and universally hostile. Instant hostilities were demanded in defense of the allies of Sparta, and war was decided upon. Thus commenced the Peloponnesian war, which led to such disastrous consequences, and which was thus brought about by the Corinthians, b. c. 433, sixteen years before the con- clusion of the truce. To Athens the coming war was any thing but agreeable. It had no hopes of gain, and the certainty of prodigious loss. But the Spartans were not then prepared for the contest, and hostilities did not immediately commence. They con- tented themselves, at first, with sending envoys to Athens to multiply demands and enlarge the grounds of quarrel. The offensive was plainly with Sparta. The first requisition 252 The Pelojponnesian War. [Chap. XIX. "whicli Sparta made was tlie expulsion of the AlcmjsoiiidaB Intrigues of from Athens, to which family Pericles belonged Sparta, ,. . , ^ ^ ' • t p — a mere political manoeuvre to get rid oi so commanding a statesman. The enemies of Pericles, espe- cially the comic actors at Athons, seized this occasion to make public attacks upon him, and it was then that the per- secution of Aspasia took place, as well as that against Anaxagoras, the philosopher, the teacher, and friend of Peri- cles. He was also accused of peculation in complicity with Phidias. But he vv'as acquitted of the various charges made by his enemies. Nor could his services be well dispensed with in the great crisis of public aifairs, even had he been guilty, as was exceedingly doubtful. The reluctance on the part of the Athenians to go to war Pericles was vcrv ^rcat, but Pericles strenuously uro;cd urges the J o ' j :=> Athenians to his countrymcu to resent the outrageous demands support ^ - [^ c\ I'l 1--1 1 \ ' war. 01 Sparta, which wei'e nothing less than the vir- tual extinction of the Athenian empire. Pie showed that the Spartans, though all-powerful on the Peloponnesus, had no means of carrying on an aggressive war at a distrmce, neither leaders nor money, nor habits of concert with allies ; while Athens was mistress of the sea, and was impregnable in defense ; that great calamities would indeed happen in Attica, but even if overrun by Spartan armies, there were other territories and islands from which a support could be derived. "Mourn not for the loss of land," said the orator, " but reserve your mourning for the men that acquire land." His eloquence and patriotism prevailed with a majority of the assembly, and answer was made to Sparta that the Athenians were prepared to discuss all grounds of complaint pursuant to the truce, by arbitration, but that they would yield nothing to authoritative command. This closed the ne- gotiations, which Pericles foresaw Avould be vain and useless, since the Spartans were obstinately bent on war. The. first Imperious blow was struck by the Thebans — allies of Sparta. demands of . . Sparta. They surprised Platpsa in the night. The gates were opened by the oligarchal party ; a party of Thebans Chap. XIX.] Wealth of Athens. 253 were admitted into the agora ; but the people rallied, and the party was overwhelmed. Meanwhile another detachment of Thebans arrived in the morning, and, discovering what had happened, they laid waste the Platsean territory without the walls. The Plata3ans retaliated by slauglitering their prisoners. Messengers left the city, on the entrance of the Thebans, to carry the news to Athens, and the Athenians preparations issued orders to seize all the Boeotians who could be ^^^ ^'^''* found in Attica, and sent re-enforceraents to Platsea. This aggression of the Thebans silenced the opponents of Peri- cles, who now saw that the war had actually begun, and that active preparations should be made. Athens immediately sent messengers to her allies, tributary as well as free, and contributions flowed in from all parts of the Athenian empire. Athens had soon three hundred triremes fit for service, twelve hundred horsemen, sixteen hundred bowmen, and twenty-nine thousand hoplites. The Acropolis was filled with the treasure which had long been accumulating, not less than six thousand talents— about $7,000,000 wealth of of our money — an immense sum at that time, when gold and silver were worth twenty or thirty times as much as at present. Moreover, the various temples were rich in votive offerings, in deposits, plate, and sacred vessels, while the great statue of the goddess, lately set up in the Parthenon by Phidias, composed of gold and ivory, was itself valued at four hundred talents. The contributions of allies swelled the resources of Athens to one thousand talents, or over $11,000,000. Sparta, on the other hand, had but few ships, no funds, and no powers of combination, and it would seem that success v/ould be on the side of Athens, with her unrivaled mari- time skill, and the unanimity of the citizens. Pericles did not promise successful engagements on the land, but a successful resistance, and the maintenance of the empire. His policy was purely defensive. Bat if Sparta was weak in money and ships, she was rich in allies. The entire strength of the Peloponnesus was brought out, assisted by Megariaus, Boeo- 254 TJie Pelojponnesmn War. [Chap. XIX. tians, Phocians, Locrians, and other States. Corinth, Megara, Immense ar- Sicyon, Elis, and Other maritime cities furnished a-^ins/"'^''^ ships, while Boeotians, Phocians, and Locrians Athens. furnished cavahy. Not even to resist the Persian hosts was so large a land force collected, as was now assem- bled to destroy the supremacy of Athens. And this great force was animated with savage hopes, w'hile the Athenians were not without desponding anticipations, for there was little hope of resisting the Spartans and their allies on the field. The Spartans, moreover, resolved, by means of their allies, to send a fleet able to cope with that of Athens, and even were so transported with enmity and jealousy as to lay schemes for invoking the aid of Persia. The invasion of Attica was the primary object of Sparta inv.'isioii of and her allies ; and at the appointed time the Attica. Lacedaemonian forces were mustered on the Isth- mus of Corinth, under the command of Archidamus. Envoys were sent to Athens to summon a surrender, but Pericles would not receive them, nor allow them to enter the city, upon which the Laceda?monian nrmy commenced its march to Attica. It required all the eloquence and tact of Pericles to induce the proprietors of Attica to submit to the devasta- Defensive tlou of their Cultivated territory, and fly with policy of ... " . , Pericles. their families and movable property to Athens or the neighboring islands, without making an effort to resist the invaders. But this was the policy of Pericles. He knew he could not contend with superior forces on the land. It was hard for the people to submit to the cruel necessity of seeing their farms devastated without opposition. But they made the sacrifice, and intrenched themselves behind the fortifications of Athens. Then was seen the wisdom of the long walls which connected Athens with the Pirceus. Meanwhile the Spartan forces — sixty thousand hoplites, advanced through Attica, burning and plundering every thing on their way, and reached Acharn{», within seven miles of Athens. The Athenians, pent up behind their walls, and seeing the destruction of their property, were eager to Chap. XIX] Megara Devastated, 255 go forth and fight, but were dissuaded by Pericles. Then came to him the trying hour. He was denounced as the cause of the existing sufferings, and was reviled as a coward. But nothing disturbed his equanimity, and he refused even to convene the assembly. As one of the ten generals he had this power ; but it was a remarkable thing that the peo- ple should have respected the democratic constitution so far as to submit, when their assembly would have been justified by the exigency of the crisis. But while the Athenians remained inactive behind their walls, the cavalry was sent out on skirmishing expeditions, and a large fleet was sent to the Peloponnesus with orders to devastate the country in retali- ation. The Spartans, after having spent thirty or forty days in Attica, retired for want of provisions. JEsrina Retreat of the Lacedifi" was also invaded, and the inhabitants were expelled monians. and sent to the Peloponnesus. Megara was soon after invaded by an army under Pericles himself, and its territory was devastated — a retribution well deserved, for both Megara and ^gina had been zealous in kindling the war. Expecting a prolonged struggle, the Athenians now made arrano^ements for puttinor Attica in permanent Athens sets defense, both by sea and land, and set apart one talents for future con- thousand talsiits, out of the treasure of the Acrop- tingencies olis, which was not to be used except in certain dangers pre- viously prescribed, and a law was passed making it a capital offense for any citizen to propose its use for any other purpose. The first year of the war closed without decisive successes on either side. The Athenians made a more Results of powerful resistance than was anticipated. It was yoai^ofthe supposed they could not hold out against the ^'^'^^• superior forces of their enemies more than a year. They had the misfortune to see their territory wasted, and their treasures spent in a war which they would gladly have avoided. But, on the other liand, they inflicted nearly equal damages upon the Peloponnesus, and still remained masters of the sea, Pericles pronounced a funeral oration on those who had fallen and fttiiaulated his countrymen to continued resistance, and 256 The Peloponnesian War. [Chap, xix, excited their patriotic sentiraents. Thus far the anticipa- tions of the statesman and orator had been more than real- ized. The second year of the war opened with another invasion ^ ^^ of x\ttica by the Spartans and their allies. They tans again inflicted. evcQ morc injury than in the preceding invade At- . . r o tica. year, bat they found the territory deserted, all the population having retired within the defenses of Athens. But a new and unforeseen calamity now fell upon the Athe- nians, and against which they could not guard. A great The plague pestilcuce brokc out in the city, which had already at Athens. ovemm Western Asia. Its progress was rapid and destructive, and the overcrowded city was but too favor- able for its ravages. Thucydides has left a graphic and mournful account of this pestilence, analogous to the plague of modern times. The victims generally perished on the seventh or ninth day, and no treatment was efficacious. The sufferings and miseries of the people were intense, and the calamity by many was regarded as resulting from the anger of the gods. The pestilence demoralized the popula- tion, who lost courage and fortitu' tica. such as had happened beiore. i>ut it was a more serious calamity to the Athenians to learn that Mitylene and the most of Lesbos had. revolted — one of the most powerful of the Athenian allies. Nothing was left to Athens but to subjugate the city. A large force was sent for this purpose, but the inhabitants of Mitylene appealed to the Spartans for Chap. XIX.] Surrender of Platcea. 259 aid, and prepared for a vigorous resistance. But the treas- ures of Atliens were now nearly consumed, and the Atheni- ans were obliged to resort to contributions to force the siege, which they did with vigor. The Lacedaemonians promised succor, and the Mitylena3ans held out till their provisions were exhausted, when they surrendered to the Kevoitand AT" rrii T T • ■^ -^ subjnsation Athenians, ihe Lacedaemonians advanced to re- ofMityiene. lieve their allies, but were too late. The Athenian admiral pursued them, and they returned to the Peloponnesus with- out having done any thing. Paches, the Athenian general, sent home one thousand Mitylensean prisoners, while it was iecreed to slaughter the whole remaining population — about six thousand — able to carry arms, and make slaves of the women and children. This severe measure was prompted by Cleon. But the Athenians repented, and a second decree of the assembly, through the influence of Diodotus, prevented the barbarous revenge ; but the Athenians put to death the prisoners which Paches had sent, razed the fortifications of Mitylene, took possession of all her ships of war, and confiscated all the land of the island except that which belonged to one town that had been faithful. So severe was ancient warfare, even among the most civilized of the Greeks. The surrender of Platgea to the Lacedaemonians took place not long after; but not until one-half of the gar- surrender of rison had sallied from the city, scaled the wall of ^^'^**^- circumvallation, and escaped safely to Athens. The Plataeans were sentenced to death by the Spartan judges, and barbar- ously slain. The captured women were sold as slaves, and the town and territory were handed over to the Thebans. Scenes not less bloody took place in the western part of Greece, in the island of Corcyra, before which a naval battle was fought between the Lacedaemonians and the Athenians. The island had been governed by oligarchies, under the pro- tection of Sparta, but the retirement of the Lacedae- cruelties of monian fleet enabled the Athenian general to wreak *^^ afcorcy- his vengeance on the party which' had held supre- ^^ macy, which was exterminated in the most cruel manner, 260 The Pelo^ponnesianWar. Chap. XIX. which produced a profound sensation, and furnished Thucydi- des a therae for the most profound reflections on the acerbity and ferocity of the political parties, which, it seems, then di- vided Greece, and were among the exciting causes of the war itself — the struggle between the advocates of democratic and aristocratic institutions. A new character now appears upon the stage at Athens — Nicias — one of the ten generals who, in rank and wealth, was the equal of Pericles. He belonged to the oligarchal party, and succeeded Cimon and Thucydi- des in the control of it. But he Avas moderate in his con- duct, and so won the esteem of his countrymen, that he retained power until his death, although opposed to the party which had the ascendency. He was incorruptible as He continues to pecuniary stains, and adopted tlie conservative the policy of . ^ n ^ • , •-,. • • . Pericles. vicws 01 X cricles, avoidmg new acquisitions at a distance, or creating new enemies. He surrounded himself, not as Pericles did, with philosophers, but religious m'^n, avoided all scandals, and employed his large fortune in securing popularity. Pericles disdained to win the people by such means, cultivated art, and patronized the wits who surrounded Aspasia. Nicias was zealous in the worship of the gods, was careful to make no enemies, and conciliated the poor by presents. Yet he increased his private fortune, so far as he could, by honorable means, and united thrift and sagacity with honesty and piety. He was not a man of com- manding genius, but his character was above reproach, and Opposed by was iiGvcr assailcd by the comic writers. He wa? A Ici blades "^ , . and cicon. the great opponent of Alcibiades, the oracle of the democracy — one of those memorable demagogues who made use of the people to forward his ambitious projects. He was also the opponent of Cleon, whose office it was to supervise official men for the public conduct — a man of great eloquence, but fault-iindiiig and denunciatory. The fifth year of the war was not signalized by the usual The fifth invasion of Attica, which s^ave the Athenians lei- year of the , . . . , -^var. sure to send an expedition under Nicias against the Chap. XIX.] Sixth Tear of the War. 2G1 island of Melos, inhabited by ancient colonists from Sparta. Demosthenes, another general, was sent around the Pelopon- nesus to attack Acarnania, and he ravaged the whole terri- tory of Leucas. He also attacked ^tolia, but was completely beaten, and obliged to retire with loss; but this defeat was counterbalanced by a great victory, the next year, over the enemy at Olpse, when the Lacedaemonian general was slain. He returned in triumph to Athens with considerable spoil. The attention of the Athenians was now directed to Delos, the island sacred to Apollo, and a complete purification of the island was made, and the old Delian festivals renewed with peculiar splendor. The war had now lasted six years, without any grand or decisive results on either side. The expeditions The sixth OT both parties were oi the nature oi raids — war. destructive, cruel, irritating, but without bringing any grand triumphs. Though the seventh year was marked by the usual enterprise on the part of the Lacedaemonians — the invasion of Attica — Corcyra promised to be the principal scene of military operations. Both an Athenian and Spartan fleet was sent thither. But an unforeseen incident gave a new character to the war. In the course of the voyage to Corcyra, Demosthenes, the Athenian general, stopped at Pylus, with the intention of erecting a fort on the unin- habited promontory, since it protected the spacious basin now known as the bay of Navarino, and was itself Undecisive •iTr»TTT-i T 1 ■^ ' t ' nature of easily deiended. Jiurymeaon, the admiral, m- the conflict, sisted on going directly to Corcyra, but the fleet was driven by a storm into the very harbor which Demosthenes pro- posed to defend. The place was accordingly fortified by Demosthenes, where he himself remained with a garrison, while the fleet proceeded to Corcyra. Litelligence of this insult to Sparta — the attempt to plant a hostile fort on its territory — induced the Lacedaemonians to send their fleet to Pylus, instead of Corcyra. Forty-three triremes, under Thrasymelidas, and a powerful land force, advanced to at- tack Demosthenes, intrenched with his small army on the 262 The Peloponnesian War [Chap. XIX. rocky promontory. When the news of this new diversion reached the Athenian fleet at Corcyra, it returned to Pylus, to succor Demosthenes. Here a naval battle took place, in Great defeat which the Lacedsemonians were defeated. This dffimonians" defeat jeopardized the situation of the Spartan ^* ^ ^^' army which had occupied the island of Shac- teria, cut off from supplies from the main land, as well as the existence of the fleet. So great was this exigency, that the ephors came from Sparta to consult on operations. They took a desponding view, and sent a herald to the Athenian genei*als to propose an armistice, in order to allow Sparta seeks time for cuvoys to go to Atlicus and treat for peace. peace. But Athens demand ed now her own terms, elated by the success. Cleon, the organ of the popular mind, excited and sanguine, gave utterance to the feelings of the people, and insisted on the restoration of all the ter- ritory they had lost during the war. The Lacedaemonian envoys, unable to resist a vehement speaker like Cleon, which required qualities they did not possess, and which could only be acquired from skill in managing popular as- semblies, to which they were unused, returned to Pylus. And it was the object of Cleon to prevent a hearing of the envoys by a select committee (what they desired) for fear that Nicias and other conservative politicians would accede to their proposals. Thus the best opportunity that could be Peace pre- presented for makins^ an honorable peace and re- vented by • . . _^ t> 1 Cleon. uniting Greece was lost by the arts of a dema- gogue, who inflamed and shared the popular passions. Had Pericles been alive, the treaty would probably have been made, but Nicias had not suflicient influence to secure it. War therefore recommenced, with fresh irritation. The Eenewcd Athenian fleet blockaded the island where the hostilities. Spartan hoplites were posted, and found in the attempt, which they thought so easy, unexpected obstacles. Provisions clandestinely continually reached the besieged. Week after week passed without the expected surrender. Demosthenes, baffled for want of provisions and water for Chap. XIX.] Triuinjph of the Athejiians. 263 his own fleet, sent urgently to Athens for re-enforcements, which caused infinite mortification. The people now began to regret that they had listened to Cleon, and not to the voice of wisdom. Cleon himself was sent with the re-en- forcements demanded, against his will, although he was not one of the ten generals. The island of Sphacteria now con- tained the bravest of the Lacedaemonian troops — from the first families of Sj)arta — a prey which Cleon and Demos- thenes were eager to grasp. They attacked the island with a force double of that of the defenders, altogether ten thousand men, eight hundred of whom were hoplites. The besieged could not resist this overwhelming force, and re- treated to their last redoubt, but were surrounded and taken prisoners. This surrender caused astonishment surrender of throughout Greece, since it was supposed the ^p^*^'^^"^- Spartan hoplites would die, as they did at Thermopylae, rather than allow themselves to be taken alive, and this calamity diminished greatly the lustre of the Spartan arms. A modern army, surrounded with an overwhelming force, against which all resistance was madness, would have done the same as the Spartang. But it was a sad blow to them. Cleon, within twenty days of his departure, arrived at Athens with his three hundred Lacedaemonian Triumpii prisoners, amid universal shouts of joy, for it was Athenians. the most triumphant success which the Athenians had yet obtained. The war was prosecuted with renewed vigor, and the Lacedaemonians again made advances for peace, but without eifect. The flushed victors would hear of who refuse all overtures no terms but what were disgraceful to the Spartans, of peace. The chances were now most favorable to Athens. Nicias invaded the Corinthian territory with eighty triremes, two thousand hoplites, and two hundred horsemen, to say nothing of the large number which supported these, and committed the same ravages that the Sj)artans and their allies had in- flicted upon Attica. Among other events, the Athenians this year captured the Persian embassador, Artaphernes, on his way to Sparta. He 264: The Pelojponnesian War. [Chap. XIX. was brouglit to Athens, and his dispatches were translated and made public. He was sent back to Ej^hesus, with Athenian envoys, to the great king^ to counteract the influence of the Spartans, but Artaerxes had died when they reached Susa. The -capture of Sphacteria, and the surrender of the whole Situation of Lacedsemoniau fleet, not only placed Athens, on the eighthVear Opening of the eighth year of the war, in a situa- tion more commanding than she had previously enjoyed, but stimulated her to renewed operations on a grander scale, not merely against Sparta, but to recover the ascendency in Boeotia, which was held before the thirty years' truce. The Lacedemonians, in concert with the revolted Chalcidic allies of Athens in Thrace, and Perdiccas, king of Macedonia, also made great preparations for more decisive measures. The war had dragged out seven years, and nothing was accomplished which seriously weakened either of the contending parties. The first movement was made by the Athenians on the Laconian coast. The island of Cythera was captured by an expedition led by Nicias, of sixty triremes and two thousand hoplites, beside other forces, and the coast was ravaged. Then Thyrea, an ^ginetan- settlement, between Laconia and Argolis, fell into the hands of the Athenians, and all the uEginetans were either killed in the assault, or put to death as prisoners. These successive disasters alarmed the Lace- dseraonians, and they now began to fear repeated assaults on their own territory, with a discontented population of Helots. This fear prompted an act of cruelty and treachery which had no parallel in the history of the war. Two thousand of Despair of the bravcst Helots were entrapped, as if especial the Lticeda;- 1 i ' 1 monian^an}',l?.!.t« ^^^ •^ vjiyuipic war. Here Alcibiades appeared with seven chariots, ga"ies. each with four horses, when the richest Greeks had hitherto possessed but one, and gained two prizes. He celebrated his success by a magnificent banquet more stately and expensive than those given by kings. But while the Athenians thus 272 The Pelojponnesian War. [Chap. XIX. appeared at the ninetieth Olympiad, the Lacediiemonians were exchided by the Eleians, who controlled the festival, from an alleged violation of the Olympic truce, but really from the intrigues of Alcibiades. The subsequent attack of Argos and Athens on Epidanrus Eenewai of P'^^vcd that the pcacc between Athens and Sparta hostilities. existed only in name. It was distinctly violated by the attack of Argos by the Lacedaemonians, Boeotians, and Corinthians, and the battle of Mantinea opened again the war. This was decided in favor of the Lacedaemonians, with a great loss to the Athenians and their allies, including both their generals. Laches and Nicostratus. The moral effect of the battle of Mantinea, b. c. 418, was Effect of the ovcrwhcl ming throughout Greece, and re-established hatlle of ... ' i> c\ t ^ i i Mantiuea. the military prestige oi feparta. It was lost by the withdrawal of three thousand Eleians before the battle, illus- tratino" the remark of Pericles that numerous and equal allies could never be kept in harmonious co-operation. One effect of the battle was a renewed alliance between Sparta and Argos, and the re-establishment of an oligarchal govern- ment in the latter city. Mantinea submitted to Sparta, and the Achaiaii towns were obliged to submit to a remodeling of their political institutions, according to the views of Sparta. The people of Argos, however, took the first occa- sion which was presented for regaining their povv'^er, assisted by an Athenian force under Alcibiades, and Argos once again became an ally of Athens. The next important operation of the war was tlie siege Sie'-e of ''^^■^^ conquest of Melos, a Dorian island, by the Meios. Atlienians, b. c. 416. The inhabitants were killed, and the women and children were sold as slaves, and an Athenian colony was settled on the island. But this massacre, exceeding even the customary cruelty of war in those times, raised a general indignation among the allies of Sparta. But an expedition of far greater importance was now un- Theinva- dertakcii by the Athenians — the most gigantic Sicily. effort which they ever made, but which terminated Chap. XIX.] Sicilian Colonies. 273 disastrously, and led to the ruin and subjugation of their proud and warlike city, as a political power. This was the invasion of Sicily and siege of Syracuse. Before we present this unfortunate expedition, some brief notice is necessary of the Grecian colonies in Sicily. In the eighth century before Christ Sicily was inhabited by two distinct races of barbarians — the Sikels The Grecian and Sikans — besides Phoenician colonies, for pur- Siciiy. poses of trade. The Sikans were an Iberian tribe, and were immigrants of an earlier date than the Sikels, by whom they were invaded. The earliest Grecian colony was (b. c. 735) at ISTaxos, on the eastern coast of the island, be- tween the Straits of Messina and Mount iEtna, founded by Theocles, a Chalcidian mariner, who was cast by storms upon the coast, and built a fort on a hill called Taurus, to defend himself against the Sikels, who were in possession of the larger half of the island. Other colonists followed, chiefly from the Peloponnesus. In the year following that Naxos was founded, a body of settlers from Corinth landed on the islet Ortygia, expelled the Sikel inhabitants, and laid the foundation of Syracuse. Successive settlements , Syracuse. were made forty-five years after at Gela, in the southwestern part of the island. Other settlements continued to be made, not only from Greece, but from the colonies themselves; so that the old inhabitants were gradually Ilellenized and merged with Greek colonists, while the Greeks, in their turn, adopted many of the habits and customs of the Sikels and Sikans. The various races lived on terms of amity, for the native population was not numerous enough to become formidable to the Grecian colonists. Five hundred years before Christ the most powerful Grecian cities in Sicily were Agrigentuni and Gela, Asri^entum on the south side of the island. The former, -"^'^^eia. within a few years of its foundation, b. c. 570, fell under the dominion of one of its rich citizens, Phalasaris, who proved a cruel despot, but after a reign of sixteen years he was killed in an insurrection, and an oligarchal c-ovcrnment was 18 274 The Peloponnesian War. [Chap. XIX. established, such as then existed in most of the Grecian cities. Syracuse was governed in this way by the descend- _, . ants of the orisfinal settlers. Gela was, on the The reign ^ '. of Geio. other hand, ruled by a despot called Gelo, the most powerful man on the island. He got possession of Syracuse, b. a 485, and transferred the seat of his power to this city, by bringing thither the leading people and making slaves of the rest. Under Gelo Syracuse became the first city on the island, to which other towns were tributary. When the Greeks confederated against Xerxes, they sent to solicit his aid as the imperial leader of Sicily, and he could command, according to Herodotus, twenty thousand hoplites, two hundred triremes, two thousand cavalry, two thousand archers, and two thousand light-armed horse. So great was His power then the power of this despot, who now sought to in Sicily. expel the Carthaginians and unite all the Hellenic colonies in Sicily under his sway. But the aid was not given, probably on account of a Carthaginian invasion simultane- ous with the expedition of the Persian king. The Cartha- ginians, according to the historian, arrived at Panormus b. c. 480, wath a fleet of three thousand ships and a land force of three hundred thousand men, besides chariots and horses, under Hamilcar — a mercenary army, composed of various African nations. Gelo marched against him with fifty thou- sand foot and five thousand horse, and gained a complete victory, so that one hundred and fifty thousand, on the side of the Carthaginians, were slain, together with their general. The number of the combatants is doubtless exao-oferated, but w^e may believe that the force was very great. Gelo was now supreme in Sicily, and the victory of Himera, which he had gained, enabled him to distribute a large body of prisoners, as slaves, in all the Grecian colonies. It appears that he was much respected, but he died shortly after his victory, leaving an infant son to the guardianship of two of His sncces- ^^^ brothers, Polyzelus and Hiero, who became the sor Hiero. supreme governors of the island. A victory gained by Hiero over the tyrant of Agrigentum gave him the same Chap. XIX.] Sicilian Cities, 275 supremacy which Gelo had enjo3^ed. On his death, B.C. 467, the succession was disputed between his brother, Thrasy- buhis, and his nephew, the son of Gelo ; but Thrasybulus contrived to make away with his nephew, and reigned alone, cruelly and despotically, until a revolution took place, which resulted in his expulsion and the fall of the Gelonian dynasty. Popular governments were now established in all the Sicilian cities, but these were distracted by disputes and confusions. Syracuse became isolated from the other cities, and a gov- ernment whose powers were limited by the city. The ex- pulsion of the Gelonian dynasty left the Grecian cities to re- organize free and constitutional governments ; but Syracuse maintained a proud pre-eminence, and her power Grandeur of was increased from time to time by conquests in Syracuse. the interior over the old population. Agrigentum was next in power, and scarcely inferior in wealth. The temple of Zeus, in this city, was one of the most magnificent in the world. The population was large, and many were the rich men who kept chariots and competed at the Olympic games. In these Sicilian cities the intellectual improvement kept pace with the material, and the little town of Elea supported the two greatest speculative philosophers of Greece — Par- menides and Zeno. Empedocles, of Agrigentum, was scarcely less famous. Such was the state of the Sicilian cities on the outbreak of the Peloponnesian war. Being generally of Dorian The Donan origin, they sympathized with Sparta, and great siciiy make expectations were formed by the Lacedaemonians Fonian" of assistance from their Sicilian allies. The cities of Sicily could not behold the contest between Athens and Sparta without being drawn into the quarrel, and the result was that the Dorian cities made war on the Ionian cities, which, of course, sympathized with Athens. As these cities were weaker than the Dorian, thev solicited aid from Athens, and an expedition was sent to Sicily under Laches, b. c. 426. Another one, under Polydorus, followed, but without deci- sive results. The next year still another and larger expedi- 276 The Peloj)onnesian War. [Chap, XIX. tion, under Enryraedon and Sophocles, an•i^•ed in Sicily, while Athens was jubilant by the possession of the Spartan pris- oners, and the possession of Pyhis and Cythera. The Sici- lian cities now fearing that their domestic strife would en- danger their independence and make them subject to Athens, the most ambitious and powerful State in Greece, made a common league with each other. Earymedon acceded to the peace and returned to Athens, much to the displeasure of the war party, which embraced most of the people, and he and his colleague were banished. But wai-s between the Sicilian cities again led to the inter- intervention mention of Athcus. Egcsta especially sent envoys of Athens, ^^j. hdX'^ in her struggle against Selinus, which was assisted by Syracuse. Alcibiades warmly seconded these envoys, and inflamed the people with his ambitious pro- jects. He, more than any other man, was the cause of the great Sicilian expedition which proved the ruin of his country. He was opposed by Nicias, who foretold all the Opposed by miserable consequences of so distant an expedition, foi'iiJed^by Aviicu SO little CO aid be gained and so much would Alcibiades. ^^ jeopardized, and when, on the first reverse, the enemies of Athens would rally against her. He particu- larly cautioned his countrymen not only against the ex- pedition, but against intrusting the command of it to an unprincipled and selfish man who squandered his own patrimony in chariot races and other extravagances, and w^ould be wasteful of the public pi-operty — a man with- out the experience which became a. leader in so great an enterprise. Alcibiades, in reply, justified his extravagance at the Olympic games, where he contested with seven chariots, as a means to impress Sparta with the wealth and power of Athens, after a ten years' war. He inflamed the ambition of the assembly, held out specious hopes of a glorious conquest which would add to Athenian power, and make her not merely pre-eminent, but dominant in Greece. The assembly, eager for war and glory, sided with the youthful and magniflcent demagogue, and disre- Chap. XIX.] Exj^edition against Syracuse. 27Y garded the counsels of the old patriot, whose wisdom and experience were second to none in the city. Consequently the expedition was fitted out for the attack of S3'racuse — the largest and most powerful Athenian which Athens ever sent against an enemy ; for aSnst'^"^ all classes, maddened by military glory, or ^^''^cuse. tempted by love of gain, eagerly embarked in the enter- prise. Nicias, finding he could not prevent the expedi- tion, demanded more than he thought the people would be willing to grant. He proposed a gigantic force. But in proposing this force, he hoped he might thus discourage the Athenians altogether by the very greatness of the arma- ment which he deemed' necessary. But so jwpular was the enterprise, that the large force he suggested was voted. Alcibiades had flattered the people that their city was mistress of the sea, and entitled to dominion over all the islands, and could easily prevail over any naval enemy. Three years had now elapsed since the peace of jSTicias, and Athens had ample means. The treasury was Seif-confi- . 1 T • 1 1 dence of the full, and triremes had accumulated m the har- Athenians. bor. The confidence of the Athenians was as unbounded as was that of Xerxes when he crossed the Hellespont, and hence there had been great zeal and forwardness in prepa- ration. When the expedition was at last ready, an event occurred which filled the city with gloom and anxious fore- ^rnf^ivom- bodings. The half statues of tlie god Hermes ^le auguries. were distributed in great numbers in Athens in the most conspicuous situations, beside the doors of private houses and temples, and in the agora, so that the people were accustomed to regard the god as domiciled among them for their protection. In one night, at the end of May, b, c. 415, these statues were nearly all mutilated. The heads, necks, and busts were all destroyed, leaving the lower part of them — mere quadrangular pillars, without arms, or legs, or body — alone standing. The sacrilege sent universal dismay into the city, and was regarded as a most depressing omen, 278 The Peloponnesitni War, Chap. XIX. and was done, doubtless, with a view of ruining Alcibiades and frustrating the expedition. But all efforts were vain to discover the guilty parties. And this was not the only means adopted to break down Alcibiades the power of a man whom the more discerning vuigins the perceived was the evil genius of Athens. Alcibi- mysteiies. adcs was pubUcly accused of having profiined and divulged the Eleusinian mysteries. The charge was denied by Alcibiades, who demanded an immediate trial. It was eluded by his enemies, who preferred to have the charge hanging over his head, in case of the failure of the enterprise which he had projected. So the fleet sailed from Piraeus amid mingled sentiments Sailing of the of auxicty and popular enthusiasm. It consisted Athenian . "ii iti>t fleet. 01 one hundred trn-emes, with a large body oi nop- lites. It made straight for Corcyra, where the contingents of the allies were assembled, which nearly doubled its force. The Syracusans were well informed as to its destination, and made great exertions to meet this great armament, under Nicias, Alcibiades, and Lamachus. The latter commander recommended an immediate attack of Syracuse, as unpre- pared and dismayed. Alcibiades wished first to open negotiations with the Sikels, of the interior, to detach them from the aid of Syra- cuse. His plan was followed, but before he could carry it into operation he was summoned home to take his trial. Escape of Fcariug the result of the accusations against him, to Sparta, for, in his absence, the popular feeling had chang- ed respecting him — fear and reason had triumphed over the power of his personal fascination— Alcibiades made his escape to the Peloponnesus. The master spirit of the expedition was now removed, and its operations were languid and undecided, for Nicias had no Nicias com- heart in it. The delays which occurred gave the niands the . ' expedition, feyracusaiis time to prepare, and more conndence in their means of defense. So that when the forces of the Atlienians were landed in the great harbor, they found a Chap. XIX.] Description of Syracuse. 279 powerful army ready to resist them. In spite of a victory which Nicias gained near Olympeion, the Syracusans were not dejected, and the Athenian fleet was obhged to seek winter quarters at Catana, and also, send for additional re- enforcements. Nicias unwisely delayed, but his inexcusable apathy afforded the enemy leisure to enlarge their fortifica- tions. The Syracusans constructed an entirely new wall around the inner and outer city, and which also extended across the whole space from the outer sea to the great har- bor, so that it would be difficult for the Athenians, in the coming siege, to draw lines of circumvallation around the city. Syracuse also sent envoys to Corinth and Sparta for aid, while Alcibiades, filled now with intense hatred of Eebeiiion and . treason of Al- Athens, encouraged the Lacedaemonians to send a cibiades. force to the Sicilian capital. He admitted that it was the de- sign of Athens first to conquer the Sicilian Greeks, and then the Italian Greeks ; then to make an attempt on Carthage, and then, if that was successful, to bring together all the forces of the subjected States and attack the Peloponnesus itself, and create a great empire, of which Athens was to be the capital. Such an avowal w^as doubtless the aim of the ambitious Alcibiades when he first stimulated the enterprise, which, if successful, would have made him the most power- ful man in Greece ; but he was thwarted by his enemies at home, and so he turned all his energies against his native State. His address made a powerful effect on the Lacedae- monians, who, impelled by hatred and jealousy, now resolved to make use of the services of the traitor, and send an auxiliary force to Syracuse. That city then consisted of two parts — an inner and an outer city. The outer city was defended on two sides by the sea, and a sea wall. On the land side a long situation of wall extended from the sea to the fortified hio-h ^^^''^^"s^- land of Achradina, so that the city could only be taken by a wall of circumvallation, so as to cut off supplies by land ; at the same time it was blockaded by sea. But the delay of Nicias had enabled the Syracusans to construct a new wall, 280 TJie Peloponnesian War. [Chap. XIX covering both tbe outer and inner city, and extending from the great port to the high Land near the bay of Magnesi, so that any attack, except from a single point, was difficult, unless the wall of circumvallation was made much larger than was originally intended. Amid incredible difficulties the Atheni- ans constructed their works, and in an assault from the cliff of Epipolge, where they were intrenched, their general, Lam- achus, was slain. But the Athenians had o-ained an advan- tage, and the siege was being successfully prosecuted. It was then that the Lacedsemonians arrived under Gylippus, who was unable to render succor. But Nicias, despising him, allowed him to land at Himera, from whence he march- inaction of ed across Sicily to Syracuse. A Corinthian fleet, Nicias. under Gorgylus, arrived only just in time to pre- vent the city from capitulating, and Gylippus entered Syra- cuse unopposed. The inaction of Nicias, who could have prevented this, is unaccountable. But the arrival of Gylip- pus turned the scale, and he immediately prosecuted vigorous and aggressive measures. He surprised an Athenian fort, and began to construct a third counter- wall on the north side of the Athenian circle. The Athenians, now shut up within their lines, were obliged to accept battle, and were defeated, and even forced to seek shelter within their fortified lines. Under this discouragement, Nicias sent to Athens for another armament, and the Athenians responded to his call. But Sparta also resolved to send re-enforcements, and invade Attica besides. Sicilian forces also marched in aid of Syracuse. The result of all these gathering forces, in which the whole strength of Greece was employed, was the total defeat of the Athenian fleet in the Great Harbor, in spite of the powerful fleet which had sailed from Athens Athenian Under Demosthcues. The Syracusans pursued their brthetyru^ advantage by blocking up the harbor, and inclos- cusans. -^^g, ^Yiq wholc Athenian fleet. The Athenians resolved then to force their way out, which led to another general engagement, in which the Athenians were totally defeated. Nicias once again attempted to force his way out, Chap. XIX.] Defeat of the Athenians, 281 with the remainder of his defeated fleet, but the armament was too much discouraged to obey, and the Athenians sought to retreat by land. But all the roads were blockaded. The miserable army, nevertheless, began its hopeless march com- pletely demoralized, and compelled to abandon the sick and wounded. The retreating army was harassed on every side, no progress could be made, and the discouraged army sought in the night to retreat by a difierent route. Retreat of The rear division, under Demosthenes, was over- ^'^^^'^^'^is- taken and forced to surrender, and were carried captives to Syracuse — some six thousand in number. The next day, the first division, under Nicias, also was overtaken and made pris- oners. Ko less than forty thousand who had started from the Athenian camp, six days before, were either killed or made prisoners, with the two generals who commanded them. The prisoners at first were subjected to the most cruel and inhuman treatment, and then sold as slav^es. Both Nicias and Demosthenes were put to death, b. c. 413. Such was the disastrous close of the Sicilian expedition. Our limits prevent an extended notice. We can only give the barren outline. But never in Grecian history had so large a force been arrayed against a foreign power, and never was ruin more complete. The enterprise was started at the instance of Alcibiades. It was he who brought this disaster on his country. But it would have been better to have left the expedition to his management. Nicias was a lofty and religious man, but was no general. He grossly mis- managed from first to last. The confidence of the Mismanage- Athenians was misplaced ; and he, after having Nicias. spent his life in inculcating a conservative policy, which was the wiser, yet became the unwilling instrument of untold and unparalleled calamities. His fault Avas over-confidence. lie was personally brave, religious, incorruptible, munifi- cent, afilible — in all respects honorable and respectable, but he had no n)ilitary genius. The Lacedaemonians, .it the suggestion of Alcibiades, had permanently occupied Decelea — a fortified post within fif- 282 The Peloponnesian War, [Chap. XIX. teen miles of Athens, and instead of spending a few weeks in ravaging Attica, now intrenched themselves, and issued out in excursions until they had destroyed all that was valuable in the neigliborhood of Athens. The great calami- ties which the Athenians had suffered prevented them from expelling the invaders, and the city itself was now in the condition of a post besieged. All the accumulations in her Exhaustion treasury were exhausted, and she was compelled of Athens, ^q dismiss cveu her Thracian mercenaries. They were sent back to their own country under Dotrephes ; but after inflicting great atrocities in Boeotia, were driven back by the Thebans. The Athenian navy was now so crippled that it could no TheAthe- lougcr maintain the supremacy of the sea. The niaunavy Corinthians were formidable rivals and enemies. hopelessly crippled. ^ naval battle at Naupactus, at the mouth of the Corinthian Gulf, between the Athenians and Corinthians, though indecisive, yet really was to the advantage of the latter. The full effects of the terrible catastrophe at Syracuse were not at first made known to the Athenians, but grada- Effects of ^^^y ^ settled despair overspread the public mind. trous^S^ e- '^^^ supremacy of Athens in Greece was at an end, a-ain°t ^"^ ^hc city itsclf was endangered. The inhabit- syracuse. g^^-g j-jq^ p^;^^ forth all the energies that a forlorn hope allowed. The distant garrisons were recalled ; all ex- penses were curtailed ; timber was collected for new ships, and Cape Sunium was fortified. But the enemies of Athens were also stimulated to renewed exertions, and subject-allies were induced to revolt. Persia sent envoys to Sparta. Tlie Eubceans and Chians applied to the same power for aid in shaking off the yoke of Athens now broken and defenseless. Although a Peloponnesian fleet was defeated by the Athe- nians on its way to assist Chios in revolt, yet new dangers multiplied. The infamous Alcibiades crossed with a squad- ron to Chios, and the Athenians were obliged to make use of their reserved fund of one thousand talents, which Peri- Chap. XIX.] Revolidion in Athens, 283 cles had set aside for the last extremity, in order to equip a fleet, under the command of Strombichides. Alci- The Athe- biades passed over to Miletus, and induced this city pJikV'tT' also to revolt. A shameful treaty was made be- SSr,"!^^^ tween Sparta and Persia to carry on war against ^^^'"^^"^ f^»^^- Athens ; and the first step in the execution of the treaty was to hand Miletus over to a Persian general. Ionia now be- came the seat of war, and a victory was gained near Miletus by the Athenians, but this was balanced by the capture of lasus by the Lacedsemonians. The Athenians rallied at Samos, which remained faithful, and still controlled one hun- dred and twenty-eight triremes at this island. Alternate successes and defeats happened to the contending parties, with no decided result. The want of success on the coast of Asia led the Lacedae- monians to suspect Alcibiades of treachery. Moreover, his intrigue with the wife of Agis made the king of Sparta his relentless enemy. Agis accordingly procured a decision of the ephors to send out instructions for his death. He was warned in time, and made his escape to the satrap Escape of T T 1 r. -n, Alcibiades iissapherncs, who commanded the forces of Per- from spai-ta. sia. He persuaded the Persian not to give a decisive supe- riority to either of the contending parties, who followed his advice, and kept the Peloponnesian fleet inactive, and bribed the Spartan general. Having* now gratified his revenge against Athens and lost the support of Sparta, Alcibiades now looked to his native country as the best field for his unprincipled ambition. " He opened negotiations with the Athenian commanders at Samos, and offered the alliance of Persia as the price of his restoration, but proposed as a further condition the overthrow of the democratic o:overn- ment at Athens." Then followed the political revolution which Alcibiades had planned, in conjunction with oligarchal conspirators. The rally of the city, threatened with complete Popular re- 1 T -, * . T . . volution ia rum, had been energetic, and astonishmg, and she Athens. was now, a year after the disaster at Syracuse, able to carry 284: The Peloponnesian War. [Chap. XIX. on a purely defensive system, thougli with crippled resources. But for this revolution Athens might have secured her inde- pendence. The proposal of Alcibiades to change the constitution was listened to by the rich men, on whom the chief burden of the war had fallen. With the treasures of Persia to help them, they hoped to carry on the war against Sparta without cost to themselves. It was hence resolved at Samos, among the Athenians congregated there, to send a deputation to Athens, under Pisander, to carry out their designs. But they had no Eestiess Other security than the word of Alcibiades, that sclieiiies of . , Alcibiades. rcstlcss and unpatriotic schemer, that they would secure the assistance of Persia. And it is astonishing that such a man — so faithless — could be believed. One of the generals of the fleet at Samos, Phrynichus, strongly opposed this movement, and gave good reasons ; but the tide of opinion among the oligarchal conspirators ran so violently against hira, that Pisnnder was at once dispatched to Athens. He laid before the public assembly Vain prom- the tcrnis which Alcibiades proposcd. The people, Alcibiades. eager at any cost to gain the Persian king as an ally, in their extremity listened to the proposal, though unwilling, and voted to relinquish their political power. Pisander made them believe it was a choice between utter ruin and the relinquishment of political privileges, since the Lacedsemonians had an overwhelmino; force against them. It was while Chios seemed likely to be recovered by the Athe- nians, and while the Peloponnesian fleet was paralyzed at Rhodes by Persian intrigues, that Pisander returned to .., . , , Ionia to open neo^otiations with Alcibiades and Tis- Aid invoked i ^ from Persia, gapbernes. But Alcibiades had promised too much, the satrap haA'ing no idea of lending aid to Athens, and yet he extricated himself by such exaggerated demands, which he knew the Athenians would never concede to Persia, that negotiations were broken oif, and a reconciliation was made between Persia and Sparta. The oligarchal conspirators had, however, gone so far that a retreat was impossible. Chap. XIX.] Conduct of Alcibiades. 285 The democracy of Athens was now subverted. Instead of the Senate of Five Hundred and. the assembled people, an olio-archy of Four Hundred sat in tlie Senate Annii- 1 T ,1 n ^ 1 T g.i'-chyat house, and all except live thousand were dis- Athens. franchised — and these were not convened. The oligarchy was in full power when Pisander returned to Athens. All democratic magistrates had been removed, and no civil func- tionaries were paid. The Four Hundred had complete control. Thus perished, through the intrigues of Alcibiades, the demo- cracy of Athens. He had organized the unfortunate expedi- tion to Sicily ; he had served the bitterest enemies of his country; and now, he had succeeded in overturning the con- stitution which had lasted one hundred years, during which Athens had won all her glories. Why should the Athenians receive back to their confidence so bad a man ? But whom God wishes to destroy, he first makes mad, and Alcibiades, it would seem, was the instrument by which Athens was humi- liated and ruined as a political power. The revolution was effected in an hour of despair, and by delusive Aicibindes rr\^ T T r» • cheats the promises. The character and conduct of the m- Athenians. sidious and unscrupulous intriguer were forgotten in his promises. The Athenians were simply cheated. The Four Hundred, installed in power, solemnized their installation by prayer and sacrifice, put to death some political enemies, imprisoned and banished others, and ruled with ffreat rigor and strictness. They then sought Athens 1 -TO ^ ' ^ iT^T seeks peace to make peace with bparta, which was declined, withsparta. The army at Saraos heard of tliese changes with exceeding wrath, especially the cruelties which were inflicted on all citizens who spoke against the new tyranny. A democratic demonstration took place at Samos, by which the Samians and the army were united in the strongest ties, for the Samians had successfully resisted a like revolution on their island. The army at Samos refu:>ed to obey any orders from the oligarch}^ and constituted a democracy by iinpriuci- themselves. Yet the man who had been instrument- duct of" al in creating this oligarchy, witli characteristic 286 The Pelojponnesian War, [Chap. XIX. versatility and impudence, joined the deniocracy at Saraos. He came to Saraos by invitation of the armament, and pledged himself to secure Persian aid, and he was believed and as:ain trusted. He then launched into a new career, and professed to take up again the interests of the democracy at Athens. The envoys of the Four Hundred which w^ere sent to Samos were indignantly sent back, and the general indignation against the ohgarchy was intensified. Envoys from Argos also appeared at Samos, oifering aid to the Athenian democracy. There was now a strong and organized resistance to the Four Hundred, and their own divisions placed them further in a precarious situation. Theramenes demanded that the Five Thousand, which body had been thus far nominal, should be made a reality. The Four Hundred again solicited aid from Sparta, and constructed a fort for the admission of a Spartan garrison, while a Lace- daBmonian fleet hovered near the Piraeus. The long-suppressed energies of the people at length burst forth. A body of soldiers seized the fortress the oligarchy were constructing for a Spartan garrison, and demolished it. Subversion The Four Hundred made imjjortant concessions, and oligarchy. agreed to renew the public assembly. While these events occurred a naval battle took place near Eretria between the Lacedaemonians and the Athenians, in which the latter were defeated. The victory, if they had pushed their success, would have completed the ruin of Athens, since her home fleet w^as destroyed, and that at Samos w^as detained by Alcibiades. When it was seen the hostile fleet did not enter the harbor, the Athenians recovered their dismay and prose- cuted their domestic revolution by deposing the Four Hun- Eestoration drcd and placinsj the whole ojovernment in the of the old r C3 & ^ constitution, hauds of the Five Thousand, and this body was soon enlarged to that of universal citizenship. The old con- stitution was restored, except that part of it which allowed pay to the judges. Most of the oligarchal leaders fled, and a few of them were tried and executed — those who had sought Spartan aid. Thus this selfish movement terminated, after Chap, XIX.] Athenian Successes, 287 the oligarchy had enjoyed a brief reign of only a few months. While Athens was distracted by changes of government, the war was conducted on the coasts of Asia between the belligerents with alternate success and defeat. Abydos, connected with Miletus by colonial ties, revolted from x\thens, and Larapsacus, a neighboring town, followed its example two days afterward. Byzantium also went over Alternate successes to the Lacedaemonians, which enabled them to and failures command the strait. Alcibiades pursued still iigerents. his double game with Persia and Athens. An Athenian fleet was sent to the Hellespont to contend with the Lacedaemonian squadron, and gained an incomplete victory at Cynossema, whose only efl*ect was to encourage the Athenians. The Persians gave substantial aid to the Lacedaemonians, with- held for a time by the intrigues of Alcibiades, who returned to Samos, but was shortly after seized by Tissaphernes and sent to Sardis, from which he contrived to escape. He partially redeemed his infamy by a victory over the Pelo- ponnesian fleet at Cyzicus, and captured it entirely, which disaster induced the Spartans to make overtures of peace, which were rejected through the influence of Cleophon, the demaoj02:ue. The Athenian fleet now reigned alone in the Propontis, the Bosphorus, and the Hellespont, and levied toll Revival of on all the ships passing through the straits, while JJ^t^e^®* Chrysopolis, opposite to Byzantium, was occupied -Athenians. by Alcibiades. Athens now once more became hopeful and energetic. Thrasyllus was sent with a large force to Ionia, and joined his^forces with the fleet which Alcibiades com- mxanded at Sestos, but the conjoined forces were unable to retake Abydos, which was relieved by Pharnabazus, the Persian satrap. The absence of the fleet from Athens encouraged the Lacedaemonians, who retook Pylus, b. c. 409, while q^.^^^^ ^^^^ the Athenians captured Chalcedon, and the fol- toPhrygia. lowing year Byzantium, itself. Such was the state of the 288 Tlie Pelo])onnesian War, [Ohap. :s:ix. contending parties when Cyrus the younger was sent by his father Darius as satrap of Lydia, Phrygia, and Cappa- docia, and whose command in Asia Minor was attended by important consequences. Tissaphernes and Pharnabazus w^ere still left in command of the coast. Cyrus, a man of great ambition and self-control, came to Asia Minor with a fixed purpose of putting downi the Athenian powder, which for sixty years had humbled the pride of the Persian kings. He formed a hearty and cor- dial alliance with Lysander, the Spartan admiral, and the most eminent man, after Brasidas, whom the Lacedse- Unionof moniaus had produced during the war. He was a Cyrus with o -\' • ^• t • i Lysander. man 01 sevcrc bipartan disciplme and virtue, but ambitious and cruel. He visited Cyrus at Sardis, was welcomed with every mark of favor, and induced Cyrus to grant additional pay to every Spartan seaman. Meanwhile Alcibiades re-entered his native city in triumph, Eeturn of after eio'ht vears' exile, and was welcomed by all Alcit)i;ides . , . . to Athens. parties as the only man who had sutlicient capacity to restore the fallen fortunes of Athens. His confiscated property was restored, and hew^asmade captain-general with ample powers, while all his treasons were apparently forgotten, which had proved so fatal to his country — the sending of Gj'^lippus to Syracuse, the revolt of Chios and Miletus, and the conspiracy of the Four Hundred. The effect of His exploits. . this treatment, so much better than what he deserved, intoxicated this wayward and unprincipled, but exceedingly able man. His first exploit was to sail to Andros, now under a Lacedaemonian garrison, whose fields he devas- tated, but w^as unable to take the town. Hg then went to Samos, and there learned that all his intrigues v\dth Persia had failed, and that Persia w^a•s allied still more strongly with the Lacedaemonians under Lysander, This great general, now at Ephesus, pursued a cautious policy, and refused to 2:ive battle to the Athenian Ills reverses. V. " -, . . . "" , . ^ _^, forces under Alcibiades, who then retired to Pho- csea, leaving his fleet under the command of Antiochus, his Chap. XIX.] Battle of ArginusoB. 289: favorite pilot. Antioclius, in the absence of his general, engaged the Lacedaemonian fleet, but was defeated and slain at Notium. The conduct of Alcibiades produced great dissaifection at Athens. He had sailed with a fleet not inferior to that which he commanded at Syracuse, and had made 2:reat promises of future achievements, yet Lvsander recalled to in three months he had not gained a single sue- spatta. cess. He was therefore dismissed from his command, which was given to ten generals, of whom Conon was the most eminent, while he retired to the Chersonese. Lysander, at the same time, was superseded in the command of the Lacedae- monians by Callicratidas, in accordance with Spartan cus- tom, his term being expired. Callicratidas was not welcomed by Cyrus, and he was also left without funds by Lysander, who returned to ^. •i •! ' Vigorous the Persians the sums he had received. This con- mi'asures of the LacediE- duct so much enraged the Spartan admiral that he monians. sailed with his whole fleet — the largest which had been assembled during the war, one hundred and forty triremes, of which only ten were Lacedaemonian — the rest being fur- nished by allies — to Lesbos, and liberated the Athenian captives and garrison at Methymna, and seemed animated by that old Panhellenic patriotism which had united the Greeks half a century before against the Persian invaders, declaring that not a single Greek should be reduced to slavery if he could help it. But while he was thus actuated by these noble sentiments, he also prosecuted the war of his country, which had been intrusted to him to conduct. He blocked np the Athenian fleet at Mitylene, which had no provisions to sustain a siege. The Athenians now made prodigious eiforts to relieve Conon, and one hundred and ten. triremes were sent IVom the Piraeus, and sailed to Samos. Callicra- tidas, apprised of the approach of the large fleet, went out to meet it. At Arginuste was fought a great The battle of battle, in vvdiich the Spartan admiral was killed, ^'■?i""sre. and his forces completely defeated. Sixty-nine Lacedae- monian shins were destroyed ; the Athenians lost twenty^ 19 290 The Peloponnesian War. [Chap. XIX. five, a severe loss to Greece, since, if Callicratidas had gained the victory, he would, according to Grote, have closed the Peloponnesian war, and united the Greeks once more against Persia. The battle of Arajinusee now o'ave the Athenians the con- trol of the Asiatic seas, and so discouraged were the Lace- dasmonians, that they were induced to make proj)osals of peace. This is doubted, indeed, by Grote, since no positive results accrued to Athens. The Chians and other allies of Sparta, in conjunction with Lysander Cvrus, now Sent envovs to the ephors, to request returns to , . » ^ *' ^ \ \ c^ power. the restoration of Lysander to the command of the fleet. They acceded to the request substantially, and Lysander reached Ephesus, b. c. 405, to renovate the Lace- daemonian power and turn the fortunes of war. The victorious Athenian fleet was now at ^gospotami, in the Hellespont, opposite Lampsacus, having been inactive for nearly a year. There the fleet was exposed to imminent danger, which was even seen by Alcibiades, in his forts op- posite, on the Chersonese. He expostulated Avith the Athenian admirals, but to no purpose, and urged them to retire to Capture of Scstos. As he feared, the Athenian fleet was sur- the Atheni- . i -i i an fleet. prised, at anchor, on this open shore, while the crews were on shore in quest of a meal. One hundred and seventy triremes were thus ingloriously captured, without the loss of a man — the greatest calamity which had hap- pened to Athens since the beginning of the war, and decisive as to its result. The captive generals were slaughtered, together with four thousand Athenian prisoners. Conon, however, made his escape. So disgraceful and un- necessary was this great calamity, that it is supposed the fleet was betrayed by its own commanders ; and this sup- position is strengthened by its inactivity since the battle of Arginusas. This crowning disaster happened in September, Despair of ^' c. 405, and causcd a dismay at Athens such as Athens. j^^^^ never before been felt — not even when the Persians were marching through Attica. Nothing was now Chap. XIX.] humiliation of Athens. 291 left to the miserable city but to make what preparation it could for the siege, which everybody foresaw would soon take place. The walls were put in the best defense it was pos- sible, and two of the three ports were blocked up. "N'ot only was Athens deprived of her mantime power, but her very existence was now jeopardized. Lysander was in no haste to march upon Athens, since he knew that no corn ships could reach the city from the Euxine, and that a famine would soon set in. The Athe- nian empire was annihilated, and nothing remained ^jj^iwia- but Athens herself The Athenians now saw that tumofthe * ^ Atneman nothing but union between the citizens could give empire. them any hope of success, and they made a solemn pledge in the Acropolis to bury their dissensions and cultivate har- monious feelings. In November, Lysander, with two hundred triremes, blockaded the Peirgeus. The whole force of Sparta, under King Pausanias, went out to meet him, and encamped at the gates of Athens. The citizens bore the calamity with forti- tude, and, when they began to die of hunger, sent proposi- tions for capitulation. But no proposition was received which did not include the demolition of the long walls which Pericles had built. As famine pressed, and the condition of the people had become intolerable, Athens was obliged to surrender on the hard conditions that the Peirseus Surrender of Athens to should be destroyed, the long walls demolished, theSpartans. all foreign possessions evacuated, all ships surrendered, and, most humiliating of all, that Athens should become the ally of Sparta, and follow her lead upon the sea and upon the land. Thus fell imperial Athens, after a glorous reign of one hundred years. Lysander entered the city as a conqueror. The ships were surrendered, all but twelve, which ^ate of the Athenians were allowed to retain ; the unfin- ^^ ^°^* ished ships in the dockyards were burned, the fortifications demolished, and the Peiraeiis dismantled. The constitution of the city was annulled, and a board of thirty was nominated, 292 The Pelo^oniusian War, [Chap. XIX. under the dictation of Lysander, for the government of the city. The conqueror then sailed to Samos, which was easily reduced, and oligarcliy was restored on that island, as at Athens. The fill of Athens virtually closed the Peloponnesian war, after a bitter struggle between tlie two leading States of Close of the Greccc for thirty years. Lysander became the ^^^^' leading man in Greece, and wielded a power great- er than any individual Greek before or after him. Sparta, personified in him, became supreme, and ruled over all the islands, and over the Asiatic and Thracian cities. ^The tyrants whom he placed over Athens exercised their -power with extreme rigor — sending to execution all who were obnox- ious, seizing as spoil the property of the citizens, and disarm- ing the remaining hoplites in the city. They even forbade intellectual teaching, and shut the mouth of Socrates. Such was Athens, humbled, deprived of her fleet, and rendered powerless, with a Spartan garrison occupying the Acropolis, and discord reigning even among the Thirty Tyrants them- selves. In considering the downfall of Athens, we perceive that the unfortunate Sicilian expedition which Alcibiades had stimulated proved the main cause. Iler mai'itime suprem- Causeof the acy might have been maintained but for this ag- Athens. gression, which Pericles never would have sanc- tioned, and which Nicias so earnestly disapproved. After that disaster, the conditions of the State were totally changed, and it was a bitter and desperate struggle to retain the frag- ments of empire. And the catastrophe proved, ultimately, the political ruin of Greece herself, since there was left no one State sufficiently powerful to resist foreign attacks. The glory of Athens was her navy, and this being destroyed, Greece was open to invasion, and to the corruption brought about by Persian gold. It was Athens which had resisted Persia, and protected the maritime States and islands. When Athens was crippled, the decline of the other States was rapid, for they had all exhausted themselves in the war. And the Chap. XIX.] JDeath of Alcihiades. 293 war itself has few redeeming features. It was a wicked con- test carried on by rivalry and jealousy. And it pro- Miserable dT 11 T 1 £• • • El>ii"it of tho need, as war generally does, a class oi unprnici- war. pled men who aggrandize themselves at the expense of their country. Nothing but war would have developed such men as Alcibiades and Lysander, and it is difficult to say which of the two brought the greatest dishonor on their respective States. Both were ambitious, and both hoped to gain an ascendency incompatible with free institutions. To my mind, Alcibiades is the worst man in Grecian history, and not only personally disgraced by the worst vices, but his influence was disastrous on his country. Athens owed her political desfradation more to him than any other Aidbiiuies TT . 1 T 1 .1 the evil fjenl- man. lie was insolent, lawless, extravagant, and us of Athens, unscrupulous, from his first appearance in public life. He incited the Sicilian expedition, and caused it to end disas- trously by sending Gylippus to Syracuse. He originated the revolt of Chios and Miletus, the fortification of Decelea, and the conspiracy of the Four Hundred. And though he par- tially redeemed his treason by his three years' services, after his exile, yet his vanity, and intrigues, and prodigality pre- vented him from accomplishing what he promised. It is true he was a man of great resources, and was never defeated either by sea or land ; " and he was tlie first man in every party he espoused — Athenian, Spartan, or Persian, oligarchal or democratical, but he never inspired confidence with any party, and all parties successively threw him oil" The end of such a man proclaims the avenging Nemesis in His in^iori- this world. He died by the liands of Persian assas- sins, at the instance of botli Lysander and Cyrus, who felt that there could be nothing: settled so longj as this restless schemer lived. And he died, unlamented and unhonored, in spite of his high birth, wealth, talents, and personal accomplishments. Lysander was more fortunate ; he gained a great ascend- ency in Sparta, but liis ambition proved ruinous oioryofLy- to his country, by involving it in those desperate ^^^ "' wars which are yet to be presented. CHAPTER XX. MAECH OF CYEUS AND EETEEAT OF THE TEN THOUSAND GKEEKS. The Peloponnesian war being closed, a large body of Effect of Grecian soldiers were disbanded, but rendered nesian wa?° vcnal and rcstlcss by the excitements and changes of the past thirty years, and ready to embark in any warlike enterprise that promised money and spoil. They were un- fitted, as is usually the case, for sober and industrial pur- suits. They panted for fresh adventures. This restless passion which war ever kindles, found vent and direction in the enterprise which Cyrus led ends of from Western Asia to dethrone his brother Artax- Cyrus dlS- r« -r» • a r> guised- erxes from the throne of Persia, borne fourteen thousand Greeks from diiferent States joined his standard — not with a view of a march to Babylon and an attack on the great king, but to conquer and root out the Pisidian moun- taineers, who did much mischief from their fastnesses in the southeast of Asia Minor. This was the ostensible object of Cyrus, and he found no difficulty in enlisting Grecian mer- cenaries, under promise of large rewards. All these Greeks were deceived but one man, to whom alone Cyrus revealed his real purpose. This was Clearchus, a Lacedaemonian general of considerable ability and experience, who had been banished for abuse of authority at Byzantium, which he commanded. He repaired to Sardis and offered his services to Cyrus, who had been sent thither by his father Darius to command the Persian forces. Cyrus accepted the overtures of Clearchus, who secured his confidence so completely that Chap. XX.] Cyrus, 295 he gave him the large sum of ten thousand darics, which he employed in hiring Grecian mercenaries. Other Greeks of note also joined the army of Cyrus with a view of being: emploved asfainst the Pisiclians. Mercenary A ^ a'. . -.Tir .. Greeks enlist Among them were Aristippus and Menon, ot a under Gyrus, distinguished family in Thessaly ; Proxenus, a Boeotian ; Agis, an Arcadian ; Socrates, an Achaean, who were employed to collect mercenaries, and who received large sums of money. A considerable body of Lacedaemonians were also taken under pay. The march of these men to Babylon, and their successful retreat, form one of the most interesting episodes in Grecian history, and it is this march and retreat which I purpose briefly to present. Cyrus was an extraordinary man. The younger son of the Persian king, he aimed to secure the sover- character of eignty of Persia, which fell to his elder brother, Cyrus. Artaxerxes, on the death of Darius. During his residence at Sardis, as satrap or governor, he perceived and felt the great superiority of the Greeks to his own countrymen, not only intellectually, but as soldiers. He was brave, generous, frank, and ambitious. Had it been his fortune to have achieved the object of his ambition, the whole history of Persia would have been changed, and Alexander Higii esti- mation in would haA^e lived in vain. Perceiving and appro- Avin.h he elating the great qualities of the Greeks, and Greeks. learning how to influence them, he sought, by their aid, to conquer his w^ay to the throne. But he dissembled his designs so that they were not sus- pected, even in Persia. As has been remarked, he He dis- . seinbles his communicated them only to the hpartan general, designs. Clearchus. Neither Greek nor Persian divined his object as he collected a great array at Sardis. At first he employed his forces in the siege of Miletus and other enterprises, which provoked no suspicion of his real designs. When all was ready, he commenced his march from Sardis, in March, b. c. 401, with about eight thousand Grecian 296 Retreat of the Ten Thousand. [Chap. XX. hoplites and one hundred thousand native troops, while a He com- joint Lacedsimonian and Persian fleet coasted miirch.^ '^ around the south of Asia Minor to co-operate with the land forces. These Greeks who thus joined his standard under promise Character of large pay, and were unwittinglj^ about to plunge Greeks who iuto uuknowu pcrils, were not outcasts and Sdard!^ paupcrs, but were men of position, reputation, and, in some cases, of wealth. About half of them were Arca- dians. Young men of good family, ennuied of home, rest- less and adventurous, formed the greater part, although many of mature age had been induced by liberal ofiers to leave their wives and children. They simply calculated on a year's campaign in Pisidia, from which they would return to their homes enriched. So they were assured by the Greek commanders at Sardis, and so these commanders be- lieved, for Cyrus stood high in popular estimation for liber- ality and good faith. Among other illustrious Greeks that were thus to be led so far from home was Xenophon, the Athenian historian, who was induced by his friend Proxe- nus, of Boeotia, to join the expedition. He was of high family, and a pupil of Socrates, but embarked against the wishes and advice of his teacher. When the sieQ^e of Miletus was abandoned, and Cyrus began his march, his object was divined by the satrap Tissa- phernes, who hastened to Persia to put the king on his guard. At CelenaB, or Kelsense, a Phrygian city, Cyrus halted and Cyras re- reviewed his army. Grecian re-enforcements here views ills army, joined him, which swelled the number of Greeks to thirteen thousand men, of whom eleven thousand were hoplites. As this city was on the way to Pisidia, no mistrust existed as to the object of the expedition, not even when the army passed into Lycaonia, since its inhabitants were of the same predatory character as the Pisidians. But when it had crossed Mount Taurus, which bounded Cilicia, and reached Chap XX.] Cyrus' March, 297 Tarsus, the Greeks perceived that they had been cheated, and refused to advance farther. Clearchus attempted '^^^ Greeks ^ I)erceive to suppress the mutiny by severe measures, \^^^ t^^y \ ^ '' •> ' ha7e been but failed. lie then resorted to stratagem, and deceived. pretended to yield to the wishes of the Greeks, and likewise refused to march, but sent a secret dispatch to Cyrus that all would be well in the end, and requested him to send fresh invitations, that he might answer by fresh refusals. He then, with the characteristic cunning and eloquence of a Greek, made known to his countrymen the extreme pjril of making Cyrus their enemy in a hostile country, where retreat was beset with so many dangers, and induced them to proceed. So the army continued its march to Issus, at the extremity of the Issican Gulf, and near the mountains which separate Cilicia from Syria. Here Cyrus was further re-en- forced, making the grand total of Greeks in his army four- teen thousand. He expected to find the passes over the mountains, a day's journey from Issus, defended, but the Persian Gyrus n ~\ ^ • 1 ~i /-^ crosses into general Abrocomas ned at his approach, and Cyrus Syria. easily crossed into Syria by the pass of Beilan, over Mount Amanus. He then proceeded south to Myriandus, a Phoeni- cian maritime town, where he parted from his fleet. Eight days' march brought his army to Thapsacus, on the Euphrates, where he remained five days to refresh his troops. Hero again the Greeks showed a reluctance to proceed^ but, on the promise of five minse a head, nearly one hundred dollars more than a year's pay, they consented to advance. It was here Cyrus crossed the river unobstructed, and He crosses . the continued his march on the left bank for nine da^^s, Euphrates. until he came to the river Araxes, which separates Syria from Arabia. Thus far his army was well supplied with provisions from the numerous villages through which they passed ; but now he entered a desert country, entirely with- out cultivation, where the astonished Greeks belield for the first time wild asses, antelopes, and ostriches. For eighteen days the army marched without other provisions than what 298 Metreat of the Ten Thousand. [Chap. XX they brought with them, parched with thirst and exhausted by heat. At Pylte they reached the cultivated territory of Babylonia, and the alluvial plains commenced. Three days' further march brought them to Cunaxa, about seventy miles Battle of from Babylon, where the army of Artaxerxes was Cunaxa. marshaled to meet them. It was an immense force of more than a million of men, besides six thousand horse-2:uards and two hundred chariots. But so confident was Cyrus of the vast superiority of the Greeks and their warfare, that he did not hesitate to engage the overwhelming forces of his brother with only ten thousand Greeks and one hundred thousand Asiatics. The battle of Cunaxa was fatal to Cyrus ; he was slain and his camp was pillaged. The expedition had failed. Dismay now seized the Greeks, as well it might — a hand- Dismay of f^l of men in the midst of innumerable enemies, the Greeks. ^^^^ -^^ ^j^^ vcry Centre of the Persian empire. But such men are not driven to despair. They refused to sur- They render, and made up their minds to retreat — to retreat. g^^^ their Way back again to Greece, since all aggressive measures was madness. This retreat, amid so many difficulties, and against such powerful and numerous enemies, is one of the most gallant actions in the history of war, and has made those ten thou- sand men immortal. Arioeus, who commanded the Asiatic forces on the left wing of the army at the battle of Cunaxa, joined the Greeks with what force remained, in retreat, and promised to guide them to the Asiatic coast, not by the route which Cyrus had taken, for this was now impracticable, but by a longer one, up the course of the Tigris, through Armenia, to the Euxine Sea. The Greeks had marched ninety days from Sardis, about fourteen hundred and sixty-four English miles, and rested ninety-six days in various places. Six months had been spent on the expedition, and it would take more than that time to return, considering the new difiiculties which it ■\\'as necessary to surmount. The condition of the Greeks, Chap. XX.] Dissimulation of the Persians. 299 to all appearance, was hopeless. How were they to ford rivers and cross mountains, with a hostile cavalry in Their their rear, without supplies, without a knowledge condition, of roads, without trustworthy guides, through hostile terri- tories ? The Persians still continued their negotiations, regarding the advance or retreat of the Greeks alike impos- Deceitful siblej and curious to learn what motives had Sf^h?^*""* brought them so far from home. They replied ^®''^^'''°^- that they had been deceived, that they had no hostility to the Persian king, that they had been ashamed to desert Cyrus in the midst of danger, and that they now desired only to return home peaceably, but were prepared to repel hostilities. It was not pleasant to the Persian monarch to have thir- teen thousand Grecian veterans, whose prestige The Persian was immense, and whose power was really formida- thefr^ovlr-** ble, in the heart of the kingdom. It was not easy ^'^^o^- to conquer such brave men, reduced to desperaition, without immense losses and probable humiliation. So the Persians dissembled. It was their object to get the Greeks out of Babylonia, where they could easily intrench and support themselves, and then attack them at a disad- vantage. So Tissaphernes agreed to conduct them home by a different route. They acceded to his proposal, and he led them to the banks of the Tigris, and advanced on its left bank, north to the Great Zab River, about two hundred miles from Babylon. The Persians marched in advance, and the Greeks about three miles in the rear. At the Great Zab they halted three days, and then Tissaphernes enticed the Greek generals to his tent, ostensibly to feast them and renew negotiations. There they Avere seized, sent prisoners to the Persian court, and treacherously murdered. Utter despair now seized the Greeks. They were deprived of their o-enerals, in the heart of Media, with un- The despair 1 . . , -, T . of the scrupulous enemies in the rear, and the mountams Greeks. of Armenia in their front, whose passes were defended 300 Hetreat of the Ten Thousand. [Chap. XX. by hostile barbarians, and tliis in the depth of winter, deprived of guides, and exposed to every kind of hardship, difficulty, and danger. They were apparently in the hands of their enemies, without any probability of escape. They were then sumraoned to surrender to the Persians, h it they resolved to fight their way home, great as were their dangers and insurmountable the difficulties — a most heroic resolu- tion. And their retreat, under these circumstances, to the Euxine, is the most extraordinary march in the whole history of war. But a great man appeared, in this crisis, to lead them, whose prudence, sagacity, moderation, and courage can Xenophon ncvcr be sufficiently praised, and his successful re- rallies the ^ . , .^ Greeks. treat placcs him in the ranks of the great generals of the world. Xenophon, the Athenian historian, now appears upon the stage with all those noble qualities which inspired the heroes at the siege of Troy — a man as religious as he was brave and magnanimous, and eloquent even for a Greek. He summoned together the captains, and persuaded them to advance, giving the assurance of the protection of Zeus. He then convened the arm}-, and inspired them by his spirit, wdth surpassing eloquence, and acquired the as- cendency of a Moses by his genius, piety, and wisdom. His military rank was not great, but in such an emergency talents and virtues have more force than rank. So, under his leadership, the Greeks crossed the Zab, and resumed their march to the north, harassed by Persian Their re- cavalrv, and subjected to g^reat privations. The treat to the *' ' -^ . Tigris. army no longer marched, as was usual, in one un- divided holloAV square, but in small companies, for they w^ere obliged to cross mountains and ford rivers. So long as they marched on the banks of the Tigris, they found well-stocked villages, from which they obtained supplies ; but as they entered the country of the Carducians, they were obliged to leave the Tigris to their left, and cross the high mountains which divided it from Armenia. They were also compelled to burn their baggage, for the roads were nearly impassable, Chap. XX.] March through Armenia, 301 not only on account of the narrow defiles, but from the vast quantities of snow which fell. Their situation was Their perils -> n ,. ., T f> • T . . o Ml 1 and hard- lull 01 peril, and latigue, and privation, btill they ships. persevered, animated by the example and eloquence of their intrepid leader. At every new pass they were obliged to fight a battle, but the enemies they encountered could not withstand their arms in close combat, and usually fled, con- tented to harass them by rolling stones down the mountains on their heads, and discharo-ino; their lono- arrows. The march through Armenia was still more difficult, for the inhabitants were more warlike and hardy, and The march 1 T A' 1 n-\i 1 through the passage more dimcuit. ihey also were sorely Armenia. troubled for lack of guides. The sufferings of the Greeks were intense from cold and privation. The beasts of burden perished in the snow, while the soldiers were frost-bitten and famished. It was their good fortune to find villasres, after several days' march, where they halted and rested, but assailed all the while by hostile bands. Yet onward they pressed, wearied and hungry, through the country of the Taochi, of the Chalybes, of the Scytheni, of the r^^ ^^.^^-^ Marones, of the Colchians, and reached Trapezus ^^"^ Euxine. (Trebizond) in safety. The sight of the sea filled the Greeks with indescribable joy after so many perils, for the sea was their own element, and they could now pursue their way in ships rather than by perilous marches. But the delays were long and dreaiy. There were no ships to transport the warriors to Byzantium. They isrew T IIP 1 • TvY» troubles and were exposed to new troubles trom the mdmerence dangers. or hostility of the cities on the Euxine, for so large a force created alarm. And when the most pressing dangers were passed, tlie license of the men broke out, so that it was diffi- cult to preserve order and prevent them from robbing their friends. They were obliged to resort to marauding expedi- tions among the Asiatic people, and it was difficult to sup- port themselves. Xot being able to get ships, they marched along the coast to Cotyora, exposed to incessant hostilities. It was novv^ the desire of Xenophon to found a new city on 302 Retreat of the Ten Thousand. [Chap. XX. the Euxine with the army ; but tKe army was eager to re- tm-n home, and did not accede to the proposal. Clamors arose against the general who had led them so gloriously from the heart of Media, and his speeches in his defense are among the most eloquent on Grecian record. lie remonstrated against the disorders of the army, and had sufficient influence to secure reform, and completely triumphed over faction as he had over danger. At last ships were provided, and the army passed by sea They pass to Siuopc — a Grecian colony — where the men Sinope. wcrc hospitably received, and fed, and lodged. From thence the army passed by sea to lieracleia, where the soldiers sought to extort money against the oj^position of Xenophon and Cherisophus, the latter of whom had nobly seconded the plans of Xenophon, although a Spartan of superior military rank. The army, at this opposition, divid- ed into three factions, but on suffering new disasters, re- united. It made a halt at Calpe, where new disorders broke out. Then Oleander, Spartan governor of Byzantium, arrived with two triremes, Avho promised to conduct the army, and took command of it, but subsequently threw up his command from the unpropitious sacrifices. Nothing proved Their tlic relio'ious character of the Greeks so forcibly courage and . ^ ., . , • . . , faith.^ as their scrupulous attention to the rites imposed by their pagan faith. The}^ undertook no enterprise of im- portance without sacrifices to the gods, and if the auguries were unfavorable, they relinquished their most cherished objects. From Calpe the army marched to Chalcedon, turning into money the slaves and plunder which it had collected. There it remained seven days. But nothing could be done with- out the consent of the Spartan admiral at Byzantium, Anaxi- bius, since the LacedjBmonians were the masters of Greece both by sea and land. This man was bribed by the Persian They reach satrap Pliamabazus, who commanded the north- Byzantium, ^yestem region of Asia Minor, to transport the army to the European side of the Bosphorus. It accordingly Chap. XX.] Lasting Ln^ression of the Retreat. 303 crossed to Byzantium, but was not allowed to halt in the city, or even to enter the gates. The wrath of the soldiers was boundless when they were thus excluded from Byzantium. They rushed into ^^^ ^re the town and took possession, which conduct n^iu^the gave grave apprehension to Xenophon, who "*^" mustered and harangued the army, and thus prevented anticipated violence. They at length consented to leave the city, and accepted the services of the Theban Coeratidas, who promised to conduct them to the Delta of Thrace, for pur- poses of plunder, but he was soon dismissed. After various misfortunes the soldiers at length were taken under the pay of Seuthes, a Thracian prince, w^ho sought the recovery of his principality, but who cheated them out of their pay. A change of policy among the Lacedaemonians led to the con- veyance of the Cyrenian army into Asia in order to make war on the satraps. Xenophon accordingly conducted his troops, now reduced to six thousand men, over Mount Ida to Pergamus. He succeeded in capturing the Persian general Asidates, and securing a valuable booty, b. c. 399. The soldiers whom he had led were now incorporated r^^^^ ^^-^^^^ with the Lacedaemonian army in Asia, and Xeno- g"/yice of phon himself enlisted in the Spartan service. His Sp^ft^. subsequent fortunes we have not room to present. An exile from Athens, he settled in Scillus, near Olymj^ia, with abundant wealth, but ultimately returned to his native city after the battle of Leuctra. The impression produced on the Grecian mind by the successful retreat of the Ten Thousand was pro- Moral effect of the found and lasting;. Its most obvious effect w?is to expedition, produce contempt for Persian armies and Persian generals, and to show that Persia was only strong by employing Hellenic strength against the Hellenic cause. The real weakness of Persia was tlius revealed to the Greeks, and sentiments were fostered which two generations afterward led to the expeditions of Alexander and the subjection of Asia to Grecian rule. CHAPTER XXI. THE LACEDAEMONIAN EMPIRE. I HAVE already shown that Sparta, after a battle with the Sparta Argives, B. c, 547, obtamed the ascendency hi the her power, soutliem part of the Peloponnesus, and became the leading military State of Greece. This prestige and power were not lost. The severe simplicity of Spartan life, the rigor of political and social institutions, the aristocratic form of government, and above all the military spirit and ambition, gave permanence to all conquests, so that in the Persian wars Sparta took the lead of the land forces. The great rival power of Sparta was Athens, but this was founded on maritime skill and enterprise. It was to the navy of Athens, next after the hoplites of Sparta, that the successful resistance to the empire of Persia may be attributed. After the Persian Avars the rivalship between Athens and Contimxed Sparta is the most prominent feature in Grecian tflory of . Athena also, history. Tlic Confederacy of Dclos gave to Athens supremacy over the sea, and the great commercial prosperity of Athens under Peiicles, and the empire gained over the Ionian colonies and the islands of the ^gasan, made Athens, perhaps, the leading State. It was the richest, the most cultivated, and the most influential of the Grecian States, and threatened to absorb gradually all the other States of Greece in her empire. This ascendency and rapid growth in wealth and power were beheld with jealous eyes, not only by Sparta, but other States which she controlled, or with w^luch she was in alliance. The consequence was, the Peloponnesian war, which lasted Chap. XXI.] Pre-eminence of Sj)arta. 305 half a generation, and which, after various vicissitudes and fortunes, terminated auspiciously for Sparta, but c^^so- disastrously to Greece as a united nation. The ?,"'"o*^",^ ^'^ Persian wars bound all the States together by a n^^i^n wur. powerful Hellenic sentiment of patriotism. The Pelopon- nesian war dissevered this Panhellenic tie. The disaster at Syracuse was fatal to Athenian supremacy, and even inde- pendence. But for this Athens might have remained the great power of Greece. The democratic organization of the government gave great vigor and enterprise to all the ambi- tious projects of Athens. If Alcibiades had lent his vast talents to the building up of his native State, even then the fortunes of Athens might have been different. But he was a traitor, and threw all his energies on the side of Sparta, until it was too late for Athens to recover tlie pres- tige she had vv^on. He partially redeemed his honor, but had he been animated by the spirit of Pericles or Nicias, to say nothing of the self-devotion of Miltiades, he might have raised the power of Athens to a height which nothing could have resisted. Lysander completed the war which Brasidas had so nobly carried on, and took possession of Athens, abolished tlie democratic constitution, demolished the walls, and set up, as his creatures, a set of tyrants, and also a Spartan gov- ernor in Athens. Under Lysander, the Lacedcemo- Paramount . . antlioritv of man rule was paramount m Grreece. At one tune, Si)artii ahei- -, , • r^ the victiu-ies he iiad more power than any man in Greece ever ot Lysander. enjoyed. He undertook to change the government of the alhed cities, and there was scarcely a city in Greece where the Spartans had not the ascendency. In most of the Ionian cities, and in all the cities which had taken tlie side of Athens, there was a Spartan governor, so that wlien Xenoplion returned with his Ten Tliousand to Asia Minor, he found lie could do notliing without the consent of the Spartan govern- ors. Moreover, the rule of Sparta was hostile to all demo- cratic ojovernments. She sou^^ht to establish olitrarchal insti- tutions everywhere. Perhaps this difference between Athens 20 306 The LacedcBmoman Empire. [Chap. XXL and Sparta respecting government was one great cause of the Peloponnesian war. But the same envy which had once existed among the Sparta in- Grecian States of the prosperity of Athens, was fcilTousy of ^^^^ turned upon Sparta. Her rule was arrogant Greece. ^^^ hard, and she in turn liad to experience the humiliation of revolt from her domination. " The allies of Sparta," says Grote, " especially Corinth and Thebes, not only relented in their hatred of Athens, now she had lost her power, but even sympathized with her suffering exiles, and became disgusted with the self-willed encroachments of Sparta ; while the Spartan king, Pausanias, together with some of the ephors, were also jealous of the arbitrary and oppressive conduct of Lysander. He refused to prevent the revival of the democracy. It was in this manner that Athens, rescued from that sanguinary and rapacious regime of the Thirty Tyrants, was enabled to reappear as a humble and dependent member of the Spartan alliance — with nothing but the recollection of her former power, yet with her de- mocracy again in vigorous action for internal government. The victory of yEgospotami, which aimiliilated the Athe- nian navy, ushered in the supremacy of Sparta, both on the Her oppros- land and sea, and all Greece made submission to the Bivo super i- i i- i t • ority. ascendant power. Lysander established ni most of the cities an oligarchy of ten citizens, as well as a Spartan harmost, or governor. Everywhere the Lysandrian dekarchy superseded the previous governments, and ruled oppressively, like the Thirty at Athens, with Critias at their head. And no justice could be obtained at Sparta against the bad con- duct of the harmosts vvlio now domineered in every city. Sparta had embroiled Greece in war to put down tlie ascen- dency of Athens, but exercised a more tyrannical usurpation than Athens ever meditated. The lan -\ i* -r\ • • it tiie livahies voked the aid oi Persia against each other — the ciaa States, most mournful fact in the whole history of Greece, showing how much more powerful were the rivalries of States than the sentiment of patriotism, which should have united them against their common enemy. The sacrifice of Ionia was the price which was paid by Sparta, in order to retain her supremacy over the rest of Greece, and Persia ruled over all the Greeks on the Asiatic coast. Sparta became mistress of Corinth and of the Corinthian Isthmus. She or- ganized anti-Theban oligarchies in the Boeotian cities, with a Spartan harmost. She decomposed the Grecian world into small fragments. She crushed Olythus, and formed a confederacy between the Persian king and the Dionysius of Syracuse. In short, she ruled with despotic sway over all the difterent States. We have now to show how Sparta lost the ascendency she had gained, and became involved in a war with Thebes, and how Thebes became, under Pelopidas and Epaminondas, for a time the dominant State of Greece. CHAPTER XXII. THE REPUBLIC OF THEBES. After Sparta and Athens, no State of Greece arrived B.U pre-eminence, until the Macedonian empire arose, •^ ' . , ■•• ' Thebes. except Thebes, the capital of Bceotia ; and the empire of this city was short, though memorable, from the extraordinary military genius of Epaminondas. In the year b. c. 379, Sparta was the ascendant power of Greece, and was feared, even as Athens was in the time of Pericles. She had formed an alliance with the Persian king and with Dionysius of Syracuse. All Greece, within and without the Peloponnesus, except Argos and Attica and some Thessalian cities, was enrolled in a confederacy under the lead of Sparta, and Spartan governors and garrisons occupied the principal cities. Thebes especially was completely under Spartan influence and control, and was apparently powerless. Her citadel, the Cadmea, was filled with Spartan soldiers, Under the ' ^ dominion of and the independence of Greece was at an end. spaita. Confederated witli Macedonians, Persians, and Syracusans, nobody dared to call in question the headship of Sparta, or to provoke her displeasure. This destruction of Grecian liberties, with the aid of the old enemies of Greece, kindled great indignation. The orator Lvsias, at Athens, Gjave vent to the ojeneral invectives . . ... , of the feelino;, in which he veils liis displeasure under the omtors form of surprise, tliat Sparta, as the chief of Sparta. Greece, should permit the Persians, under Artaxerxes, and the Syracusans, under Dionysius, to enslave Greece. The orator Isocrates spoke still more plainly, and denounced the 316 The Bc^iiblic of Thebes. [Chap. XXTT Lacedremonians as " traitors to the general security and free- dom of Greece, and seconding foreign kings to aggrandize themselves at the cost of autonomous Grecian cities — all in the interest of their own selfish ambition." Even Xeno- phon, with all his partiality for Sparta, was still more em- phatic, and accused the Lacedaemonians with the violation of their oaths. In Thebes the discontent was most apparent, for their leading citizens were exiled, and the oligarchal party, headed Discontent ^J Lcoutiadcs and the Spartan garrison, was op- 111 TiK-bes. pressive and tyrannical. The Theban exiles found at Athens sympathy and shelter. Among these was Pelopi- das, who resolved to free his country from the Spartan yoke. Holding intimate correspondence with his friends in Thebes, he looked forward patiently for the means of eiFecting de- liverance, which could only be effected by the destruction of Leontiades and his colleagues, who ruled the city. Phili- das, secretary of the polemarchs, entered into the conspiracy, and, being sent in an embassy to Athens, concocted the Avay for Pelopidas and his friends to return to Thebes and effect a revolution. Charon, an eminent patriot, agreed to shelter the conspirators in his house until they struck the blow. Epaminondas, tlien living at Thebes, dissuaded the enterprise as too hazardous, although all his sympathies were with the conspirators. Wlien all was ready, Philidas gave a banquet at his house to the polemarchs, agreeing to introduce into tl^e company Eobeiiiou somc women of the first families of Thebes, dis- Phiiidus. tinguished for their beauty. In concert with the Theban exiles at Athens, Pelopidas, with six companions, crossed Citha^ron and arrived at Tliebes, in December, b. c. 379, disguised as hunters, with no otlier arms than concealed daggers. By a fortunate accident they entered the gates and sought shelter in the house of Charon until the night of the banquet. They were introduced into the banqueting chamber when the polemarchs were full of wine, disguised in female attire, and, with the aid of their Theban conspira- Chap. XXII.] Behellion of Thebes, 317 tors, dispatched three of the polemarchs with their daggers. Leontiades was not present, but the consph'ators were con- ducted secretly to his house, and effected their pur];)Ose. Leontiades was slain, in the presence of his wife. The con- spirators then proceeded to the privSon, slew the jailor, and liberated the prisoners, and then proclaimed, by . • T . 1 , 1 T 1*^3 saccess. heralds, m the streets, at midnight, that the des- pots were slain and Thebes was free. But the Spartans still held possession of the citadel, and, apprised of the couiy (Tetat, sent home for re-enforcements. But before they could arrive Pelopidas and the enfranchised citizens stormed the Cadmea, dispersed the garrison, put to death the oligarchal Thebans, and took full possession of the city. This unlooked-for revolution was felt throu2:h out Greece like an electric shock, and had a powerful moral effect. But the Spartans, althoucrh it was the depth of winter, The Theban PI . . T TT-« Vii revolution sent forth an expedition, under Kmg Cleombrotus — produces a AM 1 • T I 1 T rm T great scnsa- Agesilaus benig disabled — to reconquer ihebes. tion. He conducted his army along the Isthmus of Corinth, through Megara, but did nothing, and returned, leaving his lieutenant, Sphodrias, to prosecute hostilities. Sphodrias, learning that the Peira3us was undefended, undertook to seize it, but failed, which outrage so incensed the Athenians, that they dismissed the Lacedajmonian envoys, and declared war against Sparta. Athens now exerted herself to xhebea form a second maritime confederacy, like that of anc" «*ith^^^' Delos, and Thebes enrolled herself a member. Athens. As the Athenian envoys, sent to the islands of the iEgean, promised the most liberal principles, a new confederacy was formed. The confederates assembled at Athens and threat- ened war on an extensive scale. A resolution was passed to equip twent}^ thousand hoplites, five hundred horsemen, and two hundred triremes. A new property-tax jvas imposed at Athens to carry on the war. At Thebes there was great enthusiasm, and Pelopidas, with Charon and Melon, were named the first bcco- Theban gov- trarchs. The Theban government became demo- ®'°™®"'- 818 The Rejpuhlic of Tliebes, [Chap. XXII. cratic in form and spirit, and the military force was put upon a severe training. A new brigade of tliree hundred hoplites, called the Sacred Band, was organized for the special defense of the citadel, composed of young men from the best families, distinguished for strength and courage. The Thebans had always been good soldiers, but the popular enthusiasm raised up the best army for its size in Greece. Epaminondas now stands forth as a leader of rare excel- Epaminon- Icncc, destined to achieve the greatest military rep- ^^' ' utation of any Greek, before or since his time, with the exception of Alexander the Great — a kind of Gustavus Adolphus, introducing new tactics into Grecian warfare. He was in the prime of life, belonging to a poor but honor- able family, younger than Pelopidas, who was rich. He had His accom- acquired great reputation for his gymnastic exer- phshmeuts. ciscs, and was the most cultivated man in Thebes, a good musician, and a still greater orator. He learned to play on both the lyre and flute from the teachings of the best masters, sought the conversation of the learned, but was especially eloqu'ent in speech, and effective, even against the best Athenian opponents. He was modest, unambitious, patriotic, intellectual, contented with poverty, generous, and disinterested. When the Cadmea was taken, he was undis- tinguished, and his rare merits were only known to Pelopidas and his friends. He was among the first to join the revolu- tionists, and was placed by Pelopidas among the organizers, of the military force. The Spartans now made renewed exertions, and King Agesilaus, the greatest military man of whom Sparta can boast, marched with a large army, in the spring of b. c. 3V8, Sparta to attack Thebes. He established his head-quar- attacks . , ^ _ ^ Thebes. ters in Thespise, from which he issued to devastate the Theban territory. The Thebans and Athenians^ unequal in force, still kept the field against him, acting on the defensive, declining battle, and occupying strong positions. After a month of desultory warfare, Agesilaus retired, leaving Phoebidas Chap. XXII.] Naval Victory. 319 in command at Thespiae, who was slain in an incautious pursuit of the enemy. In the ensuing summer Agesilaus undertook a second expe- dition into Boeotia, but gained no decided advantage, while the Thebans acquired experience, courage, and strength. Agesilaus having strained his lame leg, was inca- ggcond nn- TDacitated for active operation, and returned to ^uccessfui 1 -I. ' , expedition Spai-ta, leaving Cleombrotus to command the ofAgesiUius. Spartan forces. He was unable to enter Boeotia, since the passes over Mount Cithseron were held by the Thebans, and he made an inglorious retreat, w^ithout even reaching Boeotia. The Spartans now resolved to fit out a large naval force to operate against Athens, by whose assistance the Thebans had maintained their ground for two years. The Athenians, on their part, also fitted out a fleet, assisted by their allies, under the command of Chabrias, which defeated the Lace- daemonian fleet near Naxos, b. c. 376. This was the Naval ric- f, . I'lAi 1 1 • ~\ ' tory of the iirst great victory which Athens had gained since Athenians. the Peloponnesian war, and filled her citizens with joy and confidence, and led to a mateiial enlargement of their mari- time confederacy. Phocion, who had charge of a squadron detached from the fleet of Chabrias, also sailed victorious round the ^gean, took twenty triremes, three thousand prisoners, with one hundred and .ten talents in money, and annexed seventeen cities to the confederacy. Timotheus, the son of Conon, was sent with the fleet of Chabrias, to circumnavigate the Peloponnesus, and alarm the coast of Laconia. The important island of Corcyra entered into the confederation, and another Spartan fleet, under Nicolochus, was defeated, so that the Athenians became once again the masters of the sea. But having regained their ascendency, Athens became jealous of the growing power of Thebes, now mistress of Boeotia, and this jealousy, inexcusable after such reverses, was increased when Pelopidas gained a great vic- tory over the Lacedaemonians near Tegyra, wliich victory of led to the expulsion of their enemies from all parts "^^"i*^ '*^- of Boeotia, except Orchomenus, on the borders of Phocis. 820 The Repullio of Thebes. [Chap. XXII That territory was now attacked by the victorious Thebans, upon which Athens made peace with the Lacedaemonians. It would thus seem that the ancient Grecian States were Thejeaiousy perpetually jealous of any ascendant power, and daJrepub- their policy was not dissimilar from that which lies. ^^j, inaugurated in modern Europe since the treaty of Westphalia — called the balance of power. Greece, thus far, was not ambitious to extend her rule over foreign na- tions, but sought an autonomous independence of the several States of which she was composed. Had Greece united under the leadership of Sparta or Athens, her foreign con- quests might have been considerable, and her power, cen- tralized and formidable, might have been a match even for the Romans. But in the anxiety of each State to secure its independence, there were perpetual and unworthy jealousies of each rising State, when it had reached a certain point of prosperity and glory. Hence the various States united under Sparta, in the Peloponnesian war, to subvert the ascendency of Athens. And when Sparta became the dominant power of Greece, Athens unites with Thebes to break her domina- tion. And now Athens becomes jealous of Thebes, and makes peace with Sparta, in the same way that England in the eighteenth century united with Holland and other States, to prevent the aggrandizement of France, as diiferent powers of Europe had previously united to prevent the ascendency of Austria. The Spartan power was now obviously humbled, and one Humiliation ^^ ^hc greatest evidences of this was the decline of Sparta. ^f gparta to give aid to the cities of Thessaly, in danger of being conquered by Jason, the despot of Pherse, whose formidable strength was now alarming l! kinffdonidis- extmguishable hatred of their old mastei*s. But membered. these Helots were probably the descendants of the old Mes- senians whom Sparta had conquered. This renovation of Messenia, and the building of the two cities, Messenia and Megalopolis, was the work of Epaminondas, and were the most important events of the day. The latter city was designed as the centre of a new confederacy, comprising all Arcadia. Sparta being thus crippled, dismembered, and humbled, Epaminondas evacuated the Peloponnesus, filled, however, with undiminished hostility. Sparta condescends to solicit aid from Athens, so completely was its power broken Sparta forms . an alliance by the Theban State, and Athens consents to M-ith Athens, a-^sist her, in the growing fear and jealo^isy of Thebes, thereby showing that the animosities of the Grecian States grew out of political jealousy rather than from revenge or injury. To rescue Sparta was a wise policy, if it were 326 The Bepullic of Thebes. [Chap. XXII. necessary to maintain a counterpoise against the ascendency of Thebes. An army was raised, and Iphicrates was ap- pointed general. He first marched to Corinth, and from thence into Arcadia, but made war with no important results. Such were the great political changes which occurred within two years under the influence of such a hero as Epaminondas. Laconia had been invaded and devastated, the Spartans were confined within their walls, Messenia had been liberated from Spartan rule, two important cities had been built, to serve as great fortresses to depress Sparta, Greece Hclots wcrc Converted into freemen, and Greece emancipat- . ^ ^ ed fi-oin the Pfenerallv had been emancipated from the Spartan Sparian , ^ i -, i> ^ \ ^ yoke. yoke. Such were the consequences oi the battle of Leuctra. And this battle, which thus destroyed the prestige of Sparta, also led to renewed hopes on the part of the Athen- ians to regain the powder they had lost. Athens already had regained the ascendency on the sea, and looked for increased maritime aggrandizement. On the land she could only remain a second class power, and serve as a bulwark against Theban ascendency. Athens sought also to recover Amphipolis — a maritime Athens seeks citv, colouized bv Athenians, at the head of the to recover ^ • • • Amphipolis. Strymonicau Gulf, in Macedonia, which was taken from her in the Peloponnesian war, by Brasidas. Amyntas, the kino; of Macedonia, seeking: aid ag-ainst Jason of Pherse, whose Thessalian dominion and personal talents and ambi- tion combined to make him a powerful potentate, consented to the right of Athens to this city. But Amyntas died not long after the assassination of Jason, and both Thessaly and Macedonia were ruled by new kings, and new complications took place. Many Thessalian cities, hostile to Alexander, the son of Jason, invoked the aid of Thebes, andPelopidas A part of was scut iiito Thessalv with an army, who took Thessaly . . -^ . . . under the Larissa and various other cities under his protec- protection . /^ rm i i t of Thebes, tiou. A large part oi ihessaly thus came under the protection of Thebes. On the other hand, Alexander, Chap, xxit.] Theban Supremacy. 827 who succeeded Amyntas in Macedonia, found it difficult to maintain his own dominion without holding Thessalian towns in garrison. He was also harassed by interior com- motions, headed by Pausanias, and was slain. Ptolemy, of Alorus, now became regent, and administered the kingdom in the name of the minor children of Amyntas — Perdiccas and Philip. The mother of these children, Eurydice, presented herself, with her children, to Tphicrates, and invoked pro- tection. He declared in her favor, and expelled Pausanias, and secured the sceptre of Amyntas, who had been friendly to the Athenians, to his children, under Ptolemy as regent. The younger of these children lived to overthrow the liber- ties of Greece. But Iphicrates did not recover Amphipolis, w^hich w^as a free city, and had become attached to the Spartans after Brasidas had taken it. Iphicrates was afterw^ard sent to assist Sparta in the desperate contest with Thebes. The Spartan allied army occupied Corinth, and guarded the passes which prevented the Thebans from penetrating into the Peloponnesus. Epaminondas broke through the defenses of the Spartans, and opened a communication with his Peloponnesian allies, and with these increased forces w^as more than a match for the Spartans and Athenians. He ravaged the countr}^, induced Sicyon to abandon Sparta, and visited Arcadia to superintend the building of Megalopo- lis. Meanwhile Pelopidas, b. c. 368, conducted an expedition into Thessaly, to protect Larissa against Alexander of Phera3, and to counterwork the projects of that despot, who was in league with Athens. He was successful, and then proceeded to Macedonia, and made peace with Ptolemy, who was not strong enough to resist him, taking, amonoj other hostao-es to Thebes, Philip, the son of The Theban . supremacy Amyntas. The Thebans and Macedonians now in Thtssaiy united to protect tlie Ireedom oi Amphipohs aganist donia. Athens, Pelopidas returned to Thebes, having extended her ascendency over both Thessaly and Macedonia. Thebes, now ambitious for the headship of Greece, sent 328 The EepuUic of Thebes. [Chap. XXII. Pelopidas on a mission to the Persian king at Susa, who Thebes now obtained a favorable rescript. The States which aspires to , ,^, tit the leader- were sumnioned to ihebes to near the rescript ship of ~i e* ~i A ' ~i iA Greece. read reiused to accept it ; and even the Arca- dian deputies protested against the headsiiip of Thebes. So powerful were the sentiments of all the Grecian States, from first to last, against the complete ascendency of any- one power, either Athens, or Sparta, or Thebes. The rescript was also rejected at Corinth. Pelopidas was now sent to Thessaly to secure the recognition of the headship of Thebes ; but in the execution of his mission he was seized and detained by Alexander of Pherse. The Thebans then sent an army into Thessaly to rescue Pelopidas. Unfortunately, Epaminondas did not command it. Having given offense to his countrymen, he was not elected that year as boeotrarch, and served in the ranks as a private hoplite. Alexander, assisted by the Athenians, triumphed in his act of treachery, and treated his illustrious captive with harshness and cruelty, and the Theban arniy, unsuccessful, returned home. The Thebans then sent another army, under Epaminondas, Thebes res- into Thessaly for the rescue of Pelopidas, and such cues Pelopi- ^ , . , . , ■, das. was the terror oi his name, that Alexander surren- dered his prisoner, and sought to make peace. But the rescue of Pelopidas disabled Thebes from prosecuting the war in the Peloponnesus. As soon, however, as this was effected, Epaminondas was sent as an envoy into Arcadia to dissuade her from a proposed alliance with Athens, and there had to contend with the Athenian orator Callistratus. The Complicated relations of the different Grecian States now be- political re- . . . lations of cauic SO Complicated, that it is useless, m a book the Grecian ,., , . , , t».t • States. like this, to attempt to unravel them. JNegotia- tions between Athens and Persia, the efforts of Corinth and other cities to secure peace, the ambition of Athens to main- tain ascendency on the sea, the creation of a Theban navy — these and other events must be passed by. But we can not omit to notice the death of Pelopidas, Chap. XXn.] Revolt of Orchomemis. 329 He had been sent with an army into Thessaly against Alexander of Pher^e, who was at the height of his Death of Pe- power, holding in dependence a considerable part of ^'^p^^^''^^. Thessaly, and having Athens for an ally. In a battle which took place between Pelopidas and Alexander, near Pharsa- lus, the Thessalians were routed. Pelopidas, seeino- his enemy apparently within his reach, and remembering only his injuries, sallied forth, unsupported, like Cyrus, on the field of Cunaxa, at the sight of his brother, to attack him when surrounded by his guards, and fell while fighting bravely. Nothing could exceed the grief of the victorious ^riefofth Thebans in view of this disaster, which was the Thebaus. result of inexcusable rashness. He was endeared by unin- terrupted services from the day he slew the Spartan gov- ernors and recovered the independence of his city. He had taken a prominent part in all the struggles which had raised Thebes to unexpected glory, and was second in abilities to Epamiuondas alone, whom he ever cherished with more than fraternal friendship, without envy and without reproach. All tliat Thebes could do Avas to revenge his death. Alexander was stripped of all his Thessalian dependencies, and confined to his own city, with its territory, near the Gulf of Pegasa. It was while Pelopidas was engaged in his Thessalian campaign, that a conspiracy against the power of Orchomenns Thebes took place in the second city of Boeotia — Thebes. Orchomenus, on Lake Copais. This city was always disaf- fected, and in the absence of Pelopidas in Thessaly, and Epaminondas with a fleet on the Hellespont, some three hundred of the richest citizens undertook to overthrow the existing government. The plot was discovered before it was ripe for execution, the conspirators were executed, the town itself was destroyed, the male adults Unforumato 1 Ml J T , -11-11 fate of the were killed, and the women and children were city. sold into shivery. This barbarous act was but the result of long pent up Theban hatred, but it kindled a great excite- ment against Thebes tlu'oughout Greece. The city, indeed, sympathized with the Spartan cause, and would have been 830 The Be^iiblic of Thehes. [Chap. xxii. destroyed before but for the intercession of Epaminondas, whose policy was ever lenient and magnanimous. It was a matter of profound grief to this general, now re-elected as one of the boeotarchs, that Thebes had stained her name by this cruel vengeance, since he knew it would intensify the increasing animosity against the power which had arrived so suddenly to greatness. Hostilities, as he feared, soon broke out with increased Kenewed bittemcss between Sparta and Thebes. And hostilities, these were precipitated by difficulties in Arcadia, then at war with Elis, and the appropriation of the treasures of Olympia by the Arcadians. Sparta, Elis, and Achaia formed an alliance, and Arcadia invoked the aid of Thebes. The result was that Epaminondas marched with a large army into the Peloponnesus, and mustered his forces at Tegea, which was under the protection of Thebes. His army comprised, besides Thebans and Bceotians, Euboeans, Thessali- ans, Locrians, and other allies from Northern Greece. The Spartans, allied with Elians, Achaeans, and Athenians, united at Mantinea, under the command of Agesilaus, now an old man of eighty, but still vigorous and strong. Tegea lay in the direct road from Sparta to Mantinea, and while Agesi- T^r..r^ir.r.r. l^us was movinsT by a more circuitous route to the das attempts ^^cstward, Epamiuoudas resolved to attempt a Sparta. surprisc on Sparta. This movement was unex- pected, and nothing saved Sparta except the accidental information which Agesilaus received of the movement from a runner, in time to turn back to Sparta and put it in a condition of defense before Ej^aminondas arrived, for Tegea was only about thirty miles from Sparta. The Theban general was in no condition to assault the city, and his enterprise failed, from no fault of his. Seeing that Sparta was defended, he marched back immedi- ately to Tegea, and dispatched his cavalry to surprise Man- tinea, about fifteen miles distant. The surprise was baffled by the unexpected arrival of Athenian cavalry. An encoun- ter took place between these two bodies of cavalry, in which Chap. XXIL] Death of Epaminondas. 331 the Athenians gained an advantage. Epaminondas saw then no chance left for striking a blow but by a pitched battle, with all his forces. He therefore marched fi-om Tegea toward the enemy, who did not expect to be attacked, and was miprepared. He adopted the same tactics that gave him success at Leuctra, and posted himself, with his Theban phalanx on the left, against the opposing His great • T>««iii^iT victory oyer right, and bore down with irresistible force, both the Lacedse- ^ • n -I 1M11 111 moniansat of infantry and cavalry, while he kept back the Mantinea. centre and right, composed of his trustworthy troops, until the battle should be decided. His column, not far from fifty shields in depth, pressed upon the opposing column of only eight shields in depth, like the prow of a trireme impelled against the midships of an antagonist in a sea-fight. This mode of attack was completely successful. Epaminondas broke through the Lacedsemonian line, which turned and fled, but he himself, pressins^ on to the attack, at the -, o -, . 1 n T n TT His death. head of his column, was mortally wounded. He was pierced with a spear— the handle broke, leaving the head sticking in his breast. He at once fell, and his own troops gathered around his bleeding body, giving full ex- pression to their grief and lamentations. Thebes gained, by the battle of Mantinea, the preservation of her Arcadian allies and of her anti-Spartan frontier; while Sparta lost, beyond hope, her ancient prestige and His great power. But the victory was dearly purchased by genius. the death of Epaminondas, who has received, and probably deserves, more unmingled admiration than any hero whom Greece ever produced. He was a great military genius, and introduced new tactics into the art of war. He was a true patriot, thinking more of the glory of his country than his own exaltation. He was a man of great political insight, and merits the praise of being a great statesman. He was, above all, unsullied by vices, generous, devoted, merciful in war, magnanimous in victory, and laborious in Hischarac- peace. He was also learned, eloquent, and wise, *^'^- ruling by moral wisdom as well as by genius. His death 332 The EejpulliG of Thebes. [Chap. XXII. was an irreparable loss — one of those great men whom his country could not spare, and whose services no other man could render. Of modern heroes he most resembles Gusta- vus Adolphus. And as the Thirty Years in Germany loses all its interest after the battle of Leutzen, when the Swedish hero laid down his life in defense of his Protestant brethren, so the Theban contest with Sparta has no great significance after the battle of Mantinea, The only great blunder which Epaminondas made was to encourage his countrymen to compete with Athens for the sovereignty of the seas. That sovereignty was the natural empire of Athens, even as the empire of the land was the glory of Sparta. If these two powers had been contented with their own peculiar sphere, and joined in a true alliance with each other, the empire of Greece might have resisted the encroachments of Philip and Alexander, and defied the growing ascendency of Rome. Shortly after the death of Epaminondas, b. a 362, the Death of greatest man of Spartan annals disappeared from Agesiiaus. ^^ stage of history. Agesilaus died in Egypt, having gone there to assist the king in his revolt from Persia. He also possessed all the great qualities of a prince, a soldier, a statesman and a man. He, too, was ambitious, but onl}^ to perpetuate the power of S|)arta. It was his misfortune to contend with a greater man, but he did all that was in the Deatii of power of a king of Sparta to retrieve her fortunes, Artaxerxes. ^^^ jj^^ deeply lamented and honored. Artaxerxes died B. c. 858, after having subdued the revolt of his satraps and of Egypt, hnving reigned forty-five years, and Ochus suc- ceeded to his throne, taking his fathers name. Athens recovered, during the wars between Sparta and Thebes, much of her former maritime power, and succeeded Philip of ^^ retaking the Chersonese. But another great Macedon. character now arises to our view— Philip of Mace- don, Vv^ho succeciled in overturning the liberties of Greece. But before we present his career, that of Dionysius of Syra- cuse, demands a brief notice, and the great power of Sicily, as a Grecian State, during his life. CHAPTER XXni. DIONTSniS AND SICILY. We have already seen how the Athenian fleet was de- stroyed at the siege of Syracuse, Avhere Nicias and Demos- thenes were so lamentably defeated, which defeat resulted in the humiliation of Athens and the loss of her power as the leading State of Greece. The destruction of this great Athenian armament in Sep- tember, B. c. 413, created an intoxication of triumph in the Sicilian cities. Nearly all of them had joined Syracuse, except I^axos and Catana, which sided with Athens. Agri- gentum was neutral. The Syracnsans were too much exhausted by the contest to push their victory to the loss of the independence of these cities, but they assisted their allies, the Lacedss- Syracuse monians, with twenty triremes ai2^ainst Athens, jjjfur^^of under Hermocrates, while Rhodes furnished a still ^"^^^^i-'^- further re-enforcement, under Dorieus. But the Peloponne- sian war was not finished as soon as the Syracusans anti- cipated. Even the combined Peloponnesian and Syracusan fleets sustained two defeats in the Hellespont. The battle of Cyzicus ^s'as even still more calamitous, since the Spartan admiral Mindarus was slain, and the whole of his fleet was captured and destroyed. The Syracusans sufiered much by this latter defeat, and all their triremes were burned to pre- vent them falling into the hands of their enemies, and the seamen were left destitute on the Propontis, in the satrapy of Pharnabazus. These adverse events led to the disgrace of Hermocrates, who stimulated the movement and promised what he could not perform. But his conduct had been good, 334: Dionysius and Sicily. [Chap. XXIII. and his treatment was unjust and harsh. War recognizes only success, whatever may be the virtues and talents of the commanders ; and this is one of the worst phases of war, when accident and circumstances contribute more to military rewards than genius itself. The banishment of Hermocrates was followed by the triumph of the democratical party, and Diodes, an influential Internal citizeu, was named, with a commission of ten, to condition of . . . t i i m^ ^ j* the city. revisc the constitution and the laws, ihe laws oi Diodes did not remain in force long, and were exceeding severe in their penalties. But they were afterward revived, and copied by other Sicilian cities, and remained in force to the Roman conquest of the island. The Syracusans then prosecuted war with vigor against Kaxos, which sided with Athens, until it was brought to a The wars of suddeu closc by an invasion of the Carthaginians, *!!^,?-^7tui, the ancient foes of Greece. As far back as the Carthage, y^j^j. 480 B. c. — that year which witnessed the inva- sion of Greece by Xerxes — the Carthaginians had invaded Sicily, with a mercenary army under Hamilcar, for the purpose of reinstating the tyrant of Himera, expelled by Theron of Agrigentum. The Carthaginian army was routed, and Hamilcar was slain by Gelon, the tyrant of Syracuse. This defeat was so signal, that it was seventy years before the Car- thaginians again invaded Sicily, shortly after the destruction of Athenian power at Syracuse. No sooner was the pro- tecting naval power of Athens withdrawn from Greece, than the Persians and the Carthaginians pressed upon the Hel- lenic world. It is singular that so little is known of the early his- tory of Carthage, which became the great rival of Rome. It was founded by the Phoenicians, and became a Carthage. . •' , , ^ ' considerable commercial city before Athens had reached the naval supremacy of Greece. Her possessions were extensive on the coast of Africa, both east and west, comprehending Sardinia and the Balearic isles. At the maximum of her power, before the first Punic war, the popu- Chap. XXIII.] Carthage. 335 lation was nearly a million of people. It was built on a fortified peninsula of about twenty miles in circumference, with the isthmus. Upon this isthmus was the citadel Byrsa, surrounded with a triple wall, and crowned at its summit by a magnificent temple of JEsculapius. It possessed three hundred tributary cities in Libya, which was but a small part of the great empire Avhich belonged to it in the fourth century before Christ. All the towns on the coast, even those founded by the Phoenicians, like Hippo and its maritime Utica, were tributary, with the exception of Utica. p"^'*^^- Although the Carthaginians were averse to land service, yet no less than forty thousand hoplites, with one thousand cavalry and two thousand war chariots, marched out from the gates to resist an enemy. But the Carthaginian armies were mostly composed of mercenaries — Gauls, Iberians, and Libyans, and forming a discordant host in language and custom. The political constitution of Carthage was oligarchal. Two kings were elected annually, and presided over the Senate, of three hundred persons, made up from j^g political the principal families. The great families divided constitution, between them, as in Rome, the offices and influence of the State, and maintained an insolent distinction from the people. It was an aristocracy, based on wealth, and created by commerce, as in Venice, in the Middle Ages. There was a demos, or people, at Carthage, who were consulted on particular occasions ; but, whether numerous or not, they were kept in dependence to the rich families by banquets and lucrative employments. The government was stable and well conducted, both for internal tranquillity and commercial ao'a:randizement. The first eminent historical personage was Mago, b. c. 500, who greatly extended the dominions of Carthage. Of his two sons, Hamilcar was defeated and slain by its eminent Gelon of Syi-acuse. The other son, Hasdrubal, ™^°- perished in Sardinia. His sons remained the most powerful citizens of the State, carrying on war against the Moors and 336 Dionysius and Sicily. [Chap. XXIII. other African tribes. Hannibal, grandson of Hamilcar, dis- tinguished himself in an invasion of Sicily, b. c. 410, and with a large army, of one hundred thousand men, stormed and took Selinus, and killed one hundred and sixty thousand of the inhabitants, and carried away captive five thousand more. He then laid siege to Him era, which he also took, and slaughtered three thousand of the inhabitants, in expiation of the memory of his grandfather. These were Grecian cities, and the alarm throughout Greece was profound for this new enemy. These events took place about the time that Herrao- crates was banished for an unsuccessful maritime war. Her- mocrates afterward attempted to enter Syracuse, but was defeated and slain. At this period Dionysius appears upon the stage — for the next generation the most formidable name in the Grecian Dionysius at "vvorld. He had none of the advantages of family Syracuse. ^^ wealth — but was well educated, and espoused the cause of Hermocrates, and rose to distinction during the intestine commotions which resulted from the death of Her- mocrates and the banishment of Diodes, the lawgiver. In 406 B. c, Sicily was again invaded by a large force from Carthagin- Carthai]i*e, estimated by some writers as hio-h as iaiis invade ^ . Sicily. three hundred thousand men, who were chiefly mercenaries. Hannibal was the leader of these forces. All the Greek cities now prepared for vigorous war. The Syra- cusans sent to Sparta and the Italian Greek cities for aid. Agrigentum was most in danger, and most alarmed of the Greek Sicilian cities. It was second only to Syracuse in numbers and wealth, having a population of eight hundred thousand people, thougli this is probably an exaggeration. It was rich in temples and villas and palaces ; its citizens were wealthy, luxurious, and hospitable. The ai-my of Hannibal advanced against this city, which was strongly fortified, and re-enforced by a strong body of troops from Syracuse, under Daphneus. He defeated the Iberian mercenaries, but did not preserve his victory, so that tlie Carthaginians were enabled to take and plunder Agri- Chap. XXIII] Dioiiysius aecejjts Peace. 337 gentum. There was, of course, bitter complaint against the Syracnsan generals, who might have prevented this calamity. In the discontent which succeeded, Dionysius was elevated to tlie command. He procured a vote to restore „. , 1^ Rise of the Ilermocratean exiles, and procured, alao, a body dionysius. of paid guards, and established himself as despot of Syracuse ; and he arrived at this power by demagogic arts, allying him- self with the ultra democratic party. Soon after his elevation, the Carthaginians advanced, under Imolco, to attack Gela, which was relieved by Dionysius with a force of fifty thousand men. Intrenching himself between Gela and the sea, opposite the Carthaginians, he resolved to attack the invaders, but was defeated Defeated by and obliged to retreat, so that Gela fell into the giniatS! hands of the Carthaginians, who perpetrated their usual cruelties. This defeat occasioned a mutiny at Syracuse, and his house was plundered of the silver and gold and valuables which he had already collected. But he rapidly returned to Syracuse, and punished the mutineers, and became master of the city, driving away the rich citizens who had vainly obstructed his elevation. He abolished every remnant of freedom, and ruled despotically with the aid of his mercen- aries, and the common people who rallied to his standard. It was fortunate for him that the Carthaginians, although victors at Gela, made y^roposals of peace, which Carthagini- , . ^ ans make were accepted. Dionysius accepted a peace, the peace. terms of which were favorable to Carthage, in order to se- cure his own power. He betrayed the interests of Sicily to an enemy from selfish and unworthy motives. The whole south of Sicily was consigned to the Carthaginians, and Syracuse to Dionysius. Dion5^sius now concentrated all his efforts to centralize and maintain his power. He greatly strengthened the forti- fications of Syracuse. He constructed -a new Dionysius . centralizes wall. With lofty towers and elaborate defenses, out- his power. side the mole which connected the islet Ortygia with Sicily. He also erected a citadel. He then had an impregnable 22 338 Dionysiiis and Sicily. [Chap. XXIII. stronghold, powerful for attack and defense. The fortress he erected in the islet of Ortygia he filled with his devoted adherents, consisting mostly of foreigners, to whom he as- signed a permanent support and residence. He distributed anew the Syracusan territory, reserving the best lands for his friends, who thus became citizens. By this wholesale confiscation he was enabled to support ten thousand mer- cenary troops, devoted to him and his tyranny. The con- tributions he extorted were enormous, so that in five years twenty per cent of the whole property of Syracuse was paid into his hands. Having thus strengthened his power in Syracuse, he Marches marchcd against the Sikels, in the interior of the against the . i • i in n Sikels. island. J3ut his absence was taken advantage oi by the discontented citizens, who attempted to regain their freedom. He returned at once to Syracuse, and intrenched himself in his fortress, where he was besieged by the insur- gents. The tyrant was now driven to desperation, and nothing saved him but the impregnable fortifications which His critical ^^ ^^^ erected. But his situation was so desperate condition. ^^^^ j^-g adherents melted away, and he began to abandon all hope of retaining his position. As a last re- source, he purchased the aid of a body of Campanian cavalry, in the Carthaginian service, Avhich was stationed at Gela, while he amused the Syracusans, to gain time, by a pretended submission. They agreed to allow him to depart with five triremes, and relaxed the siege, supposing him already sub- dued. Meanwhile the Carthaginian mercenaries arrived and defeated the Syracusans, already dispersed and divided. Dionysius, finding himself rescued and re-established in his dominions, strengthened the fortifications of Ortygia, and employed his forces, now that Syracuse was subdued, in conquering the Grecian cities of Naxos, Catana, and Leon- tini. Strengthened at home and in the interior, Dionysius then prepared to attack the Carthaginians, but previously took measures to insure the defensibility of Syracuse. Six thousand persons were employed on a wall three and a half Chap, xxiil] Marriage of Dionyshts. 339 miles in length, from the fort of Trogilus to Euryalus, the summit of the slope of Epipolse, a high cliff, which strengthens commanded the roads to the city. Six thou- {j'ons'o?^''^" sand teams of oxen were employed in draw- Syracuse. ing the stones from the quarries. This wall was not like Ortygia, a guard-house against the people of Syracuse, but a defense against external enemies. As it was a great pub- lic work of defense, the citizens worked with cheerfulness and vigor, and so enthusiastically did they labor, that the work was completed in twenty days. The city being now impregnable, he commenced preparations for offensive war, and changed his course toward the citizens, pursuing a mild and conciliatory policy. He made peace with Messene and Rhegium, and married a lady from Locri. He collected all the best engineers, mechanics, and artisans from His vast Sicily and Italy, constructed immense machines, JJgpS provided arms from every nation around the Medi- *^"°®' terranean, so that he collected or fabricated one hundred and forty thousand shields and fourteen thousand breastplates, destined for his body-guard and officers, together with a vast number of helmets, spears, and daggers. All these were accumulated in his impregnable fortress of Ortygia. His naval preparations were equally stupendous. The docks of Syracuse were filled with workmen, and two hundred tri- remes were added to the one hundred and ten which already were housed in the docks. The trireme was the largest ship of war which for three hundred years had sailed in the Grecian or Mediterranean waters. But Dionysius con- structed triremes with five banks of oars, and had a navy vastly superior to what Athens ever possessed. He now hired soldiers from every quarter, enlisting Syracusans and the inhabitants of the cities depending upon her. He sent envoys to Italy and the Peloponnesus for recruits, offering the most liberal pay. When all his preparations were completed, he married, on the same day, two wives — the Locrian (Doris), and ^is the Syracusan (Aristomache), and both of these ^^^'■"'g^- 340 Dionysius and Sicily. [Chap. XXIII. women lived with him at the same table in equal dignity. He had three children by Doris, the eldest of whom was Dionysius the Younger, and four by Aristomache. When his nuptials had been celebrated with extraordinary magnifi- cence, and banquets, and fetes, in which the whole popula- tion shared, he convoked a public assembly, and exhorted the citizens to war against Carthage, as the common enemy of Greece, b. c. 397. He then granted permission to plunder the Carthaginian ships in the harbor, and shortly after Marches marclicd out from. Syracuse with an army against Cmthidni- ^^^^ Carthaginians in Sicily, consisting of eighty *"^- thousand men, while a fleet of two hundred triremes and five hundred transports accompanied its march along the coast — the largest military force hitherto assembled un- der Grecian command. The first place he attacked was Motya, north of Cape Lilybseum, in the western extremity of the island, all the Grecian cities under Carthaginian leadership having revolted. This city was both populous and wealthy, built on an islet, „. which was separated from Sicily by a narrow His success. J- _ . strait two-thirds of a mile in width, bridged over by a narrow mole. The Motyans, seeing the approach of so formidable an army, broke up their mole, and insulated themselves from Sicily. The Carthaginians sent a large fleet to assist Motya, under Imilco, but being inferior to that of Dionysius, it could not venture on a pitched battle. Motya made a desperate defense, but a road across the strait being built by the besiegers, the new engines of war carried over it were irresistible, the town was at length carried and plundered, and the inhabitants slaughtered or sold as slaves. The siege occupied the summer, and Dionysius, trium- He returns phaut, retumcd to Syracuse. But Imilco being to Syracuse, ejeyated to the chief magistracy of Carthage, brought over to Sicily an overwhelming force, collected from all Africa and Iberia, amounting to one hundred thousand men, afterward re-enforced by thirty thousand more, at the lowest estimate, with four hundred ships and six hundred Chap. XXIII.] Siege of Syracuse. 341 transports. This army disembarked at Panormus, on the northwestern side of the island (Palermo) retook Motya, regained Eryx, then marched east and captured Messene, at the extreme eastern part of the island near Italy, which prevented Dionysius from getting aid from Italy. The Sikels also rebelled, and Dionysius, greatly disquieted by the loss of all his conquests, and by approaching dangers, strengthened the fortifications of Syracuse, to which he had retired, and made preparations to resist the enemy. He had still a force of thirty thousand foot and three thousand horse, and one hundred and eighty ships of war. He sent also to Sparta for aid. He then advanced to Catana. His naval A naval battle took place off this city, gained by Catana. the Carthaginians, from superior numbers. One hundred of the Syracusan ships were destroyed, with twenty thousand men, b. c. 395. After this defeat, Dionysius retreated to Syracuse with his land forces, amid great discontent, and invoked the aid of Sparta and Corinth. Imilco advanced also to imiicoiays .... . siege to Syracuse, while his victorious fleet occupied the Syracuse. great harbor — a much more imposing armament than that the Athenians had at the close of the Persian war. The total number of vessels was two thousand. Imilco estab_ lished his head-quarters at the temple of Zeus Olympius, one mile and a half from the city, and allowed his troops thirty days for plunder over the Syracusan territory; then he established fortified posts, and encircled his camp with a wall, and set down in earnest to reduce the city to famine. But as he was not master of Epipolie, as Nicias was, Syracuse was able to communicate with the country around, both west and north, and also found means to secure su^^plies by sea. Meanwhile the Syracusans defeated a portion of the Car- thag^inian fleet, and a terrific pestilence overtook Disasters of 1 "~ 1 r« 1 • mi •!• the Car- the army beiore the city, ihe military strength thadnians. of the Carthaginians was prostrated by the terrible malady, which swept away one hundred and fifty thousand persons 34:2 Dio7iysms and Sicily. [Chap. XXIII. in the camp. When thus weakened and demoralized, the Carthaginians were attacked by the Syracusans, and were completely routed. The fleet was also defeated and set on fire, and the conflagration reached the camp, which was thus attacked by pestilence, fire, and sword. The disaster was fatal to the Carthaginians, and retreat was necessary. Imilco dispatched a secret envoy to Dionysius, offering three hundred talents if the fleet was allowed to sail away unmolested to Africa. This could not be permitted, but They retire Imilco and the native Carthaginians were allowed from Syra- . • . . n •, -i euse. to retire, ihe remammg part oi the army, de- prived of their head, was destroyed, with the exception of the Sikels, who knew the roads, and made good their escape. This immense disaster, greater than that the Athenians had suffered under Nicias, produced universal mourning and distress at Carthage, while the miserable Imilco vainly Death of cndcavoring to disarm the wrath of his country- imiico. men, shut himself up in his house, and starv^ed himself to death. This misfortune led also to a revolt of the African allies, which was subdued with difficulty, while the power of Carthage in Sicily was reduced to the lowest ebb. Dionysius was now left to push his conquests in other direc- tions, and Syracuse was rescued from impending ruin. Dionysius had now reigned eleven years, with absolute power. The pestilence, and the treachery of Imilco, had freed him of the Carthaginians. But a difficulty arose as to Financial the payment of his mercenaries, which he compro- mentrof^ miscd by giving them the rich territory of Leontini, Dionysius. g^ x\i2i:t ten tliousand quitted Syracuse, and took up their residence in the town. The cost of maintaining a large standing army was exceeding burdensome, and we only wonder how the tyrant found means to pay it, and prosecute at the same time such great improvements. He now directed his attention to the Sikels, in the in- Makes him- terior of the island, and took several of their self master in n ^ i - ^ t of Messene. towns, Dut irom One 01 them he met with desperate Chap. XXIII.] Dionysius invades Sicily, 343 resistance, and came near losing his life from a wound by a spear which penetrated his cuirass. This repulse caused the Carthaginians to rally in the west of the island, under Magon, with an array of eighty thousand. But he was repulsed by Dionysius, and concluded a truce with him, which gave the latter leisure to make himself master of Messene and Tau- rominium — the two most important maritime posts on the Italian side of Sicily, and thus prepare for the invasion of the Greek cities in the south of Italy, b. a 391. Dionysius departed from Syracuse, b. c. 389, with a power- ful force, to subdue the Italiot Greeks, and laid jn^adea siege to Caulonia. He defeated their army, and ^^'-^'^^^ slew their general. The victor treated the defeated Greeks with lenity, and then laid siege to Rhegium, to which he granted peace on severe terms. Caulonia and Hipponiura, two cities whose territory occupied the breadth of the Cala- brian peninsula, fell into his hands. Rhegium surrendered after a desperate defense, and Phyton, who commanded the town, was treated with brutal inhumanity. The town was dismantled, and all the territory of Southern Calabria was united to Locri. It was at this time that the peace of Autal- cidas took place, which put an end to the Spartan wars in Asia Minor. The ascendant powers of Greece were now Sparta and Syracuse, each fortified by alliance with the other. Croton, the largest city in Magna Grecia, was now conquer- ed by Dionysius, who plundered the temple of Here, conquers near Cape Lacinium, and among its treasure was a ^^''^'^^• splendid robe, decorated in the most costly manner, which the conqueror sold to the Carthaginians, which long re- mained one of the ornaments of their city. The value and beauty of the robe may be estimated at the price paid for it — one hundred and twenty talents, more than one hundred thousand dollars. He now undertook a maritime expedition along the coast of Latiu'm and Etruria, and pillaged the rich temple at Agylla, stri]3ping it of gold and ornaments to the value of 344 Dionysius and SlGily. [Chap. XXIII. one thousand talents. So great was the celebrity he acquir- ed, that the Gauls of Northern Italy, who had recently Becomes sackcd Romc, proffered their alliance and aid. sliuthera Mastcr of Sicily and Southern Italy, he inspired, by Italy. ijjg unscrupulous plundering of temples, the great- est terror and dislike throughout Central Greece. He then entered as competitor at the festivals of Greece for the prize of tragic poetry. But so contemptible were his poems, they were disgracefully hissed and ridiculed. Especially those Hissed at the poems which were recited at Olympeia — where he Grecian i • t i t • i • i n games. Sent legations decked m the richest garments, lur- nished with gold and silver, and provided with splendid tents — were received with a storm of hisses, which plunged him in an agony of shame and grief, and drove him nearly mad, and made him conscious of the deep hatred which everywhere existed toward him. All his rich displays, which surpassed every thing that had ever before been seen in that holy plain, were worse than a failure — because they came from him. Not all his grandeur in Syracuse could save him from the disgrace and insults which he had received in Olympeia. It was at this time, b. c. 387, that Plato visited Sicily on a voyage of inquiry and curiosity, chiefly to see Mount ^Etna, and was introduced to Dion, then a young man in Syracuse, and brother-in-law to Dionysius. Dion was so impressed with the conversation of Plato, that he invited the tyrant to talk Avith him also. Plato discours- ed on virtue and justice, showing that happiness belonged only to the virtuous,- and that despots could not lay claim even to the merit of true courage — most unpalatable doctrine to the tyrant, who became bitterly hostile to the philoso- pher. He even caused Plato to be exposed in the market as a slave, and sold for twenty miiia?, which his friends paid and released him. On his voyage home, through tlie in- fluence of the tyrant, he was again sold at Egina, and again repurchased, and set at liberty. So bitter are' tyrants of the virtues which contrast vfith their misdeeds; and Chap. XXIII,] Death of Dionysius. 345 so vindictive especially was the despot who reigned at Syracuse. Dionysiiis was now occupied by the new defenses and for- tifications of his capital, so that the whole slope of Power and -I-.- i-iTT Ti • wealth of Epipolae was bordered and protected by massive Dionysius. walls and towers, and five divisions of the city had each its separate fortifications, so that it was the largest fortified city in all Greece — larger than Athens herself. The plunder the tyrant had accumulated enabled him to make new preparations for a war with Carthage. But he was defeated in a screat battle at Cronium, Avith Defeated in a ^3 ' _ war with terrible loss, by the youthful son of Magon, which Carthage. compelled him to make peace, and cede to Carthage all the territory of Sicily west of the river Halycus, and pay a tri- bute of one thousand talents. Very little is recorded of Dionysius after this peace, b. c. 382, for thirteen years, during which the Spartans had made them- selves master of Thebes, and placed a garrison in Cadmea. In the year 368 he made war again with Carthage, but was defeated near Lilybseum, and forced to return to ^^^.^ ^j^feat- Syracuse. In the year 367 it would seem that he ^^• was at last successful with his poems, for he gained the prize of tragedy at the Lenaean festival at Athens, which so intoxi- cated him with joy, that he invited his friends to a splendid banquet, and died from the effects of excess and Gains a prize Wine, after a reign of thirty-eight years. He was dies from a a man of restless energy and unscrupulous ambi- bauchery. tion. His personal bravery was great, and he was vigilant and long sighted — a man of great abilities, sullied by cruelty and jealousy. In his spare time he composed tragedies to compete for prizes. No other Greek had ever arrived at so great power from a humble position, or achieved so striking exploits abroad, or preserved his grandeur so unimpared at his death. But he was greatly favored by fortune, espe- cially when the pestilence destroyed the hosts of „. , ■J I J ^ His charac- Imilco. He maintained his power by intimidation t*^""- of his subjects, careful organization, and liberal ^-^y to his 346 Dionysms and Sicily. [Chap. XXII] mercenaries. He cared nothing for money excepting as a means to secure dominion. His exactions were exorbitant, and his rapacity boundless. He trusted no one, and his sus- picion was extended even to his wives. He aUowed no one to shave him, and searched his most intimate friends for con- cealed weapons before they were allowed in his presence. He made Syracuse a great fortress, to the injury of Sicily and Italy, and fiincied that he left his dominions fastened by cliains of adamant. He could point to Ortygia with its impregnable fortifications, to a large army of mercenaries — to four hundred ships of war, and to vast magazines of arms and military stores. He left no successor competent to rivet the chains he had forsred. His son Dionysius succeeded to his throne at the age of twenty-five. His brother-in- law Dion was the next prominent member of his family, and possessed a fortune of one hundred talents — a man of great capacity, ambitious, luxurious, but fond of literature and philosophy. He was, however, so much influenced by Plato, whose Socratic talk and democratic principles enchained and fascinated him, that his character became essentially modi- fied, and he learned to hate the despotism under which he grew up, and formed large schemes for political reform. He aspired to cleanse Syracuse of slavery, and clothe her in the dignity of freedom, by establishing an improved constitu- tional polity, with laws which secured individual rights. He exchanged his luxurious habits for the simple fare of a philosopher. Never before had Plato met with a pupil who so profoundly and earnestly profited from his instructions. The harsh treatment which Plato received from the tyrant was a salutary warning to Dion. He saw that patience was imperatively necessary, and he so conducted as to maintain the favor of Dionysius. Dionysius H. was twenty-five years old when his father Dionysius died, and thougli he possessed generous impulses, ^^' was both weak and vain, given to caprice, and insatiate of praise. He had been kept from business from the Chap. XXIIL] Dionysius II. 847 excessive jealousy of his father, and his life had been passed in idleness and luxury at the palace of Ortygia. His father's taste for poetry had introduced guests to his table whose conversation opened his mind to generous sentiments, but the indecision of his character prevented his profit- jjj^ ^^^-^^^ ing from any serious studies. Dion supported '^^aracter. this feeble novice on the throne of his father, and tried to gain influence over him, and frankly suggested the measures to be adopted, and Dionysius listened at first to his wise counsels. Dion wished to make Syracuse a free city, with good laws, to expel the Carthaginians from Sicily, and replant the semi-barbarian Hellenic cities. He also endeav- ored to reform the life of Dionysius as well as Syracuse, and actually wrought a signal change in his royal pupil, so that he desired to see and converse with the great sage who had so completely changed the life of Dion, and inspired him with patriotic enthusiasm. Accordingly, Plato ^^^^^ ^jg^^s was sent for, who reluctantly consented to visit. Syracuse. Syracuse. He had no great faith in the despot who sought his wisdom, and he did not wish, at sixty-one, to leave his favorite grove, with admiring disciples from every part of Greece, where he reigned as monarch of the mind. He went to Syracuse, not with the hope so much of converting a weak tyrant, as from unwillingness to desert his friend, and be taunted with the impotence of his philosophy. He was received with great distinction at court, and a royal carriage conveyed him to his lodgings. The banquets of the Acropolis became distinguished for simplicity, and the royal pupil commenced at once in taking lessons in geometry. The old courtiers were alarmed, and disgusted. " A single Athenian sophist," they said, " with no force but his tongue and reputation, has achieved the conquest of Syracuse." Dionysius seemed to have abdicated in favor of Plato, and the noble objects for which Dion labored seemed to be on the way of fulfillment. But Plato acted injudi- His injudi- ♦^ CTous teacn- ciously, and spoiled his influence by unreasonable ings. vigor. It was absurd to expect that the despot would go 348 Dionysius and Sicily. [Chap. XXIII. to scliool lilce a boy, and insist npon a mental regeneration before he gave hira lessons of practical wisdom in politics. All the necessary reforms were postponed on the ground that the royal pupil was not yet ripe for them, and every influence was exerted to show him his own un worthiness — that his whole past life had been vicious — delicate ground for any teacher to assume, since he irritated rather than re- formed. He was even averse to any political changes until Dionysius had gone through his schooling. Plato also maintained a proud, philosophical dignity, showing no respect to persons, and refusing to the defects of his pupil any more indulgence than he granted to those who listened to his teachings at home. Such a mistake was attended soon with difficulties. The old courtiers recovered their influence. Dion was calumniated and slandered, as seeking to usurp the sovereign powers, and that Plato was brought to Syracuse as an agent in the con- spiracy. Plato tried to counterwork this mischief, but in vain. Dionysius lost all inclination to reform, and Dion was hated, for he was superior to his nephew in dignity and ability, and was haughty and austere in his mannei^s. He Banishment ^'^^ accordingly banished from Syracuse, and of Dion. Plato was retained in the Acropolis, but was other- wise well treated, and entreated to remain. The tyrant, however, refused to recall Dion, but consented to the depar- Second visit "^^^^'^ ^^ Plato. Another visit to Syracuse, which of Plato. Yie made with the hope of securing the recall of Dion, was a splendid captivity, and although he was treated with extraordinary deference, he was not at rest until he obtained permission to depart. He had failed in his mission of benevolence and friendship. All the vast possessions of Dion were confiscated, and Plato had the mortification to hear of this injury in the very palace to which he went as a reformer. Incensed at the seizure of his property, and hopeless of Dion in permission to return, and of all those reforms which exile. jjQ ijg^^ projected, Dion now meditated the over- Chap. XXIIIJ Dion in Exile, 349 throw of the power of Dionysius, and his own restoration at the point of the sword. During his exile he had Meditates chiefly resided in Athens, enjoying the teaching thmwof of his friend Plato, and dispensing liis vast wealth '<^">sius. in generous charities. Nor did Plato fully approve of his plans for the overthrow of Dionysius, anticipating little good from such violence, although he fully admitted his wrongs. But other friends, less judicious and more interested, warmly seconded his projects. With aid from various sources, he at last could muster eight ?mndred veterans, with which he ventured to attack the most powerful despot in Greece, and in his own stronghold. And so enthusiastic was Dion, all disparity of forces was a matter of indifference. Moreover, he accounted it glory and honor to perish in so just and noble a cause as the liberation of Sicily from a weak and cruel despot, every way inferior to his father in character, though as strong in resources. But the friends of Dion did not dream of throwing away their lives. They calculated on a rising of the Syracusans to throw off an insupportable yoke, and they had utter con- tempt for the tyrant himself, knowing his drunken habits, and effeminate character, and personal incompetency. So, after ten years' exile, Dion, with his followers. He lands ia landed in Sicily, at Heracleia, also in the absence ^^'^^^y- of Dionysius, who had quitted Syracuse for Italy, with eighty triremes, so tliat the city was easy of access. This unaccountable mistake of the tyrant in leaving his capital at such a crisis, was regarded with great joy by the small army of Dion, Avhich marched out at once from Hera- cleia, and was joined in the Agrigentian territory with two hundred horsemen. As he approached Syracuse, other bauds joined him, so that he had five thousand men as he approached the capital. Timocrates, the husband of Dion's late wife, for his wife was taken away from him, was left in command at Syracuse with a large force of mercenaries. But as Dion advanced to the city, there was a general rising of the citi- zens, and Timocrates was obliged to return, leaving the fort- 350 Dionysius in Sicily. [Chap. XXIH. resses garrisoned. Dion entered the city by the principal Enters syra- street, which was decorated as on a day of jubilee, umph. and proclaimed liberty to all. He was also chosen general, with his brother Megacles, and approached Ortygia, and challenged the garrison to come out and fight. He then succeeded in capturing Epipolse and Eurylse, those fortified quarters, and erected a cross wall from sea to sea to block up Ortygia. At the end of seven days, when all these results had been accomplished, Dionysius returned to Syracuse, but Orty- gia was the only place which remained to him, and that, too, shut up on the land side by a blockading wall. The rest of the city was in possession of his enemies, though those Demands euemics wcrc subjects. His abdication was imper- tioVof '*^^ atively demanded by Dion, who refused all concil- Dionybius. jr^tiou and promises of reform. Rallying, then, his soldiers, he made a sally to surprise the blockading wall, and was nearly successful, but Dion, at length, repulsed his forces, and recovered the wall. Ortygia was again block- aded, but as Dionysius was still master of the sea, he ravaged the coasts for provisions, and maintained his position, until the arrival of Heraclides, with a Peloponnesian fleet, gave the Syracusans a tolerable naval force. Philistus commanded the fleet of Dionysius, but in a battle with Heraclides, he lost his life. Dionysius now lost all hope of recovering his power by Dionysius force, and resorted to intriorues, stimulatinor the resorts to . ' . . f. intrigues. rivalry of Heraclides, and exposing the defects of Dion, whose arrogance and severity were far from making him popular. Calumnies now began to assail Dion, and he was mistrusted by the Syracusans, who feared only an exchange of tyrants. There was also an unhappy dissension between Dion and Heraclides, which resulted in the deposi- Un oiuiar- ^^^^ ^^ Dion, and he was forced to retreat from ity of Dion. Syracuse, and seek shelter with the people of Leon- tini, who stood by him. Dionysius again had left Ortygia for Italy, leaving his son in commj^i\otj and succeeded iu Chap. XXHI.] Dion's Mistakes, 351 Bending re-enforcements from Locri, under Nypsius, so that the garrison of Ortygia was increased to ten thousand men, with ample stores. Nypsius sallied from the fortress, mas- tered the blockading wall, and entered Neapolis and Achra- dina, fortified quarters of the city. The Syracusans, in dis- tress, then sent to Leontini to invoke the aid of Dion, who returned as victor, drove Nypsius into his fortress, and saved Syracuse. He also magnanimously pardoned Heraclides, and prosecuted the blockade of Ortygia, and was again named general. Still Heraclides, who was allowed to com- mand the fleet, continued his intrigues, and frustrated the operations against Dionysius. At last, Ortygia surrendered to Dion, who entered the fortress, where he found But Ortygria •^1- ^ 1 11T1 surrenders his wife and sister, from whom he had been sepa- to him. rated twelve years. At first, Arete, his wife, who had con- sented to marry Timocrates, was afraid to approach him, but he received her with the tenderest emotion and affection. His son, however, soon after died, having fallen into the drunken habits of Dionysius. Dion was now master of Syracuse, and on the pinnacle of power. His enterprise had succeeded against all pion master probabilities. But prosperity, which the Greeks "f Syracuse. were never able to bear, poisoned all his good qualities and exaggerated his bad ones. He did not fall into the luxury of his predecessors. He still wore the habit of a philosopher, and lived with simplicity, but he made public mis- jjjg ^^jg. takes. His manners, always haughty, became ^''''^''^• repulsive. He despised popularity. He conferred no real liberty. He retained his dictatorial power. He preserved the fortifications of Ortygia. He did not meditate a per- manent despotism, but meant to make himself king, with a modified constitution, like that of Sparta. He had no popular sympathies, and sought to make Syracuse, like Corinth, com- pletely oligarchal. He took no step to realize any measure of popular freedom, and, above all, refused to demolish the fortress, behind whose fortifications the tyrants of Syracuse had intrenched themselves in danger. He also caused Hera- 352 Dionysins and Sicily. [Chap. xxni. elides to be privately assassinated, so that the Syracusans began to hate him as cordially as they had hated Dionysius. This unpopularity made him in-itable, and suspicious and dis- quieted. A conspiracy, headed by Callippus, put an end to his reign. He was slain by the daggers of assassins. Thus perished one of the noblest of the Greeks, but without sufficient virtue to bear success. His great defect was inexperience in government, and it may be doubted whether Plato himself could have preserved liberty in so Hischarac- corrupt a City as Syracusc. The character of Dion *®''- also changed greatly by his banishment, since vin- dictive sentiments were paramount in his soul. He had a splendid opportunity of becoming a benefactor to his country, but this was thrown away, and instead of giving liberty he only ruled by force, and moved from bad to worse, until he made a martyr of the man whom once he magnanimously forgave. Had he lived longer, he probably would have proved a remorseless tyrant like Tiberius. So rare is it for men to be temperate in the use of power, and so much easier is it to give expression to grand sentiments than prac- tice the self-restraint which has immortalized the few Wash- ingtons of the world. The Athenian Callippus, who overturned Dion, remained master of Syracuse for more than a year, but its condition was miserable and deplorable, convulsed by passions and Dionysius hostile interests. In the midst of the anarchy recovers ... . Ortygia. whlch prevailed, Dionysius contrived to recover Ortygia, and establish himself as despot. The Syracusans endured more evil than before, for the returned tyrant had animosities to gratify. There was also fresh danger from Carthage, so that the Syracusans appealed to their mother Syracuse ^^^Yi Corinth, for aid. Timoleon was chosen as the Srak^of general of the forces to be sent — an illustrious citi- Corinth. ^eu of Coriuth, then fifty years of age, devoted to the cause of liberty, with hatred of tyrants and wrongs, who Timoleon had cveu slaiu his brother when he trampled on the sent as . general. liberties of Corinth — and a brother whom he loved. Chap. XXIII.] Timoleon 353 But he was forced to choose between him and his coun- try, and he chose his country, securing the gratitnde of Corinth, but the curses of his mother and the agonies of self- reproach, so that he left for years the haunts of men, and buried himself in the severest solitude. Twenty years elapsed from the fratricide to his command of a force to re- lieve the Syracusans from their tyrant Dionysius. Timoleon commenced his preparations of ships and soldiers with alacrity, but his means were scanty, not equal even to those of Dion when he embarked on his expedition. He was prevented with his small force from reaching Sicily by a Car thaginian fleet of superior force, but he effected his jjj^ ^on^jej.. purpose by stratagem, and landed at Taurominiun ^^' successes. under great discouragements. He defeated Hicetas, who had invoked the aid of Carthage, at Adranum, and marched unimpeded to the walls of Syracuse. Dionysins, blocked up at Ortygia, despaired of his position, and resolved to sur- render the fortress, stipulating for a safe conveyance and shelter at Corinth, This tyrant, broken by his drunken habits, did not care to fight, as his father did, for a sceptre so difficult to be maintained, and only sought his ease and self-indulgence. So he passed into the camp of Timoleon with what money he could raise, and the fortress was sur- rendered. A re-enforcement from Corinth enabled Timoleon to maintain his ground. The appearance of the fallen tyrant in Corinth produced a o-reat sensation. Some from curiosity, others from Dionysius ^ . . an exile in sympathy, and still more from derision, went to corinth. see a man who had enjoyed so long despotic power, now suing only for a humble domicile. But his conduct, consid- ering his drunken habits, was marked by more dignity than was to be expected from so weak a man. He is said to have even opened a school to teach boys to read, and to have in- structed the public singers in reciting poetry. His career, at least, was an impressive commentary on the mutability of fortune, to which the Greeks were fully alive. Timoleon, in possession of Ortygia, with its numerous 23 354: Dionysius and Sicily . [Chap. XXIEL stores, found himself able to organize a considerable force to oppose the Carthaginians who sought to get possession of the fortress. Hicetas, now assisted by a Carthaginian force under Magon, attacked Ortygia, but was defeated by the Corinthian Neon, who acquired Achradina, and joined it by a wall to Ortygia. But Magon now distrusted Hicetas, and Timoieon de- Suddenly withdrew his army. Timoleon thus be- Sronghoki^o^f camc niastcr of Syracuse, and Hicetas was obliged tyranny. ^^ retire to Leontini. Timoleon ascribed his good fortune to the gods, but purchased a greater hold on men's minds than fortune gave him by his moderation in the hour of success — a striking contrast to Dion and the elder Dionys- ius. He invited the Syracusans to demolish the stronghold of tyranny, where the despots had so long intrenched them- His noble sclvcs. He erected courts of justice on its site. He tion. recalled the exiles, and invited new colonists to the impoverished city, so that sixty thousand immigrants arrived. He relieved the poverty and distress of the people by selling the public lands, and employed his forces to expel remaining despots from the island. But Hicetas again invited the Carthaginians to Sicily. They came, with a vast array of seventy thousand men and twelve hundred ships, under Hasdrubal and Hamilcar, b. c. 840. Timoleon could only assemble twelve thousand to meet this overwhelming force, but with these he marched against His great ^^® Carthaginians, and gained a great victory, by Sfclrtba-'' ^^^ ^^^ ^^ ^ terrible storm which pelted the Car- gimans. thagiuiaus in the face. No victory was ever more complete than this at Crimisus. Ten thousand of the invad- ers were slain, and fifteen thousand made prisoners, together with an enormous spoil. Timoleon had now to deal with two Grecian enemies — Hicetas and Mamercus — tyrants of Leontini and Catana. Over these he gained a complete victory, and put them He lays to death. He then, after having delivered Syra- down his tt^ ■^ -i • • I'li i- power. cuse, and defeated his enemies, laid down his power, and became a private citizen. But his influence re- Chap. XXIII.] Death of Timoleon, 353 mained, as it ought to have been, as great as ever, for he was a patriot of most exalted virtue, a counselor whom all could trust — a friend wdio sacrificed his own interests. And he exerted his influence for the restoration of Syracuse, for the introduction of colonists, and the enforcement of wise laws. The city was born anew, and the gratitude and admiration of the citizens were unbounded. In his latter years he be- came blind, but his presence could not then even be spared when any serious difficulty arose — ruling by the moral power of wisdom and sanctity — one of the best and loftiest charac- ters of all antiquity. And nothing was more remarkable than his patience under contradiction, and his eagerness to insure freedom of speech, even against himself Thus, by the virtues and wisdom of this remarkable man, were freedom and comfort diffused throughout Sicily for twenty-four years, until the despotism of Agath- His death ocles. Timoleon died b. c. 337 — a father and ter. benefactor — and the Syracusans solemnized his funeral with lavish honors, which was attended by a countless procession, and passed a vote to honor him for all future time with fes tive matches, in music and chariot-races, and such gymnas- tics as were practiced at the Grecian games. A magnificent monument was erected to his memory. " The mournful let- ters written by Plato after the death of Dion contrasts strikingly with the enviable end of Timoleon, and with the grateful inscription of the Syracusans on his tomb." CHAPTEE XXIY. PHILIP OF MACEDON. No ONE would have supposed, b. c. 400, that the destruc- tion of Grecian liberties would come from Macedonia — a Unexpected scmi-barbarous kingdom which, during the ascend- donia. BYicj of Sparta, had so little j)olitical importance. And if any new power threatened to rise over the ruins of the Spartan State, and become paramount in Greece, it was Thebes. The successes of Pelopidas and E]3aminondas had effectually weakened the power of Sparta. She no longer enjoyed the headship of Greece. She no longer was the leader of dependent allies, submitting to her dictation in all external politics, serving under the officers she appointed, administering their internal affairs by oligarchies devoted to her purposes, and even submitting to be ruled by governors whom she put over them. She had lost her foreign auxiliary force and dignity, and even half of her territory in Laconia. The Peloponnesians, who once rallied around her were disunited, and Megalopolis and Messene were hostile. Corinth, Sicyon, Epidaurus, and other cities, formerly allies, stood aloof, and the grand forces of Hellas now resided out- side of the Peloponnesus. Athens and Thebes were the new seats of power. Athens had regained her maritime supre- macy, and Thebes was formidable on the land, having absorbed one-third of the Bceotian territory, and destroyed three or four autonomous cities, and secured powerful allies in Thessaly. When the battle of Mantinea was fought, at which Epami- nondas lost his life, Percliccas, son of Amyntas, was the king of Macedonia. He was slain, in the flower of his life, in a Chap. XXIV.] Revolt of Lesbos. 357 battle with the lUyrians, b. c. 359. On the advice of Plato, who had been his teacher, he was induced to be- p^j^- ^^ stow upon bis brother Philip a portion of territory Maccdon. in Macedonia, who for three years preceding had been living in Thebes as a hostage, carried there by Pelopidas at fifteen years of age, when he had reduced Macedonia to j)artial sub- mission. At Thebes the young prince was treated with courtesy, and resided with one of the principal citizens, and pj^.^p ^^ received a good education. He was also favored Thebes. with the society of Pelopidas and Epaminondas, and wit- nessed with great interest the training of the Theban forces by these two remarkable men — one the greatest organizer, and the other the greatest tactician of the age. When trans- ferred from Thebes to a subordinate government of a district in his brother's kingdom, he organized a military force on the principles he had learned in Thebes. The unexpected death of Perdiccas, leaving an infant son, opened to him the prospect of succeeding to the throne. He first assumed the government as guardian of his young nephew Arnyntas, but the difficulties with which he was surrounded, having many competitors from other princes of the family of Arnyntas, his father, that he assumed the crown, putting to death one of his half-brothers, while the other two fled into exile. His first proceeding as king was to buy the Thracians, his enemies, by presents and promises, so that only the Athenians and the Illyrians remained formidable. But he surrender of made peace with Athens by yielding up Amphipo- ^mphipoiia. lis, for the possession of which the Athenians had made war in Macedonia. The Athenians, however, neglected to take possession of Amphipolis, being engaged in a struggle to regain the island of Euboea, then under the dominion of Thebes. It also hap- pened that a revolt of a laro;e number of the islands Revolt from ^ . ^ Aliens of of the ^^srean, which belono-ed to the confederacy Le?b<>s. cbi- . . ^ OS. Samos, of which Athens was chief, took place — Lesbos, &c. Chios, Samos, Cos, and Rhodes, including Byzantium. This 358 Philip of Macedon. [Chap. XXTV. revolt is called the social war, caused by the selfishness of Athens in actinsr more for her own interest than that of her alHes, and neglecting to pay the mercenaries in her service. The revolt was also stimulated by the intrigues of the Carian prince, Mausolus. But it was a serious blow to the foreign ascendency of Athens, and in a battle to recover these islands, the Athenians, under Cbabrias, were defeated at Chios. They were also unsuccessful on the Hellespont from quar- rels among their generals — Timotheus, Iphicrates, and Chares. The popular voice at Athens laid the blame of defeat on the two former unjustly, in consequence of which Timotheus was fined one hundred talents, the largest fine ever imposed at Death of Athcus, and shortly after died in exile — a distin- Timotheus. guished man, who had signally maintained the honor and glory of his country. Iphicrates also was never employed again. The loss of these two generals could scarcely be repaired. Soon after, peace was made with the revolted cities, by which their independence and autonomy were guaranteed. This was an inglorious result of the war to Athens, and fatally impaired her power and dignity, so that she was unable to make a stand against the aggressions of Philip. One of the first things he did after defeating the lUyrians Philip lays was to lay siege to Amphipolis, although he had phfpuiis. ceded the city to Athens. For this treachery there w^as no other reason than ambition and the weakened power of Athens. Amphipolis had long remained free, and was not disposed to give up its liberties, and sent to Athens for aid. Philip, an arch politician, contrived by his intrigues to prevent Athens from giving assistance. The neglect of Athens was a great mistake, for Amphipolis commanded the passage over the Strymon, and shut up Macedonia from the east, and was, moreover, easily defensible by sea. Deprived Pall of the of aid from Athens, the city fell into the hands of «ity. Philip, and was an acquisition of great importance. It was the most convenient maritime station in Thrace, and threw open to him all the country east of the Strymon, and Chap. XXIY.] The Sacred War, 859 especially the gold region near Mount Pangiieiis. This place henceforward became one of the bulwarks of Macedonia, until the Roman conquest. Having obtained this place, he commenced, without a de- claration of war against Athens, a series of hostile measures, while he professed to be her friend. He deprived her of her hold upon the Thermaic Gulf, conquered Pydna papii(.ity of and Potidsea, and conciliated Olynthus. His i'^^'^P- power was thus so far increased that he founded a new city, called Philippi, in the regions where his gold mines yielded one thousand talents yearly. He then married Olympias, daughter of a prince of the Molossi, who gave birth, in the year b. c. 356, to a son destined to conquer the world. The capture of Amphipolis by Philip was, of course, fol- lowed by war with Athens, which lasted twelve ^^rwuh years. And this war commenced at a time Athens ^t^'^^s- was in great embarrassments, owing to the social war. But he was aided by another event of still greater import- ance — ^the sacred war, which for a time convulsed r^^^ sacred the Hellenic world, and which grew out of the ^'^^• accusation of Thebes, before the Amphictyonic Council, that Sparta had seized her citadel in time of profound peace. The sentence of the council, that Sparta should pay a fine of five hundred talents, was a departure of Grecian custom, and Sparta refused to pay it, which refusal led to her exclusion from the council, the Delphic temple, and the Pythian games, and this exclusion again arrayed the different States of Greece against each other, as to the guardianship of the Oracle itself. Philip of Macedon seized this opportunity, when so many States were engaged in w^ar, to prosecute his schemes. He attacked Methone, the last remaining possession of Athens < on the Macedonian coast, and captured the city, and then advanced into Thessaly against the despots of Pherge, who invoked the aid of Onomarchus, now very powerful. It was at this time, b. c. 353, that Demosthenes, the orator, appeared before the Athenian people. He was about twenty- 360 Philip of Macedon. [Chap. XXIV. seven years of age, and the wealth of his father secured him ,. screat advantao'es in education. His father died Demos- <^ o thenes. while he was young, and his property was confid- ed to the care of guardians, named in his father's will. But they administered the property with such negligence, that only a small sum came to Demosthenes when he attained his civil majority, at the age of sixteen. After repeated com- plaints, he brought a judicial action against one of the guar- dians, and obtained verdict against him to the extent of ten talents. But the guardian delayed the payment, and De- mosthenes lost nearly all his pati'imony. He had, however, received a good education, and in spite of a feeble constitu- tion, he mastered all the learning of the age. His family influence enabled him to get an early introduction to public affairs, and he proceeded to train himself as a speaker, and a writer of speeches for others. He put himself under the teaching of a famous rhetorician, Isreus, and profited by „. the discourses of Plato and Isocrates then in the His accom- plishments, heisrht of their fame. He also was a g-reat student of Thucydides, and copied his Avhole histoi-y, with his own hand, eight times. He still had to contend against a poor voice, and an ungraceful gesticulation; but by unwearied labor he overcame his natural difficulties so as to satisfy the most critical Athenian audience. But this conquest in self- education was only made by repeated trials and humiliations, and it is said he even spoke with pebbles in his mouth, and prepared himself to overcome the noise of the Assembly by declaiming in stormy weather on the sea-shore. He sometimes passed two or three months in a subterranean chamber, practicing by day and by night, both in composition and de- clamation, such pains did those old Greeks take to perfect themselves in art; for public speaking is an art, as well as literary composition. He learned Sophocles by heart, and took lessons from actors even to get the true accent. It was several years before he was rewarded with success, and then his delivery was full of vehemence and energy, but elaborate and artificial. But it was not mere labor which made De- CiiAp. XXIV.] Demosthenes, 361 mosthenes the greatest orator of antiquity, and perhaps, of all ages and nations, but also natural genius. His self- training merely developed the great qualities of which he was conscious, as was Disraeli when he made his early fail- ures in Parliament. Without natural gifts of eloquence, he might have worked till doomsday without produc- ^.g ^^^^^ ing the extraordinary effect which is ascribed to «'i'5 r^ • fit to cope thenes, delivered iii b. c. 352. i3ut the Cjrrecian with him. States had no general able to cope with him on the land, while he created a navy to annoy the Athenians at sea. For a time, however, the efforts of Philip were diverted from Southern and Central Greece, in order to conquer the Olynthians. They were his neio^hbors, and had Philip ,,. „. ,, ,. AiAi • conquers the been his allies; but the expulsion oi the Athenians oiynthians. from the coast of Thrace and Macedonia now alarmed the Olynthians, together with the increasing power of Philip, so that they concluded a treaty of peace with Athens. Hos- tilities broke out in the year 350 b. c, and Demosthenes put forward all his eloquence to excite his countrymen to vigor- ous war. Athens, partially aroused, sent a body of* mer- cenaries to the assistance of Olynthus, one of the most flourishing of the cities of Chalcidia, southeast of Macedonia. But before effective aid could be rendered, the island of Euboea, through the intrigues of Philip, revolted Revolt of from Athens. It was in an expedition to recover ^'^^**^- that island that Demosthenes served as a hoplite in the army, under Phocion as general. It was not till the summer of B. c. 348 that this territory was recovered by Athens. In the year following, Athens made great exertions in behalf of Olynthus, and amid great financial embarrassments. Three expeditions were sent into Chalcidia, under the command of Chares, numbering altogether four thousand Athenians and ten thousand mercenaries. But they were powerless against the conquering arms of Philip, who completely Ravages of overrun and devastated the peninsula, taking thir- ^^^^p- ty-two cities, and selling the people for slaves. At last Olynthus fell, b. c. 347, and the spoils of this old Hellenic city were divided among the soldiers of the conqueror, who celebrated his victories by a splendid festival. No such calamity had befallen Greece for a century as the conquest of Chalcidia, and it filled Athens with unspeakable alarms, ^schiues, the rival of Demosthenes as an orator, ZQ4z Philip of Macedon. [Chap. XXIV. now joined with him in denouncing Philip as the common enemy of Greece. Aristodemus was sent to him with propo sitions of peace, and Philip professed to entertain them favorably, with his characteristic duplicity. Meanwhile the sacred war had impoverished the Phocians, and there were dissensions among themselves. Their temple The temple of Delphi had already been stripped of the enor- of Delphi ^ 1 T 1 1 .11- robbed. mous sum or ten thousand talents, eleven million five hundred thousand dollars, probably equal in our times to two hundred and thirty million dollars ; so that it must have been richer, when the relative value of gold and silver is considered, than any church in Christendom. The treas- ures of the temple, enriched for three hundred years by offer- ings from all parts of the w^oiid, still enabled the Phocians to maintain war with Thebes. At last the Thebans invoked the aid of Philip, and a Macedonian arrny, under Parmenio, advanced as far as Thessaly. But the Phocians, in alarm, entreated both Sparta and Athens for assistance. The crisis was great, for if Philip should once secure the Pass of Thermopylae, all Southern Greece was in imminent danger. The whole defense of Greece now turned upon this Pass, of as much importance to Philip as to Athens and Sparta, for it was the only road into Greece. Envoys were again sent from Athens to Philip, to learn on what conditions peace could be secured, among whom were Demosthenes and ^s- chines. But he would grant no better terms than that each party should retain what they already possessed, and the Encroach- Athenians consented. Philip reaped all the ad- ments of . Philip. vantages of a peace, which gave him the possession of the cities and territory he had taken. The Phocians were left out in the negotiations, a fatal step, since it required the united forces of Greece from preventing the further encroach- ments of the Macedonian king. He had now leisure for the completion of the conquest of Thrace. When this was com- His dupiici- pletcd, he marched toward Thermopylae, which was trigues. held by the Phocians, carefully veiling his real in- tentions, and even pretending that his advance to the south Char XXIY.] PJiilijp master of TJiermojpylcB. 365 was for the purpose of reconstituting the Boeotian cities and putting down Thebes. His real object was to surprise the Pass, for he was a man who had very little respect to treaties, promises, or oaths. All this while he contrived to deceive Athens and the Phocians, with the connivance of ^schines, whom he had bribed or cheated. But he did not deceive , Peraosthenes, who entreated his countrymen to make a stand against him, even at the eleventh hour, for he was then with- in three days' march of the Pass. But the eloquence and warnings of Demosthenes were in vain. The people went with ^schines, who persuaded them that Philip was friendly to Athens and only hostile to Thebes. It was the design of Philip to detach Athens from the Phocians, and thus make his conquest easier ; and he succeeded by his falsehoods and in- trigues. Under these circumstances, the Phocians Phiup ob- , , T-»i -T 1 I'll 1 tains posses- surrendered to Philip the pass, which they ought sionofthe to have defended at all hazard, and the king re- mopyije. tired to Phocis, but still professed the greatest friendship for Athens, with whom he made peace. Master now of Phocis, with a triumphant army, he openly joined the Thebans and restored the Temple of Delphi to its inhabitants, and convoked the Amphictyonic Council, which dispossessed the Phocians of their place in the ^^^^^ assembly, and conferred it upon Philip. The ^J^^Jff °^ ^ unhappy Phocians were now reduced to a state of Greece. utter ruin. Their towns were dismantled, and their villages were not allowed to contain over fifty houses each. They were stripped, and slain, and their fields laid waste. Philip was now master of the keys of Greece, and the recognized leader of the Amphictyonic Council. Athens had secured an inglorious peace with her enemy, through the corruption of her own envoys, b. c. 346, and was soon to reap the penalty of her credulity and indolence. She allowed herself to be deceived, and Philij), in co-operation with Thebes, the enemy of Athens, presently threw off the mask and disgracefully re- newed the war with Athens. He had gained his object by bribery and falsehood. It is mournful that the Athenians 366 Philip of Macedon, [Chap. XXiy. should not have listened to the warninQ;s of the most sag:a- cioiis patriot who adorned those degenerate times, but the influence of JEschines was then paramount, and he was sold to Philip. He cried peace, when there was no peace. The great error of Athens was in not rendering timely assist- ance to the Phocians, who possessed the Pass of Thermopylae, although they had brought upon themselves the indignation of Greece by the seizure of the Delphic treasures. The victories and encroachments of Philip, within the line Laraenta- of commou Grecian defense, were profoundly tionsof De- t i i-x t i n mosthenes. lamented by Demosthenes, and he now felt that it was expedient to keep on terms of peace with so powerful and unscrupulous and cunning a man. Isocrates Avished Philip to reconcile the four great cities of Greece, Sparta, Athens, Thebes, and Argos, put himself at the head of their united forces, and Greece generally, invade Persia, and liberate the Asiatic Greeks. But this was putting the Hellenic world under one man, and renouncing the inde- pendence of States and the autonomy of cities — the great principles of Grecian policy from the earliest historic times, and therefore a complete subversion of Grecian liberties, and the establishment of a centralized power uuder Philip, whose patrimonial kingdom was among the least civilized in Greece. The peace between Philip and Athens lasted, without any Philip's formal renunciation, for six years, during which encroach- ^^^ Macedonian king pursued his aggressive merits. policy and his intrigues in all the States of Greece. His policy was precisely that of Rome when it meditated the conquest of the world, only his schemes were confined chiefly to Greece. Every year his power increased, while the States of Greece remained inactive and uncombined — a proof of the degeneracy of the times — certainly in regard to self- sacrifices to secure their independence. Demosthenes plainly His insatiate ^^^ ^^^^ approaching absorption of Greece in the ambition. Macedonian dominion, unless the States should unite for common defense ; and he took every occasion Chap. XXIV.] Demosthenes arouses Athens. 367 to denounce Philip, not only in Athens, but to the envoys of the different States. The counsels of the orator were a bitter annoyance to the despot, who sent to Athens letters of remonstrance. At last an occasion was presented for hostilities by the refusal of the Athenians to allow Philip to take posses- sion of the island of Halicarnassus, claiminsr the island as their own. Reprisals took place, and Philip demanded the possession of the Hellespont and Bosphorus, and the Greek cities on their coast, of the greatest value to Athens, since she relied upon the possession of the straits for the unobstructed importation of corn. The Athenians now began to realize the encroaching ambition of Philip, and to listen to Demosthenes, who, about this time, ^^j^g^g ^^ B. c. 341, delivered his third Philippic. From {f'^D^g^^^ this time to the battle of Chseronea, the influence tbenes. of Demosthenes was greater than that of any other man in Athens, which too late listened to his warning voice. Through his influence, Euboea was detached from Philip, and also Byzantium, and they were brought into alli- ance with Athens. Philip was so much chagrined that he laid siege to Perinthus, and marched through the Chersonese, which was part of the Athenian territory, upon which Athens declared war. Philip, on his side, issued a manifesto declaring his wrongs, as is usual with conquerors, and announced his intention of revenge. The Athenians fitted out a fleet and sent it under Chares to the Helles- pont. Philip prosecuted, on his part, the siege of Perin- thus, on the Propontis, with an army of thirty g^^^g ^f thousand men, with a great number of military Pennthus. engines. One of his movable towers was one hundred and twenty feet high, so that he was able to drive away the defenders of the walls by missiles. He succeeded in driving the citizens of this strong town into the city, and it would have shared the fate of Olynthus, had it not been relieved by the Byzantine and Grecian mercenaries. Philip was baffled, after a siege of three months, and turned his 368 Philip of Mace don. [Chap. XXIV. forces against Byzantium, but this town was also relieved by the Athenians, and the inhabitants from, the islands of the ^gean. These operations lasted six months, and were the greatest adverses which Philip had as yet met with. A vote of thanks was decreed by the Athenians to Demosthenes, who had stimulated these enterprises. Philip was obliged Philip with- to withdraw from Byzantium, and retreated to draws from i i oi i • a • f> ' ^ Byzantium. attacK the bcythians. An important reform m the administration of the marine was effected by Demosthenes, although opposed by the rich citizens and by JEschines. While these events transpired, a new sacred war was de- Another clared by the Ampliictyonic Council against the sacred war. LocHaus of Amphissa, kindled by ^schines, which more than compensated Philip for his repulse at Byzantium, bringing advantage to him and ruin to Grecian liberty. But the Athenians stood aloof from this suicidal war, when all the energies of Greece were demanded to put down the encroachments of Philip. As was usual in these intestine troubles, the weaker party invoked the aid of a foreign Euinons to power, and the Amphictyonic Assembly, intent on erties. puuishiug Amphissa, sought assistance from Philip. He, of course, accepted the invitation, and marched south through Thermopylae, proclaiming his intention to avenge the Delphian god. In his march he took Nicsea from the Thebans, and entered Phocis, and converted Elatea into a permanent garrison. Hitherto he had only proclaimed him- self as a general acting under the Amphictyonic vote to avenge the Delphian god, — now he constructed a military post in the heart of Greece. Thebes, ever since the battle of Leuctra, had been opposed Alliance of to Atlicus, and eveu now unfriendly relations Thebes and . . . , -p~., .,. , -^ Athens. cxistcd betwocn the two cities, and Philip hoped that Thebes would act in concert with him against Athens. But this last outrage of Philip exceedingly alarmed Athens, and Demosthenes stood up in the Assembly to propose an embassy to Thebes with offers of alliance. His advice was adopted, and he was dispatched with other envoys to Chap. XXIY.] Battle of Cheer onea. 369 Thebes. The Athenian orator, in spite of the influence of the Macedonian envoys, carried his point with the Theban Assembly, and an alliance was formed between Thebes and Athens. The Athenian army marched at once to Thebes, and vigorous measures were made at Athens for the defensive war which so seriously threatened the loss of Grecian liberty. The alliance was a great disappointment to Philip, who remained at Phocis, and sent envoys to Sparta, inviting the Peloponnesians to join him against Amjjhissa. But the Thebans and Athenians maintained their ground against him, and even gained some advantages. Among other things, they reconstituted the Phocian towns. The Athenians and their allies had a force of fifteen thousand infantry and two thousand cavalry, and Demosthenes was the war minister by whom these forces were col- Renewed lected. These efforts on the part of Thebes and I^^^^^JJ-^^p^^ Athens led to renewed preparations on the part ^^'^^p- of Philip. He defeated a large body of mercenaries, and took Amphissa. Unfortunately, the Athenians had no general able to cope with him, and it was the work of Demosthenes merely to keep up the courage of his countrymen and incite them to effort. At last, in the month of August, Philip, with thirty thou- sand foot and two thousand horse, met the allied Greeks at Chseronea, the last Boeotian town on the frontiers -^^^^-^^ ^^ of Phocis. The command of the armies of the Chaeronea. allies was shared between the Thebans and Athenians, but their movements were determined by a council of civilians and generals, of which Demosthenes was the leading spirit. Philip, in this battle, which decided the fortunes of Greece, commanded the right wing, opposed to the ^^^ decisive Athenians, and his son Alexander, the left wing, character. opposed to the Thebans. The Macedonian phalanx, or- ganized by Philip, was sixteen deep, with veteran soldiers in the front. The Theban " Sacred Band" was overpow- ered and broken by its tremendous force, much increased by the long pikes which projected in front of the foremost 24 370 PhUijp of Macedon. [Chap. XXIY. soldiers. But the battle was not gained by the phalanx ,, ^ . alone. The orscanization of the Macedonian army Macedomati ^ ^ ♦' phalanx. ^r^g perfect, With many other sorts of troops, body- guards, light hoplites, light cavalry, bowmen, and slingers. One thousand Athenians were slain, and two thousand more were made captives. The Theban loss was still greater. Unspeakable was the grief and consternation of Athens, when the intelligence reached her of this decisive victory. Desperate A rcsolution was at once taken for a vigorous measures of -. „ ^, . An-* •!• Athens. deiense oi the city. All citizens sent m their con- tributions, and every hand was employed on the fortifica- tions. The temples were stripped of arms, and envoys were sent to various places for aid. Thebes was unable to rally, and fell into the hands of the Fall of victors, and a Macedonian garrison was placed in Thebes. \]^q Cadmca, or citadel. From Athens, envoys were sent to Philip for peace, Avhich was granted on the con- dition that he should be recoo-nized as the chief of the Hel- lenic world. It was a great humiliation to Athens to con- cede this, after having defeated the Persian hosts, and keep- ing out so long all foreign domination. But times had changed, and the military spirit had fled. Athens was not prostrated by the battle of Chseronea. She still retained her navy, and. her civic rights. Thebes was utterly prostrated, and never rallied again. Philip, having now subjugated Thebes, and constrained Athens into submission, next proceeded to carry his arms into the Peloponnesus. He found but little resistance, except Philip in- in Lacoiiia. The Corinthians, Argeians, Messen- Pdopon- ians, Elians, and Arcadians submitted to his nesus. power. Evcu Sparta could make but feeble resist- ance. He laid waste Laconia, and then convened a congress of Grecian cities at Corinth, and announced his purpose to undertake an expedition against the king of Persia, avenge the invasion of Greece by Xerxes, and liberate the Asiatic Greeks, A large force of two hundred thousand foot and liftuc'U thousand horse was promised him, and all the States Chap. XXIV.] Death of Philip. 371 of Greece concurred, except Sparta, which held aloof from the congress. Athens was required to furnish a ^ „ . ^ Collects a well equipped fleet. All the States, and all the ^^rge force . , , T 11 1 • • /. ^ against the islands, and ail the cities oi Greece, were now Persians, subservient to Philip, and no one State could exercise control over its former territories. It was in the year b. c. 337, that this great scheme for the invasion of Persia was concerted, which crejated no general enthusiasm, since Persia was no longer a power to be feared. The only power to be feared now was Macedonia. While preparations were going on for this foolish and unnecessary expedition, the prime mover of it was assassinated, and his career, so disastrous to Grecian liberty, came to an , V 1 , -■ Death of end. it seems that he had repudiated his wife, PiiiiJp- Olympias, disgusted with the savage impulses of her charac- ter, and married, for his last wife, for he had several, Cleo- patra, which provoked bitter dissensions among the partisans of the two queens, and also led to a separation between him- self and his son Alexander, although a reconciliation after- ward took place. It was while celebratins^ the marriao-e of his daughter by Olympias, with Alexander, king of Epirus, and also the birth of a son by Cleopatra, that Pausanias, one of the royal body-guard, who nourished an implacable hatred of Philip, chose his opportunity, and stabbed him with a short sword he had concealed under his garment. Alexander, the son of Philip by Olympias, was at once declared king, whose prosecution of the schemes of his father are to be recounted in the next chapter. Philip perished at the age of forty-seven, after a most successful reign of twenty-three years. On his accession he found his kingdom a narrow territory around Pella, ex- *^^" ^^* eluded from the sea-coast. At his death the Macedonian kingdom was the most powerful in Greece, and all the States and cities, except Sparta, recognized its ascendency. He had gained tliis great power, more from the weakness and dissensions of the Grecian States, than from his own strength, great as were his talents. He became the arbiter of Greece 372 Philip of Macedon. [Chap. XXIY. by unscrupulous perjury and perpetual intrigues. But he was a great organizer, and created a most efficient army. Without many accomplishments, he affected to be a patron of both lettei's and religion. His private life was stained by Character of druukenness, gambling, perfidy, and wantonness. Phihp. jjjg wives and mistresses were as numerous as those of an Oriental despot. He was a successful man, but it must be borne in min^l that he had no opponents like Epaminondas, or Agesilaus, or Iphicrates. Demosthenes was his great oppo- nent, but only in counsels and speech. The generals of Athens, and Sparta, and Thebes had passed away, and with the decline of military spirit, it is not remarkable that Philip should have ascended to a height from which he saw the Grecian world suppliant at his feet. CHAPTEE XXY. ALEXANDER THE GREAT. We come now to consider briefly the career of Alexander, the son of Philip — the most successful, fortunate, and bril- liant hero of antiquity. I do not admire either Alexander his character or his work. He does not compare ^^^ ^''^^^' w^ith Caesar or Napoleon in comprehensiveness of genius, or magnanimity, or variety of attainments, or posthumous influences. He was a meteor — a star of surprising magni- tude, which blazed over the whole Oriental world with unprecedented brilliancy. His military genius was doubt- less great — even transcendent, and his fame is greater than his genius. His prestige is wonderful. He conquered the world more by his name than by his power. Only two men, among military heroes, dispute his pre-eminence in the his- tory of nations. After more than two thousand years, his glory shines with undiminished brightness. His conquests extended over a period of only twelve years, yet they were greater and more dazzling than any man ever made before in a long reign. Had he lived to be fifty, he might have subdued the whole world, and created a universal empire equal to that of the Caesars — which was the result of five hundred years' uninterrupted conquests by the greatest generals of a mil- itary nation. Though we neither love nor reverence Alex- ander, we can not withhold our admiration for his almost superhuman energy, courage, and force of will. He looms up as one of the prodigies of earth — yet sent by ^^^^ ^^ Providence as an avenger — an instrument of pun- J^.'^'^ra'^ieat ishment on those e^ferainated nations, or rather '^^'^'^ dynasties, which had triumphed over human misery. I look 874 Alexander the Great, [Chap. XXV. upon his career, as the Christians of the fifth century looked upon that of Alaric or Attila, whom they called the scourge of God. His conquests and dominions were, however, prepared by WMcii was one perhaps greater than himself in creative genius, his lather, and as uuscrupulous and cruel as he. Philip found his kingdom a little brook ; he left it a river — broad, deep, and grand. Under Alexander, this river became an irresistible torrent, sweeping every thing away which impeded its course. Philip created an army, and a military system, and generals, all so striking, that Greece succumbed before him, and yielded up her liberties. Alexander had only to follow out his polic}'-, which was to subdue the Persians. The Extent of Persian empire extended over all the East — Asia the Persian ^^. c^ • -r^. -r» i-t-.ii • -\ir empire. Mmor, oyria, Jigypt, Parthia, Babylonia, Mesopota- mia, Armenia, Bactria, and other countries — the one hundred and twenty provinces of Nebuchadnezzar and Cyrus, from the Mediterranean to India, from the Euxine and Caspian Seas to Arabia and the Persian Gulf — a monstrous empire, whose possession was calculated to inflame the monarchs who reigned at Susa and Babylon with more than mortal pride and self-sufficiency. It had been gradually won by success- ive conquerors, from Nimrod to Darius. It was the gradual absorption of all the kingdoms of the East in the successive Assyrian, Babylonian, and Persian empires — for these three empires were really one under diflerent dynasties, and were rilled by the same precedents and principles. The various kingdoms which composed this empire, once independent, yielded to the conquerors who reigned at Babylon, or Nineveh, or Persepolis, and formed satrapies paying tribute to the great king. The satraps of Cyrus were like the satraps of Nebuchadnezzar, members or friends of the im- perial house, who ruled the various provinces in the name of the king of Babylon, or Persia, without much interference with the manners, or language, or customs, or laws, or religion of the conquered, contented to receive tribute merely, and troops in case of war. And so great was the accumulation Chap. XXV.] Aspirations of Philip. 875 of treasure in the various royal cities where the king resided part of the year, that Darius left behind him. on Theaccumu- his flight, in Ecbatana alone, one hundred and riches in eighty thousand talents, or two hundred million cities. dollars. It was by this treasure that the kings of Persia lived in such royal magnificence, and with it they were able to subsidize armies to maintain their power throughout their vast dominions, and even gain allies like the Greeks, when they had need of their services. Their treasures were inex- haustible — and were accumulated with the purpose of main- taining empire, and hence were not spent, but remained as a sacred deposit. It was to overthrow this empire that Philip aspired, after he had conquered Greece, in part to revenge the pwiip had . . . . /T T 1 1 -T. • • • 1 aspired to injuries mnicted by the Jrersian invasions, but overturn more from personal ambition. And had he lived, pire. he would have succeeded, and his name would have been handed down as the great conqueror, rather than that of his more fortunate son. Philip knew what a rope of sand the Persian military power was. Xenophon had en- Knowing its lightened the Greeks as to the inefficiency of the Aveakness. Persian armies, if they needed any additional instruction after the defeat of Xerxes and his generals. The vast armies of the Persians made a grand show, and looked formidable when reviewed by the king in his gilded chariot, surrounded by his nobles, the princes of his family, and the women of his harem. And these armies were sufficient to keep the empire together. The mighty prestige attending victories for one thousand years, and all the pomp of millions in battle array, was adequate to keep the province together, for the system of warfare and the character of the forces were similar in all the provinces. It was external enemies, with a diii'eront system of warfare, that the Persian kings had to dread — not -^the revolt of enervated States, and unwarlike cities. The Orientals were never warlike in the sense that Greece and Rome were. The armies of Greece and Rome were small, but efficient. It was seldom that any Grecian 376 Alexander the Great. [Chap. XXY. or Roman army exceeded fifty thousand men, but they were veterans, and they had military science and skill and dis- cipline. The hosts of Xerxes or Darius were undisciplined, and they were mercenaries, unlike the original troops of Cyrus. Now it was the mission of Alexander to overturn the dy- But this nasties which reigned so ingloriously on the banks slrved^for" ^^ the Euphrates — to overrun the Persian empire Alexander. fj-Qj-Q north to south and east to west — to cut it up, and form new kingdoms of the dismembered provinces, and distribute the hoarded treasures of Susa, Persepolis, and Ecbatana — to introduce Greek satraps instead of Persian — to favor the spread of the Greek language and institutions — to found new cities where Greeks might reign, from which they might diffuse their spirit and culture. Alexander spent only one year of his reign in Greece, all the rest of his life was spent in the various provinces of Persia. He was the whowasthe couqucror of the Oriental world. He had no hard theTientai battles to fight, like Casar or Napoleon. All he world? j^g^^ ^Q ^Iq ^^^^ ^^ appear with his troops, and the enemy fled. Cities were surrendered as he approached. The two great battles which decided the fate of Persia — Issus and Arbela — were gained at the first shock of his cavalry. Darius fled from the field, in both instances, at the very beginning of the battle, and made no real resistance. The greater the number of Persian soldiers, the more disorderly was the rout. The Macedonian soldiers fouo-ht retreating; armies in headlong flig^ht. The slauo-hter of the Persians was mere butchery. It was something like collecting a vast number of birds in a small space, and shooting them when collected in a corner, and dignifying the slaughter with a grand name — not like chasing the deer over rocks and hills. Whatconsti- The military genius of Alexander was seen in the miiltar}^ sicgc of the few towns which did resist, like Tyre genius. ^^^ Gaza ; in his rapid marches ; in the combina- tion of his forces ; in the system, foresight, and sagacity he displayed, conquering at the right time, marching upon Chap. XXV.] Early Life of Alexander. 3Y7 the right place, husbanding his energies, wasting no time in expeditions which did not bear on the main issue, and con- centrating his men on points which were vital and import- ant. Piiilip, if he had lived, might have conquered the Persian empire ; but he would not have conquered so rapidly as Alexander, who knew no rest, and advanced from con- quering to conquer, in some cases without ulterior objects, as in the Indian campaigns — simply from the love and excitement of conquest. He only needed time. He met no enemies who could oppose him — more, I apprehend, from the want of discipline among his enemies, than from any irresisti- ble strenojth of his soldiers, for he embodied the it was his conquered soldiers in his own army, and they fought Conquer, not like his own troops, when once disciplined. Nor ^^^^^^truct. did he dream of reconstruction, or building up a great central power. He would, if he had lived, have overrun Arabia, and then Italy, and Gaul. But he did not live to measure his strength with the Romans. His mission was ended when he had subdued the Persian world. And he left no succes- sor. His empire was divided among his generals, and new kingdoms arose on the ruins of the Persian empire. " Alexander Avas born b. c. 356, and like his father, Philip, was not Greek, but a Macedonian and Epirot, only yl\?, early partially imbued with Grecian sentiment and in- ^^^'^"^■y- telligence." He inherited the ambition of Philip, and the violent and headstrong temperament of his furious mother, Olympias. His education was good, and he was instructed by his Greek tutors in the learning common to Grecian princes. His taste inclined him to poetry and literature, rather than to science and philosophy. At thirteen he was intrusted to the care of the great Aristotle, and remained under his teach- ing three years. At sixteen he was left regent of the Mace- donian kingdom, whose capital was Pella, wliile his father Avas absent in^the siege of Byzantium. At eighteen he com- manded one of the wings of the army at the battle of Chae- ronea. His prospects were uncertain up to the very day when Philip was assassinated, on account of family disseu- 378 Alexander the Great. [Chap. xxy. sions, and the wrath of his father, whom he had displeased. But he was proclaimed king on the death of Philip, b. c, 336 and celebrated his funeral with great magnificence, and slew many of his murderers. The death of Philip had excited aspirations of freedom in the Grecian States, but there Avas no combination to throw off the Macedonian yoke. Alex- ander well understood the discontent of Greece, and his first object was to bring it to abject submission. With the army of his father he marched from State to State, compelling sub- mission, and punishing with unscrupulous cruelty all who His con- resisted. After displaying his forces in various Gncian^ *^® portions of the Peloponnesus, he repaired to Corinth states. ^^^ convened the deputies from the Grecian cities, and was chosen to the headship of Greece, as his father, Philip, had been. He was appointed the keeper of the peace of Greece. Each Hellenic city was declared free, and in each the existing institutions were recognized, but no new despot was to be established, and each city was forbidden to send armed vessels to the harbor of any other, or build vessels, or engage seamen there. Such was the melancholy degradation of the Grecian world. Its freedom was extin- guished, and there was no hope of escaping tlie despotism of Macedonia, but by invoking aid from the Persian king. Had he been wise, he would have subsidized the Greeks with a part of his vast treasures, and raised a force in Greece able to cope with Alexander. But he was doomed, and the Macedonian king was left free to complete the conquest of all the States. He first marched across Mount Hsemus, and subdued the Illyrians, Paeonians, and Thracians. He even crossed the Danube, and defeated the Gsetae. Just as he had completed the conquest of the barbarians north of Macedonia, he heard that the Thebans had declared Heannihi- their independence, being encouraged by his long Theimn^ absencc in Thrace, and by reports of his death, power. -g^^^ j^g suddenly appeared with his victorious army, and as the Thebans had no generals equal to Pelopi- das and Epaminondas, they were easily subdued. Thebes Chap, xxy.] Severity of Alexander in Thebes. 379 was taken by assault, and the population was massacred — even women and children, whether in their houses or in temples. Thirty thousand captives were reserved for sale. The city was razed to the ground, and the Cadmea alone was preserved for a Macedonian garrison. The Theban terri- tory was partitioned among the reconstructed cities of Or- chomenus and Platgea. This severity was unparal- Moral effect' '' of his merci- leled in the history of Greece, but the remorseless less severity. conqueror wished to strike with terror all other cities, and prevent rebellion. He produced the effect he desired. All the cities of Greece hastened to make peace with so terrible an enemy. He threatened a like doom on Athens because she refused to surrender the anti-Macedonian leaders, includ- ing Demosthenes, but was finally appeased through the in- fluence of Phocion, since he did not wish to drive Athens to desperate courses, vv^hich might have impeded his contem- plated conquest of Persia, for the city was still strong in naval defenses, and might unite with the Persian king. So Athens was spared, but the empire of Thebes was utterly destroyed. He then repaired to Corinth to make arrange- ments for his Persian campaign, and while in that He is master city he visited the cynical philosopher, Diogenes, o^^^^®'^®- who lived in a tub. It is said that when the philoso- pher was asked by Alexander if he wished any thing, he replied ; " Nothing, except that you Avould stand a little out of my sunshine " — a reply which extorted from the conqueror the remark : " If I were not Alexander, I would be Diosfenes." It took Alexander a year and a few months to crush out what little remained of Grecian freedom, subdue Prepares to the Thracians, and collect forces for his expedition sia. into Persia. In the spring of 334 b. c, his army was mustered between Pella and Amphipolis, while his fleet was at hand to render assistance. In Aj^ril he crossed the strait from Sestos to Abydos, and never returned to his own capital — Pella — or to Europe. The remainder of his life, eleven years and two months, was spent in Asia, in continued and increas- 380 Alexander the Great. [Chap. XXV. ing conquests ; and these were on such a gigantic scale that Greece dwindled into insignificance. When marshalled on the Asiatic shore, the army of Alex- He marshals audcr presented a total of thirty thousand infontry, Asia!*'^ and four thousand five hundred cavalry — a small force, apparently, to overthrow the most venerable and extensive empire in the world. But these troops were veterans, trained by Philip, and commanded by able gene- rals. Of these troops twelve thousand were Macedonians, armed with the sarissa, a long pike, which made the phalanx, sixteen deep, so formidable. The sarissa was twenty-one feet in length, and so held by both hands as to project fifteen His phalanx ftict bcforc the body of the pikeman. The soldier annor of his ^J^ tlic phalaux was also provided with a short troops. sword, a circular shield, a breastplate, leggings, and broad-brimmed hat. But, besides the phalanx of heavy armed men, there were hoplites lightly armed, hypaspists for the assault of walled places, and troops with javelins and with bows. The cavalry was admirable, distiibuted into squad- rons, among whom were the body-guards — all promoted out of royal pages and the picked men of the army, sons of the chief people in Macedonia, and these were heavily arin^d. The generals who served under Alexander were all Mace- donians, and had been trained bv Philip. Among His generals. ' ^^ , . , ." . i these were Hephsestion, the intimate personal friend of Alexander, Ptolemy, Perdiccas, Antipater, Clitus, Parmenio, Philotas, Nicanor, Seleucus, x4.myntas, Phillipes, Lysimachus, Antigonas, most of whom reached great power. Parmenio and Antipater were the highest in rank, the latter of whom was left as viceroy of Macedonia. Eumenes was the private secretary of Alexander, the most long-headed man in his army. Alexander had landed, unopposed, against the advice of Memnon and Mentor — two Rhodians, in the service of Au>xanon a peninsula, or rocky promontory, sixty-five years Wealth and before the foundation of Rome. The inhabitants of of Carthage. Carthage, descendants of Phoenicians, were therefore of Semi- 432 The First Punic War. [Chap. XXIX. tic origin. The African farmer was a Canaanite, and all the Canaanites lacked the instinct of political life. The Phoeni- cians thought of commerce and wealth, and not political aggrandizement. With half their power, the Hellenic cities achieved their independence. Carthage was a colony of Phcenicians, and had their ideas. It lived to traffic and get rich. It was washed on all sides, except the west, by the sea, and above the city, on the western heights, was the citadel Byrsa, called so from the word [Svpaa, a hide, accord- ing to the legend that Dido, when she came to Africa, bought of the inhabitants as much land as could be encom- passed by a bull's hide, which she cut into thongs, and inclosed the territory on which she built the citadel. The city grew to be twenty-three miles in circuit, and contained seven hundred thousand people. It had two harbors, an outer and inner, the latter being surrounded by a lofty wall. A triple wall was erected across the peninsula, to protect it from the west, three miles long, and between the walls were stables for three hundred elephants, four thousand horses, and barracks for two thousand infantry, with magazines and stores. In the centre of the inner harbor was an island, called Cothon, the shores of which were lined with quays and docks for two hundred and twenty ships. The citadel, Byrsa, was two miles in circuit, and when it finally surrendered to the Romans, fifty thousand people marched out of it. On its summit was the famous temple of ^sculapius. At the northwestern angle of the city were twenty immense reser- voirs, each four hundred feet by twenty-eight, filled with water, brought by an aqueduct at a distance of fifty-two miles. The suburb Megara, beyond the city walls, but within those that defended the peninsula, was the site of Power of magnificent gardens and villas, which were adorned Carthage. -with cvcry kind of Grecian art, for tlie Cartha- ginians were rich before Rome had conquered even Latium. This great city controlled the other Phoenician cities, part of Sicily, Numidia, Mauritania, Lybia — in short, the northern part of Africa, and colonies in Spain and the islands of the Chap. XXIX.] The Power of Carthage. 433 western part of the Mediterranean. The city alone could furnish in an exigency forty thousand heavy infantry, one thousand cavalry, and twenty thousand war chaiiots. The garrison of the city amounted to twenty thousand foot and four thousand horse, and the total force which the city could command was more than one hundred thousand men. The navy was the largest in the world, for, in the sea-fight with Regulus, it numbered three hundred and fifty ships, carrying one hundred and fifty thousand men. Such was this great power against which the Romans were resolved to contend. It would seem that Carthage was willing that Rome should have the sovereignty of Italy, provided it had itself the possession of Sicily. But this was what the Romans were determined to prevent. The object of contention, then, between these two rivals, the one all- powerful by land and the other by sea, was the possession of Sicily. During the first three years of the war, the Romans made themselves masters of all the island, except the creation of a maritime fortresses at its western extremity, ^oman fleet Eryx and Panormus. Meanwhile the Carthaginians ravaged the coasts of Italy, and destroyed its commerce. The Romans then saw that Sicily could not be held without a navy as powerful as that of their rivals, and it was resolved to build at once one hundred and twenty ships. A Carthaginian quinquereme, wrecked on the Bruttian shore, furnished the model, the forests of Silo the timber, and the maritime cities of Italy and Greece, the sailors. In sixty days a fleet of one hundred and twenty ships was built and ready for sea. The superior seamanship of the Carthaginians was neutral- ized by converting the decks into a battle-field for soldiers. Each ship was provided with a long boarding-bridge, hinged up against the mast, to be let down on the prow, and fixed to the hostile deck by a long spike, which projected from its end. The bridge was wide enough for two soldiers to pass abreast, and its sides were protected by bulwarks. The first encounter of the Romans with the Carthaginians 28 434 The First Punic War. [Chap. XXIX. resulted in the capture of the whole force, a squadron of seventeen ships. The second encounter ended in the capture Naval battle of iiiore ships than the Koman admiral, Cn. Scipio, ofMyi^. j^a(j iQg|.^ rpj^g jjgxt battle, that of Mylae, in which the whole Roman fleet was engaged, again turned in favor of the Romans, whose bad seamanship provoked the con- tempt of their foes, and led to self-confidence. The battle was gained by grappling the enemy's ships one by one. The Carthaginians lost fourteen ships, and only saved the rest by inglorious flight. For six years no decided victories were won by either Great victory sidc, but in the year b. c. 256, nine years from the of Keguius. commencement of hostilities, M. Atilius Regulus, a noble of the same class and habits as Cincinnatus and Fabricius, with a fleet of three hundred and thirty ships, manned by one hundred thousand sailors, encountered the Carthaginian fleet of three hundred and fifty ships on the southern coast of Sicily, and gained a memorable victory. It was gained on the same principle as Epaminondas and Alexander won their battles, by concentrating all the forces upon a single point, and breaking the line. The Romans advanced in the shape of a wedge, with the two consuls' ships at the apex. The Carthaginian admirals allowed the centre to give way before the advancing squadron. The right wing made a circuit out in the open sea, and took the Roman reserve in the rear, while the left wing attacked the vessels that were towing the horse transports, and forced them to the shore. But the Caithasfinian centre, beins^ thus left weak, was no match for the best ships of the Romans, and the consuls, victorious in the centre, turned to the relief of the two rear divisions. The Carthaginians lost sixty-four ships, which were taken, besides twenty-four which were sunk, and retreated with the remainder to the Gulf of Car- thage, to defend the shores against the anticipated attack. The Romans, however, made for another point, and landed other vie- in the harbor of Aspis, intrenched a camp to pro- Keguius. tect their ships, and ravaged the country. Twenty Chap. XXIX.] Ilamilcar. 435 thousand captives were sent to Rome and sold as slaves, besides an immense booty — a number equal to a fifth part of the free population of the city. A footing in Africa was thus made, and so secure were the Romans, that a large part of the army was recalled, leaving Regulus with only forty ships, fifteen thousand infantry, and five hundred cavalry. Yet with this small army he defeated the Carthaginians, and became master of the country to within ten miles of Carthage. The Carthaginians, shut up in the city, sued for peace ; but it was granted only on condition of the cession of Sicily and Sardinia, the surrender of the fleet, and the reduction of Car- thage to the condition of a dependent city. Such a proposal was rejected, and despair gave courage to the defeated Car- thaginians. They made one grand effort while Regulus lay inactive in winter quarters. The return of Hamilcar from ... , . Hamilcar. Sicily with veteran troops, which furnished a nu- cleus for a new army, inspired the Carthaginians with hope, and assisted by a Lacedaemonian general, Xanthippus, with a band of Greek mercenaries, the Carthaginians marched un- expectedly upon Regulus, and so signally defeated him at Tunis, that only two thousand Romans escaped. Regulus, with five hundred of the legionary force, was taken captive and carried to Carthage. The Carthaginians now assumed the offensive, and Sicily became the battle-field. Hasdrubal, son of Hanno, ,__ ,.,-,.1 ITT T n Hasdrubal. landed on the island with one hundred and lorty elephants, while the Roman fleet of three hundred ships suffered a great disaster off the Lucanian promontory. A storm arose, which wrecked one hundred and fifty ships — a disaster equal to the one which it suffered two years before, when two-thirds of the large fleet which was sent to relieve the two thousand troops at Clupea was destroyed by a similar storm. In spite of these calamities, the Romans took Panormus and Thermae, and gained a victory under the walls of the former city which cost the Carthaginians twenty thousand men and the capture of one hundred and twenty 436 The First Puoiic War. [Chap. XXIX. elephants. This success, gained by Metellus, was the greatest yet obtained in Sicily, and the victorious general adorned his triumph with thirteen captured generals and one hundred and four elephants. The two maritime fortresses which still held out at the west of the island, Drepanum and Lilybseum, were now in- vested, and the Carthaginians, shut up in these fortresses, sent an embassy to Rome to ask an exchange of prisoners, and sue Imprison- for peacc. Rcgulus, now five years a prisoner, was Keguius. allowed to accompany the embassy, on his promise to return if the mission was unsuccessful. As his condition was now that of a Carthaginian slave, he was reluct^^nt to enter the city, and still more the Senate, of which he was no longer a member. But when this reluctance was overcome, he denounced both the peace and the exchange of prisoners. The Romans wished to retain this noble patriot, but he was true to his oath, and returned voluntarily to Carthage, after Death of having defeated the object of the embassadors, Pweguius. knowing that a cruel death awaited him. The Carthaginians, indignant and filled with revenge, it is said, exposed the hero to a burning sun, with his eyelids cut ofi", and rolled him in a barrel lined with iron spikes. The embassy having thus failed, the attack on the for- tresses, which alone linked Africa with Sicily, was renewed. The siege of Lilybseum lasted till the end of the war, which, from the mutual exhaustion of the parties, now languished for six years. The Romans had lost four great fleets, three of which had arms on board, and the census of the city, in the seventeenth year, showed a decrease of forty thousand citizens. During this interval of stagnation, when petty Hamiicar Warfare alone existed, Hamilcar Barca was ap- Barca. pointed general of Carthage, and in the same year his son Hannibal was born, b. c. 247. The Romans, disgusted with the apathy of the govern- ment, fitted out a fleet of privateers of two hundred ships, manned by sixty thousand sailors, and this fleet gained a victory over the Carthaginians, unprepared for such a force. Chap. XXIX.] Acquisition of Sicily. 437 so tliat fifty ships were sunk, and seventy more were carried by the victors into port. This victory gave Sicily conquest of to the Romans, and ended the war. The Roman ^^^^'J"- prisoners were surrendered by Hamilcar, who had full powers for peace, and Carthage engaged to pay three thousand two hundred talents for the expenses of the war. i The Romans were gainers by this war. They acquired the richest island in the world, fertile in all the Acquisition fruits of the earth, with splendid harbors, cities, ^tsiciiy. and a great accumulation of wealth. The long war of twenty-four years, nearly a whole generation, was not con- ducted on such a scale as essentially to impoverish the con- tending parties. There were no debts contracted for future generations to pay. It was the most absorbing object of public interest, indeed ; but many other events and subjects must also have occupied the Roman mind. It was a foreign war, the first that Rome had waged. It was a war of am- bition, the commencement of those unscrupulous and aggress- ive measures that finally resulted in the political annihila- tion of all the other great powers of the world. But this war, compared with those foreign wars which Rome subsequently conducted, was carried on without science and skill. It was carried on in the transition period of Roman warfare, when tactics were more highly prized than strategy. It was by a militia, and agricultural generals, and tactics, and personal bravery, that the various Italian nations were subdued, when war had not ripened into a science, such as was conducted even by the Greeks. There was no skill or experience in the conduct of sieges. The navy was managed by Greek mercenaries. The great improvement in the science of war which this first contest with a foreiarn power led to, was the Creation of a 5^ , . Eoman naval creation of a navy, and the necessity of employing power. veteran troops, led by exj^erienced generals. A deliberative assembly, like the Senate, it was found could not conduct a foreign war. It was left to generals, who were to learn marches and countermarches, sieges, and a strategical sys- 438 The First Punic War. [Chap. XXIX. tern. The withdrawal of half the army of Kegulus by the Senate proved nearly fatal. Carthage could not be subdued by that rustic warfare which had sufficed for the conquest of Etruria or Samniura. The new system of war demanded generals who had military training and a military eye, and not citizen admirals. The final success was owing to the errors of the Carthaginians rather than military science. CHAPTER XXX. THE SECOND PUNIC OR HANNIBALIO WAR. The peace between the Carthaginians and Romans was a mere truce. Though it lasted twenty-one years, new sources of quarrel were accumulating, and forces were being pre- pared for a more decisive encounter. Before we trace the progress of this still more memorable war, let us glance at the events which transpired in the interval between it and the first contest. That interval is memorable for the military career of Hamilcar, and his great ascendency at Carthage, condition of That city paid dearly for the peace it had secured, after the for the tribute of Sicily flowed into the treasury of ^^'^' the Romans. Its commercial policy was broken up, and the commerce of Italy flowed in new channels. This change was bitterly felt by the Phoenician city, and a party was soon organized for the further prosecution of hostilities. There was also a strong peace party, made up of the indolent and cowardly money-worshipers of that mercantile State. The war party was headed by Hamilcar, the peace party by Hanno, which at first had the ascendency. It drove the army into mutiny by haggling about pay. The Libyan mercenaries joined the revolt, and Carthage found herself alone in the midst of anarchies. In this emergency the government solicited Hamilcar to save it from the eflect of its blunders and selfishness. This government, as at Rome, was oligarchic, but the nobles were merely mercantile grandees, without ability — jealous, exclusive, and selfish. The great body of the people whom they ruled were poor and dependent. In intrusting 440 The Second Punic War. [Chap. XXX. power to Hamilcar, the government of wealthy citizens only 2;ave him military control. The army which he Hamilcar. ° ^ ^ "^ . . .,. . / commanded was not a citizen militia, it was made np of mercenaries. Hamilcar was obliged to construct a force from these, to whom the State looked for its salvation. He was a young man, a little over thirty, and foreboding that he would not live to complete his plans, enjoined his son Hannibal, nine years of age, when he was about to leave Carthage, to swear at the altar of the Eternal God hatred of the Roman name. J> He left Carthage for Spain, taking with him his sons, to be reared in the camp. He marched along the coast, accompanied by the fleet, which was commanded by Hasdrubal. Hasdrnbal. ^ "^ He crossed the sea at the Pillars of Hercules, with the view of organizing a Spanish kingdom to assist the Car- thaginians in their future warfare. But he died prematurely, B. a 229, leaving his son-in-law, Hasdrubal, to carry out his designs, and the southern and eastern provinces of Spain became Carthaginian provinces. Carthagena arose as the capital of this new Spanish kingdom, in the territory of the Contestana. Here agriculture flourished, and still more, mining, from the silver mines, which produced, a century afterward, thirty-six millions of sesterces — ^nearly two million dollars — yearly. Carthage thus acquired in Spain a market for its commerce and manufactures, and the New Carthage ruled as far as the Ebro. But the greatest advantage of this new acquisition to Carthage was the new class of merce- nary soldiei-s which were incorporated with the army. At first, the Romans were not alarmed by the rise of this new Spanish power, and saw only a compensation for the tribute and traflic Avhich Carthage had lost in Sicily. And while the Carthaginians were creating armies in Spain, the Romans were engaged in conquering Cisalpine Gaul, and consolidating the Italian conquests. Hasdrubal was assassinated after eight years of successful „ administration, and Hannibal was hailed as his Hannibal. ' successor by the army, and the choice was con- Chap. XXX.] Hcmnihal. ^*1 firmed by the Carthaginians, R c. 221. He was now twenty- nine, trained to all the fatigue and dangers of the camp, and with a native genius for war, which made him, according to the estimation of modern critics, the greatest general of antiquity. He combined courage with discretion, and prudence with energy. He had an inventive craftiness, which led him to take unexpected routes. He profoundly studied the character of antagonists, and kept himself informed of the projects of his enemies. He had his spies at Rome, and was frequently seen in disguises in order to get important information. • ..• „ This crafty and able general resolved, on his nomination to make war at once upon the Romans, whom he regarded as the deadly foe of his country. His first great exploit was the reduction of Saguntum, an Iberian city on the Fan_^„_f^_____ coast, in alliance with the Romans. It defended _° _ itself with desperate energy for eight months, and its siege is memorable. The inhabitants were treated with savage cruelty, and the spoil was sent to Carthage. This act of Hannibal was the occasion, though not the cause, of the second Punic war. The Romans, indignant demanded of Carthage the surrender of the general who had broken the peace. On the fall of Saguntum, Han- Hannii-Jj nibal retired to Carthagena for winter quarters, c.rtha,.n. and to make preparations for the invasion of Italy _ He col- lected an army of one hundred and twenty thousand infantry sixteen thousand cavalry, and fifty-eight elephants, assisted by a naval force. But the whole of this great army was not designed for the Italian expedition. A part of it was sent for die protection of Carthage, and a part was reserved for the protection of Spain, the government of which he intrusted to his brother Hasdrubal. The nations of the earth, two thousand years ago, would scarcely appreciate the magnitude of the events which were to follow from the invasion of Italy, and the war which fol- lowed-perhaps "the most memorable of all the wars ever wa-ed," certainly one of the most memorable m human 442 The Second Punic War, [Chap. XXX. annals. The question at issue was, whether the world was He prepares to be ffovemed bv a commercial olis^archy, with for vigorous ^ . ^ o J ' war. all the superstitions of the East, or by the -laws of a free and patriotic State. It was a war waged between the genius of a mighty general and the resources of the Roman people, for Hannibal did not look for aid so much to his own State, as to those hardy Spaniards who followed his standard. In the spring, B.C. 218, Hannibal set out from New Car- Crosses the thagc with an army of ninety thousand infantry Ebro. and twelve thousand cavalry. He encountered at the Ebro the first serious resistance, but this was from the natives, and not the Romans. It took four months to sur- mount their resistance, during which he lost one-fourth of his army. As it was his great object to gain time before the Romans could occupy the passes of the AIjds, he made this sacrifice of his men. When he reached the Pyrenees, he sent home a part of his army, and crossed those mountains with only fifty thousand infantry and nine thousand cavalry; but these were veteran troops. He took the coast route by Narbonne and Nimes, through the Celtic territory, and encountered no serious resistance till he reached the Rhone, opposite to Avignon, about the end of July. The passage was disputed by Scipio, assisted by friendly Gauls, but Han- nibal outflanked his enemies by sending a detachment across the river, on rafts, two days' march higher up, and thus easily forced the passage, and was three days' march beyond the river before Scipio was aware that he had crossed. Scipio then sailed back to Pisa, and aided his colleague to meet the invader in Cisalpine Gaul. Hannibal, now on Celtic territory on the Roman side of the Rhone, could not be prevented from reaching the Alps. Two passes then led from the lower Rhone across the Alps — the one by the Cottian Alps (Mount Geneva) ; and the other, Hannibal the hisjlier pass of the Grain Alps (Mount St. Ber- crosses the % . ^ ^ . Alps. nard), and this was selected bj^ Hannibal. The task of transporting a large army over even this easier pass Chap. XXX.] Passage of the Al^s, 443 was a work of great difficulty, with baggage, cavalry, and elephants, when the autumn snows were falling, resisted by the mountaineers, against whom they had to fight to the very summit of the pass. The descent, though free from ene- mies, was still more dangerous, and it required, at one place, three days' labor to make the road practicable for the ele- phants. The army arrived, the middle of September, in the plain of Ivrea, where his exhausted troops were quartered in friendly villages. Had the Romans met him near Turin with only thirty thousand men, and at once forced a battle, the prospects of Hannibal would have been doubtful. But no army appeared ; the object was attained, but with the loss of half his troops, and the rest so demoralized by fatigue, that a long rest was required. The great talents by which Scipio atoned for his previous errors now extricated his army from destruction. He retreated across the Ticinio and the Po, refus- ing a pitched battle on the plains, and fell back upon a strong position on the hills. The united consular armies, forty thousand men, were so posted as to compel Hannibal to attack in front with inferior force, or go into winter quarters, trusting to the doubtful fidelity of the Gauls. It has been well said, "that it was the misfortune of Rome's double magistracy when both consuls were present on the field." Owing to a wound which Scipio had received, the command devolved upon Sempronius, who, eager for dis- tinction, could not resist the provocations of Hannibal to bring on a battle. In one of the skirmishes the Roman cav- alry and light infantry were enticed by the flying Numidians across a swollen stream, and suddenly found themselves before the entire Punic army. The whole Roman force hur- ried across the stream to support the vang^uard. Battle of the , . Tnisimene A battle took place on the Trasimene Lake, in Lake. which the Romans were sorely beaten, but ten thousand infantry cut their way through the masses of the enemy, and reached the fortess of Placentia, where they were joined by other bands. After this success, which gave Hannibal all of 444 The Second Punio War, [Chap. XXX. Korthern Italy, his army, suffering from fatigue and disease, retired into winter quarters. He now bad lost all Ms ele- phants but one. The remains of the Roman army passed the winter in the fortresses of Piacentia and Cremona. The next spring, the Romans, under Flaminius, took the field, with four legions, to command the great northern and eastern roads, and the passes of the Appenines. But Hanni- Hannibai in ^^^j knowing that Rome was only vulnerable at Italy. ^^^ heart, rapidly changed his base, crossed the Appenines at an undefended pass, and advanced, by the lower Arno, into Etruria, while Flaminius was watching by the upper course of that stream. Flaminius was a mere i^arty leader and demagogue, and was not the man for such a crisis, for Hannibal was allowed to pass by hinx, and reach Faesulse unobstructed. The Romans prepared themselves for the worst, broke down the bridges over the Tiber, and nominated Quintus Fabius Maximus dictator. Pyrrhus would have marched direct upon Rome, but Han- nibal was more far-sighted. His army needed a new organi- zation, and rest, and recruits, so he marched unexpectedly Hannibal throuo'li TJmbria, devastated the country, and m^ircliGS to the Adriatic, halted ou the shorcs of the Adriatic. Here he rested, reorganized his Libyan cavalry, and resumed his com- munication with Carthage. He then broke up his camp, and marched into Southern Italy, hoping to break up the confed- eracy. But not a single Italian town entered into alliance with the Carthaginians. Fabius, the dictator, a man of great prudence, advanced in years, and a tactitian of the old Roman school, determined to avoid a pitched battle, and starve or weary out his enemy. Hannibal adjusted his plans in accordance with the character of the man he opposed. So he passed the Roman army, crossed the Appenines, took Telesia, and turned against Capua, the most important of all the Italian dependent cities, hoping^ for a revolt amons^ the Campanian towns. Fabius. ^ ° , ■ . . V( Here again he was disappointed. So, retracing his steps, he took the road to Apulia, the dictator follow- Chap. XXX.] Battle of CcmnoB. 445 ing him along the heiglits. So the summer was consumed by marchmgs and countermarchings, the lands of the His- panians, Campanians, Samnites, Paelignians, and other prov- inces, being successively devastated. But no important battle was fought. He selected then the rich lands of Apu- lia for winter quarters, and intrenched his camp at Gerenium. The Romans formed a camp in the territory of the Efforts of Larinates, and harassed the enemy's foragers, the Eomans. This defensive policy of Fabius wounded the Roman pride, and the dictator became unpojDular. The Senate resolved to depart from a policy which was slowly but surely ruining the State, and an army was equipped larger than Rome ever before sent into the field, composed of eight legions, under the command of the two consuls, L. ^milius Paulus, and M. Terentius Varro. The former, a patrician, had conducted successfully the Illyrian war; the latter, the popular candir date, incapable, conceited, and presumptuous. As soon as the season allowed him to leave his winter- quarters, Hannibal, assuming the offensive, marched out of Gerenium, passed Luceria, crossed the Aufidus, and took the citadel of Cannae, which commanded the plain of Canusium. The Roman consuls arrived in Apulia in the beginning of the summer, with eighty thousand infantry and six thousand cavalry. Hannibal's force was forty thousand infantry and ten thousand cavalry, inured to regular warfare. The Romans made up their minds to fight, and confronted the Carthagin- ians on the right bank of the Aufidus. According to a foolish custom, the command devolved on one of the consuls every other day, and Varro determined to avail himself of the first opportunity for a battle. The forces met on the plain west of Cannse, more favorable to the Carthaginians than the Ro- mans, on account of the superiority of the cavah-y. Battle of It is difficult, without a long description, to give clear conceptions of this famous battle. Hannibal, it would seem, like Epaminondas and Alexander, brought to bear his heavy cavalry, under Hasdrubal, upon the weakest point of the enemy, after the conflict had continued awhile without 446 The Second Punic War. [Chap. XXX. decisive results. The weaker right of the Roman army, led by Paulas, after bravely fighting, were cut down and driven across the river. Paulus, wounded, then rode to the centre, composed of infantry in close lines, which had gained an advantage over the Spanish and Gaulish troops that encoun- tered them. In order to follow up this advantage, the legions pressed forward in the form of a wedge. In this position the Its great con- Libyan infantry, wheeling upon them right and sequences. j^f^^ warmly assailcd both sides of the Roman infantry, which checked its advance. By this double flank attack the Roman infantry became crowded, and were not free. Meanwhile, Ilasdrubal, after defeating the right wing, which had been led by Paulus, led his cavalry behind the Roman centre and attacked the left wing, led by Varro. The cavalry of Yarro, opposed by the Numidian cavalry, was in no condition to meet this double attack, and was scattered. • Hasdrubal again rallied his cav- alry, and led it to the rear of the Roman centre, already in close fight with the Spanish and Gaulish infantry. This last charge decided the battle. Flight was impossible, for the river was in the rear, and in front was a victorious enemy. No quarter was given. Seventy thousand Romans were slain, including the consul Paulus and eighty men of sena- torial i-ank. Varro was saved by the speed of his horse. The Carthaginians lost not quite six thousand. This immense disaster was the signal for the revolt of the „ ,^ . allies, which Hannibal, before in vain had sous^ht allies. to procure. Capua opened her gates to the con- queror. Nearly all the people of Southern Italy rose against Rome. But the Greek cities of the coast were held by Roman garrisons, as well as the fortresses in Apulia, Cam- pania, and Samnium. The news of the battle of Cannae, e.g. 216, induced the Macedonian king to promise aid to Han- nibal. The death of Hiero at Syracuse made Sicily an enemy to Rome, while Carthage, now elated, sent considerable re-enforcements. Many critics have expressed surprise that Hannibal, after Chap. XXX.] Fortitude of the Romans. 447 this great victory, did not at once march upon Rome. Had he conquered, as Alexander did, a Persian, Orien- „,. ^ , . Wisdom of tal, effeminate people, this might have been his Hannibal, true policy. But Rome was still capable of a strong de- fense, and would not have succumbed under any pressure of adverse circumstances, and she also was still strong in allies. And more, Hannibal had not perfected his political combi- nations. He was not ready to strike the final blow. He had to keep his eye on Macedonia, Africa, Sicily, and Spain. Alexander did not march to Babylon, until he had subdued Phoenicia and Egypt. Even the capture of Rome would not prevent a long war with the States of Italy. Nor did the Romans lose courage when they learned the greatest calamity which had ever befallen them. They made new and immense preparations. All the reserve forces were called out — all men capable of bearing arms ^01.^}^^^^ of — young or old. Even the slaves were armed, after ^^® EomanB. being purchased by the State, and made soldiers. Spoils were taken down from the temples. The Latin cities sent in contingents, and the Senate refused to receive even the envoy of the conqueror. Such courage and fortitude and energy were not without effect, while the enervating influence of Capua, the ^1, . . T TTi/~ii'- The crisis. lollowmg Winter, demoralized the Carthaginians. Tlie turning point of the war was the winter which followed the defeat at Cannae. The great aim of Hannibal, in his expedition to Italy, had been to break up the Italian confed- eracy. After three campaigns, that object was only imper- fectly accomplished, in spite of his victories, and he had a great frontier to protect. With only forty thousand men, he could not leave it uncovered, and advance to Rome. The Romans, too, learning wisdom, now appointed only gen- erals of experience, and continued them in command. The animating soul of the new warfare was Marcus Claud- ius Marcellus, a man fifty years of aoje, who had ,, ' , . . Marcellus. received a severe military training, and performed acts of signal heroism. He was not a general to be a mere 448 The Second Punic War. [Ghap. xxx. spectator of the movements of the enemy from the hills, but to take his position in fortified camps under the walls of for- tresses. With the two legions saved from Cannne, and the troops raised from Rome and Ostia, he followed Hannibal to Campania, while other Roman armies were posted in other quarters. Hannibal now saw that without great re-enforcements from. Carthage, Spain, Macedonia, and Syracuse, he would be oblio'ed to lio-ht on the defensive. But the Carthao'inians sent only congratulations; the king of Macedonia failed in courage; while the Romans intercepted supplies from Syracuse and Spain. Hannibal was left to his own re- sources. Scipio, meanwhile, in Spain, attacked the real base of Han- nibal, overran tlie country of the Ebro, secured the passes of the Pyrenees, and defeated Hasdrubal while attempting to lead succor to his brother. The capture of Saguntum gave the Romans a strong fortress between the Ebro and Carthagena. Scipio even meditated an attack on Africa, and induced Syphax, king of one of the ISTumidian nations, to desert Carthage, which caused the recall of Hasdrubal from Spain. Plis departure left Scipio master of the peninsula; but Hasdrubal, after punishing the disaf- fected ISTumidians, returned to Spain, and with overwhelm' ing numbers regained their ascendency, and Scipio was slain, as well as his brother, and their army routed. It has been mentioned that on the death of Hiero, who had been the long-tried friend of Rome, Syracuse threw her Kevoitof influence in favor of Carthago, being ruled by Syracuse. factions. Agaiust this revolted city the consul Marcellus now advanced, and invested the city by land and sea. He was foiled by the celebrated mathematician Archi- medes, who constructed engines which destroyed Arcliimedcs. , . ^ '' the Roman ships. This very great man advanced the science of geometry, and made discoveries which rank him among the lights of the ancient world. His theory of the lever was the foundation of statics till the time of New- Chap. XXX.] Siege of Syracuse. 449 ton. His discovery of the method of determining specific gravities by immersion in a fluid was equally memorable. He was not only the greatest mathematician of the old world, but he applied science to practical affairs, and compelled Marcellus to convert the siege of Syracuse into a blockade. He is said to have launched a ship by the pressure of the screw, which, reversed in its operation, has revolutionized naval and commercial marines. The time gained by this eminent engineer, as well as geom- eter, enabled the Carthaginians to send an army to relieve Syracuse. The situation of Marcellus was ciitical, sie^^e^^ when, by a fortunate escalade of the walls, left un- ^>'^'^«"8e. guarded at a festival, the Romans were enabled to take pos- session of a strong position within the walls. A pestilence carried off most of the African army encamped in the valley of Anapus, with the general Himilco. Bomilcar, the Cartha- ginian admiral, retreated, rather than fight the Roman fleet. Marcellus obtahied, by the treachery of a Sicilian captain, possession of the island of Ortygia, where Dionysius had once intrenched himself, the key to the port and the city, and Syracuse fell. The city was given up to plunder and mas- sacre, and Archimedes was one of the victims. Death of Marcellus honored the illustrious defender with ^'•«J""»«de8. a stately funeral, and he was buried outside the gate of Acradina. One hundred and fifty years later, the Syracusans had forgotten even where he was buried, and his tomb was discovered by Cicero. While these events took place in Spain and Sicily, Hanni- bal bent his eflbrts to capture Tarentum, and the Romans were equally resolved to recover Capua. The fall of Taren- tum enabled Hannibal to break up the siege of Capua, and foiled in his attempts to bring on a decisive battle before that city, he advanced to Rome, and encamped within five miles of the city, after having led his troops with consummate skill between the armies and fortresses of the enemy. But Rome was well defended by two legions, under Fabius, who refused to fight a pitched battle. Hannibal was, therefore, com- 29 450 The Second Punic War, [Chap. XXX. pelled to retreat in order to save Capua, which, however, Fall of ^^ ^^^ absence, had surrendered to the Romans, after Capua. a two years' siege, and was savagely punished for its defection from the Roman cause. The fall of Capua gave a renewed confidence to the Roman government, which sent re-enforcements to Spain. But it imprudently reduced its other forces, so that Marcellus was left to face Hannibal with an inadequate army. The war was now carried on with alternate successes, in the course of which Tarentum again fell into Roman hands. Thii'ty thousand Tarentines were sold as slaves, b. c. 209. This great war had now lasted ten years, and both parties were sinking from exhaustion. In this posture of affairs the Romans were startled with the intelligence that Hasdrubal had crossed the Pyrenees, and was advancing to join his brother in Italy. The Romans, in this exigency, made pro- digious exertions. Twenty-three legions were enrolled ; but before preparations were completed, Hasdrubal crossed the Alps, re-enforced by eight thousand Ligurian mercenaries. It was the aim of the two Carthaginian generals to form a juncture of their forces, and of the Romans to prevent it. Gaining intelligence of the intended movements of Hannibal and Hasdrubal by an intercepted dispatch, the Roman con- Battieof sul, Nero, advauccd to meet Hasdrubal, and en- etamus. countered him on the banks of the Metaurus. Here a battle ensued, in which the Carthaginians were defeated and Hasdrubal slain. Hannibal was waiting in suspense for the dispatch of his brother in his Apulian camp, when the victor returned from his march of five hundred miles, and threw the head of Hasdrubal within his outposts. Keverses of On the sight of his brother's head, he exclaimed ; "I recognize the doom of Carthage." Abandon- ing Apulia and Lucania, he retired to the Bruttian peninsula, and the victor of Cannae retained only a few posts to re- embark for Africa. And yet this great general was able to keep the field four years longer, nor could the superiority of his opponents com- CHAP.XXX.J Soi^pio. 451 pel him to shut himself up in a fortress or re-embark, a proof of his strategic talents. In the mean time a brilliant career was opened in Spain to the young Publius Scipio, known as the elder Africanus. He was only twenty-four when selected to lead the g^_^^ aimies of Rome in Spain ; for it was necessary to subdue that country in order to foil the Carthaginians in Italy. Publius Scipio was an enthusiast, who won the hearts of soldiers and women. He was kingly in his bearing, con- fident of his greatness, graceful in his manners, and eloquent in his speech— popular with all classes, and inspiring the enthusiasm which he felt. He landed in Spain with an army of thirty thousand, and at once marched to New Carthage, before the distant armies of the Carthaginians could come to its relief In a single day the schemes of Hamilcar and his sons were His successes dissolved, and this great capital fell into the hands ^^ ^p^^^^- of the youthful general, not yet eligible for a single curule magistracy. Ten thousand captives were taken and six hundred talents, with great stores of corn and munitions of war. Spain seemed to be an easy conquest ; but the follow- ing year the Carthaginians made a desperate effort, and sent to'^Spain a new army of seventy thousand infantry, four thou- sand horse, and thirty-two elephants. Yet this great force, united with that which remained under Hasdrubal and Mago, was signally defeated by Scipio. This grand victory, which made Scipio master of Spain, left him free to carry the war into Africa itself, assisted by his ally Masinassa. Gades alone remained to the Carthaginians, the original colony of the Phoenicians, and even tliis last tie was severed when Mago was recalled to. assist Hannibal. Scipio, ambitious to finish the war, and seeking to employ the whole resources of the empire, returned to scipiocon- Italy and offered himself for the consulship, b. c. ^^^• 205, and was unanimously chosen by the centuries, though not of legal age. His colleague was the chief pontiff P. Licinius Crassus, whose office prevented him from leaving 4r52 Tke Second Punic War. [Chap. xxx. Italy, and he was thus left unobstructed in the sole conduct of the war. Sicily was assigned to him as his province, where he was to build a fleet and make preparations for He invades P^ssing over to Africa, although a party, headed Africa, ]3y qI^ Fabius Maximus, wished him to remain in Italy to drive away Hannibal. The Senate withheld the usual power of the consul to make a new levy, but permitted Scipio to enroll volunteers throughout Italy. In the state of disorganization and demoralization which ever attend a long war, this enrollment was easily effected, and money was raised by contributions on disaffected States. Hannibal was still pent up among the Bruttii, unwilling to let go his last hold on Italy. Mago, in cisalpine Gaul, was Hannihai too far off to render aid. The defense of Africa Italy. depended on him alone, and he was recalled. He would probably have anticipated the order. Rome breathed more freely when the " Libyan Lion " had departed. For fifteen years he had been an incubus or a terror, and the Romans, in various conflicts, had lost three hundred thousand men. Two of the Scipios, Paulns Gracchus and Marcellus, had yielded up their lives in battle. Only Fabius, among the experienced generals at the beginning of the war, was alive, and he, at the age of ninety, was now crowned with a chaplet of the grass of Italy, as the most honorable reward which could be given him. Hannibal now sought a conference with Scipio, for both Hannibal parties werc anxious for peace, but was unable to caaIvs for peace. obtain any better terms than the cession of Spain, as well as the Mediterranean islands, the surrender of the Carthaginian fleet, the payment of four thousand talents, and the confirmation of Masinissa in the kingdom of Syphax. Such t-erms could not be accepted, and both parties prepared for one more decisive conflict. The battle was fought at Zama. " Hannibal arranged his The battle infantry in three lines. The first division contained of Zama. ^]-jg Carthaginian mercenaries; the second, the African allies, and the militia of CarLhage ; the third, the Chap. XXX.] Battle of Zama. 453 veterans who followed him from Italy. In the front of the lines were stationed eighty elephants; the cavalry was placed on the wings. Scipio likewise disposed the legions in three divisions. The infantry fought hand to hand in the first division, and both parties falling into confusion, sought aid in the second division. The Romans were suj^ported, but the Carthaginian militia was wavering. Upon seeing this, Hannibal hastily withdrew what remained of the two first lines to the flanks, and pushed forward his choice Italian troops along the whole line. Scipio gathered together in the centre all that were able to fight of the first line, and made the second and third divisions close up on the right and left of the first. Once again the conflict was renewed with more desperate fighting, till the cavalry of the Romans and of Masinassa, returning from pursuit of the beaten cavalry of the enemy, surrounded them on all sides. This movement annihilated the Punic army. All was lost, and Hannibal was only able to escape with a handful of men." It was now in the power of Scipio to march upon Carthage and lay siege to the city, neither protected nor Scipio gives . . T -r» , -, » peace to Car- provisioned. Jb>ut he made no extravagant use of thage. his victory. He granted peace on the terms previously re- jected, with the addition of an annual tribute of two hundred talents for fifty years. He had no object to destroy a city after its political power was annihilated, and wickedly over- throw the primitive seat of commerce, which was still one of the main pillars of civilization. He was too great and wise a statesman to take such a revenge as the Romans sought fifty years afterward. He Avas contented to end the •war gloriously, and see Carthage, the old rival, a tributary and broken power, with no possibility of reviving its former schemes, b. c. 201. This ended the Hannibalic war, which had lasted seven- teen years, and which gave to Rome the undis- ^^^^^ ^^ ^-^^ puted sovereignty of Italy, the conversion of Spain "^^'■• into two Roman provinces, the union of Syracuse with the Roman province of Sicily, the establishment of a Roman 454 TJie Second Punic War. [Chap. xxx;. protectorate over the Numidian chiefs, and the reduction of Carthage to a defenseless mercantile city. The hegemony of Rome was established over the western region of the Mediterranean. These results were great, but were obtained by the loss of one quarter of the burgesses of Rome, the ruin of four hundred towns, the waste of the accumulated capital of years, and the general demoralization of the people. It might seem that the Romans could have lived side by side with other nations in amity, as modern nations do. But, in ancient times, " it was necessary to be either anvil or ham- mer." Either Rome or Carthage was to become the great power of the world. CHAPTER XXXI. THE MACEDONIAN AND ASIATIC WAKS. ScAECELY was Rome left to recover from the exhaustion of the long and desperate war with Hannibal, before she was involved in a new war with Macedonia, which led to very important consequences. The Greeks had retained the sovereignty which Alexander had won, and their civilization extended rapidly into the East. There were three great monarchies which arose, however, from the dismemberment of the empire which Alexander had founded — Macedonia, Asia, and Egypt — and each of them, in turn, was destined to become provinces of Rome. Macedonia was then ruled by Philip V., and was much such a monarchy as the first Philip had consoli- dated. The Macedonian rule embraced Greece and Thessaly, and strong garrisons were maintained at Demetrias in Magnesia, Calchis in the island of Euboea, and in Corinth, " the three fetters of the Hellenes." But the strength of the kingdom lay in Macedonia. In Greece proper all moral and political energy had fled, and the degenerate, but still intel- lectual inhabitants spent their time in bacchanalian pleas- ures, in fencing, and in study of the midnight lamp. The Greeks, diffused over the East, disseminated their culture, but were only in sufficient numbers to supply officers, states- men, and schoolmasters. All the real warlike vigor remained among: the nations of the North, where Philip _ ., reigned, a genuine king, proud oi his purple, and proud of his accomplishments, lawless and ungodly, indiffer- ent to the lives and sufferings of others, stubborn and tyran- nical. He saw with regret the subjugation of Carthage, but 456 Macedonian and Asiatic Wars. Chap, xxxl did not come to her relief when his aid might have turned the scale, ten years before. His eyes were turned to another quarter, to possess himself of part of the territories of Egypt, assisted by Antiochus of Asia. In this attempt he arrayed against himself all the Greek mercantile cities whose interests were identified with Alexandria, now, on the fall of Carthage, the greatest commercial city of the world. He was opposed by Pergamus and the Rhodian league, while the Romans gave serious attention to their Eastern complications, not so much with a view of conquering the East, as to protect their newly-acquired possessions. A Macedonian war, then, be- came inevitable, but was entered into reluctantly, and was one of the most righteous, according to Mommsen, which Rome ever waged. The pretext for war — the casus belli — was furnished by an Makes war attack ou Atlicus bv the Macedonian sreneral, to ■with the -^ . ^ . Komans. aveno'e the murder of two Arcanians for intrud- ing upon the Eleusinan Mysteries, b. c. 201. Athens was an ally of Rome. Two legions, under Publius Sulpicius Galba, embarked at Brundusium for Macedonia, with one thousand Numidian cavalry and a number of elephants. Nothing was accomplished this year of any historical importance. The next spring Galba led his troops into Macedonia, and en- countered the enemy, under Philip, on a marshy plain on the northwest frontier. But the Macedonians avoided bat- tle, and after repeated skirmishes and marches the Romans returned to Apollonia. Philip did not disturb the army in its retreat, but turned against the JEtolians, who had joined the league against him. At the end of the campaign the Romans stood as they were in the spring, but would have been routed had not the ^tolians interposed. The successes of Philip filled him with arrogance and self-confidence, and the folloAving spring he assumed the ofifensive. The Romans, meantime, had been re-enforced by new troops, under the command of Flaminius, who attacked Philip in his intrenched camp. The Macedonian king lost his camp and two thousand men, and retreated to the Pass of Tempe, the gate of Mace- Chap. XXXL] Humiliation of P?tilip, 457 donia proper, deserted by many of his allies. The Achoeans entered into alliance with Rome. The winter came on, and Philip sought terms of peace. All he could obtain from Flaminius was an armistice of two months. The Roman Senate refused all terms unless Philip would renounce all Greece, especially Corinth, Chalcis, and Demetrias. These were rejected, and Philip strained all his energies to meet his enemy in a pitched battle. He brought into the field twenty-six thousand men, an equal force to the Battle of Cy- Romans, and encountered them at Cynocephalse. i^ycephahe. The Romans were victorious, and a great number of prison- ers fell into their hands. Philip escaped to Larissa, burned his papers, evacuated Thessaly, and returned home. He was completely vanquished, and was obliged to accept such a peace as the Romans were disposed to grant. But the Romans did not abuse their power, but treated Philip with respect, and granted to him such terms as had been given to Carthage. He lost all his foreign possessions in Asia Minor, Thrace, Greece, and the islands of the JEgean, but retained Macedonia. He was also bound not to conclude foreign alliances without the consent of the Romans, nor send gar- risons abroad, nor maintain an army of over five thousand men, nor possess a navy beyond five ships of war. He was also required to pay a contribution of one thousand talents. He was thus left in possession only of as much power as was necessary to guard the frontiers of Hellas against the bar- barians. All the States of Greece were declared free, and most of them were incorporated with the Achaean ^^^^ Achseaa League, a confederation of the old cities, which i^sue- were famous before the Dorian migration, to resist the Mace- donian domination. This famous league was the last strug- gle of Greece for federation to resist overpowering foes. As the Achffian cities were tlie dominant States of Greece at the Trojan war, so the expiring fires of Grecian liberty went out the last among that ancient race. The liberator of Greece, as Flaminius may be called, assem- bled the deputies of all the Greek communities at Corinth, ex- 4:58 Macedonian and Asiatic Wars, [Chap. xxxi. horted them to use the freedom which he had conferred upon The liberties them with moderation, and requested, as the sole .cured. retupu for the kindness which the Romans had shown, that they would send back all the Italian captives sold in Greece during the war with Hannibal, and then he evacuated the last fortresses which he held, and returned to Rome with his troops and liberated captives. Rome really- desired the liberation and independence of Greece, now that all fears of her political power were removed, and that glorious liberty which is associated with the struggles of the Greeks with the Persians might have been secured, had not the Hellenic nations been completely demoralized. There was left among them no foundation and no material for liberty, and nothing but the magic charm of the Hellenic name could have prevented Flaminius from estab- lishino^ a Roman government in that de2:enerate land. It was an injudicious generosity which animated the Romans, but for which the war with Antiochus might not have arisen. Antiochus HI., the great-great-grandson of the general of Alexander who founded the dynasty of the Seleucidae, then reigned in Asia. On the fall of Philip, who was his ally, he took possession of those districts in Asia Minor that foraierly belonged to Egypt, but had fallen to Philip. He also sought to recover the Greek cities of Asia Minor as a part of his empire. This enterprise em- broiled him with the Romans, who claimed a protectorate over all the Hellenic cities. And he was further complicated by the arrival at Ephesus, his capital, of Hannibal, to whom he gave an honorable reception. A rupture with Rome could not be avoided. To strengthen himself in Asia for the approaching conflict,^ Antiochus married one of his daughters to Ptolemy, king of Egypt, another to the king of Cappadocia, a third to the king of Pergamus, while the Grecian cities were amused by pro- Power of raises and presents. He was also assured of the Antiochus. ^-^ ^£ ^1^^ JEtolians, who intrigued against the Romans as soon as Flaminius had left. Then was seen the Chap. XXXI.] Scipio defeats Ardiochus. 459 en'or of that general for withdrawing garrisons from Greece, which w^as to be the theatre of the war. Antiochus collected an army and started for Greece, hoping to be joined by Philip, who, however, placed all jj,g p^epara- his forces at the disposal of the Romans. The t^nsforwar. Achaean League also was firm to the Roman cause. The Roman armies sent against him, commanded by Maninius Acilius Glabrio, numbered forty thousand men. Instead of retiring before this superior force, Antiochus intrenched himself in Thermopylae, but his army was dispersed, and he fled to Chalcis, and there embarked for Ephesus. The war was now to be carried to Asia. Both parties, during the winter, vigorously prepared for the next campaign, and the conqueror of Zama was g^jp^^ j^ selected by Rome to conduct her armies in Asia. '^^^*- It was a long and weary march for the Roman armies to the Hellespont, which was crossed, however, without serious ob- stacles, from the mismanagement of Antiochus, who ofiered terms of peace when the army had safely landed in Asia. He offered to pay half the expenses of the war and the ces- sion of his European possessions, as well as of the Greek cities of Asia Minor that had gone over to the Romans. But Scipio demanded the whole cost of the war and the cession of Asia Minor. These terms were rejected, and the Syrian king hastened to decide the fate of Asia by a pitched battle. This fight was fought at Magnesia, b. c. 190, not far from Smyrna, in the vallsy of the Hermus. The forces Defg^^t ^f of Antiochus were eighty thousand, including Antiochus. twelve thousand cavalry, but were undisciplined and unwieldy. Those of Scipio were about half as numerous. The Romans were completely successful, losing only twenty- four horsemen and three hundred infantry, whereas the loss of Antiochus was fifty thousand — a victory as brilliant as that of Alexander at Issus. Asia Minor was surrendered to the Romans, and Antiochus was compelled to pay three thousand talents (little more than three million dollars) at once, and the same contribution for twelve years, so that 460 Macedonian and Asiatic Wars, [Chap. XXXI. he retained nothing but Cilicia. His power was broken utterly, and he was prohibited from making aggressive war against the States of the West, or from navigating the sea west of the mouth of the Calycadnus, in Cilicia, with armed Syria a ships, or from taminoj elephants, or even receivinsf Eoman ,..'„.. ^i • n c^ • province. political fugitivcs. ihc proviiice of Syria never again made a second appeal to the decision of arms — a proof of the feeble organization of the kingdom of the Seleucidie. The king of Cappadocia escaped with a fine of six hundred Subjection talcuts. All the Greek cities which had ioined the of the Oreek ... cities. Romans had their liberties confirmed. The .^to- lians lost all cities and territories which were in the hands of their adversaries. But Philip and the Achseans were dis- gusted with the small share of the spoil granted to them. Thus the protectorate of Rome now embraced all the States from the eastern to the western end of the Mediterranean. And Rome, about this time, was delivered of the last enemy whom she feared — the homeless and fugitive Carthaginian, who lived long enough to see the West subdued, as well as Death of the armics of the East overpowered. At the age anm a . ^^ sevciity-six he took poison, on seeing his house beset with assassins. For fifty years he kept the oath he had sworn as a boy. About the same time that he killed himself in Bithynia, Scipio, on whom fortune had lavished, all her honors and successes — who had added Spain, Africa, and Asia to the empire, died in voluntary banishment, little over fifty years of age, leaving orders not to bury his remains in the city for which he had lived, and where his ancestors reposed. He died in bitter vexation from the false charges made against him of corruption and embezzlement, with hardly any other fault than that overweening arrogance which usually attends unprecedented success, and which corrodes the heart Avhen the eclat of prosperity is dimmed bv time. The career and death of both these great men — the greatest of their age — shows impressively the vanity of all worldly greatness, and is an additional confirmation of the fact that the latter years of illustrious men are generally Chap. XXXI.] Renewed War with Macedonia. 461 sad and gloomy, and certain to be so when their lives are not animated by a greater sentiment than that of ambition. Philip of Macedon died, b. c. 179, in the fifty-ninth year of his age and the forty-second of his reign, and his son Perseus succeeded to his throne at the age of thirty-one. Macedonia had been humbled rather than weakened by the Romans, and after eighteen years of peace, had renewed her resources. This kingdom chafed against the foreign power of Rome, as did the whole Hellenic world. A profound sentiment of discontent existed in both Asia and Europe. Perseus made alliances with the discontented cities — with the Byzantines, the ^tolians, and the BoBotians. But so prudently did he conduct his intrigues, that it was not till the seventh year of his reign that Rome declared war asrainst him. The resources of Macedonia were still considerable. The army consisted of thirty thousand men, without considering mercenaries or contingents, and great quantities of military stores had been collected in the magazines. And Perseus himself was a monarch of great ability, trained and disci- plined to war. He collected an army of forty-three thou- sand men, while the whole Roman force in Greece j^^.^j^^g ^^^ was scarcely more. Crassus conducted the Roman ^" ^^^*'"^"*- army, and in the first engagement at Ossa, was decidedly beaten. Perseus then sought peace, but the Romans never made peace after a defeat. The war continued, but the mili- tary result of two campaigns was null, while the political result was a disgrace to the Romans. The third campaign, conducted by Quintus Marcius Philippus, was equally unde- cisive, and had Perseus been willing to part with his money, he could have obtained the aid of twenty thousand Celts who would have given much trouble. x\t last, in the fourth year of the war, the Romans sent to Macedonia Lucius JEmilius Paulus, son of the consul that fell at Canme — an excellent general and incorruptible ; a man sixty years of age, culti- vated in Hellenic literature and art. Soon after his arrival at the camp at Heracleum, he brought about the battle of 462 Macedonian and Asiatic Wars, [Chap. xxxi. Pydna, which settled the fate of Macedonia. The over- Bftttie of throw of the Macedonians was fearful. Twenty Pydna. thousand wcrc killed and eleven thousand made prisoners. All Macedonia submitted in two days, and the king fled with his gold, some six thousand talents he had hoarded, to Samothrace, accompanied with only a few fol- lowers. The Persian monarch might have presented a more effectual resistance to Alexander had he scattered his trea- sures among the mercenary Greeks. So Perseus could have prolonged his contest had he employed the Celts. AYhen a man is struggling desperately for his life or his crown, his treasures are of secondary importance. Perseus was soon after taken prisoner by the Romans, with all his treasures, and died a few years later at Alba. " Thus perished the empire of Alexander, which had sub- Tto A .;.- ^ dued and Hellenized the East, one hundred and Its aeeisive ' results. forty-four years from his death." The kingdom of Macedonia was stricken out of the list of States, and the whole land was disarmed, and the fortress of Demetrias was razed. Illja-ia was treated in a similar way, and became a Roman province. All the Hellenic States were reduced to dependence upon Rome. Pergamus was humiliated. Rhodes was deprived of all possessions on the main land, although the Rhodians had not offended. Egypt voluntarily sub- mitted to the Roman protectorate, and the whole empire of Alexander the Great fell to the Roman commonwealth. The universal empire of the Romans dates from the battle of Pydna — " the last battle in which a civilized State confronted Rome in the field on the footing of equality as a great power." All subsequent struggles were with barbarians. Mithridates, of Pontus, made subsequently a desperate effort to rid the Oriental w^orld of the dominion of Rome, but the battle of Pydna marks the real supremacy of the Romans Supremacy in the civiUzed world. Mommsen asserts that of the , . . , -I • 1 • 1 Komansin it IS a Superficial view which sees m the wars the civilized r>iT~» -i •t •• ii- world. 01 the Romans with tribes, cities, and kings, an insatiable longing after dominion and riches, and that it was Chap. XXXI.] Consequences of the Battle of Pydna, 463 only a desire to secure the complete sovereignty of Italy, unmolested by enemies, which prompted, to this period, the Roman wars — that the Romans earnestly opposed the intro- duction of Africa, Greece, and Asia into the pale of protector- ship, till circumstances compelled the extension of that pale — that, in fact, they were di'iven to all their great wars, with the exception of that concerning Sicily, even those with Hannibal and Antiochus, either by direct aggression or dis- turbance of settled political relations. " The policy of Rome was that of a narrow-minded but very able deliberate assem- bly, which had far too little power of grand combination, and far too much instinctive desire for the preservation of its own commonwealth, to devise projects in the spirit of a Csesar or a Napoleon." ISTor did the ancient world know of a balance of power among nations, and hence every nation Btrove to subdue its neighbors, or render- them powerless, like the Grecian States. Had the Greeks combined for a great political unity, they might have defied even the Roman power, or had they been willing to see the growth of equal States without envy, like the modern nations of Europe, with- out destructive conflicts, the States of Sparta, Corinth, and Athens might have grown simultaneously, and united, would have been too powerful to be subdued. But they did not understand the balance of power, and they were inflamed with rival animosities, and thus destroyed each other. CHAPTER XXXII. THE THIRD PUNIC WAE. The peace between Caithage and Rome, after the second Punic war, lasted fifty years, during which the Carthagini- ans gave the Romans no cause of complaint. Carthage, in the enjoyment of peace, devoted itself to commerce and industrial arts, and grew very rich and populous. The gov- ernment alone was weak, from the an'archieal ascendency of the people, who were lawless and extravagant. Their renewed miseries can be traced to Masinissa, who Causes of was in close alliance with the Romans. The Car- the third ... , ., , . , , Punic war. thaginians endured every thing rather than pro- voke the hostility of Rome, which watched the first opportu- nity to effect their ruin. Having resigned themselves to political degradation, general cowardice and demoralization were the result. Masinissa, king of Numidia, made insolent claims on those Phoenician settlements on the coast of Byza- ni5&. QQ^Q^ which the Carthaginians possessed from the earliest times. Scipio was sent to Carthage, to arrange the difficulty, as arbitrator, and the circumstances were so aggravated that he could not, with any justice, decide in favor of the king, but declined to pronounce a verdict, so that Masinissa and Carthage should remain on terms of hostility. And as Masinissa reigned for fifty years after the peace, Carthage was subjected to continual vexations. At last a war broke out between them, Masinissa was stronger than Carthage, but the city raised a considerable army, and placed it under the conduct of Hasdrubal, who marched against the perfidious enemy with fifty thousand Chap. XXXII.] Misery of Carthage, 465 mercenaries. The battle was not decisive, but Hasdrubal retreated without securing his communication with Carthage. His army was cut off, and he sought terms of peace, Usurpation ,., , iM • T Til o^ Masi- which were haughtily rejected, and he then gave nissa. hostages for keeping the peace, and agreed to pay five thou- sand talents within fifty years, and acknowledge Masinissa's usurpation. The Romans, instead of settling the difficulties, instigated secretly Masinissa. And the Roman commis- sioners sent to the Senate exaggerated accounts of the resources of Carthage. The Romans compelled the Cartha- ginians to destroy their timber and the materials they had in abundance for building a new fleet. Still the Senate, havinof the control of the foreio-n relations, and havinor become a mere assembly of kings, with the great power which the government of provinces gave to it, was filled with renewed jealousy. Cato never made a speech without clos- ing with these words : " Carthago est delenda,'''' A blind hatred animated that vindictive and narrow old patrician, who headed a party with the avowed object of the destruc- tion of Carthage. And it was finally determined to destroy the city. The Romans took the Carthaginians to account for the war with Masinissa, and not contented with the Carthage ... [^ . . . 1 T called to ao- humiliation of their old rival, aimed at her abso- count. lute ruin, though she had broken no treaties. The Cartha- ginians, broken-hearted, sent embassy after embassy, implor- ing the Senate to preserve peace, to whom the senators gave equivocal answers. The situation of Carthage was hopeless and miserable — stripped by Masinissa of the rich towns of Emporia, and on the eve of another conflict with the mistress of the world. Had the city been animated by the spirit which Hannibal had sought to infuse, she was still capable of a yov^&voz noble defense. She ruled over three hundred Curthage. Libyan cities, and had a population of seven hundred thou- sand. She had accumulated two hundred thousand stand of arms, and two thousand catapults. And she had tiie 30 4:QQ The Third Funic War, [Chap. XXXn. means to manufacture a still greater amount. But she had, unfortunately, on the first demand of the Romans, surren- dered these means of defense. At last Rome declared war, b. c. 149 — the wickedest war in which she ever eno^ao^ed — and Cato had the War o c^ declared. satisfaction of Seeing, at the age of eighty-five, his policy indorsed against every principle of justice and honor. A Roman army landed in Africa unopposed, and the Car- thaginians were weak enough to surrender, not only three hundred hostages from the noblest families, but the arms already enumerated. Nothing but infatuation can account for this miserable concession of weakness to strength, all from a blind confidence in the tender mercies of an unpitying and unscrupulous foe. Then, when the city was defenseless, the hostages in the hands of the Romans, and they almost at the gates, it was coolly announced that it was the will of the Senate that the city should be destroyed. Too late, the doomed city prepared to make a last stand against an inexorable enemy. The most violent feelings of hatred and rage, added to those of despair, at last animated the people of Carthage. It was the same passion Avhich arrayed Tyre against Alexander, and Jerusalem against Titus. It was a wild patriotic frenzy which knew no bounds. Despair of inspired by the instinct of self-preservation, and ginians. asidc from all calculation of success or failure. As the fall of the city was inevitable, wisdom might have coun- seled an unreserved submission. Resistance should have been thought of before. In fact, Carthage should not have yielded to the first Africanus. And when she had again become rich and populous, she should have defied the Ro- mans when their spirit was perceived — should have made a more gallant defense against Masinissa, and concentrated all her energies for a last stand upon her own territories. But why should we thus speculate ? The doom of Carthage had been pronounced by the decrees of fate. The fall has all the mystery and solemnity of a providential event, like the fall of all empires, like the defeat of Darius by Alexander, Chap, xxxil] The Defenses of Carthage. Wl like the ruin of Jerusalem, like the melting away of l^orth American Indians, like the final overthrow of the " Eternal City " itself. The desperation of the city in her last conflict proves, however, that, with proper foresight and patriot- ^hecit ism, her fall might have been delayed, for it took 'f't^®^ , the Komans three years to subdue her. The dis- ^^^^t^- armed city withstood the attack of the Romans for a period five times as long as it required Vespasian and Titus to cap- ture Jerusalem. The city resounded day and night with the labors of men and women on arms and catapults. One hun- dred and forty shields, three hundred swords, five hundred spears, and one thousand missiles were manufactured daily, and even a fleet of one hundred and fifty ships was built during the siege. The land side of the city was protected by a triple wall, and the rocks of Cape Camast and Cape Carthage sheltered it from all attacks by sea, except one side protected by fortified harbors and quays. Hasdrubal, with the remnant of his army, was still *® ™ * in the field, and took up his station at Nephesis, on the opposite side of the lake of Tunis, to harass the besiegers. Masinissa died at the age of ninety, soon after hostilities began. The first attack on Carthage was a failure, and the army of the Consuls Censorinus and Manius Manilius would ^ ., J allure of nave been cut to pieces, had it not been for the the Komans. reserve led by Scipio ^milianus, a grandson of Africanus, Tvho was then serving as military tribune. He also per- formed many gallant actions when Censorinus retired to Rome, leaving the army in the hands of his incompetent colleague. The second campaign was equally unsuccessful, under L. Calpurnius Piso and L. Mancinus. The slow pro- ^^^^ ^.g. gress of the war excited astonishment throughout ^^^^ed. the world. The suspense of the campaign was intolerable to the proud spirit of the Romans, who had never dreamed of such resistance. The eyes of the Romans were then turned 4:68 The Third Funio War. [Chap. xxxn. to the yonng hero who alone had thus far distinguished himself. Although he had not reached the proper age, he was chosen consul, and the province of Africa was assigned to him. He sailed with his friends Polybius and Lselius. He was by no means equal to the elder Scipio, although he was an able general and an accomplished man. He was ostentatious, envious, and proud, and had cultivation rather than genius. When he arrived at XJtica, he found the campaign of b. c. Mistake of 147 Opened in such a way that his arrival saved MaDciDus. ^ great disaster. The admiral Mancinus had at- tempted an attack on an undefended quarter, but a desperate sally of the besieged had exposed him to imminent danger, and he was only relieved by the timely arrival of Scipio. The new general then continued the siege with new vigor. Sie«^eofCar- "^^^^ headquarters were fixed on an isthmus uniting thage. ^|-^g peninsula of Carthage with the main-land, from which he attacked the suburb called Mcgara, and took it, and shut up the Carthaginians in the old town and ports. The garrison of the suburb and the army of Hasdrubal re- treated within the fortifications of the city. The Cartha- ginian leader, to cut off all retreat, infi;icted inhuman bar- barities and tortures on all the Roman prisoners they took. Scipio, meanwhile, intrenched and fortified in the suburb, cut off all communication between the city and main-land by parallel trenches, three miles in length, drawn across the whole isthmus. The communication with the sea being still open, from which the besieged received supplies, the port was blocked up by a mole of stone ninety-six feet wide. The oesieged worked night and day, and cut a new channel to the sea, and, had they known how to improve their oppor- tunity, might, with the new fleet they had constructed, have destroyed that of their enemies, unprepared for action. Scipio now resolved to make himself master of the ports, Scipio master "^l^ich wcrc Separated from the sea by quays and of the ports. ^ weak wall. His battering-rams were at once destroyed by the Carthaginians. He then built a wall or dHAP. XXXII.] Fall of Carthage. 469 rampart upon the quay, to the height of the city wall, and placed upon it four thousand men to. harass the besieged. As the winter rains then set in, making his camp unhealthy, and the city was now closely invested by sea and land, he turned his attention to the fortified camp of the enemy at Nephesis, which was taken by storm, and seventy thousand persons put to the sword. The Carthaginian army was an- nihilated. Meanwhile famine pressed within the besieged city, and Hasdrubal would not surrender. An attack, led Attack of the by Lsslius, on the market-place, gave the Romans citadel. a foothold within the city, and a great quantity of spoil. One thousand talents were taken from the temple of Apollo. Preparations were then made for the attack of the citadel, and for six days there was a hand-to-hand fight between the combatants amid the narrow streets which led to the Byrsa. The tall Oriental houses were only taken one by one and burned, and the streets were cumbered with the dead. The miserable people, crowded within the citadel, certain now of destruction, then sent a deputation to Scipio to beg the lives of those who had sought a retreat in the Byrsa. The request was granted to all but Roman deserters. But out of the great population of seven hundred thousand, only thirty thousand men and twenty-five thousand women marched from the burning ruins. Hasdrubal and the three hundred Roman deserters, certain of no mercy, retired to the temple of ^Esculapius, the heart of the citadel. But the Carthaginian, uniting pusillanimity with crueltv, no sooner found Capture and ^ ^ •' * . -^ . . , destruction the temple on fire, than he rushed out m bcipio s of Canbage. presence, with an olive-branch in his hands, and abjectly begged for his life, which Scipio granted, after he had pros- trated himself at his feet in sight of his followers, who loaded him with the bitterest execrations. The wife of Hasdrubal, deserted by the abject wretch, called down the curses of the gods on the man who had betrayed his country and deserted at last his family. She then cut the throats of her children and threw them into the flames, and then leaped into them 4:70 The Third Punio War, [Chap. XXXn. herself. The Roman deserters in the same manner perished. The city was given up to plunder, the inhabitants whose lives were spared were sold as slaves, and the gold and works of art were carried to Rome and deposited in the temples. Such was the fate of Carthage — a doom so awful, that we ^ „ , can not but feel that it was sent as a chastisement Her a-svtul fate, ^QY crimes which had long cried to Heaven for vengeance. Carthage always was supremely a wicked city. All the luxurious and wealthy capitals of ancient times were wicked, especially Oriental cities, as Carthage properly, though not technically, was — founded by Phoenicians, and a worshiper of the gods of Tyre and Sidon. The Roman Sen- ate decreed that not only the city, but even the villas of the nobles in the suburb of Megara, should be leveled with the Carthage ajround, and the plowshare driven over the soil utterly de- ° ' i t i . stroyecL dcvotcd to perpctual desolation, and a curse to the man who should dare to cultivate it or build upon it. For fourteen days, the fires raged in this once populous and wealthy city, and the destruction was complete, b. c. 146. So deep-seated was the Roman hatred of rivals, or States that had been rivals ; so dreadful was the punishment of a wicked city, of which Scipio was made the instrument, not merely of the Romans, but of Divine providence. All the great cities of antiquity, which had been seats of luxury and pride, had now been utterly destroyed — Nineveh, The fate of Babylon, Tyre, and Carthage. Corinth was already mCTciafca'p- sackcd by Mummius, and Jerusalem was to be itais. 1^^ Titus, and Rome herself was finally to receive a still direr chastisement at the hands of Goths and Van- dals. So Providence moves on in his mysterious power to bring to naught the grandeur and power of rebellious nations — rebellious to those mighty moral laws which are as inexorable as the laws of nature. The territory on the coast of Zeugitana and Byzantium, which formed the last possession of Carthage, was erected into the province of Africa, and the rich plain of that fertile Chap. XXXII.] Change in Roman Manners, 471 province became more important to Rome for supplies of corn than even Sicily, which had been the granary of Rome. Scipio returned to Rome, and enjoyed a triumph more gor geous than the great Africanus. He also lived to scipio tri- enjoy another triumph for brilliant successes in '^'^p^^- Spain, yet to be enumerated, but was also doomed to lose his popularity, and to perish by the dagger of assassins. Rome had now acquired the undisputed dominion of the civilized world, and with it, the vices of the nations she sub- dued. A great decline in Roman morals succeeded these brilliant conquests. Great internal changes took place. The old distinction of patricians and plebeians had van- Change in ished, and a new nobility had arisen, composed of manners. rich men and of those whose ancestors had enjoyed curule magistracies. They possessed the Senate, and had control of the Comitia Centuriata, by the prerogative vote of the eques- trian centuries. A base rabble had grown up, fed with corn and oil, by the government, and amused by games and spec- tacles. The old republican aristocracy was supplanted by a family oligarchy. The vast wealth which poured into Rome from the conquered countries created disproportionate for- tunes. The votes of the people were bought by the rich can- didates for popular favor. The superstitions of the East were transferred to the capitol of the world, and the decay in faith was as marked as the decay in virtue. Chaidsean astrologers were scattered over Italy, and the gods of all the conquered peoples of the earth were worshiped at Rome. The bonds of society were loosed, and a state was prepared for the civil wars which proved even more destructive than the foreign. CHAPTEE XXXm EOMAN CONQUESTS FKOM THE FALL OF CARTHAGE TO THE TIMES OF THE GRACCHI. Although the Roman domination now extended in some form or other over most of the countries around the Medi- terranean, still several States remained to be subdued, in the East and in the West. The subjugation of Spain first deserves attention, com- menced before the close of the third Punic war, and which I have omitted to notice for the sake of clearness of connection. After the Hannibalic war, we have seen how Rome planted her armies in Spain, and added two provinces to her empire. But the various tribes were far from being subdued, and Spain was inhabited by different races. This great peninsula, bounded on the north by the ocean Cantabricus, now called the Bay of Biscay, and the Pyrenees, on the east and south by the Mediterranean, and on the west The Spanish ^J ^^^^ Atlantic Occan, was called Iberia, by the peninsula. Grccks, from the river Iberus, or Ebro. The term Hispania was derived from the Phoenicians, who planted colonies on the southern shores. The Carthaginians invaded it next, and founded several cities, the chief of which was New Carthage. At the end of the second Punic war, it was wrested from them by the Romans, who divided it into two provinces, Citerior and Ulterior. In the time of Augustus, Ulterior Spain was divided into two provinces, called Lusi- tania and Bsetica, while the Citerior province, by far the larger, occupying the whole northern country from the Atlantic to the Mediterranean, was called Tarragona. It included three-fifths of the peninsula, or about one hun- Chap, xxxin.] Spanish States and Cities. 473 dred and seven thousand three hundred square miles. It embraced the modern provinces of Catalonia, Aragon, Na- varre, Biscay, Asturias, Galicia, Northern Leon, old and new Castile, Murcia, and Valentia, and a part of Por- tugal. Bsetica nearly corresponded with Andalusia, and embraced Granada, Jaen, Cordova, Seville, and half of Spanish Estremadura. Lusitania corresponds nearly with Portugal. The Tarraconeusis was inhabited by numerous tribes, and the chief ancient cities were Barcelona, Tarragona Geography the metropolis, Pampeluna, Oporto, Numantia, Sa- ^^ ^p^'"' guntum, Saragossa, and Cartagena. In Baetica were Cor- dova, Castile, Gades, and Seville. In Lusitania were Olisipo (Lisbon), and Salamanca. Among the inhabitants of these various provinces were Iberians, Celts, Phoenicians, and Hellenes. In the year 154 B. c, the Lusitanians, under a chieftain called Punicus, in- vaded the Roman territory which the elder Scipio had conquered, and defeated two Roman governors. The Ro- mans then sent a consular army, under Q. Fulvius Nobilior, which was ultimately defeated by the Lusitanians under •Csesarus. This success kindled the flames of war far and near, and the Celtiberians joined in the warfare against the Roman invaders. Again the Romans were defeated with heavy loss. The Senate then sent considerable re- War with *' the Span- enforcements, under Claudius Marcellus, who soon iards. changed the aspect of affairs. The nation of the ArevacjB surrendered to the Romans — a people living on the branches of the Durius, near Numantia — and their western neighbors, the Yaccffii, were also subdued, and barbarously dealt with. On the outbreak of the third Punic war the affairs of Spain were left to the ordinary governors, and a new insurrection of the Lusitanians took place. Yiriathus, a Spanish chief- tain, signally defeated the Romans, and was recognized as king of all the Lusitanians. He was distinguished, not only for bravery, but for temperance and art, and was a sort of Homeric hero, whose name and exploits were sounded 4:74: Boman Conquests, [Chap. XXXIIL throughout the peninsula. He gained great victories over the Roman generals, and destroyed their armies. General after general was successively defeated. For five years this gallant Spaniard kept the whole Roman power at bay, and he was only destroyed by treachery. While the Lusitanians at the South were thus prevailing over the Roman armies on the banks of the Tagus, another war broke out in the North among the Celtiberian natives. Against these people Quintus Csecilius Metellus, the consul, was sent. He showed great ability, and in two years re- duced the whole northern province, except the two cities of Termantia and Numantia. These cities, wearied at last with war, agreed to submit to the Romans, and delivered up Inglorious hostagcs and deserters, with a sum of money. But ^^^' the Senate, with its usual policy, refused to confirm the treaty of its general, which perfectly aroused the Nu- mantines to resentment and despair. These brave people obtained successes against the Roman general L^nas and his successors, Mancinus and M. ^milius Lepides, as well as Philus and Piso. The Romans, aroused at last to this inglorious war, which had lasted nearly ten years, resolved to take the city of the Numantines at any cost, and intrusted the work to Scipio JEmilianus, their best general He spent the summer (b. c. 134) in extensive preparations, and it was not till winter that he drew his army round the walls of Numantia, defended by only eight thousand citizens. Scipio even declined a battle, and fought with mattock and spade. A double wall of circumvallation, surmounted with towers, was built around the city, and closed the access to it by the Douro, by which the besieged relied upon for pro- visions. The city sustained a memorable siege of nearly a year, and was only reduced by famine. The inhabitants were sold as slaves, and the city was leveled with the ground. The fall of this fortress struck at the root of oppo- sition to Rome, and a senatorial commission was sent to Spain, in order to organize with Scipio the newly-won terri- Chap. XXXIIL] Africa. 475 tories, and became henceforth the best-regulated country of all the provinces of Rome. But a graver difficulty existed with the African, Greek, and Asiatic States that had been brougrht under Difficulties .... the influence of the Roman hegemony, which was provinces. neither formal sovereignty nor actual subjection. The client States had neither independence nor peace. The Senate, nevertheless, perpetually interfered, with the course of Afri- can, Hellenic, Asiatic, and Egyptian afiairs. Commissioners were constantly going to Alexandria, to the Achaean diet, and to the courts of the Asiatic princes, and the government of Rome deprived the nations of the blessings of freedom and the blessings of order. It was time to put a stop to this state of things, and the only way to do so was to convert the client States Province of into Roman provinces. After the destruction of ^^"^^• Carthage, the children of Masinissa retained in substance their former territories, but were not allowed to make Car- thage their capital. Her territories became a Roman pro- vince, whose capital was Utica. Macedonia also disappeared, like Carthage, from the ranks of nations. But the four small States into which the king- dom was parceled could not live in peace. Neither Roman commissioners nor foreign arbiters could restore order. At this crisis a young man appeared in Thrace, who called him- self the son of Perseus. This pseudo-Philip, for such was his name, strikingly resembled the son of Perseus. Unable to obtain recognition in his native country, he went to Deme- trius Sotor, king of Syria. By him he was sent to Rome. The Senate attached so little importance to the man, that he was left, imperfectly guarded, in an Italian town, and fled to Miletus. Again arrested, and again contriving to escape, he went to Thrace, and obtained a recognition from Teres, the chief of the Thracian barbarians. With his sup- The Mace- port he invaded Macedonia, and obtained several 1 • • • 1 mi governors, and chosen irom the aristocratic circles. 1 hese were the provincial governors or praetors, who had great power, and who sometimes appeared in all the pomp of kings. They resided in the ancient palaces of the kings, and had great opportunities for accumulating fortunes. Nor could the gov- ernors be called to account, until after their term of office 480 Roman Civilization. [Chap. XXXIY. expired, which rarely happened. The governors were, virtu- ally, sovereigns while they continued in office — were satraps, who conducted a legalized tyranny abroad, and returned home arrogant and accustomed to adulation — a class of men who proved dangerous to the old institutions, those which recognized equality within the aristocracy and the subordi- nation of power to the senatorial college. The burgesses, or citizens, before this period, were a very respectable body, patriotic and sagacious. They occupied chiefly Latium, a part of Campania, and the maritime colo- DecUne of nies. But 2:raduallY, a rabble of clients srrew the bur- .* . . . gesses. up on footing equality w^th these independent burgesses. These clients, as the aristocracy increased in ■wealth and power, became parasites and beggars, and under- mined the burgess class, and controlled the Comitia. This class rapidly increased, and were clamorous for games, fes- tivals, and cheap bread, for corn was distributed to them by those who wished to gain their favor at elections, at less than cost. Hence, festivals and popular amusements became Public rapidly a great feature of the times. For five hun- amusements. ^^-ed years the people had been contented with one festival in a year, and one circus. Flaminius added another festival, and another circus. In the year 550 of the city, there were five festivals. The candidates for the con- sulship spent large sums on these games, the splendor of which became the standard by which the electoral body measured the fitness of candidates. A gladiatorial show cost seven hundred and twenty thousand sesterces, or thirty- six thousand dollars. And corruption extended to the army. The old burgess militia were contented to return home with some trifling gift as a memorial of victory, but the troops of Scipio, and Decay of' the veteraus of the Macedonian and Asiatic wars, military •in-i •^ it /> spirit. came back enriched with spoils. A decay oi a warlike spirit was observable from the time the burgesses converted war into a traffic in plunder. A great passion also arose for titles and insignia, which appeared under diflerent Chap. XXXIY.] Cato. 481 forms, especially for the honors of a triumph, originally granted only to the supreme magistrate who had signally augmented the power of the State. Statues and monuments were often erected at the expense of the person whom they purported to honor. And finally, the ring, the robe, and the amulet case distinguished not only the burgesses from the foreigners and slaves, b\it also the person who was Distinctions born free from one who had been a slave, the son ^° society. of the free-born from the son of the manumitted, the son of a knight from a common burgess, the descendant of a curule house from the common senators. These distinctions in rank kept pace with the extension of conquests, until, at last, there was as complete a net work of aristocratic distinctions as iu England at the p'resent day. All these distinctions and changes were bitterly deplored by Marcus Fortius Cato — the last 2:reat statesman •' , ° Cato. of the older school — a genume Roman of the antique stamp. He was also averse to schemes of universal empire. He was a patrician, brought up at the plow, and in love with his Sabine farm. Yet he rose to the consulship, and even the censorship. He served in war under Marcellus, Fabius, and Scipio, and showed great ability as a soldier. He was as distinguished in the forum as in the camp and battle-field, having a bold address, pungent wit, and great knowledge of the Roman laws. He was the most influential political orator of his day. He was narrow in his political ideas, conservative, austere, and upright ; an enemy to all corruption and villainy, also to genius, and culture, and inno- vation. He was the protector of the Roman farmer, plain, homely in person, disdained by the ruling nobles, but fear- less in exposing corruption from any quarter, and irrecon- cilably at war with aristocratic coteries, like the Scipios and Flaniinii. He was publicly accused twenty-four times, but he was always backed by the farmers, notwithstanding the opposition of the nobles. He erased, while censor, the name of the brother of Flaminius from the roll of senators, and the brother of Scipio from that of the equites. He 31 482 jRoman Civilization. [Chap. XXXIT, attempted a vigorous reform, but the current of corruption could only be stemmed for awhile. The effect of the sump- tuary laws, which were passed through his influence, was temporary and unsatisfactory. No legislation has proved of avail against a deep-seated corruption of morals, for the laws will be avoided, even if they are not defied. In vain was the eloquence of the hard, arbitrary, narrow, worldly wise, but patriotic and stern old censor. The age of Grecian culture, of wealth, of banquets, of palaces, of games, of effeminate manners, had set in with the conquest of Greece and Asia. The divisions of society widened, and the seeds of luxury and pride were to produce violence and decay. Still some political changes were effected at this time. The Political Comitia Centuriata was remodeled. The equites changes. jjq longer votcd first. The five classes obtained an equal number of votes, and the freedmen were placed on an equal footing with free-born. Thus terminated the long conflict between patricians and plebeians. But although the right of precedence in voting was withdraAvn from the equites, still the patrician order was powerful enough to fill, frequently, the second consulship and the second censorship, which were open to patricians and plebeians alike, with men of their own order. At this time the office of dictator went into abeyance, and was practically abolished ; the priests were elected by the whole community ; the public assemblies inter- fered with the administration of the public property — the exclusive prerogative of the Senate in former times — and thus transferred the public domains to their own pockets. These were changes which showed the disorganization of the gov- ernment rather than healthy reform. To this period we date Eise of *^® ^^^^ ^^ demagogues, for a minority in the demagogaes. Senate had the right to appeal to the Comitia, which opened the way for wealthy or popular men to thwart the wisest actions and select incompetent magistrates and generals. Even Publius Scipio was not more distinguished for his arrogance and title-hunting than for the army of Chap. XXXiy.] Slavery. 483 clients he supported, and for the favor which he courted, of both legions and people, by his largesses of grain. At this period, agriculture had reached considerable per- fection, but Cato declared that his fancy farm was sV not profitable. Figs, apples, pears were cultivated, ""'"^ as well as olives and grapes — also shade-trees. The rearing of cattle was not of much account, as the people lived chiefly on A^egetables, and fruits and corn. Large cattle were kept only for tillage. Considerable use was made of poultry and pigeons — kept in the farm-yard. Fish-ponds and hare-pre- serves were also common. The labor of the fields was per- formed by oxen, and asses for carriage and the turning of mills. The human labor on farms was done by slaves. Vineyards required more expenditure of labor than ordinary tillage. An estate of one hundred jugera, with vine planta- tions, required one plowman, eleven slaves, and two herds- men. The slaves were not bred on the estate, but were pur- chased. They lived in the farm-buildings, among cattle and produce. A separate house was erected for the master. A steward had the care of the slaves. The stewardess attended to the bakms: and cookinsr, and all had the same _, , ° ^' The slaves. fare, delivered from the produce of the farm on which they lived. Great unscrupulousness pervaded the management of these estates. Slaves and cattle were placed on the same level, and both were fed as long as they could work, and sold when they were incapacitated by age or sick- ness. A slave had no recreations or holidays. His time was spent between working and sleeping. And when we remem- ber that these slaves were white as well as black, and had once been free, their condition was hard and inhuman. No negro slavery ever was so cruel as slavery among the Romans. Great labors and responsibilities were imposed upon the steward. He was the first to rise in the morning, and the last to go to bed at night ; but he was not doomed to constant labor, like the slaves whom he superintended. He also had few pleasures, and was obsequious to the land- lord, who performed no work, except in the earlier ages. The 484: Boman Clmlization. [Chap. XXXIY. small fiirmcr worked himself with the slaves and his email children. lie more frequently cultivated flowers farmers. ^jj^j vegetables for the market of Rome. Pastoral husbandry was practiced on a great scale, and at least eight hundred jugcra were required. On such estates, horses, oxen, mules, and asses Avere raised, also herds of swine and goats. The breeding of sheep was an object of great attention and interest, since all clothing was made of wool. The shepherd- slaves lived in the open air, remote from human habita- tions, under sheds and sheep-folds. The prices of all produce were very small in comparison with present rates, and this was owing, in part, to the immense quantities of corn and other produce delivered by provincials to the Roman government, sometimes gratuitous- ly. The armies were supported by transmarine corn. The government regulated prices. In the time of Scipio, African Decline of whcat was sold as low as twelve ases for six rnodii agriculture. — {^^^^ ^^^^ r^ j^j^jf jjxishel) — about sixpeucc. At one time two hundred and forty thousand bushels of Sicilian grain were distributed at this price. The rise of demagogism promoted these distributions, which kept prices down, so that the farmers received but a small reward for labors, which made, of course, the condition of laborers but little above that of brutes : when the people of the capital paid but six- pence sterling for a bushel and a half of wheat, or one hun- dred and eight}^ pounds of dried figs, or sixty pounds of oil, or seventy-two pounds of moat, four and a half gallons of wine sold only for fivepence, or three-lifths of a denarius. In the time of Polybius, the traveler was charged for victuals and lodgings at an inn only about two farthings a day, and a bushel of wheat sold for fourpence. At such prices tliere was very little market for the farmer. Sicily and Sardinia were the real granaries of Rome. Thus were all the best interests of The farmers ^^^^ couutry Sacrificed to the unproductive popu- thedty'^ ^"^ "l-'^ti^n of the city. Such was the golden age of t]ie popuiatiou. republic— a state of utter misery and hardship among the productive classes, and idleness among the Roman Chap. XXXIV.] Business and Money. 485 people — a state of society which could but lead to ruin. The farmers, without substantial returns, lost energy and spirit, and dwindled away. Their estates fell into the hands of great proprietors, who owned great numbers of slaves. They tliemselves were ruined, and sunk into an ignoble class. The cultivation of grain in Italy was gradually neglected, and attention was given chiefly to vines, and olives, and wool. The rearing of cattle became more profitable than tillage, and small farms were absorbed in great estates. The monetary transactions of the Romans were pre- eminently conspicuous. No branch of commer- cial industry was prosecuted with more zeal than money-lending. The bankers of Rome were a great class, and were generally rich. They speculated in corn and all articles of produce. Usury was not disdained even by the nobles. Money-lending became a great system, and all the laws operated in favor of capitalists. Industrial art did not keep pace with usurious calculations, and trades were concentrated in the capital. Mechanical Bkill was neglected in all the rural districts. Business operations were usually conducted by slaves. Even money-lenders and bankers made use of them. Business Every one who took contracts for building, bought ^i^^^^"*'^^ architect slaves. Every one who provided spectacles pur- chased a band of serfs expert in the art of fighting. The merchants imported wares in vessels managed by slaves. Mines were worked by slaves. Manufactories were con- ducted by slaves. Everywhere were slaves. While the farmer obtained only fourpence a bushel for his wheat, a penny a gallon for his wine, and fivepence for sixty pounds of oil, the capitalists, centered in Rome, possessed fortunes which Avere vastly disproportionate to Great for- those which are seen in modern capitals. Paulus *""^®* was not reckoned wealthy for a senator, but his estate was valued at sixty talents, nearly £15,000, or $75,000. In other words, the daily interest of his capital was fifteen dollars, enough to purchase one hundred and eighty bushels of 486 Roman Civilization, [Chap. XXXIV. wheat — as much as a farmer could raise in a year on eight jugera — a farm as large as that of Cincinnatus. Each of the daughters of Scipio received as a dowry fifty talents, or $60,000. The value of this sum, in our money, when measured by the scale of wheat, or oil, or wine — allowing wheat now to be worth five shillings sterling a bushel — against fivepence in those times, would make gold twelve times more valuable then than now. And hence, Scipio left each of his daughters a sum equal to $720,000 of our money. In estimating the fortune of a Roman, by the prices charged at an inn per day, a penny would go further then than a dollar would now. But I think that gold and silver, in the time of Scipio, were about the same value as in England at the time of Henry VIL, about twenty times our present standard. Every law at Rome tended in its operation to the benefit of the creditor, and to vast accumulations of property ; for The rich ^^® government being in the hands of the rich, favored. ^s in England a century since, and in France before the Revolution, favored the rich at the expense of the poor. It became disgraceful at Rome to perform manual labor, and a wall separated the laboring classes from the cap- italists, which could not be passed. Industrial art took the lowest place in the scale of labor, and was in the hands of slaves. The traffic in money, and the farming of the reve- nue formed the mainstay and stronghold of the Roman economy. The free population of Italy declined, while the city of Rome increased. The loss was supplied by slaves. In the year 502 of the city, the Roman burgesses in Italy numbered two hundred and ninety-eight thousand men capable of bearing arms. Fifty years later, the number was only two hundred and fourteen thousand. The nation visibly diminished, and the community was resolved into masters and slaves. And this decline of citizens and in- crease of slaves were beheld with indifference, for pride, and cruelty, and heartlessness were the characteristics of the higher classes. With the progress of luxury, and the decline of the rural Chap. XXXIT.] Education. 487 population, and the growth of disproportionate fortunes, residence in the capital became more and more Extravagant coveted, and more and more costly. Rents rose luxuries. to an unexampled height. Extravagant prices were paid for luxuries. When a bushel of corn sold for fivepence, a barrel of anchovies from the Black Sea cost £14, and a beautiful boy twenty-four thousand sesterces (£246), more than a farmer's homestead. Money came to be prized as the end of life, and all kinds of shifts and devices were made to secure it. Marriage, on both sides, became an object of mercantile speculation. In regard to education, there was a higher development than is usually supposed, and literature and ^rt were culti- tivated, even while the nation declined in real virtue and strength. By means of the Greek slaves, the Greek language and literature reached even the lower ranks, to a certain extent. " The comedies indicate that the humblest classes were familiar with a sort of Latin, which could no more be understood without a knowledse of Greek, than Wieland's German without a knowledge of French." Greek was undoubtedly spoken by the higher classes, as French is spoken in all the courts of Europe. In the rudiments of education, the lowest people were instructed, and even slaves were schoolmasters. At the close of the Pu- nic wars, both comedy and tragedy were among the great amusements of the Romans, and great writers arose, who wrote, however, from the Greek models. Livius translated Homer, and Nsevius popularized the Greek drama. Plautus, it is said, wrote one hundred and thirty plays. The trage- dies of Ennius were recited to the latter days of the empire. The Romans did not, indeed, make such advance in literature as the Greeks, at a comparatively early period of their his- tory ,-but their attainments were respectable when Carthage was destroyed. CHAPTEE XXXY. THE EEFOEM MOVEMENT OF THE GEACCHI. A NEW era in the history of Rome now commences, a period of glory and shame, when a gieat change took place in the internal structure of the State, now corrupted by the introduction of Greek and Asiatic refinements, and the vast wealth which rolled into the capital of the world. "For a whole generation after the battle of Pydna, the Some after Roman State enjoyed a profound calm, scarcely Pydna. Varied by a ripple here and there upon the surface. Its dominion extended over three continents ; all eyes rested on Italy ; all talents and all riches flowed thither ; it seemed as if a golden age of peaceful prosperity and intellectual en- joyment of life had begun. The Orientals of this period told each other with astonishment of the mighty republic of the West. And such was the glory of the Romans, that no one usurped the crown, and no one glittered in purple dress ; but they obeyed whomsoever from year to year they made their master, and there was among them neither envy nor discord." So things seemed at a distance. But this splendid external was deceptive. The government of the aristocracy was has- tening to its ruin. There was a profound meaning, says Mommsen, in the question of Cato : " What was to become of Theineffi- Rome when she should no Ion srer have anv State ciencyofthe n rm * n i '• goveinment. to fcar ? All her neighbors were now politically annihilated, and the single thought of the aristocracy was how they should perpetuate their privileges. A government of aristocratic nobodies was now inaugurated, which kept new men of merit from doing any thing, for fear they should Chap. XXXV.] AridoGratic Life. 489 belong to their exclusive ranks. Even an aristocratic con- queror was inconvenient. Still opposition existed to this aristocratic regime, and some reforms had been carried out. The adminis- Opposition rm • ^^ ^^^^ ruling tration of justice was miproved. ihe senatorial classes. commissions to the provinces were found inadequate. An effort was made to emancipate the Comitia from the prepon- dering influence of the aristocracy. The senators were com- jjelled to renounce their public horse on admission to the Senate, and also the privilege of voting in the eighteen eques- trian centuries. But there was the semblance of increased ■ democratic power rather than the reality. All the great questions of the day turned upon the election of the curule magistracies, and there was sufficient influence among the nobles to secure these oflices. Young men from noble fami lies crowded into the political arena, and claimed what once was the reward of distinguished merit. Powerful connec- tions were indispensable for the enjoyment of political power, as in England at the time of Burke. A large body of clients waited on their patron early every morning, and the candi- dates for oflice used all those arts which are customary when votes were to be bought. The government no longer dis- posed of the property of burgesses for the public good, nor favored the idea among them that they were exempted from taxes. Political corruption reached through all- grades and classes. Capitalists absorbed the small f.irms, and ^ . ,. , ^ . ^ . Capitalists. great fortunes were the scandal of the times. Capi- tal was more valued than labor. Italian farms depreciated from the conversion of tillage into pasture lands and parks, as in England at the present day. Slavery inordinately increased from the captives taken in w^ar. Western Asia furnished the greatest number of this miserable population, and Cretan and Cilician slave-hunters were found on all the coasts of Syria and Greece. Delos was the great slave- market of the world, where the slave-dealers of ^, ' , Slaves. Asia Minor disposed of their wares to Italian specu- lators. In one day as many as ten thousand slaves were 490 The Reform Movement [Chap. XXXV. disembarked and sold. Farms, and trades, and mines were alike carried on by these slaves from Asia, and their sufferings and hardships were vastly greater than ever en- dured by negroes on the South Carolinian and Cuban plan- tations. But they were of a different race — men who had seen better days, and accustomed to civilization — and hence they often rose upon their masters. Servile wars were of common occurrence. Sicily at one time had seventy thousand slaves in arms, and when consular armies were sent to sup- press the revolt, the most outrageous cruelties were inflicted. Twenty thousand men, at one time, were crucified in Sicily by Publius Rupilius. At this crisis, when disproportionate wealth and slavery were the great social evils, Tiberius Gracchus arose — a young Tiberius ^^^ ^^ \iig\\ rank, chivalrous, noble, and eloquent. Gracchus. jjjg mother, Cornelia, was the daughter of Scipio Africanus, and therefore belonged to the most exclusive of the aristocratic circles. Tiberius Gracchus was therefore the cousin of Scipio JEmilianus, under whom he served with dis- tinction in Africa. He was seconded in his views of reform by some stern old patriots and aristocrats, who had not utterly forgotten the interests of the State, now being under- mined. Appius Claudius, his father-in-law, who had been both consul and censor ; Publius Mucins Scaevola, the great lawyer and founder of scientific jurisprudence ; his brother, Publius Crassus Mucianus ; the Pontifex Maximus ; Quintus Metellus, the conqueror of Macedonia — all men of the highest rank and universally respected, entered into his schemes of reform. This patriotic patrician was elected tribune b. c. 134, at a time when political mismanagement, moral decay, the de- cline of burgesses, and the increase of slaves, were most apparent. So Gracchus, after entering upon his office, pro- posed the enaction of an agrarian law, by which all State lands, occupied by the possessors without remuneration, should revert to the State, except five hundred jugera for himself, and two hundred and fifty for each son. The Chap. XXX Y.] The RefoTins of Gracchus. 491 domain land thus resumed was to be divided into lots of thirty jiigera, and these distributed to burgesses and Italian allies, not as free property, but inalienable leaseholds, for which they paid rent to the State. This was a declaration of war upon the great landholders. The proposal of Gracchus was paralyzed by the vote of his colleague, Marcus Octavius. Gracchus then, in his turn, suspended the business of the State and the administration of justice, and placed his seal on the public chest. The gov- ernment was obliged to acquiesce. Gracchus, also, as the year was drawing to a close, brought his law to the vote a second time. Again it was vetoed by Octavius, Gracchus then, at the invitation of the consuls, discussed the matter in the Senate ; but the Senate, composed of great proprietors, would not yield. All constitutional means were now exhausted, and Gracchus must renounce his reform or begin a revolu- tion. He chose the latter. Before the assembled people he de- manded that his colleague should be deposed, his unlawful which was against all the customs, and laws, and movements, precedents of the past. The assembly, composed chiefly of the proletarians who had come from the country — the Comitia Tributa — voted according to his proposal, and Octavius was removed by the Kctors from the tribune bench^ and then the agrarian law was passed by acclamation. The commissioners chosen to confiscate and redistribute the lands were Tiberius Gracchus, his brother Gaius, and his father-in- law Appius Claudius, which family selection vastly increased the indignation of the Senate, who threw every obstacle in the way. The author of the law, fearing for his personal safety, no longer appeared in the forum without a retinue of three or four thousand men, another cause of bitter hatred on the part of the aristocracy. He also sought to be re-elected tribune, but the Assembly broke up without a choice. The next day the election terminated in the same manner, and it was rumored in the city that Tiberius had deposed all the 4:92 The Befarm Movement. [Chap. XXXV tribuDes, and was resolved to continne in office without re- election. A tumult, originating with the Senate, was the result. A mob of senators rushed through the streets, with fury in their eyes and clubs in their hands. The people gave way, and Gracchus was slain on the slope of the capitol. The Senate officially sanctioned the outrage, on the gi'ound that Tiberius meditated the usurpation of supreme power. In regard to the author of this agrarian law, there is no Character of doubt he was patriotic in his intentions, was public- Gracohus. spirited, and wished to revive the older and better days of the republic. I do not believe he contemplated the usurpation of supreme power. I doubt if he was ambitious, as Caesar was. But he did not comprehend the issues at stake, and the shock he was giving to the constitution of his country. He was like Mirabeau, that other aristocratic re- former, who voted for the spohation of the church property of France, on the ground, whicli that leveling sentimentalist Rousseau had advanced, that the church property belonged to the nation. But this plea, in both cases, was sophistical. It was, doubtless, a great evil that the property of the State had fallen into the hands of wealthy proprietors, as it was an evil that half the landed property of France was in possession of the clergy. But, in both cases, this property had been enjoyed uninterruptedly for centuries by the possessors, and, to all intents and purposes, ^SiS jyrivate property. And this law of confiscation was therefore an encroachment on the rights of property, in all its practical bearings. It appeared to the jurists of that age to be an ejection of the great landholders ibr the benefit of the proletarians. The measure itself was therefore not without injustice, desirable as a division of property might be. But the mode to effiact this division was incompatible with civilization itself. It was an appeal to revolutionary forces. It was setting aside all constitutional Nature of checks and usages. It was a defiance of the Senate, Ms reform. ^^^ great ruling body of the State. It was an ap- peal to the people to overturn the laws. It was like assem- Chap.xxxy.] Character of GracGhus, 493 bling the citizens of London to override the Parliament. It was like the French revolution, when the Assembly was dic- tated to by the clubs. Robespierre may have been sincere and patriotic, but he was a fanatic, iierce and uncompromis- ing. So was Gracchus. In setting aside his colleagues, to accomplish what he deemed a good end, he did evil. When, this rich patrician collected the proletarian burgesses to decree against the veto of the tribune that the public prop- erty should be distributed among them, he struck a vital blow on the constitution of his country, and made a step toward monarchy, for monarchy was only reached through the democracy — was only brought about by powerful dema- gogues. And hence the verdict of the wise and judicious will be precisely that of the leading men of Rome at the time, even that of Cornelia herself: " Shall then our house have no end of madness ? Have we not enough to be ashamed of in ^he disorganization of the State?" The law of Tiberius Gracchus survived its author. The Senate had not power to annul it, though it might slay its author. The work of redistribution continued, even as the ^N'ational Assembly of France sanctioned the legislation of preceding revolutionists. And in consequence of the law, there was, in six years, an increase of burgesses capable of bearing arms, of seventy-six thousand. But so many evils attended the confiscation and redistribution of the public domain — so many acts of injustice were perpetrated — there was such gross mismanagement, that the consul Scipio ^niil- ianus intervened, and by a decree of the people, through his influence, the commission was withdrawn, and the matter was left to the consuls to adjudicate, which was virtually the suspension of the law itself. For this intervention Scipio lost his popularity, unbounded as it had been, even as Daniel Webster lost his prestige and influence when he made his 7th of March speech — the fate of all great men, however great, when they oppose popular feelings and The death of interests, whether they are right or wrong. Scipio, Scipio. the hero of three wars, not only lost his po23ularity, but his 494 The Meform Movement, [Chap. XXXV^ life. He was found murdered in his bed at the age of fifty- six. '' Scipio's assassination was the democratic reply to the aristocratic massacre of Tiberius Gracchus." The greatest general of the age, a man of unspotted moral purity, and political unselfishness, and generous patriotism, could not escape the vengeance of a baffled populace, b. c. 129, The distribution of land ceased, but the revolution did not GaiusGrac- stop. The soul of Tibcrius Gracclius " was march- ^ "^' ing on." A new hero appeared in his brother, Gains Gracchus, nine years younger — a man who had no relish for vulgar pleasures, — brave, cultivated, talented, ener- getic, vehement. A master of eloquence, he drew the people ; consumed with a passion for revenge, he led them on to revolutionary measures. He was elected tribune in the year 123, and at once declared war on the aristocratic party, to which by birth he belonged. He inaugurated revolutionary measures, by proposing to the people a law which should allow the tribune to solicit a re-election. He then, to gain the people and secure ma- teriul power, enacted that every burgess should be allowed, monthly, a definite quantity of corn from the public stores at about half the average price. And he caused a law to be passed that the existing order of voting in the Oomitia Cen- turiata, according to which the five property classes voted first, should be done away with, and that all the centuries should vote in the order to be determined by lot. He also caused a law to be passed that no citizen should enlist in the army till seventeen, nor be compelled to serve in the army more than twenty years. These measures all had the effect to elevate the democracy. He also sought to depress the aristocracy, by dividing its He makes rauks. The old aristocracy embraced chiefly the aristocracy, governing class, and were the chief possessors of landed property. But a new aristocracy of the rich had grown up, composed of speculators, who managed the mer- cantile transactions of the Roman world. The old sena- torial aristocracy were debarred by the Claudian ordinance Chap. XXXY.] The Equestrian Order ^ 495 from mercantile pursuits, and were merely sleeping partners in the great companies, managed by the speculators. But the new aristocracy, under the name of the equestrian order, began at this time to have political influence. Originally, the equestrians were a burgess cavalry ; but gradually all who possessed estates of four hundred thousand sesterces were lia- ble to cavalry service, and became enrolled in the order, which thus comprehended the whole senatorial and non-senatorial noble society of Rome. In process of time, the The Eques- senators were exempted from cavalry service, and ^'^^ ^^ were thus marked off from the list of those liable to do cav- alry service. The equestrian order then, at last, compre- hended the aristocracy of rich men, in contradistinction from the Senate. And a natural antipathy accordingly grew up between the old senatorial aristocracy and the men to whom money had given rank. The ruling lords stood aloof from the speculators ; and were better friends of the people than the new moneyed aristocrats, since they, brought directly in contact with the people, oppressed them, and their greediness and injustice were not usually counten- anced by the Senate. The two classes of nobles had united to put down Tiberius Gracchus ; but a deep gulf still yawned between them, for no class of aristocrats was ever more exclusive than the governing class at Rome, confined chiefly to the Senate. The Roman Senate was like the House of Peers in England, when the peers had a preponderating polit- ical power, and whose property lay in landed estates. Gracchus raised the power of the equestrians by a law which provided that the farming of the taxes raised in the provinces should be sold at auction at Rome. A r^^^ specuia- gold mine was thus opened for the speculators. '°^^- He also caused a law to be passed which required the judges of civil and criminal cases to be taken from the equestrians, a privilege before enjoyed by the Senate. And thus a sena- tor, impeached for his conduct as provincial governor, was now tried, not as before, by his peers, but by merchants and bankers. 496 The Reform Momment. [Chap. XXXY Gracchus, by the aid of the proletarians and the mercan- tile class, then proceeded to the overthrow of the ruling aristocracy, especially in the functions of legislation, which had belonged to the Senate. By means of comitial laws and The power tribunlclan dictation, he restricted the business of of the Senate , ci tx t ti t • i t i !• i curtailed. the Dcnate. Jtle meddled with the public chest by distributing corn at half its value; he meddled with the domains by sending colonies by decrees of the people ; he meddled with provincial administration by overturning the regulations which had been made by the Senate. He also sought to re-enforce the Senate by three hundred new mem- bers from the equestrians elected by the comitia, a creation of peers which would have reduced the Senate to dependence on the chief of the State. But this he did not succeed in effecting. It is singular that he could have carried these measures during his term of office, two years, for he was re-elected, Radical re- with SO little oppositiou— a proof of the power of forms. ^]-jg moneyed classes, such, perhaps, as are now represented by the Commons of England. The great change he sought to effect was the re-election of magistrates — an un- limited tribuneship, which was truly Napoleonic. And he knew what he was doing. He was not a fanatic, but a statesman of great ability, seeking to break the oligarchy, and transfer its powers to the tribunes of the people. He desired a firm administration, but resting on continuous indi- vidual usurpations. He was a political incendiary, like Mira- beau. He was the true founder of that terrible civic proleta- riate, which, flattered by the classes above it, led to the usurpations of Sulla and Caesar. He is the author of the great change, which in one hundred years was effected, of transferring power from the Senate to an emperor. He fur- nished the tactics for all succeeding demagogues. Great revolutionists are doomed to experience the loss of Gracchus popularity, and Gracchus lost his by an attempt popularity, to cstcnd the Roman franchise to the people of the provinces. The Senate and the mob here united to pre- Chap. XXXY.] Death of Gracchus. 497 vent what was ultimately effected. The Senate seized the advantage hy inciting a rival demagogue, in the person of Marcus Livius Drusus, to propose laws which gave still greater privileges to the equestrians. The Senate bid for popularity, as English prime ministers have retained place, by granting more to the people than their rivals would have granted. The Livian laws, which released the proletarians from paying rent for their lands, were ratified by the people as readily as the Sempronian laws had been. The foundation of the despotism of Gracchus was thus assailed by the Senate uniting with th^ proletarians. An opportunity was only wanted to effect his complete overthrow. On the expiration of two years, Gracchus ceased to be tri- bune, and his enemy, Lucius Opimius, a stanch aristocrat, entered upon his office. The attack on the ex-tribune was made by prohibiting the restoration of Carthage, which Grac- chus had sought to effect, and which was a popular measure. On the day when the burgesses assembled with a view to reject the measure which Gracchus had previously secured, he appeared with a large body of adherents. An attendant on the consul demanded their dispersion, on which he was cut down by a zealous Gracchian. On this, a tumult arose. Gracchus in vain sought to be heard, and even interrupted a tribune in the act of speaking, which was against an obsolete law. This offense furnished a pretense for the Senate and the citizens to arm. Gracchus retired to the temple of Castor, and passed the night, while the capitol was filled with armed men. The next day, he fled beyond the Tiber, but Gracchus the Senate placed a price upon his head, and he was ^^^s^^s^^^t^f^- overtaken and slain. Three thousand of his adherents were strangled in prison, and the memory of the Gracchi remained officially proscribed. But Cornelia put on mourning for her last son, and his name became embalmed in the hearts of the democracy. Thus perished Gains Gracchus, a wiser man than his brother — a man who attempted srreater chano-es, and did „. , i o o 5 His charae- not defy the constitutional forms. He was, undoubt- t^r. 32 498 The Reform Movement, [Ghaj?. XXXY. edly, patriotic in his intentions, but the reforms which he projected were radical, and would have Changed the whole structure of government. It was the consummation of the war against the patrician oligarchy. Whether wise or fool- ish, it is not for me to give an opinion, since such an opinion is of no account, and would imply equally a judgment as to the relative value of an aristocratical or democratic form of government, in a corrupt age of Roman society. This is a mooted point, and I am not capable of settling it. The efforts of the Gracchi to weaken the power of the ruling noble houses formed a precedent for subsequent reforms, or usurpations, as they are differently regainied, and led the way to the rule of demagogues, to be supplanted in time by that of emperors, with unbounded military authority. ,:t:k%X CHAPTEE XXXYL THE WAKS WITH JUGTTETHA AND THE CIMBRI. — MARItTS. The fall of the Gracchi restored Rome to the rule of the oligarchy. The government of the Senate was resumed, and a war of prosecution was carried on against the followers of Gracchus. His measures were allowed to drop. The claims of the Italian allies were disregarded, the noblest of all the schemes of the late tribune, that of securing legal equality between the Roman burgesses and their Italian allies. The restoration of Carthao-e was set aside. Italian colonies were broken up. The allotment commission was abolished, and a fixed rent was imposed on the occupants of the public do- mains, but the proletariate of the capital continued to have a distribution of corn, and jurymen or judges [judices) were still selected from the mercantile classes. The Senate con- tinued to be composed of effeminated nobles, and insignificant persons were raised to the highest offices. The administration, under the restoration, was feeble and unpopular. Social evils spread with alarming rapidity. Both slavery and great fortunes increased. The provinces were miserably governed, while pirates and robbers pillaged the countries around the Mediterranean. There was a great revolt of slaves in Sicily, who gained, for a time, the mastery of the island. While public affairs were thus disgracefully managed, a war broke out between Numidia and Rome. That .j^^ Numid- African king^dom extended from the river Moloc- ^*^ ^^^' hath to the great Syrtis on the one hand, and to Gyrene and Egypt on the other, and included the greatest part of the ancient Carthaginian territories. Numidia, next to Egypt, 500 Jugurthan and Cimh'ian Wars. [Chap, xxxvi. was the most important of tlie Roman client States. On the fall of Carthage, it was ruled by the eldest son of Masinassa, Micipsa, a feeble old man, who devoted himself to the study of philosophy, rather than affairs of State. The government was really in the hands of his nephew, Jugurtha, Kgar a. courageous, sagacious, and able. He was adopted by Micipsa, to rule in conjunction with his two sons, Adher- bal and Hiempsal. In the year b. c. 118 Micipsa died, and a collision arose, as was to be expected, among his heirs. Hiempsal was assassinated, and the struggle for the ISTumid- ian crown lay between Adherbal and Jugurtha. The latter seized the whole territory, and Adherbal escaped to Rome, and laid his complaint before the Senate. Jngurtha's envoys also appeared, and the Senate decreed that the two heirs should have the kingdom equally divided between them, but Jugurtha obtained the more fertile western half. Then war arose between the two kings, and Adherbal was defeated, and retired to his capital, Aita, where he was besieged by Jugurtha. Adherbal made his complaints to Rome, and a commission of aristocratic but inexperienced young men came to the camp of Jugurtha to arrange the difficulties. Jugurtha rejected their demands, and the young men returned home. Adherbal sent ao-aiu messeno-ers to Rome, being closely pressed, demanding intervention. The Senate then sent Marcus Scaurus, who held endless debates w^ith Jugurtha, at Utica, to which place he was summoned. These were not attended with any results. Scaurus returned to Rome, and Jugurtha pressed the siege of Aita, which soon capitulated. Adherbal was executed with cruel torture, and the adult population was put to the sword. A cry of indignation arose in Italy. The envoys of Jugur- tha were summarily dismissed, and Scaurus was sent to Africa with an army, but a peace with Rome was purchased by the African prince through the bribery of the generals. The legal validity of the peace was violently assailed in the Senate, and Massiva, a grandson of Masinissa, then in Rome, laid claim to the Numidian throne. But this prince was Ghap. XXXYI.] Metellus. 501 assassinated by one of the confidants of Jugurtha, which out- rage, perpetrated under the eyes of the Roman government, led to a renewed declaration of war, and Spurius Albinug was intrusted with the command of an army. But Jugurtha bribed the Roman general into inaction, and captured the Roman camp. This resulted in the evacuation of Numidia, and a second treaty of peace. . Such an ignoble war created intense dissatisfaction at Rome, and the Senate was obliged to cancel the treaty, and renewed the war in earnest, intrusting the conduct of it to Quintals Metellus, an aristocrat, of course, but a man of great ability. Selecting for his ^®*®"^^* lieutenants able generals, he led over his army to Africa. Jugurtha made proposals of peace, which were refused, and he prepared for a desperate defense. Intrenched on a ridge of hills in the wide plain of Muthul, he awaited the attack of his enemies, but was signally defeated by Metellus, assisted by Marius, a brave plebeian, who had arisen from a common soldiers. After this battle Jugurtha contented himself with a guerrilla warfare, while his kingdom v/as occupied by the conquerors. Metellus even intrigued to secure the assassi- nation of the kinsc. The war continued to be prosecuted without decisive results, as is so frequently the case when civilized Difficu^tj^g nations fight with barbarians. Like the war of ^^^^^ ^'^'■• Charlemagne against the Saxons, victories were easily obtained, but the victors gained unsubstantial advantages. . Jugurtha retired to inaccessible deserts with his children, his treasures, and his best troops, to await better times. Xumi- dia was seemingly reduced, but its king remained in arms. It was then, in the third year of the renewed war, that Metellus was recalled, and Marius, chosen consul, was left with the supreme command. But even he ^^^"^^• did not find it easy, with a conquering army, to seize Jugur- tha, and he was restricted to a desultory war. At last Bocchus, king of Mauritania, slighted by the Romans, but in alliance Avith Jugurtha, effected by treachery what could 502 Jicgurthan and Chnbrian Wars. [Chap. XXXVI. not be 2:ained by arms. He entered into neo;otiations with Marius to deliver up the king of Numidia, Avho had married his daughter, and had sought his protection. Marius sent SuUa to consummate the treachery. Jugurtha, the traitor, was thus in turn sacrificed, and became a Roman prisoner. This miserable war hxsted seven years, and its successful Close of the termination secured to Marius a splendid triumph, "^'^'■- at which the conquered king, with his two sons, appeared in chains before the triumphal car, and was then executed in the subterranean prison on the Capitoliue Hill. Numidia was not converted into a Roman province, but Eesnits of ^^^^ ^ client State, because the country could not the war. \q \(^^ without an army on the frontiers. The Jugurthan war was important in its consequences, since it brought to light the venality of the governing lords, and made it evident that Rome must be governed by a degene- rate and selfish oligarchy, or by a tyrant, whether in the form of a demagogue, like Gracchus, or a military chieftain, like Marius. But a more diflftcult war than that waged against the barbarians of the African deserts was now to be con- ducted against the barbarians of European forests. The war with the Cimbri was also more important in its The Cim n. pQJj^^jgjji results. There had been several encoun- ters with the northern nations of Spain, Gaul, and Italy, under different names, with different successes, which it would be tedious to describe. But the contest with the Cimbri has a great and historic interest, since they were the first of the Germanic tribes with which the Romans con- tended. Mommsen thinks these barbarians were Teutonic, although, among older historians, they were supposed to be Celts. The Cimbri were a migratory people, who left their northern homes with their wives and children, goods and chattels, to seek more congenial settlements than they had found in the Scandinavian forests. The wagon was their house. They were tall, fair-haired, with bright blue eyes. They were well armed with sword, spear, shield, and helmet. Chap. XXXYI.] Invasion of the Cimljrians. 503 They were brave warriors, careless of danger, and willing to die. They were accompanied by priestesses, whose warn- ings were regarded as voices from heaven. This homeless people of the Cimbri, prevented from ad- vancing south on the Danube by the barrier raised by the Celts, advanced to the passes of the Camian Alps, _ ' *■ *■ ^ War with B. c. 113, protected by Gnaeus Papirius Oarbo, not theoimbri. far from Aquileia. An engagement took place not far from the modem Corinthia, where Carbo was defeated. Some years after, they proceeded westward to the left bank of the Rhine, and over the Jura, and again threatened the Roman territory. Again was a Roman army defeated under Silanus in Southern Gaul, and the Cimbri sent envoys to Rome, with the request that they might be allowed peaceful settlements. The Helvetii, stimulated by the successes of the Cimbri, also sought more fertile settlements in Western Gaul, and formed an alliance with the Cimbri. They crossed the Jura, the western barrier of Switzerland, succeeded in decoying the Roman army under Longinus into an ambush, and gained a victory. In the year b. c, 105 the Cimbrians, under their king Boiorix, advanced to the invasion of Italy. Thev , •' •' Inva&jon of were opposed on the right bank of the Rhone by ita'y- the proconsul Ca3pio, and on the left by the consul Gnaeus Mallius Maximus, and the consular Marcus Aurelius Scaurus. The first attack fell on the latter general, who was taken prisoner and his corps routed. Maximus then ordered his colleague to bring his army across the Rhone, where the Roman force stood confronting the whole Cimbrian army, but Csepio refused. The mutual jealousy of these generals, and refusal to co-operate, led to one of the most disastrous defeats which the Romans ever suffered. No less than eighty thousand soldiers, and half as many more camp fol- lowers, perished. The battle of Aransio (Orange) filled Rome with alarm and fear, and had the Cimbrians imme- diately advanced through the passes of the Alps to Italy, overwhelming disasters might have ensued. 604: Jugurtlian and Oimhrian Wa7's, [Chap. XXXVI. In this crisis, Mariiis was called to the supreme command, Mariiis hated, as he was by the aristocracy, which still command. Fulcd, and in defiance of the law which proliibited the holding of the consulship more than once. He was ac- companied by a still greater man, Lucius Sulla, destined to acquire great distinction. Marius maintained a strictly de- fensive attitude within the Roman territories, training and disciplining his troops for the contest which was yet to come with the most formidable antagonists the Romans had ever encountered, and who were destined in after times to sub- vert the eiiTipire. Tlie Cimbri formed a confederation with the Helvetii and the Teutons, and after an unsuccessful attempt to sweep away the Belgse, who resisted them, concluded to invade Italy, through Roman Gaul and the Western passes of the Alps. They crossed the Rhone without difficulty, and re- sumed the struggle with the Romans. Marius awaited them in a well-chosen camp, well fortified and provisioned, at the confluence of the Rhone and the Isere, by which he inter- cepted the passage of the barbarians, either over the Little St. Bernard — the route Hannibal had taken — or along the coast. The barbarians attacked the camp, but were repulsed. They then resolved to pass the camp, leaving an enemy in the rear, and march to Italy. Marius, for six days, permit- ted them to defile with their immense baggage, and when their march was over, followed in the steps of the enemy, Battle of who took the coast road. At Aquae Sextige the Aqiuii Sex- . . it • tite. contending parties came into collision, and the barbarians were signally defeated; the whole horde was scattered, killed, or taken prisoners. It would seem that these barbarians were Teutons or Germans ; but on the south side of the Alps, the Cimbri and Helvetii crossed the Alps by the Brenner Pass, and descended upon the plains of Italy. The passes had been left unguarded, and the Roman army, under Catulus, on the banks of the Adige, suffered a defeat, and retreated to the right bank of the Po. The whole plain between the Po and the Alps was in the hands Chap. XXXYI.] Battle of VercillcB. 505 of the barbarians, who did not press forward, as they should have done, but retired into winter quarters, where they be- came demoralized by the warm baths and abundant stores of that fertile and lovely region. Thus the Romans gained time, and the victorious Marius, relinquishing all attempts at the conquest of Gaul, conducted his army to the banks of the Po, and foraied a junction with Catulus. The two armies met at Vercillae, not far from the place where Hannibal had foucrht his first battle on the „ ^^, . * Battle of Italian soil The day of the battle was fixed be- Vercuise. forehand by the barbaric general and Marius, on the 30th of June, B. c. 101. A comjjlete victory was gained by the Komans, and the Cimbri were annihilated. The victory of the rough plebeian farmer was not merely over the barba- rians, but over the aristocracy. He became, in consequence, the leading man in Rome. He had fought his way from the ranks to the consulship, and had distinguished himself in all the campaigns in which he fought. In Spain, he had arisen to the grade of an ofiicer. In the Numantine war he attracted, at twenty-three, the notice of Scipio. On his return to Rome, with his honorable scars and military eclat, he married a lady of the great patrician house of the Julil At forty, he obtained the prsetorship; at forty-eight, he was made consul, and terminated the African war, and his victories over the Cimbri and Teutons enabled him to secure his re-election five con- secutive years, which was unexampled in the history of the republic. As consul he administered justice impartially, organized the military system, and maintained in the army the strictest discipline. He had but little culture ; his voice was harsh, and his look wild. But he was simple, econom- ical, and incorruptible. He stood aloof from society and from political parties, exposed to the sarcasms of the aristo- crats into whose ranks he had entered. He made great military reforms, changing the burgess levy into a system of enlistments, and allowing ^gf^rms of every free-born citizen to enlist. He abolished Mariua. the aristocratic classification, reduced the infantry of the lino 506 lugurthan and Cwibriaii Wars. [Oha.p. XXXYL to a level, and raised the number of the legion from four thousand two hundred to six thousand, to which he gave a new standard — the silver eagle, which proclaims the advent of emperors. The army was changed from a militia to a band of mercenaries. After effecting these military changes, he sought political supremacy by taking upon himself the constitutional magis- tracies. In effecting this he was supported by the popular, or democratic party, which now regained its political import- ance. He, therefore, obtained the consulship for the sixth time, while his friends among the popular party were made tribunes and praetors. He was • also supported at the elec- tion by his old soldiers who had been discharged. But the whole aristocracy rallied, and Marius was not sufficiently a politician to cope with experienced demagogues. He made numerous blunders, and lost his political influence. But he accepted his position, and waited for his time. Kot in the field of polities was he to arise to power, but in the strife and din of arras. An opportunity was soon afforded in the convulsions which arose from the revolt of the Roman allies in Italy, soon followed by civil wars. It is these wars which next claim our notice. CHAPTER XXXYII. THE REVOLT OF ITALY, AND THE SOCIAL WAR. ^MARIIJS' AND SULLA. Great discontent had long existed among the Italian sub- jects of Rome. They were not only oppressed, but they enjoyed no political privileges. They did not belong to the class of burgesses. With the view of extending the Roman franchise, a move- ment was made by the tribune, M. Livius Drusus, an aristo- crat of great wealth and popular sympathies. He had, also, projected other reforms, which made him obnoxious to all parties ; but this was peculiarly offensive to the order to which he belonged, and he lost his life while attempting to effect the same reforms which were fatal to Gracchus. On his assassination, the allies, who outnumbered the Roman burgesses, and who had vainly been seeking citizen- ship, found that they must continue without political rights, or fight, and they made accordingly vast preparations for war. Had all the Italian States been united, they would, probably, have obtained their desire without a conflict in the field, but in those parts where the moneyed classes preponder- ated, the people remained loyal to Rome. But the insurgents embraced most of the people in Central and Southern Italy, who were chiefly farmers. The insurrection broke out in Asculum in Picenum, and spread rapidly through Samnium, Apulia, and Lucania. All Southern and Central Italy was soon in arms against Rome. The Etruscans and Umbrians remained in allegiance as they had before taken part with the equestrians, now a most powerful body, against Drusus. Italy was divided into 508 Marius and Sulla. [Chap. XXXYII. two great military camps. The insurgents sent envoys to Rome, with the proposal to lay down their arms if citizenship were granted them, but this was refused. Both sides now made extensive preparations, and the forces were nearly bal- anced. One hundred thousand men were in arms, in two divisions, on either side, the Romans commanded by the con- sul, Publius Rutilius Lupus, and the Italians by Quintus Silo and Gains Papius Mutilus. Gains Marius served as a T -, . . lieutenant-commander. The war was carried on Indecisive ^'■^^' with various successes, for " Greek met Greek." The first campaign proved, on the whole, to the disadvantage of the Romans, who sufliered several defeats. In a political point of view, also, the insurgents were the gainers. Great despondency reigned in the capital, for the war had become serious. At length, it was resolved to grant the political franchise to such Italians as had remained faithful, or who had submitted. This concession, great as it was, did not include the actual insurgents, but it operated in strengthen- ing: waverino; communities on the side of Rome. Etruria and Umbria were tranquilized. The second campaign, b. c. 89, was opened in Bicenum. Marius was not in the field. His conduct in the previous campaign, was not satisfactory, and the conqueror of the Cimbri, at sixty-six, was thought to be in his dotage. Ascu- luni was besieged and taken by the Romans, who had seven- ty-five thousand troops under the walls. The Sabellians and Marsians were next subjugated, and all Campania was lost to the insurgents, as far as Nola. The Southern army was under the command of the consul, Lucius Sulla, whose great career had commenced in Africa, under Marius. Sulla advanced into the Samnite country and took its capital, Bovianum. Under his able generalship, the posi- tion of aifairs greatly changed. At the close of the cam- paign, most of the insurgent regions were subdued. The Samnites were almost the only people which held out. It was fortunate for Rome that the rebellion was so far suppressed when the flames of war were rekindled in the Chap. XXXVIL] The Sul^ician Laws. 509 East. A great reaction against the Roman domination had taken place, and the eastern nations seemed Asiatic determined to rally once more for independent "^^°s- dominion. This was the last great Asiatic rising till the fall of the Roman empire. The potentate under whom the Ori- ental forces rallied, was Mithridates, king of Pontus. The army of Sulla, in Campania, was destined to embark for Asia as soon as the state of things in Southern Italy should al- low his departure. So the third campaign of the Social war, as it is called, began favorably for Rome, when events transpired in the capital which gave fresh life to the almost extinguished insurrection. The attack of Drusus on the equestrian courts, and his sudden downfall, had sown the bitterest discord between the aristocracy and the burgess class. The Italian communities, received into Roman citizenship, were fettered by restrictions which had an odious stigma, which led to great irritation, for the aristocracy had conferred the franchise grudgingly. And this franchise was moreover withheld from the insurgent communities which had again submitted. A deep indignation also settled in ^jg^gt ^f the breast of Marius, on his return from the first ^^'^""s. campaign, to find himself neglected and forgotten. To these discontents were added the distress of debtors, who, amid the financial troubles of the war, were unable to pay the interest on their debts, and were yet inexorably pressed by creditors. It was then, in this state of fermentation and demoraliza- tion, that the tribune Publius Sulpicius Rufus proposed that every senator who owed more than two thousand denarii (£82) should forfeit his seat in the Senate ; that jj^^ suipici- burgesses condemned by non-free jnry courts ^"^^^^■ should have liberty to return home ; and that the new bur- gesses should be distributed among all the tribes, in which the freed men should also have the privilege of voting. These proposals, although made by a patrician, met with the great- est opposition from the Senate, but were passed amid riots and tumults. Sulla was on the best terms with the Senate, 510 Marius and Sulla, [Chap. XXXVII. and Sulpicius feared that he might return from his camp at Nola, and take vengeance for these popular measures. The tribune, therefore, conceived the plan of taking the command from Sulla, who was then consul, and transfer it upon Mari- us, who was also to conduct the war against Mithridates, in Asia. Sulla disobeyed the mandate, and marched to Rome with The Suiian ^^^^ army — little more than a body of mercenaries legislation. (Jevotcd to him. In his eyes, the sovereign Roman citizens were a rabble, and Rome itself a city without a garrison. Sulla had an army of thirty-five thousand men, and before the Romans could organize resistance he appeared at the gate, and crossed the sacred boundary which the law had forbidden war to enter. In a few hours Sulla was the absolute master of Rome. Marius and Sulpicius tied. It was the conservative party Avhich exchanged the bludgeon for the sword. Sulla at once made null the Sulpician laws, punished their author and his adherents, as Sulpicius had feared. The gray-haired conqueror of the Cimbri fled, and found his way to the coast and embarked on a trading-vessel, but the timid mariners put him ashore, and Marius stole along the beach with his pursuers in the rear. He was found in a marsh concealed in reeds and mud, seized and impris- oned by the people of Minturnee, and a Cimbrian slave was sent to put him to death. The ax, however, fell from his hands when the old hero demanded in a stern voice if he dared to kill Gains Marius. The magistrates of the town, ashamed, then loosed his fetters, gave him a vessel, and sent him to ^naria (Ischia). There, in those waters, the pro- scribed met, and escaped to Numidia, and Sulla was spared the odium of putting to death his old commander, who had delivered Rome from the Cimbrian s. Sulla, master of Rome, did not destroy her liberties. He Suiian con- Suggested a new series of legislative enactments in stitution. ^1^^ interests of the aristocracy. He created three hundred new senators, and brought back the old Servian rule of voting in the Comitia Centuriata. The poorer classes Chap. XXXVII.] The Sullan Constitution, 6 11 were thu8 virtually again disfranchised. He also abolished the power of the tribune to propose laws to the people, and the initiatory of legislation was submitted to the Senate. The absurd custom, by which a consul, pn-etor, or tribune, could propose to the burgesses any measure he pleased, and carry it without debate, was in itself enough to overturn any constitution. Having settled these difficulties, and made way with his enemies, Sulla, still consul, embarked with his legion for the East, where the presence of a Koman army was imperatively needed. But before he left, he extorted a solemn oath from Cinna, consul elect, that he would attempt no alteration in the recent chansres which had been made. Cinna took the CD oath, but Sulla had scarcely left before he created new disturbances. CHAPTER XXXYIII. THE MirnEIDATIO AND CIVIL WARS. MABIU8 AND SULLA. There reigned at this time in Pontns, the nortlieastern State of Asia Minor, bordered on the south by Cappadociaj on the east by Armenia, and the north by the Euxine, a power- ful prince, Mithridates VI., surnaraed Enpator, who traced an unbroken lineage to Darius, the son of the Plystaspes, and also to the Seleucidoe. He was a great eastern hero, whose deeds excited the admiration of his age. He could, on foot, overtake the swiftest deer; he accomplished journeys on horseback of one hundred and twenty miles a day ; he drove sixteen horses in hand at the chariot races ; he never missed his aim in hunting ; he drank his boon companions under the table ; he had as many mistresses as Solomon ; lie was fond of music and poetry ; he collected precious works of art ; he had philosophers and poets in his train ; he was tlie greatest jester and wit of his court. His activity was boundless ; he learned the antidotes for all poisons ; he administered justice in twenty-two languages ; and yet he was coarse, tyrannical, cruel, superstitious, and unscrupulous. Such was this extraordinary man who led the great reaction of the Asiatics against the Occidentals. The resources of this Oriental king were immense, since he bore rule over the shores of the Euxine to the interior of Asia Minor. His field for recruits to his armies stretched from the mouth of the Danube to the Caspian Sea. Thracians, Scythians, Colchians, Iberians, crowded under his banners. When he marched into Cappa- docia, he had six hundred scythed chariots, ten thousand horse, and eighty thousand foot. A series of aggressions and Chap. XXXVIIL] Mithridates, 513 conquests made this monarch the greatest and most formida- ble Eastern foe the Romans ever encountered. The Romans, engrossed with the war with the Cimbri and the insurrection of their Italian subjects, allowed his empire to be silently- aggrandized. The Roman Senate, at last, disturbed and jealous, sent Lucius Sulla to Cappadoc^ia with a handful of troops to defend its interests. On his return, Mithridates continued his aggressions, and formed an alliance with his father-in-law, Tigranes, king of Armenia, but '^'^''^''^^• avoided a direct encounter with the great Occidental power which had conquered the world. Things continued for awhile between war and peace, but, at last, it was evident that only war could prevent the aggrandizement of Mithri- dates, and it was resolved upon by the Romans. The king of Pohtus made immense preparations to resist his powerful enemies. He strengthened his alii- Prenarations •^1 m- TT T , ofSIithri- ance with iigranes. He made overtures to the dates. Greek cities. He attempted to excite a revolt in Thrace, in ISTumidia, and in Syria. He encouraged pirates on the Med- iterranean. He organized a foreign corps after the Roman fashion, and took the field with two hundred and fifty thou- sand infantry and forty thousand cavalry — the largest army seen since the Persian wars. He then occupied Asia Minor, and the Roman generals retreated as he advanced. He made Ephesus his head-quarters, and issued orders to all the gov- ernors dependent upon him to massacre, on the same day, all Italians, free or enslaved — men, women, and children, found in their cities. One hundred and fifty thousand were thus barbarously slaughtered in one day. The States of Cappadocia, Sinope, Phrygia, and Bithynia were organized as Pontic satrapies. The confiscation of the property of the murdered Italians replenished his treasury, as well as the contributions of Asia Minor. He not only occupied the Asiatic provinces of the Romans, but meditated the p^^^^ ^^ invasion of Europe. Thrace and Macedonia were Mithridates. occupied by his armies, and his fleet appeared in the ^gean 33 514 Mithridatic and Civil Wars9 [Chap, xxxvili. Sea. Delos, the emporium of Roman commerce, was taken, and twenty thousand Italians massacred. Most of the small free States of Greece entered into alliance with him — the Achceans, Laconians, and Bceotians. So commanding was his position, that an embassy of Italian insurgents invited him to land in Italy. The position of the Koman government was critical. Asia Minor, Hellas, and Macedonia were in the hands of Mithri- datos, while his fleet sailed without a rival. The Italian insurrection was not subdued, and political parties divided the capital. At this crisis Sulla landed on the coast of Epirus, but with Sulla lands ^^ army of only thirty thousand men, and without in Epir.ns. ^ single A^csscl of war. He landed with an empty military chest. But he was a second Alexander — the greatest general that Rome had yet produced. He soon made him- self master of Greece, with the exception of the fortresses of Athens and the Pir^us, into which the generals of Mithri- dates had thrown themselves. He intrenched himself at Qi „^ r.f Eleusis and Mes^ara, from which he commanded Athens. Grccce and the Peloponnesus, and commenced the siege of Athens. This was attended with great difficulties, and the city only fell, after a protracted defense, when pro- visions were exhausted. The conqueror, after allowing his soldiers to pillage the city, gave back her liberties, in honor of her illustrious dead. But a year was wasted, and without ships it was impossi- Suiia de- ^^® ^'^^' Sulla to sccurc his communications. He posed. ggj^^ ^jjg ^^ j^lg he^t officers, LucuUus, to Alexan- dria, to raise a fleet, but the Egyptian court evaded the request. To add to his embarrassments, the Roman general was without money, although he had rifled the treasures which still remained in the Grecian temples. Moreover, what was still more serious, a revolution at Rome overturned his work, and he had been deposed, and his Asiatic command given to M. Valerius Flaccus. Sulla was unexpectedly relieved by the resolution of Chap. XXXVIIL] Successes of Sulla. 615 Mithriclates to cany on tlie offensive in Greece. Taxiles, one of the lieutenants of the Pontic king, was sent to com- bat Sulla with an army of one hundred thousand infantry and ten thousand cavalry. Then was fought the battle of Cha3ronea, b. c. 86, against the advice of Archelaus, in which the Romans battle of were the victors. But Sulla could not reap the <^*»»^ronea. fruits of victory without a fleet, since the sea was covered with Pontic ships. In the following year a second army was sent into Greece by Mithridates, and the Romans and Asiatics met once more in the plain of the Cephissus, near Orchomenus. The Romans were the victors, who speedily cleared the European continent of its eastern invaders. At the end of the third year of the war, Sulla took up his winter quarters in Thessaly, and commenced to build ships. Meanwhile a reaction against Mithridates took place in Asia Minor. His rule was found to be more Eevoitof 1 1 p 1 T-» mi ^^^^ against oppressive than that of the Romans. The great Mithridates. mercantile cities of Smyrna, Colophon, Ephesus, and Sardis were in revolt, and closed their gates against his governors. The Hellenic cities of Asia Minor had hoped to gain civil independence and a remission of taxes, and were disap- pointed. And those cities which were supposed to be secretly in favor of the Romans were heavily fined. The Cliians were compelled to pay two thousan^l talents. Great cruelties were also added to fines and confiscations. Lucul- lus, unable to obtain the help of an Alexandrian fleet, was more fortunate in the Syrian ports, and soon was able to commence offensive operations. Flaccus, too, had arrived with a Roman army, but this incapable general was put to death by a mob-orator, Fimbria, more able than he, who defeated a Pontic army at Miletopolis. The situation of Mithridates then became perilous. Europe was lost ; Asia Minor was in rebellion ; and Roman armies were pressing upon him. He therefore negotiated for peace. Sulla required the restoration of all the conquests he had made: Cappadoda, 516 Mithridatic and Civil Wars, [Chap. XXXYni. Paphlagonia, Galatia, Bithynia, the Hellenic cities, the ^^ .. ,. islands of the sea, and a contribution of three thou- Nesotiations ' for peace. sand talents. The'se conditions were not accepted, and Sulla proceeded to Asia, upon which Mithridates re- luctantly acceded to his terms. Sulla then turned against Fimbria, who commanded the Roman army sent to supplant him, which, as was to be expected, deserted to his standard. Fimbria lied to Perga- mus, and fell on his own sword. Sulla intrusted the two legions which had been sent from Rome under Flaccus to the command of his best officer, Murena, and turned his attention to arrang^e the affairs of Asia. He levied contributions to Siiiia the amount of twenty thousand talents, reduced returns to -,r--i-T i i/» t t* 'ii Italy. Mithridates to the rank or a chent king, richly compensated his soldiers, and embarked for Italy, leaving Lucullus behind to collect the contributions. Thus was the Mithridatic war ended by the genius of a Roman general, who had no equal in Roman history, with the exception of Pompey and Julius Caesar. He had distin- guished himself in Africa, in Spain, in Italy, and ness- in Greece. He had defeated the barbarians of the West, the old Italian foes of Rome, and the armies of the most powerful Oriental monarch since the fall of Persia. He had triumphed over Roman factions, and supplanted the great Marius himself. He was now to contend with one more able foe, Lucius Cornelius Cinna, who represented the revolutionary forces which had rallied under the Gracchi and Marius — the democratic elements of Roman society. When Sulla embarked for the Mithridatic war, Cinna, supported by a majority of the College of Tribunes, concerted a reaction against the rule which Sulla had re-established — the rule of the aristocracy. But Cinna, a mere tool of the revolutionary party, — a man without ability, — was driven out of the city by the aristocratic party, and outlawed, and L. Cornelia Mesula was made consul in his stead. The outlaws lied to the camp before JSTola. The Campanian army, demo- Chap, xxxyiii.] Cinna and Sulla, 617 cratic and revolutionary, recognized Cinna as the leader of the republic. Gains Marius, then an exile in Numidia, brought six thousand men, whom he had rallied to his stand- ard, to the disposal of the consul, and was placed by Cinna in supreme command at Etruria. A storm gathered around the capitol. Cinna was overshadowed by the greatness of that plebeian general who had defeated the Cimbrians, and who was bent upon revenge for the mortification and insults he had received from the Roman aristocracy. Famine and desertion soon made the city indefensible, and Rome capitu- lated to an army of her own citizens. Marius, now master of Rome, entered the city, and a reign of terror commenced. The gates were closed, and the slaughter of the aristocratic party commenced. The consul Octavius was the first victim, and with him the most illustrious of his party. The executioners of Marius fulfilled his orders, and his revenge was complete. He entered upon a new consulate, execrated by all the lead- ing citizens. But in the midst of his victories he was seized with a burning fever, and died in agonies, at the age of seventy, in the full possession of honor and power. Cinna succeeded him in the consulship, and Rome was under the ^ ■"■ ' Success of government of a detested tyrant. For four years Cinna. his reign was absolute, and was a reign of terror, during which the senators were struck down, as the French nobles were in the time of Robespierre. Cinna, like Robespierre, reigned with the mightiest plenitude of power, united with incapacity. In this state of anarchy Sulla's wife and children escaped with difiiculty, and Sulla himself was deprived of his com- mand against Mithridates. But Cinna, b. c. 84, was killed in a mutiny, and the command of the revolutionists devolved on Carbo. The situation of Sulla was critical, even at the head of his veteran forces. In the spring of the year follow- ing tlie death of Cinna, he landed in Brundusium, where he was re-enforced by partisans and deserters. The Senate made advances to Sulla, and many patricians joined his ranks, 618 Mithridatic and Civil Wars. [Chap, xxxvill. including Cneius Pompeius, then twenty-three years of age. Civil war was now inaugurated between Sulla and the revolutionary party, at the head of which were now the con- Suiiaends ^^^^ Carbo and the younger Marius. Carbo was the war. charged with Upper Italy, while Marius guarded Rome at the fortress of Prseneste. At Sacriportus Sulla de- feated Marius, and entered Rome. But the insurgent Italians united with the revolutionary forces of Rome, and seventy thousand Samnites and Lucanians approached the capital. At the Colline gate a battle was fought, in which Sulla was victorious. This ended the Social war, and the subjugation of the revolutionists soon followed. Sulla was now made dictator, and the ten years of revolu- tion and insurrection were at an end in both West and East. Absolute The first use which Sulla made of his absolute power of , n 1 • • T • c ^ Sulla. power was to outlaw all his enemies. JLists oitne j)roscribed were posted at Rome and in the Italian cities. It was a fearful visitation. A second reign of terror took place, more fearful and systematic than that of Marius. Four thousand seven hundred persons were slaughtered, among whom were forty senators, and one thousand six hun- dred equites. The next year Sulla celebrated his magnificent triumph over Mithridates, and was saluted by the name of Felix. The despotism at which the Gracchi were accused triumphs. of aiming was introduced by a military conqueror, aided by the aristocracy. Sulla then devoted himself to the reorganization of the State. He conferred citizenship upon all the Ital- ians but freedmen, and bestowed the sequestered estates of those who had taken side against him or his sol- diers. The ofiice of judices was restored to the Senate, and the equites were deprived of their separate seats at festivals. The Senate was restored to its ancient dignity and poAver, and three hundred new members appointed. The number of praetors was increased to eight. The government still rested Chap. XXXYIII.] The Cornelian Laws. 519 on the basis of popular election, but was made more aristo- cratic than before. The Comitia Centuriata was left in pos- session of the nominal power of lesfislation, but it „>^ '- ~ ' Ine reforms could only be exercised upon the initiation of a ofSuiia. decree of the Senate. The Comitia Tributa was stripped of the powers by which it had so long controlled the Senate and the State. Tribunes of the people were selected from the Senate. The College of Pontiffs was no longer filled by popular election, but by the choice of their own members. A new criminal code was made, and the several courts were presided over by the praetors. Such, in substance, were the Cornelian laws to restore the old powers of the aristocracy. Having eifected this labor, Sulla, in the plenitude of power, retired into private life. He retired, not like Charles v., wearied of the toils of war, and dis2:usted with „. ' ' t5 His retire- the vanity of glory and fame, nor like Washington, "^^"*- from lofty patriotic motives, but to bury himself in epicurean pleasures. In the luxury of his Cumaean villa he divided his time between hunting and fishing, and the enjoyments of literature, until, worn out with sensuality, he died in his six- tieth year, b. c. 78. A grand procession of the Senate he had saved, the equites, the magistrates, the vestal virgins, and his disbanded soldiers, bore his body to the funeral pyre, and his ashes were deposited beside the tombs of the kings. A splendid monument was raised to his memory, on which was inscribed his own epitaph, that no friend ever did him a kindness, and no enemy a wrong, without receiving a full requital. CHAPTER XXXIX. EOME FROM THE DEATH OF SULLA TO THE GREAT CIVIL WARS OF C^SAR AND POMPEY. — CICERO, POMPET, AND G^SAR. On the death of Sulla, the Roman government was once more in the hands of the aristocracy, and for several years the consuls were elected from the great ruling families. But, in spite of all the conquests of Sulla and all his laws, the State was tumbling into anarchy, and was convulsed with fresh wars. Sulla was alive when M. Lepidus came forward as the Reaction in leader of the democratic party against C. Lutatius favor of the i i • • i aristocracy. Catulus — a man without character or ability, who had deserted from the optimates to the popular party, to escape prosecution for the plunder of Sicily. The fortune he acquired in his government of that province enabled Lepidus to secure his election as consul, b. c. 78, and he even attempted to deprive Sulla of his funeral honors. A con- spiracy was organized in Etruria, where the SuUan confisca- tion had been most severe. Lepidus came forward- as an avenger of the old Romans whose fortunes had been ruined. The Senate, fearing convulsions, made Lepidus and Catulus, the consuls, swear not to take up arras against each other; but at the expiration of the consulship of Lepidus, he went, as was usual, to the province assigned to him. This was Gaul, and here the war first broke out. An attempt on Rome was frustrated by Catulus, who defeated Lepidus, and the latter soon died in Sardinia, whither he had retired. Sertorius was then in command of the army in Spain, — a Chap. XXXIX.] ' Pomjpey. 521 man who had risen from an obscure position, but who pos- sessed the hardj virtues of the old Sabine farmers. He served under Marius in Gaul, and was prsetor when Sulla returned to Italy. When the cause of Marius was lost in Africa, he organized a resistance to Sulla in Spain. His army was re-enforced by Marian refugees, and he was aided by the Iberian tribes, among whom he was a favorite. For eight years this celebrated hero baffled the armies which Rome, under the lead of the aristocracy, sent against him, for he undertook to restore the cause of the democracy. Against Sertorius was sent the man who, next to Ccesar, was destined to play the most important part in the history of those times — Cn. Pompeius, born the same year as Cicero, b. c. 106, who had enlisted in the cause of Sulla, and early distinguished himself against the generals of Marius. He gained great successes in Sicily and Africa, and was, on his return to Rome, saluted by the dic- tator Sulla himself with the name of Magnus^ which title he ever afterward bore. He was then a simple equestrian, and had not risen to the rank of quaestor, or prastor, or consul. Yet he had, at the early age of twenty-four, without en- joying any curule office, the honor of a triumph, even against the opposition of Sulla. Pompey was sent to Spain with the title of proconsul, and with an army of thirty thousand men. He crossed the Alps between the sources of the Rhone and Po, and advanced to the southeni coast of Spain. Here he was met by Sertorius, and at first was worsted. I need not detail the varied events of this war in Spain. The Spaniards at length grew weary of a contest which was not to their benefit, but which was carried on in behalf of rival factions at the capital. Dissen- sions broke out among the officers of Sertorius, and he was killed at a banquet by Perpenna, his lieutenant, y. ., ^ On the death of the only man capable of resisting sertorius. the aristocracy of Rome, and whose virtues were worthy of the ancient heroes, the progress of Pompey was easy. Per- 522 Cicero, Pomjpey^ and '€(jesar. [Chap. XXXIX. penna was taken prisoner and his army was dispersed, and Spain was reduced to obedience. In the mean time, while Pompey was fighting Sertorius in Spain, a servile war broke out in Italy, produced in part by the immense demand of slaves for the gladiatorial shows. One of these slaves, Spartacus, once a Thracian captain of banditti, escaped with seventy comrades to the crater of Vesuvius, and organized an insurrection, and he was soon at the head of one hundred thousand of those wretched captives whose condition was unendurable. Italy was ravaged from the Alps to the Straits of Messina. No Roman general, then in Italy, was equal to the task of subduing them. But, in the second year of the war, Crassus, who was a great proprietor of slaves, and who had ably served under Sulla, undertook the task of subduing the insurrectionary slaves. With six legions he drove them to the extremity of the Bruttian peninsula, and shut them up in Rhegium by strong lines of circumvallation. Spartacus was killed, after having broken through the lines, and most of his followers were destroyed; but six thousand escaped into Cisalpine Gaul, as the northern part of Italy was then called, and met Pompey on his victorious return from Spain, by whom they were utterly annihilated. Pompey claimed the merit of ending the servile war, and sought the honor of the consulship, although ineligible. Crassus, also ineligible, also demanded the consulship, and both these lieutenants of Sulla obtained their ends. But both, in order to obtain the consulship, made great promises. Pompey, in Pompey. . ... , ., . . particular, promised to restore the tribunitian power. Pompey now broke with the aristocracy, whose champion he had been, and even carried another law by which the judices were taken from the equites as well as the Senate. Thus was the constitution of Sulla subverted v/ithin ten years. In this movement Pompey was supported by Julius Caesar, who was a young man of thirty years of age. On the exi^iration of his consiilshi]^, Pompey remained Chap. XXXIX.] The Pirates. 523 inactive, refusing a province, until the troubles with the Mediterranean pirates again called him into active military service. These pirates svrarmed on every coast, plundering cities, and cutting off communication be- tween Rome and the provinces. They especially attacked the corn vessels, so that the price of provisions rose inordi- nately. The people, in distress, turned their eyes to Pom- pey ; but he was not willing to accept any ordinary command, and through his intrigues, his tool, the tribune Gabinius, proj3osed that the people should elect a man for this service of consular rank, who should have absolute power for three years over the whole of the Mediterranean, and to a distance of fifty miles inward from the coast, and who should com- mand a fleet of two hundred ships. He did not name Pom- pey, but everybody knew who was meant. The people, furious at the price of corn, and full of admiration for the victories of Pompey, were ready to appoint him; the Senate, alarmed and jealous, was equally determined to prevent his appointment. Tumults and riots were the consequence. Pompey affected to desire some other person for the com- mand but himself; but the law passed, in spite of Great power the ojoposition of the Senate, and Pompey was Pompey, commissioned to prepare five hundred ships, enlist one hun- dred and twenty thousand sailors and soldiers, and also to take from the public treasury whatever sum he needed. In the following spring his preparations were made, and in forty days he cleared the western half of the Mediterranean from the pirates, and drove them to the Cilician coast. Here he gaiu-ed a great victory over their united fleets, and took twenty thousand prisoners, whom he settled at various points on the coasts, and returned home in forty-nine days after he had sailed from Brundusium. In less than three months he had ended the war. This Gjreat success led to his command asrainst Mithridates, who had again rallied liis forces for one more de- Renewal of hostilities ia cisive and desperate struggle with the Romans, the East. Asia rallied against Europe, as Europe rallied against Asia 524 Cicero^ Pom/pey^ and OcBsar. [Chap, xxxix. in the crusades. Mithridates, after his defeat by Snlla, had retired to Armenia to the court of his son-in-law, Tigranos, whose power was greater than that of any other Oriental potentate. Tigranes was not at first inclined to break with }\onie, but (b. c. 70) he consented to the war, Avhicli continued for seven years without decisive results. The Romans were commanded by Lucullus, the old lieutenant of Sulla, and although his labors were not appreciated at Rome, he broke really the power of Mithridates. But, through the intrigues of Pompey and his friends, he was re- called, and Pompey was commissioned, with the extraordi- nary power of unlimited control of the Eastern army and fleet, and the rights of proconsul over the whole of Asia. He already had the dominion of the Mediterranean. The Senate opposed this dangerous precedent, but it was carried by the people, who could not heap too many honors on their favor- ite. Cicero, then forty years of age, with CjBsar, supported the measure, which was opposed by Ilortensius and Catulus. Lucullus retired to his luxurious villa to squander the riches he had accumulated in Asia, and to study the academic philosophy, while Pompey pursued his conquests in the East over foes already broken and hu- miliated. He showed considerable ability, and drove Mithri- dates from post to post in the heart of his dominion. The Eastern monarch made overtures of peace, which were re- jected. Nothing but unconditional surrender would be accepted. His army was finally cut to pieces, and the old man escaped only with a few horsemen. Rejected by Ti- granes, he made his way to the Cimmerian Bosphorus, which w^as his last retreat. Pompey then turned his attention to Armenia, and Tigranes threw himself upon his mercy, at the cost of all his territories but Armenia Proper. Pompey then Defeat of rcsumcd the pursuit of Mithridates, fighting his Mitbndates. "syay tlirough the mountains of Iberia and Albania, but he did not pursue his foe over the Caucasus. Mithri- dates, secure in the Crimea, then planned a daring attempt on Rome herself, which was to march round the Euxine and Chap XXXIX.] Victories of Pompey. 625 up the Danube, collecting in his train the Sarmatians, Gaeta?, and other barbarians, cross tlie Alps, and descend upon Italy. Ills kingdom of Pontus was already lost, and had been made a Roman province. His followers, however, became disaf- fected, his son Pharnaces rebelled, and he had no other rem- edy than suicide to escape capture. lie died b. c. r, . n nr^ . . , . Ilis death. O;^, alter a reign or nity-three years, in the sixty- ninth year of his age — the greatest Eastern prince since Cyrus. liacine has painted him in one of his dramas as ono of the most heroic men of the world. But it was his misfor- tune to contend with Rome in the plenitude of her power. Pompey, before the death of Mithridates, went to Syria to regulate its affairs, it being ceded to Rome by i>r,mpey in Tigranes. After the defeat of Tigranes by LucuUus, ^^'*^^' that kingdom, however, had been recovered by Antiochus XIII., the last of the Seleucidie, who held a doubtful sove- reignty. He was, however, reduced by a legate of Pompey, and Syria became a Roman province. The next year, Pom- pey advanced south, and established the Roman supremacy in Phrjcinicia and Palestine, the latter country being the seat of civil war between Ilyrcanus and Aristobulus. It was then that Jerusalem was taken by the Roman general, after a siege of three months, and the conqueror entered the most sacred precincts of the temple, to the horror of the priest- hood. He established Ilyrcanus as high priest, as has been already related, and then retired to Pontus, settled its affairs, and departed with his army for Italy, having won ^ . ^ . . 1 1 • 1 T^ His victories. a succession of victories never equaled in the East, except by Alexander. And never did victories receive such great eclat^ which, however, were easily won, as those of Alexander had been. No Asiatic foe was a match for either Greeks or Romans in the field. The real difficulties were in marches, in penetrating mountain passes, in crossing arid plains. But before the conqueror of Asia received the reward of his great services to the State — the most splendid . 1 , . 1 , -, 1 1 TT- His triumph. triumph which had as yet been seen on the Via 526 Cicero^ Pom^ey^ and Ccesar, [Chap. XXXIX. Sacra — Rome was brought to the verge of ruin by the con- spu'acy of Catiline. The departure of Pompey to punish the pirates of the Mediterranean and conquer Mithridates, left the field clear to the two greatest men of their age, Cicero and Caesar. It was while Cicero was consul that the con- spiracy was detected. Marcus TuUius Cicero, the most accomplished man, on the whole, in Roman annals, and as immortal as Caesar himself, was born B.C. 106, near Arpinum, of an equestrian, but not senatorial family. He received a good education, received the manly gown at sixteen, and entered the forum to hear the debates, but pursued his studies with great assiduity. He was intrusted by his wealthy father to the care of the augur, Q. Mucius Scaevola, an old lawyer deeply read in the constitution of his country and the princi- ples of jurisprudence. At eighteen he served his first and only campaign under the father of the great Pompey, in the social war. He was twenty-four before he made a figure in the eye of the public, keeping aloof from the fierce struggles of Marius and Sulla, identifying himself with neither party, and devoted only to the cultivation of his mind, studying philosophy and rhetoric as well as law, traveling over Sicily and Greece, and preparing himself for a forensic orator. At twenty-five he appeared in the forum as a public pleader, and boldly defended the oppressed and injured, and even braved the anger of Sulla, then all-powerful as dictator. At twenty-seven he again repaired to Athens for greater culture and extensively traveled in Asia Minor, holding converse with the most eminent scholars and philosophers in the Grecian cities. At twenty-nine he returned to Rome, im- proved in health as well as in those arts which contributed to his unrivaled fame as an orator — a rival with Hortensius and Cotta, the leaders of the Roman bar. At thirty he was elected quaestor, not, as was usually the case, by family in- terest, but from his great reputation as a lawyer. The duties of his office called him to Sicily, under the praetor of Lily- ba3um, which he admirably discharged, showing not only Chap. XXXIX. Trial of Verres, 527 executive ability, but rare virtue and impartiality. The vanity which dimmed the lustre of his glorious name, and which he never exorcised, received a severe wound on his return to Italy. He imagined he was the observed of all observers, but soon discovered that his gay and fashionable friends were ignorant, not only of what he had done in Sicily but of his administration at all. For the next four years he was absorbed in private stud- ies, and in the couits of law, at the end of which he became sedile, the year that Verres was impeached for misgovernment in Sicily. This was the most celebrated State trial for impeachment on record, with the exception, perhaps, of that of Warren Hastings. But Cicero, who was the public accuser and prosecutor, was more fortu- nate than Burke. He collected such an overwhelming mass of evidence against this corrupt governor, that he went into exile without making a defense, although defended by Hor- tensius, consul elect. The speech which the orator was to have made at the trial was subsequently published by Cicero, and is one of the most eloquent tirades against public cor- ruption ever composed or uttered. Nothing of especial interest marked the career of this great man for three more years, until b. c. 67 he was public career elected first prsetor, or supreme judge, an office for ^^ ^'^ero. which he was supremely qualified. But it was not merely civic cases which he decided. He appeared as a political speaker, and delivered from the rostrum his celebrated speech on the Manilian laws, maintaining the cause of Pompey when he departed from the policy of the aristocracy. He had now gained by piire merit, in a corrupt age, without family influ- ence, the highest offices of the State, even as Burke became the leader of the House of Commons without aristocratic connections, and now naturally aspired to fhe consulship, — the great prize which every ambitious man sought, but which, in the aristocratic age of Roman history, was rarely confer- red except on members of the ruling houses, or A^ery eminent success in war. By the friendship of Pompey, and also 528 Cicero^ Pompey^ and Ccesar. [Chap, xxxix. from the general admiration which his splendid talents and attainments commanded, this great prize was also secured. He had six illustrious competitors, among whom were Anto- nius and Catiline, who were assisted by Crassus and Caesar. As consul, all the energies of his mind and character were Cicero as absorbed in baffling the treason of this eminent consul patrician demagogue. L. Sergius Catiline was one of those wicked, unscrupulous, intriguing, popular, aban- doned and intellectual scoundrels that a corrupt age and patrician misrule brought to the surface of society, aided by the degenerate nobles to whose class he belonged. In the bitterness of his political disappointments, beaded off by Cicero at every turn, he meditated the com- plete overthrow of the Roman constitution, and his own elevation as chief of the State, and absolutely inaugurated rebellion. Cicero, who was in danger of assassination, boldly laid the conspiracy before the Senate, and secured the arrest of many of his chief confederates. Catiline fled and assem- bled his followers, which numbered twelve thousand desper- ate men, and fought with the courage of despair, but was defeated and slain. Had it not been for the vigilance, energy, and patriotism of Cicero, it is possible this atrocious conspiracy would have suc- ceeded. The state of society was completely demoralized ; the disbanded soldiers of the Eastern wars had spent their money and wanted spoils ; the Senate was timid and inefficient, and an unscrupulous and able leader, at the head of discontented factions, on the assassination of the consuls and the virtu- ous men who remained in power, might have bid defiance to any force which could then, in the absence of Pompey in the East, have been marshaled asjainst him. But the State was saved, and saved by a patriotic states- Cicero'8 man, who had arisen by force of genius and charac- services. ^^^ ^^ ^Y\q supreme power. The gratitude of the people was unbounded. Men of all ranks hailed him as the savior of his country; thanksgivings to the gods were voted in his name, and all Italy joined in enthusiastic praises. Chap. XXXIX.] Uxile of Cicero. . 529 But he had now reached the culminating height of his political greatness, and his subsequent career was one of sor- row and disappointment. Intoxicated by his elevation, — for it was unprecedented at Rome, in his day, for a man to rise so high by mere force of eloquence and learning, without fortune, or family, or military exploits, — he became conceited and vain. In the civil troubles which succeeded the return of Pompey, he was banished from the country he had saved, and there is nothmg more pitiful than his lamentations and miseries while in exile. His fall was natural. He had opposed the demoralizing current which swept every thing before it. When his office of consul was ended, he was exposed to the hatred of the senators whom he had humiliated, of the equites whose unreasonaVjle de- mands he had opposed, of the people whom he disdained to flatter, and' of the triumvirs whose usurpation he detested. IsTo one was poweiful enough to screen him from these combined hostilities, except the very men who aimed at the subversion of Roman liberties, and who wished him out of the way ; his friend Pompey showed a mean, pusillanimous, and calculating selfishness, and neither Crassus nor Caesar liked him. But in his latter days, part of which were passed in exile, and all without political consideration, he Accompiish- found time to compose those eloquent treatises on SJter of almost every subject, for which his memory will be ^i<^^^<^' held in reverence. Unlike Bacon, he committed no crime against the laws ; yet, like him, fell from his high estate in the convulsions of a revolutionary age, and as Bacon soothed his declining years with the charms of literature and philosophy, so did Cicero display in his writings the result of long years of study, and unfold for remotest generations the treasures of Greek and Roman wisdom, ornamented, too, by that exquis- ite stylo, which, of itself, would have given him immortality as one of the great artists of the world. He lived to see the utter wreck of Roman liberties, and was ultimately exe- cuted by order of Antonius, in revenge for those bitter philippics which the orator had launched against him before 630 Cicero^ Pomjpey^ and Ccesar. [Chap. XXXI X. the descending sun of his political glory had finally disap- peared in the gloom and darkness of revolutionary miseries. But we resume the thread of political history in those tangled times. Cicero was at the highest of his fame and power when Pompey returned from his Asiatic ompey- conquests, the great hero of his age, on whom all eyes were fixed, and to whom all bent the knee of homage and admiration. His triumph, at the age of forty-five, was the grandest ever seen. It lasted two days. Three hun- dred and twenty-four captive princes walked before his triumphal car, followed by spoils and emblems of a war which saw the reduction of one thousand fortresses. The enormous sum of twenty thousand talents was added to the public treasury. Pompey was, however, greater in war than in peace. Had he known how to make use of his prestige and his s po cy. advantasres, he mis^ht have henceforth reio-ned with- out a rival. He was not sufiiciently noble and generous to live without making grave mistakes and alienating some of his greatest friends, nor was he sufficiently bad and unscrupu- lous to abuse his military supremacy. He pursued a middle course, envious of all talent, absorbed in his own greatness, vain, pompous, and vacillating. His quarrels with Crassua and Lucullus severed him from the aristocratic party, whose leader he properly was. His haughtiness and coldness alien- ated the afiections of the people, through whom he could only advance to supreme dominion. He had neither the arts of a demagogue, nor the magnanimity of a conqueror. It was at this crisis that Caesar returned from Spain as the conqueror of the Lusitanians. Caius Julius Caesar ^^^' belonged to the ancient patrician family of the Julii, and was born b. c. 100, and was six years younger than Pompey and Cicero. But he was closely connected with the popular party by the marriage of his aunt Julia with the great Marius, and his marriage with Cornelia, the daughter of Cinna, one of the chief opponents of Sulla. He early served in the army of the East, but devoted his earliest Chap. XXXIX.] CoBsar. 531 years to the art of oratory. His affable manners and unbounded liberality made him popular with the people. He obtained the qusestorship at thirty-two, the year he lost his wife, and went as quaestor to Antistius Vetus, into the pro v- ince of Further Spain. On his return, the following year, he married Pompeia, the granddaughter of Sulla, of the Corne- lia gens, and formed a union with Pompey. By his family connections he obtained the curule sedileship at the age of thirty-five, and surpassed his predecessors in the extrava- gance of his shows and entertainments, the money for which he borrowed. At thirty-seven he was elected Pontifex Max- imus, so great was his popularity, and the following year he obtained the prsetorship, b. c. 62, and on the expiration of his office he obtained the province of Further Spain. His debts were so enormous that he applied for aid to Crassus, the richest man in Rome, and readily obtained the loan he sought. In Spain, with an army at his command, he gained brilliant victories over the Lusitanians, and returned to Rome enriched, and sought the consulship. To obtain this, he relinquished the customary triumph, and, with the aid of Pompey, secured his election, and entered into that close alliance with Pompey and Crassus which historians call the first triumvirate. It was merely a private agreement between the three most powerful men of Rome to suj^port each other, and not a distinct magistracy. As consul, Caesar threw his influence against the aristoc- racy, to whose ranks he belonged, both by birth The consul- and office, and caused an agrarian law to be Csesar. passed, against the fiercest opposition of the Senate, by which the rich Campanian lands were divided for the benefit of the poorest citizens — a good measure, perhaps, but which brought him forward as the champion of the people. He next gained over the equites, by relieving them, by a law which he caused to be passed, of one-third of the sum they had agreed to pay for the farming of the taxes of Asia, He secured the favor of Pompey by causing all his acts in the East to be confirmed. At the expiration of his consulship he 532 Cicero^ Pomjpey^ and Ccesar. [Chap, xxxix/i obtained the province of Gaul, as the fullest field for the development of his military talents, and the surest way to climb to subsequent greatness. At this period Cicero went into exile without waiting for his trial — that miserable period made memorable for aristocratic broils and intrigues, and when Clodius, a reckless young noble, entered into tlie house of the Pontifex Maximus, disguised as a woman, in pursuit of a vile intrigue with Caesar's wife. The succeeding nine years of Caesar's life were occujjied by the subjugation of Gaul. In the first campaign he sub- dued the Helvetii, and conquered Ariovistus, a powerful German chieftain. In the second campaign he opposed a confederation of Bel^ic tribes — the most warlike of all the Gauls, who had collected a force of three hundred thousand men, and signally defeated them, for which victories the Sen- ate decreed a public thanksgiving of fifteen days. That given Casarin ^^^ Pompcy's houor, after the Mithridatic war, had *^^"i- lasted but ten. At this time he made a renewed compact with Pompey and Crassus, by which Pompey was to have the two Spains for his province, Crassus that of Syria, and he himself should have a prolonged government in Gaul for five years more. The combined influence of these men was enough to secure the elections, and the year following Crassus and Pompey were made consuls. Caesar had to resist powerful confederations of the Gauls, and in order to strike terror among them, in the fourth year of the war, invaded Britain. But I can not describe the various campaigns of Caesar in Gaul and Britain without going into details hard to be understood— his brilliant victories over enemies of vastly greater numbers, his marchings and countermarchings, his difficulties and dangers, his inventive genius, his strategic talents, his boundless resources, his command over liis soldiers and their idolatry, until, after nine years, Gaul was subdued and added to the Roman provinces. During his long absence from Rome his interests were guarded by the tribune Curio, and Marcus Antonius, the future triumvir. Puring this time Crassus had inglori- Chap. XXXIX.] CcBsar. 533 ously conducted a distant war in Parthia, in quest of fame and riches, and was killed by an unknown hand after a dis- graceful defeat. This avaricious patrician must not be con- founded with the celebrated orator, of a preceding age, who was so celebrated for his elegance and luxury. Affairs at Rome had also taken a turn which indicated a rupture with Caesar and Pompey, now left, by the death of Crassus, at the head of the State. The brilliant victories of the former in Gaul were in everybody's mouth, and the fame of the latter was being eclipsed. A serious rivalry between these screat s^enerals beo^an to show itself. The disturbances which also broke out on the death of Clodius led to the appointment of Pompey as sole consul, and all his acts as consul tended to consolidate his power. His government in Spain was prolonged for five years more ; he entered into closer connections with the aristocracy, and prepared for a rupture with his great rival, which had now become inevita- ble, as both grasped supreme power. That struggle is now to be presented in the following chapter. CHAPTEE XL. THE CIVIL WAES BETWEEN C^SAE AND POMPET. The condition of Rome when Csesar returned, crowned with glory, from his Gallic campaign, in which he had dis- powerof played the most consummate ability, was misera- Pompey. bic cnough. ihc Constitution had been assailcd by all the leading chieftains, and even Cicero could only givo vent to his despair and indignation in impotent lamentations. The cause of liberty was already lost. Ciesar had obtained the province of Gaul for ten years, against all former prece- dent, and Pompey had obtained the extension of his iraperium for five additional years. Both these generals thus had armies and an independent command for a period which might be called indefinite — that is, as long as they could maintain their authority in a period of anarchy. Rome was disgraced by tumults and assassinations ; worthless people secured the highest offices, and were the tools of the two great generals, who divided between them the empire of the world. All family ties between these two generals were destroyed by the death of Julia. The feud between Clo- dius and Milo, the one a candidate for the praetorship, and the other for the consulship, was most disgraceful, in the course of which Clodius was slain. Each wanted an office as the means of defraying enormous debts. Pompey, called upon by the Senate to relieve the State from anarchy, was made sole consul — another unprecedented thing. The trial of Milo showed that Pompey was the absolute master at Rome, and it was his study to maintain his position against Caesar. It was plain that the world could not have two absolute Chap. XL.] Corruj^tion of Roman Society, 535 masters, for both Pompey and Csesar aspired to universal sovereignty. One must succumb to the other — be either anvil or hammer. Neither would have been safe without their armies and their armed followers. And if both were de- stroyed, the State would still be convulsed with pj^^ig^j} factions. All true constitutional liberty was at an c^^rMid end, for both generals and demagogues could get Pompey. such laws passed as they pleased, with sufficient money to bribe those who controlled the elections. It was a time of universal corruption and venality. Money was the mainspring of soci- ety. Public virtue had passed away, — all elevated sentiment, — all patriotism, — all self-sacrifice. The people cared but little who ruled, if they were supplied with corn and wine at nom- inal prices. Patrician nobles had become demagogues, and demaofoo-ues had power in proportion to their abil- Deplorable r ,. . , 1 , r^. state of pub- ity or inclination to please the people. Cicero lie affairs. despaired of the State, and devoted himself to literature. There yet remained the aristocratic party, which had wealth and prestige and power, and the popular party, which aimed to take these privileges away, but which was ruled by dema- gogues more unprincipled than the old nobility. Pompey represented the one, and Csesar the other, though both were nobles. Both these generals had rendered great services. Pompey had subdued the East, and Caesar the West. Pompey had more prestige, Ccesar more genius. Pompey was a greater tactician, Cassar a greater strategist. Pompey was proud, pompous, jealous, patronizing, self-sufficient, disdainful. Csesar was politic, intriguing, patient, lavish, unenvious, easily approached, forgiving, with great urbanity and most genial manners. Both were ambitious, unscrupulous, and selfish. Cicero distrusted both, flattered each by turns, but inclined to the side of Pompey as more conservative, and less dan- gerous. The Senate took the side of Pompey, the people that of Csesar. Both Caesar and Pompey had enjoyed power 60 long, that neither would have been contented with private life. 536 Wars "between Coesar and Pompey. [Chap. XL. \ In the year b. c. 49, Caesar's proconsular imperium was to terminate one year after the close of the Gallic war. He i wished to be re-elected consul, and also secure his triumph. But he could not, according to law, have the triumph without disbanding the army, and without an army he would not be safe at Rome, with so many enemies. ISTeither could he be elected consul, according to the forms, while he enjoyed his imperium, for it had long been the custom that no one could sue for the consulship at the head of an army. He, therefore, could neither be consul nor enjoy a triumph, legitimately, without disbanding his army. Moreover, the party of Pom- pey, being then in the ascendant at Rome, demanded that Caesar should lay down his imperium. The tribunes, in the The Senate ii^^crests of CaBsar, opposed the decree of the Sen- demands the j^^g . ^\^q reio:ninof cousuls threatened the tribunes, abdication of ' » o ' Cffisar. and they fled to Caesar's camp in Cisalpine Gaul. It should, however, be mentioned, that when the consul Mar- cellus, an enemy of Caesar, proposed in the Senate that he should lay down his command, Curio, the tribune, whose debts Caesar had paid, moved that Pompey should do the same ; which he refused to do, since the election of Caesar to the consulship would place the whole power of the republic in his hands. Caesar made a last effort to avoid the inevita- Csesar seeks blc war, by proposing to the Senate to lay down mise. his Command, if Pompey would also ; but Pompey prevaricated, and the compromise came to nothing. Both generals distrusted each other, and both were disloyal to the State. The Senate then appointed a successor to Cffisar in Gaul, ordered a general levy of troops throughout Italy, and voted money and men to Pompey. Caesar had already crossed the Rubicon, which was high treason, before his last proposal to compromise, and he was on his way to Rome. No one resisted him, for the people had but little interest in Ee'ected b ^^^^ succcss of either party. Pompey, exaggerat- Pompey. j^g j^ig popularity, thought he had only to stamp the ground, and an army would appear, and when he discov- ered that his rival was advancing on the Flaminican way, Chap. XL.] Coesar in Spain. 537 fled hastily from Rome with most of the senators, and went to Brundusium. Cassar did not at once seize the capital, but followed Pompey, and so vigorously attacked c^sar him, that he quit the town and crossed over to Pompey. lUyricum. Csesar had no troops to pursue him, and, there- fore retraced his steps, and entered Rome, after an absence of ten years, at the head of a victorious army, undisputed mas- ter of Italy. But Pompey still controlled his proconsular province of Spain, where seven legions were under his lieutenants, and Africa also was occupied by his party. Caesar, after aiTang- ing the affairs of Italy, marched through Gaul into ^^^^^ .^ Spain to fight the generals of Pompey. That cam- ^p*^^ paign was ended in forty days, and he became master of Spain. While in Spain he was elected to his second consul- ship, and also made dictator. He returned to Rome as rapidly as he had marched into Spain, and enacted some wholesome laws, among others that by which the inhabitants of Cisalpine Gaul, the northern part of Italy, obtained citizenship. After settling the general affairs of Italy, he laid down the dictator- ship, and went to Brundusium, and collected his forces from various parts for a decisive conflict with Pompey, who had remained, meanwhile, in Macedonia, organizing his army. He collected nine legions, with auxiliary forces, while his fleet commanded the sea. He also secured vast masrazines of corn in Thessaly, Asia, Egypt, Crete, and Cyrene. Csesar was able to cross the sea with scarcely more than fifteen thousand men, on account of the insufliciency Miiitanrpre- of his fleet, and he was thrown upon a hostile shore, p^''^"^"^- cut off from supplies, and in presence of a vastly superior force. But his troops were veterans, and his cause was strengthened by the capture of Apollonia. He then advanced north to seize Dyrhachium, where Pompey's stores were deposited, but Pompey reached the town before him, and both armies encamped on the banks of the river Apsus, the one on the left and the other on the right bank. There Ciesar was joined by the remainder of his troops, broug'it over with 538 Wars between Ocesar and Pomjpey, [Chap. XL. great difficulty from Brundusium by Marcus Antonius, his most able lieutenant and devoted friend. Pompey was also re-enforced by two legions from Syria, led by his father-in- law, Scipio. Both parties abstained from attacking each other while these re-enforcements were being brought for- ward, and Caesar even made a last effort at compromise, while the troops on each side exchanged mutual courtesies. Pompey avoided a pitched battle, and intrenched himself Battle of ^^ ^ ^^ near Dyrhachium. Caesar surrounded Dyrhachium. j^jjjj with Hncs of circumvallatiou. Pompey broke through them, and compelled Caesar to retire, with consider- able loss. He retreated to Thessaly, followed by Pompey, who, had he known how to pursue his advantage, might, after this last success — the last he ever had — have defeated Caesar. He had wisely avoided a pitched battle until his troops should become inured to service, or until he should wear out his adversary ; but now, puffed up with victory and self-confi- dence, and unduly influenced by his officers, he concluded to risk a battle. Caesar was encamped on the plain of Pharsalia, and Pompey on a hill about four miles distant. The steep bank of the river Enipeus covered the right of Pompey's line and the left of Caesar's. The infantry of the former numbered forty-five thousand; that of the latter, twenty-two thousand, but they were veterans. Pompey was also superior in cav- alry, having seven thousand, while Caesar had only one thou- sand. With these, which formed the strength of Pompey's force, he proposed to outflank the right of Caesar, extended Battle of ^° *^® plain. To guard against this movement, Phaisaha. Caesar withdrew six cohorts from his third line, and formed them into a fourth in the rear of his cavalry on the right. The battle commenced by a furious assault on tlie lines of Pompey by Caesar's veterans, who were received with courage. Meanwhile Pompey's cavalry swept away that of C^sar, and was advancing to attack the rear, when they received, unexpectedly, the charge of the cohorts which Caesar had posted there. The cavalry broke, and fled to the mountains. The six cohorts then turned upon the slingers Chap. XL.] Death of Pompey, 539 and archers, who had covered the attack of the cavalry, de- feated them, and fell upon the rear of Pompey's left. Csesar then brought up his third line, and decided the battle. Pom- pey had fled when he saw the defeat of his cavalry. His camp was taken and sacked, and his troops, so confident of victory, were scattered, surrounded, and taken prisoners. Caesar, with his usual clemency, spared their lives, nor had he any object to destroy them. Among those who surren- dered after this decisive battle was Junius Brutus, who was not only pardoned, but admitted to the closest friendship. Pompey, on his defeat, fled to Larissa, embarked with his generals, and sailed to Mitylene. As he had still Flight of the province of Africa and a large fleet, it was his Egypt. policy to go there ; but he had a silly notion that his true field of glory was the East, and he saw no place of refiige but Egypt. That kingdom was then governed by the chil- dren of Ptolemy Auletes, Cleopatra and Ptolemy, neither of whom were adults, and who, moreover, were quarreling with each other for the undivided sovereignty of Egypt. At this juncture, Pompey appeared on the coast, on which Ptolemy was encamped. He sent a messenger to the king, with the request that he might be sheltered in Alexandria. To grant it would compromise Ptolemy with Csesar ; to refuse it w^ould send Pompey to the camp of Cleopatra in Syria. He was invited to a conference, and his minister Achillus was sent out in a boat to bring him on shore. Pompey, infatuated, imprudently trusted himself in the boat, in which pompeyas- he recognized an old comrade, Septiraius, who, ^^^^^'^^^'i- however, did not return his salutation. On landing, he was stabbed by -Septimius, who had persuaded Ptolemy to take his life, in order to propitiate Cassar and gain the Egyptian crown. Thus ingloriously fell the conqueror of Asia, and the second man in the empire, by treachery. On the flight of Pompey from the fatal battle-field, Caesar pressed in pursuit, with only one legion and a troop of cavalry. Fearing a new war in Asia, Caesar Egypt. waited to collect his forces, and then embarked for Egypt. 640 Wars between Ccesar and Porapey, [Chap. XL. He arrived at AlexaDdria only a few days after the murder of his rival, arsd was met by an officer bearing his head. He ordered it to be burned with costly spices, and placed the ashes in a shrine, dedicated to Nemesis. He then demanded ten million drachmas, promised by the late king, and sum- moned the contending sovereigns to his camp. Cleopatra captivated him, and he decided that both should share the throne, but that the ministers of Ptolemy should be deposed, which was reducing the king to a cipher. But the fanaticism Eastern con- ^^ *^^ Alexandrians being excited, and a collision quests. having taken place between them and his troops, Caesar burned the Egyptian fleet, and fortified himself at Pharos, awaiting re-enforcements. Ptolemy, however, turned against him, when he had obtained his release, and perished in an action on the banks of the Nile. Cleopatra was re- stored to the throne, under the protection of Rome. Pharnaces, son of Mithridates, rewarded by Pompey with ^ the throne of the Bosphorus for the desertion of his Pharnaces. ^ • t» /-< i • father, now made war against Rome. Galvmus, Bent against him, sustained a defeat, and Ca&sar rapidly marched to Asia to restore affairs. It was then he wrote to the Senate that brief, but vaunting letter : " Veni^ vidi, vici.^^ He already me