LA y jx HUNGARIAN REFERENCE LIBRARY Property of THE LIBRARY OF CONGRESS :^ NEW YORK, N, Y, V* LIBRARY 0*1|-| THE SCIENCE OF HISTORY. Dr. Gk ar^EEFFI, Fellow of the Royal Society of Literature ; Fellow of the Royal Historical Society; One of the Lecturers of Her Britannic Majesty's Department of Science and Art. WITH AN INTRODUCTORY LETTER - BY K. SUYEMATZ, Of Japan. PRINTED AS MANUSCRIPT. <^AN REF£^ NtW YORK, N. Y, LONDON. 1879. vlll B'igTiis of Publication, Translation, and Reproduction are Reserved. pl2> LONDON : W. H. AND L. COLLINGRIDGE, PRINTERS, CITY PRESS, 128 AND 129, ALDERSGATE STREET, EX. 1 N ■Q PREFACE. To the scientific treatment of History I have devoted a long life's earnest study, and have undertaken the task of presenting some of the results of my labours in a comprehensive form, in accordance with the Intro- ductory Letter, addressed to me by Mr. Keuchio Suyematz, of the Japanese Legation, which I publish below. I have therefore written this book especially for Japanese scholars, and have striven to leave nothing untouched that might serve to make them acquainted with the free and independent mode of thinking in the ^West. I have pointed out the technical means for the construction of History, and have propounded a ;' philosophical method of reading and writing it. Side by side with this, I have given an outline sketch, on a scientific basis, of the gradual development of Humanity from ancient classic to our own times. I have referred to the most important historical authori- ties, which scholars ought to consult. Possibly the Japanese Government, or munificent private patrons, A 2 \ IV PREFACE. may be induced to have some of those works trans- lated into Japanese, and thus enrich their vast Literature from the treasure-house of European His- toriography. I have been compelled to touch upon questions, perhaps of no apparent interest to Japanese scholars, such as the Influence . of Judaism and Christianity on the historical development of Europe. It would, how- ever, be idle for any one to believe that he could even superficially understand, far less thoroughly grasp, the marvellous phenomena of our progressive civilization, without a correct appreciation of the part which religion has played in the destinies of the West. It would be as futile, as to write Chinese History, and omit all reference to Confucius. I have throughout endeavoured to keep on strictly historical ground, and to describe the different social, political and religious phenomena with the impartiality of an unbiassed observer. I should have been guilty of gross, neglect had I not attempted, step % by step, to trace, in connection with Historiography, the causes of which the historical phenomena were the effects. My book furnishes, firstly, a Theory with regard to the scientific treatment of History ; secondly, a synop- tical History of the development of humanity in Classical, Mediaeval and Modern Times ; and, thirdly, a Bibliography, critically enumerating the most im- PREFACE. Y portant writers, who have reflected the spirit of the times in their works. I have not been deterred by the vastness of the task, for I think that the principal aim of a book, like this, lies in suggesting and stimulating students to a mental activity which must lead them to self-thought, research and inquiry, and, through these, to a higher intellectual culture. This aim I have conscientiously fur- thered to the best of my power. I have placed the rich stores of European Historiography before Japanese scholars ; it will be their duty to make use of them. An earnest study of my work will enable them to write their own History on a scientific basis, and to trace the causes of their entirely different development. GL GL ZEBFFI. London, October 15, 1879. INTRODUCTORY LETTER. By K. SUYEMATZ, of JAPAN. Sir, I have long been of opinion that it would be of great advantage to the scholars of the Japanese Empire, of which Empire I am myself a subject, to have placed before them an account of the most celebrated Histories and Historians of ancient and modern times. And the reasons which have induced me to entertain this opinion are as follows : — Although Oriental nations, especially the Chinese and Japanese, are rich in historical works ; and although much greater prominence is assigned to them than to other branches of their literature, yet their Histories in general, and among them in an equal degree also those which have been written by Japanese, are characterized by features peculiar to themselves, and differ consider- ably from those of the Western World in their treat- ment of this important subject. For in most of them the narrative of facts is seldom treated conjointly with philosophical reflections. In my country at the present time the universal tendency is to adopt whatever is most excellent and worthy of imi- tation in European culture and experience ; and this remark applies with equal force to European literature, the peculiar excellence of which the Japanese could but appreciate. Under these circumstances, there are many Japanese scholars who desire more especially to make themselves Vlll INTRODUCTORY LETTER. acquainted with the style, plan, and method pursued by the most eminent Historians of the Western nations, to write the history of their own country in accordance with these models. For these reasons I have thought that it would be beneficial to such scholars, if a synoptical view of the most excellent Histories and Historians were placed before them. I have therefore drawn up the outlines of a book in which the above-mentioned idea should be developed and carried out, and I confide the execution of the literary work to you now. The main object of it being to place before Japanese scholars, who desire to write the history of their own country, the most excellent European models ; you will be especially careful to bear this in mind, and not to omit anything which may be conducive to this purpose. You will also be particular to assign para- mount importance to that part of the subject which relates especially to the great advantages, which result from the due combination of facts and philosophy in the course of the same History; and to point out, how infinitely greater is the benefit, derived from the work in which events are thoughtfully traced to their causes, and con- nected with their consequences, than from the work in which the writer recounts a long series of facts, deducing no lessons from them, and thinking, that when he has enumerated them, he has done all that was necessary. I am, Sir, yours truly, K. SUYEMATZ, of Japan. 11, Colyille Square, Bayswater, London, W., Uh March, 1879=2539. INSTRUCTIONS. 1. State the great importance of the study of His- tory ; the difficulties which have to be encountered in the composition of History ; and the personal qualifica- tions necessary in a Historian. 2. Enumerate those great authors who, by the com- mon consent of mankind, have realized the ideal of what a Historian should be ; and show, how the Historian of the present day should familiarize himself with the principles which guided them, and with the methods which they followed, if he himself too should desire to attain similar excellence. Be careful not only to enumerate these authors, but also to point out the great qualities which peculiarly fitted them for their task, and the course of training which they underwent, in order to qualify themselves for it ; confine yourself first to the greatest Historians of Greece. 3. Similarly enumerate and criticise the greatest Roman Historians. 4. In like manner enumerate and criticise the greatest modern Historians, whether English, French, or Grer- man, &c. ; not forgetting to make previous mention of any mediseval writers, should you deem any of them to be worthy of mention. X INSTRUCTIONS. 5. After thus giving an account of the most eminent of the ancient and modern Historians, turn to the consideration of History itself, and classify it into the numerous species into which it may be divided and subdivided, commenting on the difference of the style. Show how one Historian will simply recount events as they occurred, making little or no comment upon them ; and how another, while narrating events, will be careful to connect them with their preceding causes, and with the consequences to which they gave birth. State how infinitely superior the one of these two methods of treating History must necessarily be to the other, in the concluding chapter of the work, in which will be given a general review of the relative merits of the different methods of treating History. 6. After the preceding division and subdivision of History into its various classes, proceed to give an Historical retrospect of Histories and Historians from the earliest times to the present. Criticise first such universal Histories as the Europeans possess, giving the names of their authors and forming an estimate of the manner, in which they have accomplished their task. Then pass on to the consideration of particular His- tories, whether ancient, mediaeval or modern. Take these Histories in chronological order, commencing with ancient Histories, and being careful to mention only those which are worth mentioning. State the names of their authors, and the events of which they treat. 7. State the sources from which Historians derive their information, in what way they collect their materials, and the difficulties which have sometimes been thrown in their way, especially before the freedom of the press became an accomplished fact. Eemark INSTRUCTIONS. XI upon great rulers like Caesar, Frederick the Great, and Napoleon ; and great statesmen like Clarendon, Thiers, and Ghiizot, who have beguiled their severer labours by the composition of History. 8. Having thus given a History of Histories and Historians, from the earliest times to the present, point out the lessons which would naturally suggest them- selves to those who have taken the trouble to peruse such a work, and show of what paramount importance these lessons will be to those, who propose to devote themselves either to Historical composition or to the study of History. Show how it will be evident from the facts which we have stated, that the best Historians have always been careful to lay before themselves a clear and definite plan of the works which they have undertaken — how they have subordinated trivial to great events, and how they have carried out consistently, from the beginning to the end, that scheme which they originally framed. 9. Show that the Historian who proposes to give to us the History of a country or of a people, will have to narrate not only, as Macaulay says, battles and sieges, not only the rise and fall of administrations, intrigues in the palace, and debates in the Parliament, but the History of the people, the rise and progress of useful and ornamental arts, of religious sects, and of all those numerous changes which have taken place in the life and in the manners of successive generations, and, above all, their modes of thinking. 10. Show how that form of History is the noblest and the most useful which, while faithful in the narra- tive of events, is also the most painstaking in deducing the philosophical lessons which result from them, and Xll INSTRUCTIONS. which places before us, at one and the same time, a combined view of them both. Show that it is only in this way that the true ideal of a History can be realized, and that those Historians who have con- ceived and executed their task on this principle, have achieved the most permanent renown, and taught the most enduring and useful lessons to mankind. 11. Show that History in this form, and with the above-mentioned qualifications, is the most useful and attractive of all forms of History, in that it combines into one harmonious whole the many different points of view from which the subject may be considered, and gives to us a knowledge both of the facts themselves and of the philosophy which they teach. History, when adequately treated by a man who unites within himself those numerous and important qualifications, whose union can alone constitute the true Historian, will give to us in rich profusion lessons which, derived from the experience of the past, will serve to guide and regulate the future. Show how Historians, like Yoltaire in France, have, by their combined philo- sophy and eloquence, been sometimes authors of Revo- lutions in thought and feeling, which have, in their turn, paved the way for changes in dynasties and thrones. 12. Show how, with the same materials at his com- mand, one man will hopelessly blunder in his arrange- ment of them, and will fail to deduce any useful lesson from them; while another, moulding them into form like Gruizot, or like Buckle, will evolve from them the philosophy of History, and analyze for us the growth of civilization. Once more, show finally how the great end and aim of History should be, to teach men so to INSTRUCTIONS. Xlll utilize the lessons, which have been bequeathed to us by the past, that they may steer clear of the errors of their forefathers, and establish for themselves, and hand down to their successors, those laws, customs and insti- tutions which will best promote and accelerate the permanent and progressive amelioration of their own country and of the human race. TABLE OF CONTENTS. Preface Page iii Introductory Letter by K. Suyematz . . . . . . ,> vii CHAPTER I. The definition of the -word History — Whether a scientific treatment of History be possible — What constitutes Science — Analogy of Facts — Man — Mind and Matter — Forces governed by Law — Statics and Dynamics — Morals and Intellect — The final aim of Humanity — Civilization — Animals in nature — Man in nature — His progressive development — Humanity in its primitive savage condition — Action and reaction in the present phases of the development of Humanity — What Civilisation really is — To what the study of History must resolve itself — Results of a one-sided treatment of the two forces working in Humanity — : The oneness in the phenomena of History — Division of History — How to compose and write History — Dr. Maudsley on the possibility of discovering laws in History— The three false principles on which a solution of History was attempted — The rule of Chance — Predestination, or Providence — Free-will — Primary or direct, and secondary or indirect causes — Physical and moral Laws — Hypothetical arguments not admissible in History — What a finished Historical work ought to be — Auxiliary Sciences of History — Prejudice and Conventionalism— Purpose of our work The usefulness of History treated in detail — The principal lessons History teaches — We are endowed with an innate taste for the study of History — Similarity of moral laws — History the conscious- ness of Humanity — Ignorance of general History — Space and Time in their effects on Historians—Diplomatists and Politicians — Soldiers — Jurists — Theologians and Philosophers — History the " Science of Sciences " .. pp.1 — 64 CHAPTEE II. Origin and language of the Greeks — Asia as the region of Civilization — ■ The black races are without Chronicles and History — The yellow races have Chronicles and a stationary History — The white races have a fluctuating progressive History — The geographical configu- XVI TABLE OF CONTENTS. ration of Asia — The Egyptians in Africa — The Egyptian develop- ment was like that of the Chinese and Indians, hone-sprung — Persians, Assyrian?, Babylonians, and Hebrews — Javeh, the invisible autocrats of the Hebrews — No History in Asia and Africa — Europe and its geographical configuration — First European centre — Second European centre — Third European centre — Greece and Egypt — The Egyptian Mystery — The Greek solution of it — Greek History, from a general point of view — Geographical position of Greece — Variety, symmetry and harmony — The principal component elements of Greek classic times —Persian and Hebrew dualism — The Greeks spread a feeling of independent freedom — Greek Theogonies and Cosmogonies — The blending together of the Human and Divine — Character of the Greek gods — Greek poets and lawgivers the founders of the state-principle — Greek influence still felt all over the civilized world — The degeneration and evolution hypothesis — The mythic period of Greek History — The heroic period of Greek History — Greek genealogies — The Argonautic expedition — Charac- ter of ancient records — Jason, the leader of the Argonautic expedi- tion — Landing at Lemnos — The Argonauts pass the coast of Thrace — They reach Kolchis — They circumnavigate the then known earth — How to treat such records — The Greek Geographer, Strabo — The Theban legends — The legend of King Lykus and Dirke — Antiope. and her two sons — Character of Amphion — Character of Zetus — King Laius, and (Edipus, his son — The consequences of the prophecy about (Edipus — The mystic Sphinx near Thebes — Mean- ing of the Sphinx — (Edipus made king — Moral of the myth — End of the pre-Homerie period — Greek History at its beginning — Lyrics and Epics — Myths and their application — Historical facts con- tained in them — The subjugation of different nationalities— The siege of Troy — The " Iliad " and the " Odyssee " — Epic poets and Historians — Homer's merits — Primitive state of society — Agricul- turists and seafarers — Beef-eaters and fish-eaters — The kings — Difference between Iliad and Odyssee — The position of women — The gods in the Odyssee and the Iliad — Homer's potins — Hesiod — The political organiza ion of the Greeks — Spartans — Lykurgus — Athens — Theseus — Solon — Epamenides — The principal Logo- graphers of Greece .. .. .. .. .. pp.55 — 144 CHAPTEE III. The gradual development of Greek History — Contest between "West and East — Herodotus — The style of his composition — Solon and Krcesus — Democracy, Oligarchy and Monarchy — Herodotus on the Persians andEgyp ians — Thukydides — Principal qualities in Thukydides — Specimens of his style — Xenophon— Characteristics of Xenophon as a Historian — Xenophon's works — Xenophon as specialist — Speci- mens of his style — The introduction of Rhetorics by Isokrates — Alexander the Great — Historians of the second period of Greek History — Ktesias — Geographers and local Historiographers — Influ- ence of Alexander the Great on History — The distinguished writers of the third period of Greek History — Richness of the Historical Literature of the Greeks .. .. .. .. pp.145 — 225 TABLE OF CONTENTS. XV11 CHAPTEE IY. Borne and the Romans — The geographical position of Italy — Ethnical elements of the Romans — Analogy between Greeks and Eomans — The organizat on ot the family — The administration of Justice — The Etruskans — Their probable origin — Their political organization — The periods of Roman History — Romulus and Remus — The political and social condition of the early Romans — Patricians — Clientes— Plebeians — Origin of the Tribes — Numa Pompilius — Tullus Hostilius — Ancus Maicius — Lucius Tarquinius Priscus — Servius Tullius — Lucius Tarquinius Surerbus — The Historians of the Royal Mythic Period — Rome a Republic — The wars of the Republic — Greek Historians on Rome — Polybius — Dionysius of Halikarnassus — Diodorus Siculus — The Roman Historians of this period — Annalists — Historians — Cornelius Nepos — Julius Csesar — Caius Salluslius Crispue — Titus Livy — The third period of Roman History — Marcus Tullius Cicero — The Roman Empire — Seven causes of the Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire — Greek and Roman Bistorians — Plutarch — Dio Cassius — Velleius Paterculus — Valerius Maximus — Tacitus — His woiks — His style — His book on Ger- many — Quintus Curtius Rufus — Suetonius — Comic and satirical ■writings — Newspapers — Florus — The six writers of the Imperial History — Eutropius — Marcellmus — Seneca — Quintilianus — Pliny the Younger — Pliny the Elder — Galenus — Ptolemy — Pausanias — Lucian — Petronius Arbiter — Martialis — Two new factors in History — The Romans and their destiny , , . . , , pp. 226 — 389 CHAPTEE V. Christianity and the migration of the North European people — Chris- tianity the universal storehouse of all creeds — Univtrsalism per- vading Christianity — The Jews — History of the Jt"ws — Jewish teaching — The Tree of Knowledge — The Jews the most important agents in the History of the West — The different Messiahs — The different sects of the Jews — The " Septuagint" — History turned into religion — Faith, not knowledge, required — Description of the social condition of Humanity at the birth of Jesus of Nazareth — Universal love the essence of Christianity — Christ's conception of the Deity — The revolutionary elements of Christ's teachings — The causes of the spread of Christianity — Eastern influences on Christianity — Buddha and Christ— Difference between Christianity and Budd- hism — Mysticism profitable— Constantine the Great — Gnostics — Manicheans — Novatians — Arians — Athanasians — The teachings of Jesus vanish more and more — No reliable Historians — Chroniclers — Biographers — Miracles — Dogmatics — Fathers and Apologists — Ob- jections of the Jews and Heathens to Christianity — Celsus — Lueian — Porphyrius — Hierokles — Julian, the Apostate — Justin Martyr — Atbenagoras — Irenasus— Theopbilus — Tatian — Hermias — Clemens — Origen— Eusebius — Basil the Great — Cyril and Hypatia — Tertul- lian — Ambrose — Augustine— The Trinity of Augustine compared with the conception ot the Trinity in the R&mayana — A maxim of Confucius — Teutons and Latins — The "Confessions " of Augustine compared with those of Rousseau — The Jews as Historians — Philo A3 XVlil TABLE OF CONTENTS. Judaeus — Flavius Josephus — Fraud and falsehood cannot be excused because framed in honour of God . . . . « . pp. 390 — 522 CHAPTEE YI. The North In do-Europeans or European Aryans — Greek and Roman writers on the Teutons — The two religious Agents amongst the Teutons — History their element — Similarity of Epic poetry — Affinity of language — The cosmogony and mythology of the Teutons — Character of the Teuton gods— The social character of the Teutons— Extension of Teutonic influence in Europe— The three periods of Historical development — The three Historical phases corresponding to these three periods — Mythological and Historical " Sagas" — The vast Historical literature of these epochs — Snorre Sturleson — The Imperial Chronicle — Chivalry — Importance of Chivalry to Historians — Reineke the Fox — Romances— Abbot Herigers — Chronicles of Ethel werd— Annals by Asser of St. David's — Geoffrey, Archdeacon of Monmouth — Lud's town, London — Difficulties incurred by Historians in England — The wizard Merlin — Arthur — The Scotch and Irish Chronicles— The Eastern or Greek Christians— The Arabs— Mahomet — Same cause must produce the same effect — The Hegira — The Crusades— How to study the Cru- sades — Tho six primary causes of the Crusades — The writers on the Crusades — Effects of the Crusades — Froissart— Inventions and Dis- coveries — Gunpowder — Foundation of Universities — Nature and History — John Reuchl in— Erasmus of Rotterdam — Sir Thomas More — Dante — Revival of learning and art in Italy — Luther — Michael Angelo — No History during this period— Criticism and Scepticism— Lord Francis Bacon— The idols of the tribe — The idols of the cave— The idols of the market-place — The idols of the theatre or lecture-hall — Facts and fact-mongers — How we treated Histori- ography — How not to write History — Changes in the Historical relations of nations .. •• .. .. .. pp.523 — 634 CHAPTEE VIT. The Reformation and the Renaissance— The Spanish Monarchy and its extent — Eogland and the spiiit of modern times —Germany — France —Cardinal Richelieu— The conflict of intellect with reality in Germany— Frederick the Great — The Church and her position — The Thirty Years' War— Italian Historians of the Sixteenth Century— Guicciardini — Adriani — Nicolo Machiavelli — Jacopo Nardi— Bernardo Segni — A-mmirat i — Del Bianca — England's His- torians of the Sixteenth Century— Walter Raleigh— William Oldys — Holling-hed— William Harrison — John Hooker— John Stow — John Leland — John Twyne — Hector Boyce, or Boethius — John Major — George Buchanan— John Lesly - Spenser, Chaucer and Shakespeare — Importance of Shakespeare to Historians — German Historians during the Sixteenth Century. — Sebastian Frank — Joachim Cario — Borlinus — M. Dresser — Melanchthon — Paul Eber — John Philipson (called Sleidanu*) — Revival of newspapers — "The Eng ish Mercurio " — Beatus Rhenanus— Albert Kr.intz— Lucas David— Egidius Tschudi— French Historians during the Sixteenth TABLE OF CONTENTS. XIX Century— Jean du Tillet— Claude Fauchet — Bernard de Girard — Joan of Arc — Memoirs more cultivated in France — Paradin — Francois Hotman — Nicolas Barnaud — Marguerite de Valois — Bourdeille (Brantome) — Salmasius — Historiography in Italy during the Seventeenth Century-*— Paolo Sarpi — Sforza Pallavicini — His- toriography in England during the Seventeenth Century — Samuel Daniels— John Selden — Arthur Wilson — George Bate — The "Grand Remonstrance " — The Earl of Clarendon — David Hume — Sir Philip Warwick — Francis Walsingham — Francis Oshorn — Bustrode Whitelock — Gilbert Burnet — Sir William Temple — John Rush- worth — David Home — William Drummond — Historiography in Germany during the Seventeenth Century — Godofredus — Leutholff — Londorp — Samuel Pufendorf — G. W. Leibnitz — Kepler and Galileo — Harvey — Tschirnhausen — Halley — Lange — Souvigny — Historiography in France during the Seventeenth Century — Du- pleix — Mezeray — Varillas — Peronne — Patin — De Sandras — Sir Isaac Newton — Tallemand de Reaux — John Locke — Benedict Spi- noza — The three divisions of learning — Faith and knowledge — Agnostics — Credulity no proof of truth — Locke the founder of a new school — Basedow — Spinoza was called an atheist — Faith and prejudice — The study of Locke and Spinoza — The great Deistic writers of England — Shaftesbury — Toland — Collins — Tindal — Wollaston — Morgan — Mandeville — Chubb — Viscount Bolingbroke — His "Letters on the Study and Use of History" — Art in History — Genius and Study — Opponents of Bolingbroke — Boling- broke's method — Historiography in Italy during the Eighteenth and Nineteenth Centuries — Vico — Muratori— Cesare Cantu — Histori- ography in Englaud during the Eighteenth and Nineteenth centuries — History in schools — " Universal History " — William Robertson — David Hume — Edward Gibbon — William Mitford — Conop Thirl wall — George Grote — Adam Ferguson — John Blair — James Moore — Joseph Priestley — Tobias Smollett — William Tytler — John Lingard — Sir James Mackintosh — Lord Macaulay — A specimen of Lord Macaulay's descriptive power — Charles Fox — James Macpherson — John de Lolme — Hallam — Dr. Strauss — Renan — Professor Seely — Buckle — Lecky — Green — Sir Walter Scott — Carlyle — Historiography in France during the Eighteenth and Nineteenth Centuries — Montesquieu— Bossuet — Voltaire — Rousseau — The Encyclopaedists — Millot — Lacre telle — Mignet — Thiers — Guizot — Du Halde — Karapfer — Du Perron — Burnouf — Volney — Historiography in Germany during the Eighteenth and Nineteenth Centuries — Thomasius — Gries^ach — Wegelin — Lessing — Herder — Fichte — Immanuel Kant — S helling— Stahl — Hegel — Schlegel — William von Humboldt — Gitterer — Schlozer — Moser — M tiller — Heeren — Bohlen — Poiitz — Roiteck — Schlosser — Arndt — Weber — Becker — The Prince Consort in England — Frederick Schiller — The Opponents of History — Natural Selection— Wars and their effects — Law and Order — Conclusion pp.635 — 773 THE SCIENCE OF HISTORY. CHAPTER I. One of the most important, and at the The ded- same time most neglected, studies in the ^ tion °^ West as well as in the East is History. The HiXry. word itself comes from the Greek laro^ v (historein), and means : to observe, to inquire, to experience, or to relate. History treats of facts, the deeds done by man. The com- plicated actions of men are therefore the phenomena to be dealt with in history. But the question _ whether all actions in their isolated details are worthy of a historical treatment presents itself to the historian at the outset, and is by no means easy of solu- tion. Observations, inquiries, and relations become only then scientific when they are systematized, when we begin to discover a connection between facts and facts, like that which we trace between the causes and effects of any other phenomena in the material world, and in what are called the applied or technical sciences. B 2 THE SCIENCE OF HISTORY. Whether a scientific trea* merit of History- is possi- ble. What con- stitutes Science. -Analogy of Facts. The next question must necessarily be whether such a scientific treatment of history is possible ? Before we attempt to answer this question we must make ourselves acquainted with the elements that constitute science. Wherever we can trace in phenomena, of whatever nature, the action of forces working according to certain laws, we may treat such phenomena scientifically. In going through the reliable records of the Chinese, Greeks, Egyptians, Hebrews, Romans, French, Italians, or Eng- lish we may discern certain analogies in the fact that similar causes produced similar effects. Prejudices, whether they be national or religious, hinder the progress of science. Sciences, if based on mere assumptions, lead to error, and an utter neglect of reality. Ambition, if fostered in rulers and their prin- cipal attendants must necessarily be followed by bloodshed, warfare, and revolutions. A one-sided culture of symbolism produces mysticism and superstition. States that were bent on mere conquests were in the end conquered themselves. States that sank into indolence or ignorance failed to preserve their political and social independence, and fell a prey to their more active and intellectual neighbours. In all these historical phe- nomena we find the same causes producing the same effects, however varied the special forms may have been that brought about these general results. In these facts, which cannot be contested, lies the first germ of THE SCIENCE OF HISTORY. the possibility of a scientific treatment of history. But we may go further. The most import- Man. ant agent in history is undoubtedly man, of whatever race or nation. Man himself has a definite, though complicated, nature. Man Mind and consists of matter, forming the constituent Matter " particles of his body ; and of mind, as the active element of his sensations, perceptions, and consciousness. Man has therefore a double nature, composed of matter and mind ; but matter and mind, the former as the ele- ment acted upon, and the latter as the acting element, must be subject to law, for both are F °^rned but different effects of force. All forces, hj\lw. however, are governed by laws, more or less complicated, which, when traced in man, will at once enable us to treat him scientifically as a unit ; but if the unit may be brought under scientific laws, it must be equally possible to range a vast number of these units under the same kind of law. For any principle, applicable to the unit, must similarly affect any number composed of the same units. The elements in man being matter with its physical properties, and mind as an ever active intellectual force, humanity as a whole must come under the same laws as any of its component particles. All physical science is based on tracing the statics working of acting and counteracting forces. D n y d n In mechanics these forces are assumed to be two in number, namely : static and dynamic. The first manifests itself as the law of B 2 amies. 4 THE SCIENCE OF HISTORY. conservation of force (or energy) ; tlie second as the ever-varying force of moving activity. Morals Applying these technical terms to humanity, intellect, we find that morals correspond to the static, restraining, correcting force- — which is, in fact, the passive element in our nature. Moral laws are generally given in the negative form ; whilst intellect is undoubtedly the dynamic pushing, inquiring, inventing force — the active element, for all efforts in arts, sciences, and discoveries are of a positive nature. The working of these two forces may be either conflicting or harmonious, and on the greater or less degree of harmony in their action will depend the progressive development of single individuals, and that of whole communities, nations, and empires. We may thus reduce scientifically all the phenomena of history to a, plus or minus in the relative quantities of the two acting and reacting forces in hu- manity, the static or moral, and the dynamic or intellectual, constituting the principal elements of man's double nature. We may therefore confidently state that a scientific treatment of history is possible, and that this study is most important in order to train up men to private and public virtue, and to enable us not only to know ourselves in particular, but mankind in general, as the one great and mighty agent of History. The final History must, above all, make us acquainted Humanity with the final aim which men as self-conscious individuals, as well as whole states, driven onwards by the working of these two forces, THE SCIENCE OF HISTORY. try to attain. This final aim must be civili- ^ lllza " zation, a term often misused and generally misunderstood or distorted. To illustrate this assertion, I will quote some definitions of celebrated French and German writers. a Civilization," says the celebrated Gobi- m. Gobi- neau, the great historian of ancient Oriental neau * nations, " is a state of comparative stability, in which a large collection of individuals strive by peaceful means to satisfy their wants, and refine their intelligence and manners." All this is mere verbiage, found in numbers of books, in different languages. First, we may ask, What is comparative stability ? Is progress not part of civilization ? Is the word stability to be taken in the sense of religious, social, or political organization ? The next questions which naturally occur are, Why should civilization embrace only a large collection, and not all men striving to satisfy their wants? and, Why only by peaceful means ? We know from every page of History that wars were as instrumental in the progressive development of mankind as peace ; for war is the natural sequence of the conflicting, acting, and reacting forces in humanity. Wars are moral, social, and poli- tical thunderstorms clearing the sultry atmo- sphere of a certain period. Again, What are the wants of men ? The word wants is too vague, and has no settled scientific mean- ing. What are we to understand by a u refinement of intelligence," and what are " manners?" All these words have many 6 THE SCIENCE OF HISTORY. relative meanings, but convey no absolute notion at all. What are considered good manners in one country, are looked down upon as the very worst manners in another. Definitions should be clear or they cannot serve as explanations. M.Guizot. M. Guizot, a great French statesman and historical writer of our century, is even less fortunate in his definition of civilization ; for he tells us, " Civilization is the fact of pro- gress and development." But he does not tell us what the fact of progress consists in. The definition, instead of giving us a clear notion of civilization, merely assumes it as an accomplished fact of progress and develop- ment, and we are left in the dark as to what the fact is, and what we ought to understand under the words progress and development. Wm - ™? William von Humboldt, brother of the great cosmologist, Alexander von Humboldt, is scarcely more successful in his explanation, for he says : " Civilization is the humaniza- tion of nations in their outward institutions, and the inward feelings upon which they depend." This definition, though recog- nizing outward and inward agencies, unhappily begins by defining the word " civilization " by another word u humanization " which re- quires a definition in its turn. Are human beings not humanized by being born as human beings ? Are they something else, and do they become " humanized" through a certain process, and is this process that of civilization ? And further ■ ' what are out- THE SCIENCE OF HISTORY. 7 ward institutions brought into harmony with inward feelings ?" u What are feelings ? " We are thus launched into physiological and psychological regions in which the study of History becomes extremely difficult. Such definitions make of History a mysterious book " with seven seals protected." The much vaunted spirit of the times, which ought to be reflected in every Historical com- position, is after all only the writer's own spirit. Truth thus becomes a mere subjective opinion, taking hues and tints from the pre- judices, ignorance, national conceits and antiquated customs which the historian brings to bear upon it ; whilst the objective treatment of the historical development of humanity is altogether neglected. In order to give a clear and scientific Man's definition of the word civilization, we must ment from try to trace the only possible development of pre-histor- mankind from pre-historic, down to our own our own ° times. We observe in nature that each times, creature is destined to develop to perfection Animals for its special purpose. All animals have ln ^ ature# all those instincts, tools and properties that fit them to live their peculiar life. The tele- * scopically constructed eyes of birds and flies, the fins of fishes, the sightlessness of moles, prove this. Whether we turn for negative or positive proofs, Nature furnishes them, and we come to the conclusion that each created thing has its destiny already innate in its very organization. The birds, in building their nests, are perfect architects so far as 8 THE SCIENCE OF HISTOKY. their wants require them to be. Bees and ants work with indefatigable industry at their tasks ; creeping animals have no legs ; the kangaroos of Australia are provided with a pouch to hold their young, which are brought forth imperfectly formed. Every- where mode of construction and finish, or organization, are in perfect harmony with the general purpose of the animal. Man in This is not the case in man, as the only nature. |) e i D g on earth endowed with the greatest amount of intellect and self-conscious reason. In man those natural faculties, which are necessary for the development of his moral and intellectual forces, are not completely found in the individual, but only in the whole species. His pro- Man's progressive development consists in develop- the culture of his faculties to enable him to mfcnt> become master of his lower animal nature. This is accomplished through the combined action of the moial and intellectual forces, pervading the whole of humanity, and brings about that vast scientific progress, which could never have been attained by one * single individual. It required ages and ages to lead man to a higher state of moral and intellectual consciousness. Generations after generations were necessary to enable him to advance from his unconscious, wild, primitive childhood into our present scientific condition. Humanity may be said to have been standing on a ladder, climbing up from the THE SCIENCE OF HISTORY. 9 lowest steps to the higher ones, trying to Humanity reach the pure atmosphere of scientific truth primitive and moral perfection. On the lowest steps savage j. IT -u • 2. ±. f • •*_• condition. man must nave been m a state 01 primitive savage unconsciousness. He was without laws, without property, without fixed notions — even without a language. Man was groaning and suffering under the inex- orable despotism of Nature, for he was utterly unconscious of the forces that were hidden in him. In this state Nature was First his exclusive guide and teacher. Man's deve°iop - childish brain was not yet fit for the lasting men *- impressions of memory. He enjoyed and forgot. With every new object his previous feelings were changed. There was nothing settled, nothing fixed, either morally or intellectually. One moment he wept bitter tears and gave himself up to boundless de- spair, and the next he laughed and was excited by maddening joy. Man in this primitive state could not have known right or wrong, virtue or crime. This condition is described in nearly all the sacred books Paradise, of the different nations, as the " Paradisiacal state of innocence of humanity." But the two forces working in man soon drove him into another state. The dynamic force asserted itself during Second j. n • J -i , , . n • ° period of this second stage as an active power lor mis- develop- chief, murder, defence, and revenge, and ment - man's moral force manifested itself in coward- ly fear of the stronger and mightier. Man related to the animals around him, equal to 10 THE SCIENCE OF HISTORY. them in the powers of his outward senses, their superior in his faculty of mimicking, observed everything with timid curiosity. He learnt from animals to provide himself with food, to construct his abode, to cheat his enemy, and to dissimulate. He imitated their very gambols, and acquired from them his first savage dances. No historian is capable of measuring the time during which the different nations were in this half- animal, half-dreamy, unconscious state, without me- mory, without fixed Ian guage. We might well compare man in these phases to a baby lying on the motherly breast of nature imbibing life and strength. The germ of development was in him. Third The intellectual power began to work, man period of g TQW into a boy who strengthened his me- ment.° P mory, and was able to find his way over rocky mountains, through dashing streams, and unexplored woods ; he made himself weapons to attack an enemy and to defend himself. Language became more fixed. The Elders sang songs, often full of intuitive wisdom, because the moral force was brought into activity. The strong ruled— the weak obeyed. Woman was no more than a useful slave. The dynamic or intellectual force was concentrated on the rude ebullition of brute strength . The semi-savage consid ered courage in danger, perseverance in adversity, con- tempt of death, the highest virtues, and the very basis of his whole moral existence. He thoughtlessly sacrificed his life to fleeting THE SCIENCE OF HISTORY. 11 impulses. He decorated his hut with the skulls of his murdered enemies. By degrees the first products of an artistic spirit were visible. The women began to adorn them- selves with shells, stones, or the perforated teeth of animals ; and the men tattooed them- selves, to appear more terrible : for the most terrible looking was the most beautiful in the eyes of the gentler sex. Humanity began to establish different castes. The patriarchs taught, the heroes ruled, and the masses began to protect teachers and rulers. The more we study the relics of the different savage nations, the more we become convinced that these were the first three primitive phases of the social condition of man all over the globe. Some never reached a higher state, and are mere survivals of these periods. In observing the strange phenomena ol nature, man is anxious to explain them, and as he sees that wherever something is done, there is a personal agent at hand, he begins to people heaven and earth with numerous gods and goddesses. This period is influ- enced by the untutored efforts of man's intellectual force, impressed by the marvel- lous and incomprehensible. He thinks him- self surrounded by thundering and lightning powers. Invisible benevolent or hostile forces give him light and rain, flowers and fruits, tame and useful animals ; invisible forces rage in the storm, extinguish the bright light of heaven, send out ferocious 12 THE SCIENCE OF HISTORY. animals, destroy his harvest, or kill those that are dearest to him. With the aid of the moral and intellectual forces working in him, man gives explanations to these phenomena, and we see the different nations of the earth work out their gorgeous mythological and religious systems. From the incomprehen- sible phenomena man turns by degrees with energy to secure for himself practically a higher, better organized, social condition. His powers of observation and reasoning have grown stronger ; he tries to control the outbursts of his wild impulses. He becomes more and more conscious of his moral and intellectual powers. He leaves the merely natural condition of his nomadic, pastoral, or primitive agricultural state, and settles down in villages and towns, but he still loses himself with erring and faltering steps in a maze of deceptions. Now he is swayed by mere morals, and then again by the most daring flights of his intellectual force, in the shape of an unbridled imagination. Thefourth Man is on the point of losing his half- P^ ri ° d of savage nature and reaching the fourth stage ment. of development. Notions of a purer and higher kind of morals occupy his mind and fill it with yearnings for virtue and honesty ; further efforts in art, and a better organization of the political state of society are faintly attempted. Imagination and wild animal propensities still obscure the more active forms of morals and intellect, which latter is not yet freed; whilst man's morals are still based THE SCIENCE OF HISTORY. 13 on arbitrary assumptions, and an utter igno- rance of his real nature. Man knows no measure in love and hatred ; he is fond of adventure, rushes from extreme to extreme, and has no moderation. The gigantic and inexplicable excite his admiration, and keep his easily awakened credulity in the fetters of superstition. Vulgarity and ten- derness, freedom and slavery, luxury and abnegation, cruelty and generosity are the principal eifects of the two acting and re- acting forces in man. The state is composed of privileged classes and slaves. The ruling power is a merciless despot, surrounded by scheming intolerant favourites, who decree laws in his name, and persecute everyone who does not submit to their dictates. A hereditary nobility in their assumed position imitate the actions of the despot and his attendants. The working forces are not yet aroused in the masses of the people, they are latent, and can only destroy if they burst into activity. During this period of man's development he indulges in pompous festivities in times of peace, and in times of war eagerly seeks adventures, and often performs titanic deeds. A fifth development of the forces working The fifth in humanity must have followed. The S^jJJJi °. f dominion of superstition grew weaker and ment. weaker through the freed force of intellect. The childish delight in grotesque splendour and vulgar, often caricaturistic, pomp had vanished. Myths began to be doubted, and man became more and more conscious of his 14 THE SCIENCE OF HISTORY. real nature, and a juster balance of the mighty forces working in him was found ; he did not waste them on useless efforts, but devoted his intellectual power to arts and sciences. As day follows night, so man emerged from the dark barbarian fourth period into the most glorious phase of the ancient Greek classical age, with its unsurpassed lofty thoughts in philosophy, its attempts to unravel truth by means of scientific researches, to ennoble taste through a correct appreciation of beauty, and to dis- perse the baneful influence of mere sagas and myths. Harmony was thus brought into the completing forces pervading humanity. Morals were to be placed above mere formulae, and intellect was to be freed from the heavy clouds of superstition. A golden time, with wondrous intellectual pleasures, began to pour light over the world, when in Greece, for a short period, morals and intellect acted freely together, perfectly well balanced, and pro- duced that bright and dazzling phenomenon in History which still survives as the classic period. The knowledge of this period is indispensable to a cultivated mind, for it serves History and historians, as the very starting point from which to establish in individuals, as well as in whole nations, the firmest basis of true civilization. The sixth Man learned to turn his moral and intel- deveiop- lectual forces from the boundless excitement ment. f imaginary aspirations, to more practical purposes. In consequence of the greater THE SCIENCE OF HISTORY. 15 or less development of the forces, mankind became divided into separate nations, reli- gious sects, learned professions, philosophical schools, different classes of society ; it broke with the past, and devoted itself during the sixth period to inventions and discoveries, after a long night of bigotry and superstition, in which the struggle between morals and intellect consisted in an attempt to deaden intellect and reason, by making them subser- vient to blind faith. Man's better nature con- quered. Industry and commerce, carrying the products of one country to another, and promoting simultaneously a freer exchange of ideas, helped him to accomplish this glorious victory. Scientific men ventured into the broad daylight of publicity under the protection of wise governments, who perceived often un- consciously the necessity of allowing a free play to the dynamic (intellectual) power. Learned men were no longer afraid of being looked down upon as necromancers, wizards, alchemists, or the standard-bearers of the evil spirit of inquiry and scepticism. There are stril some intolerant, deluded bigots who abuse the power of intellect to check its progress, but they thunder in vain. Hu- manity sees itself very high on the ladder of progress — but not yet altogether on the top. The current of the two forces took a one-sided direction, for they were suddenly concentrated on mere trade and commerce, and a keen calculation of exclusively 16 THE SCIENCE OF HISTORY. Ac don material interests. Profit surpassed by far and re- q\\ claims of heart and intellect. Imagi- action in , . n . . i , i . the present nation was lettered, arts and sciences phases of stepped into the background. Huge towns opmentof were constructed, smooth commercial roads humanity, abounded, but narrow-minded and pedantic universities hindered the flights of sciences in their endeavours to find out truth. Standing armies began to absorb the hard earnings of the working, labouring, trading, and commercial classes. Priestly jealousies, controversial quarrels, silenced the voice of common sense and reason, and the masses were left without any education. The acting and reacting forces again produced con- flicting interests, the past was at strife with the present — rebellions, revolutions, and wars interrupted peaceful progress, but only to bring about a better adjustment of the dis- turbed forces working in humanity. Contra- dictions led to contradictions; ancient sys- tems were superseded by new ones ; towards the end of the last century all was apparently moral and intellectual chaos, and yet the forces at work in us went far to promote the interests of real civilization. We have described humanity from the time when man, awakened to consciousness, entered the bonds of society, endeavour- ing continuously to find an adjustment be- tween the two inherent forces, morals and intellect, in which adjustment the ultimate aim of mankind — civilization — must consist. We are now enabled to give a clear THE SCIENCE OF HISTORY. 17 definition of civilization from a strictly scientific point of view, having traced its phases in the different periods of the develop- ment of man. Civilization can only be : The attainment of a perfect balance betiveen the w ^at two acting and reacting, the static and dynamic, Son really or the moral and intellectual forces in humanity. is - The whole study of History from a higher general and scientific point of view resolves To what itself into a correct tracing of the disturb- of History ances in the two forces. All the phenomena m,l8 J in the flowing and ebbing ocean of the itself. past, present and future ; all religious, social, political, artistic and scientific events may be referred philosophically to a conflict of morals with intellect or of intellect with morals. If a nation strives to foster only morals Results without intellect, it is as surely doomed, as if °f d *a ne " it cultivates intellect without the counteract- treatment ing and balancing power of morals. The fj}^ two legislation and judicature, political commo- working tions and social reforms are nothing but a humanity, more or less conscious attempt to balance these forces in mankind. Wars, revolutions, the downfall of empires, changes in dynasties, animosities in religious or scientific contro- versies, are but endeavours to readjust and discover the equipoise between the static and dynamic forces, pervading not only the material universe, but also intellectual, self- conscious humanity. It must fill us witk astonishment that History whilst already Aristotle, the greatest Greek tized. ma " philosopher, more than 2,000 years ago, c 18 THE SCIENCE OF HISTORY. attempted to systematize the study of poetry and even art, in tracing laws in the products of playful imagination, no one should have en- deavoured to systematize the study of History on a firm scientific basis. We are scarcely able to explain the fact that so little, or rather nothing, should have been said of the utility and importance of History, the different methods of writing it, the duties which the historian has to perform, and the difficulties which he has to encounter. It may be that historians themselves have never yet tried to master the subject from a higher scientific point of view. Germans, The Germans, French, and Italians, through fndita- Vossius, Bodinus, and Vico, endeavoured to lay liansonthe down certain rules for the composition of his- waiting ° torical works, but these generally affect only History, the method or the style, without giving general laws for the scientific treatment of History. Pope, the English essayist, tells us that "The proper study of mankind is man." Nothing can be more fascinating than the study of man in his different historical evolutions. To look upon humanity as one great, growing, evolv- ing, progressively-developing whole, ought to interest us no less than the study of the Universe; which, however, only became a scientific possibility from the moment when Newton assigned, through his law of gravi- tation, a cause for the different phenomenal effects in nature. How are we to become acquainted with our own individual nature, if we know nothing THE SCIENCE OF HISTORY. 19 of the nature of our fellow-creatures and our mutual relations to them ? How can we hope to direct the destinies of whole nations, if we are ignorant of the means that were used in other countries, by other peoples, thousands of years ago? If History, accord- ing to Dionysius of Halicarnassus (a his- Jf l °Haii. us torian, 30 B.C., who wrote an Archaeology carnassus in 20 books, of which we possess only 11), onhist01 ^ "is philosophy teaching by examples/' no- thing can be more important than the study of this philosophy, as it must necessarily teach us how to act under certain circum- stances. For the same cause must invariably produce the same effect ; causes that had the progress, happiness, and wealth of one state for their result, must have the same effect if practically applied to our own nation, always taking counteracting influences into due consideration. In studying man in his The one . historical development, we everywhere find nessin that he had his nomadic childhood, his m e n p a o?°" pastoral boyhood, his agricultural youth, and history, his commercial and warlike manhood, during which he strove to attain political freedom, riches, happiness, and the greatest possible amount of knowledge. In History, as throughout nature, there is a certain oneness, engendered by the law of causation, to which the forces working in humanity are as subject as any other force, and yet there is through the whole of nature an eternal change and life — an expanding life— that is never to-day what it was yester- c 2 20 THE SCIENCE OF HISTORY. dav, that in spite of thousands of survivals in savage prejudices and inherited false notions, continually extends, drawing larger numbers into the vortex of a self-conscious life of higher mental and moral culture. First duty The first duty of a historian should be historian to distinguish the different forms of History. Historiography ought to precede any attempt to write History. Not writers only, but readers also, ought to be acquainted with it ; for it is not less difficult to read History with profit, than to compose a historical work. Divisions History, according to the special materials of history, treated of, may be : — («.) Keii- [a.) Religious ; describing the different §10US • phases through which one or several nations passed, until they adopted a certain settled - creed. Such histories may be dry records of the various religious systems, registering the tenets and ceremonies of different sects ; they may be comparative, in drawing analogies between the religious professions of different nations; or philosophical, in en- deavouring to find out not only analogies, but also the causes that produced the mani- fold forms of worship at different periods, under the influence of the impressions of nature, and the social conditions under which the founders and followers of such religions lived. rnLite- (^0 Literary; tracing the gradual intel- rary. lectual progress or decay in the writings of nations. Such compositions may be merely catalogues of books, arranged chronologically, THE SCIENCE OF HISTORY. 21 or we may group the different literary pro- ducts under the headings of Poetry, Drama, Science, History, Theology, and Politics, il- lustrating the growth of the various branches of imaginative or scientific works, and treat- ing them critically and philosophically. (c.) Social ; giving an account of the (c) Social various customs, manners, and prejudices of one or several nations ; the prevailing notions pervading society at certain periods. This may be done by collecting dry facts or by tracing the moral and intellectual status that produced these interesting and varying phe- nomena. (d.) Political and legal ; as a record of the (^)Poiiti. forms of government, the administration of ™ ' ^ justice, the laws under which people lived, the rights of property, the relations into which one nation was brought with another, and the changes which such relations had to undergo. The treatment of such historical works may be either exclusively chronologi- cal, giving the mere dates of the enactments, and their contents ; or philosophical, tracing the causes and effects that produced the dif- ferent changes, according to the more or less developed moral and intellectual condition of the people under certain forms of government, and at certain periods of their national de- velopment. (e.) Commercial; describing the natural («•) 9 om " and industrial products of a country; the 1 means of locomotion available for the forward- ing of such products ; the countries that will 22 THE SCIENCE OF HISTORY. require them, and their market value. Again, such histories may be merely tables of im- ports and exports ; or they may be scientifi- cally treated, and state the causes and effects / of the workings of demand and supply at various periods ; and this treatment can only be successful, if based on generalizations, founded on details furnished by correct tabu- lar statements. (/.) Mm- (/) Military ; being a record of the origin tary. £ y l UI1 teer and standing armies and their organization, amongst Persians, Greeks, Ro- mans, the mediaeval period, and our own times ; of infantry, cavalry, and artillery ; of the different weapons and their uses ; the invention of gunpowder and fire-arms ; the modes of attack and defence, of fortification, strategy, &c, and of the different wars. These histories may be either simply chrono- logical, or philosophical, investigating the causes that produced periodical bloodshed all over the world, and the effects of such con- flicts on the progress of mankind, and the welfare of whole nations and empires. iff) Philo- (y # ) Philosophical; analysing the slow and gradual development of man's intellectual faculties, exercising an all-important influence on our very mode of thinking. The history of philosophy may be a vast compendium of mere systems or schools, and their contents and teachings according to nations or periods. On the other hand, the history of philosophy may be a connected whole, comparing the philosophical efforts of different nations, sophical. THE SCIENCE OF HISTORY. 23 showing the working of intellect under cer- tain conditions ; the errors, systems, modes of reasoning, discoveries and progress made, and in general the interdependence between outward impressions, inward sensations, con- sciousness, and ideas thus formed, as the means of explaining all natural, moral, and intellec- tual phenomena. (h.) Special; which may be treated either W Special as a mere record of dry dates and facts, or scientifically, describing the historical phe- nomena as effects of certain causes. Such histories may be a collection of genealogies, memoirs, and biographies, arranged arbitrari- ly, recording without any critical spirit details and incidents, anecdotes, myths, and fables. Unhappily these branches of History, in the shape of chronicles, have been principally cultivated by Oriental and insular nations. Every family of some little importance wished to be treated as a special factor in the great national drama. Chronicles form the back- chronicles bone of History; but chroniclers must not and chro- fancy themselves historians. A gardener is mc ers ' not always a botanist ; nor a miner a geolo- gist; a cook a chemist; a builder an architect; or an accountant a mathematician ; and a collector of facts or a registrar of births and deaths is certainly not a historian. Mistaken views of the nature of a historian's work have materially checked the development of the scientific study of History. The chroniclers of old were guilty of Dangers of another error, which impaired the real use- c romc es * 24 THE SCIENCE OF HISTOKY. fulness of their works. Without any know- ledge of physical sciences, they recorded natural phenomena together with historical facts. It happened that as the historical facts were found to be correct, the readers concluded, that the geological, astronomical, and cosmo- logical assertions must also be true. False- hoods were thus accepted as facts through a mistaken belief in the accuracy of the chro- nologist. A great amount of negative truth was brought into circulation, especially in so-called sacred histories. When errors have been circulated for thousands of years, and are looked upon as positive truths, it is ex- tremely difficult to destroy the effect such books produce ; the falsehoods contained in them become crystallized ideas, the solution of which is no easy task. The duty Chroniclers, strictly speaking, should note or good -i -u j i +u chroni- occurrences day by day, year by year with ciers. unbiassed accuracy ; they need neither trouble themselves about style nor the logical connec- tion of the facts they note down. They must consider themselves as the collectors of the raw-material for the construction of a historical edifice. They have to furnish us with the bricks and stones, the mortar and wood, and nothing beyond. Cicero, the Roman orator and philosopher, laid down the rule that annals should furnish us with "a plain account without endeavouring to trace causes." To record facts is the real duty of chroniclers ; they have not to deal with the probable motives of persons, they must THE SCIENCE OF HISTORY. 25 register deeds and not intentions. As chroniclers belong to the first stage in the development of historiography, they take no notice of diplomatic intrigues, they assume a providential interference in the different phenomena of History, or even chance, rather than man's conscious or unconscious moral and intellectual powers. Chroniclers, accord- ing to the very nature of their work, should be entirely objective. According* to Father Amiot, the Chinese The undoubtedly possess historical records of of ™™ Q eh this description, preferable to those of all Chinese, other Oriental nations, Q i because they are the most free from fables, the most ancient, the most generally received, the most abun- dant in facts. They are worthy of all confidence, for they have epochs fixed by astronomical observations and every other means of insuring accuracy." But these records are without any higher aim ; com- binations of incidents are never attempted ; we find in them merely dry facts, but no suggestions even, at a cause that must have produced phenomena, according to some hypothetically assumed law. As chronicles, such records are excellent, but they are not histories. Real chroniclers are generally lost altogether in their special facts ; the effect of writing and reading chronicles is therefore extremely pernicious. The overwhelming material deadens the reason- ing faculty, both in the writers and in their readers. Our memory is too heavily 26 THE SCIENCE OF HISTORY. taxed to the detriment of our intellect and reason. Finally, History may be : — (t.) Gene- f{\ General or Universal; under this head - ral or uni- x ' . . -, . -, -. . TersaiHis- mg we must not understand a compendium tor y- of the chronicles of all the different nations, with all the facts and dates, the names, births, ages, and deaths of all the kings and princes that ever ruled over any of the thousand different nations. General History, as the last and highest development, the very essence of the different special histories, has above all to take an exclusively philo- sophical standpoint. Necessary A general historian should be an accom- Sonsina pushed scholar; he should be capable of general grasping the totality of mankind with all is onan. ^ g details ; and, through a highly cultivated intellect, group analogous facts, so as to give us an insight into the various workings of the forces in man, as the only causes of which historical phenomena are the effects. The general historian must be conversant, so far as his difficult task requires it, with all the secondary sciences that help him in the composition of history. His logical powers must be practised in acute critical discern- ment. He must be able to distinguish between possible and probable facts, discard all miracles, as in their very nature contrary to law, and he must judge phenomena on their own merits. It will be his duty to sift the different sources of history, unwritten or written ; for monuments and coins, oral THE SCIENCE OF HISTORY. 27 traditions, myths and fables preserved amongst different nations, may often prove more reliable documents than written his- tories. To these he must add inscriptions in clay, on wood, stone, or bronze. In the use of authorities he must be thoroughly The use of acquainted with the spirit of the times, the ties. amount of learning and the opportunities for observation that an author had, and per- fectly know the national, social, political, or religious standpoint from which the writer looked upon given facts. Such authors alone The only are trustworthy, who knew the truth and dared ^thy to tell it. But how rare are such historians ! authors. Men are unconsciously and involuntarily influenced by their very family relations ; the nation to which they belong ; the education which they have received ; the books they have read ; the people they have associated with, and the offices they have held. A priest will see all facts in an entirely different light, because he considers them from a point of view quite other than that of a soldier, a merchant, or a philosopher. Fanatical patriots will be less capable of giving an unbiassed account of the growth and development of their nation than strangers, if these strangers have divested themselves of their own special national no- tions. The historian has further to take into consideration the character, mode of thinking, and the very age of the author, whom he wishes to use as an authority. In young writers imagination generally prevails, while in old ones there is often a critical spirit of dis- 28 THE SCIENCE OF HISTORY. satisfaction. If the writer be melancholy, he is sure to take a desponding and gloomy view of every incident ; if sanguine, he will con- template the most terrible occurrences with bright cheerfulness. Facts and men thus described, appear in the subjective tints of the author ; they are less reliable in the eyes of a true historian, who must know how to divest them of this colouring. Even where the his- torian has to deal with eye-witnesses, he must How to n °t fail to be most cautious ; he must draw his compose pictures wi th strict impartiality and place them and write 1 1 -, , n ,. f- i • • i i (* History, clearly betore his readers, never losing sight oi his duty to show how the special facts were mere effects of some general causes. The pictures the historian draws must be correct in outline and vivid in colouring, and must neither lose in value nor fidelity by age. The works of mere chroniclers may fade and cease to interest the masses; but the products of a genuine historian grow more and more valuable in time. For he must not over- load his work with merely accidental and special facts; he must compose the history of humanity on such broad and philo- sophical principles that in all the details, not only of past times, but also in those of the present the reader may be able to see firm and unalterable laws. It is true that detailed histories become old-fashioned, like certain scientific books, because we acquire day by day new vistas. History, written from a shifting standpoint, is not really History at all, and is only so treated in THE SCIENCE OF HISTORY. 29 countries in which the masses have been left without any superior historical education ; where every individual writer starts with paradoxical notions of his own in arranging historical facts, turning History into a com- pilation of subjective opinions, without any lasting scientific value. The social, political, and religious organisms are subject to con- stant changes, the general historian will have to trace the causes of these variations, and this in itself must give a firm and scientific basis to his work. " For the History of mankind is a continuation of the natural History of the Universe, and must have dis- coverable laws," says Dr. Maudsley, who J)r - r ,1 i* • i . • 1 i • i*V» Maudsley further anticipates m a clear and scientific n the spirit, "that it may be possible in time to possibility come from observation of the course of the covering past years of human development to discover ^ w ® in the laws of future development." Apparently there can be nothing more capricious, un- certain, and changeable than meteorological phenomena; and yet we study them, and try to forecast the probable changes in the weather. Is man, in spite of all his moral and intellectual faculties, more changeable than clouds and winds, rain, hail, and storms? Man in History is not an individually free agent. We have to learn above all to renounce the three false principles on which a solution f ^f iree of historical phenomena has-been attempted, principles 1 pUnnp on which a 1. \jlldULV. ^ solution of 2. Predestination. History 3. Free Will. Tuempted 30 THE SCIENCE OF HISTORY. Man part of a whole. (o.) The rule of Chance. Any one of these three bases must render the scientific composition of history im- possible. Man is created to be pre-eminently a social being ; he must renounce part of his indivi- duality to become a fraction of a great whole, which had and has its past, its present, and which must, as a consequence of these, have a future development. An aggregation of individuals forms a people; homogeneous political and social organizations of peoples give us States. States, like individuals, are the outgrowths of material and intellectual elements, brought into mutual relations of action and reaction. The formation of such States, their development, growth, decline, and fall are so many successive phenomena in time and space, due to the action of the two forces working in man. («.) The Kule of Chance is the most popular belief with historians; but popular prejudices cannot serve as the basis of a scientific treat- ment of any subject. Eecently we have tried to bring even chance under law, in an endea- vour to show that births, sickness, and deaths, and also marriages, crimes, and suicides (though the latter occurrences all depend on the individual will), are subject to law — at least to the law of probability, which we have ex- pressed in mathematical formulae. Assuming chance in the historical development of man, we should discard all order and law, all con- nection between cause and effect, between antecedent and consequent in a certain class of THE SCIENCE OF HISTORY. 31 phenomena ; though law, order, and sequence are found in the smallest chemical substance. " Nitrogen, which we daily breathe in atmos- pheric air, is, in an uncombined state, fatal to animal life. Every substance in nature has its sjDecific elements, properties, and relations, which are indestructible as the object or sub- stance itself." All, then, is not confusion and chance. " Chance is but the confession of ignorance and the faith of fools." Were we to assume chance in history, we should place man on a lower scale than inorganic matter. Chance often assumes the form of self- interest and political expediency, and is made under these high-sounding terms, the rule of life, of politics, and of history. If the maxims : " quod semper " (what is ever), " quod ubique" (what is everywhere), and " quod ab omnibus" (what everyone believes), are at any time to be accepted as moral proofs of doctrine, they may claim to be so in the case of chance; for the believer in it has the right to assert, that there is no principle whose potency is more generally felt and acknowledged. "It is re- cognized alike in all ages and in all climes ; by the peasant in his cottage, and by the king on his throne. It is the mainspring of in- dustry, of trade, of party politics, of interna- tional diplomacy. It is above all very per- ceptible within the sacred precincts of the Church, under the name of predestination or providence, and continually made use of by preachers and teachers." But this radi- 32 THE SCIENCE OF HISTORY. ()8 ) Pre- destina- tion or provi- dence. (y.) Free- Will. cal belief in chance, predestination, or provi- dence is virtual unbelief in universal order — producing nothing but self-deception and hypocrisy ; it is an easy method to explain phenomena without troubling ourselves to trace order and law in physical as well as in all moral and intellectual phenomena. Chance can never be the basis of a scientific treatment of history. (/3.) Predestination or providence, strictly taken, are essentially only other names for chance. If we assume a higher independent force, not within, but without or above us, which directly regulates the destinies of individuals and nations, both individuals and nations are released from all moral responsibility, and can never become masters of their fate ; their actions — having been predisposed, pre- arranged, providentially predestined — can- not come under the influence of order and law. But every occurrence in history con- tradicts this assumption. Some idealistic philosophers in the endeavour to reconcile our apparently independent power to come or to go, to eat or to drink, to act or not to act, with the notion of predestination and pro- vidence, have invented the theory of: — (y ) Free- Will ; but free-will of the indivi- dual as against whom ? and by what means is he to show that free-will? — against the masses, or against a supreme ruling will? This theory ojDposes impotence to omni- potence, weakness to power, nothing to some- thing — an individual, relative, and extremely THE SCIENCE OF HISTOKY. 33 limited will to a universal, all-powerful, ab- solute will. The relative free will exists in our inherent dynamic or intellectual power, regulated by the static or moral force ; and, in order to obtain a scientific basis for history, we have to reduce the free-will hypothesis to the theory of a conscious, though often con- flicting, working of the two forces in man. So soon as the historian has found his firm basis in law, he will be able to treat his sub- ject systematically; never contented exclu- sively to record dry facts, but careful to point out the place, the time, and the circumstances Place, under which certain facts have happened, S^um using his reasoning faculty with unbiassed stances. freedom to discern primary or secondary, Primary direct or indirect causes. As little as we can °Jj d direct escape physical laws, can we evade the action secondary of moral laws. We eat too much, and we ^i irect have to suffer for it. We do wrong, and we have to bear the penal consequences. We do not punish or outlaw ourselves, nor do we wil- lingly disturb our powers of digestion, when we overload our stomachs. " The physical Physical law is universal, all-pervading, all-powerful, ^ ws mora and so are our moral and intellectual laws." Because individuals as well as whole nations seem to have violated, with impunity, the general moral laws of justice, truth, and love, it does not follow that these laws did not exist. The historian will easily convince himself and his readers, that in all such cases the effects of any violation of moral and intellectual laws can be traced in the D 34 THE SCIENCE OF HISTOEY. character, organization, and ultimate destiny of the offending nation. Whenever states violate the law of truth, veracity will be unknown to the single members of such a people, and they will have to suffer for it one time or another. The transgression of any moral or intellectual law must produce direct or indirect consequences to all individuals or nations. Hypothe- A historian must never argue hypothetic ments are" m %? or waste his time and intellectual not ad- energy in " ifs. " If Louis XVI. of France inSistory nac ^ n °t wished to eat soup at St. Men- hould, he would not have been recognized, taken prisoner, and the French Revolu- tion would have assumed a totally different form; or if Bonaparte, when returned from Egypt, had been captured by the English, history would have been deprived of one of its most dazzling imperial chapters. The historian has to give facts as they occurred, and to prove that they could not have hap- pened differently than they did in reality ; and, further, that if the same causes could possibly be repeated, the same effects would take place, what a Every historical work ought to be a historical finished and in itself complete whole ; it must work show harmony of aim and purpose, and trace Le. a strict connection between incidents, their primary causes, and final effects. History must serve us as a reliable guide for our social and political life, since scarcely an event, a situa- tion, or a motive of action exists, some proto- THE SCIENCE OF HISTORY. 35 type of which, with its necessary sequences, we may not find in history. To live, is to be conscious of ourselves and our relations to our fellow-men ; and no history can be per- fect unless it analyses the peculiarities of a certain nation at a certain period, and brings such special phenomena into relation with the invariable laws of the guiding forces per- vading the whole of humanity. Having said so much, in general, we may now consider some further details necessary to the historian in particular. We have stated above that a historian ought A hist o ria11 to be a good logician. " Logic," according good to John Stuart Mill, " comprises the science lo s lclan - of reasoning, as well as the art founded on that science." The historian will have con- tinually to practise this artistic science in grouping his facts and in drawing his strictly logical conclusions from them. The choice of the material and its arrangement will tax his faculties as a descriptive artist, whilst the general application of the law of causation to all the details, will engage his philosophical powers. The historian must place himself in the a historian position of a supreme judge ; his tribunal is gu P * eme the world, before which the whole of humanity judge. is arraigned, and he has to pronounce judg- ment according to the code of the unchanging laws of man's moral and intellectual nature. He must trace the disturbing influences that constitute the very elements of historical phenomena with impartiality ; he must raise D 2 36 THE SCIENCE OF HISTORY. stands himself above any national or party feeling, nations and an< ^ 1°°^ u P on a ^ nations and parties as the parties completing units of one grand whole, the interests of which he has to promote in point- ing out the working of law in its general operations, applicable to all specialities, and admitting no exceptions. His calling There cannot possibly be a higher calling being the than ^h a t f a historian. He must be swayed highest , , £ , . ,■/ possible, by a universal love tor humanity, and an unbounded reverence for truth. He must be courageous in his deductions to whatever they may lead ; no secondary considerations should hinder him from telling the truth — free thought and independence of mind must be his essential characteristics. Auxiliary The complication of human affairs is such required. that to enable us to do one thing "it is requi- site to know the nature and property of many things," and this apophthegm may be applied to point out the vast range of knowledge required in the historian. I. — Chronology and Geography. fcie^eTof Everything that happens must happen in History, time and space. Time with reference to logyand History is chronology. Space with reference Geography to the historical facts requires the knowledge of our earth. Chronology is full of difficul- ties. Years, months, weeks, and even days have been variously calculated at different periods by different nations, and consti- tute one of the most unsettled parts of THE SCIENCE OF HISTORY. 37 History. Indians, Egyptians, Chaldeans, Hebrews, Chinese, Greeks, Romans, and Christians had, and have different eras, cycles, and periods. In Europe we have still the Julian, Gregorian, Hebrew, and Mahometan calculations. Chronology must be treated in a broad spirit, and with that rare honesty which does not shrink from acknowledging our ignorance where conflicts exist. In all cases of doubtful chronology the historian will do well to record such doubts, and what he cannot verify by synchronism of facts, should be regarded with suspicion. Chro- nology becomes the more difficult, the further we go back in our historical studies, and here the generalization of events will best serve us, without troubling ourselves or our readers much with utterly useless cycles, epicycles, epochs, or periods. The most objectionable treatment of chronology is that which endeavours to force events into the narrow compass of some Jewish or Christian writers, who, without any knowledge of real facts, and the monuments of ancient nations, sought io falsify dates to prove their own assertions correct. Wherever dates can be verified, they should be given, for they serve to demonstrate slow and gradual evolu- tion, either on the path of progression or retrogression. The study of geography, namely, of the particular space in which a people is settled on earth, will be indispensable to a his- torian. All modern historians admit the 38 THE SCIENCE OF HISTORY. immense influence which the general aspect of nature must have on the formation of the social organization, the religious opinions, and the whole character of individuals and nations. Climate, food, and soil will be the first material or physical particles which impress our senses, and constitute a very important component element in our mental condition. Islands form different characters than continents. Mountains foster other thoughts than valleys or plains. A very cold climate, like a very hot one, acts detriment- ally on our mental faculties ; whilst a mode- rate temperature will further the development of all our intellectual capacities. The Indians have imbibed their wild fantastic supersti- tions from their gorgeous mountains and rivers, their luxuriant flora, and their terri- fying fauna. The Egyptians may trace all their mystic symbolism to the mysterious actions of the river ISTile. In the Greeks and Romans we may trace the first causes of their different developments in the very situation of their different countries. Eng- land and Japan had, to a certain degree, an analagous development, whilst continental Russia and Germany resemble China in their political organization. The sea surrounding the world we live in, will excite us to daring enterprize — to a higher and quicker culture of our bodily and mental faculties. The very number of miles of coast will exercise an influence on the political development of a nation. The historian dealing with the fate THE SCIENCE OF HISTORY. 39 of any people must bear all these considera- tions in mind. The study of geography may be broadly Political divided into three principal sections, ancient, geograp y * mediaeval, and modern, corresponding to the general division of the three historical periods. There is, however, scarcely any branch of knowledge so changeable as geo- graphy, especially political geography. The historian will do best to take physical geo- Physical graphy for his basis. The general distribu- ge ° srap y * tion of land and water in a country, its mountains, steppes, high plains, low plains, hills, valleys, river systems, lakes, and the general configuration of the soil must be studied, and their influences on the formation of the different national characteristics traced. A striking instance of this action is furnished by the greater or less degree of the productive power of the soil. Cheap food retards the activity of a people, checks the accumulation of wealth, and causes a slower intellectual development. On the other hand, if food be scarce, and everyone bent on acquiring the necessaries of life, arts and sciences may flourish to stimulate trade and industry, but the dynamic force will be directed exclu- sively to commerce, neglecting all higher aspirations. II. — Archeology and Ethnology. Archaeology, as the knowledge of antiqui- ArciuBo- ties, forms one of the most important and logy * 40 THE SCIENCE OF HISTORY. interesting branches in the study of history. In the products of art, as the visible embodi- ments of some inner thoughts, we may study the moral and intellectual standpoint of a nation. Temples, statues, ornaments, paintings, and pottery will afford a deep insight into the emotional and social con- dition of mankind. The ancient inscriptions on monuments in Assyria, Babylon, and Egypt have entirely changed our views with regard to these Empires. Whole lists of kings have been unearthed, and tile-books deciphered, the mere titles of which enable us to draw conclusions as to the state of civilization that must have once flourished on the shores of the Nile, the Euphrates, and the Tigris. Ethnology. Ethnology as the Science of the division of mankind into races, according to their bodily organization and intellectual capa- cities, explains the primary causes of the stationary or progressive character of their historical development. III. — Genealogy. Genealogy Genealogy is a merely subordinate auxili- ary of History, treating of the origin, propagation, and destinies of isolated families through several generations. The genealo- gical parts in historical compositions must always be subservient to the general aim the Heraldry, writer has in view. Genealogy, like heraldry, can only serve to enable the historian to THE SCIENCE OF HISTORY. 41 verify certain characters, dates, ceremonies, &c, whilst numismatology (the knowledge Numisma- of coins) will furnish us with reliable data tol °sy- concerning the wealth and poverty, the condition of trade, industry, and commerce of nations at certain periods, Specialists in any of these branches will need to be very careful to systematize their subject, and to give the results of their researches chrono- logically arranged. Only Greeks, Italians, and Germans possess Greeks, general historians worthy of that name, and These nations never had a special, purely ^ m ^ e s ral national development. Though Aryans in historians. general, their ethnical formation was made up of extremely mixed elements. The Greeks were Asiatics, Phoenicians, and Egyptians related through their ancestors to Indians, Persians, Kelts, and Germans. The Italians were Goths, Visigoths, Longo- bards, Alanes, Etruscans, Herulians, Van- dals, Markomanni, united by the Romans. The Germans were Scandinavians, Sclavons, Goths, Rugi, Danes, Svevi, Saxons, Bur- gundians, Sigambri, Ingovanians, Istho- vanians, &c. In these three groups, formed of so many elements, very early a senti- ment of universal brotherhood was fostered, absorbing all racial and tribal particularism in their historians, who devoted their intellectual and artistic powers to the re- presentation of mankind from a general point of view. They did not one-sidedly concern themselves with local events, but 42 THE SCIENCE OF HISTORY. applied their descriptive historical genius in masterly harmony, to reading philosophical lessons in the disconnected special traditions of these numerous tribes, for the benefit of the whole of humanity. In the works of the genuine historians of the three above-men- tioned nations, readers and students will never miss the general historical ground. Thejr will be equally carried away by the philosophical breadth and the artistic finish of these im- mortal writings. History, like poetry, must not only arouse one single noble feeling, or excite us to one patriotic action, but strive to stimulate all men to the highest possible exertion of their intellectual and moral powers. The principal products of such writers will occupy our special and careful attention in this work. Eomans, On the other hand we shall group together En d g i ish ' Roman, English, and French writers, in whom had the historical spirit from a general point of g ra e matlo Y ^ ew ? was -^ ess cultivated, and shall find that historians, the development of a special, exclusively national and political tendency, checked uni- versalism, or as some call it, in a sense of reproach, cosmopolitism ; as though a disregard of local or national prejudices were not one of the strongest means to elevate us to a higher and more powerful activity as human and humane beings. History, as the mother of wisdom, cannot possibly teach a particular wisdom to different nations, or pretend to assert, that all wisdom was concentrated in one nation, however mighty and civilized it THE SCIENCE OF HISTORY. 43 may have been. Historians that take an isolated national standpoint, cultivate egotism and self-interest, they lose themselves in a narrow national or party spirit, whether religious or political. In every line they petrify their peculiar views, they see every- thing from one point only, believe exclusively in the goodness, virtue, and patriotism of those who share their views, and are totally blind to the acting and reacting forces, which produce real historical life in its eternally varying causal combinations. One-si dedness destroys all historical power. One-sided- Such special historians, however, must also interest us, because we can study in them with the greatest advantage, how narrow- mindedness must dwarf our powers of con- ception and observation, and how we are brought to look upon all the deeds of man- kind from a fixed standpoint, which may be Roman, English, or French, but which is not that of Humanity at large. We shall point out the masterpieces of all Prejudice nations, and thus place before our readers the ventkmai- best historical Universalists as well as Spe- ism - cialists, in order that they may study History on the best principles, free from all conven- tionalism and prejudice. Nothing is more apt to fetter our free and unbiassed judg- ment, than preconceived ideas, fostered by historians who make antiquated, obsolete traditions their strongholds, and whose very best efforts are tainted with blind bigotry. 44 THE SCIENCE OF HISTORY. Historiography, from a philosophical and critical point of view, has scarcely been attempted, and yet History must have its laws as well as language or logic. The laws of writing History can be best traced in a systematical and chronological survey of the principal works of the most prominent ancient, mediaeval, and modern writers. Purpose of Our work aims to serve historians as a guide how to write History, and to the general public as an aid to the correct read- ing of the subject. We have dwelt in general The useful- terms on the importance of the study of History History, but feel constrained to refer to this treated in somewhat more in detail, though it may appear as superfluous, as it would be to point out the usefulness of the sun, as the life-giving element of our globe. Yet there are still Colleges, Universities, and whole nations, that look down upon History, if not with contempt, at least with indifference. Some assert " History is to be enacted, and not to be written about, or studied." The privileged classes and the priests propound this principle, because they want alone to act History, and to exclude the masses from all self-conscious interference or participation in the destinies of humanity. Their argument has the same validity as the assertion would have, that lan- guages should be spoken, but grammars ought not to be written or perused. Others say: " What is the use of knowing lists of names of kings and queens, princes, nobles, heroes, learned men, and innumerable, often doubtful, THE SCIENCE OF HISTORY. 45 dates ? " This question we have amply answered ; for names and dates are not the most important, but, on the contrary, the least significant elements in History. The deeds of man with their motives and sequences ought to be equally, if not more powerfully interesting than poems and dramas written, pictures painted, sculptures chiselled, or houses built by man. It is true that History does not show us humanity in very bright colours ; and nationalists and religion- ists are afraid to find that their special race, or religious sect, may appear scarcely the very paragon of virtue, generosity, heroism, and progress, and they therefore try to sup- press the records of the past or to falsify them. But History teaches us the one grand Theprinci- lesson, that in the material as well as in the History 11 intellectual world, slow and gradual develop- teaches. ments take place. The misdeeds, cruelties, and horrors of one age become the direct causes of heroic self-sacrifices, virtues, and geniality in another age. Not despair, but comfort and hope are to be gathered from the pages of History. The study of History becomes thus the most prolific source of the cultivation of our minds, and the promotion of our happiness. We are driven by an innate longing to the We are study of history, and if such a longing does ^{|^ d not exist in a nation at large, it must have innate been systematically and intentionally dead- JJe study ened, or altogether destroyed for certain of History. national, political, or religious purposes. In 46 THE SCIENCE OF HISTORY. no other study can we make ourselves so thoroughly acquainted with the general prin- ciples of a continuity of cause and effect in the isolated and combined actions of man, as in history. Biology, with the help of phy- siology and psychology, teaches us the nature of living man, because " however we may in idea distinguish between the physical and spiritual worlds — between physical and moral relations — they are inextricably interwoven with each other in the human constitution and the experiences of life," and beings so constituted, are the agents that enact history. To study history is, in fact, to study man in all his intellectual and moral relations. Man's life is not only recognizable in history — it is history itself, and all those who are ignorant of history, are ignorant of all the similarity higher aims and tendencies of humanity. It iaws.° ral * s an essential fact "that wherever human beings are found, there something is called pood, right, true, virtuous, and, therefore, obli- gatory." In evidence of this we may mention that the laws of Confucius (Kon-fu-tsu), Sokrates, and Christ are, in their funda- mental moral principles perfectly identical ; for they are all based on that general some- thing, leading humanity to counteract another something " which is different and opposite, and is deemed evil, wrong, false, vicious, and is therefore made the object of censure and prohibition." Throughout the whole historical progress of humanity history be- comes, by bringing all generations and nations THE SCIENCE OF HISTORY. 47 into one whole, the real consciousness of man- History kind. The experiences of past centuries, and !^£?°*" •ii 11 -± ± r i i • i scl0asne8S science with all its treasures, slowly acquired of in space and time by man in the various umanit y- countries of the world, form the sum total of our historical existence. Progress being the characteristic of human history, it must be of the utmost importance to be well acquainted with that progress, in order not to waste our time with developments, whether moral or political, scientific, or otherwise, through which other nations have long passed. We must strive to take up the thread of evolution, where others left it, and thus promote civilization. Nothing can be more pitiable than igno- ignorance ranee of general history. Instead of living History™ 1 a life of cheerful consciousness of our moral dignity, as human beings, we are condemned to a state of utter helplessness. Nothing, that happens around us, has sense, no event a cause. Everything is exposed to a capri- cious variability, whether under the control of an assumed whimsical providence, or of the mere rule of chance. Those ignorant of History deny the theory of progress ; they groan for the good old times, and cannot see that humanity is continually advancing from bad to good, and from good to better. Rest- less uneasiness characterizes the mental condition of those, who have not made themselves acquainted with History; they are in continual fear, lest modern ideas should altogether destroy the world ; or lest 48 THE SCIENCE OF HISTORY. the abolition of some insignificant court cere- mony, or doubt in a still more insignificant religious dogma, should shatter the whole moral foundation of nations. The historian knows only too well how many revealed dogmas have been superseded in time ; how many sacred prejudices have sunk in oblivion ; and how many gods and goddesses, that once peopled heaven and earth, to whom sacrifices have been offered, and pompous temples con- structed, live now only, as so many curiosi- ties in the memory of man, who, well versed in History, will assign not only every event, but also every metaphysical conception, to its proper cause. The historian will not extol ancient times at the expense of modern ; he will not despise what is national or glorify what is foreign ; and will be careful not to praise his own people, in blind national vanity, in order to look down with contempt on others. Above all, he will not allow himself to be deluded by any political or religious system. He will learn to consider all religions as the necessary outgrowths of our moral forces, and the impressions of natural phenomena, assum- ing different forms at different times, in different places, continually diminishing in importance with our increase of knowledge ; but growing in real morality and tolerance ; and will appreciate in individuals and nations what is true, right, and beautiful. Truth, as well as goodness and beauty, may appear in various forms, but in essence they must always be truth, goodness, and beauty. THE SCIENCE OF HISTORY. 49 History is thus the only true and firm basis of science, virtue, and art. In studying History we see events as they Space and follow one another, connected by the chain theTreffects of causation. We are carried back into former °? the / v *ii j_i i v i i r historian. ages ; we live with those who lived belore us ; we inhabit foreign countries which we have never seen, at times, that have long past away. Space and time are thus at our mental disposal ; the former is enlarged, the latter prolonged. The student of History may acquire in a few years an extended knowledge of mankind, and the experience of thousands of years, which will serve him as a guide for his own private and public life. History is indispensable to enable us to keep pace with the progressive development of our times. Not only the History of our own country, but that of others, is necessary to show us, how we stand in the list of com- peting nations. People who seek to improve their culture, must constantly watch the changes in the political and social condition of foreign nations. They must be familiar with every new discovery and invention ; with the organization ol literary and scien- tific institutions, and with the agrarian, commercial, and industrial laws; for in comparing these with those of their own country, and observing their effects on the stationary or progressive character, and the periodically occurring commotions to which, the life of other nations is subject, they will E 50 THE SCIENCE OF HISTORY. be in a position to promote reforms in their own country. Diploma- Diplomatists and Politicians must be politicians we ^ acquainted with general History. The whole of their power and influence, at home as well as abroad, depends not only on their acquaintance with the customs, usages, and manners of a country, but above all on their knowledge of the historical phases through which nations have passed. These phases being the results of the indefatigable and incessant efforts, which all peoples make to adjust the disturbed balance of their moral and intellectual forces, the consideration of them must enable the politician to direct the destinies of his own country successfully, and to avoid all useless and futile experiments. Soldiers. The Soldier will find in History a record of all that is grand and heroic in man, when he sacrifices himself for the honour, welfare, and security of his country.- The soldier in history is the most striking representative of the combined working of the two forces in humanity. He is the guardian of peace as the static, and the instrument of war as the dynamic element in mankind. The military profession of our times has changed like everything else. Formerly brute force, in- spired by fanaticism or enthusiasm, decided the fate of nations on the blood-stained battle- fields ; now it is an accurate and scientific study and knowledge of the acting and re- acting, moving and resisting forces that must gain the day ; brute force has to yield THE SCIENCE OF HISTORY. 51 to intellect; and, in the conflict between man and man, the superior dynamic force will conquer, if well balanced by discipline and obedience, as the static force. The Jurist learns through History the Jurists inner organization of humanity in the varia- tions of legislative efforts. Immanuel Kant, the greatest German philosopher of the last century, saw the principal aim of mankind in the solution of the problem, "to form governments for the administration of justice." Laws are the clearest and least deceptive mirror of the moral, and at the same time, intellectual condition of a nation. From the arbitrary will of a despot to the civil and intellectual freedom of the few at first, and finally to the emancipation of the many, a continuous uninterrupted progress can be traced in various nations. The very contrarv takes, place in an inverted ratio, when the masses, after having abused their popular rights for anarchical purposes, attempt to restrict their own excesses by entrusting special powers to a selected few, who finally fall again under the despotic rule of one. These changes are reflected in the laws of different nations during their different historical phases, and without an acquaint- ance with these important incidents, no jurist can hope to attain a higher standing in his profession. The " Spirit of the Laws " of the Greeks, Komans, Teutons, French, or English evidence different social and political developments. Wherever laws have hindered E 2 52 THE SCIENCE OF HISTOEY. the intellectual and moral forces in their free activity, progress has been impossible, and after violent commotions, the decline and downfall of mighty empires has taken place. Theoio- Theologians, priests, literati, philosophers, gians and and religious teachers will learn from History pheis. " that the moral force of humanity is not based on dogmatic assertions, on outward formulae, symbolic performances, on green or yellow dresses, special beliefs in this or that teacher, but only on law, innate and ingrafted in man's very organization. They will find that to talk religion is much easier than to act religiously ; that there is an immense dif- ference between mere formalism and the observance of those eternal principles of virtue, justice, and love, which have been revealed to man through his more highly gifted, intellectual leaders at different periods, in different forms; and that man maybe good and virtuous under all zones, and in all tongues, and under all sorts of religious systems. Their hearts will be thus widened, their intellects expanded, and they will be enabled to further the pure action of our moral force, without checking or misleading our intellectual power, or tying us down to incredibilities, or to assertions, contrary to the dictates of reason. Their vocation is to promote in man a correctly balanced use of his moral and intellectual capacities. We have now stated the paramount import- ance of the study of history in general as THE SCIENCE OF HISTORY. 53 well as in particular, and carefully pointed out the difficulties which historians have to encounter and to avoid, not only in writing, but also in reading and studying History. We have also enumerated the moral and intel- lectual qualifications indispensable in a his- torian, endeavoured to place History on a scientific basis, and have impressed our readers with the necessity of distinguishing history from mere annals or catalogues of events. History has been called the " Science of^ istor y Sciences," and to write the Science of such a "Science Science, may almost seem a superhuman g f ciences » task. But it has been possible to write the History of the "Cosmos," and we need not shrink from tracing, stating, and verifying laws in the vast phenomena of man's histori- cal development. The period in which man became dimly conscious of his own moral and intellectual nature, and tried to discover explanations for the phenomena around him, and within him, and to establish the possibility of his own social existence — the great period of man's emotional exertions, when the whole of his efforts were concentrated on revealing laws in the name of the Deity, worshipped under one name or another, we will only cursorily refer to, though, this first period, glorified by the names of Manu, Menes, Osiris, Zoroaster, Buddha, Moses, and Confucius, is one of the highest interest, for its laws, moral principles, and social enactments still form the very foundation of man's historical $$ THE SCIEN( E OF HISTORY, development. Some nations, like the Chi- nese, Japanese, Jews, and Persians, can only be studied in their holy books. We shall content ourselves, however, with trac- ing History on its own field, beginning with the Greeks as the first historically self- conscious nation which has left us imperish- able models of real History. THE SCIENCE OF HISTORY. 55 CHAPTER II. Before entering upon an analysis of the Origin- and Historiography of the Greeks, we must make JTthe 8 * our readers acquainted, in broad outlines, with Greeks, the component elements of their character. Ethnologically the Greeks were descend- ants of the Cis-Himalayan Aryans. They wandered through Central Asia ; peopled the coasts, and reached on two roads, North and South, the European peninsula and the sur- rounding islands. Asia was not only ethno- logically but also lingually, the birthplace of the Greeks. We have succeeded, by means of Comparative Philology, in tracing the origin of their language to the Sanskrit, spoken and written on the shores of the Ganges thousands of years before the Greeks emerged into a national existence. The Sanskrit language was already dead, when the Greeks com- menced to give shape and form to their own. Asia was that part of our globe in which Asia as the the first forms of civilization sprang up and ^^^ developed in three different centres. We tion. cannot possibly pass over these centres with their distinct geographical configuration, and the ethnical differences of their population. The Black Aborigines common in the South The black of Asia, though more especially in Africa, without 6 had neither Chronicles nor History. To the chronicles Blacks we must add all those that live under t0 ry. 56 THE SCIENCE OF HISTORY. the frigid zone. The inclemency of the climate and the sterility of the soil, in those regions, have nipped the germs of a historical development in the very bud. The yellow The mighty and numerous groups of the ohroDictes 6 Yellow men had, till lately, chronicles, and a and a sta- peculiar historical development that reached tionary x , . -i ^ . .-,. ,. . . -, history. & certain degree ot civilization at a period, when other nations were in a savage or barbarous condition, but then remained stationary. The white Only the White men, the Aryans, had a TflultuYt- fluctuating and continually progressive his- ingpro- tory; with the exception of the Indians, who history! through the influence of climate, aspect of nature, and geographical position, had only a limited historical development. The geo- In considering the course of civilization in contigura- Asia we must omit the northern slopes, called tion of Siberia, as being beyond the pale of History, and distinguish the following geographical centres. First pen- I. We have first a massive upland with a tre : China • -i , , • i • • • , i and India, mighty mountain chain comprising the very highest summits of the earth. This upland is bounded on the South and South East by the Mus-Tagh or Imaus, parallel to which, farther South, runs the Himalaya chain. Towards the East mountains extend from South to North, forming the basin of the Amoor. On the North lie the Altai and Songarian mountains, in connection with the latter in the North West is the Musart, and in the West the Belur-Tagh, which is again THE SCIENCE OF HISTORY. 57 united by the Hindoo-Koosh chain with the Mus-Tagh. This high mountain girdle is broken through by streams, which inun- date and fertilize immense valley plains, like those of China, intersected by the Hoang-ho and the Yang-Tse-Kiang, or those of India, watered by the Granges and Indus. These are regions of perfect isolation. II. Next we have the lands of the Tigris Second and Euphrates, which rise in Armenia, and Persia," hold their course along the Persian mountains. ^Bal The Caspian Sea has similar river valleys ; ion. in the East, those formed by the Oxus and Jaxartes (Gihon and Sihon) which pour their waters into the Sea of Aral ; in the West those of the Cyrus and Araxes (Kur and Aras). Here we have regions of transitional intercommunication. III. Finally, keeping upland and plain Third quite distinct, we trace the third centre Arabfaj which is an intermixture of the two, namely: ? y . ria ? r and " Arabia, the land of the Desert, the upland of plains, the abode of glowing activity and fanaticism. To this belong Syria and Asia Minor, connected with the sea and having constant intercourse with Europe." A region of continuous change. From a West-European standpoint we may best divide Asia into China, and the regions of the Cis- and Trans-Himalayan Aryans, to which we must add that of the Semitic race. A pastoral state predominates in the upland; agriculture and trades are culti- vated in the valley plains ; while commerce 58 THE SCIENCE OF HISTORY. and navigation are pursued in the last division. Devoiop- In these three centres humanity very- humanity early developed but did not attain histori- in these ca | self-consciousness. In China, from the tres. most ancient times, the static or moral force in humanity has been one-sidedly cultivated, India* and anc ^ ^y ^is means the people have remained stationary. In India we see another phenomenon, the exclusive culture of the dynamic or intel- lectual force, misled by an ill-regulated The static imagination. Whilst the Chinese may be China" 3 sa ^ ^° naye worked out to perfection a moral code, based on the five principles of humanity, justice, conformity, uprightness, sand sincerity, the The By- Indians have roamed in the realms of the super- Tn indiaT 6 natural, and built up for humanity a store- house of mystic dogmas — from the assertion of the Unity of the Deity in Trinity ; the theory of the incarnation of the second person of this Trinity; the salvation of the soul; of heaven and hell, as abodes of reward and punishment; of angels and devils ; beatifications and damnations, down to the most abstruse meta- physical problems. The Indians invented a variety of mysterious creeds and religious tenets, with endless sacrificial performances ; they systematized theogonies and cosmo- gonies in every shape and form ; they prac- tised ritualistic ceremonies to such an extent that all later outgrowths of these Indian prototypes of incomprehensible theological systems, sink into dwarfish insignificance THE SCIENCE OF HISTOEY. 59 compared with their originals. Whatever imagination could dream of in the realm of religions myths, visions, legends, and mira- cles, was done by the Indians thousands and thousands of years ago. The sacred Vedantic Periods of i • i r Ti i i • • i Indian de- hymn-period was followed by an epic period veiopment. of great poetical beauty, but unlimited exag- geration ; then came the period of the laws of Manu ; the mighty reformation of Buddha (Gautama or Foh) ; and finally the spread of Mahometanism. The historical past of India may be designated as a philosophical religious trance, during which the whole moral and intellectual vitality was concentrated, spent upon, absorbed, and directed by an unin- terrupted effort, to solve the nature of the Deity, and to explain the phenomena of nature by means of arbitrarily assumed dei- fications of the forces pervading the uni- verse. A free individual and national life was under such circumstances an impossi- bility. It is a characteristic proverb of the An Indian Indians: " that to sit is better than to go; to lie better than to sit; to sleep better than to be awake ; but the best of all is death.' 5 History is active life, and a nation with such a proverb, extolling death as the greatest boon, could not well have a historically progressive development. The Egyptians in Africa, which we ought T fae to consider as the most western part of Asia, m Africa. present an equally striking phenomenon. They form a transition empire between Blacks, Yellows, and Whites. Shut up into 60 THE SCIENCE OF HISTORY. the Nile valley between the Lybian and Arabian mountain chains, they had a de- velopment of their own. We possess the names of the kings of not less than thirty Egyptian dynasties, from Menes to Alexander the Great ; yet the people are only brought into importance, religiously through the Jews, and philosophically and scientifically through the Greeks. The Egyptians unconsciously cultivated the static and dynamic forces work- ing in humanity, but they did this only in a privileged priest-caste. The millions were left in dire ignorance, and had blindly to obey their despotic priesthood. The Egypt- ians lived to die. Their political life was thus turned into an eternal historical death. We are now able to survey the mighty Egyptian state-mummy, to read inscriptions on pyramids, temples, sphinxes, obelisks, sarcophagi, tablets, and papyrus scrolls, but the whole of Egypt's existence would have been lost, had the Greeks not opened her mystic shrines and afforded us some glimpses into the grand and mighty Egyptian state- mystery. As soon as the Egyptians came into contact with live nations, the ancient state-illusion fell to pieces in the valley of the Nile. As a symbolic entity the Egyptian was something, but as a social or political reality he was nothing. The Like the Chinese and Indians, the Egyp- dJireiop* tians could boast of an exclusive home-sprung ment was, development with excellent moral laws, like that of n *■ . . -n • i t iti the Chinese deep, mystic, allegorical, and symbolical . THE SCIENCE OF HISTORY. 61 religious dogmas, a vast knowledge of the J™^ hidden powers of nature, some notions of home- ' astronomy, medicine, and chemistry; but all s P ran s- the efforts of their intellectual powers were to aid their mighty hierarchy to hold the masses in bondage and awe, comforting people for a laborious and wretched life, wasted in this world, by the promise of a glorious existence in another, when they would share the splendour of Osiris, Isis, and Horus. These three mighty nations possess no Persians, History in the true sense of the word. It Babyhm-' was quite different with the Persians, As- iansand Syrians, Babylonians, and Hebrews. But Heblcw History with them was rather negative than positive in its working. They were completing elements in the destinies of central Asia, but the masses had to follow blindly the whimsi- cal dictates of kings, prophets, and lawgivers, or of some visible or invisible despot, for whose sake the millions of the people, the richest as well as the poorest, the wisest and the most ignorant, were assumed to have been born. The autocratic state organizations were formed, but the self-conscious nations were wanting. The Persians, Assyrians, and Babylonians sighed under their visible kings and satraps. The Jews trembled under their invisible Javeh, of whom they Javeh, the hoped that he would continually act and autocrat interfere in their favour, to make his chosen of ^ people masters of the world; in this belief they lost all political and national vitality, and became only grand, important^ tion 62 THE SCIENCE OF HISTORY. and heroic in their Titanic sufferings when trampled under foot as slaves by other nations. No history Asia anc [ Africa had not yet developed Africa. that self-conscious life in the peoples that makes History a possibility. In these two parts of the world we can study the un- historical spirit of humanity, whilst in turning to Europe we find again three centres of historical action, defined by the geographical configuration. Europe and The European mountains are in general of graphical very moderate height, no uplands are im- :ura- mediately contrasted by immense valley plains ; the natural impressions everywhere are softened down. There is an endless variety of nationalities and tribes which, influenced by natural inter-dependence, early felt the necessity of tolerance, preserving strict tribal relations in general, and fostering an indomitable disposition to develope the individual character with often reckless freedom. These were the most important elements in the formation of the progressive History of Europe. First (1.) Greece and Italy in the South are Sn r tre 6an se P ara ted by the Pyrenees, the Alps, the Carpathian and Balkan mountain chains from central Europe. Here we find the magnifi- cent seat of an early historical development, in a climate that is unique in geniality and loveliness, a fit abode for man to become free in religion, arts and sciences, and to culti- vate a superior state of the most important THE SCIENCE OF HISTORY. 63 social and political relations in humanity. In this region of the world we see man, on the stage of History, playing the part of a youthful and manly hero, constructing, pull- ing down and reconstructing social organiza- tions, freely using his moral and intellectual forces in an unwearied attempt to find the proper balance for the development of both. (2.) The second centre lies on the slopes Second of these mountain ranges towards the ^^, ean North- West of Europe, comprising the heart, if we may say so, of European humanity, with France, England, and Germany as component elements. (3.) The third centre is found in the North- Third Eastern plains, harbouring half Asiatic, half centX*" 1 European thoughts, not yet freed from the fetters of oriental despotism; a survival of the ancient Persian autocracy, counteracted by the civilizing influences of Western Europe. History in Bussia and the Slavonic kingdoms is yet in an embryonic state. The people are swayed by passions and preju- dices, and an all-powerful bureaucracy of a Perso-Roman organization, which has no real vitality, and must necessarily lead to wars or internal commotions, from which we hope in the end to see the people emerge as free agents of their own History. The social and religious development of Greece and Greece, like that of the Jews, and conse- gyp ' quently of Christian Europe, had its origin in Egypt. For a long period the Egyptians attempted to solve the problem of the civili- 64 THE SCIENCE OF HISTORY. zation of humanity ; but they left the task to a hierarchy which shut itself up in one grand and incomprehensible mystery. Before the priests of Egypt turned to man and nature, they wanted to make themselves, and, through their medium, the people acquainted with the E^ e t* g rea ^ " Unknown." They expended all their mystery, intellectual vitality on the question, u What is that that was, that is, and that shall be ? " To which question after all, humanity in thousands or millions of years, will but be able to give the same answer, in whatever variations, forms, or dialects : "I am what was, what is, and what shall be." Now the concentration of all man's moral and intel- lectual faculties on the solution of this sphinx- like riddle,made it impossible for the Egyptians to emerge from the mystic and symbolic into the natural and comprehensible. They were content to live, to work, to die shrouded in the one great " lam I " mystery. The "I am I v never struck man in Egypt as being his own case. He never applied the universal idea to his particular individuality. This was the cause why the Egyptians could find no other solution for humanity than one, that was alto- gether far beyond, and far above them. With- out self-consciousness they lost themselves in a riddle, that crushed their earthly vitality, and turned Egyptian arts and sciences into a mystic, unintelligible chaos, and life into a surrender to the eternal " I am I " incompre- hensibility. The Jews continued to cherish this mystery, but as a known entity — at least, THE SCIENCE OF HISTORY. 65 known to Moses and the prophets — and the consequence was that they as little succeeded in establishing a free, social, and political ex- istence as did the Egyptians when they left the narrow valley of the Nile. The Greeks The Greek acted differently. This action is recorded in ? olutlon of one of their myths. When Apollo, the god of wisdom, the leader of the Muses, was asked : "What is the duty of Man V he answered: "Know thyself" With this Divine command given to the Greeks, in these words, was laid down the only possible germ of a historical consciousness for humanity, and the Greeks were undoubtedly the first people who under- stood, not only how to act history, but also how to write it. To comprehend the Greeks in their de- Greek velopment, it will be necessary to glance at f^ ry their History from a general point of view. It general is the principal, and at the same time, most ^^ of difficult task of the historian to sum up in brief outlines the historical life of any nation, and to do this in such a manner, that all the details may fit into them as mere secondary and accidental occurrences, receiving shape and importance through the firmly estab- lished outlines. Greece lies at the Entrance Gate of Geogra- Europe, and consists of a number of sporadic pM ?^ e . , ± ' -, . , xt i • position of islands and a peninsula. .Nowhere is so Greece. large a coast-line found, surrounding so small a territorial surface. Greece stands in the same relation to the development of His- tory in the South-East, as England in the 66 THE SCIENCE OF HISTORY. North-West of Europe, and Japan in the North-East of Asia. These three centres of civilization have a striking analogy in their Variety, geographical configuration. An immense symmetry, var i e ty f creeks, capes, promontories, inlets, harmony, and harbours, are found, alike in Greece, England, and Japan. No streams like the Hoang-ho, the Ganges, or the Nile ; no mountains like the Himalaya or the Belur- Tagh. Gorgeous uniformity is the character- istic of China and India ; gloomy mysticism is the element of the Nile valley ; variety and change form the first source of the Greek world. Mountains, plains, valleys, and streams, are all of limited size. A sweet harmony pervades nature ; there is nothing to over- awe man ; nothing to force him eternally to tremble before some unknown power. The smiling earth gives man a pleasant home, adorned with chattering brooks and cheerful hills, shrubs and flowers. " Valley chases valley ; rivulet pursues rivulet ; clouds follow clouds; the morning dawn flies before the bright noon, and the noon dies away in the cool sighs of the evening breezes into the embrace of dark night." The prm- Th^ Greeks, from the beginning, absorbed component into their religious, social, and political organi- element s zation, Indian poetical grandeur, tempered classic by Persian realism, enlightened by Egyptian times. wisdom. We must make ourselves tho- roughly acquainted with these component ele- ments, in order to comprehend the character of the Greeks of Classic Times. The Greeks THE SCIENCE OF HISTORY. 67 never could perceive the dreary " dualism" Persian in Nature, propounded by the Persians, and Hebrew- left to the Jews as a sad legacy. Accord- duali8m - ing to the holy books of the Persians, Ormuzd and Ahriman, God and Satan, (or good and evil), were everlastingly at strife, and the fact that unhappily Satan (Ahriman) appeared successful in the struggle, poisoned the whole moral atmosphere of those nations, that clung with incredible pertinacity to this dualistic hy- pothesis. But the Greeks borrowed from the Persians great personal courage, and trans- ferred the independence of their autocrats to every Greek citizen. The Satrapies of Persia became the Politeia (commonwealths), or com- munities of the Greeks, in which the citizens, who tried to know their own individual nature, formed free, and self-conscious units, as so many unrestrained factors in the state. The Greeks welcomed Egyptian ideas, which they divested of all symbolic mysticism, and unin- telligible prejudices. The hawk-headed or cat-headed deities, even in the shape of beau- tiful men and women, were looked upon as mere eidola ; representing, in an outward visible form, a secret invisible force or phenomenon of nature. The Greeks spread everywhere the bright The fruits of independent freedom, brought from S, r r e e ad a Persia, invigorated by Thrakian heroism feeling of from the North, and Egyptian learning ^nt Pen " from the South ; whilst Phoenicia inspired freedom. them with the vivifying spirit of enterprise and commerce. The Greeks distinguished f 2 68, THE SCIENCE OF HISTORY. themselves, above all, from the Eastern nations, by their decided hatred of every- thing arbitrary, mystic, and incompre- hensible. Out of a variety of moral and intellectual elements, national customs and manners, sprang that ideal unity, which made the Greeks the first genuine representatives of the progressive historical development of humanity at large. Greek The mythic Theogony and Cosmogony of and Cos n - ies Hesiod, based on faint Indian and Egyptian mogonies. echoes, vibrating through the pre-historic life of the Greeks, formed a basis for a strictly scientific treatment of the nature of the gods, and the earth's formation. The monstrous divine phantoms of Asia became with the Greeks, demons that taught humanity some truth, or some useful trade, art, or commercial enterprise. The Greeks had philosophical notions of the abstract essence of the Deity ; but, in the concrete, they could only compre- The hend it in the well-proportioned form of a blending } luman being. Thus they succeeded in blend- ot S the e ing the Divine with the Human, making their Divine and g 0C [ s m0 re humane ; and in welding the human with the divine, they raised men towards the divine. This harmonious union between the universal or divine, and the special or human, is the most important feature in Greek thought. The gods with the Indians and Egyptians also assumed a human form, but these incarna- tions had some mystic, supernatural aim. The incarnation was a sacrifice of the Deity to save man from his wretched bondage : it was THE SCIENCE OF HISTORY. 69 not, as with the Greeks, a direct humanization of the gods, and a deification of humanity. Having worked out these ideas, and used them practically for the elevation of their individual character, the Greeks were capable of developing that powerful activity in arts and sciences, which constitutes the bright phenomenon of their History. Heaven was, according to Greek poetry, character an abode of bliss and happiness, placed high q t ^£ on Mount Olympus, where Zeus, the father gods. of the gods and men, was enthroned ; where every god was a free agent in his sphere, fol- lowing his own calling, either as sun-god, god of fire, god of water, or as a minor god of the winds, spring, love, gracefulness, beauty, victory, or fortune. The heavenly organization of the Olympian gods was a divine democratic confederacy. When the inquisitive Greeks went up to Mount Olympus in Thessaly, and found no gods there, they removed them to heaven, but brought down from the lofty mountain the democratic organization of the gods for men. What poets, like Homer and Hesiod, did for the gods, lawgivers, like Lykurgus, and Solon, did for the free citizens of Greece. Zeus, the king of heaven, often took counsel with his gods and goddesses, so did the Greek kings with their people. The kings ruled, but under the advice and with the help of the people ; they were to be fathers to their subjects, benevolent guardians to free and emancipated children, who having come of 70 THE SCIENCE OF HISTOEY. age, felt freedom to be their indispensable birthright. Marriage was sacred ; family relations and disinterested friendship were held in honour. Greek No wonder that the social and political w°ise S iaw? development of the Greeks entirely differed givers the from that of any of the surrounding empires Senate- m the East. Poets and wise lawgivers based principle, the foundation of the different independent states on the firm principles of a moral order, pervading the universe, and of a free divine intellect, manifesting itself in man when obeying that universal moral order. Life with the Greeks was a pilgrimage full of joy and often full of woe, during which the tra- veller had to trust in his own human dignity, to take ripe experience, bright reason, and lofty virtue for his leaders, avoiding wild passion, heartless covetousness, and pale envy. Man was to brave adversity, in whatever form it might step into his path, and even in the storm of fate not lose courage, for man was to be his own master, and had to owe every- thing he attained, to his own exertions. Peace and happiness were sure to be the final rewards of such a life. Gi :f ek On such principles men could but be id Hugh og still felt happy, good, and free. The Greeks were thedvii- ■^' ee ' P rac tised virtue, and laid down the ized world, general laws which still are the foundation of our attempts in poetry, art, politics, and philosophy. Truthfulness to man's own most glorious nature, was the Psean which the Greeks sang in a loud chorus through THE SCIENCE OF HISTOKY. 71 the world. Their festival song still resounds in the hearts of all civilized nations, on the shores of the Danube, the Thames, the Spree, the Seine, the Tiber, the Ohio, or the Mississippi, in hundreds of different tongues, in numberless books, commentaries, and essays. Nothing strikes us more forcibly in the Hesiod's historical phenomena of the Greeks than the oTde^elop- systematic and gradual process of their ment. moral, intellectual, artistic, and philosophical development. Referring to the oldest myths recorded by Hesiod, or the poet of the " Works and Days," we find that he begins with six periods, analogous to the six stages of the historical development which we de- scribed — Chapter I. The " paradisiacal state," (our savage state), corresponds to Hesiod's first golden race; men suffered neither sickness nor old age, and their death was but a gentle sleep. The causes, why the gods did away with the golden, and next made a silver race, are not stated ; this second race is described as reckless and mischievous — it refused to worship and to sacrifice. The third was called a brazen race, made of hard ashwood, (this being the material used for the handles of bronze spears); they were pugnacious and " of immense strength with adamantine souls." Their arms, houses, and their imple- ments were all brass, there was no iron. Next a fourth race, just and virtuous, com- prising heroes and demigods, was created, and removed to the Island of the Blest, where 72 THE SCIENCE OF HISTORY. they dwell in peace, under the government of Kronos (Time), " reaping thrice in the year the spontaneous produce of the earth." The fifth race was of iron. The historical, self-con- scious age is here meant, though it is described as dishonest, ungrateful, and given to perjury. In fact, it is the age in which man, having reached a higher state of self- evolution, sees all that is wrong in life, without trying to find out the causes of evils, which often originate in the entirely false and unnatural organiza- tion of society, creating a total disturbance of the two forces working in humanity. The violent actions and reactions, in such a state, are set down as a proof of man's general wickedness, degeneration and depravity ; an assertion, slandering the Deity and mankind in general, and every individual in particular. The de- There are two distinct hvpotheses which and go through the histories of all nations ; that hy 0l o- tlorL °f so-called degeneration, and that of evolu- these?. tion. The first starts in conformity with the Egyptian idea that the gods once ruled on earth, or the Hebrew assumption of a para- dise, or the Greek " Golden race"; and the other, having reason and experience for its basis, asserts that man has developed slowly, from the unconscious savage state into a higher and more civilized, that is, morally and intellectually better balanced condition. The degeneration hypothesis is a mere assumption, having vivid imagination for its support; whilst the other hypothesis has been worked out, through correct observations and THE SCIENCE OF HISTOKY. 73 analogies, into a well authenticated theory, which we may best trace in Greek history, affording" an indisputable proof of the slow and gradual progress of humanity. I. The mythic period in Greece abounds The *»y- in everything incredible and supernatural. % Greek"* Stones become men and women. The teeth history. of dragons are sown, and turned into armed men, killing each other. Fire-spitting mon- sters infest caves and groves. Gods fight with Titans. A man (Prometheus) tries to make men out of clay, steals fire from heaven and vivifies his clay figures ; for this attempt the jealous god chains him to an isolated mountain. Wild beasts are tamed bv the sound of a lyre. The sun-god Apollo falls in love with Daphne, who is changed into a laurel tree. The gods have human children, who become demigods and heroes. Brooks are full of charming and sportive sirens and naiads; woods are filled with nymphs, dryads, satyrs, and fauns ; whilst Erinyes (fairies, spirits of revenge), execute the commands of Hades and Persephone* in the interior of the earth. But even this mythic period has reality for its basis. Poetical fancy was too tangible in such myths, to have allowed the Greeks to look on them otherwise, than as mere attempts to personify the secret workings of nature. Zeus became matter, or the visible in creation ; Poseidon water; and Hephsestus fire. But matter, water, and fire — or rather cosmical ether, moisture, and heat, are undoubtedly the 74 THE SCIENCE OF HISTORY. elements out of which everything has been,- is, and must be formed. The mythic period served to lead the Greeks on to science and philosophy. The heroic jj # 'p]^ ]i ero ic period of Greek history Greek embraces a higher state of national con- history. sciousness, when the poetical imagination had softened down, and only slightly mingled the supernatural with more tangible deeds of reality. The Homeric and post-Homeric heroes and heroines are all real men and women. Enterprise, activity, daring adven- tures are the fundamental characteristics of this period. Dishonesty and ingratitude are punished and avenged often in the children's children of the evil-doer; in this fact we may trace the eternal law of cause and effect, and the scientific theory of descent, natural selection, and heredity, applied to morals. Greek gen- During this period innumerable genealo- eaogies. ^ eg were worked out, which should not occupy a student or writer of History, except as a means, to convince himself of the fact, that " Every association of men, large or small, in whom there existed a feeling of present union, traced back that union to some common initial progenitor, that pro- genitor being either the common god whom they worshipped, or some semi-divine person closely allied to him." (See Grote's " History of Greece," vol. i. page 80.) So far such genealogies are of interest, but they are always the least reliable elements in History. They were less dangerous with the Greeks, THE SCIENCE OF HISTORY. 75 because the human and divine, the historical p ifference and unhistorical were so evident, that with Greek and the growing consciousness and knowledge of !l r n ea! al the people the unreliable, imaginary charac- logies. ter of these narrations was recognized — this circumstance was one of the causes, why the Greeks were able to write real History earlier, than any other nation. Assyrians, Babylonians, Egyptians, and Jews also had genealogies, of which those of the last especially, were taken for thousands of years to the letter, as revealed and sacred historical records, and have thus retarded, and yet retard, the study of true history in many bigoted circles. History can only be correctly studied when the mind is entirely unbiassed ; it can never be based on inspiration from on high, but only on a correct knowledge of facts, to verify which is extremely difficult at certain extra-historical periods, when writers draw more upon their imagination, than on a thorough understand- ing of possibilities and probabilities. If false statements have been made the basis of his- tory for thousands of years, the historian has the difficult task, first to destroy their incor- rectness, and then to show, to what extent they may have embodied some real historical facts. From this point of view we must consider the records of Inachus, Phoroneus, and Io, of Danaos and the Dana'ides, Perseus and the Gorgons, and the interesting, but scarcely intelligible legend of Herakl^s and the Herakleids. The tales about Deukalion, 76 THE SCIENCE OF HISTORY. Hellen, the sons of Hellen, and the Deluge also belong to this category. T^ ^ The Deluge of Deukalion has only this in Deuka- common with that of Noah, or the much ll6n - older account of a general submersion of the earth under water, to purify humanity from its sins, in Indian poems and law-books, Assyrian and Babylonian records ; that vast partial inundations undoubtedly took place, and still take place, in valley-plains, intersected by large, not yet regulated, rivers. The different mountains that are mentioned in the different records, and the different regions, in which the few saved persons land, to repeople the earth, are so many rocky proofs, that in these histories each nation refers only to a partial inundation with a convenient mountain in the neighbourhood, on which the Proof of escaped land. The mythical character of a mythical g enera l Deluge is proved by the very date character assigned to it. The fact that many, other- general w i se sensible people firmly believe in this Deluge, date, is a sad proof of the ease with which chronology may be falsified. The Egyptians and the Chinese have no records of a universal The Deluge. A terrible inundation is mentioned Chinese n /?i • i • , i ,1 record of by Chinese historians under the emperor inunda- JSJmn, who selects Yu, his prime minister, though of humble station in life, to become his successor in the imjDerial dignity, as a reward for his great ability and energy, in draining off, by means of canals and other works, the waters of the mighty rivers. This was about the time, when the deluge THE SCIENCE OF HISTORY. 77 of the Jewish records, is said to have taken place. The Chinese carry their annals as far back as 3,000 years before the Christian era, and reward the regulator of the so-called universal deluge for his engineering talents with the imperial throne. In Egypt the Pyramids were constructed long ere Noah was born ; and the alluvial soil of the Nile- valley shows in its layers an undisturbed growth of the delta of not less, than 36,000 years. This incident is mentioned, to warn historians from treating impossible natural phenomena as facts. Whenever great cata- clysms are described, the records of other nations must be carefully compared, and their evidence weighed from a scientific point of view, and not in a spirit of religious credulity. The Greeks learned very early to look How the upon the Deluge-legend of Deukalion, as an ^ated the account of some terrible volcanic convulsion, Deiuge- which submerged one part of Greece, de- myt ' stroyed another by fire, and was the cause of the formation of those numerous sporadic islands, that surround the Peloponnesus, which probably received at that period its vine-leaf, or palm-leaf shape. After the deluge was over, and Deukalion landed on Mount Parnassus or Othrys, Zeus is said to have sent Hermes to him, " promising to grant whatever he asked." He prayed that men and companions might be sent to him in his solitude. Accordingly, Zeus directed him and Pyrrha, (meaning fire), his wife to 78 THE SCIENCE OF HISTORY. cast stones over their heads. Those cast by Pyrrha became women, those by Deukali6n Aristotle men. Aristotle does not dispute the fact of Deluge. a deluge having occurred, but he places it west of Mount Pindus, near Ddddna, and treats it as a physical phenomenon ; the result of periodical cycles in the atmosphere, and divests the calamity of all religious character, to the honour of intellect, and the supreme source of reason. For to assume any Deity creating men, allowing them for thousands of years to go from bad to worse, and in a fit of rage swearing, to destroy the whole human race, with the exception of a few individuals, then repenting of such an oath, was repugnant to every right- minded and thinking Greek, more than 2,000 years ago, and ought to be so to every reasoning human being. Yet there are, even so-called educated, public teachers, who repeat such myths, told in so out- rageous a sense, as real and true facts. But it has been the privilege of priests and their followers of all ages and denominations, all over the world, to calumniate the bene- volent first cause of all things, as no heretic, infidel, pagan, or atheist has ever dared to do. Myths and The more we advance in Greek history, wftiTan the more the mythic element vanishes into undercur- the dim past, and the more prominently his- historicai torical reality stands out, facts. After the Deluge we have the Phoenicians mentioned, as peoplingt Salamis, (meaning THE SCIENCE OF HISTORY. 79 the island of peace), and introducing the worship of Aphrodite, the sea-born goddess of love. The Htrakleids, driven from Asia Minor, settled on the promontory, opposite Salamis, and are credited with having established the worship of Poseidon; whilst ThraJcians spread in the north of the Penin- sula, and offered their sacrifices exceptionally to Artemis or Diana, the goddess of woods and the chase. These migrations of Phoenicians, Herakleids (Asiatics), and Thrakians, with their special divinities, afford us an insight into the different nationalities and social conditions of the first settlers in Greece. Those who worshipped Artemis (Diana) The were still wild and nomadic hunters ; those Jwods °& who erected altars to Poseiddn (the god criterion of of the sea) or Aphrodite, were seafaring pf^vm? 6 traders, and those who sent up their z ation. prayers to Demeter (mother earth), or Pallas Athene (the goddess of wisdom, who first taught mankind to manage the horse, to build chariots and ships, and in- vented the war-trumpet and flute), were settled and more refined agriculturists. This higher condition of civilization we encounter on the Eastern shores of Greece, in Attica, where Kr&tans, Ionians, and Lykians, &c, were settled, under their leader Kekrops, who divided the surround- ing territory into twelve towns or boroughs, and provided each with a townhouse, a common altar, and a free political organi- zation. To bring unity and order into these 80 THE SCIENCE OF HISTORY. free and independent u Polies " or boroughs, it was thought necessary, to endow one with Kekrops a kind f supremacy. This was Kekropia Kekropia, (later Athens). The town was situated in Attn e charming valley, watered by the river Kephisos ; on the north rose the Pentelic mountains, with their opposite slopes, lead- ing into the Euboean Sea; on the east the valley was bordered by the Hymettos, rich in healing herbs ; on the west ran the lower mountain range of Aigeleos, forming the boundaries towards Eleusis ; and on the south mountains with narrow passes, that might easily be defended, stretched gently sloping into the sea. The winter's cold was tempered by a genial warmth, and the summer's heat by cooling breezes. Here was the brightest region of Greek culture and civilization; it became by degrees the centre-point, towards which all the various States of Greece gravi- tated, during the most glorious period of their history. The myth tells us that Kekrops, who had serpent-legs, came from Egypt, and founded the town with priest- esses from Dodona, introducing the worship of the gods. The fortress, the city or cita- del, Kekropia, the Akropolis of Athens, was situated on one of the heights, detached from the Hymettos mountain range, acces- sible only from the west. The steep per- pendicular rock was crowned by a plateau of sufficient extent to hold a sanctuary to the gods, and a dwelling-place and treasure- house for the ruler. Situation of the Akropolis. THE SCIENCE OF HISTORY. 81 First Zeus was said to have been worshipped ^je as the protector of the town. Dipatyros or Zeus. Jupiter was assumed, as the father of all living creatures, to have succeeded in inducing the dispersed people to adopt a more regulated condition; and to establish, on the oldest family principles, the organization of boroughs and towns. Next we have the worship of Poseidon The recorded, which marks a second higher phase PosefdL?* in the progress of civilization, through com- mercial connections with the surrounding islands, and the shores of Ionia or Asia Minor and its numerous cities. A struggle between Poseidon and Athene" is mentioned, proving a still higher culture and commercial progress. The goddess of wisdom thrust her spear into the ground, changed it into a blooming olive tree, and became from that moment the universally acknowledged guardian- deity of The Athens, with a splendid temple dedicated to PaiTas- P her on the Akropolis. The introduction of Athene. her worship marked the period of a high political development of the town, which was greatly furthered by Erechtheus ; Ion added to the worship of Minerva (Pallas Athene) that of Apollo, with whose worship The a new life was brought into the intellectual Jp^ ip ot and moral progress of Greece. Roads were constructed, the towns provided with protecting walls ; song and music were gene- rally cultivated ; sacred and profane matters separated, the inordinate influence of the priests was shaken, sanguinary sacrifices G 82 THE SCIENCE OF HISTORY. ceased. Even the darkest crimes might be atoned for through repentance, under the pro- tection of the " laurel-crowned god" who restored peace even to the blood-stained soul of Orestes. The gloomy power of the ter- rifying Furies was broken, and a world of higher harmony, an empire of mercy estab- lished. The temples of Apollo surrounded the Greek continent as so many shrinks of the highest possible culture, beauty, and Different l ove< ]3 u t the very worship of Apollo had its the progressive development. The higher con- IpoHo P of ception of the god of light, the son of night, the enemy of all that is impure and evil, grew slowly and by degrees. With the Kypriotes and the Magnetes he was at first nothing but the real sun ; as such he was worshipped on mountain-tops and in dark groves. Apollo was then the mere giver of real light and heat, not in a spiritualized (abstract), but only in a realistic (concrete) sense. In Del- phinios he was the sun rising from the sea, ruling the waves in spring, opening naviga- tion, protecting men against the wild resentments of his rival god, Poseid6n. He was no more the real sun, but the leader of ships and the guardian of com- merce. Finally Apollo took up his abode at Delphi, where he was enthroned as the Pythian god of light and intellect, of arts and sciences In the Kr£tan, Th^ban, and Argonautic K h ?t legends we may study the historical life of the Thebaii', Greeks as it developed on the sea ; for water THE SCIENCE OF HISTORY. 83 was the real stage on which the Greeks first a A nd -i.-i.,-i,i.-i . ... r»i» i Argonautie exhibited their heroic spirit of daring and legends. enterprise. They were isolated, courageous pirates. Long before they formed settled inland communities, they infested the sur- rounding Asiatic shores with their predatory incursions. To bring these unruly, wild, insulated elements into order was first at- tempted on the island of Krete, under King Krete Minos, who was said to have given laws, j^derKing received directly from God, not only to Krete, but the whole of Greece. The legend runs thus : Zeus brought to Krete Europa, Zeus the the beautiful daughter of King Agenor, in ^n68° f Phoenicia, and had throe sons by her — Bhada- Minos, Ehadamanthus, and Sarpedon. Of ™ a f hus ' these, Minos became the ruler of Kr£te ; Sarpedon. Ehadamanthus installed himself as sove- reign and law-giver of the islands of the iEgean Sea ; and SarpMon was proclaimed King of Lykia. The whole tale points to immigrants from Phoenicia, who establish laws and a higher civilization amongst the barbarous islanders. Minos, the Kretan king, built ships of war, erected naval stations at Naxos and the Kyklades, gradually subjected the surround- ing islands, expelled the aboriginal Karians, and waged war against Nisus, king of Megara. He attacked the Athenians, to avenge the death of his son, Androgeus, who, attending The fate of the Panathenaic festival, vanquished all his g\* d s ™son competitors, was sent by the king of Athens, of King -^Egeus, to kill the bull of Marathon, in which Min6s ' G 2 84 THE SCIENCE OF HISTORY. enterprise he perished. Minos conquered the Athenians, and exacted from them, every ninth year, a tribute of seven youths and seven maidens. Three times these sacrifices had been sent to be devoured by the Mino- taur, a monster that dwelt in the labyrinth of Theseus Krete ; when at last Theseus resolved to free Minotaur. Athens from this sanguinary tribute, or to die. Poseid6n, Apollo, and Aphrodite (en- terprise, wisdom, and love) combined to help him ; he arrived at Knossus, where he gained Ariadne in the love of Ariadne, the daughter of Minos, 'Thlseus. wno presented him with a sword and a clue of thread ; he killed the Minotaur, found his way out of the labyrinth by means of the thread, eloped with Ariadne, whom he most heartlessly Her fate, abandoned on the island of Naxos ; stopped at Delos, where, amidst songs and dances, he sacrificed to Apollo. The dance, which he introduced with the seven youths and maidens whom he had rescued, was called Origin of " Geranus," as it was instituted in remem- reUgious brance of the labyrinth, with its mystic dance windings. The labyrinth, constructed in imi- a Gera- tation of the celebrated one at Egypt, proves the origin of a worship which must have been introduced at a very remote period into Krete from Egypt. There can be no doubt that the island of Krete was one of the oldest seats of Greek civilization, where, earlier than anywhere else, the first vigorous and inde- pendent communities, under the leadership of the most powerful, formed themselves out of the chaotic elements of the aborigines and u nus." THE SCIENCE OF HISTORY. 85 Egyptian, Phoenician, and Asiatic immi- grants. The Argonautic Expedition has for the The Ar / t ■ . °/> • j ! • j c* l\ gonautic historian so iar an interest as it lorms tne expedition. first record of a common enterprise under- taken by several Greek chiefs. Up to a character .. « / . 1 . -, i • , • i i r* °* ancient certain period m the historical records ot records. humanity we find that only the deeds of single individuals are narrated. The king is all in all ; he only acts, wages war, concludes peace, builds towns. The people are not even occasionally mentioned, and if so, they are mere herds, blindly following their leader. In the next period we generally hear of the wanderings of tribes and nations under mighty commanders, displacing one another, and replacing aborigines. The higher tribal element steps into its rights. A third period is reached, in which either single large states, or several smaller states in combination, are described as acting for some common purpose. Such records gain in value, when the common action has some higher and disinterested aim. Jason, an eminent hero, is said to have Jason, the started in a ship called "Arg6," (from which {heArg°o- the whole enterprise, received its name,) with nautic ex- fifty noble youths of Greece, in quest fP eil0U the golden fleece. Amongst his followers were Herakles, Theseus, Kastor, and Pollux, Z£tes and Kala'is (the winged sons of Boreas, the north wind), Meleager, &c, all mythical characters. There was Typhys, as steers- man ; Idmon and Mopsus were the prophets ; 86 THE SCIENCE OF HISTORY. while Orpheus came to amuse their weari- ness, and reconcile their quarrels, with his Lemnos at ^J Te - They landed first on the island of Lemnos, where they found no male beings, as the women, maddened by jealousy and suffering, had killed them all. The Argo- nauts were received with great friendliness, and the subsequent population is ascribed to the intercourse of these daring heroes with the charming inhabitants. The myth, in its probable historical element, is but an account of the occupation of the island by the Greeks. Myths of this kind have always some reality for their basis, and historians are permitted to exercise their critical in- genuity, and to trace the possible or probable facts, hidden in such accounts. The Ar- From Lemnos the Argonauts proceed along pa^the * ne coas ^ °f Thrace, up the Hellespont, to coast of the southern coast of Propontis ; they have to pass rocks that shut and open ; allegori- cally meaning some dangerous straits ; for it is stated that after the Argonauts cut through them, the rocks were fixed for ever by the gods, and ships could in future sail to and They fro. At last they reach Kolchis, and demand Koichis. ^ ne golden fleece, guarded by a terrible dragon. Medea, the king's daughter, falls in love with Jas6n, helps him to kill the dragon, and to obtain the coveted prize of the golden fleece. Jason escapes with all his companions, protected by Medea, whom he carries away as his bride. On their return, the Argonauts are driven into the ocean, which THE SCIENCE OF HISTORY. 87 flows round the earth, till they come to T . he ? tne JNile, m Jigypt, carrying the Argo navigate on their shoulders overland into the lake J^own 11 Tritonis, in Lybia, whence they again en- earth. ter the Mediterranean, and stop at Korkyra, where the cave, in which Medea and Jason were married, was still shown in the times of the historian Timseus, 1,679 years ago. The phosphorescence of the sea is referred to in the account of a miracle that occurred when they were overtaken by a terrible storm at night near Thera, and Apollo shot from his golden bow an arrow that pierced the waves like a track of light. From Krete they go to .ZEgina, and passing along the coast of Eubcea and Lokris, arrive at Kol- chis, from whence they started. The whole myth thus resolves itself into a narrative of a voyage round the then known world, in which the fabulous plays a considerable part. To look for, or to identify the different How to towns, islands, and nationalities mentioned in treat such these myths, would be mere waste of time, though many ancient and modern writers have endeavoured to trace all these places. Strabo, one of the most reliable Greek geo- The Greek graphers, born at Amasea, in Kappadokia geographer (about sixty years before the Christian era), was confident that he had discovered the his- torical facts of the Argonautic expedition. The golden fleece was typical of the great wealth of Kolchis, and the voyage of Jason was a successful military and commercial conquest over vast territories, not less in Theban legend 88 THE SCIENCE OF HISTORY. extent than those which, long before, Dionysus and Herakles had subdued, and which, at a later historical period, Alexander the Great, in imitation of these and similar exploits, recorded also of Nimrod, Semiramis, Perseus, &c, had traversed. The different accounts served to inspire each of these heroes to outdo, in the extent of their conquests, their mythical or historical predecessors. The We must next mention the Boeotians, with their capital, Thebes, of which Kadmus, a Phoenician, is stated to have been the founder (1490 B.C.). Dionysus and Herakles were both said to have been natives of Thebes. Homer and others assert that Amphion and Zethus were the first builders of that celebrated town. Some scholiasts, or com- mentators, to explain these discrepancies, assumed an older Thebes, which was Kadmus, invaded, destroyed, and rebuilt by Kadmus. Amphion, Apollodorus, and other more reliable logo- Zethus. graphers (writers of legends) and mytho- graphers (writers of myths), insist on the assertion that Kadmus, after having travelled through Egypt, Lybia, Phoenicia, and Thrakia, went to Delphi, to receive some in- formation about his abducted sister, Europa (see above), and was ordered by the divine oracle to desist from any further search, but to follow a cow which he would meet, and to build a city on the spot where the animal should lie down. He did this, and built Thebes on the very spot which the cow indicated. He was the first to introduce THE SCIENCE OF HISTORY. 89 the art of writing, by teaching his people the sixteen letters of the Phoenician alphabet. We may see in this myth an attempt to de- scribe the transition from a nomadic and pastoral state into an agricultural town- settlement. The myth tells us further, The that, near the. spot where Kadmus built ^* am Thebes, was the fountain Areia, guarded by guarded a dragon which he had first to kill, ere he ^ a * could settle down. Translated into a his- torical probability, this account means, that the immigrants had to clear the ground from wild animals and ferocious aborigines. For it is further stated that, after having killed the dragon, Kadmus sowed its teeth, from which armed men sprang up, called Sparti, who killed each other. Five only survived, from whom the most influential families of Thebes were said to have been descended. Kadmus, when old, installed Pentheus, a Pentheus, descendant of one of these five survivors, as ceL^of his successor. During his reign, Dionysus, Kadmus. the god of wine, at the head of an excited troop of females, having wandered over India, Asia, and Thrace, everywhere introducing the Bacchic mysteries, settled at Thebes. Pen- theus opposed the frantic and licentious worship of the god. He followed Agave, his mother, and her sisters to Mount Kithoeron, where they intended to perform the secret rites in honour of Bacchus ; he was recognized watching them, and torn to pieces by the religiously demented women ; his mother ^ ible carrying her own slaughtered son's head back fate. 90 THE SCIENCE OF HISTORY. to the town. When the aged Kadmus, and his wife Harmonia, saw the terrible deed of fana- tic superstition, they retired amongst the Illy- rians, and died broken hearted. The myth, however, states, in an allegorical strain, that they were changed into serpents, and trans- ferred to the Elysian fields of eternal peace. The legend I n connection with the foundation of Lyku^and Thebes we have another legend, that of Dirke. King Lykus and his wife Dirk£, who most Antiope, cruelly treated Antiope, daughter of King two sons. Nykteus, of Thebes, celebrated for her beauty, and mother of Amphion and Zethus. Enraged at this, her two sons murdered the king, and tied Dirk£ to the horns of a bull, and had her dragged to death. The myth appears to have been written to forcibly impress sons with their filial duties towards their defenceless mothers. Euripides drama- tized the event in one of his best, but Character unhappily lost, tragedies. Amphion is de- Amphion. scribed as dreamy, musical, refined, and a great artist, who moved the very stones to such obedience with his lyre, that they arranged themselves into order, forming a strong wall round Thebes. The historian can but read in this myth an allegorical statement with regard to the civilizing influence of music, and the necessity of following a kind of harmonious order in architecture if we intend to construct regular Character walls. Zethus, on the contrary, was sketched of Zethus. ag ^ e re p resen tative of wild and indomitable brute force — a striking contrast to his brother; THE SCIENCE OF HISTORY. 91 yet both were united in one uncontrollable feeling — love for their injured and suffering mother. Amphion and Zethus were succeeded on the throne of Thebes by La'ius, with whom begins ^™« , the harrowing tale of (Edipus, his son, of (Edipus, whom the oracle predicted, that " he would Msson - kill his father, and marry his own mother." In consequence of this prophecy, (Edipus was Theconse- barbarously exposed on Mount Kithoeron. ^ nces ° f Found by shepherds, he was brought to the prophecy King of Korinthum, who adopted him as his (Edipus. son, and had him educated. When grown up, he was anxious to know his destiny. He went to consult the oracle, who repeated to him the same prophecy. Horrified at his future, and believing Korinthum to be the place, where he would be obliged to commit the fearful crimes, GEdipus fled to Bceotia, where he met, in directing his steps towards Thebes, an old quarrelsome man, whom he killed in a fit of passion. This man was his father, King Laius. The neighbourhood of Thebes The _ was at that time infested by a Sphinx, with a s^hiix woman's face, the wings of a bird, and the ?£ar body of a lion. The Sphinx gave riddles to solve to those who passed by, and devoured everyone who did not succeed in guessing the mystic meaning of the questions. When (Edipus passed by, the Sphinx asked, " What is that that creeps in the morning on four, at noon on two, and in the evening on three legs?" "Man" was the correct answer of (Edipus. The Sphinx disappeared, and 9*2 THE SCIENCE OF HISTOKY. ceased to terrify the neighbourhood of Meaning Thebes. Read by the light of common Sphinx, sense, the Sphinx stands for the monster of superstition and prejudice, which vanishes as soon as man touches it with his reason- ing power. Phantoms, ghosts, monsters, sphinxes, and miracles can only so long devour us, till we take the trouble to inquire into their reality by means of our intellect. The myth of CEdipus, shrouded in horror and incredibilities, yet embodies one of the deep- est lessons, which every historian ought to take to heart. The historian must continually try to unravel the Sphinx of the past, solve the riddles of ignorant writers, dispel the false- hoods of credulous witnesses, the concoctions of biassed chroniclers, and can never be too careful in the use of the sifting and critical powers of reason. For having freed Thebes from the cruel freed mg Sphinx, CEdipus was proclaimed king, and Thebes, he married Jokaste, the queen, his mother, ful- ling, filling the prophecy. Though his crimes were predestined, and committed in utter ignorance, they were visited on him and his children. The superstitious belief of the father in oracles and prophecies drove the son from his home. The son, fostered in similar superstitions, had recourse to an oracle, believed in its warning voice, and committed the very crimes which he wished to avoid. be°iearn d ^ ie tragic fate of CEdipus, who, in learn- from the ing what crimes he had committed, deprived THE SCIENCE OF HISTORY. 93 himself of his eyesight ; the restless despair myth con- and penitence of the wandering old man ; the Spul love of his two daughters, who do not for- sake their broken-hearted father, formed the topic of many a tragedy. The myth served to purify the mind of the people, and created in them a beneficial horror of crimes, perpe- trated even in ignorance, and impressed them with the truth, that the eternal law of causa- tion must have its course. What tragedians call fate, priests name providence, and com- mon people chance, is but the natural sequence of the disturbed state of man's moral and intellectual forces. With these sketches we conclude the pre- End of the Homeric period of Greek legendary life. It J^ric " was the good fortune of the people, that period of they never had a special priest-caste, like legends - the Indians, Egyptians, Jews, and Persians, arrogating to itself all knowledge, human and divine. The Greeks very early enjoyed freedom in thoughts, and therefore freedom of action, and occupied themselves with writing down in a poetical form the deeds of those whom they considered the founders of their different states, and the first heroes of their historical childhood. Greek history, like that of all other people, Greek was in the beginning exclusively mythical the * 7 at biography, legendary genealogy \ and arbitrary beginning. chronology. Every hero had a god for his father or mother. Miraculous incidents abounded, and even the probable was mixed with the fabulous. The language used in 94 THE SCIENCE OF HISTORY. these histories was the rhythmical language of fiction, poetry being preferred, as a means to record isolated as well as more compli- Lyrics and cated events. These lyric or epic effusions Epics. anc [ historical records were, from time im- memorial sung or publicly recited, for the edification of kings, leaders, heroes, and often also for the instruction of the people. Not only water and earth, but also music and poetry were the elements from which Greek life originated. On Mount Olympus resounded the first hymns of the Greeks, sung by bards, who at the same time were the teachers, historians, philosophers, and physicians of the people. Necessity We possess a whole list of pre- Homeric in S wi!atis ty™? didactic, and epic poets, of whom we recorded of will enumerate the most important. The poets nt student of History must not ignore, but ought to study them, as the very works attributed to them afford us a deep insight into the primitive social organization of the Greeks, as the fundamental elements of their further historical development. The most important pre-Homeric bards, poets, and singers, were: — Linus. 1. Linus, said to have been the brother or teacher of Orpheus ; he was also set down as the teacher of Herakles, by whom he was killed with the lyre or kythara. An account of the origin of the world was attributed to him, as also poems, recording the movements of the stars, the mystic phases of the moon, and a description of the wanderings and THE SCIENCE OF HISTORY. 95 adventures of Dionysus. To fix the real existence of this poet is quite impossible, as there were several bards of that name at different periods. 2. Orpheus, born in Thrakia, the son of Orpheus. (Eagrus and the muse Kalliope (the genius of poetry and science), lived about 1,250 years before the Christian era. He travelled in Egypt, was initiated into the mysteries of Osiris, Isis, and Horus ; came back to Bceotia, led a virtuous life, and tried to promote the civilization of his countrymen through songs and poetical recitations. He taught higher religious tenets by purifying the ancient creeds from superstition and cruel prejudices; he was well versed in medicine, was believed to have resuscitated many dead persons, and descended into Tartarus (the abode of the dead), whence he returned, leading many, who had long passed away, to a new and happy earthly life. Orpheus took part in the Argonautic expedi- tion, returned home, and was torn to pieces by Thrakian women. There are several works extant under his The name, but how far they were written by ^jf himself, or by Onomakritos, or the Pytha- attributed g orseans, Kerkops and Brotinos, it would be t0 m ' impossible to state. The most important works attributed to Orpheus are : — {a.) Argonautica, originally written in the («■) ^go- Doric dialect, but as the poem is clearly an imitation of Homer's Iliad, it is falsely nautica. 96 THE SCIENCE OF HISTORY. Hymns. (c.) Lithi- ca. (d.) Frag- ments. German writers on Orpheus and his mysteries. Olen. attributed to Orpheus. The account of the expedition is dry and tedious, taken down from some oral tradition. (b.) Hymns, about 85 in number ; they betray, in spite of their mystic contents, Pythagorsean, and even Stoic principles, and cannot possibly be genuine. (c.) Lithica, a philosophical poem in 768 verses, on the secret and magic powers of precious, and other stones. The poem, though attributed to Orpheus, is not older than the fourth century after Christ. (d.) Fragments, published under his name, betraying a state of society entirely differing from that of the times of Orpheus, and there- fore undoubtedly apocryphal. The most reliable works on Orpheus, his times and mysteries, are nearly all written by Germans, either in Latin or German. Those in Latin are by Buddeus, Brucker, Beck, and Hermann ; those in German by Herder, Tennemann, and Bottiger. 3. Olen, from Lykia, settled on the island of Delos, sang an account of the origin of religion. He was considered to have lived long before Orpheus, to have been a Hyper- borean, and the first priest consecrated to Phoebus Apollo — the sun-god. Herodotus mentions Olen (iv. 35,) as a Lykian, who composed a song in honour of two Hyper- borean virgins, Ojois and Arge, who came to Delos with the gods, and introduced the different modes of worship in honour of them. Olen was also credited with the composition THE SCIENCE OF HISTORY. 97 of several ancient hymns which were in use for religious purposes at Delos. (See Bern- hardy, u Memoires de FAcademie des Inscrip- tions, vol. iv.) 4. Pamphus gave the Athenians some sacri- pamphus. ficial hymns of rather doubtful taste, accord- ing to the specimens given by Philostratus Flavius, the elder, a celebrated orator, who lived in the second century after Christ, and published a work under the title, " Heroika," a record of the Troj an war. (The i i Heroika " were published at Paris by Boissonade, 1806.) 5. Eumolpus, from Thrakia, of divine Eumoipus. origin, a son of Neptune and Cheone", lived at Eleusis, and instituted the. Eleusian mysteries in Attika. His person is mythic, and his writings and institutions full of alle- gorical and symbolic mysticism, bearing on them the stamp of plagiarism from Egyptian and Indian older customs. We may assume one celebrated Eumolpus, of whom little or nothing is known, and several other writers who arrogated to themselves his name, a custom very prevalent in the East. (See Bernhardy, " Memoires de FAcademie des Inscriptions," vol. vi.) 6. Amphion, the son of Zeus and Antiope ; Amphion. he was king of Thebes, and husband of Niobe, a daughter of Tantalus. Amphion received his lyre directly from Apollo or Hermes, and lived, according to some, at the times of Kadmus. Clement of Alexandria treats him as fabulous, whilst Apollodorus gives him credit for having introduced music. H 98 THE SCIENCE OF HISTORY. (See " Memoires de l'Academie," vols, ii., vii., xi., xiii., and xiv.) Phiiam- 7. Philammon, also of divine origin, the mon - son of Apollo and Cheon§, according to Ovid, whilst Homer mentions Philonis as his mother. He sang the Origin of Latona (night), Apollo (light), and Artemis (chas- tity), and instituted at Delphi the chorus of virgins, singing hymns in honour of Apollo. According to some writers he took part in the Argonautic expedition instead of Orpheus. (See Bernhardy and Burette, " Memoires de 1'Academie," vols. xiii. and xiv.) Tamyris. 8. Tamyris, a son of Philammon, dared to vie with the Muses, but was conquered, blinded, and deprived of his poetical faculty. A spirited description of the struggle of the gods with the Titans was ascribed to him. Pliny tells us that he was the first who played the kythara by itself in a masterly way, and did not use it as a mere accompani- ment of a song or recitation. Piems. 9. Pierus. Cicero mentioned him as the poet who gave the Muses their names, and sang their praises. We may point. out that, according to this record, Pierus appears to have been the first to classify the sciences and arts of the Greeks and to divide them into distinct categories. He mentions Muses of history, comedy, tragedy, astronomy, music, lyrics, epics, &c, which goes far to prove the advanced state of intellectual life amongst the Greeks, even in pre-Homeric times. THE SCIENCE OF HISTORY. 99 10. Anthes is mentioned by Pausanias as a Anthes. son of Neptune and Alkyone\ Many spirited hymns were attributed to him. (On the last three poets, see Burette, in " Memoires de l'Academie," vols. xi. and xiv.) 11. Mklampus, the celebrated wizard, pro- Meiampue. phet, and miracle- worker, was said to have understood the language of all animals, which meant, probably, that he was a great naturalist, studying the habits and nature of animals. The introduction of the wor- ship of Dionysus from Egypt into Greece was ascribed to him. He wrote also mournful hymns in commemoration of Persephone (the goddess of vegetation), which confirms the statement that he was a zoologist as well as a botanist. 12. Phemius, according to Herodotus, mar- Phemius. ried Kritlieis, the mother of Homer, and adopted the poet as his own son. He settled in lthaka, and amused the suitors of Penelope with his songs, and his playing on the kythara. To him is ascribed a poem record- ing the return of the Greeks, under Aga- memnon, after the destruction of Trov. 13. Demodokus, from Korkyra, the bard Demodo- of king Alkinous, was blind. He sang of the destruction of Troy to Odysseus, and wrote a poem describing the marriage of Hephaestus and Aphrodite (the god of fire with the goddess of love). (See Homer in the Odyssee, and Suidas, an important histori- Suidas. cal writer of the eleventh century after Christ, who, though too often imaginative, is h2 100 THE SCIENCE OF HISTORY. full of curious information which is not to be found in other books. The works of Suidas were published by Gaisford, London, 1834. Suidas asserts that Demodokus was the first Greek poet who left his works in writing. ) Musams. 14. Musjeus, according to Diodorus Siculus, was a son of Orpheus. Of this name there were, however, two poets, and even the ancients could not distinguish them, and con- tinually confounded the one of E leu sis with the Musseus of Athens. They left many works, and either one or the other is said to have been largely used by Homer in his poems, though we can find no proof for this asser- tion. Musseus is described as a mystic and very learned thinker, w T ho endeavoured to unite poetry with philosophy, and was deeply engaged in the study of the hidden forces of nature. A poem treatiug of the love-story of Hero and Leander, in 341 verses, is ascribed to him, but is far too refined and elaborate to be placed earlier than the fourth or fifth century after Christ; it is a rather overdone, yet spirited imitation, of Homer's style. (See Freret, in the " Memoires de l'Academie," vol. xxiii.) Palaepha- 15. Pal^ephatus, of Athens, wrote several tU8, poems, especially one describing the struggle between Poseidon and Pallas (Minerva) for the supremacy over Athens. (See Suidas,) Asbqius. 16. Asbolus, said to have been a Kentaur (half-horse and half man). It is recorded that Herakles crucified him, and pinned to THE SCIENCE OF HISTORY. 101 his body an epigram, ridiculing the poor Kentaurs attempt at poetry. 17. Olympus was more a musician than o'ympus. poet, but a funeral song of his is mentioned. 18. Thaletas is assumed to have written Thaietas long before Homer. At the same time, how- ever, it is recorded of him that Lykurgus, having heard some of his songs at Krete, sent him to Sparta to instruct the youth, and influence the people with his excellent moral principles. 19. Syagrus sang the Trojan war. He Syagrus. was a contemporary of Musseus and Orpheus, which is a very vague statement, as the date of neither is known. 20. Palamedes was the son of the Euboean Pdia- Nauplias and of Klymene, daughter of King medes - Katreus. He perished before Troy, on the siege of which he wrote, but Homer, actuated by envy, suppressed his poems, though the poets of Kyprus, according to Pausanias, had accepted them as full of merit. (See Suidas.) 21. KORINNUS, of Ilium, a pupil of Pala- Korinnus. medes, is said to have written an Iliad during the Trojan war. (See Suidas.) 22. Pittheus, the grandfather of Theseus, pittheus. wrote many wise sayings and excellent pro- verbs much valued by the ancients, but we possess nothing of his, and Pausanias doubts whether many poems ascribed to Pittheus were ever written by him. 28. Pronapides, the teacher of Homer, Pron* P i- was the first to write Greek from the left to des * . 102 THE SCIENCE OF HISTORY. His work the right. It is recorded of him that he had dk>s. written a poem " On the origin of the world," under the title, " Protokosmos." Sisiphus. 24. Sisiphus, of Kos, was amanuensis to Teuker, who wrote an Iliad before Homer. (See for further and more detailed informa- 5 T> , tion, Dr. Graesse's " Manual of General His- work on tory of Literature of all the Known People Sw f of the World ," one of the most exhaustive History ot i • n i i r Literature, works on the intellectual development of humanity.) Myths and This is a complete list of the most im- oation Pph " P or tant pre-Homeric writers, who formed the sources from which historians col- lected their information during the heroic period of Greece. These cosmogonies, myths, hymns, &c, are undoubtedly valuable re- cords of Greek customs, manners, politi- cal and religious laws ; the movements of the first settlers ; the deeds of so-called demigods, heroes, kings, and leaders ; the actions of warlike tribes ; the Argonautic Expedition, that of the Seven before Thebes; the mythic origin of the Kretans under Minos, and so on. These poetical records with very few fragmentary exceptions, are all lost ; but in those which remain, the dry historical facts which imagination used for its complex visions are perceptible, and, however much they may be wrapped up in We may the miraculous and mythical, we must en- historical deavour, as far as possible, to reconstruct this facts by chaotic period of Greek historv in reading means of . ■, -, x n -• v TT . -, analogies, them by means ot analogies. We may thus THE SCIENCE OF HISTORY. 103 discover in pre-Homeric times an era of ethnical, lingual, religious, moral, and politi- cal fermentation, in which nothing was yet firmly settled, but in which the active pro- cess of the isolated and detached compon- ent elements, growing into a self-conscious national State-body, can be distinctly traced. " For, beyond all other nations, the Greeks attained their form by growth." The first m> thic and pre-Homeric phase of Greek culture is the subjugation of the inherent The sub- tribal and individual distinctness of charac- afferent ters, which was accomplished in a free and national- independent spirit. No historian can have even a dim conception of the development of a nation, who discards the component parts of aboriginal and foreign elements in the slow and gradual formation of a people. Every nation that has played an influential role in the history of the world, has had its origin in the most heterogeneous stocks. This hetero- geneity, changing by the efforts of the dif- ferent particles into homogeneity, was the principal characteristic of the pre-Homeric age. This period was a transition from the half-conscious dawn of national life into the broad davli^ht of self-conscious historical reality. This reality of Greek history began with the siege and conquest of Troy, about 119;3~1183 B.C. A spirited description of this historical The siege incident has been left to us by an epic poet, the immortal Homer, whose fidelity has been often doubted, but whose poems 104 THE SCIENCE OF HISTORY. are more reliable, being based on facts, than many a history written in dry prose. The principal charm of his works lies in the true realism that pervades them. All arts, even the plastic ones, all religious, moral, social, and political customs of the Greeks may be seen reflected in Homer's two historical master- pieces of epic poetry. For more than 2,700 years (assuming Homer to have lived 900 years before the Christian era) the " Iliad" The and the "Odyssee" have formed a living " Ilia , d " stream of mythic and heroic tradition, which and the i -i -i • , ■ • n • ,i -i , "Odyssee" held its vivifying course through ancient times, and still flows through all the regions of the West as the very source of our classical education and all our higher intellectual culture. Every historian must be, to a certain degree, an epic poet ; but with this distinction, Epic poets that to the poet a greater freedom of subjective 5?. d . . imagination is permitted, whilst the historian Historians. s> . Jtr ■ ? . has to trace his well authenticated facts with objective fidelity. Both, however, have to look upon the deeds of men with a universal glance of unbounded and impartial love, "for there can be no comprehensive culture of the human mind, no high and harmonious de- velopment of its powers, and the various faculties of the intellect, unless all those deep feelings of life, that mighty productive energy of human nature, the marvellous imagination, be awakened and excited, and by that excite- ment and exertion attain an expansive, noble, and beautiful form." (See Frederic SchlegeFs " History of Philosophy," translated into THE SCIENCE OF HISTORY. 105 English by James Burton Robertson, London, 1846.) The principal merit of the Homeric poems T} ? e j i i • ' j r j i • • principal is that, m spite ot some supernatural mci- merit of dents, which strike us at once as poetical Homer ' s n . . t , • , • • ■ i • 'n poems. fancies, a wise distinction is maintained between inordinate Oriental fictions, and the purer creations of a reasoning and well- balanced mind. Homer excels in all those grand qualities which ought to distinguish a poet and a historian. He is clear in his views of the causes of man's actions ; he is a keen observer of human passions ; he bases the relations of society on man's exalted moral feelings with an intuitive perception of his real nature. This is the reason why Homer's poetry may be looked* upon as a text-book of truth and honesty for humanity, without dividing it into quarrelling, hating, and persecuting sects. The Iliad is a prophetic mirror in which T ^ e the later history of Greece was reflected long prophetic before it ever was enacted. Hellas, having ™ irr ° r of attained self-consciousness through freedom, history. prepared to enter into a struggle with her Oriental tyrannical rival. At the beginning the independent heroes dissent, quarrel, ex- change angry words, threaten to leave the common cause, till they discover that union union is alone is strength, and that right and truth strength. ought to stand above individual fancies and animosities. Thus they mastered Troy, and thus they conquered the East. The union, cemented amongst the single leaders before 106 THE SCIENCE OF HISTORY. Through Homer we may learn the customs and manners of the Greeks. The historical hasisof the Siege of Troy. Causes of the war. the walls of Troy by their anger against the common foe, was extended at a later period to the separated states which com- bined in common hatred against the Oriental spirit of autocratic despotism. Homer does not restrict himself to describe in his poems merely the deeds of mighty heroes ; he enters, at the same time, into a detailed treatment of the customs and man- ners, not only of single individuals, but of whole communities. The social and political life of the Greeks, their mode of living, eating, drinking, talking, playing, praying, cursing, sacrificing, sporting, fighting, loving, and hating, is so impressively given that we see the noble figures of all the actors before us in spirit and body. The masses of the people are not yet self-conscious agents, but they must have possessed a high degree of civilization to have interested themselves in the honourable deeds of their leaders, and to have followed them blindly, because they could trust them, on the path of rectitude, valour, and honesty. The strict histoiical basis of the account of the Siege and destruction of Troy can no longer be doubted. Whatever post-Homeric poets may have added, omitted, or changed in the two poems, the principal fact of a wealthy Ilium or Troy having existed, and having perished through the combined efforts of Greek heroes, and their followers, is the common property of poetry and history. Paris, the son of Priam, king of Troy, was, like the sons of so many other kings, THE SCIENCE OF HISTORY. 107 lawgivers, prophets, and miraculous persons, Paris expose I, in this special case, on Mount Ida, ex P osed - because his mother Hekabe" dreamt before his birth that she would be delivered of a firebrand, and the soothsayers prophesied that he would cause endless misery to his father. He was brought up by shepherds, and when a youth was met by the three god- desses of matrimony, wisdom, and love, that he might judge, which of them was the most beautiful. He gave the prize, in the shape The of an apple, to the goddess of " love," and, SpS* as a reward, the divinity promised him the possession of the beautiful Helen, wife of Mene- laus, king of Sparta. At the very beginning of the historical record we are taught to appre- ciate the eternal laws of morals, winch not even a Deity can violate, without causing the most terrible social and political convulsions. The catastrophe, ending in the destruction A Deity of Troy, was brought about by a goddess Jj 6 ^* 1156 through illicit love. Paris set out on his catastro- criminal undertaking. He arrived at Sparta, p e * was hospitably received by the king, and re- . paid his kindness by absconding with Helen, Sparta. the wife of his host, and a great part of his treasure. To a criminal passion, ingratitude and sordid theft were added. A monstrous crime was committed by a prince of royal descent, and the wrong done to one of the community was suddenly felt as an outrage on the whole nation. This sentiment was the very beginning of political freedom and historical self-conscious vitality. 108 THE SCIENCE OF HISTORY. The Siege For ten years the Greeks prepared for this roy " national expedition; and for ten more they sac- rificed the peace, comfort, wealth, and blood of the people, and their very best heroes, not to revenge themselves, but to see justice done, with the help of the gods, and if destined otherwise, even against the gods. For it was quite natural that Aphrodite, the goddess who induced Paris to commit his crimes, should protect her faithful votary. At first, the Greeks were not victorious ; they were repulsed, and learned to respect their enemies, and in them all those humane qualities in which they themselves strove to excel. Men in the Iliad fought with men The moral for a higher moral purpose, and not to fulfil the P ° "the commands of 134 THE SCIENCE OF HISTORY. peace. The highest as well as the lowest officials were responsible to the citizens. Their actions could be censured in the public assemblies; and, even from their verdict in legal matters there was an appeal to the general assemblies of the people. Oligarchs, aristocrats, landed proprietors, and the people were thus united. The common safety of the state and individual freedom were the firm basis on which all classes could work for their mutual happiness. To check the restlessness of the citizens, and to protect the state from sudden changes, Solon endowed the supreme council, the The Areopagus, with the superintendence both of reopagus. ^ e people and the officials. -The Areopagus was a kind of high court of appeal. Every citizen who had been invested with some of the highest administrative offices in the state, and had discharged his duties well, had a right to enter the Areopagus. Wisdom and virtue were the distinguishing characteris- tics of this body, in which all the best moral and intellectual forces of the people were concentrated. Solon's Throughout all the periods of the historical attempt to-, , . n -, x . . . balance development oi humanity m ancient times, the forces we £ nc [ n0 where so wise and perfect an at- working in . . humanity, tempt at an adjustment of the forces working in humanity, as in the legislation of Solon. The spirited people undoubtedly represented the dynamic, whilst the Areopagus was the embodiment of the static force, and Athens never stood higher, than during the short THE SCIENCE OF HISTORY. 135 period, in which these two forces were per- fectly balanced. To accomplish this balanc- ing of the two forces, Solon thought it necessary to separate the administration of justice from the political government of the state. Each of the two forces acting in mankind must be free, or they will often counteract one another, and produce terrible convulsions in the state-body. By severing justice from politics, Solon freed the moral force from accidental, varying influences. Public assemblies, in which passions may be aroused, are not proper tribunals for the calm deliberation of grave, legal matters, affecting the life, honour, and property of citizens, jurors or He therefore ordered that the Archons only lJlk:asts - should possess the right to indict citizens, and that all cases should be left then to the jurors or dikasts. He distinguished between various criminal offences. For murder, he maintained the laws of Drako in their full severity, and entrusted the Areopagus with their application. In cases of manslaughter, he placed the decision in the hands of the jurors. The laws of Solon, whatever the later additions to them may have been, un- doubtedly contained the fundamental princi- ples of the best possible constitution, full of genuine vitality. Solon says, in one of his Soionon short fragments still extant, " I gave to the |^° wn people as much strength as was required for their needs, without augmenting or dimin- ishing their dignity. I took care that no unworthy treatment should be reserved to 136 THE SCIEXCE OF HISTORY. The land- question. Encour- agement of industry. Prohibi- tive system. those who possessed power and were known for their wealth. I stood with a strong 1 shield cast over both parties, so as to allow no unjust triumph to either." In this at- tempt to establish a just balance between the forces acting on humanity, historians will find the cause of the extraordinary effect which Solon's legislation had on the destinies of Athens. Solon regulated the land-question, annul- ling the seignorial rights of the landlords. He gave commercial laws, regulating exports and imports. In consequence of the vast immigration of foreigners into Attika, he encouraged artisans and manufacturers, and granted the rights of a citizen to all those, who carried on some industrial profession. Ho had everyone punished by the Areopagus who had no course of regular labour to support him. The family was to be so constituted, as to further industry, and he decreed that, if a father had not taught his son some art or profession, the son was to be released from all obligation to support the father in his old age. He desired, that the trade with foreign countries should consist principally in products of art and manufacture, and not in raw material. We find in Solon's enactments the first traces of a prohibitive system, which in his time was excusable, and which has been applied by England, the continental powers of Europe, America, and Asia, with more or less benefit. We find points in Solon's laws THE SCIENCE OF HISTORY. 137 which cannot fail to forcibly remind e very- student of History, of what we have called the oneness of man's social, political, and religious condition. Solon was the first to give the head of a Testampn- family the power of superseding by free ^/ ^ S])0 testamentary disposition, the often disputed or doubtful rights of relations. He forbade the sale of daughters and sisters ; a law, , proving that the Oriental notion of looking on females as mere property, existed in Greece, and required counteraction. We have mentioned above that he simplified re- ligious ceremonies; he also forbade profuse demonstrations of sorrow for the dead, the Demon- singing of dirges, specially composed for : JS2JS funerals, and costly sacrifices. He forbade evil-speaking, whether of the dead or of the living. In all the laws of Solon, a spirited endeavour to give such enactments, as might be improved in detail, without losing their general character, is clearly evident. This will account for the fact, that many laws of Laws a later date were ascribed to Solon. The ^ameoV double object of exalting a wise man, and Solon. lending importance to the legislation of later generations, led, as in poetry, to fraudulent attempts to pass laws under the name of a known, or even altogether mythical, authority. Solon lived at a time, when old ideas had Transition become obsolete, and the new had not yet ^™^ taken root in the convictions of the people. Solon. It was therefore necessary that the old insti- tutions should not be virtually abolished, but 138 THE SCIENCE OF HISTOKY. slowly transformed, to give the people every opportunity to carry on the work of their progressive civilization. Industry, the prac- tice of arts, the culture of sciences, courage and patriotism, were the manifestations of Meansof the dynamic force working in humanity, dynamic which Solon tried to develop, balanced by forced 10 P^ e ty> justice, the restraint of our wild pas- sions, and peace, as the static elements. In this he succeeded so far that we may look upon his legislation in principle, as the model of a democratic constitution. The great German historian of Greece, Ernst Curtius (whose works have been translated into Differ- English), calls Solon's laws "the most per- between feet products of an artistically developed Solon's legislation." To free man was the aim of laws and , .° . those of nis enactments. JN early all the Oriental omental lawgivers attempted the very contrary. legislators. Manu, Zoroaster, and Moses endeavoured to rule humanity, not by general laws, which are the common good of humanity, but by special and detailed regulations, that produced moral, social, and political petri- factions, which remained immovable for thousands of years. Pliable and vigorous vitality was the characteristic distinction of Solon's laws. Solon To give greater force to his laws, Solon made . Dictator, had himself elected first Archon by the Eupatrids, and was invested with full powers as peacemaker and legislator. He had his laws written down and affixed to wooden triangular and square prisms, revolving round THE SCIENCE OF HISTORY. 139 a central pole, so that they could be easily read by the people. For ten years the laws were to remain in force, to test their bene- ficial influence. During this period Solon Sow* travelled, and visited Egypt, where he had friendly intercourse with the Egyptian priests, Sonchis of Sais, and Psenophis of Heliopolis. Thence he went to Kyprus ; and, it was further asserted, that he visited the Lydian King, Krcesus at Sardis. The details of these travels may be more or less reliable, but one thing is certain — the real history of the Greeks began with Solon. It was in his time that poetry gave way to prose, that epic poems were changed into historical narra- tives, that the imaginative mythic element was superseded by more sober records of facts, that history was inaugurated first by logographs and subsequently by genuine historians. Greece was exceptionally the country in Greece the which the art of writing and studying His- the^evei^ tory could powerfully develop and produce opment of models of historical composition which are hlstor y* not yet surpassed. A historian can only reach excellence if he has made himself thoroughly acquainted with Greek historio- graphy. We have endeavoured to show, in the laws of Lykurgus and Solon, the general causes which led to a historical consciousness in the Greeks. The more direct causes were Direct the following :- _ Sttori- (a.) The Greeks never had a special c ai devei- • j_ i \ i- i 'ii opment of priest-caste. Arts and sciences were with the Greeks. 140 THE SCIENCE OF HISTOEY. them never the exclusive property of some privileged persons. (b.) The democratic laws which made the citizens partakers in the administration of their country. This encouraged inquiry and publicity. The facts affecting the common weal were common to all, interested all, and served as precedents to guide later genera- tions in their social and political conduct. Wh y The Greek historians attained their excel- historians lcnce because they were often themselves the excelled, principal actors in, and therefore the best and most reliable witnesses of, the occur- rences which they described. The Greeks very early possessed, through poetry, a highly developed, cultivated, and pliable language, which was well adapted for prose. The Greeks, living in a free state, could tell the truth without fear. They had no reasons for giving to their narrations any more colouring than that of the individual ob- server; and, as such observers and historians were constantly controlled by that thousand- eyed Argus, the people, they could not well have distorted truth, even had they felt in- clined to do so. The Greeks, when they had once left the poetical myths, based on dim recollections of the past, devoted them- selves to the study of man as man, and pur- sued that study in arts and sciences with an unwearied perseverance and love. Greek his- At first their history was mere biography. first mere We may trace the earliest attempts at histori- Wography C al prose-writing to Ionia. These consisted THE SCIENCE OF HISTORY. 141 of the songs of the cyclical poets in prose, succeeded by tables of the genealogies of gods and principal heroes. The compilers of the latter, however, did not venture to assert that such registers were sacred parts of their religion, as some Jewish- Christians, outdoing the very Jews, have asseverated with reference to the genealo- gical records of the Old Testament. The Greeks looked upon such compositions as feeble attempts to register family names, with here and there some detached facts, at a period, when writers and people did not yet possess sufficient critical discernment to enable them to distinguish between truth and falsehood. History was in the stage of mere logography — a compilation of incoher- ent facts and legends. We give the most important logographers The in order that our readers may obtain a clear P rinci i> al insight into the development of Greek His- pheWot tory from epics, lyrics, logographs, and Greece - chronicles to real History. 1. Kadmus, from Miletus, is mentioned as Kadmus. the first prose writer in the sixth century, B.C. He must not be confounded with the mythical Kadmus (see above), the founder of Thebes. Kadmus, the logographer, wrote a historical sketch of Miletus and Ionia. 2. Theagenes, of Ehegium, who probably Th lived in the reign of Kambyses, was the first n ® s - to write on Homer in prose. He treated the works of that poet and those of Hesiod as conveying a double meaning, and specially eage- 142 THE SCIENCE OF HISTORY. endeavoured to explain the allegorical sig- nification of the battle of the gods in the Iliad. .tiiijreon, 3. Of EtJGEON, PoLYZELUS, and DeIOCHUS, Poiyzeius, little more than their names is known ; they chus. lived before the Peloponnesian war, and are referred to by later historians. Eudemus, 4. Eudemus, of Parus, and Akusilaus, of of Parus, Argos, have left us fragments of great inter- ims, of US1 " est, attempting to trace the historical parts Argos. Jjq Homer's and Hesiod's works. Ameiesa- 5. Amelesagoras, of Chalkedon, mentioned cSe- by Clement of Alexandria, as Melesagoras, don. wrote before Hekateus, but scarcely any- thing from his pen has come down to our times. Hekateus, 6. Hekateus, of Miletus, composed his- of Miletus. Tories, genealogies, and a geography. He is said to have been the first who attempted to bring detached facts into a coherent form. Some of his historical fragments have been collected, by Creuzer, a celebrated German archaeologist ; whilst all his writings left to us, were published by E. H. Clausen, at Berlin, 1831. His geographical annotations are very accurate, and may convince us that, what he gives of history, may be equally reliable. Dionysius, 7. Dionysius, of Miletus, went further than 1 etus ' Hekateus, and wrote a "Historical Cycle." He treats of Darius, the Persians, Troy, and the Argonautic Expedition. Diodorus Siculus made use of him as a reliable authority. He must not be mistaken for Dionysius of THE SCIENCE OF HISTORY. 143 Samos, an error which has often been com- mitted by several writers. 8. Charon, of Lampsakus, wrote before Charon, of Herodotus, immediately after the death of ^ g mpsa " Xerxes, a great quantity of historical sketches, which are mentioned by Suidas, and have been published by Sevin, under the title : " La vie et les ouvrages de Charon de Lampsaque." (Mckaoires de PAcademie des Inscriptions, vol. xiv.) 9. Hippis, of Rhegium, born during the Hippis, of Persian wars, was the first to write a history Ehe § lum - of Sicily. 10. Hellanikus, of Mytelene, born during Heiiani- the Peloponnesian war, died about 411 B.C., Mytelene. eighty-five years old. Dionysius of Hali- karnassus mentions him as a contemporary of Thukydides. His numerous writings were unknown to Herodotus. F. Gr. Sturz published his fragments at Leipsic, 1788, under the title, u Hellanici Frag-menta." 11. Damastes, of Sigeum, wrote before the Damastes, Peloponnesian war of Thukydides appeared ; of Sl s eum - he was a contemporary of Herodotus, and a pupil of Hellanikus. Besides historical works, we possess of him a "Periplus," (a description of the coasts of Greece and Asia). 12. Xemomenedes, of Chios, born before Xe ? me - the Peloponnesian war, was older than Chios'. ° Thukydides, according to Dionysius of Halikarnassus. 13. Pherekydes, of Leros, who is often f^r - confounded with the philosopher of the same Leros.' 144 THE SCIENCE OF HISTORY. name, of the Island of Syrus, is mentioned as having improved prose-writing. We pos- sess a large amount of his writings, collected by F. G. Sturz, under the title: u Phere- cydis Fragmenta," Gerse, 1789. Xanthus, 14. Xanthus, of Sardes in Lydia, wrote in Lydia! under the Government of Artaxerxes, and before Herodotus, to whom his works were apparently unknown. The writings of Xan- thus were collected and edited by Creuzer in Latin. This These writers form a group in the second £og!>gra- period of the general political and social phers development of the national life of the transition Greeks. Their works are especially inter- J x ° k esthw, for we can trace in them the slow myth and awakening of a deeper consciousness, and history. ^ e unm i s takable transition from an unreli- able, confused, mythical into a more reliable, systematized, and historical state of the people. This change is to be ascribed to the great events which so prominently mark the next period, and which conduced to develop not only the grandeur of Greek moral and intellectual powers, but produced also those writers, who were the first models of true Historians. THE SCIENCE OF HISTORY. 145 CHAPTER III. We have traced the development of Greece The from the mythical period, with its scarcely 53^ment" recognizable historical under-currents, to the of Greek traditional period, in which the mythic lst01} * element receded as the reliable historical element advanced. Epic poets wrote the records of the first, logographers compiled the incidents of the second transition period. After these two periods the Greeks step into the broad daylight of real History. This historical period has three remarkable phases : — {a.) The conflict between the Oriental and Greek spirit. (b.) The internal conflict between Greeks and Greeks. (c.) The destruction of Greece by the power of one superior genius, who tried to bring unity and order into the dissolving state, and entirely destroyed its independent political vitality. From the moment that the Greeks became Difference conscious of themselves, they never sub- ^ZIT mitted their individuality to a theocratical, and the or any other, state-abstraction. The Egyp- ast * tians, Persians, and Jews had always to bow to a revealed state-organization, in which God, or his representative, was the supreme ruler. With the Greeks, as we have already 146 THE SCIENCE OF HISTORY. shown, the state was the voluntary union of independent communities, composed of free citizens. The Eastern nations made con- quests. The sanguinary triumphs of cruel victors were celebrated by wholesale mas- sacres of the vanquished. The Greeks colonized. They carried their superior artistic taste, higher knowledge, and deeper wisdom from island to island, along the shores of Europe, Asia, and Africa. The peaceful immigrants became masters of those amongst whom they settled, through their superior intellectual and moral powers, and their refined manners. The East wasted all its efforts on theology, and the observance of prescribed ceremonies in honour of God, or in commemoration of some, extremely doubt- ful, historical event. The East ' i theologized. " The Greeks humanized. The Greeks strove to develop all man's higher faculties in har- monious order. The East prophesied, and the Greeks philosophized. The The principal strictly historical occurrences thmToc- i n Greece were : — currences 1. The Wars with the Persians. history. 2. The Peloponnesian War. 3. The Conquest of Alexander the Great, or the Makedonian War. Greece in The fi rs f was a struggle against Oriental struggles faith, blinded by conceited superstition, and Persia ^ ne f ana tical belief in a whimsical ruler, to whose arbitrary will the destinies of mankind were subjected. This ruler was a "god of battles," a "jealous god," under whose banner THE SCIENCE OF HISTORY. 147 the conquest of the world was to be under- taken by the Persians. They wanted to stamp out freedom, to extinguish arts and sciences ; they could not bear to see the Greeks with their wealth, acquired by industry ; their arts, fostered by a religion, which was in reality, a continuous prayer in stones or marble to the bountiful gods. To destroy this idolatry, as they called it, to annihilate the intel- lectual activity of humanity by the moral opposing power, to exterminate the effemi- nate dancers, philosophers, and artists, was the task which the Persians confidently under- took. For they thought that all strength lay in the mere numbers of combatants. No in- cident in the world's history so clearly proves, that in decisive struggles between nation and nation, victory remains with that people, in whom the acting and reacting forces, intellec- tual and moral, are best balanced, as the war between the Greeks and the Persians. Not the Spartans, with their one-sided military drill, but the Athenians, with their higher culture, saved humanity at large, by hurling the Oriental principle of despotism back into its ancient stronghold, Central Asia. The battles of Marathon, Salamis, and The Platsea, on land and sea, should not be Marathon, studied as mere battles, as conflicts between Salamis, man and man, or nation and nation — for pLtsea. greater and more brilliant battles have been fought. These battles must be considered as the first, in which mighty principles were in- volved, and the combined action of morals l2 14:8 THE SCIENCE OF HISTORY. and intellect was victorious, in spite of the smaller number of combatants. The war, on the side of the Greeks, was a just one ; undertaken in self-defence, and for the protection of their sacred right to wor- ship the gods in their own fashion. The war, on the side of the Persians, was unjust. First Some Ionian towns, enlightened by Greek dire l t ^ ideas, revolted against their foreign task- cause Ot ' O # 1 • 1 • the war masters, and were assisted in their struggle Persians. f° r independence by the Athenians and Eretrians. The struggle is admirably described by Herodotus, " the Father of Darius. History." It is said that Darius was so ignorant of everything happening beyond his empire that, when he was informed, that the Athenians helped his discontented subjects, he asked, "Who are these Athenians? 7 He then shot an arrow into the air, and swore to revenge himself on these unruly people. He specially appointed a servant to remind him at every meal of the Athenians, and his oath. Had he known History, and through History the social character, political organization, and indomitable spirit of the Greeks, he would not have risked the lives of thousands of his people, his fame, and happiness, in a wanton and useless war against the Greeks. It is to the eternal advantage of humanity, that blind despots will neglect information, and think them- selves omnipotent, though they have uncon- sciously to bend under the inexorable law of causation. This law the historian has to THE SCIENCE OF HISTORY. 149 trace in every event of the past, and its action is especially evident in this first memorable contest between European civili- Contest zation and despotically-ruled Central Asia. weTtand The contest has virtually never ceased, from East. the times of the battle of Marathon, down to our own. Civilization, in the sense in which we have defined it, has had unceasingly to contend with the badly balanced forces in Central Asia. The beneficial effect of the Greek vic- tories was immediately apparent. Their sudden and unexpected successes roused, as Result of suddenly and unexpectedly, the whole moral Victory of and intellectual vitality of the Greeks, and the the really golden, the Periklean, age was the result of this activity. Freed from the threatening burden of despotic Asia, the Greeks could develop in arts, sciences, and political freedom to the very height of civilization, but unhappily they disturbed the balance between-the two forces working in humanity. They began to neglect the Neglect of restraining influences of true morals ; they morals. only cultivated their intellectual faculties at the expense of justice, and lost true de- mocracy, tempered by self-restraint, and a reasonable submission of the individual to the happiness of the many. The one-sidedly educated Spartans were jealous of the gene- rally cultivated Athenians, and unwillingly saw them reap the fruits of their con- quests. They saw the Athenians develop their naval power, and become masters of 150 THE SCIENCE OF HISTOEY. Jealousy between Spartans and Athenians Influence of the Athenians in our own times. Arts and sciences. Their relics. Asia Minor, and the seas, surrounding the peninsula. The Spartans fostered, in sullen gloominess, what appeared to them the highest duties of good citizens : frugality, simplicity, obedience, and stern submission to the laws of Lykurgus. The Athenians, on the other hand, inspired by freedom and a higher intellectual activity, unfolded quali- ties in politics, arts, and sciences, which were unique in their kind. They contributed, directly and indirectly, more than any nation, to stimulate the energies of Europe in all the different branches of progress. The Athe- nians furnished us with our political ideals, with the canons of refined taste, with model masterpieces in tragedy, comedy, architec- ture, sculpture, painting, and all the different branches of philosophy. Science was not altogether their invention, but they made it intelligible, by freeing it from all mystic ele- ments. A correct inductive, or deductive, method of reasoning was first attempted, and beauty, in harmonious forms, was for ever established by them. Their temples and sculptures rose out of the ruins of the half-Egyptian, half- Assyrian constructions, like so many marble epic poems and lyric effusions in stone and bronze, to teach us, how great a civilizing influence genuine art must have. We carefully preserve the smallest remnants of this period. An isolated, and often mutilated, finger, ear, arm, leg, head of a statue, a tripod, the capital of a column, or specimens of pottery and trinkets, are col- THE SCIENCE OF HISTOEY. 151 lected in richly-endowed museums. These sacred relics are visited by millions, studied by archaeologists, commented upon, imitated, and reproduced in endless copies. We must try to trace the causes of this phenomenon. The tragedies of iEschylus, Sophokles, and Euripides, are still written upon with una- bating earnestness. Sokrates and Plato, Demokritos and Aristotle, are still studied with unfailing interest. The Greek histo- rians were the first to teach us how to write history ; and there are no better models than their master works. In analogy with their three great tra- Analogy gedians, we have three great historians. ^rtaed n The tragedy or drama represents individual and' man in conflict with outer circumstances, and Hlstor y- other men. History describes humanity at large in its uninterrupted struggle on the pro- gressive path of civilization. The Greek his- torians did not merely record detached facts, but, like their tragedians, already attempted to show that the destinies of man evolve from his actions ; his actions from his passions ; his passions from his character ; and his character from the natural, social, political, and reli- gious circumstances surrounding him. In our second chapter we systematically Herodo- traced the slow and gradual development of * us ' * he History among the Greeks, from mythic, Historian. epic, and lyric attempts, to logographs and chronicles. . iEschyius Herodotus, who corresponds to .ZEschylus and Her °- in tragedy, was the first writer who had compared. tiis' birth. 152 THE SCIENCE OF HISTORY. some general principle in compiling events, and bringing them into a historical form. Herodotus, as a historian, stands, in his crea- tive geniality, even higher than ^Eschylus as a tragedian. Whilst the latter had direct forerunners in Thespis and Phrynichus, Herodotus had to create History as an art, in form as well as in spirit. The great merit of Herodotus was that he described man in nature ; and tried, without any national bias, to account for the different customs, man- ners, and religious systems in the nations of whom he wrote. Herod o- Herodotus was born at Halikarnassus, a town in Karia, about the year 484 B.C. He very early left his native town and His travelled. He wandered through the whole tiaveis. f G reece? Makedonia, Thrakia, and reached the mouths of the river Dnieper. In the East he went beyond the regions, where Babylon had been situated, and visited Egypt, and the surrounding countries. On Settled at his return he settled at Samos, and began to bamcs. wr ite his great historical work, describing the wars between his countrymen and the Asiatic Persians. It is stated, that he com- menced his history when forty-four years of age, and read parts of it at Olympia, about 456 B.C. ; some other fragments ten years later at the Panathensea, 447 B.C. ; and other portions probably at Korinthum and Thebes. He proceeded with a colony of Athenian Went to citizens to Grrsecia Magna (Italy), where he Thuni. settled in the town of Thurii, founded on THE SCIENCE OF HISTORY. 153 the ruins of Sibaris. These assertions are all more or less doubtful, though there is nothing improbable in them. Herodotus was born at the time, when The aim iEschylus had reached the height of his ^ski poetical power, and the tragedian may be writing looked upon as his model, not only in the lstor ^- fundamental conception of his work, but also in his social and political relations to his contemporaries. What JEschylus attempted in his tragedy, " The Persians," Herodotus carried out in his historical master -work. Both wished to show the difference between the Greek and Oriental modes of thinking and acting. Both extolled independence and freedom, pointing in every line to the contrast between despotism and de- mocracy. The very style of Herodotus, The style his mode of composition, the systematic ofh }^ cot ^- -. , . i i • t i n position. order m his work, his sober and well- founded reasoning, his correct chronology, and the amount of detail collected and used, for a certain, clear, general pur- pose, at once place him far above all Orien- tal chroniclers. These generally rush from one age into another ; accept traditions and myths, dreams and fancies, as realities ; exercise no critical spirit, and are incapable of discriminating between probabilities and impossibilities. As Herodotus undoubtedly Herodo- received much information, concerning the J u ,? °. ft f n t^ j r -o i • a • t» • falls mto .bast irom H-gyptian, Assyrian, or Jr ersian the errors priests, he otten unconsciously falls into ch^ni^ 1 the errors of Oriental writers. He exag- ciers. 154 THE SCIENCE OF HISTORY. gerates, allows his imagination to gain the better of his reason, and notes down com- munications that are full of mystic incompre- hensibilities, and improbabilities. It must, however, be said, in honour of Herodotus, that we generally find him on the side of scepticism, and he often tells us that he Egyptian was told this or that fact, by a priest. Hero- on fl Her Ce dotus cou ^ n °t help admiring the antiquity, dotus. the powerful hierarchical institutions, the deep wisdom, and symbolic grandeur of the Egyptians ; and that his mind was more or less influenced by this admiration cannot be denied ; yet, in spite of this bias, he con- stantly strove to be truthful. Many of his assertions, laughed at by our most learned and pious historians, theologians, and philoso- phers, have, in this nineteenth century, been The canon proved to be facts. The canon of Berosus is of Berosus now no longer a mere myth, and the thirty - thirty-one one dynasties of Egypt, dogmatically set Egyptian as id e \yy our own historical falsifiers, and cunningly attributed to the inordinate boast- fulness of the proud and untruthful Egyp- - tian priests, are now well-authenticated his- torical facts. The Poet iEschylus, and the Historian Herodotus could not altogether avoid bestowing some praise upon mystic in- stitutions that gave millions of human beings comfort, and a certain standard of morals. Charac- In spite of these shortcomings, which do not teristics lessen the value of the historical writings of dotus. Herodotus, we find in him an unbounded love of freedom, and a strong spirit of seep- THE SCIENCE OF HISTORY. 155 tical discernment. He makes all his second- hand assertions with considerable reserve, and tries to bring moderation, order, and Modera- system into his work. We recognize the J™}' order mythical part of Greek History by his very system, treatment. He does not speak of the Phoe- nician Europa, of Medea, of Kolchis, or Helena, of Troy, as positive entities ; he makes us recognize their half-historical, half-poetical nature. He relates with great minuteness the first historical conflict between Fir ^. an Asiatic people and a Greek tribe in Asia between Minor : the conquest of Krcesus, King of As i atics find soniG Lydia, by the mighty Kyrus. He then fur- Greeks. nishes us with an account of the Persians and Medes, and the subjection of the Baby- lonians, Assyrians, and Egyptians by the Persians. In mentioning the expedition of Descrip- Darius (Hystaspis) against the Skythians, skythians he describes the customs and manners of these northern nations and their country. In the fifth of his nine .books, named after . the Nine Muses, Herodotus records the revolt of the Greeks in Asia Minor against Darius, and the consequence of this, the war between the Persians and the European Greeks. He concludes his detailed and most interesting work with the battles of Platsea and Mykale\ The style of Herodotus is simple, lucid, Herodo- light, and possesses an indescribable charm. j^an He is, above all, entirely objective, and just to equally just to friend and foe. He recognizes f" e end and great virtues in his enemies, and does not as- sume, the Greeks to be the only chosen nation. 156 THE SCIENCE OF HISTORY. He does not speak of all other human beings as merely tolerated on earth, or specially created to be slaughtered for the glorification of some exclusively Greek god. Not without good reason were the works of Herodotus read, studied, commented upon, and explained by the oldest grammarians. They are equally prized by modern writers, and still serve as one of the most reliable sources of information. ' Herodotus often deviates from his principal subject, and turns the attention of his reader inter- to secondary matters. In treating such epi- episodes. s °des, he has a double aim : to interest and amuse, and at the same time to instruct his reader, by making the differences between Greece and Persia, or any of the other Oriental states, as intelligible as possible. His History is one of the very best popular works, an epos in prose, destined to be a guide for the young, and to arouse in them not only patriotism, but also a well-founded estimation and appreciation of foreign man- ners and customs. Causes Hypercritical minds may blame Herodotus couVnot f° r often introducing legendary and super- altogether natural subjects into his text, but the causes discard all n ,-, • J ,-, r ni • 7 legends tor this were the following : — andfabies. ( a ) At his time it was quite impossible to detach all fabulous material from the histories of ancient nations. (b.) He invented none of these fables, but received them, generally from foreign priests. (c.) He related these fables to interest the THE SCIENCE OF HISTORY. 157 people, and to satisfy the spirit of the times in which he lived. His anecdotes and legends, after all, only purpose serve to show with greater clearness the f h ^ sober simplicity of the Greek intellect, con- trasting with the adventurous tendencies of the Africans and Asiatics, who delighted in the incredible and impossible. When he tells Allegories us of seven pairs of hawks that pursued two pairs of vultures, plucking and tearing them, the allegorical meaning is quite evident. The application immediately follows, and the omen is to stimulate the Persian chiefs to action. When Herodotus states that the guards al- lowed the noble Persians to pass, " moved as they were by divine impulse" we recognize in these and similar passages the usual style of Oriental writers. Many of his incidental tales are as beautiful, as they are full of moral mean- ing. Solon is said to have visited the rich and Solon and mighty king of Lydia, Krcesus, who showed Krcesus - him his immense wealth, and then asked the Greek lawgiver, whom he thought the hap- piest man in the world. To the intense aston- ishment of the monarch, Solon replied, " An Athenian, Tellus, who, though poor, was al- TheAthe- ways contented; he lived to see his children's S^* children survive him, and had at last the honour to die in defending his country's wel- fare." The question as to the next happiest man on earth, made by the disappointed king, received the following answer: " The next happiest men were Kleobis and Biton, Kieobis the sons of a priestess of Hera, at Argos. andBiton - 158 THE SCIENCE OF HISTOKY. When the Argives were celebrating the fes- tival of their goddess, it was required that the priestess should be driven in a chariot to the temple. The oxen did not come. The priestess, pressed for time, was in despair. Her sons, seeing her anxiety, dragged the car, on which she sat, to the temple, and reached it in right time. The mother, transported with joy, prayed that the goddess would grant to her sons the greatest blessing. Upon this the two, exhausted with fatigue, fell asleep — and awoke no more. In commemo- ration of their filial piety, the Argives caused their statues to be made, and dedicated them to the god of Delphi. Kroesus now angrily No man asked a third time, "Whether he thought fore P iLk e " n °thing of a great king's happiness ? " But death. Solon replied, " No man can be called happy before his end." The proud king failed to understand the deep wisdom of the sage, and dismissed him with signs of disfavour; but he soon had to learn by bitter experience the truthfulness of Solon's words. When, con- Kyrusand quered by Kyrus, deprived of all his riches, Kroesus. anc [ condemned to death, he had to mount the stake, he bitterly exclaimed, three times, " O Solon ! " The mention of the name of the wise man saved his life, for Kyrus, the Persian king, having been told the above story, was quicker to understand the meaning of Solon's remark, took pity on Kroesus, and made him his friend. The intention of the narrator is clear : he wishes to contrast Greek wisdom and experience with Oriental haughti- THE SCIENCE OF HISTORY. 159 ness, boasting of transitory wealth and fleet- ing power. The political and philosophical genius of Demo- Herodotus may be best traced in the discus- crac 7' 0h " sion he allows to take place between Otanes, and Megabyzus, and Darius on Democracy, Oli- Monarch y garchy, and Monarchy. We are well aware that the identical words were not spoken, over- heard, and written down by Herodotus ; but the task which the historian set himself, was to discuss the advantages and disadvantages of the three different forms of government. If the historian be well versed in psychology, he will be able to give us a deep insight into the very mode of thinking, and, therefore, also speaking, of an individual. Assuming Otan&s to have been a conscientious Demo- crat, he could not have advocated Democracy in other and better terms. It is, in fact, the principle of Democracy that speaks, and not Otanes himself, when Herodotus makes him say :— "It appears that no one of us should otanes on henceforward be a monarch. You know to Demo " cracy. what a pitch the insolence of Kambyses reached, and you have experienced the ty- ranny of the Magus. And, indeed, how can a monarchy be a well-constituted govern- ment, where one man is allowed to do what- ever he pleases without control ? For insolence is engendered in him by the advantages that surround him, and envy is implanted in man from his birth, and having these two, he has every vice. For puffed up by insolence he 160 THE SCIENCE OF HISTOEY. commits many nefarious actions, and others through envy. He envies the best who con- tinue to live. He delights in the worst men of the nation. He readily listens to calumny ; is the most inconsistent of all men. If you show him little respect, he is offended for not being sufficiently honoured. If any- one honours him too much, he is offended, as with a flatterer. He changes the institu- tions of his country, violates women, and puts men to death without trial. But a popular government bears the fairest name of all — equality of rights — and is guilty of none of those excesses practised by a monarch. The magistrate obtains his office by lot, and exercises it under responsibility, and refers all plans to the public. " We have here a terse and truthful opinion, exposing in a few lines all the possible dan- gers of despotism, and showing all the advantages of a well-regulated and properly organized Democracy. In these fundamental principles there have been no changes since these words were written, 2,200 years ago. Herodotus next makes Megabyzus present his views on Oligarchy : — Megaby- "I concur with Otanes," says Megabyzus, " about abolishing tyranny; but on the other side nothing is more foolish and insolent than a useless crowd ; therefore it is on no acount to be endured, that men, who are endeavour- ing to avoid the insolence of a tyrant, should fall under the insolence of an unrestrained multitude. The former, when he does any- zus on Oligarchy THE SCIENCE OF HISTORY. 1G1 tiling, does it knowingly, but the latter have not the means of knowing, for how should they know, who have neither been taught, nor are acquainted with anything good or fitting? They who, rushing on without reflection, precipitate affairs like a winter torrent. Let us choose an association of the best men, commit the sovereign power to them, and it is reasonable to expect that the best counsels will proceed from the best ■ men." All that Oligarchs can possibly urge in their own favour, is said by Herodotus in these few words. The ignorant masses are often a dead weight to progress, and a few intelligent men may promote the welfare of the nation with greater success, but who is to elect these exceptionally clever rulers? They themselves, or the people? If they them- selves, we run the risk of seeing the tyranny of the one succeeded by the tyranny of some privileged many, and instead of having one tyrant the people would have an indefinite number. If the people were to elect, then the spectacle that Greece presented would be repeated, and the masses would be mere tools in the hands of those for whom they had to vote. Oligarchical institutions are worse than Monarchical, and undoubtedly more dangerous than those of Democracy. Finally, Darius, the son of Hystaspes, Darin?, advocates Monarchy as follows : — ^^^^ "If three forms of government are pro- on posed, and each of these, which I allude to, Monarch F- M 162 THE SCIENCE OF HISTORY. the best in its kind — the best Democracy, the best Oligarchy, and the best Monarchy — I affirm that the last is far superior. For nothing can be found better than one man, who is the best. Since acting upon equally wise plans, he would govern the people with- out blame, and would keep his designs most secret from the ill-affected. But in an Oligarchy, whilst many are exerting their energies for the public good, strong private enmities commonly spring up. For each wishing to be the chief, and to carry his own opinion, they come to deep animosities, one against another, from whence seditions arise ; and from seditions murder ; and from murder Monarchy results ; and thus it is proved how much this form of government is the best. When the people rule it is impossible, evil should not spring up. If this is the case, some one of the people stands forward, and puts them down ; on this account he is ad- mired, and being admired, he becomes a monarch. To comprehend all in one word : Whence did the freedom of the Persians come, and who gave it ? Was it from the people, or an Oligarchy, or a Monarch ? My opinion, therefore, is that, as we were made free by one man (Kyrus), we should maintain the same kind of government ; and, moreover, that we should not subvert the institutions of our ancestors, seeing they are good, for that were not well." Sophistry Darius gained his point, and in the true stition. pe Oriental spirit was chosen Monarch, because THE SCIENCE OF HISTORY. 163 his horse was the first to neigh at sunrise, and because lightning and thunder came from a clear sky, to announce the pleasure of the gods at the election of their favourite. The monarchical principle of Oriental despot- ism was thus established on a combination of sophistry and superstition. Despotism or Theocracy, as the rudest, simplest, and most primitive form of government, hindered all progress in Central Asia. In all these ac- The aim of counts, Herodotus aims to reduce the different P er °doti« historical phenomena to first principles. In historical 3 describing the simple, frugal, and powerful ^ b e e * a °i Persians, developing from a small state into fi«tprin- one of the most powerful empires, Herodotus ciple3 ' wishes to impress us with the truth, that virtue and honesty lead to grandeur ; but that might without right, however great, is after all really small and petty, and bears the germ of dissolution in itself. He does not, like other writers, abuse and calumniate the enemies of Greece ; on the contrary, he shows the Persians in their very best colours, so as to magnify the conquest of so valorous and noble a foe by the smaller number of Greeks. A humane regard for the deadly enemy pervades every line of this master historian. To glorify the Persians, Herodo- He ^otu^ tus gives us a whole book on the Egyptians Persians (the second, under the title of Euterp§), % d % minutely entering into their powerful hier- archical, military, and social organization; and shows that, in spite of their learning and cleverness, they had to yield to the Persians, M 2 iau-3. 164 THE SCIENCE OP HISTORY. and were finally subdued by them. Not to lose sight of Greece and the Greeks, he men- tions very appropriately Polykrates of Samos, and gives a description of the political and social organization of the Spartans. Hero- dotus was the first to attempt to point out the connection between the deeds and destinies of men and nations, and did this especially, with Herodotus g re at clearness, in describing Egypt. With gypt. re £ erence £ ^ a ^ country he gives us reliable information, which, in spite of the recent discoveries and decipherings of hieroglyphic inscriptions, has in no way been contradicted. Assyria and Babylon are treated with equal accuracy. The cuneiform inscriptions and the slabs, tablets, cylinders, &c, that have been brought to light in our own century, m. Eotta through the exertions of M. Botta, the French Et d iion. Consul, and the Right Hon. Sir Henry Austin air Henry Layard, are additional evidences of the good Layard. faith of Herodotus as a historian. Tm second The second phase of Greek historical life phase of comprises the Peloponnesian war. Greeks historical fought against Greeks. Sanguinary and fra- lite - tricidal feuds broke out because the Greeks had lost the balance of the acting and react- in cr forces in State, Politics and Morals. The direct outbreak of hostilities was attributed to some slaves that had been taken from Aspasia ; others asserted that Perikles him- self hastened the catastrophe, because he was afraid, lest he should share the fate of his friends Pheidias and Anaxagoras. Histo- rians must, however, look for deeper causes THE SCIENCE OF HISTORY. 165 of these volcanic convulsions, which were the deadly precursors of the final dissolution of Greece. In the wide difference between the organizations of Sparta and Athens, we shall discover the cause that brought about disunion, instead of union, amongst the p is " ni °a tribes ot the same race, lne dissensions be- tween the towns, the hatred of the smaller states to one another, the jealousies between the two leading powers, Sparta and Athens, prevented the Greeks from forming a united and mighty empire. In one expedition of some importance we have seen the Greeks inspired for a short period by a common idea. In the Persian wars differences often arose, even in the sight of the powerful enemy. So soon as the common foe was vanquished, the Greeks turned their bloodstained weapons against one another. Never in the world's history were such treachery, animosity, and hatred exhibited, as by Greeks against Greeks. And no people of so high a degree of culture have ever been guilty of such degrading and reckless deeds as the Athe- nians. The Democratic institutions were Demo- superseded by noisy, unprincipled factions, crac y , , , r . , J i x 1 1 1 xi • superseded which were too weak to hold their own by Dema- ground, and were entirely subjected to the s°s ues - wild passions and the s< >rdid egotism of their ambitious leaders. During this sad period the subjective individual insisted upon his own rights, with an utter disregard of the objective welfare of the masses. An alliance was concluded with the more cunning and 166 THE SCIENCE OF HISTORY. powerful Spartans, and with their aid the weaker states were subjugated. The Spar- tans made use of the unpatriotic Athenians to acquire their supremacy in the Pelopon- nesus, and trampled all freedom under foot, ruling even more tyrannically than ever Athens had dared to do. Thebes next took the lead in Greece, and weakened the power of Sparta ; but, after the death of Epaminon- das, sank back into its former insignificance. As in the Italian towns daring the Middle Ages, and in Germany during the nineteenth century, it was generally felt in Greece, at this time, that some kind of central authority was wanted to save the states from utter ruin and dissolution. Thukydi- This second phase found in Thukydides, des- the second of the three great historians of Greece, a masterly exponent. He was born 471 B.C., about thirteen years later than Hero- dotus. He himself took part in the Pelopon- ne'sian War, and commanded a section of the Athenian fleet; but, unable to defend the town of Amphipolis against the Spartans, was deprived of his command, and banished. For Fortwenty twenty years he lived in quiet seclusion in exSe. m ^ ie small Thrakian town of Skapte, the birth- place of his wife. During the whole of this time he was occupied with the collection of materials for his celebrated historical work on the Peloponnesian War, the plan of which, he is said to have conceived, immediately after the first collision. He has left us only the history of the first twenty- one years of THE SCIENCE OF HISTORY. 167 the destructive war, death having inter- rupted his work. Thukydides, as historian, Thukydi- occupies the same position as Sopliokl^s, as s^okis* tragedian. His treatment of history was compared. entirely different from that of any of the preceding writers. His method, however, was as little opposed to that of Heredotus, as was the art of Sophokles to that of iEschylus ; both were simply higher develop- ments in the composition of history and tra- gedy. Sophokles and Thukydides lived at a time when, although the general cul- ture of the masses was unequal, the upper layers of society had reached a higher philo- sophical and aesthetical state of civilization. Both tried, therefore, to address themselves to the more educated of their nation, and did not endeavour to interest the masses in a more simple and popular way, like -ZEschylus and Herodotus. The pathetic and pompous were softened by Sophokles ; he strove to draw his characters without ex- aggeration, and succeeded in making them more lifelike, without lowering their ideal nature. This was also done, by Thukydides, in History. The popular myths and legends were omitted, and History was to be placed on a higher pedestal than mere superstition, or accidental social organization. The very causes of prevalent superstitions, and social and political conditions were to be traced. Whilst Herodotus spoke to the senses of his readers, Thukydides addressed himself only to their cool and sober reason. Herodotus was 168 THE SCIENCE OF HISTORY. the outgrowth of his times, but Thukydides was the master of his, and stood far above his age. He was philosophical, practical, and possessed a vast knowledge of men. He described the deplorably dissolute society in which he lived; but showed how, through wisdom, the sunken state might be revived. Thukydides in History and Sophokles in Tragedy charm us by laying bare the hid- den motives of actions, this being the very highest point Historians and Tragedians can reach. Principal Thukydides was undoubtedly the first in Thuk esm History to develop the following qualities : — aides." (a.) He is thoroughly pragmatic; that is, he exhibits clearly the causes and conse- quences of events — not from a one-sided party, but from a general point of view. (h.) He gives us detailed political speeches in perfect accordance with the historical character of the speakers. (c.) He is poetical and lively, yet truthful in his records of striking details, throwing light on great and decisive facts. (d.) He is unsurpassed in his style, which is by far more harmonious and artistic in its beauty than that of Herodotus. ( ai i d higher. With him, historical events were ei - but a means to discover the hidden inner nature of man, as a self-conscious and free agent. He was critical, and conscientiously considered facts from all sides, refraining from giving to them any subjective colouring. Xenophon finally had no general, but only a particular, social or political aim in view. He was, if we except the " Anabasis," dis- Xenophon tinctly a specialist. He has served as the I s . ,. x model historian of Roman, French, and Eng- lish writers ; for with them history was to be used for the glorification of a special hero, the promotion of a political principle, the 190 THE SCIENCE OF HISTORY. furtherance of some national enterprise, the interests of some party, or the extolling of some religious sect. Histories written from such a point of view are only so far of value that they enable us to study partial views, which we must correct, in ascertain- ing and allowing for the causes that pro- Speciaiists, duced their enunciation. Specialists, by very eir their very nature, are rarely reliable his- nature,are torians. Thev must necessarily disguise all reliable facts that clash with their special views. Historians r p} ie y suppress them, and pass them over in silence ; or, if less conscientious, altogether distort them. This is exactly what Xeno- phon did ; and his example has been followed by nearly all the Roman, French, and Eng- lish historical writers, with some glorious exceptions, which we shall mention in their proper places. Xenophon wrote in favour of the Spartans and their institutions. He could see nothing good in the Athenians, and treated Alkibiades with contempt, simply because he was not a Spartan. On the other hand, he extols the treacherous Lysander, in spite of his deceitful collusion with Thera- menes ; excuses his misdeeds ; blames the Oligarchs of Athens ; and omits all mention of the secret help which Lysander gave to these tyrants in oppressing the people. In describing the conspiracy against Agesilaus (King of Sparta), he is silent with reference to the terrible cruelties of the Spartan Oligarchs that gave rise to it ; and yet, so keen an observer as Xenophon ought to have known THE SCIENCE OF HISTOEY. 191 the disturbing causes that produced the con- spiracy to free Sparta from an intolerable despotism. Thukydides treated such pheno- P^tJau- 1 1-nn i - -j_ tt • kydides mena m a very different spirit. He impar- treated tially endeavoured to trace the most minute °? r tam , ill ii pt pneno- crrcumstances, that could nave led to a feeling mena in of dissatisfaction, and entered into the social Hltsor y- and political organization of the government; making us acquainted with its true character, as the very cause of such conspiracies. The " History of Greece," by Xenophon, is really a mere biography of King Agesilaus ; every- thing in his favour is recorded — nothing that might injure his character is mentioned. The twenty years, during which the Thebans attained the greatest power in Greece, are scarcely touched upon; Pelopidas and Epami- nondas, who were the direct instruments of destroying Sparta's supremacy in Greece, are mentioned with scornful neglect. We have pointed out these shortcomings Why we in Xenophon, because this talented Greek ^short- writer served as a model, for not less than comings of 2,200 years, to all those who used History, en °P hon - as a means to propagate falsehood ; ignoring whole nations and their influences on the destinies of mankind ; inventing legends and miraculous facts ; but neglecting to give us an impartial insight into the destinies of humanity. Xenophon possessed peculiar merits, as a Special philosophical and historical poet. He repre- xenophon sents with great skill, characters which afford as a us a deep insight into the different parties Historian. 192 THE SCIENCE OF HISTORY. that ruled Greece. Describing the negotia- tions for peace between the Spartans and Athenians, he introduces three ambassadors pleading the cause of Athens; and though their speeches may never have been delivered, they are masterpieces of dramatic composition. The first to speak was Kallias, a noble Athenian, and a priest, torchbearer in the mysteries of Demeter (a very high and hon- ourable office); the second was Autokles, a violent and passionate Demagogue, con- sidered a skilful orator ; and the third, Kal- listratus, a man of great learning, and an accomplished politician and statesman. Speech of Kallias said: "The office of public host, nobleman 6 men °^ Lakedaemon, by which I am con- and priest, nected with you, I am not the only one of my family that has held; for my father's father had it, and left it as hereditary to his family. I wish also to mention to you how our country has always felt towards us : for when there is war, it chooses us as com- manders; and when it desires quiet, sends us out as peacemakers. I have, indeed, been twice before at Lakedaemon for the purpose of putting an end to war, and, in both my embas- sies made peace between you and us ; and I now come a third time, and think that I may far more justly than ever hope to effect a re- conciliation ; for I see that you do not think one thing and we another, but that you and we are alike indignant at the ruin of Plataea and Thespise. How can it be otherwise than fit, then, that men who entertain the same THE SCIENCE OF HISTORY. 193 feeling, should be friends, rather than enemies to each other ? " u It is indeed the part of wise men, even if little differences of opinion arise between them, not to have recourse to war, and, if we entirely agree in opinion, would it not be one of the strangest of things, that we should not make peace ? It would be just, let me say, that we should never bear arms against each other, since Triptole'mus, our ancestor, is said to have communicated the secret mysteries of Demet£r and Persephone to Herakles, your earliest chief, and to the Dioskuri your countrymen, first of all foreigners, and to have bestowed the seed of the fruits of Demeter on the Peloponnesus before any other country. How, therefore, is it just, either that you should ever come to lay waste the crops of those from whom you received seed, or that we should not wish as great abundance of food as possible to arise to those to whom we gave seed ? And, if it is appointed by the gods that wars must be among mankind, it at least becomes us to commence hostilities with the utmost tardi- ness, and, when they are commenced, to bring them to an end as soon as we can." This is eminently the speech of a rich man character, of noble family, a priest, and one of those the^eech who like to praise themselves, and to hear of Kaiiias. their praises sung by others. His words are characteristic of all those inflated talkers, who, having no merits of their own, boast of the influence of their family, and of the office 194 THE SCIENCE OF HISTORY. which they have inherited from their fathers father. Kallias does not allude to the critical political position of his country, but enlarges on the number of times he has been deputed to make peace, and on the fact that members of his family have been appointed commanders in time of war. So far, he speaks as a noble- man. He next proceeds to theological argu- ment, and points out that both Spartans and Athenians have the same religious notions, and asserts that, even if the gods were to decree war, men ought to bring the struggle to an end as speedily as possible — a remark not very deferential to the power of the gods. We recognize in Kallias, an orator who speaks for the mere sake of speaking, and whose noble family position, and pompous authority as a priest, constitute his only claims to be heard. The speech After him, Autokles stepped forward, and Autokies thus addressed the Lakedsemonians and the dema- their allies : — gogue. u j am no ^. ig noran ^ men f Lakedsemon, that what I am to say to you will not be spoken to your gratification ; but it appears to me, that those who wish the friendship which they form to have the longest possible duration, should impress upon one another the causes of previous wars. You are always saying, that the cities ought to be indepen- dent, yet you yourselves are the greatest obstruction to their independence; for you make this the first condition with people received into alliance with you, that they THE SCIENCE OF HISTOEY. 195 follow wherever you lead them ; and how is such a condition consistent with indepen- dence ? You make enemies without consult- ing your allies, and then lead your allies to make war upon your enemies ; so that those who are said to be independent are often compelled to take the field against people who are their greatest friends." " But what is the most adverse of all things to independence, you establish in some cities governments of Ten, and in others governments of Thirty ; and you look to these governors, not that they may rule the cities with justice, but that they may secure them by force ; so that you appear to find more pleasure in tyrannies than in republics. When the King of Persia, too, desired that the cities should be independent, you appeared plainly of opinion that if the Thibans did not allow each city to govern itself, and to use whatever laws it pleased, they would not act in accordance with the king's letter; but, when you got possession of the citadel of Thebes, you did not allow even the Thebans them- selves to be independent. But it is not the part of those who would be friends, to be anxious to obtain justice from others, and to appear on their own part making as great encroachments as they can." Kallias was full of pride and self-conceit. Character Autokles, on the other hand, is influenced sp^tf 1110 by violent passion and personal ambition, made by though he apparently defends freedom and Autokles - independence. He was an adept in excit- o 2 196 THE SCIENCE OF HISTORY. ing the masses, and succeeded, even at this solemn moment, in arousing the feelings of those who were opposed to the Lakedsemo- nians. Xenophon, in drawing this charac- ter, sought to show that nations ought not to be led by passionate and violent men, who can never master their individual feelings or sacrifice their personal antipathies or sympa- thies to the general welfare of their country. Such politicians try to sow dissension, where union is required ; and, when matters of the highest importance are at stake, endeavour, in a mean spirit of egotism, to abuse and vilify their opponents, without any regard for the common weal. In addressing the Spar- tans, as a peacemaker, Autokles reproaches them with treachery and tyranny. Instead of reconciling them, he only widens the breach between the Spartans and their allies and the Athenians ; and thus, instead of serving his country's cause, only damages it. Both Kallias and Autokles are examples of the man- ner in which an assembly, charged with in- flammable political material, should not be addressed ; whilst the third ambassador, Kal- listratus, is certainly meant to represent a clever and wise negotiator at a highly critical moment. He addresses the congress in the following words : — The speech " That there have not been faults, men traui a s llis " °f Lakedsemon, both on our side and on yours, I do not imagine that I can assert; yet I am not of opinion that we must have no further dealings with those who have done THE SCIENCE OF HISTORY. 197 wrong; for I see no human being passing through life without error; and sometimes men who have done wrong appear to me to become more discreet, especially if they have been punished by their errors, as we have been. To you yourselves, also, I see that many retaliations have at times occurred from imprudent actions, amongst which was the seizure of the citadel at Thelbes ; since now indeed, zealous as you were that the cities should be independent, they have all, since the Thebans were wronged, put themselves again into their hands ; so that I now hope that you, being taught how profitless en- croachment is, will conduct yourselves with moderation in mutual friendship." "As to what some, who wish to prevent peace, insinuate against us, intimating that we are come hither, not to seek your friend- ship, but from fear that Antalkidas may have come with money from the king, consider how foolishly they talk ; for the king wrote that all the cities in Greece should be free; and why should we, then, who conform in word and deed to the wishes of the king, apprehend anything from him? Or does anyone think that the king desires, at a vast expense of money, to make others great, rather than that which he deems best should be effected for him without expense? But why, then, are we come ? That we do not come from distress, you may know by look- ing, if you please, to the state of our affairs at sea, and also, if you please, to the state of 198 THE SCIENCE OF HISTORY. our affairs by land, at the present time. What, therefore, is the cause of our coming ? It is plain that some of our allies are doing rather what is unpleasing to us, than what is pleasing to you ; and perhaps we may wish to communicate to you what we have clearly perceived, in return for your preservation of us. But, that I may still confine myself to the mention of what is advantageous, there are, among all the cities, some favourable to your interests, and some to ours; in every city one party declares for the Lakedsemo- nians, and another for the Athenians. But if we become friends, from whom can we fairly expect any effectual opposition ? Who, when you are our friends, will be able to molest us by land ? Or who, when we are your supporters, will be able to hurt you by sea ? " " That wars arise from time to time, and are brought to an end, we all know ; and we are conscious that we all shall, at some time, desire peace, even if we do not desire it now. Why, then, should we wait for that period, when we shall be exhausted by a series of disasters, and not rather make peace at once, before any irremediable evil overtakes us ? For my part, I can neither commend those persons, who, having become competitors in public games, and having gained reputation by several victories, are so fond of contention, that they will not cease from it until they are beaten and forced to relinquish their profes- sion ; nor can I praise those gamesters, who, if they are lucky in one trial, play for double THE SCIENCE OF HISTORY. 199 stakes ; for I see that the greater part of such adventurers sink into utter destitution. Con- templating these examples, it is incumbent on us never to reduce ourselves to such a struggle, that we must either gain all or lose all, but to become, while we are yet strong and prosperous, friends to one another ; for thus we, with your support, and you, with ours, may prove still more powerful in Greece than has ever been the case in past times." (See " Hellenics," by Xenophon, book vi. chap. 3.) Without passion, with strict impartiality, P^™ ^ Kallistratus considers the position of the two the speech parties ; neither boasts of the power of his xafiistra- own people, nor underrates that of the Spar- tus. tans, and succeeds in effacing the bad im- pressions which the addresses of his two colleagues must have made. He fairly esti- mates the position of Athens on the sea, and that of Sparta on land ; and neither party could fail to appreciate his pleading for peace and friendship between the two forces, on the ground that, united, they need fear no adversary. Knowledge of the situation, calm reflection, sound and patriotic reasoning, distinguish this brief and, from a diplomatic point of view, masterly speech, which stamps Kallistratus one of the greatest statesmen. 4 & 5. We do not intend to treat the " Recollec- cotoctiont tions of Sokrates," and the u Banquet," by of Xenophon as minutely as his historical an/thf' works. The " Recollections " are so far im- "Ban- portant that they present the great Greek xenophon. 200 THE SCIENCE OF HISTORY. ' philosopher, Sokrates, in an entirely different light than the Dialogues of Plato. One noble aim animates the pages of both compositions — the grateful pupil wishes to defend his master's fame from all calumny. Sokrates, in Xenophon's writings, is not so loftily ideal as in Plato's "Phaedon," in which virtue and all higher morality are based on a theo- retical knowledge. Xenophon ignores this theoretical part, and exclusively clings to the practice of virtue. He strives to hold up Sokrates, in his humility, cheerfulness, kind- ness, frugality, and geniality, as the model of a wise, influential, and practical thinker. Xenophon describes Sokrates in his every- day life, capable of enjoying existence, and even a good supper, in the company of merry friends. Plato shows him only on the heights of speculative reasoning, whence the gigantic mind of the philosopher scarcely ever deigns to descend. In Xenophon, we have the man, Sokrates; in Plato, his soul. In reading the two descriptions side by side, we may form a complete picture of that man, whom Apollo at Delphi had pronounced " the wisest of men" and who himself came to the conclusion "that the god called him wisest, because, though knowing no more than other men, he alone was conscious to himself of his own ignorance." e. " Apo- In addition to the above-mentioned works SoSatis." °^ g" rea ^ er pretensions, we possess of Xeno- phon, many essays of minor importance, proving the wide range of his talents, and the THE SCIENCE OF HISTORY. 201 superficial versatility with which he was able to touch upon any given subject. In the "'Apology of Sokrates" he defends his old master. u Agesilaus" is what is termed an 7."Agesi- " Eloge," in French, a partial pleading in aus ' praise of his favourite king. " The Consti- 8. "The tution of Athens" was written to expose its tionof U " weakness and faulty organization, whilst Athens." the " Constitution of Sparta" was intended 9. "The to prove the superiority of the latter, as tionof a means for promoting the welfare of the Sparta." people. To show the many different subjects embraced by Xenophon, we must mention his Politico-Economical writings, "Ontheio. "On Eevenues of Athens" and " On Domestic Avenues Economy." In the former he tries to teach of the Athenians how to increase their receipts. ^ Tq u In the latter (in two dialogues), a Greek Domestic^ master of a household is fully instructed conomy in the management of his affairs. The work is written with great care, and an evident desire to be thoroughly useful. It was very popular in ancient classic times, and Cicero translated it into Latin. The "Hiero" is a treatise, in dialogue *2- "T he form, on the characteristics of a despotic government. The "Hipparchikos" contains instructions 13. «Hipp- n i 7V» archikos" tor cavalry omcers. The " Horsemanship " is an essay on buy- u. On ing, keeping, treating, breeding, and riding ^anship"' ' the horse; and we do not think that the hints, here given, have ever been superseded by better suggestions. 202 THE SCIENCE OF HISTORY. is. On On " Hunting" (Kynegetikos) is not 1 merely an enthusiastic description of the tog." delights of the chase, but a valuable disser- tation on the necessity of training the youth of Greece in manly sports, so as to equally develop body and mind. " Letters" and other smaller writings have been attributed to Xenophon; but they are generally of doubtful authenticity, and may perhaps be most safely looked upon as spurious. General In Xenophon we have a genuine reflector remarks on f G ree k life during the troubled latter period the His- ' of the Peloponn&sian war. To bring a kind p™ and of mechanical order into the State-organi- pher. zation, by means of historical descriptions, was the principal aim of Xenophon. Order was to be established at any price ; and this accounted for his preference for the military institutions of Sparta, which subordinated the individual to the interests of the community, and destroyed all the liberty of the surround- ing states. Despotism, securing peace, was with him better than Republicanism leading to dissensions. The very appreciation of freedom had fled from Greece. The admin- istration of the commonwealth and the com- mand of the army were no longer looked upon as sacred duties to be performed by the wisest and noblest in the State, but as lu- crative appointments, serving to enrich the officials in power. In his ardent desire to counteract these evils, Xenophon lost him- self in idle, vague, and incorrect theories as THE SCIENCE OF HISTORY. 203 to the means of improving the state of his country. Instead of strictly keeping to his duties as a Historian, and conscientiously tracing facts, and endeavouring to make their causes apparent, he filled his books with speculative suggestions. He does not give us a direct insight into the law of causation, according to which events in Greece had evolved themselves from the organic con- dition of the State ; we only obtain this information indirectly. The lofty and truly philosophical position, which Thukydid£s assigned to History, was sacrificed by Xeno- phon to the less important task of propa- gating his own subjective, political, and moral ideas. History thus ceased to be the " Science of Sciences," and was lowered to a mere tool, furthering some particular secondary object. History became a compila- tion of the individual writer's opinions on facts, which received their colourings from these very opinions. The events do not stand out in bold and plastic truthfulness, but are laid on in thick pigments on a ground chosen by the writer, and filled in at random with figures and forms as he may see fit. History received at this period a terrible The intro- blow, through the introduction of Khetorics, ^torics f which were turned by Isokrates into a most by important branch of school education. The JeSenl phrase, the dialectical handling, and the tech- tai to nical marshalling-up of facts for certain lstory# purposes, were now all important. Neither truthfulness nor a free and unbiassed inquiry 204 THE SCIENCE OF HISTORY. into the probability of facts was to be the essence of History, but the form and the special party object, were to be paramount. For centuries Jewish, Roman, French, and Eng- lish historians have devoted their best ener- gies to this one-sided treatment of History, and by this means have transformed it from a living entity into a mummy, embalmed with prejudices, preconceived theories, false dates, and facts, circum- We must not, however, overlook the in- their esm fl uences °f circumstances, which often drove influences the very best talent into this, entirely wrong, historical treatment of History. In Greece the dissolu- composi- tion of the states brought on the dissolution of arts, sciences, and the whole political or- The Jews, ganization. With the Jews, national pride and religious self-glorification biassed their The writers. The Romans and French sacrificed Eomans. everything to u their insatiable thirst for military fame, t t heir unbounded ambition of extending their empire, an extravagant con- fidence in their own courage and force, an insolent contempt of their enemies, and an impetuous overbearing spirit with which they pursued all their enterprises." Their his- tory was naturally affected by these senti- ments ; for their historians could not free themselves from the impressions of the intel- lectual and social atmosphere in which they The lived. The English, isolated by their posi- Engiish. tion, and brought up in Jewish and Roman ideas, unite a spirit of self- contented religious fanaticism with a practical leaning to the THE SCIENCE OF HISTORY, 205 transaction of " business," in whatever shape or form, and show in their historians the effects of this Hebrew-Roman training which has been more especially forced upon the masses since the Reformation. True his- torians must learn, above all, to detach themselves from these religious or local national and political influences. So long as the Greeks looked upon nature with a poetical eye, they saw in History a con- nected whole, and studied, through Hero- dotus and Thukydides, " man and man aloneP When Greece fell into the hands of ambi- tious and selfish men, and beneath the rule of a mighty monocrat, History became the servant of the State. Monocrats and hier- archs do not like writers who tell the truth ; they will pay historical courtiers, flattering biographers, dialectically trained panegy- rists, but no historians ever basked in the sunshine of thrones. History, during the third phase of the de- The third velopment of Greece, sank lower and lower. {J e ase of From the death of Epaminondas to the battle historical of Chseronea, Greece vegetated. The mighty m e Jnt° P f Agesilaus, the much praised favourite of Greece. Xenophon, finding the spectacle of the misery and degradation of his country, which he had brought about, unbearable, undertook an adventurous expedition against Egypt, and died whilst prosecuting this senseless enter- prise. Athens waged wars, shedding blood, but obtaining no results. Those whom the Athenians attempted to subjugate remained 206 THE SCIENCE OF HISTORY. independent. There was no longer any hope of help or redemption. Philip of Makedon understood how to use flattery, threats, gold, ' iron, cunning, promises, and intrigues, to turn Greeks against Greeks. With the spoils of one town he purchased the adhesion of another more powerful ; he shed the blood of one division of the nation to break the spirit of the other, and finally to subjugate the whole country. Once more the half- forgotten cry, '* Freedom and Fatherland ! ' dimly and mournfully resounded through the ranks of the Greeks; but it was for ever stifled by the victorious phalanx on the san- The battle guinary battle-field of Chseronea (337 B.C.). Chseionea Here ended the social and political indepen- dence of Greece. The Greeks began their political life with a sacred war, in which the youthful Achilles was one of the principal leaders ; and they expired in another holy Alexander war, under the victorious blows of the youthful the Great. Alexander, afterwards the Great! Demos- nes. thenes in vain tried to move the hearts of his countrymen ; they listened to his masterly rhetorical effusions; they even went so far as to fight ; but the drama was played out. The earnestness of life had succumbed to the very ideas which Xenophon had advo- cated. The Greeks sighed for peace at any price, and they obtained it, at the cost of their independence, from a monocrat who was generous enough not to trample them under foot, but who made use of them as the future teachers of humanity. THE SCIENCE OF HISTORY. 207 Of the second transition period we may Some mention the following Greek historians :— f^ ims Though the Alexandrian Canon gives us, second as the most important historians, only the peno ' names of Herodotus, Thukydides, Xenophon, Theopompus, Ephorus, Anaximenes, and Kallisthenes, we must not omit the follow- ing writers, whose works have unfortunately been lost, but are continually referred to and made use of at subsequent periods. (1.) Ktesias, of Knidus, physician of Arta- stasias, of xerxes Mnemon, at whose court he lived before the battle of Kunaxa, made use of Persian archives and State-documents to pro- duce a History of Persia, under the title of " Persika," in twenty-three books, begin- "Persika." ning with Nemus, the assumed founder of Nineveh and Semiramis, down to 398 B.C. He also wrote a History of India under the title of "Indika," but cannot be considered "indika." a reliable author. He either lacked the will, or the capacity, to sift facts, and his writings, which, with the exception of a few frag* ments, are lost, were made use of principally by Diodorus Siculus, and are full of mythical and legendary matter. We do not mean to say that he inserted fabulous accounts, know- ing them to be impossible. He probably had no intention to deceive, but was as yet unable to distinguish between the probable and improbable, the possible and impossible, like so many historians of our own times. He did not possess that critical spirit of doubt and inquiry, without which no historian 208 THE SCIENCE OF HISTORY. ais can hope to succeed. Ktesias often attacks stacks on ji er0C L tus in no measured terms. Now us. Herodotus had the great merit of stating his doubtful facts with extreme caution, and the harsh and disparaging epithets applied to him by Kt&sias are out of place. In study- ing, teaching, and writing History, it is at all times our duty to practise charity, and to distinguish well between voluntary falsi- fications, and inaccuracies in the statement of facts which could not possibly have been correctly known in their entirety to the au- thor. We must, however, condemn with the utmost severity all writers who, like many in our own times, have every opportunity of knowing " the whole truth" and still per- sistently cling to obsolete prejudices and falsehoods, merely to protect some religious, political, or national preconceived notion. If Ktesias enjoyed the advantage of con- versing with better informed Persians than Herodotus, he had no right to accuse the latter of falsehood ; for Herodotus confesses that he had often to choose one out of four different accounts of an occurrence, and it is difficult to prove that Ktesias alone knew the right one. Historical authenticity is more or less open to doubt. So soon as the historian touches insignificant details, he may lose him- self in a maze of contradictory statements; and it will, in such cases, be his duty to state the difficulty, and leave the solution an open question until more knowledge can be impar- tially brought to bear on the doubtful events. THE SCIENCE OF HISTORY. 209 Ktesias had his merits, for he was the first The merits to attempt to write a kind of General or Uni- of Kt ^ i&s - versal History, though neither he, nor his times were ripe for such an undertaking. A historian, who speaks of gold-digging ants and griffins, has certainly no right to blame another who is imposed upon by authorities, whose veracity he could not well have tested. 2. Antiochus, of Syrakuse, who probably Antiocims, lived during the Peloponnesian war, wrote a syrak use. History of Italy and Sicily. 3. StESIMBROTUS, of ThaSUS, Composed his Stesimbro- historical works about 440 B.C., and also TtasuL wrote commentaries on Homer, trying to explain the Iliad and Odyssee as allegorical compositions. 4. Kratippus, a contemporary of Thuky- Kratippus. dides, continued the History of the Pelopon- nesian War, from the point where the latter left it, down to the period when Konon re- established the supremacy of Athens ; but not even fragments of his work are extant. 5. Philistus, of Syrakuse, was an eye- wit- phiiistus, ness of the defeat of the Athenians at Syra- of kuse (415 B.C.), and the adviser of Dionysius yra use ' the elder, by whom he was banished, but was recalled again by Dionysius the younger. He wrote a History of Sicily in two sec- tions : the first, in twenty-seven books, be- ginning with the conquest of Troy, down to the capture of Agrigentum ; and the second, in four books, treating of the government of Dionysius. He also published a biography of Dionysius the younger, in two books, fin- 210 THE SCIENCE OF HISTOKY. ished at a later period by Athanis. Suidas mentions an " iEgyptiaka,' 1 in twelve books, by him. Alexander the Great is said to have read his works. Philistus took Thukydides for his model, though he is less talented, and often very obscure in his style, through an affectation of simplicity. Theopom- 6. Theopompus, of Chios, born about 378 Chi'os° f B - c -? was a P u pil °f tne great orator, Iso- krates, who is said to have encouraged him to write History. He was victorious in a competition, instituted by Queen Artemisia, of Karia, for the best Funeral Oration on her husband, Mausolus. He wrote " Hellenika," in twelve books, a continuation of the His- tory of Thukydides from the Battle of Kynessema to that of Knidos ; and another work, totally different from this, in fifty- eight books, under the title " Philippika," probably a history ending with the death of Philip of Makedon. He included in this work three books of the History of Sicily, from Dionysius the elder to the banishment of Dionysius the younger, and is said to have made a compendium of the works of Hero- dotus in two books. He is favourably men- tioned as an orator ; but the ancients differed greatly in their estimate of his merits. Some praise his style, others accuse him of ill- feeling and spite against other writers, whom he abuses. He was extremely credulous, and did not hesitate to relate miracles as facts, and introduced into history a more pompous, rhetorical style. THE SCIENCE OF HISTORY. 211 7. Ephorus, of Kyme, another pupil of E f p ^ oru3 ' Isokrates, and a contemporary of Theopom- ° yme ' pus, wrote a Universal History of Greeks and Barbarians, from the return of the Hera- ■kleids to the siege of Perinthus (about 340 B.C.), in thirty books, comprising a period of 750 years. He also composed a Life of Homer and Commentaries on his poems. He is much praised by ancient writers ; Diodorus and Plutarch often use him. He is further mentioned as an influential orator. At this period, History, like everything in- Geogra- tellectual at that time, sank lower and lower P hersand in the estimation of the Greeks, who took historio- no more interest in broader and more ex- § ra P hers - panded views. Local myths and legends, combined _ with geographical descriptions,' with special reference to Attika, superseded the historical works of the previous writers. The names of places and their origin were philologically inquired into, and we have to thank the writers of that age for much valu- able information with regard to minute local and legendary details. The most important authors of Greek Folk- lore were Hellanikus, of Lesbos ; Klitodemus, and Androtion, of Athens ; Hellioclorus, of Periegetes; Ister, of Kyrene ; and Philokorus. This last was " Hieroskopus" at Athens, and left many important works. He wrote com- mentaries on Homer, Sophokles, and Euri- pides. His most celebrated work was a History of Attika, under the title ' < Athis," and must have consisted of many books, as v 2 212 THE SCIENCE OF HISTORY. the nineteenth is mentioned by one of the Scholiasts. His work begins with the oldest times, and comes down to the reign of King Antiochus Deus, of Syria, 261 B.C. These writers fill up the gap between Theopompus and Polybius. change in The valorous deeds of Alexander the ception of Gr rea ^ his wanderings and exploits, gave a History new impulse to History. Not only eye-wit- compoS- nesses, who were dazzled by his brilliant tion of achievements, but also those whose imagina- historical . . • , -i i i i 1 _£» works, tions were excited by mere verbal accounts 01 through n ^ s prodigious deeds, devoted themselves to the Great record the triumphal march of one of the tiroes 18 greatest captains the world ever beheld. The hero of countless battles, who sped from victory to victory ; conquering Phoenicia, Palestine, Egypt, Bactria, Sogdiana, Susa, Persepolis, Assyria, and Babylon ; extending his conquests as far as India; became the centre-figure of innumerable historical works, which were all more or less filled with an idolatrous worship of a mortal, who certainly founded one of the mightiest empires of the world. The period This was the great period of social, reli- JnaSon 8a " gious, and political amalgamation. The more highly civilized and mentally better trained Greeks were brought into contact with the less cultivated and more emotional spirit of the East. Parsees, Magi, Jewish Prophets, Egyptian Hierophants, Brahmans, Buddhistic Priests, Gymnosophists, and Greek Philosophers met, exchanged ideas, THE SCIENCE OF HISTORY. 213 and discussed an infinite variety of topics. To this intercourse certain forms and dogmas of later religious systems must be ascribed ; and the Historian will have conscientiously to dissolve these component elements, ce- mented together by the Ethics of Sokrates and the Idealism of Plato. The influence of Alexander the Great was influence not confined to the construction of roads, the Ai exa nder building of towns, or the exchange of mer- the Great, chandise and the extension of commerce. Arts and sciences were encouraged ; countries were topographically and geographically studied ; minerals, plants, and animals were classified ; men and their customs described ; mythological and religious mysteries de- ciphered; and poetical and philosophical works collected. The mighty Greek, Egyp- tian, and Asiatic worlds were materially and intellectually united into one vast storehouse of learning. All was activity in the realms of science, on the arduous path of experience, excited by lofty and poetical speculations. Alexander the Great has had imitators in Julius Caesar, Charlemagne, and Napoleon I. ; but the world never witnessed so magnifi- cent an outburst of the combined intellectual forces of mankind as under Alexander the Great, through Aristotle, Xenokrates, Anax- archus, and Pyrrho. Alexander created on the shores of the The Mediterranean a new centre of commerce ^ifex^ and learning. The five ports of the town of dria. Alexandria received merchandise from all 214 THE SCIENCE OF HISTORY. parts of the then known world. The first Museum, on a scale never surpassed after- wards, and the first great Library, containing 400,000 volumes, were erected here. Lite- rary institutions were founded, in which Jewish, Greek, Egyptian, and Indian Philo- sophers could exchange ideas and teach; being maintained at the expense of the State. Here, at a later period, the translation of the Hebrew Old Testament into Greek, which is known as the " Septuagint," was accom- plished. War was used by Alexander the Great as a sad means for the production of peace and happiness. The most distinguished historical writers, belonging to this period, whose works have unfortunately been lost, are : — Leo, of By- ($.) Leo, of Byzantium, a pupil of Plato and Aristotle, who wrote on Philosophy and History, and Alexander the Great. He was celebrated as an orator. Kaiiisthe- (b.) Kallisthenes, of Olynthus, a pupil of ohntLs Aristotle. He accompanied Alexander the Great on his Expedition, and used to read with him and Anarchus the poems of Homer. He offended the Conqueror by his indepen- dence, and by refusing to pay to him divine honours ; and it is said that Alexander sen- tenced him to death, though this has been contradicted. Theophrastus bewailed his fate in a special essay. The most important works of Kallisthenes bear the titles " Troika," " Persika," " Makedonika," " Thrakika," and " Hellenika ; " the last, in ten books, embraces zantium. THE SCIENCE OF HISTORY. 215 a period of 300 years, from the Antalkidan Peace to the beginning of the Holy War. His History of Alexander the Great, and his " Makedonika," were the best known. The ancients did not consider him a great autho- rity ; probably, despite his independent spirit, he had to yield too much to the ca- prices of his master ; and this made his works suspicious, and less reliable. (c.) Anaximenes, of Lampsakus, was a pupil Anaxi- of Diogenes, of Sinope, and Zoilus. He was Lam 6 psa- f a contemporary of Xenophon, Sokrates, Plato, kus. and Aristotle. He wrote " Philippika" and a History of Greece from the " Theogony down to the Battle of Mantinea," in twelve books, and owed his great fame as a Historian to the latter. He also wrote a systematic work on " Khetorics," which has been often erroneously attributed to Aristotle. (d.) Marsyas, of Pella, son of Periander, Marsyas, was brought up with Alexander the Great, ofPelIa - and wrote u Makedonika," in ten books. Another work, on the Education of Alexander, has also been ascribed to him, but its author- ship is doubtful, as mention is made of another Marsyas, a priest of Herakles, who might have been the tutor of Alexander, and the writer of the work in question. Diodorus Siculus principally used the writings of Marsyas, of Pella, and not those of another Marsyas, a son of Kritophemus. (e.) HlERONYMUS KaRDIANUS, SO Called from Hierony- his native town, Kardia, was a friend of xardia- Eumenes, Antigonus, Demetrius, and Pyr- nus. 216 THE SCIENCE OP HISTOEY. rhus, and visited Italy with the last. He wrote fifty years after the death of Alexander the Great, under the government of King Antiochus II. He is remarkable as having been the first Greek writer who touched upon Roman History (301 B.C.). His style was un- polished, and was severely criticised by the ancients ; Diodorus and Plutarch have, how- ever, made use of him. Kiitarchus. (/.) Klitarchus, the son of the Historian Dino (see below), accompanied Alexander the Great, and wrote a History of this King, in four books, interspersed with accounts of preceding times. His style was inflated, and overloaded ; and his accuracy, especially in his remarks on India, was very much doubted. Aristolm- ((/.) Aristobulus, of Kassandra, was also KassaL a follower of Alexander the Great, of whose <*ra- Wars he wrote a History. He was considered one of the most reliable authorities. He attained the age of ninety years, and began to write his work when eighty-four years of age. Ptolemy (A.) Ptolemy Lagus, afterwards first King Lagus. Q £ ]£gyp^ after the Alexandrian period, was another of the followers of Alexander. Be- sides a History of Alexander the Great, he wrote a large number of letters, which were collected by Dionysidorus Ptolemy. Ptolemy was considered one of the most independent and trustworthy Historians of that period. Diodotus, (i.) Diodotus, of Erythra, compiled the Dia- otErythra r » es an( ^ M emoran( i a f Alexander the Great, in conjunction with the celebrated General THE SCIENCE OF HISTORY. 217 and Historian, Eumenes, of Kardia. (See below.) (k.) Onesikeitus, of Assy pal sea, a philoso- Onesikri- pher, and pupil of Diogenes, of Sinope, was a l^ y °_ follower of Alexander, and wrote a work on paisea. him. Onesikritus, sent with Nearchus to India, was so struck with the country, that he recorded at random the most fabulous tilings, without any critical and scientific discern- ment. In his book on Alexander he affected Xenophon's style and composition, and wrote a kind of "Alexandropsedia ; " even this work was full of miraculous incredibilities. (/.) Duris, of Samos, was said to have been Dun?, of a descendant of Alkibiades ; he was brought Samos - up in the " Peripatetic " School (the School of Aristotle), and lived in the times of Ptolemy Philadelphus. In addition to critical com- mentaries on Sophokles and Euripides, he wrote " Makedonika," in fifteen books; and a work under the title of " Samian Annuals" (Samion oroi), a great History of Greece, beginning with the death of Jason the Tyrant of Pherse, and Amyntas of Makedon, down to his own times. The work consisted of about fifty-eight books. His style was adversely criticised byDiodorus Siculus. (m.) Philippus, of Theangela, one of the Phiiippus, retinue of Alexander the Great, of whom he ST , > lheangela wrote a History. (n.) Chares, of Mitylene, who accompanied chares, of Alexander the Great, also wrote a History of Mlt y le ~ him, and was mentioned byAthenseus, Strabo, and Plutarch. lene. 218 THE SCIENCE OF HISTORY. Polykri- tus. Antigenes. Antiklides. Diony- sius. Philo, of Thebes. Hermip- pus. Agnothe- mis. Hegesias. Eratosthe- nes. Dino. Lykus, of Rhegium. Herakli- des. (o.) Polykritus, mentioned by Strabo and Plutarch as one of the Historians of Alexan- der. The Polykritus referred to by Pliny was of Mendse, in Sicily, and wrote an account of the reign of Dionysius, the Tyrant. (p.) Antigenes was one of the followers and Historians of Alexander. (q.) Antiklides accompanied Alexander, and wrote a History of him. (r.) Dionysius did the same. He may have been the Chalkidian Dionysius, who was as- sumed to have written five books " On the World," but nothing certain is known of him. (s.) Philo, of Thebes, (t.) Hermippus, (u.) Agnothemis, (v.) Hegesias, of Magnesia, and (w.) Eratosthenes, were all followers of, and each wrote a History of Alexander the Great. (#.) Dino, the father of Klitarchus, was mentioned as one of the Historians of Alex- ander the Great ; he may not have written a special work about him, but probably described his reign in his historical work, " On Persia." He was looked upon by the ancients as a highly reliable authority. (y.) Lykus, of Rhegium, born in the camp of Alexander the Great, wrote a work on Sicily and Lybia, and a History of Alexan- der the Great. (z.) Heraklides is mentioned by Plutarch as one of the Historians of Alexander the Great. THE SCIENCE OF HISTORY. 219 (act.) Nymphis of Heraklea wrote a History Nymphis. of Heraklea, in thirteen books, and one of Alexander the Great. (bb.) Hekatjeus, of Abdera, was in tlie Hekatseus, retinue of Ptolemy of Egypt, and is said to of Abdera - have composed a History of Alexander the Great. He wrote " Egyptiaka," and a work on Jewish Antiquities. He must not be con- founded with another Hekatseus, of Miletus. (cc.) Ephippus, of Olynthus, is mentioned Ephippua, by Athenaeus as having written the History oiynthus. of Alexander the Great. (dd.) Medius accompanied Alexander, was Medius - a friend of Antigonus, and wrote Alexander's History. (ee.) Eumenes ; of Kardia, the celebrated Eumenea, general of Alexander, and his private secre- ( tary, kept the King's diaries, especially those bearing on military affairs. Athenaeus, Cor- nelius Neoos, and Lucian refer to him. (ff.) Men^echmus, of Sikyon, under Pto- Menaech- lemy of Egypt, wrote several works on sikyon. Sculpture, and a life of Alexander the Great. We have given a very complete list of the Character Alexandrian Historians, to demonstrate the Alexander immense historical activity with which Alex- the Great * ander the Great inspired both his contem- poraries, and those who contemplated his extraordinary career at a distance. Though Historians may have to blame Alexander for his ambition, egotism, violence, and un- bridled passion, they must admit that he was one of the most extraordinary historical phe- nomena. It is true that he assisted at the 220 THE SCIENCE OF HISTOEY. torture of Philotas, and had Parmenio, his . most faithful servant, assassinated ; in a fit of passion he, with his own hand, killed Klitus, his foster-brother, who once saved his life; and, as stated above, he had Kallisthenes executed, because he refused to worship him, in Persian fashion, as a god. At the same time, he brought life into the stagnating re- gions of Central Asia, and was the direct cause of an unparalleled general intellectual movement amongst the most different nations. He died when thirty- two years of age ; and his vast empire, as one great political whole, fell to pieces ; but the spirit, with which he had endowed the Orient, lived long after him, and changed the whole condition of Asia and Europe. Some ancient and modern writers abuse him as a reckless robber, a wholesale murderer, and devastator of huge empires; others, again, can find no words sufficiently glowing to sing his praise. Contra- Such contradictions must surprise the stu- to C hS ns aS dents of History, who ought to endeavour to character, explain these conflicting statements. Do we possess no means of coming to a correct un- der standing of such historical phenomena ? May we, or may we not, apply to Alexander, and, through him, to the whole of his period, the eternal law of a disturbed balance in the moral and intellectual powers of the ruler himself, and the different nations ruled by him ? There can be no doubt that the whole moral and intellectual condition of Greece, Egypt, and Persia was in a dis- THE SCIENCE OF HISTORY. 221 turbed state. Alexander recognized this with the might of his lofty genius. Morally and intellectually he was far superior to any of his contemporaries, whether kings, com- manders, philosophers, or orators. He com- bined in himself the very highest qualities of an intellect fitted to rule the world. He pos- sessed power of thought, quickness of judg- ment, and activity of mind. Educated by Aristotle, nothing escaped his generalizing grasp ; he was as impulsive in generosity as in anger, in humane love as in egotistic vanity. Here we miss in him the restraining balance between intellect and morals ; and this want of self-control was the principal cause, why Alexander could not personally succeed in carrying out his vast plans ; and also ac- counts for his having been so contradictorily judged by posterity. Some saw in him only what was good ; others only what was evil. The true Historian, however, must form his estimate of a character independently of all secondary considerations, and must trace the phenomenon to some cause which produced that effect, and could not have produced any other. Glorified and idolized, worshipped and adored, Alexander would not have been a creature of his times and nation had he freed the people, in our modern sense, given liberal constitutions, and exposed the whole Asiatic world to new democratic and demagogic convulsions. The same cause — ■ want of a balance between the static and dynamic forces — that produced, in the single 222 THE SCIENCE OF HISTORY. person of Alexander the Great, moral in- congruities and intellectual inconsistency, brought about the collapse of the whole Empire. The study The study of the Greeks, their gradual and its ' growth and decline as a nation, the develop- importance nient of their moral and intellectual faculties, must form the basis of our higher education. For their achievements in arts and politics, in philosophy and sciences, are still per- meating and fashioning, not only the desti- nies, but the very mode of thinking, of the whole civilized world. Whatever Eome, France, Germany, and England have accomplished in their progres- sive development in religion, sciences, arts, and morals, can be traced back to Greek influences. Immediately after Alexander's death Greek customs and ideas pervaded the foil owing- States, which were erected on the ruins of the unwieldy Makedonian Empire : — Division of 1. Makedonia and Greece, united under the Make- a j.' doman Antipater. Empire. 2. The great Syrian Empire, founded by Seleukus. 3. The Parthian and Jewish Empires. 4. The Egyptian Empire, under the Pto- lemies. 5. Several Empires in Asia Minor. Everywhere Greek thoughts prevailed, and produced a higher state of civilization. Historians In conclusion we will mention some of the most important general Historians who THE SCIENCE OF HISTORY. 223 flourished during and after the times of Alex- Alexander i , t ^ . the Great. ander the break Kephisodorus wrote at least twelve books on the Holy War for Greek Freedom. Aristagoras composed "Egyptiaka" under the reign of Ptolemy Philadelphus. Simonides wrote the Histories of Dion and Bion. He is not the same Simonides who, according to Pliny, wrote, in the island of Meroe, in Egypt, a History of the Ethi- opians. Palaph^etus, according to Suidas, wrote "Kypriaka," " Deliaka," " Attika," and "Arabika." Athanis, of Syrakuse, recorded the deeds of Dion in thirteen books. Diokles, of Peparethus, described the origin of Rome. Timjeus, of Tauromania, in Sicily, who attained the age of ninety- six years, wrote a history of Pyrrhus. His works were, how- ever, full of misstatements and very badly written. Aratus, of Sikyon, the leader and founder of the Achaean Confederation, wrote " Me- morabilia" down to the times with which Polybius begins his History. Plutarch made ample use of this writer. Phylarchus lived in the reigns of Ptolemy Euergetes and Antiochus Magnus. Amongst several other works he wrote a comprehensive history, in twenty-eight books, " On the Expedition of Pyrrhus, down to the times of Ptolemy Euergetes and Berenice," 221 b,c. 224 THE SCIENCE OF HISTOEY. Sacred records by Euemerus. Richness of the historical literature of Greece. Euemerus, of Messene;, was a friend of King Kassandra, of Makedon, and wrote " Sacred Records," in which he endeavoured to prove that all gods had first been men, who had been deified by later generations out of gra- titude for benefits, bestowed on humanity in legislation, political institutions, or warfare. In consequence of these views, he was called " Atheos." Ennius translated his work into Latin, and it was largely quoted by Diodorus Siculus. Philinus, of Agrigentum, described the first Punic War. Sosilus, of llion, wrote, in seven books, the History of Hannibal, whose master in the Greek language he was. The historical literature of the Greeks, in relation to the short period of their state- existence, may fairly be considered one ot the richest in the world. It is, to a great extent, fragmentary ; as We possess but few complete works, and are often compelled to obtain our information second-hand, through those, who largely quoted from the lost ori- ginals. Whether we turn to the remains of Greek architecture or sculpture ; the relics of their epic, lyric, or dramatic poetry ; their stupendous works in the fields of speculative or experimental philosophy, from Thales of Miletus, Pythagoras, and Demokritus, down to Plato, Aristotle, and Pyrrho, we find the Greeks everywhere taking the lead. From the times of Lykurgus and Solon, down to 146 B.C., when the Achaean league was broken THE SCIENCE OF HISTORY. 225 up by the iron hand of the Romans, the Greeks consciously and unconsciously pro- moted the great task of civilization. When they lost, through vanity and national dis- sensions, the power of balancing the two forces working in humanity, the inexorable law of causation hurled them into utter ruin. The first awakening to a consciousness of the two forces working in Humanity, can be most distinctly traced in the Greeks. The age of Perikles, after the Persian wars, was a period in which the two forces were well balanced, and the Greeks then produced their immortal works of Art and Science. This balance was not, however, maintained, and the conflict between the two forces accelerated the decline and downfall of Greece, as the relations between morals and intellect became more and more disturbed. Greek History thus serves us as the key for the solution of all further historical phenomena. 226 THE SCIENCE OF HISTORY. CHAPTER IV. Rome and the Romans. Amongst the ancient nations, the Romans stand next to the Greeks in importance. Their social and political development was entirely different from that of the Greeks, and yet it was exclusively under Greek in- fluences that they reached a higher state of civilization. That Romans and Greeks were the offsprings of one and the same Aryan group of humanity, can no longer be doubted. In dealing with Rome, we in reality treat of another part of that European geographical centre which we described above (page 62). The slow and gradual progress of nations is most distinctly visible at all times in History. Sudden, spasmodic changes are unusual phe- nomena, that take place under some foreign influences, and often cease as suddenly, as they began ; but the normal evolution moves in a wave-line with progressive and retro- gressive curves. What Historians often call "Modern History," relates simply to the formation of new circles of culture on old principles, which have been revived in other times, under totally different conditions, and have, therefore, produced totally different results. The situation of Italy has some analogies g osFtion al f witn tnat of Gr reece - Tlie peninsula, stretch- iiaiy. ing into the sea, is small and long, formed by Sudden changes are unusual. The geo- THE SCIENCE OF HISTORY. 227 the mountain-chain of the Apennines, which, originating in the Western Alps, branches off towards the south. These mountains divide the peninsula into two unequal portions, form- ing a smaller eastern shore, and a broader western lowland. They attain their greatest height in the south-west, and, after a bend, separate into a sloping south-eastern, and a steep southern ridge, forming two small penin- sulas. The plain of the P6 did not belong geographically to that Italy of which we have to treat at present, although it was politically added at a later period. It was called " Gallia Cisalpina," meaning Gaul on this (the Roman) side of the Alps. Etruria, Latium, and Cam- pania, on the western shores, formed a terri- tory intersected by rivers and undulating hills, cut up into numerous valleys and har- bours by volcanic convulsions, and were the real nucleus of Italy. To this must be added the island of Sicily, which occupied much the same position, with regard to Italy, that the Peloponnesus did to Greece. Though a penin- sula, like Greece, Italy had a much smaller number of coast-miles ; the numerous sporadic islands surrounding the continent of Greece being wanting round Italy. The develop- ment of Italy is not to be sought for on the sea, but on firm ground. Italy is, however, richer in fertile river-plains, in fruitful and rich mountain-slopes, inviting to a pastoral and agricultural life. Here the people de- veloped very early an extraordinary ac- tivity in the culture of the soil, and aspired q 2 228 THE SCIENCE OF HISTORY. to possess land, in order to expand and settle down. East and The eyes of Italy were continually turned West, towards the West — first, the lands beyond the Italy . 6 *" 1 Apennines, and then those beyond the Alps, rilled them with an irresistible longing; whilst the eyes of the Greeks were conti- nually turned towards the East, their primi- tive cradle. Attika and Makedonia turned towards the rising, Latium, Etruria and Cam- pania towards the setting sun. All the grand historical events, that occupied the Greeks, and taxed their utmost energy, came from the East, and ended in the East. All the most important exploits of the Romans happened in the West and North-west of Europe. We clearly see that the geographical position determined the destinies of each of the two great nations of the civilized ancient world, who, in the words of the celebrated Historian, Professor Theodore Mommsen, " threw their shadows, as also their seeds — the one towards the East, the other towards the West." Etbmoai It would be extremely difficult to deter- eiements m i ne the question, whether the aboriginal Eomans. inhabitants of Italy were "autochtons" — that is, people who have risen from the soil, on which they are found. If the Historian cannot settle this question, he can, at all events trace several distinct national layers, which formed the component elements of the Italian population, till the great fusion of them took place, and one grand homogeneous State-body was formed from the different THE SCIENCE OF HISTORY. 229 tribes, races, and nationalities. In treating of Greece, we endeavoured, so far as our space and plan would permit, to trace the oldest historical elements, and were com- pelled to deal with single individuals, repre- senting often mighty national groups. In Roman history, these individuals are repre- sented by whole groups of nationalities, who were either aborigines or immigrants. The identity of the oldest inhabitants must re- main, more or less, a matter of ingenious spe- culation. We may, however, divide the earliest inhabitants of Italy into three distinct classes : — 1. The Iapygians, concerning whom we i : lapy- possess very little trustworthy information, gians ' were settled in the extreme south-east corner of Italy. Later immigrants, coming from the North, or North-east, must naturally have pushed the earlier settlers towards the South and South-east. On the Calabrian peninsula many inscriptions have been discovered, in a peculiar language, entirely different from any of the other languages of Italy. Some of the funereal inscriptions run thus : " Theo- . toras artahiaihi bennarrihinio," and " dazi honas, platorrihi bollihi." We may here conjecture that the formation of the (pro- bably) genitive case, aihi and ihi, corresponds to the Sanskrit asya, and the Greek oio. That there was some connection and ethnical relationship between the Greeks and Iapy- gians may be demonstrated from the fact, that many names of the Divinities in these 230 THE SCIENCE OF HISTOEY. inscriptions are of undoubted Greek origin. In addition to this, it is to be observed that the Iapygians, who, in the times of Timseus (350 b.c.) ? suddenly step into history, appear 200 years later, without any great influx of Greek elements, as highly cultivated Greeks. 2. Italians. 2. The Italians, who occupied the centre of the peninsula, were, according" to more reli- able traditions, subdivided into two classes, composed of different immigrants. These were : — Latins and ( a ^ The Latins, and (b.) The Umbrians ; including the more southern Marsians and Samnites. The dia- lects spoken by them have some resemblance to one another; and their relation to Greek may be traced with greater precision, not- withstanding the wide difference between them. We may assert, with Professor Momm- sen, that " Greeks and Italians were brothers, whilst Kelts, Germans, and Sclavons are cousins." Of these, the Germans are nearer cousins to the Greeks, the Kelts nearer to the Italians, and the Sclavons the most distant of all. The ethnical origin and re- lationship of the Latins and Umbrians is ' clearer than in the case of the Iapygians. The Aryans, before they separated in Central Asia, had possessed a certain degree of civi- lization, which may be found embedded in words, the similarity and affinity between which cannot be doubted from a philological point of view. We have (a.) Such words as are distinct expressions THE SCIENCE OF HISTORY. 231 of the awakening consciousness of the indi- Analogy vidual, as the verb to be : ahmi. ehmL esmi, bet " reen sum ; or the word do (to give), or the words expressing pater, mater, f rater (father, mother, brother) ; JJ^^jJ which clearly prove that these family rela- ness. tions must have existed before the great separation of the different branches of the one Aryan stock took place. (/3.) Such words as prove that the people 03.) Of a must have reached in common a certain state ]^° r of pastoral development, and possessed tame animals, for which they used the same words, as : — Gaus in Sanskrit, bous in Greek, and bos in Latin (ox); Avis in Sanskrit, ois in Greek, and ovis in Latin (sheep) ; Aqvas (akvas) in Sanskrit, hippos in Greek, and equus in Latin (horse) ; Hansas in Sanskrit, chen in Greek, and anser in Latin (gander or goose) ; Atis in Sanskrit, nessa in Greek, and anas in Latin (duck or drake). Besides these, we have cattle (pecus) ; pig (sus) ; pork (porcus) ; bull (taurus) • dog (eanis) ; all of which the Sanskrit, Greek, and Latin languages have in common, proving with incontrovertible certainty that the people, using these words, must have lived together at a certain period of their existence, and have reached, before they separated, a higher state of culture, than that of mere fish-eaters and hunters. / ^ ofthe ( y .) Agriculture could not yet have been agricultural developed in common by these different common. 232 THE SCIENCE OF HISTOEY. (5.) Of a higher settled state in coninion. races. The Gra?co-Latin words for com and agricultural implements are not the same as in Sanskrit. Thus agras is in Sanskrit the floor in general, and becomes, as ager with the Latins, the field (acre) ; Kurnu in Sans- krit means anything crushed or broken, whilst with the Latins it becomes granum (corn) ; and aritram in Sanskrit is rudder and ship, whilst the Latin word aratrum is the plough, cleaving the earth as the ship does the sea ; venas in Sanskrit denotes something agreeable or pleasing, and the Latin vinum became wine. These words may be traced back to Sanskrit roots ; but their different application proves that the Latins must have been separated from their brethren before agriculture had been generally practised. ( . * o m ? of gods, with "Asar" at their head, representing the cosmical forces of nature, especially fire, water, earth, and air — corresponding to the Indian, Egyptian, and Greek deities of the first order. (b. ) Twelve lower divinities, presiding over all existing and visible things. These were phantoms of horror ; and, wherever the con- ception of the gods is ferocious, the character of the people invariably assumes the same tint. The Etruskan priests were said to have attacked the Romans with hissing serpents and burning torches. The timn- No less than twelve different varieties of derboits, as thunderbolts were known to the Etruskan iJedlbytie priests. They believed, and made the people Etruskans. Relieve, in thunderbolts of prophecy, author- ity, law, wish, admonition, approval, help, prosperity, falsehood, plague, threats, and murder. The nature of the thunderbolt was determined by the priests, according to the sound of the thunder, and the direction and THE SCIENCE OF HISTORY. 245 vividness of the lightning. Every transaction of life, every great j)olitical event, was be- lieved to be connected with some approving or disapproving thunder-clap ; which, in a region where thunderstorms were frequent, was nothing very extraordinary. Every day of the year, that brought thunder and light- ing, had its special signification. The priests, who formed the highest and The most noble caste amongst the Etruskans, occu- pS^ an pied themselves exclusively with prophecy. They were able to read the future, not only in thunder and lightning, but in the flight of birds, and the entrails of animals, killed for sacrificial purposes. The dwarf " Tages," The dwarf who rose from the earth, is said to have taught the priests the art of explaining signs and predicting the future, foreshadowed by the gods in everything surrounding man. Mystic books, teaching this occult art, were believed to have been written and left by this mysterious dwarf, who gave to the priests their rituals, ceremonies, and hierarchical or- ganization. The Romans adopted and used Tne n , i ' i i l ,•,• i • i Romans many ot these rituals and superstitions, which adopted thev undoubtedlv borrowed from the Etrus- their , kans. It is a fact, that nearly all the haruspices (soothsayers or diviners), with the Romans, were Etruskans, who were believed to have inherited the power of divination from the gods in time immemorial. ' They believed in a hell — not a land of shadowy rest and for- getfulness, like the Hades of the Greeks, but an abode of horror and eternal fire. The 246 THE SCIENCE OF HISTOEY. proximity of the active volcanoes, Vesuvius and iEtna, must have engendered this super- stition. The The Etruskans had a peculiar political Sanation" organization. Corresponding to the number of the of their gods, probably taken from the Egyp- Etruskans. ^i a ns, their State was formed of a confede- ration of twelve independent towns. The most celebrated of these were Clusiuin, Peru- sia, Cortona, Tarquinii, Volaterrse, Caere, and Veji. The confederation held its meet- ings in a temple dedicated to the goddess Vultumna (a divinity protecting public as- semblies of the representatives of the people), near Volsinii. It was the duty of the con- federation to protect the towns belonging to it against foreign enemies. Each town sent deputies to the general meetings, and a ma- jority of votes was decisive. In case of war, however, each town was permitted to act according to its own interests, and either to take part in the war, remain neutral, or even side with the enemy, as each town had the right to enter into alliances with the surrounding peoples. The Notwithstanding all their superstitions, the Etruskans Etruskans were a practical people. They highly tried to render their towns and houses as practical. secure anc [ comfortable as possible. The Romans not only adopted their religious ideas, customs, and ceremonials, but also learned from them how to build private houses. The "impluvium" for collecting, and the " compluvium " for preserving., wa- THE SCIENCE OF HISTORY. 247 ter, were called " Tuscanica," and were in reality of Etruskan origin. The Etruskans in pre -historic times were The celebrated pirates, and had connections with ^X aT* Africa, Egypt, Phoenicia, and Greece. This pirates. circumstance explains the fact that their old pottery, vessels, and many utensils for every-day use, or for religious purposes, were Egyptian in character. A Greek im- migration is recorded about 660 B.C., when Eucheir, Diopos, Eugrammos, and Demera- tos were driven from Korinthum into Etruria, and from this time the Egyptian and Assyrian forms vanished, and were replaced by de- cidedly improved artistic productions, in an excellent Greek style. Pelasgians, Latins, and Etruskans were The . . the principal ethnical component elements of component the Romans, mixed w^ith Aberrigincs (abori- el f e j? ents gines), wandering people, some of whom are Romans. said to have come from Achaia, that is, from the Peloponnesus, and others from Argos and Larissa, both Pelasgian names, "Argos" meaning a town, and "Larissa" a citadel. All that had been said in the ancient myths of the settlement of the Pelasgians round Mount Hymettus, near Athens, to the effect that these people had come from Etruria or Tyrrhenia, was reversed in the Pom an myths, which made the Tyrrhenians and Pelasgians wander from the Mseonian coasts, in Asia, to Italy. ' ' If we examine the tra- ditions of nations," says the celebrated B G German historian, B. G. Niebuhr, in his Niebutr. 248 THE SCIENCE OF HISTOEY. " Lectures on the History of Rome" (trans- lated into English by Dr. Leonhard Schmitz. London : 1852), " we frequently find that the same events are related in various and en- tirely opposite ways. The story of a Jew taking merciless vengeance on a Christian, such as we read of in ' The Merchant of Venice ' (by Shakespeare), is found com- pletely reversed in a Roman tale written shortly before Shakespeare's time; in this the Christian is represented as wishing to cut a piece of flesh out of the Jew's body." When, and how Rome was founded, is still more wrapt in myths than the origin of the Greek towns. First Lavinium is said to have been built by iEneas, thirty years later Alba, and 300 years later Rome. The chronology of the Alban kings as given in Dionysius, is " nothing but folly and falsehood. This forgery, as we learn from Servius, was made at a late period by a freedman of Sulla, Lucius Cornelius Alexander of Miletus, who quickly became popular at a time, when people delighted in having the history of a period of which nothing could be known." The Roman History must be divided into three Eoman ° f g rea ^ Sections I History. (1.) The Mythical period during which cii! MytM " tne consolidation of the Romans may be studied under Seven Kings, representing as many phases in the progressive development of the town. (2.)Repub- (2.) The Historical period of the Republic, when the Romans appear provided with THE SCIENCE OF HISTORY. 249 helmet, shield, and spear, mighty dashing heroes on the historical stage, setting ont to conquer the world ; and, as a nation, playing the part which Alexander the Great under- took as a free Greek individual. (3.) The Imperial period, when distracted (3.) impe- Rome declines, and finally falls in pomp and naL vanity. About twelve English miles from the mouth of the Tiber, up the river, rise splendid hills, loftier on the right side and lower on the left, peopled by tribes who, for the last 2,500 years, have been known under the name of Romans. The older form of the name was " Ramnes," The afterwards changed into Romanes, Romans. or " Eo- The word " Roma" signifies Strength, and, ma nes." read backwards — "Amor" — it means Love. The first men, according to Virgil, were made of wood, whilst the Greeks asserted them to . have been made of stones. (See page 73.) These beings were at first only half-human, and gradually acquired a civilization, which they owed to Saturn (Time). This is merely an allegorical account of men, first living in woods as savages, and improving by degrees, till they are finally taught writing, and reach a higher state of culture. What Orpheus is said to have done for the Greeks (see page 95), the mythical Evander, who was assumed to have come from Arkadia, did for the Romans. I. Romulus and Remus were believed to t he m us ' have been the founders of Rome. In accord- assumed ance with all other ancient myths, they were of Rome. 250 THE SCIENCE OF HISTORY. Romulus, said to have been the sons of a virgin — Ilia, fgodTbom or . Rnea Sylvia— by a god. Their lives were of a virgin, miraculously preserved ; they were saved from the floods of the river, and reared by a she-wolf. We have here an account of the birth and rescue of the founders of Rome, analogous to that of Osiris, Moses, Zoroaster, Kyrus, and Buddha. If Ilia, the daughter of .ZEneas, was really the mother of Romulus and Remus, as Nsevius and Ennius assert, His she must have been 333 or 360 years old ?? ?th So lf when she gave birth to the twins. The age IJia, was _ o . o 333 or 360 ol the mother places this account at once years old. am0 ngst ^he impossibilities. Next we have a record that they were the grandchildren of Numitor, by his daughter, Rhea Silvia, a Vestal virgin, by a god. " While Rhea was fetching water in a grove for a sacrifice, the , sun became eclipsed, and she took refuge from a wolf in a cave, where she was over- powered by Mars (the god of war). When she was delivered, the sun was again eclipsed, and the statue of Vesta covered its eyes." The Livy (Titus Livius) then tells us that " neither Titus 11 ° gods nor men protected her or her children Livius from the kings cruelty. The priestess was lvy ^' bound and cast into prison (according to others, into the river Anio). The king com- manded the children to be thrown into the current of the river (the Tiber). By some interposition of Providence, the Tiber, hav- ing overflowed its banks in stagnant pools, did not admit of any access to the regular bed of the river, and the bearers supposed THE SCIENCE OF HISTOEY. 251 that the infants could be drowned in water however shallow. Thus, as if they had effectu- ally executed the king's orders, they exposed the boys in the nearest land-flood, where now stands the 'Ficus RuminahV (they say it was called Roniularis). The country, thereabout, was then a vast wilderness. The tradition is, that, when the water, subsiding, had left the floating trough, in which the children had been exposed, on dry ground, a thirsty she- a she-wolf IT * c A ' \Ar. ' suckles the won, coming from the neighbouring moun- children. tains, directed her course to the cries of the infants, and suckled them with so much gentleness that the keeper of the king's flock found her licking the boys. It is said his name was Faustulus, and that they were car- ried by him to his homestead to be nursed by his wife Laurentia." As if ashamed of this incredible tale, Livy adds, that some are of opinion that the wife of Faustulus was called " Lupa " (she-wolf) among the shepherds (from her being a wild and loose character), and that this circumstance gave rise to the surprising story. At a later period, when grown up, Romu- Romulus lus and Remus are said to have each wished g^ to build a town — Romulus on Mount Pala- tine, and Remus on Mount Aventine. A dis- pute arose between the two brothers as to which of them should give the town a name, and as to where it was to be built. Augurs were to decide the quarrel. Romulus was to take his stand on the Palatine, and Remus on the Aventine. The latter watched through 252 THE SCIENCE OF HISTOEY. The whole account a mere fabri- cation. The myth about the spear was borrowed from the Greeks. the whole night, but observed nothing till about sunrise, when he saw six vultures fly- ing from north to south, and sent word of this to Romulus, who at that very time, annoyed at not having seen any sign, fraudulently sent a messenger to say, that he had seen twelve vultures ; and at the very moment the messenger arrived, twelve vultures did ap- pear, and to this Romulus appealed. The whole account must naturally be a fabrica- tion, from the very position of the two hills, for any one watching from the one, would easily see whatever happened high in the air near the other. The whole myth was most probably invented at a later period, when the Patricians, who had their seats on Mount Palatine, quarrelled with the Ple- beians, whose quarters were on Mount Aven- tine. To find an explanation for the deeply rooted antagonism between the two parties, History was falsified backwards ; and the be- ginning of their feuds traced to the very" foundation of the town. Historians must con- tinually bear in mind these, and similar, diffi- culties, that present themselves ; and not too hastily assume as facts, all that ancient writ- ings may have recorded as such. When Romulus decided to build a town, he threw his spear towards the Palatine. The spear took root, and became a tree, which existed down to the time of Nero, as a symbol of the eternity of the New City. We have in this the repetition, without any deeper meaning, of an incident borrowed THE SCIENCE OF HISTORY. 253 from the Greeks, which we endeavoured to explain, when we mentioned the myth, re- lating that the goddess of wisdom, Pallas Athene, in vying for the supremacy of Athens with Poseidon, threw down her spear, which turned into an olive tree. (See page 81.) Romulus is then said to have fixed the Romulus boundary of his town, and Remus, scornfully {^daries leaping over the wall, was killed by Celer. of the This was interpreted as an allegorical sign, J^mus is that no one should cross the fortifications of killed. Rome with impunity. Romulus fell into a state of melancholy, occasioned by the death of Remus. He instituted festivals in his hon- our, and had an empty throne placed by the side of his own. This myth probably arose from the conquest of Remuria by Rome, by which the two towns were united into one kingdom. Thus Rome, the Latin town, be- gan to rule supreme. More allegorical events are related in a dry, matter-of-fact prose, bare of all poetry. The band of Romulus was said to have been too small, and he decided to turn the Capitoline Hill of the town into an The asylum. This was a very limited space; but ^nan" 16 it was asserted that all manner of people — asylum. thieves, murderers, and outcasts of every kind — flocked thither. This legend became, at later times, a source of great animosity be- tween Patricians and Plebeians; the latter reproaching the former that their ancestors were nothing but vagabonds ; whilst, on the other hand, the Patricians retorted that they were the pure descendants of the free com- 254 THE SCIENCE OF HISTORY. panions of Romulus, and that the Clients were descended from those outcasts whom they had generously taken under their protection. Further The improbabilities in the so-called his- • cu ties * torical accounts are continued. The Romans, or the new settlers on Mount Palatine, had no wives, and could obtain none. For the neighbouring more ancient States refused to have anything to do with the new dishonour- TheEape able settlers. Romulus had recourse to a Lbines. stratagem. A great festival was arranged, and the Sabines were invited, with their wives and daughters. In the midst of the solem- nities, thirty of the Sabine maidens were carried off by the Romans, and the thirty u curic^" named after them. Romulus, who had barely a handful of followers, and was obliged to turn his town into an asylum in order to people it, now suddenly divides it into thirty curiae (wards). The incredibility of the account is too evident to require any comment. Wars were the consequence of this incident. At last the Sabines yielded, and it was decided that the sovereignty should be divided between the Romans and Sabines. All this is said to have happened, according to the Annals, in the fourth year after the building of the town of Rome. Romulus Romulus continued, according to the An- hisowa 11 na l s > a kind and benevolent ruler, though he band is said to have killed, with his own hands, Veientines. 10,000 Veientines ; which must have occu- pied him for about six days and nights, if he killed 120 human beings in every hour. THE SCIENCE OF HISTORY. 255 So much for the veracity of this historical statement. Nothing further of the life of Romulus is recorded but his glorious end. When he had completed his earthly career, Jupiter (the supreme deity) felt himself bound to fulfil his promise given to Mars, that he would introduce Romulus among the gods. Romulus was reviewing his army, when, as at the moment of his birth, an eclipse of the sun occurred, and a terrible hurricane arose, during which Mars de- scended in a fiery chariot, and took . his son up to heaven. The same fiery ascent into Hemounts, heaven is recorded of Zoroaster, on a ray of ^St^to lightning ; of Buddha, on a ray of the sun ; heaven'. and of the prophet Elijah, in a fiery chariot. All these accounts were probably apotheo- ses, poetically glorifying the death of some famous lawgiver. The remarkable fact is, that some sensible, and even so-called learned men should have believed, and still believe, such utterly impossible occurrences. It is a what such significant characteristic of their belief, that ^ t r ^ s are they will only admit miracles in reference to their specially chosen teachers, kings, or prophets, and laugh at all those who claim a similar faith for their miraculous legislators ; and whilst they pity the childish credulity in others, they wish to force us to accept their incredibilities as indisputable facts. If, how- ever, such ascents into heaven really have taken place, and may be attributed to the omnipotent power of the Deity, they may have happened as well in one case as in 256 THE SCIENCE OF HISTOEY. another. The anxious jealousy with which each sect believes only in its own miracles, must convincingly prove, to the sober writer and student, that one miracle is as good as another, and that myths, supernatural inci- dents, and legends do not form component parts of History. what we We can read the following facts in the i£ a the ead P ei> i°d assigned to the reign of Romulus, if m)thacon-we eliminate all mythical matter. Rome Eomuius. was founded by someone ; the first settlers were nomadic shepherds, some of whom established themselves on Mount Palatine, others on Mount Aventine. A long period must have elapsed before their primitive set- tlements became an important town, which required fortifications, and became so ex- tensive as to be divided into thirty wards, communities, or parishes. During the whole of this period the new settlers had to struggle hard to obtain a certain amount of security for themselves and their families, their pro- perty and their lives. That they succeeded m this, cannot be doubted; for when they stepped into historical activity, they were masters of a large part of Italy. We may The poiiti- assume that their political condition simul- JoeiaT taneously advanced with their social de- condition velopment. In time the Sabines and Latins oittie early . x -, • , i • i r r i i Romans, entered into a kind 01 confederacy, each sending 100 senators to the common delibe- rations, held at a place between their prin- cipal towns. Such a meeting was called a " comitium." The Sabines and Latins thus TIIE SCIENCE OF HISTOEY. 257 already formed a united state in regard to foreign matters, though each may have re- tained its special independence. The Greek and Etruskan system of town confederacies may thus be traced in these obscure and primitive times. We find, further, Patricians and Clientes, Patricians. to which must be added a third subdivision, the Plebeians. The Patricians were the nobles, the priests, and the political rulers : the Cli- ciientes. entes were those to whom they gave protec- tion, and who had to till the soil ; whilst the Plebeians were later immigrants, who did Plebeians. not live by agriculture, but settled within the " Pale," or on the borders of the town. They were free and independent artizans or mechanics ; in fact, the industrial and working middle classes of our own times. We may further assume, though Historians have to deal with innumerable contradictory assertions, that at a later period there were three groups of powerful families, those of the Ramnes, the Tities, and the Zuceres, origin of each of them represented by one hundred ^Tribes gentes (families), forming one third in the ruling State, and thence called a tribe, or tribus. The votes were taken in the beginning by tribes, and only at a later period by curice, or communities. There were probably in each tribe thirty curiw, making ninety alto- gether. At a still later period the tribes were differently classified, and were divided into gentes civium major es and g entes civiam minor 'es, representing the higher and the lower no- s 258 THE SCIENCE OF HISTORY. bility, of which the former exclusively fur- nished the members of the Senate. Rome had a gradual social and political development, which could not have been attained four years after the building of the town, nor under one ruler, who, when found- ing the state, was represented as the leader of a few nomad shepherds. The transition from a nomadic into a settled town life above all requires time. Numa II. Numa Pompilius. The artificially Pompiims. wor k ec L ou fc d a t e f the death of Romulus, 717 B.C., is as great a myth as his bodily translation to heaven in a lieiy chariot. For one year the Senate is said to have ruled with unlimited power, till the exasperated people, tired of the oligarchic tyranny, de- manded a king. A foreigner, the son-in-law of King Titus Tatius, Numa Pompilius, was then chosen second king of the Romans. Numa, Numa corresponds to the Manu of the In- ^ ani ^ dians, the Menes of the Egyptians, the Moses Mose^and of the Jews, the Min6s of the Kretans, and the Miaos. Lykurgus of the Spartans ; he was the religious and political lawgiver of the Romans, and was treated with mysterious veneration. Like the other prophets, he received his sacred enact- ments from a supernatural power. Some firmly believed that Pythagoras, though he lived 150 years after Numa, was his teacher; but the idea that the nymph Egeria made divine revela- tions to him, was the most generally adopted. It is recorded of him that he regulated the worship of the gods ; created the office THE SCIENCE OF HISTORY. 259 of the "Pontifex Maximus" (which lite- The - Pontii Maximus. rally means the supreme superintendent of bridges) ; regulated the public religious cere- monies ; appointed Augurs, whose duty it was to prophesy ; divided property more equitably amongst the people, and estab- lished the worship of the god " Terminus.'' (See above the word termini). The myth -goes even farther, and ascribes to him an improvement of the calendar. He intro- duced the worship of " Janus," a deity to Janusand be found amongst the Indians, under the j? 6 |° dlan name of Granesa, which is the same word. This divinity had with the Indians, as with the Romans, two faces ; he was with the In- dians, as with the Romans, the leader of the gods, and the beginner of all enterprises ; he possessed the keys of heaven, because he was its door-keeper (janitor, in Latin) ; he held the crozier, or shepherd's staff, at a later period, the distinguishing sign of episcopal authority in the Christian Church; and the name of the first month of the year, " Janu- ary," is derived from him. This one special Roman god and his worship, founded by Numa Pompilius, go further, than any- thing we have adduced, to establish some connection between the Romans and their ancient Aryan brethren. The temple ofThetempie Janus was said to have been already built ol Janus - by Romulus on Mount Quirinal, though the institution of the worship of the deity was ascribed to Numa, who ordered the two opposite doors of the temple to be kept s 2 260 THE SCIENCE OF HISTORY. open during a war, and closed in time of peace. We conclude from all this, that under the name of the second king of Home, we have to study the period of the slow and gradual religious and hierarchical development of the Romans. Tuihis III. We next have the military develop- Hostiiius. ment under Tullus Hostilius. The myth tells us that, after the death of l\ T uma, as after the death of Romulus, a short interreg- num took place, till Tullus Hostilius, who married Hersilia, one of the noblest Sabine maidens, was chosen king. He possessed an indomitable, warlike spirit, and first entirely subjected the town, " Alba Longa." In the traditions relating to the destruction of the town of "Alba," we have a similar record to that of the destruction of Troy; and we are told that "between Rome and Alba there was a ditch, the Fossa Cluilia or Clcelia ; and there must have been a tradition that the Livyand Albans had been encamped there. Livy Dionysms. anc [ Dionysius mention that Clulius, a gene- ral of the Albans, had given the ditch its name, having perished there. It was ne- cessary to mention the latter circumstance in order to explain the fact that afterwards their general was a different person, Mettius Fuffetius, and yet to be able to connect the name of that ditch with the Albans. The two states committed the decision of their dispute to champions; and Dionysius says, that tradition did not agree as to whether Horati and THE SCIENCE OF HISTORY. 261 the . name of the Roman champions was Horatii or Curiatii, although he himself, as The well as Livy, assumes that it was Horatii, probably because it was thus stated by the Curiafoi. majority of annalists. Who would suspect any uncertainty here, if it were not for this passage of Dionysius ? The contest of the three brothers was a symbolical indica- tion that each of the two states was then divided into three tribes; and the legend went even further, representing the three brothers on each side as the sons of two sisters, and as born on the same day." The contest ended with Alba being razed to the ground. In spite of poetical intermix- tures and exaggerations, some faint histori- cal facts may be traced in the accounts of the reign of Tullus Hostilius — namely, the submission of the Albans under the dominion of the Romans. During the reign of this king, legions, and horsemen or cavalry are mentioned. If the organization of an army of a later period was not anachronistically attributed to Tullius Hostilius, this one cir- cumstance would go far to prove the high military development which Rome must have miraculously attained in the short period of three kings. The legions con- Themiiit- sisted of ten cohorts ; one cohort of three 2ation gam " manipuli; and one manipulus of two cen- turies ; and every legion had 300 horsemen — a military organization neither changed nor surpassed in our own times. This king is also credited with having introduced the 262 THE SCIENCE OF HISTORY. short broadsword, the spear or javelin, and regulated and improved the use of bows and arrows. We have before us a period of great military development, under the name of Tullus Hostilius ; this is incontestable, whether we accept or reject the heroical myths and legends with which credulous ancient or modern historians have embel- lished his reign. The king is said to have been struck by lightning whilst offering prayers to Jupiter. Aneus IV. Ancus Martius was asserted to have Martha b een a grandson of Numa Pompilius, by his daughter, and combined in himself the warlike spirit of Romulus and the religious piety of Noma. After the Romans mastered Alba, they aspired to the leadership of the Latin town-confederation. He is said to have The first thrown the first wooden bridge over the Tiber; thrown an ^ to have taken possession of the right bank over the of the river, thus encroaching on Etruskan Tlber ' territory. He founded a colony at Ostia, at the mouth of the Tiber, and had a fortress constructed on mount Janiculum. A fourth period of military activity, and a further in- crease of the territory and influence of Rome, is recorded under the name of Ancus Martins. Lucius V. Lucius Taequinius Pkiscus, or the elder PnXi™ 8 Tarquin, is said to have been of Etruskan birth. His father, Demeratus, is set down as a wealthy citizen of Korinthum, who emi- grated, and settled in Tarquinii, in Etruria. One of his sons married Tanaquil, a pro- tI^i phetess, who induced her husband to go to THE SCIENCE OF HISTORY. 263 Home, where he would reach the highest hon- ours. He followed her advice, and changed his name to Lucius. His wealth and superior Greek education soon made him a favourite amongst the Romans, who chose him for their king after the death of Ancus Martius. He is credited with those immense pre-historic monuments which we have mentioned as hav- ing been executed by the ancient Etruskans. He had the town of Rome surrounded by a wall, constructed of large square blocks, and built the "Circus Maximus," destined forim- The posing public games, horse and chariot races, ^aximus'' wrestling, fighting, and other athletic sports, for the amusement of the masses. Whilst, with the Greeks, such public games were national institutions, supported and executed by the most noble citizens, the people re- warding the victors with wreaths, tripods, and statues ; the Romans hired and trained professionals to exhibit their skill, for the coarse gratification of the people, who ap- plauded the feats and ignored the performers. In these totally different popular feelings, we may trace one of the most important factors in the social development of the Greeks and Romans. Besides enlarging, fortifying, and He beautifying the town, Tarquin increased the !^ d arges number of senators by a hundred members, fortifies The accounts which we possess, concerning the wars he waged, are so confused that we can only state with some certainty that he further extended the dominion of the Romans by annexing Latin, Samnite, and Etruskan 264 THE SCIENCE OF HISTORY. towns and territories. The myth furnishes His death, us with a very tragic report of his death. Two of the sons of Ancus Martius are said to have hired assassins, who, disguised as wood- cutters, carrying their axes, pretended to quarrel before the king's palace, and called upon him to decide their dispute. The king, then eighty years of age, admitted them to his presence, and whilst listening to their complaint, they attacked and murdered him. Servius VI. Servius Tullius is said to have suc- ceeded Tarquin, the elder, through a strata- gem of Queen Tanaquil; who, after the murder of her husband, had the gates of the palace closed, and proclaimed that the king had not been killed, but only wounded, and had en- trusted his son-in-law, Servius Tullius, with the government, which was thus carried on in the name of Tarquin for some time. Tullius Assumed was assumed to have been born at Corniculum, been bom °^ a s ^ aye ? an( ^ n ^ s infancy was remarkable at Comi- for prodigies, which foreshadowed his future greatness. Flames played around his head, when he slept in his cradle. Tanaquil fore- saw his destiny, and he was brought up as the king's own child. As a youth, he already distinguished himself by bravery and wis- dom. After a war, of twenty years 7 duration, he subjected the whole of Etruria to the dominion of Rome, and firmly established the supremacy of the even then all-powerful city. What Numa Pompilius did for the hierarchy, Servius Tullius is said to have done for the social and political organization culum. THE SCIENCE OF HISTORY. 265 of the Roman state. Like Solon, he divided The new the citizens into different classes, according pontica? to their wealth, and by this means broke the division of r» , i • i. /* »i • ; tt the -Roman power oi the ancient iamily aristocracy, tie citizens. gave the Plebeians a better social position by granting them certain rights and privileges. He also divided them into tribes and curia?, which Romulus had done exclusively with the nobles. Each such tribe, guild, or cor- poration was represented by a Tribune. The whole of the Roman territory was divided into thirty tribes, comprising Patricians, as well as Plebeians. At first the Plebeians had no political power, and had no right to take part in the elections or the administration of public affairs. They were only by degrees endowed with the same privileges as the Patricians ; and Servius Tullius thus formed one mighty people of the Romans, who, up to his times, had been divided into several, often hostile, sections. It was asserted of him that he had intended to abolish the regal authority, and to introduce the Republic. His institu- tions bear the stamp of Greek Democracy. He instituted the census, a register of every The Roman citizen and his property. He then divided the people, without any consideration of their origin, into five great classes, and Division ot these into 193 centurice. To the first class £ t e ^ ple belonged those who possessed 100,000 asses classes. and upwards, about £3,436 sterling (the as represented a pound weight of copper of twelve ounces, and the ounce was of the value of about three farthings English money) ; to census. 266 THE SCIENCE OF HISTORY. the second, those who possessed 75,000 asses and upwards ; to the third, 50,000 and up- wards; to the fourth, 25,000 and upwards; to the fifth 12,500 and upwards. Smiths and carpenters belonged to the first class, and musicians to the fifth. There can be no doubt that these divisions dated from a much later period, and were attributed by historians to Servius Tullius, simply to hallow the new organization with the sanctity of antiquity, and to raise it above contemporary criticism. The division also served for military pur- poses. At the head of the classes were the Equites (the cavalry), the knights ; six be- longed to the old Patrician, and twelve were chosen from the chief Plebeian families. The 193 centuries formed the new National As- The sembly, called " Comitia Centuriata." They Centu- ia m ct on the Campus Martius (the Field of riata." Mars), and voted by centuries, each counting as one vote. The wealthy classes, however, had a great advantage over the others, for they formed one hundred centuries, whilst the remaining ninety-three embraced the other four classes. The elders (senior es) always voted before the younger members (juniores). The National Assembly was made the supreme power in the State. It had the right of electing kings and the higher magis- trates ; of proposing, passing, and abolishing laws ; and gave the final decision in cases of appeal. To control this powerful body, Ser- £kf vius left the " Comitia Curia ta " untouched; Curiata." and this highest tribunal consisted exclusively THE SCIENCE OF HISTORY. 267 of Patricians, voting according to curice. No vote of the National Assembly was valid un- til it had been confirmed by the "Comitia Curiata." A third, intermediate, power was granted to the " Comitia Tributa," who were The CD ' it f^ *4- m entrusted with local affairs, such as the elec- xributa.'* tion of lower magistrates, collecting the tri- batum or taxes, and furnishing the necessary contingent to the army ; they voted according to tribes. The next great work, attributed to Servius Tullius, was the extension of the Extension "Pomcerium," or the hallowed boundary of ome " the city. He surrounded the town by a stone wall and a moat. Thus Rome received a circumference of five miles, and the seven hills, the Palatine, Aventine, Capitoline, Cselian, Quirinal, Viminal, and Esquiline, were included within its precincts. The end of this king is said to have been The tragic most tragic ; and we may recognize in the gervius fictitious account the later selfish and indo- Tullius. mitable nature of the Romans, swayed by passion and ambition. Servius Tullius is said to have had no sons, but only two daughters, of very opposite characters : the one, modest and pious; the other, wild and heartless. To counteract their natural propensities, he married the first to the proud and passionate Lucius Tarquinius ; and the second to the kind and unambitious Aruns Tarquinius ; but he utterly failed in his attempt to correct the violent temper of his younger daughter by marrying her to a quiet man, or to check tne impetuous spirit of Lucius Tarquinius by 268 THE SCIENCE OP HISTORY. giving him the gentle elder sister as a com- panion. Like sought like ; and the younger sister, enraged at her father's long life, and fearing that her husband (Aruns) would quietly give up the crown, united herself Tarquinius with Tarquinius, afterwards called Superbus Superbus. ^k e p rouc [) 7 murdered her husband, induced Lucius Tarquinius to murder his wife, and then herself married him. Tullia now in- cessantly urged her husband to murder her father, and thus obtain the kingdom which he so ardently coveted. Tarquinius con- spired with the Patricians, who hated Ser- vius for his reforms ; and when all was ripe, he appeared on the Forum, accompanied by a party of armed men ; then, " whilst all were struck with dismay, seating himself on the throne before the senate-house, he or- dered the Patricians to be summoned by the crier to attend King Tarquin ; they hastened to the senate ; some of them already pre- pared for the scene ; others out of fear ; others, again, thinking that it was all over with Servius Tullius." When the king heard of the strange and alarming commotion, he boldly hastened to the scene, and bade Tarquin quit the royal chair at once; but Tarquin sprang forward, seized the old man, and flung him down the stone steps. Covered with blood, the king hastened home, but was overtaken by the servants of the re- bellious Tarquin, and murdered at the top of Tullia, Ms the Cyprian street. Tullia drove joyfully to Wlfe - the Forum, in order to be the first to greet THE SCIENCE OF HISTORY. 269 her husband as king; on her return, her charioteer pulled up suddenly, near a temple to the right of the Orbian hill, and pointed out the bleeding corpse of her father lying across the road. She, however, ordered him to drive on, and passed over her father's body, reaching her home with carriage and dress stained with her father's blood. We may justly assume that the whole of this revolting occurrence was invented at a later period, when the Romans trembled before Csesarism, and wished to brand the first period of their historical existence under kings with ignominy, in order to warn the masses not to turn their backs on the Re- public, and to submit to kings or emperors. Servius reigned forty-four years, and must have been a wise, mild, and just ruler ; he was found worthy to have his name attached to the most important reforms in a demo- cratic sense ; and his enactments would, no doubt, have proved to the welfare of the State, had they been carried into effect ; but for the next 150 years Patricians and Ple- beians were involved in the most sanguinary contests to attain those rights, which were supposed to have been founded, and well established by Servius Tullius. VII. Lucius Tarquinius Superbus, the last Lucii of the Roman Kings, may be said to have g^erbus 13 been entirely historical. He inaugurated his reign by abolishing all the privileges granted by his predecessors to the different classes, especially the Plebeians. This is doubted by yucius 270 THE SCIENCE OF HISTORY. Niebuhr, because it would have been an advantage to Tarquin to have maintained the improved military class- system. He may possibly have left the military organization unaltered, and even have imposed it upon the Latins, although he may have abolished all the political rights, and thus have ruled with a greater and more powerful despotism. Historians, in carefully considering the next 150 years of the development of Rome, will find that the struggle between Patricians and The Plebeians must have had for its foundation betwlen some sucn cause as rights and privileges, Patricians once enjoyed, and afterwards arbitrarily Plebeians, taken away. For a revolution occurred, and the constitution was not only suspended, but altogether abolished. Tarquinius began to levy arbitrary and oppressive taxes ; under- took immense buildings, forcing the people to work for very little pay. He surrounded himself with a body-guard ; prohibited all public meetings ; restricted national festivi- ties and religious sacrifices ; and introduced a despicable system of spying. He made use of the criminal courts of justice to oppress the Patricians, who had helped him to his throne, and brought some false accusation against those, who either appeared to him politically dangerous, or whose riches and His estates he coveted. He is credited with beautify- m having beautified the Circus, with having ingthe protected the town against the inundations of the Tiber by colossal walls, and having completed the subterranean canals. It is THE SCIENCE OF HISTORY. 271 further stated that he finished the construction of the Capitol with its threefold temple, dedi- cated to Jupiter (the supreme god), Juno (the deity presiding over marriages), and Minerva (the goddess of intellect). Under him the Sibylline Books were deposited in the temple. " One day a Sibyl, a prophetess from Curase, The appeared before Tarquin, and offered to sell bSm?" him nine books. Upon his refusing to buy them, she went away and burned three, and then demanded the same sum for the remain- ing six as she had asked for the nine. But the king laughed, whereupon she again burnt three, and then demanded the same sum as before for the remaining three. Wondering at this strange conduct, the king purchased the books. They were placed under the care of two Patricians, and were consulted when the State was in danger." Tarquin waged war against the Latins, War and having conquered them, subdued the Vol- Q g a a b ^ scians with their aid. He attacked Gabii, a Latin city which refused to enter into the league. Unable to take the city by force, he had recourse to a stratagem. His son Sextus, pretending to be illtreated by his father, and covered with the bloody marks of stripes, fled to Gabii. The infatuated inhabitants en- trusted him with the command of their troops, and when he had obtained the unlimited con- fidence of the citizens, he sent a messenger to his father to inquire how he should deliver the city into his hands. " The king, who was walking in his garden when the messenger 272 THE SCIENCE OF HISTORY. arrived, made no reply, but kept striking* off the heads of the tallest poppies with his stick. Sextus took the hint. He put to death or banished, on false charges, all the leading men of the place, and then had no difficulty in compelling the town to submit to his The whole father." But this whole tale is an evident tale is a forgery, made up of two stories related by forgery. Herodotus. The one about the Persian Zopyrus. prince Zopyrus, who mutilated himself, de- serted to the enemy (the Babylonians), and delivered them up to Darius (see Herodotus, Thrasy- book iii., 153-158) ; the other, of Thrasy- buius. bulus, tyrant of Miletus, who, when con- sulted by Periander, through a messenger, how best to govern the city, took the herald into a field of corn, made him repeat his question, and, without answering, cut off every ear that was taller than the rest, and threw it away. When the messenger re- turned, and was asked the answer, he said he received none at all, as the man to whom he was sent must have been mad, for he de- stroyed his own property. He then related what he had seen. Periander understood what Thrasybulus meant, and put to death the most influential citizens. (See Herodotus, book v., 92 — 6 and 7.) This is only one example of the innumerable instances in which use is made of incidents recorded of one nation or person, by later historians who apply them to entirely different persons at different periods. Such analogies must be sifted, and the attention of readers and THE SCIENCE OF HISTORY. 273 students drawn to them, in order that proper caution may be exercised, and none but tho- roughly authenticated facts credited. The fact, in this account of Tarquin and Expulsion his son Sextus, is that the people of Rome, T f a r h uing tired of the tyranny of the Tarquins, expelled them, and constituted an aristocratic Republic under Lucius Junius Brutus and Tarquinius Collatinus. The myths about Lucretia, the wife of Collatinus, and Sextus, are later poeti- cal additions, to justify the rebellion of the Patricians, who wished to place the estab- lishment of the Republic on a high moral foundation. Of this mythic Royal period we possess no historical records left by the Romans. Songs are said to have been the only Histories, as with the Greeks, or the Germans, and the French ; but even these songs were composed as late as the third century B.C., nearly 300 years after the last of the Seven Kings had ceased to rule. Ennius (Quintus) was born Ennius about 239 B.C., and Nsevius about 234 B.C.; of ^ viug their poems we possess only a few fragments, collected at later periods, and their writings serve us in no way as reliable sources. The Republican period in the political Rome * life of the Romans, though sanguinary and epu monotonous, shows us the conquerors of the world in their mighty and irresistible efforts to fulfil their historical destiny. Two principal elements absorbed the whole intel- lectual and moral activity of the Romans : — Politics, and Conquests leading to wars. For 274 THE SCIENCE OF HISTOEY. 167 years after the fall of the Monarchy, the Republic had to be consolidated, and this difficult task was attained by fire and sword. It appears as if these 167 years had been spent in regaining that constitution which Servius Tullius had given to the Romans, and which had been grossly violated, and alto- gether abolished by Tarquinius Superbus, whose name marks a period of decline and degradation, during which the aristocratic Patricians struggled against the democratic Plebeians for the preservation of their power. Whilst this political evolution was taking its course, the Republic was invaded by the The Gauls Gauls, under Brennus, who broke into Italy, Brennus. *°°k Chiusium (Clusium) (389 B.C.), beat the Roman army on the river Allia, entered Rome, destroyed nearly the whole town, with the ex- ception of the Capitol, which was not exactly saved by " geese," as some Historians assert, but by the manly bravery of Marcus Manlius, the Consul. For one hundred and twenty years before Brennus invaded Rome, and for forty-seven years after they had freed them- selves from the Gauls, the people of Italy had Plebeians to work out their constitution. Step by step dam in* 1 " the Plebeians gained their right to choose conflict, magistrates ; to have tribunes, to make their voice heard by " Plebiscita" ; and at last, to put an end to the arbitrary administration of justice, they obtained Written Laws. The Decemviri, who had to draw up these laws, assumed power with which they were not invested, and tyrannically ruled the country, THE SCIENCE OF HISTORY. 275 till a revolution broke out and restored the ancient order. For eighty years more the Plebeians struggled to be permitted to be- come Consuls. At last, after the defeat of Brennus, the Democracy was victorious; even The the highest offices, such as those of Judges, victorious Praetors, iEdiles, and Priests, held for a long cracy." ,time exclusively by Patricians, were open to Plebeians. United, strong and proud of their common liberties, inspired by their omnipo- tent State abstraction, for which they shed their blood and fought so valiantly ; to which they sacrificed all private sentiments and in- dividual comfort, the Roman Republicans poured their legions over the world, installed the God of Thunder and the God of War as their special gods, and began to conquer and to trample under foot nationality after nationality, and empire after empire. Every year, every month, every week, nay, every day brought some sanguinary contribution to the pages of History. But the one-sided develop- ment of the dynamic force in the Romans, checked only by a despotic moral law, based on the imaginary interests of the State, produced in the end the same results as the unruly De- mocracy in Greece ; and a slow and gradual dissolution of the Republic and the Empire itself ensued. In 342 B.C. the Romans inau- gurated their Heroic Period, with the first great war against the Samnites. The Adriatic was to be theirs, and they at last acquired it. In the meantime they extended their rule in Magna Grsecia, where they occupied Parthe- T 2 276 THE SCIENCE OF HISTORY. n6pe (Palasopolis, afterwards Naples). From The wars 340 — 337 B.C. they subdued the Latins. From ^ fthe , r 325 — 290 B.C. two further wars against the Republic. . , . . . .o Samnites taxed their energies, and they con- quered them after thirty-four years of san- guinary exertions. Fyrrhus. From 281 — 275 B.C. they waged war against the town of Tarentum and against Pyrrhus, who had dared to help the Taren- tines. During this period the valiant Pyrrhus exclaimed, "that, with Roman soldiers, it would be easy to conquer the world.' 5 Italy was at last entirely in the power of the Romans. Tarentum and Brundusium, the Umbrians and Salentines, had to submit. The people did not gain much in losing their local independence. High roads were con- structed, the towns regulated ; everywhere Roman soldiers kept order, and overawed the masses, who began to lose all self-reliance, and were deprived of every incentive to use- ful activity. Men grew poorer in property and smaller in numbers ; war took away the best and most vigorous members of the com- munity ; and, whilst the Roman Senate could boast of victory after victory, the people wasted their intellectual and bodily faculties, and became more and more discontented. Syrakuse. Syrakuse was the next point the Romans coveted, and they fought for it from 288 — 264 B.C. for more than twenty years; and in consequence of their eagerness to possess Sicily, were involved in the murderous Punic Wars. THE SCIENCE OF HISTORY. 277 From 264 — 241 b.c. they were engaged Jfrrt in the First Punic War. War. At the same time the legions marched into Gaul, and were victorious. The Second Punic War lasted from 218 — Second 201 B.C. ; during it Hannibal proved to the ^™ c world that it was possible to be a greater general than even Alexander, and yet not conquer the Romans, who showed an incre- dible vitality at moments, when everything seemed utterly lost. Peace was concluded with Carthage, but only for a short time. During the Third Punic War, from 149 — Third 146 B.C., Cato's words were fulfilled, and Car- w™ thage was destroyed. For seventeen days the town was burning ; 650,000 persons are The de- said to have voluntarily perished ; and only Carthage^ 50,000 saved themselves, preferring life in slavery to a glorious death. Scipio (the African) became the subject of many an epic poem ; he was a mighty commander, and cold-blooded enough to excite the admiration of those who are ready to worship any man who, by means of his intellectual and physi- cal powers, shows himself daring, courageous, and unrelenting, Scipio is said to have gazed Scipio .,-1,1 j_i i • x J Africanus. with tearless eyes on the burning town, and the perishing men, women, and children ; whilst, in full view of the horrible spectacle, he calmly quoted these words from Homer : " The day will come when holy Troy will fall." A new Carthage was founded by Tiberius Gracchus on the accursed site of the old town, and its construction continued by 278 THE SCIENCE OF HISTOEY. Julius Caesar ; but it never rose to any importance. The The Eoman arms did not rest; and Ko- Korm! St ° f rinthum was taken in 145 B.C. From this thum. date we can first begin to trace a higher artistic and scientific activity amongst the Komans. Makedonia and Greece were sub- jected, and became a Roman province, under the name of Achaia. Conse- One hundred and ninety-seven years were of the 68 spent in continuous wars with neighbouring conquests, hostile tribes and with foreign nations. The Romau Empire now comprised Spain and Gaul, the whole northern coast of Africa, Greece, and Makedonia, yet victories and extension of territory were the very causes of the inner dissolution of the State. Writers, readers, and students of History must in no way allow themselves to be dazzled by the admittedly great characters, that appeared in the Military Tragedy, enacted by the Romans. Their power of regulating and ruling was immense. They turned, as if by enchantment, desert places into towns, studded with pompous stone and marble buildings. They taught humanity obedience to the will of the stronger, and suppressed all individual action, that did not directly further the interest of the State ; and the State was Rome, or rather the governing Causes of municipal body of Rome. Yet, what were thedissoiu- the results of all their exertions ? Dissensions, Eepubiic. e troubles, and rebellions at home followed their conquests abroad. The Romans pre- THE SCIENCE OF HISTORY. 279 scribed laws to tlieir civilized citizens, and disgraced themselves by diplomatic cor- ruption in all tlieir political dealings with foreigners. Brute force and the right of might were the secret springs of their deeds. Family intrigues and bribery procured the most important places in the State. The more the central power expanded, the more it lost in vitality. In the struggle with foreign nations they were successful, whilst the feuds between Patricians, Plebeians, and Slaves undermined the State at home. Dic- tators, Consuls, Proconsuls, and Praetors, far away in strange lands, had to be invested with exceptional powers. The soldiers began The to feel their combined strength, and often ^^ rs of turned against their masters, if these neg- lected to court their favour. The stern discipline had to be relaxed. The orders of the distant Senate were disobeyed. The fighting, suffering, heroic soldiers were to be humoured ; they were permitted to ill-treat, plunder, and murder savages and barbarians ; to do what they liked in an enemy's country; and, when they returned to their homes, they continued to practise, what they had learned during their campaigns. The judges did not dare to punish them, not knowing when and where the Republic might require their indispensable services. In the elections votes became a mere question of supply and de- mand ; money ruled supreme — money, not Money acquired by honest commerce and hard work, evei 7 thin s but by arbitrarily imposed taxes, by robbery, 280 THE SCIENCE OF HISTORY. and the plunder of conquered provinces. Gold and silver vessels, statues, weapons, and treasures of all kinds were heaped up, placed on cars, dragged along the Via Sacra (the sacred street), and exhibited in triumph to the blinded Roman masses, who were ac- customed to sacrifice their own liberty to Triumphs, such spectacular processions. The Senate and the people became as eager for triumphs as the Dictators and Consuls themselves; they became whimsical and arbitrary in all their political and social proceedings, pan- dering to the passions of the coarse military element, that helped them to wealth, power, and glory. The Patricians grew hardened and heartless, licentious and tyrannical ; and the Plebeians imitated their betters. The poor were looked down upon as criminals, and the artizans oppressed by usury. The laws were defied by everyone who had the slightest stake in the State. Luxury and im- morality passed all bounds ; treachery and cruelty forced the conquered provinces into open revolt ; and we see a single town, Nu- mantia, daring to defy the almighty power The of the invincible Romans. The Numantian Jj3gg ian troubles were followed by the first Servile War, which broke out in Sicily 134 B.C. ; and although the slaves were subdued in 132 B.C., the revolt lasted for two years, and sufficed to break the spell. Rome could be resisted. These internal disorders continued. The Gracchi, two of the most noble characters Rome ever produced, though belonging to THE SCIENCE OF HISTORY. 281 the highest families, were sensible of the decay of the Republic, and wished to save her, and to secure property to the houseless and homeless masses, and were murdered in the attempt. Their violent death was the direct cause of the Civil Wars which followed — the War with Jugurtha, 112 — 106 B.C. ; the War with the Kimbri and Teutones, 113 — 101 B.C. ; a second Servile War in Sicily, 103 — 101 B.C. ; and the Marsic War, 90 — 89 B.C. The Civil Wars were interrupted by wars against Mithridates, a successful expedition in Gaul, and ended in the downfall of the The wars Republic and the establishment of the Em- J 1 ^^ pire. There were two well-defined forces at and Mi- work during the last seventy years of the Th^two' Roman Republic. The one looked longingly forces at back, and wished to restore the Republic to j£f me m her primitive aristocratic splendour, when Aristo- popular passions, and the ambition of the cracy * poor, had not yet driven the abstract State- body to distraction ; when no clamours for 11 bread and amusements," for property and rights, for land and justice, had resounded in the streets of Rome. The representative of this force was Sulla (also written Sylla). Sulla, The other force, looking forward, strove to or s y lla * consolidate the unwieldy and mighty State by making its basis broader. The millions Demo- oi the people, the innumerable slaves, the cracy * nihil-habentes (those who possessed nothing) were to obtain an interest in the State through freedom, and a more equitable social position. The rulers were to gain power 282 THE SCIENCE OF HISTORY. by diffusing power ; they were to be made richer by allowing others to possess ; they were to have no more slaves, but land- owners ; the violence of the aristocracy was to be restricted. Aristocrats, like those who had murdered Tiberius Gracchus at the en- trance of the Temple of Jupiter, the door of which had been barred by sympathising priests, were to be made to obey the laws, and were not to be allowed to treat every- one, who spoke in favour of the people, as an enemy of the State. The embodiment of this Mariusand force was Marius. Julius CLesar, the third TV Cssar. prominent character of this age, endeavoured to balance these forces, but was crushed by the power of the two conflicting elements; and the gigantic Roman Empire entered the third period, that of its decline and final dissolution. Greek and The Republican period of the Roman State Historians, na( ^ both Greek and Roman Historians, whose ^ ^eir works must be read with great care. The ' old liberty of Greece was dead. The writers, if Greeks, were either dependent on their task-masters, or had not the courage to say what they ought to have said, or were simply forbidden to do so. A state, accustomed to silence whole nations, had power enough to suppress any unfavourable comments that any Greek free-thinker might have dared to make. The books written about Rome are generally composed in a timid or flattering spirit. Adverse facts are palliated, and admi- ration for the military heroism of the nation THE SCIENCE OF HISTORY. 283 often blinds the authors ; and they write to please the conquerors, use splendid rhetorical phrases to disguise the truth, or to indemnify the reader for their want of frankness. The following- were the most important Greek Greek Historians of this period. ^ Eo™ 8 1. Polybius, born at Amphipolis or Mela- Polybius. gopolis in Arkadia, 203 B.C., the son of the Achaian Praetor Lykortas, and an inti- mate friend of Philopcemenes, the last cele- brated Greek commander. When still a youth he was sent as ambassador to the Egyp- tian king, Ptolemy Epiphanes, and went to Rome with other Achaian s in 166 B.C. Polybius travelled in Gaul, Spain, and Africa, and served in the third Punic War under Scipio (147 — 146 B.C.). He afterwards has- tened to join the army of Mummius, merely as a spectator, and witnessed the destruc- tion of Korinthum. In 143 B.C. he went to Egypt, accompanied Scipio in 134 B.C. on his expedition against Numantia, and died 121 B.C., when eighty- two years old, through a fall from his horse. He was of a catholic disposition, loved humanity, and proved himself in his masterly writings a worthy intellectual descendant of Herodotus. He described, under the title " General History," His the Second Punic War down to the conquest, "General by the Komans, of Makedonia, under King J Perseus. The work was written in thirty- eight or forty books, of which we possess only the first five, and some important frag- ments of the next twelve. He wrote with 284: THE SCIENCE OF HISTORY. His the clear and distinct purpose to show the 2g m causes that brought a great part of Asia, History. Africa, and Europe under the dominion of the Romans. In recording the facts of the past, he sought to teach politicians and mili- tary commanders how to rule and to fight in the future. He may be called the first scien- tific, historical Specialist ; he tries to trace the causes of every incident, illustrates the circumstances under which the phenomena occurred, and draws conclusions for the guid- ance of his readers. His style is not alto- gether free from an inflated phraseology, which he acquired during his long stay amongst the Romans. His chronology is reliable, and so are his facts. It is to be regretted that a work written against him by Skylax, of Karyand, has been lost, for it would have been most interesting to read what was said against him, in order to verify the correctness of his conclusions. Of the other grammatical, geographical, and histori- cal writings of Polybius, we possess only some few fragments. The best edition of his works, with critical annotations, is that of J. Schweighauser. Leipsic : 1789. Posido- 2. Posidonius, of Obiopolis, wrote a con- mus. tinuation of the History by Polybius down to the times of Pompey ; his work was princi- pally made use of by the Roman Historians, Trojus Pompejus and Justinus, and is en- tirely lost. Sexander ^' CORNELIUS ALEXANDER (generally SUr- ' named the " Poly historian," to distinguish nes. THE SCIENCE OF HISTORY. 285 him from the elder poet, Alexander of Ephe- sus), lived under Sulla, and was a freedman of Cornelius Lentulus. He resided at Rome, and wrote a " History of Italy," which is lost. 4. Theophanes, of Mitylene (59 B.C.), Theopha- wrote the History of his friend Pompey in verse. Sevin, in the ll Memoires de l'Acade- mie des Inscriptions " (vol. xx.), mentions other works by this author, but all of them are lost. 5. Juba, king of Makedon, who possessed j u ba. a highly cultivated mind, was brought as prisoner to Rome, and wrote there several historical works, which have been lost, but which are mentioned in the writings of Plutarch, who made ample use of them. 6. Timagenes, of Alexandria, first a prisoner Timagenes at Rome, then an Orator (rhetor) finally de- voted his talents to the study and composi- tion of History. He was an intimate friend of the Emperor Augustus, whose good graces he, however, lost through too much frank- ness ; he became the client of Asinius Pollio, wrote a " History of Gaul" ; a description of the " Circumnavigation of the Earth " in five books ; and another work on the first Roman Kings, which has principally been used by the Roman Historian, Curtius. Ac- cording to Klitarchus, Timagenes brought Historiography to a higher development; and the total loss of his writings is very much to be regretted. 7. Dionysius, of Halikarnassus, in Karia, D jg 1 ?? 11B » or UtiliJcar- born about 66 B.C., came to Rome about nassus. 286 THE SCIENCE OF HISTORY. 30 B.C., lived there twenty-two years, and wrote his " Roman Archaeology " with the special view to console the Greeks under their subjugation by the Romans. He proved that their masters had borrowed their best institutions, their learning, their customs and manners, from the Greeks. He was well versed in the literature of his time ; generally used the best authorities ; lived in the best society; and deserves credit for having re- frained from nattering the Romans, and treated their ancient History with great His aim in severity. Like Polybius, he wishes to teach History by examples, and writes on the past to illus- that S T eaS ^ ra * e ^ ne present, and to instruct politicians, Polybius. generals, legislators, and the people to pre- pare for themselves a happy future, in avoid- ing all those causes that must necessarily be followed by pernicious effects. His style is not quite free from rhetorical sophistry. Besides a History, he wrote " Chronicles " (Chronika), which have been entirely lost. His History was written in twenty books, of which we possess only the first nine complete, parts of the tenth and eleventh, and fragments of the remaining. He treated Roman History from the oldest times down to the First Punic War. He was an excellent sesthetical Critic and Orator (rhetor). In the u Classical Journal" (1826, vol. xxxiv., No. 68—70, pages 277 — 284), readers may find an Essay under the title of " An Inquiry into the credit due to Dionysius of Halikarnassus as a Critic and Historian." Capponier has some excel- THE SCIENCE OF HISTORY. 287 lent remarks upon him in the " Menioires de FAcademie des Inscriptions," vol. xxxix. 8. Diodorus, of Agyrium, in Sicily, there- Biotas fore surnamed Siculus, wrote, after having * us ' travelled over Europe and Asia, a History, under the title " Historia Bibliotheka," in forty books. It began with the Destruction of Troy, and came down to 60 B.C., treating of all the then known nations. Of this work we possess Books I. — v., comprising the mythic History of Asia, Europe, and Africa, complete ; of Books vi. — x. some fragments are extant; Books xi. — xx., containing the History of the Persian War with Xerxes, down to the successors of Alexander the Great, are preserved; but of the last twenty books only a few detached fragments have come down to us. His chronology is His chron- doubtful, and his judgment vitiated by his ? lo §y and seeing everything in an exclusively Greek JU smen ' light ; he failed to comprehend the causes of the differences in the religious, political, and social organizations of other nations, and is, therefore, unreliable, and often entirely mis- leading. But those who call the History of Diodorus Siculus a mere compendium of in- coherent myths, legends, and facts, are too se- vere in their criticism ; for Diodorus had some plan in his writings, and was undoubtedly the first who attempted to construct History on a synchronistic principle, arranging facts, Syn^on. as they occurred, contemporaneously in dif- ism. ferent nations. This enabled later Historians to draw analogies, one of the most instruc- 288 THE SCIENCE OF HISTORY. The tive and interesting elements in the compo- anXgies. sition and study of History, teaching ns the sameness and regularity in the development of humanity under the law of causation. That Diodorus's first attempt at a synchro- nistic History was not altogether faultless, does not lessen his merit. De Caylus, in his essay, u Sur les Historiens en general, et sur Diodore de Sicile en particulier,'' in the " Menioires de PAcad&nie des Inscriptions," vol. xxvii., gives a correct and just estimate of this Historian. The History was one of the branches of litera- Historlans. ^ ure mos ^ cultivated by the Romans. The principal language with the educated classes was Greek, and this went so far, that in order to understand the comic plays, writ- ten in Latin, a knowledge of Greek was essential. The Patricians all spoke and wrote exclusively in Greek. From the very beginning of their social consolidation, the Romans had a love for Greek ideas, forms, ex- pressions, and sentiments ; and under Greek influences their language gradually devel- oped, like their State. With the expansion of the territory, the purity and pliability of the Roman tongue increased. Not only Pa- tricians, but also Plebeians and even slaves, began to study and to read. The knowledge Beading of Greek, and reading and writing Latin, writing in became by degrees so general, that it was no Eome. particular merit or advantage to have, what we in England would call, a good education. Slaves, freedmen, and strangers, were gene- THE SCIENCE OF HISTORY. 289 rally the teachers of the Roman youth, and Greek, the spread amongst them more humane ideas in ahSw^ Greek, for as yet no Roman literature existed, education. But, like everything else, knowledge with the Romans was considered of no use, if it could not be turned to some practical jDurpose. The higher culture of the mind ajDpeared to them to be a mere ornament; to think, to speak, and to act for the common weal, was the most important occupation of a Roman ; and the fulfilment of his duty as a patriot, his exclusive bodily and intellectual object. We cannot help admiring the stern simplicity of Roman manners ; their haughty national self-reliance, the disinterested love of their country, which they showed at the beginning of their national life, and which manly virtues forcibly contrasted with the vile cringing, and humble submissiveness of the Greeks, who continually quarrelled amongst themselves, and fell under the yoke of foreign rulers. The Greeks, at a later period of their national existence, devoted their ener- gies to the culture of arts and sciences, and neglected politics ; the Romans concentrated their national force to promote the grandeur and glory of their country ; they all stood one for all and all for one ; they all fought and either conquered, or fell together. In the social and national cohesion of the Romans, influence Historians can find the secret cause of the ^^1 peculiar development of their literature. To cohesion on promote this cohesion was the purpose of Literature. every word spoken and written amongst 290 THE SCIENCE OF HISTORY. them. Care for the State absorbed the indi- vidual ; for the individual had only so much value as the State granted to him. This was the cause why Rhetoric was so highly cul- tivated. To address the masses, to induce them to take up arms, and to excite them to a common action ; to gain their suffrages ; to expose a traitor, or to defend a man who had been accused of treachery, were, in the estimation of the Roman public, the highest possible duties ; but the most sacred was to be ready to sacrifice oneself and the whole of one's family in fighting and dying for the be- nefit of the State. The Roman was a talking Politics and acting political machine. Politics with- Histury. ou ^ historical knowledge are impossible ; and though historical knowledge in the service of politics must necessarily be biassed and one- sided, at least its cultivation is indispensable. This is the reason why History was the more studied, the more the life of the people be- came public. With the Romans, Rhetoric led to History. The very element that had been detrimental in Greece to true History, Rhetorical namely, " rhetorical Dialectics," formed the Dialectics. f oun d a tion on which Roman History was constructed. Dialectics, legal niceties, in- flated phrases, pompous metaphors, witty allegories, passion, and frenzy, were the component elements of Rhetoric with the Romans, toned down by grammatical and syntactical smoothness, and the wholesome care, never to say anything that might be displeasing to the patriots, or the party in THE SCIENCE OF HISTORY. 291 power. These elements were largely used by them in History, and have been and will be used by all those nations who place them- , selves above Humanity, and live in the proud National conviction that, " Extra Romam non est vita ; p si est vita, non est ita." (Out of Rome there is no life ; if there be life, it is not like it.) History with the Romans was a means to ex- cite patriotic enthusiasm. Facts were given ; but if unfavourable, they were either dis- guised, or altogether passed over in silence, so as not to offend the patriotic sensitiveness of the Roman people. No one must look for genuine historical compositions under such influences. But if we become aware of these tendencies in the writers of a certain period and nation, we may still read and use them with profit ; for we are enabled to discern the inordinate national conceit, which leads attitudinizing historical writers to strive to assert in every second line: — -"We do this better in Rome, or France, or England ! " and our knowledge of their mental bias makes us receive these boastful exclamations with proper caution. We learn to direct our judg- ment to events and their causes, and not to individual assertions, in however splen- did a dialectical form they may be uttered. We endeavour to draw our conclusions from facts and their effects, and seek moral and political wisdom in deeds, and not in words. Down to the time of Cicero, there t^TtinS were no Roman Historians. Cicero was the Cicero, no first who gave some practical hints on the Historians u 2 292 THE SCIENCE OF HISTORY. method of writing History. Prior to the period of the dissolution of the Republic, An- nals were compiled, victories registered and dated, and laws and enactments recorded. No time was left for philosophising. With the exception of the few Greek writers, whom we have mentioned above, History was a detached, disconnected catalogue of deeds. No one had leisure to meditate on the ever- changing and shifting historical scenes that followed one another, like so many gladiato- rial fights in the arena. Cornelius Nepos was looked upon by Catullus as the first Roman historian, who took the Greeks for his model. Cornelius exclaims, satirically, in the preface to his work, u that many will think this kind of writing trifling in its nature, and not sufficiently adapted to the characters of eminent men, when they shall find it related who taught Epaminondas music, or see it numbered among his accomplishments, that he danced gracefully, and played skilfully on the flutes* But these will be such, for the most part, as, being unacquainted with Greek litera- ture, will think nothing right but what agrees with their oivn customs" The uneducated and technically-distorted minds, the super- stitious and fanatically-blinded, will always despise History. Those who looked down upon other nations with contempt, could not believe that patriotism, true morals, honesty * The plural "flutes" is used, because the Greeks and the Romans played on different kinds of flutes, and often on two at once. (See Smith's " Classical Dictionary ; " Tibia.) THE SCIENCE OF HISTORY. 293 of character, perseverance and earnestness of purpose, might exist in a citizen, who could dance gracefully. The Romans had to learn, too late, that self-conscious culture and ex- panded knowledge are forces in a nation, and cannot be neglected with impunity. They suddenly rushed into breathless activity, to- wards the end of their Republican existence, and paved the way for a despotic Imperial- ism, and an artificial literature. It would be wrong to assume that Roman Sources of History had its beginning in popular songs, j^ an for it distinctly originated in prose. Royal History, laws, commentaries on the enactments of Numa, commercial treaties, family monu- ments, inscriptions on tombs, the Twelve Tables of the laws, orders given by consuls, the Annals of the high priests, and the so-called u Acta diuma populi Romani" (the first official State paper under the title " Daily Deeds of the Roman people,") and the " Minutes of the Senate "(Acta Senaffls), were the prin- cipal sources of the first annalists. The Romans had neither mythographers nor logo- graphers ; they had at once legislators who registered their resolutions as brief and pe- remptory commands. Little has come down to our times of these documents ; and the writings of the annalists who used them, their registers, and chronicles, are nearly all lost, with the exception of some scanty fragments. Among the Roman Annalists were many Roman distinguished and influential men, of whom Annalidt3 - 294: THE SCIENCE OF HISTOEY. we will mention the most important before we proceed to analyse the writings of the first real Roman historiographers. Quintals (#.) The most ancient known Annalist Kcu J|? amongst the Romans was Quixtus Fabius Pictoe, about 220 b.c. He wrote "Annals of Rome" from JEneas, and the Foundation of Rome, down to his own times. He regis- tered tacts, but without any critical discern- ment. Livy made use of him. He is said to have also written " Annals of Rome' in Greek. Lucius (b.) Lucius Cixcius Alimextus, a contem- ai£S!L b porarv of Fabius Pictor, wrote reliable Annals, with reference to the foundation of Rome, in Greek. Only a few fragments are extant, caius (c) Caius Acilius Glabeio, about 166 b.c, oiabrio. a Senator and Quaestor, wrote, in Greek, a History of Rome, from its foundation down to his own times ; Livy quotes him. Marcus (d.) Mabcus Porcius Cato Cexsoeius, 236 ^onius — j^q B c ^ wag one o £ t ^ e m0 st honourable Censorius. and celebrated statesmen, military chiefs, orators, and agriculturists, Rome ever pro- duced. He insisted upon the stern morals of the gocd old times, and was highly praised by Cicero, Quinctilian, Brutus, and Pliny. He wrote a History, in seven books, the contents of which are referred to by Cor- nelius Xepos and Pliny, who both criticise the work. Aliens u \ Angus Posthoius Albixus, Censor in x ostii timus Albums. 175 B.C., and Consul with Lucullus in 152 B.C., THE SCIENCE OF HISTORY. 295 wrote in Greek and advocated a more dili- gent study of that language for which he was laughed at by Cato ; Cicero, however, praises him. Several works written in Latin, all of them Annals, were ascribed to him. (/.) Caius F annuls, 140 B.C., was Quaestor Cams in 138 B.C., and wrote his Annals in a more refined style ; they were quoted by Brutus. (g.) Six more names are given, of authors Lucius who all wrote in the style of mere registrars, Libo b .° nmS though Lucius Scribonius Libo is said to have compiled his Annals in fourteen books with greater care and in more elegant language. (h.) Lucius Ccelius Antipater, published JmAub a good and trustworthy History of the Antipater. Second Punic War, of which M. Brutus gives extracts. {i.) PUBLIUS SEMPRONIUS AsELLIO is men- Publiua tioned as having treated his Annals with less n i e ^ pro " dryness ; and seems, from the Preface to his Aseiiio. History, in fourteen books, to have had some higher aim in writing his work. (./.) Sulla, the well-known Dictator, wrote Suiia, and a History in Greek, which he left his freed- Ep^adus 8 man, Cornelius Epicaclus, to finish. (k. ) Titus Pomponius Atticus was praised Titus Pom- for his Annals, embracing 700 years of Ho- Atticus. man History. They are based on a careful study of available monuments and docu- ments, and distinguished by impartiality and a more critical discernment. Of all these Annals we possess frag- . ments; but these writings, as a whole, are, 296 THE SCIENCE OF HISTOEY. more or less, mere catalogues, and are cer- tainly not, what Macaulay would call, His- tory. They do not impress u general truths on the mind by a vivid representation of particular characters and incidents ; " they are a kind of raw material, which Historians may turn to some account, as was done to a high degree by the following Roman Historians, who wrote at a moment when Republican Rome was distracted by internal factions : — Cornelius (1.) Cornelius Nepos was a friend of Ca- Nepos. tullus, Cicero, and Pomponius Atticus, and little more than this is known of him. Most of his works are lost. The fragments which we possess afford ample proofs of his superior genius, and are written in a masterly style. The works He wrote " Chronicles," in three books iiuSepos ( u ^ ron ^ corum Libri") ; five books of (histori- cal) Examples (" Libri Exemplorum ") ; sixteen books on the Lives of Celebrated Men ("Libri Virorum Illustrium ") ; a book on Historians ("Liber de Historicis ") ; a Life of Marcus Por- cius Cato, and one of Cicero ; several books of Letters, addressed to Cicero, and answered by him ; and a work under the title, " Lives of Distinguished Rulers" (" Vitce excellentium The au- Imperatorum"). The authenticity of the latter lf 6 the Clty work has been disputed, and it has been « Lives" ascribed to a certain iEmilius Probus, who jEmiiius lived under Theodosius the Great, about Probus. 375 A#D#? instead of to Cornelius Nepos. Probus is said to have made extracts from the writings of Cornelius Nepos and some THE SCIENCE OF HISTORY. 297 # Greek authors, and to have published these historical compilations under the name of the former. According to others (especially H. Meyer), the book was written in the second century after Christ by an unknown author, who intended to give a summary of the His- tory of Cornelius Nepos for the use of schools. At the head, however, of the edition, by JEmilius Probus, stands an epigram, in which it is said that he only continued to copy a book, which copy was begun by his grand- father, carried on by his mother, and which he calls U E libro posterior 'e Cornelii Nepotis" (from a book left by Cornelius Nepos). If this be true, Probus may have published the " Vitce" of Cornelius Nepos for the intel- lectual improvement of his contemporaries. The authorship of this work is not yet de- termined by critics, antiquarians, and com- mentators. That there are spurious writings, erroneously attributed to Cornelius Nepos, cannot be doubted. The work in question appears to have been written with the ob- ject of producing an enthusiastic excitement amongst the Romans, principally through biographical sketches of Greek statesmen and heroes. Professor Mommsen says : u The Professor r • i i r ii • • j • 1*1 Mommsen historiography ot this period is m a nigh on the degree characteristic, but as dreary as the Historic-, period itself. The intermixture of Greek tMs P period. and Latin literature shows itself in no field so clearly as in History; in it the two literatures were principally assimilated in matter and shape> and the uniform concep- 298 THE SCIENCE OF HISTORY. tion of the Helleno-Italian History, which Polybius first formed in advance of his times, was now taught to every Roman boy in school. Yet, though the Mediterranean State had a Historian when unconscious of its own self, now that it reached conscious- ness, neither amongst the Greeks nor Ro- mans was anyone to be found who could have given proper expression to it. Cicero says : • Roman History does not exist,' and, as far as we can judge, this is nothing but the simple truth. Inquiry shrinks from His- tory, and History from inquiry. The histo- rical literature fluctuates between schoolbook and novel. All the pure poetical produc- tions, Epos, Drama, Lyrics, and History, are nothing in this meaningless time ; but in no branch does the intellectual decline of the Ciceronian period reflect itself in so fearful a clearness as in Historiography." * Notwith- standing the polished language in which the works of this period were written, and in spite of the higher aim which inspired Cor- nelius Nepos, we must fully concur with this view. History with the Romans was rarely written for truth's sake, but for some political or educational purpose, or some individual or general interest. This is still more appa- rent in the writings of Julius (2.) Julius Cesar, born 100 B.C., murdered 44 B.C.; the conqueror of 1,000 towns, and victor in 500 battles, was in every respect a * See Professor Mommsen's "Roman History" (" Eomische Geschichte ,, ) } vol. iii., page 599. Caesar. THE SCIENCE OF HISTORY. 299 genius — one of those brilliant intellectual meteors that shoot across the horizon of His- tory. Caesar was well versed in Greek and Roman literature, and his style was precise, short, and impressive. He had the same com- mand over his phrases as over his troops. His thoughts took corresponding forms in words. He could describe a whole campaign in three words, u Veni, vidi, vicV (I came, I saw, I conquered), as he did when he defeated Pharnaces, King of the Bosphorus, a son of Mithridates the Great. Of the many writ- His ings, or rather military reports, addressed by wntin s s - a democratic general to the people, who en- trusted him with power, only fragments have come down to our times. Of the u Commen- tarii de Bello Gallico " (Commentaries on the Gallic War), we possess seven books, and of the u De Bello Civile" (the Civil War), three books. The eighth book of the u De Bello Gallico" and the three books of the Alexan- drian, African, and Spanish Wars, were al- ready, in ancient times, ascribed to Hirtius or Appius. The " Commentaries " of Caesar were undoubtedly modelled after Xenophon's Xenophon "Anabasis" (see page 188); but there was ^ d s ^ Uus a wide and marked difference between the writings of Julius Caesar and those of Xeno- phon. The latter had only facts in view, he nowhere intrudes with his personal glorifica- tion ; he was conscious of the peculiar position which he held at the head of his army, and gives us his account as an impartial spectator who records what he sees, with the greatest 300 THE SCIENCE OF HISTORY. objective accuracy. Caesar, on the contrary, wrote in an entirely different spirit. His soldiers are never taken into consideration ; they had to fight for his sake ; they had to gain laurels, with which their commander was to crown his brow ; they were noughts, and Csesar the unit ; his person is therefore Caesar's the subjective centre-figure. He writes every writing li ne with the distinct aim to palliate his History, unconstitutional proceedings ; for he set out, without any orders, to conquer a vast country, and made use of this pretext to augment his army, in order to use it in proper time for his own purposes. He is frank, open, and de- serves credit, whenever he reports facts that do not concern or cross his personal plans. He does not shrink from mentioning his cruel oppression of all those whom he conquered, for he sought thus to intimidate the Senate, and to show the Roman people that they had in him a man who would not hesitate to em- ploy any means to acquire dominion, if called upon to take the government into his strong hands. History, written in such a spirit, is only so far interesting as it furnishes us with Csesar, a great partizan's party- views. Like the S^Great History written by Frederick the Great, of Prussia, King of Prussia, or the Bulletins of Napo- Napoieon l eon I-j when Emperor of France, such a i. of work enables us to form an opinion of the character of the author, and the views he took of certain events. Csesar stands, how- ever, far above Frederick the Great and Napoleon, for he either wrote himself or THE SCIENCE OF HISTORY. 301 dictated his works, and never condescended to excuse his own actions with false senti- mental phrases. Neither artificial humani- tarian assertions, nor haughty boasts disgrace his pages. In his " Commentaries " we may trace a bright and hopeful mood. The writer is perfectly conscious of his intellectual superiority, and is convinced that he is using all his powers for a noble and generous aim. This hopefulness is also to be observed, though in a less degree, in his books on " The Civil War." We can here clearly perceive his hesitation; he would fain have avoided extremes, and thought that he would be able to gain all he strove for, without bloodshed and a conflict of citizens against citizens. The Senators, in their very cowar- dice, prevented this, and his loftier hopes were baffled by gloomy and unexpected events. The beauty and simplicity of his char's style are not even surpassed by Cicero's style * powerful handling of the Roman language, although the latter is considered, on account of the correctness in the composition of his periods, and the fulness of his dialectics, as the greatest master of prose-writing. Yet we have no better model in ancient litera- ture than the historical style of Julius Cassar. The style, however, may be irreproachable, though the History itself may be unreliable through a biassed purpose. (3. ) Caius Sallustius Crispus was born Caius 86 b.c. at Amiternum, in the country of the c^ 11 ^ 118 Sabines, and died 34 b.c. He was, in spite 302 THE SCIENCE OF HISTORY. of his dissolute private and political life, one of the most distinguished Roman Historians. He was expelled from the Senate, but was reinstated by Julius Caesar, whose party he joined, and who made him Governor of Numidia, where he amassed immense riches through extortions, and a cruel oppression of the people. When he returned to Rome, he collected works of art, built palaces, and sur- rounded them with splendid gardens. He took Thukydides for his model, in his his- torical works, and attempted to be equally impartial ; but he could not divest himself of the pernicious influences of the times in which he lived, and may be said to reflect, more than any of the other Roman writers, the sunken moral state of the dying Roman Republic. His style He paints, in his gloomy mood, black blacker. tendency. ^ e sees n0 redeeming points in humanity. Cornelius Nepos had not yet lost all hope. He placed the grand characters of the Greeks before his nation to rouse his compatriots to emulation. He paints, in his cheerful dispo- sition, rose rosier. Of the numerous works of Sallustius (Sallust), we possess only the History of the War against Jugurtha, and the History of the Suppression of Catiline's Conspiracy. Having only seen the dark side of humanity, Sallust is bitter, angry, and ex- cited ; but he has passages that afford us a deep insight into the state of society which Thukydi- produced such a Historian. Thukydides sallustius ^^ no ^ mere ty describe a depraved and ego- tistical life — smooth and refined on the sur- THE SCIENCE OF HISTORY. 303 face, but hollow and worthless in reality ; he knew that there were nobler, higher, and truly sublime elements in humanity, which, if properly cultivated, made man worthy of his manhood. He firmly believed in pure love, honest friendship, self-denying virtue, and disinterested patriotism. Sallust saw nothing but intrigues, falsehoods, wickedness, licen- tiousness, and moral degeneracy ; and even attributed to everything good in man a per- nicious and despicable motive. He praised talent and cleverness without virtue, and believed in the geniality of corruption. He is the model writer of all those fanatics who, blinded by religious superstition, can see only evil in man, and curse the depravity of their age, whilst they themselves, like Sal- lust, live a life of utter degradation, propped up by sentimental hypocrisy. He serves further as a model to all those who write party pamphlets, or vigorous and sophistical diatribes, exaggerating the merits of those to whose party they belong, and abusing and distorting all that is good in their opponents. Action and reaction are necessary in political life, for without them there would be no pro- gress. But the Historian has to stand above Historians party strife. Men with small minds, con- ! u ^^ torted brains, and narrow hearts, are always party- found to be violent party men, incapable of strlfe * understanding or grasping, from a higher point of view, the mighty " oneness " of Humanity. They find a charm in violent extremes, and are either advocates of coarse 304 THE SCIENCE OF HISTORY. severity, or an over-refined sentimentality. Historians belonging to such party groups are never reliable. Writers and students of History must, if they wish for honest infor- mation, take the trouble to read the works of both sides. The historical writings of Sal- lust form admirable genre pictures, hazy in colour, and sharp in outline. He was rather a deep-feeling poet than a true Historian, and never troubled himself to find a causal connection in the phenomena he described. Marcus (4.) MARCUS VALERIUS MeSSALA CoRVINUS, Meis^u was born 79 B.C., and studied philosophy at Corvmus. Athens with Cicero's son. He joined the party of Brutus and Cassius against Caesar, and at a later period became the friend of Augustus. He died about the year 3 or 4 a.d. He was far more celebrated as an orator than as a historian ; though it is impossible His works to judge of his works, as they are all lost. are ail lost. pi u t arc h anc [ Pliny made use of them. He must have been what Sallust was on the Caesarian side, a party writer of the opposi- tion. He wrote on the Civil War, and a genealogical work on " Roman Families" " De Romanis familiis" quoted by Pliny. The total loss of a third work, u De auspiciis " (on Signs), or " De explanatione auguriorum" (Explanation of Divination), is very much to be regretted, for it must have given us a deep insight into the religious feelings of the Romans, who never had priests in the Indian, Egyptian, Persian, or even Greek sense ; but only political leaders, who used THE SCIENCE OF HISTORY. 305 religion in the interest of the State. Reli- The oion with the Romans was a political 2ell 6 r \o^ s o • I principles machine, handled with great cleverness by ofthe some Patrician families. Ceremonies and Romaris - sacrifices were prescribed and regulated by the State. Religion, in the sense of moral con- viction and an emotional trust in the gods, was unknown to the Romans. The supreme college of five members was composed of State officials ; and the second College of " Augurs " (soothsayers or diviners), who saw the future in the flight of birds, was formed neither of impostors nor priests, but of officials whose duty it was to foster supersti- tion in the people, in order to make them blindly subservient to the will of the govern- ment. When Roman Augurs met, they could afford to laugh at their own ceremonies and incantations ; yet they performed them with earnest pomp, as necessary to the power of the governing classes. Neither emotion, leading to poetical feelings, nor reason, leading to science, was cultivated by the Roman priests ; they were never able to raise man above the cares and drudgery of every- day life ; on the contrary, they kept the people, by means of dry formulae, under the authority of the State. (5.) Titus Livius (Livy), of Padua, born Titus 59 B.C., lived at Rome, and was the teacher Livlu8 - of Claudius. He retired to Naples to work there in greater security, as he was sus- pected by Augustus of being a partizan of Pompey. After the death of the latter, he re- 306 THE SCIENCE OF HISTORY. turned to Rome, where he died about 19 a. d. His works. He wrote " Dialogues," which were partly historical and partly philosophical, and in which he professed himself (according to Seneca) an Epikurean ; a book under the title, u Epistola ad Filium " (A Letter to my Son), containing rhetorical dissertations \ and, finally, his great historical work, which he called " Annates" in 143 books, of which we only possess thirty-five. The numbers extant are: — Books i. — x., xx. — xlv., and fragments of Books xci. and cxx. The work comprised the History of Rome, from the Foundation of the City to the death of Drusus, 10 B.C., and was one of the most interesting histories of the time. Livy was neither satirical and epigrammatic, like Sallust ; nor smooth and forbearing like Nepos ; nor terse and impressive like Csesar ; he wrote for the masses, following Cicero's advice in the com- position of History, and was, above all, popu- lar and rhetorical. He did not write History for the few selected intellects of the nation, but for the emotional element in the people, whom he wished to impress with higher sen- timents. Not systematically to teach, but to interest in the highest possible degree, was his laudable aim. He was taken as a model by modern French Historians, who give us their own views as to what may possibly have happened, or vague asser- tions as to how facts ought to have occurred rather, than how they really took place. But Livy stands far above the modern French THE SCIENCE OF HISTORY. 307 Historians, for he shows in his pages deep feelings, noble sentiments, and the dignity of firm moral principles. He was not witty, like the French, who often sacrifice historical truth to a spirited remark; he did not de- spise ancient legends, or fill his books with accounts of petty intrigues, cabals, anec- dotes, or vapid personalities. The whole tone of his work is serious, and it deservedly became national property ; serving later ge- nerations as a model of elegance in historical composition. We must not seek in Livy a scientific treatment of History. Astrology preceded astronomy ; alchemy was the fore- runner of chemistry; imaginative priestly accounts of the creation of the world were believed in, long before geology was at- tempted ; and miraculous supernatural agen- cies were assumed, which only in time led to the study of medicine. It was exactly so in History. We are only now enabled to place the complicated phenomena of History on a scientific basis. Livy wished to impress the Romans, and he could not well have taken Herodotus for his model ; Thukydides had been used by Sallust and Cornelius Nepos ; and Xenophon by Caesar ; he there- fore turned to Ephorus, Theopompus, and others, who were the outgrowth of the dialec- tical school of Isokrates. (See page 203.) We may, finally, mention here Trojus Trojus Pompeius, though he belongs to the third, or Pum i )eius - Imperial, period. He was born 10 B.C., and wrote, in Latin, a "History of the World," x 2 308 THE SCIENCE OF HISTORY. Justin. The third Period of Roman history. Marcus Tullius Cicero. in forty-four books, which was abridged by Justin, 160 a.d. Trojus Pompeius forms the transition link between the Republican and the Imperial Historians. Rhetoric gave place to mere Dialectics ; the phrase be- came everything ; and, unfortunately, the oratorical swayed all the branches of Litera- ture and Science. No heed was taken of facts, and even less attention paid to their mutual relation. Certain real incidents were treated in a poetical spirit, whilst others were altogether ignored ; the miraculous and supernatural gained the upper hand, and everything was sacrificed to style. The ma- terials which Pompeius used, were generally taken from the Greeks. He blamed Sallust and Livy, for having given long direct speeches to their characters, and inserted his in an indirect or oblique way, which was, to a certain extent, an improvement. (See our remarks on this point, page 169.) In spite of this apparently more conscientious treat- ment of History, the writings of Trojus Pompeius are unreliable as to facts and dates. In entering upon the third Imperial period of Rome, we must draw the attention of our readers to a man who, though not a Historian, has contributed very largely, by his writings, to further a correct understand- ing of his times. This writer was Mar- cus Tullius Cicero. A whole library, of considerable extent, might be formed, if all the works, translations, commentaries, bio- THE SCIENCE OF HISTORY. 309 graphies, and panegyrics, relating to this one Roman writer, were collected. He was born 106 B.C., and educated at Rome by Greeks. His masters were the poet Archias, the Pla- His tonic philosopher Philo, the Stoic Diodotus, teachers - and the orator, Molon, of Rhodes. Roman Law was, however, taught him by the Roman, Quintus Mucius Scsevola, the Augur, one of the most celebrated advocates of his time. Cicero made his first public speech when twenty-six years old. Two years afterwards, 79 B.C. he visited Greece and Asia Minor, and continued his studies under the most celebrated Greek teachers ; amongst whom were Antiochus, the philosopher, and Deme- trius, the orator. Plato was Cicero's idol ; yet he was in life a Stoic, or, rather, an Epikurean. His Roman nationality, Greek education, and unsettled philosophical prin- ciples explain his versatility, and the various results which he attained. He changed His the Roman character, and brought eloquence, mft ^ nce poetry, arts, and sciences, founded on Greek Romans. models, to perfection. Aided by the force of his mighty intellect, Cicero must be looked upon as the creator of the so-called Augus- tan, or golden age of Roman literature. He w r as the first Roman who succeeded in making his writings and public speeches amusing and exciting ; he was eloquent and philosophical ; diplomatic and practical ; and his influence on the Historians of the Imperial period was immense. Cicero was courageous ; His for during the reign of terror that ensued, courage. 810 THE SCIENCE OF HISTORY. when Marius and Cinna formed a coalition, it was very dangerous to be a public speaker, more especially when distinguished. Many had to pay tor their talents with their lives. In this terrible time Cicero devoted him- self to oratory with unequalled success, but was far more than a mere orator. There was between Greeks and Romans, at that period, nearly the same difference that is found to exist between the Germans and French of our times. The Greeks were not contented with mere subtle technicalities, brilliant phrases, and elaborate periods, like the ancient Romans and modern French ; they wished also to know the fundamental principles of every occurrence, to have each incident reduced to its primary cause or causes, like the modern Germans ; and Cicero endeavoured to interest his countrymen as much in polished outer-forms as in philoso- phical researches. His love of Whatever may be said of his fickleness, and ree om. ^q ease with which he often changed princi- ples, (these were more the faults of his time than his own), we cannot help admiring his love of freedom and his fearless opposition to tyranny and aristocracy. It is true that he showed this more in spirit and opinion, than His hatred in deeds. He hated Caesar, because he saw of Caesar. • i • ^ ' ^ i •±^ t^ m nim an usurper ; be sided with Fompey, though he did not trust him, because he looked upon him as less dangerous to the constitutional freedom of the State. He saw through Caesar's ambition, always stood aloof THE SCIENCE OF HISTORY. 311 from him, and could never be persuaded to accept office under him. In the terrible con- fusion that preceded the total dissolution of the Roman Republic, Cicero took the part of the democrats. He espoused the cause of Brutus, and heartily approved of Caesar's murder, immoral though it was. He blessed the Ides of March, and wrote, " Hitherto Cicero on nothing pleases me except the Ides of March" March* ° f (on which Caesar was assassinated). " What- ever perils they may endure, our heroes (meaning Brutus and Cassius, and the other chief conspirators) have one great consola- tion—the consciousness of their act." He went further, and showed that a polished, oratorically and philosophically trained Ro- man mind, might be cruel and unrelenting ; for he wrote to Cassius, "O that you had invited me to the feast of the Ides of March : there would have been no remains /" The cowardly assassination of a noble man was to the great orator a mere feast, and the sentence, which we give in italics, meant, that they ought to have put to death Antony, in whom he saw an enemy to the common welfare, even more dangerous than Caesar. In his letters Cicero has left us ample The letters material, by the aid of which we are able to of Cicero - decipher the mysteries of his times. To communicate ideas, observations, reflections, or passing remarks, was natural to the edu- cated Romans, and Cicero did this with genuine elegance and philosophical depth. His letters are indispensable to a correct 312 THE SCIENCE OF HISTORY. Professor Scblosser on Roman Historio- graphy. Beasons why the Romans had at first only Annals and Memoirs. appreciation of the spirit of his times. The frankness and cunning, generosity and mean- ness, tenderness of feeling and cruelty of opinion in them, reflect the confused state of Roman society. Hope and despair, irresolu- tion and sanguinary decisions, succeed one another through the pages of these writings, notwithstanding their apparent lightness. They are a faithful mirror of the general feelings, pervading all the layers of Eoman society, for even the slaves argued, reasoned, and rebelled. " The tone of society," says Professor F. Chr. Schlosser, " together with the ora- torical tendency of the Roman nation, and the importance with which some single per- sons in the State were invested, gave History at the time of Cicero, and already before him, quite a particular character. Biogra- phies and memoirs occupied a prominent place. This kind of Historiography, in which the writers try to record not only facts, but also the motives which led to them, representing incidents, not so much in their relation to the entire nation, as to their own individuality, was quite unknown in early Greek literature, and appeared only in the Alexandrian times." That the Romans who previously had no other historical works but Annals and Chronicles, should have forth- with written Biographies and Memoirs, was due to several reasons, of which two are the most obvious. (1.) The Romans, till shortly before THE SCIENCE OF HISTORY. 313 Cicero's times, were entirely without philoso- phy, and any deeper knowledge of the world. This had a pernicious influence on Historio- graphy, and restricted it to dry records of traditional incidents and strange occurrences. (2.) The composition of Histories which treated of events, depending more on single individuals, than on the will of the whole nation, was far behind the wants of the read- ing public ; and the people, although beyond the purely biographical stage, had not yet acquired a taste for General History. Cicero felt this, and strove to further a higher tone in literature by advising His- torians to trace, above all, the causes, rela- tions, and connections of facts, so as to draw a distinction between Annals and History. His death was as instructive as the whole of Cicero's his life. When Brutus had been vanquished, death * and the second Triumvirate formed by Octa- vian, Antony, and Lepidus, the three entered into a solemn compact to the effect that " Octavian was to give up Cicero to death ; Lepidus, his own brother Paulus; and An- tony, his uncle Lucius Caesar." u Thus,'' says Plutarch, "they let their anger and fury take from them the sense of humanity, and demonstrated that no beast is more savage than man, when possessed with power commensurate to his rage." All we have to strive for is, not to endow men with more power than they ought to possess, to cultivate their sense of humanity, and monsters, like those produced by Rome, would be impossible. 314 THE SCIENCE OF HISTORY. Cicero tried to save himself through flight ; but, tired of life, he returned to his own villa at Formise, on the shores of the Mediter- ranean, and begged his attendants to let hirn die in his country which he had so often saved. His devoted slaves got intelligence, that his pursuers were close on his track. " With affectionate zeal they forced him into a litter, and bore him along a bypath through the thick, but then leafless, woods towards the shore." They were overcome Herennius by the band of murderers, headed by a cen- mffitary ^urion, named Herennius, and the military Tribune Tribune, Popilius Laenas, whom Cicero had L Xas, 1S his successfully defended in a criminal trial on murderers, the charge of parricide. When he heard their footsteps approaching, he ordered his atten- dants to set the litter down, drew back the curtain, stretched forward his head, and ex- claimed, " Here, Veteran ! if you think it right — strike ! " Herennius stepped forward and severed Cicero's head from his body, and it rolled into the dust. It need astonish no reader that citizens, capable of such deeds, should have fallen a prey to the Roman Emperors. The The hands of Cicero were cut off and Antony and brought, with the head, to Antony by the his wife murderers. He was seated on a tribunal ad- ministering justice in the Forum, when they made their way through the crowd with the ghastly relics. His eyes sparkled with joy, and he not only paid the promised reward, but added to it an enormous sum. What THE SCIENCE OF HISTORY. 315 more precious gift could he present to his wife, Fulvia, than the head of their deadliest enemy ? She took it, and placing it on her lap, addressed it, as though it were alive, in words of bitter insult. She dragged out the tongue, whose sarcasms she had so often felt, and with feminine rage pierced it with her bodkin. It was then taken and nailed to the Cicero's Eostrum (the platform on the Forum from {^ a and which orators addressed the people), to- nailed gether with his hands, to moulder there in R 03tr um. mockery of the triumphs of his eloquence, of which that spot had so often been the scene. A sadder sight was never gazed upon in Rome ! (See " Life of Marcus Tullius Cicero," by William Forsyth, M.A., Q C. London: John Murray, 1864, vol. ii., page 276.) The change of the Roman Republic into The an Empire was easily accomplished. The Empire. bodiless State-abstraction assumed flesh and blood, and became incarnate in a single individual, who was to put an end to all dissensions, and to unite the conflicting social elements of the State under his sway. The world's history has no phenomenon ana- logous to that of Imperial Rome. The extent Extent of of the Empire was immense ; the dominion ^ p f r ° e mai1 of one man reached south and north from the Atlas Mountain Chain in Africa to the Gram- pian Hills in Scotland ; and west and east, from the Atlantic Ocean to the Caspian Sea. Portugal, Spain, France, part of England (four-tifths), the whole of Italy, all the Islands 316 THE SCIENCE OF HISTORY. in the Mediterranean Sea, the south of Ger- many up to the Danube, Illyria, Hungary, Transylvania, all the provinces forming European Turkey, all the then known parts of Africa, including Egypt, Tunis, Tripoli, Algiers, and Morocco ; all the countries in the North- West of Asia, up to the frontiers of Persia and India (Arabia Petrsea excepted), trembled under the Roman Emperor's u Sic volo, sic jubeo /" (So I will it, and so I com- mand it !) Rome To consolidate the heterogeneous national defend t0 elements into one mighty State-body was the herself aim of the mythic Royal period ; to expand attacking. the dominion by conquests was the task of the Republic ; and the sole aim of the Empire was to keep together what had been acquired. The tables were turned. No more wars of aggression were fought, but wars of defence. At first Rome was fierce and victorious; but at last feeble and unsuccessful. We cannot too warmly recommend to students of this period the master- work of the greatest English Edward historian, Edward Gibbon, published under Roman S the title, " The History of the Decline and History. Y'&\\ f the Roman Empire." Truthfulness, depth of research, unsurpassed beauty of style, and a genial power to reveal the hid- den motives and causes of all the harrowing phenomena of this period, distinguish Gib- Opposedby bon's History. Obscurants, bigots, falsifiers of facts, and sectarians were all in arms against this giant of Historiography. This fact in itself is the very best recommenda- THE SCIENCE OF HISTORY. 317 tion of his work. He continually excites his readers to think for themselves ; he attaches to dry facts reflections, which are as striking as they are correct; showing the high stand-point from which he could grasp and represent the complicated history of the birth, life, and death of Imperial Rome. Some priests even went so far, as to publish a "Student's Gibbon"; a garbled edition of his work, leaving out all obnoxious matter ; that is, all that was true and incontrovert- ible ; all that deprived the later theological Historians of their supernatural and miracu- lous ground. A thorough study of Gibbon, not only makes us acquainted with Roman History, but serves as the very best model for historical composition. Though writers may not possess the power of his genius, nor his unwearying charm, they can all emulate him in boldly telling the truth, based on the strict laws of reason. We shall have an opportunity of treating more fully of this author in our chapter on modern English Hist oriogr aph er s . Before we proceed to the Historians of Rome, we will sketch, in broad outlines, the sad fate of her Imperial rulers. The Emperor was now Consul, Dictator, Senate, Tribune, Pontifex Maximus, iEdile, and Praetor, all in one. Octavius Augustus heads the long list. Octavius His reign is designated as the golden age of Au s ustus - Roman literature. The dynamic force work- ing in the nation, which formerly spent itself in politics and warfare, was now concentrated 318 THE SCIENCE OF HISTORY. on polished literature and Court intrigues, and the Romans fairly excelled in both. He ruled forty-four years, and died a natural death. Tiberius Tiberius, after having disgraced the im- perial purple for twenty-three years, by the most abominable deeds of cruelty, licentious- ness, and hypocrisy, was murdered. Caius Caius Caesar Caligula, the son of Germa- Cdfuia nicus, was a madman; ruled as such, and showed the world what a nation is capable of submitting to, when the moral force is en- tirely neglected by rulers and people. He was murdered. Claudius Claudius, his uncle, was a contemptible coward, and was murdered by his own wife, Agrippina. Nero. Nero poisoned Brittanicus, murdered his wife, Octavia, for the sake of the charming Poppsea Sabina, whom he murdered after- wards ; murdered his own mother Agrippina, who committed a double murder to secure him the throne ; murdered Piso, his uncle ; caused the death of Seneca, his teacher ; burnt down Rome for pleasure ; and falsely accused some Christians, whose bodies he had thrown be- fore wild animals, or nailed to the cross, or burnt at the stake. He was, at last, murdered himself. Suipitiua Sulpitius GrALBA, proclaimed emperor by the army in Spain, was murdered after a few Salvias months' reign. 0tho - Salvius Otho committed suicide. Yiteiiius. Aulus Vitellius ate himself to death. THE SCIENCE OF HISTORY. 319 Flavius Vespasianus and Titus — the first Flavius severe and cruel, but not entirely without Ves P as j, a - /,-,. p • ., J , , nus and. some ieelmgs 01 justice ; the second, who Titus. u looked upon a day as lost, if he had done no good action in it," — both died a natural death. Titus Flavius Domitian, who was profli- Titus . gate, cruel, and licentious, had himself pro- DomiSan. claimed " Lord and God on Earth." He had a woman condemned to death, because she was accused of having undressed in the pre- sence of his bust ; and a citizen, because he had a map of the Roman Empire painted on the walls of his house. He was, at last, murdered. Of eleven emperors, who ruled for about 120 years, only three died a natural death. For the next hundred years, Rome was The Five governed by five so-called philosophical Em- P hil °; perors : — Nerva, Trajan, Hadrian, Antoninus Emperors. Pius, and Marcus Aurelius. Had these five men, full of honesty, kindness, and justice, succeeded in re-adjusting the lost balance between morals and intellect, they might have saved Rome; but new and strange forces were already at work, in the North and South, and brought about an entirely new state of .things. The amiable Marcus Aurelius was followed by Commodus, his son, who commodus fought no less than 735 times with common trained gladiators and wild animals, in the arena, before his people. He was murdered. Pertinax, his successor, was murdered. Fertinax. The Prsetorians next sold the imperial 320 THE SCIENCE OF HISTORY. Didius Julianus. Septimus Severus. Caracalla and Septimus Geta. Macrimis. Elagabalus Alexander Severus. throne by auction, for £195, to Didius Julianus, but had scarcely received the money, when they murdered him. Septimus Severus was himself one of the most terrible murderers, under the pretext of revenging the murder of Pertinax. He attempted to reform the administration of justice, and in doing so allowed his violent passion to gain the upper hand, and com- mitted countless atrocities. When old, he proceeded to England to punish the Caledo- nians (Scotch) for their raids. He died a natural death at Eboracum (York). His two sons, Caracalla and Septimus Geta, succeeded him. The name of the eldest was really Bassianus, but he was nicknamed Tarantus and Caracalla ; the former appella- tion being borrowed from a vulgar and blood- thirsty gladiator, and the latter from a long Gallic gown, which he ordered the people of Kome to wear. He was the most passionate and cruel of the emperors of Rome. He had his brother, the kind and mild Septimus Geta, treacherously murdered in the presence of their mother ; and was, at last, murdered himself. His successor, Macrinus, was also murdered. Elagabalus, or Heliogabalus, a priest of the Syrian Sun-god, was placed on the throne on account of his good looks, but soon mur- dered at the instigation of his own mother, who was murdered at the same time. His cousin, Alexander Severus, succeeded him, and, in spite of some redeeming quali- ties, due to the excellent education he had THE SCIENCE OF HISTORY. 321 received from his mother, who accompanied him everywhere ? was murdered, with her, by the Gallican troops, under a Thrakian, Maximums, who had raised himself from the Maxi- position of a common wiestler and soldier to nunus - that of a chief commander. Maximinus was proclaimed Emperor, but soon murdered, with his son, near the town of Aquileja. The con- fusion and dissolution of the Empire became, day by day, more manifest. The Praetorians assumed more power, elected different Em- perors simultaneously in the Provinces, and these waged war against one another, and were murdered so soon as they made the slightest attempt to maintain some kind of discipline among their soldiers. Philippus, Phiiippus. called the Arabian, who celebrated the mil- lennium of the existence of the City of Rome (assuming that it was built 753 B.C.) with great pomp, fought against Decius, his im- Deems. perial colleague, and was beaten and killed ; but the same fate awaited Decius, who led his army against the Goths, and was defeated and slain. Gallus was next elected Emperor. Gaiius. He purchased peace from the Goths, under the promise of paying them a yearly tri- bute, and was murdered by his own soldiers. ^Emilian defeated the Goths, and was pro- claimed Emperor by his victorious troops, but was soon after murdered by them. Va- Vaiema. lerian was next placed on the throne. He made his son, Gallienus, co-regent, and lost Gaiiienu*. his freedom and life in Persian captivity, under Sapor I., who treated him with the 322 THE SCIENCE OP HISTORY. greatest cruelty. His son, when informed of the misfortunes of his father, openly ex- pressed his delight, and for this unnatural indifference was praised by the contemptible flatterers of his Court. " He was a master of several curious but useless sciences, a ready orator and elegant poet, a skilful gardener and excellent cook, and a most contemptible prince." He was murdered by his own soldiers. The During the reign of Gallienus no less than nineteen n i ne teen co-emperors existed, who gave rise emperors, to endless confusion and bloodshed, and dis- appeared as quickly as they were elected. With the exception of two, all were of obscure and low birth, and not one of them died a natural death, for they were all murdered. Claudius Claudius II. was next raised to the throne, and n * died of the plague; whilst his successor, Aure- Aureiian. Li an, was mercilessly murdered by his soldiers. These last two Emperors attempted to bring order and discipline into the army, but in vain. The so-called Northern Barbarians violently knocked at the gates of Rome, de- manding admission to the stage of Universal History, and a new Religion extended more and more that dissolving influence under which the ancient world withered away, and humanity in the north-west of Europe received entirely different moral, social, and poli- tical institutions. Aurelian tried to oppose the new spirit of the times, but was put to death by his soldiers, after a reign not alto- gether void of some glorious victories and Zenobia. triumphs, especially against Zenobia, the wife THE SCIENCE OF HISTORY. 323 of Odenathus, who ruled in Syria, and founded the Palmyrian Empire. After the death of her husband, she was placed at the head of the government ; determined to extend her mighty empire, she called herself Queen of the East. Her army was defeated, she herself made prisoner, and taken to Rome, where, loaded with golden chains, and be- decked with jewels, she had to figure in the triumphal entry of Aurelian. A descendant of the great Historian, Tacitus, was raised to the imperial dignity as Tacitus Augustus, at Tacitus the age of seventy -five. He ruled for nine Au s u8tuB - months with great success, and died at Ty- ana, in Cappadocia, heart-broken at the inso- lence and licentiousness of his soldiers, or, as some historians (Zosimus and Zonaras) assert, was murdered by them. He was succeeded by Probus, who delivered Gaul from the Protme. Germans ; passed the Rhine, and advanced as far as the Elbe and the Neckar. He en- deavoured to curb the indomitable spirit of the soldiery ; but, forgetful of the fierce dis- position of his wild troops, he was cruelly murdered by them. Carus followed, and is Cams, said by some writers to have been killed by lightning ; but others, with more probability, contend that he was murdered by his soldiers. His two sons, Numerian and Carinus, were Numerian proclaimed Emperors; Carinus, the elder, was ^J. 66 soft yet cruel, vain and callous " ; profli- gate and mean, he loved pleasures, but had no taste. In the course of a few months, he married and divorced nine wives. But all y 2 324 THE SCIENCE OF HISTORY. this was forgiven him ; for he exhibited the Roman games of the theatre, the circus, and the amphitheatre with unparalleled splen- dour. He surpassed the triumphal pomp of Probus, or Aurelian, and the secular games of the Emperor Philippus. But whilst he was living in the midst of glittering pageantry, his brother was murdered on the Shores of Diocletian, the Bosphorus, and Diocletian proclaimed Emperor. Carinus hastily collected an army, and determined not to allow his rival to assume the purple. The Eastern and West- ern troops met in the Plains of Margus, a small city of Msesia, in the neighbourhood of the Danube, and the unexhausted legions of Ca- rinas had the advantage over the sorely tried soldiers of Diocletian. In the midst of his triumph, however, Carinus was murdered by a Tribune, whose wife he had seduced. Dio- cletian, who was the son of slave parents, ruled with sanguinary severity, and virtually transformed the Empire into a " Tetrarchy," choosing three other co-emperors, who all possessed supreme power, and whose per- sonal edicts were equally binding on all their subjects collectively. Such a division of power inevitably produced confusion, in- trigues, and war. The co-emperors of Dio- Maximian. cletian were, Maximian, a good soldier, but an utterly uneducated, though ambitious, man, who received, in common with Dio- Gaierius, cletian, the title of Augustus ; GUlerius, ori- ginally a herdsman, a vulgar, yet cunning and intriguing task-master, not entirely de- THE SCIENCE OF HISTORY. 325 stitute of virtue and ability; and Constan- Constan- tius, surnamed Chlorus, of a mild disposition, tlus ' though firm and full of courage. These two latter received the title of " Caesar," which made them rather subordinate to the two 61 Augusti." Diocletian, like Nero and De- Panada - cius before him, instituted the most sangui- christians. nary persecutions of the daily more and more increasing Christians. These persecu- tions had more of a social and political, than of a religious character. The Christians were looked upon, rightly or wrongly, as secret conspirators against the authority of the State. Diocletian ascribed the tumults and rebellions, that often disturbed the peace of the Empire, to Christians and their bishops, who placed spiritual matters above the in- terests of the State, and the authority of the priests above that of the military chief. Diocletian was savagely bloodthirsty, and made no distinction between Christians or Pagans, in having them murdered, and their towns burnt down; he did this both in Egypt and Syria. Tired of governing, he withdrew from the administration of the country, and Maximian did the same. With- out consulting the two " Augusti," two co- emperors were proclaimed by Galerius, Severus and Maximin, no notice being taken Severus of Maxentius, son of Maximian, or Constan- J£f ximin tine, afterwards "the Great," son of Con- stantius; and this led to new disturbances. Diocletian and Maximian reassumed the Im- perial dignity, defeated Severus, condemned 326 THE SCIENCE OF HISTORY. Licinius. him to death, and appointed Licinius in- stead of the deceased Constantius. Rome thus became a " Hexarchy," an Empire ruled by six kings, namely, Maximian, Galerius, Maximin, Maxentius, Constantine, and Lici- nius, who were all in arms against one Conatan- another ; till, at last, Constantine became sole master of the Empire, through the defeat of Maxentius, near Rome. It is recorded that Constantine saw a burning cross, hovering above the sun, with the inscription, " In hoc signo vinces " (In this sign thou shalt conquer). The same night, according to Bishop Euse- bius, Christ appeared to Constantine, and ordered him to have a banner made, bearing the sign he had seen during the day, assur- ing him, at the same time, that under this banner (afterwards called the Labarum) he would conquer. 80 far the legend. The fact, however, was that Constantine disposed his troops with consummate skill, while his adversary, Maxentius, occupied a very spa- cious plain, with the Tiber in the rear of his army, which rendered retreat impossible. The cavalry of Maxentius was composed of unwieldy cuirassiers, or light Moors and Nu- midians ; whilst Constantine had at his dis- posal the vigour of splendid Gallic horse, " which possessed more activity than the one, and more firmness than the other." The Max?ntius. defeat of the army of Maxentius cannot be ascribed to a miracle, dream, or vision, but simply to the better tactics of Constantine, and the greater valour of his troops. Maxen- TIIE SCIENCE OF HISTORY. 327 tms was driven into the Tiber ; his head was cut off, and publicly exposed ; and Constan- tine became master of the Roman Empire, the other five Emperors having either died or been vanquished. With Const antine, who Constan- introduced Christianity as the State or Offi- fej^J cial Religion of the Roman Empire, an en- introduce* tirely new phase of History begins in the Sy™^" East and West of Europe. state- In treating of the third Imperial period, re gl0n * the chief object of Historians must be, to trace the causes which produced the Decline and Fall of Rome ; and these may be brought under the following seven headings : — 1. Imperial Rome was a military Despotism, seven 2. The Emperors employed mercenary c * u ^ a troops. Decline 3. The Provinces, through their magni- ^ d t ^ al1 tude, became self-conscious, independent Roman states, and Rome ceased to be the centre of Em P lre ' the Empire. 4. The foundation and rapid spread of Christianity. 5. The migration of the Northern Teutonic tribes towards the South. 6. The division of the Empire into a Western and an Eastern half. 7. The influence of women, for good and evil, acquired through Christianity. In the works of Greek, Roman, and Jewish authors, to which we refer in these pages, writers and students of History will find ample material for scientifically working out the above causes, and will less numerous 328 THE SCIENCE OF HISTORY. see the eternal law of action and re- action in the completely disturbed state of the balance between the two forces working in Humanity. The foundation and spread of Christianity will be thoroughly intelligible on this basis ; it may lose in legendary exag- geration, but will gain strength and power, new vigour, and life, if treated as a natu- ral, necessary historical event, free from all Hebrew, Egyptian, Indian, and Buddhistic mysticism. Historians Historians, in the strict sense of the word, became less numerous, with the spread of Christianity ; we may even go so far as to say, that the more the so-called spiritual king- dom of the new church extended, the more the intellectual power of humanity diminished. Mankind was to be one-sidedly developed. Only one of the forces was to be cultivated : in passive submission to an authority that assumed to govern heaven and earth. Intellect and reason were placed in deadly antagonism to Morals, The two forces working in Humanity were arrayed as hostile elements, and a san- guinary struggle was the consequence of this unnatural attempt. The conflict lasted for more than one thousand years. But intellect, the dynamic force, subsequently became powerfully active, and prepared the Western man for a truly moral and scientific life, in establishing again a more correct balance between Morals and Intellect, or Religion and Science. Even, during this third period of Roman THE SCIENCE OF HISTORY. 329 History, Greek writers greatly excelled in Some Historiography. Many valuable and inter- w ".i t e e rs, esting works have been altogether lost or de- whose stroyed. Amongst these we may mention : the are i v ost . History of the Jewish Rebellion, by Aristo, of Pella ; the History of Egypt, by Ptolemy, of Mendes, and the History of the same country by the Philosopher Thrasyllus ; the writings of the Egyptian authoress Pamphila; the two books of the Emperor Claudius, under the titles "Turenika" and u Karkedoniaka"; the writings of Jason, of Argos ; the translation of the works of Sanchoniathon, by Philo, of Byblos (lost, with the exception of a few fragments) ; and the ten books of Alexandrian History by the Syrian, Calini- cus, under the Emperor Antoninus Pius. The History of Alexander the Great and his mother Olympias ; an autobiography of the Emperor Severus ; a work on Indian Philo- sophers, by Bardesanes, of Babylon ; a His- tory of the Romans, during a thousand years, and one of the Parthenians, by Asinius Qua- dratus ; a History of Italy, by Dorotheus, of Tyre ; and, finally, the works of Praxagoras, of Athens, on the Athenian Kings, on Con- stantine the Great, and Alexander the Great. We still possess the works of some important writers, of whom we must mention : — (a.) Nikolaus, of Damaskus, who was a Nikoiaus. Poet and Historian, an intimate friend of the Emperor Augustus, and of the Tetrarch Herodes (governor of a fourth part of a Roman province). Only scanty fragments 330 THE SCIENCE OF HISTORY. of his writings have come down to us. This is the more to be regretted, as he wrote a " Catholic History " in 144 books, which must have contained much valuable infor- mation. Memnon, (b.) Memnon, of Heraklea on the Pontus, wrote sixteen books of the History of his native town, but only Books ix. — xvi. have been preserved, in a very fragmentary state, by Photius. piutarck ( . (h.) Dio Cassius, born 155 a.d., at Nikaea, in Bithynia, early studied philosophy, rhe- THE SCIENCE OF HISTORY. 335 • toric, and law ; was made a Senator by Pertinax, suffered persecution under the Em- perors Severus and Caracalla, was appointed by Macrinus Governor of Smyrna and Perga- mum ; made Consul under Alexander Severus in Africa ; and was soon after sent to Dalmatia and Pannonia. After his return thence he was to have been appointed Consul at Rome ; but as he was hated by the Praetorians, on account of the strict discipline which he en- deavoured to enforce, and as his health had broken down, he was permitted to retire to his native town. He wrote the History of Rome, from the Foundation of the City to 229 a.d., in eighty books. He is said to have been induced to undertake this work by a dream. For ten years he collected materials, in order to carry out the dream, and for ten more he was engaged in writing his work. Of his History we possess Books xxxvu. — liv., and Books lvi. — lx. complete; of books xxxvi. and lv. only fragments ; books xxxv. — lxxx. exist in extracts, made by the Byzantine John monk, John Xiphilinos, of Trapezon, in the SS* eleventh century. It has been asserted that Tzetzes. Books lxxviii., lxxix., and lxxx. were dis- covered complete by N. C. Falco in 1724 a.d., but this is untrue ; and, what we possess under that heading, is a forged compilation from the works of Dionysius Halikarnassus, Plutarch, Zonoras, and Tzetzes (John), the last, a Greek grammarian, who lived in the twelfth century a.d., and who wrote imagin- ary tales under the title of " Biblos His- 336 THE SCIENCE OF HISTOKY. torike," which have no value at all. The chronology of Cassius is, to a great extent, reliable. In the description of events, which he himself witnessed, he is trustworthy. He took Polybius for his model, and openly re- cords the fact, whenever he differs from him. He was well acquainted with the Roman In- stitutions, and may be considered an import- ant authority, so far as the History of ancient times is concerned. But when he relates the incidents of his own period, he is not altogether free from slavish fear, crouching adulation of his superiors, and a low and corrupted mode of thinking. The speeches which he inserts, according to the custom of ancient Historians, prove him more a clever orator than a philosopher, or practical states- man. He is, moreover, not altogether inde- pendent of superstition and partiality, and is often too credulous, incapable of sifting probabilities with an independent, critical spirit. His style is overloaded, and far too rhetorical, but his works must be studied, and may be used to great advantage in form- ing a general appreciation of the social con- dition of Rome. Pubiius (£.) Publius Herennius Dextppus, of Athens, Heren- ]b orn about 270 a.d. (falsehy taken for the John 711X15 • i i \ Dexippus. Tzetzes mentioned above), wrote, according to Photius, a " History of Alexander," and " Historical Chronicles," from the beginning of the world down to the reign of Claudius, the successor of Gallienus. We possess only some few fragments of his writings. THE SCIENCE OF HISTORY. 337 (k. ) Eunapius, of Sardes, wrote a continua- Eunapius tion of the "Historical Chronicles " of Dexip- pus, in fourteen books, of which only a few fragments are extant. (7.) Olympiodorus, of Thebes, in Egypt, oiympio- must not be confounded with four other phi- dorus - losophical writers of the same name ; two of whom flourished in the fifth, and two in the sixth century a.d. Olympiodorus, of Thebes, wrote a " General History" in twenty-two books, comprising the years 407 — 425 a.d., as a continuation of the History composed by Eunapius, and dedicated his work to Theo- dosius, the younger. . We possess of it nothing but some extracts made by Photius. (m.) Priscus, of Panium in Thrakia, lived Prisons, at Constantinople as Orator and Philosopher, and was afterwards sent as ambassador by Theodosius III. to Attila, the great Mongol Conqueror. He wrote a History of the Byzan- tine Empire, to the times of Attila, in eight books. Nothing but fragments of his writings are left. (n.) Marcellinus wrote one of the best MarceiH- Biographies of Thukydides. nus * (o.) P^eanius translated the History of Pceamus. Eutropius (see below) literally into Greek, and must have been a contemporary of the Latin author. The translation, with the ex- ception of the end, is nearly complete. (p.) Zosimus lived about 434 a.d. at Con- zosimus. stantinople, under Theodosius, the younger, and composed a History of the "Decline of the Roman Empire " in six books. His work z 338 THE SCIENCE OF HISTORY. commences with the History of the Emperor Augustus, and is carried down to the year 410 a.d. The end of Book I. and the begin- ning of Book II. are wanting, and Book vi. is defective. Polybius was his model. He is one of the most important authorities amongst the Graeco-Roman Historians. Correct judg- ment, a free and independent spirit, and a thoroughly impartial appreciation of facts, distinguish Zosimus. He blamed Constantine the Great for having elevated Christianity to a State religion, described the Christians as an intolerant sect of fanatics, and pronounced their creed a contemptible superstition, op- posed to all sense and philosophy. His style is free from all rhetorical stiffness, simple^ and yet highly polished. Latin and The Latin Historians of this period were Historians i n a more difficult position than the Greek of this writers. Though the Greek language was compared, widely spread, and, in certain Provinces, spoken and written by the people ; it was after all, more the language of the educated and higher classes, and its writers enjoyed greater freedom than those, who wrote in Latin, the common language of the Roman people. Yet the Latin Historians had merits of their own. Whilst the Greeks sacrificed everything to dialectics and style, trying to imitate the great writers of their classical period, and thus often lost themselves in subtle phrases ; the Latin Authors strove, at all events, to be truthful chroniclers ; they collected, copied, and used everything they THE SCIENCE OF HISTORY. 339 could find in official documents, public edicts, archives and imperial enactments. They cer- tainly neglected the principal duty of His- toriographers, to arouse the reasoning faculty, to stimulate intellect to a higher culture, and to enable mind to acquire a deeper understanding of man's glorious destiny. With the exception of a few, the Latin His- torians never rose above the level of mere chroniclers or recorders, who copy and re- gister, but do not use their materials in a scientific form, or for any higher purpose. Panegyrics, or biographies, intermingled with more or less interesting historical facts, were the principal products of the Im- perial Period, which was not favourable to genuine research. Individual free-thought was impossible, and the causes of histori- cal phenomena could not be stated. It was fashionable to be learned, but knowledge was made subservient to the spirit that ruled the imperial court, and the court continually varied in its tastes. There was nothing stable ; all was restless change ; and the His- torian require, above all, freedom, leisure, and independence. These causes may serve as an excuse for the Latin writers, of whom we must mention the following: — 1. Yelleius Paterculus, born 20 or Veiieius 19 B.C., died 31 a.d. He received the toga PaterculuB virilis when fourteen years of age, was made Prsefect of cavalry when twenty, and served nine years in the war against the Germans, under Tiberius, who greatly dis- z 2 ^0^ REF7 ^f> NEW YORK, N, Y, U-RARN 340 THE SCIENCE OF HISTORY. tinguished him ; entrusted him with several missions, and invested him with the dignity of Prator. It cannot surprise us, therefore, to find in him to some extent a panegyrist of the Emperor. Favourites ought only to see the good sides of their omnipotent masters ; it is probable that Paterculus was not wise enough strictly to follow this maxim ; and he was put to death because Tiberius suspected him of treason. He wrote a " Compendium of Roman History," of which we possess two books. The work was first published in The monk 1540 a.d. by the monk Rhenanus, who found Rhenanus. ^5^5 ^.d.) a manuscript copy of it in the Convent of Marbach, in Alsace. This copy is, however, lost; and another, made by Amerbach, a pupil of Rhenanus, is the only one now in existence. It is preserved in the library at Bale. From this copy Orelli com- piled his edition. The work is called by the editors " Roman History," though the frag- ment of the first book shows that it also contained a large portion of the History His style, of Greece. Peterculus's style is refined and spirited ; his periods are often long, and burdened with parentheses, but he writes in a lively, and often highly poetical strain. His plan is not quite clear; apparently he wrote for some purpose ; yet if that purpose was to praise Tiberius, it is certainly not carried out ; for, though he is silent concern- ing the Emperor's misdeeds, he nowhere endeavours to palliate them. To give an example of his style, we insert THE SCIENCE OF HISTORY. 341 a passage, describing, in a graphic way, the battle at Pharsalia, between Julius Caesar and Pompey. All his faults and excellent quali- ties may be studied in this short extract : — Descrip- " Csesar then led his army into Thessaly, the £ n tl f a J he destined scene of his future victory. Pompey, Pharsalia though his friends advised a very different C u lus ate course (most of them recommending him to First transfer the war into Italy ; and, indeed, no lyenthe- movement could have been more beneficial to his party ; others persuading him to pro- tract the contest, a plan which, from the in- creasing popularity of his cause, would daily be more and more productive of good), yet, yielding to his natural impetuosity, marched in pursuit of the enemy. The day of the Battle at Pharsalia, so fatal to the name of Eome, the vast effusion of blood on both sides, the two heads of the State meeting in deadly conflict, the extinction of one of the lumina- ries of the Commonwealth, and the slaughter of so many and so eminent men on the side of Pompey, the limits of this work do not allow me to describe at large. One thing must be observed, that as soon as Csesar saw Pompey's line give way, he made it his first and principal care (if I may use a military Second expression to which I have been accustomed) *^ enthe " to disband from his breast all considerations of party. ! immortal gods ! what requital did this merciful man afterwards receive for his kindness then shown to Brutus ! Nothing would have been more admirable, more noble, more illustrious than this victory (for the na- 342 THE SCIENCE OF HISTORY. Third tion did not miss one citizen, except those Parenthe- w j 10 £ e ]j * n battle), had not obstinacy defeated the exertions of compassion, as the conqueror granted life more freely than the vanquished received it." The next passage is written with deep poetical feeling, and sets forth in a few lines some admirable reflections on the instability of fortune. On the in- u Pompey, having fled .... determined Fortune. a ^ ^ as ^ to repair to Egypt, a course to which he was prompted by his recollection of the services which he had rendered to the father of Ptolemy ; who, rather a boy than a man, was now seated on the throne of Alexandria. But who, when his benefactor is in adversity, remembers his benefits ? Who thinks that any gratitude is due to the unfortunate ? Or when does a change of fortune not produce a change in attachments ? " Reflection The following passage, commenting on the murder of treacherous murder of Pompey, is vivid and Pompey. impressive : — u Such -was the end of a most upright and excellent man, in the fifty-eighth year of his age ; and, on the day before his birthday, after three consulships and as many triumphs; after subduing the whole world, and after reaching a degree of exaltation beyond which it is impossible to ascend ; for- tune having made such a revolution in his condition, that he who lately wanted earth to conquer, could scarcely find sufficient for ., . . a grave." Maximus. 2. Valerius Maximus, descended from a THE SCIENCE OF HISTORY. 343 noble family, served in Asia under Sextus Pompey, the Consul, subsequently retired from public life, and devoted himself to lite- rary work. It is to be regretted that rich noblemen should take up an occupation, for which they are, by their very birth, altogether unfitted. Standing high above common mor- tals, these noble, rich, and aristocratic His- torians really only degrade History; they either use the very highest vocation of an author for party purposes, or vent their spite against those with whom they do not agree, or natter those who helped them on in their worldly career. The spectacle which these aristocratic Historians present in the arena of literature, is very much like that of the Em- peror Commodus, when he fought; as a gla- diator in the Circus. Headers and the public are only invited to admire ; and, as the noble writer is sure of praise from the mob, he cer- tainly takes no trouble to write well ; or, to make researches, generally leaving this ar- duous task to a secretary or clerk. More- over, these writers, conscious of their social status, think that every incident that they witnessed must be of vital importance to the people ; and we have to thank them for the vast numbers of vapid memoirs that have flooded historical literature, especially in modern times. Valerius Maximus is their model writer. He selects, without order or sense, without system or purpose, with plea- sant carelessness, little scraps and anecdotes from the lives of celebrated men ; shows in- 344 THE SCIENCE OF HISTORY. ordinate partiality, loves impossibilities, and writes an affected, stilted, heavy, and in- His flated style. The principal work of Valerius principal jf ax i mus which bore the title, " Dictorum work in. ' nine Factorumqae MemorobiMum Libri IX P (Nine books. Books of Memorable Sayings and Facts), was thought to have consisted of mere extracts from a larger work written by him, com- piled, according to some, by a certain Julius Paris ; or by Titus Probus, or Januarius Ne- potianus, according to others. All these as- sumptions are, however, improbable, as the work, in its present form, exhibits all the shortcomings of the style of the original writer, to imitate which artificially would have been too difficult a task. The extracts Julius by Julius Paris, which were published under Paris - the title, " De Nominilus" (Of Families), were made from the Annals, written by Va- lerius, of Antium, and not from those by Valerius Maximus. From such instances as these readers can form their own opinions with regard to the difficulties that surround a His- torian ; and will learn, how necessary it is to exercise critical discernment, and to give the closest attention to all available materials, without any subjective bias. Cams 3. Caius Cornelius Tacitus was born Tadtus 118 ^7 A - D -? under the reign of the Emperor Nero. He is said to have been a descendant of a collateral branch of the celebrated family of the "Cornelii;" but this may be a mere myth; for the name "Cornelius" was not uncommon, and was assumed by no less than THE SCIENCE OF HISTORY. 345 10,000 slaves, freed by Sulla. He may, or may not, have been the son of a Cornelius Tacitus, who was Governor of Belgium ; but whoever his parents were, he has thrown a lustre on the name of Tacitus, which will shine so long as human beings exist, able to appreciate the great qualities of the first Roman Historian, "who applied the science of philosophy to the study of facts." Of his person and his life much more is known, than of his origin and family. Tacitus very early The youth devoted himself to the study of poetry, law, Tacitus. ° f and rhetoric ; he served in the army, under Vespasianus ; was appointed Quaestor, and entrusted with still higher offices, under the Emperors Titus and Domitian. In the year 88 a.d. he was Praetor and " Quindecimvir " (one of the fifteen officials to whom the Sibyl- line Books were confided; see page 271) ; in 89 a.d. he left Rome with his wife, the daughter of Julius Agricola ; travelled with her and his father-in-law in Brittany and Germany ; was nominated Consul in 97 a.d., by the Emperor Nerva, in the place of the deceased Virginius Rufus ; and died about 117 a.d. We possess of him the following works : — (a.) "Annates" (Annals), containing the His most important historical facts from the death ^? rks : of the Emperor Augustus to the tragic end of Annals. Nero ; a period of fifty-four years. Unhap- pily, Books vi. — x., containing the History of the years 37 — 47 a.d., are lost. The end of the work is also wanting, for it concludes 346 THE SCIENCE OF HISTORY. before Xero's death is mentioned. The first five books were discovered 300 years ago, by Angelo Arcoruboldo, treasurer of Pope Leo X., in the monastery at Korvey, and published, 1515 a.d., by Philip Beroalclus at Rome. ^ e . . (b.) "HistoriarumLibri L" (Fifty Historical Books. Books), a record of contemporary History, of which we possess only the first four books, and part of the fifth. The work begins with the year 69 a.d., when Galba was still Em- peror, and finishes with the year 71 a.d., when Yespasianus ascended the throne. His (c.) u De Situ, Jloribus et Populis Germanice" Germany. (Of the Country, Customs, and People of Germany), which is undoubtedly one of his most important and interesting works. His (d.) " De Vita et Moribus Jul. Agricolce" Aericoia. (The Life and Manners of Julius Agricola). The lost (#.) Other works, under the title "Augusti Tatitas! Vita et Institute (Life and Institutions of Augustus), and " Vitce Nervce et Trajani" (The Lives of Xerva and Trajan), are entirely lost. a work (f.) A Dialogue published under his name, ascribed to an(1 under the title u De Oraioribus, sire de Tacitus. Causis Corruptee Eloquentice^ (On Orators and the Causes of the Corruption of Eloquence), is falsely attributed to him. As the style is entirely different from his usual mode of writing, it has been asserted in explanation, that he had purposely assumed a distinct mode of expression for each character, in order to give the composition more dramatic power. But the introduction (the prcecmibu- lum) is the most suspicious part of the work. THE SCIENCE OF HISTORY. 347 In it Tacitus must certainly be speaking for himself, and yet the periods, in this introduc- tion more especially, are unwieldy, long, and obscure — faults of which Tacitus never can be said to have been guilty in his other works. Whatever the merits of the book may be, it cannot be considered a genuine work written by Tacitus. The style of Tacitus is sometimes harsh, ab- The stvie rupt, and, through its concise brevity, often TacitU8 - difficult to understand. He took Seneca, with his short moral sentences, for his model, but he is far from imitating him slavishly or O J coldly. The mind of Tacitus was too broad, the grasp of his intellect too expanded, not to show in every line he wrote the geniality of his own nature. One of his greatest merits is the very originality of his style. Gibbon says, of his u Annals," "to collect, to dis- pose, and to adorn a series of fourscore years, in an immortal work, every sentence of which is pregnant with the deepest observations and the most lively images, was an undertaking suf- ficient to exercise the srenius of Tacitus him- self during the greatest part of his life." (The italics are our own.) Tillemont, a French writer, says of his style : — " His art to express great ideas in a few words, his liveliness in describing facts, the light with which he pierces the darkness of the corrupted heart of man, the force and superiority of intellect which appear every- where, make us look upon him generally as the first of Historians." ("Histoires des 348 THE SCIENCE OF HISTORY. Empereurs." Vol. ii.) Tacitus belonged to those exceptional, and, even in our times, very rare individuals, who have a firm faith in the lofty dignity of Humanity, and who neither insult Creator nor creature by eter- nally sighing over the wickedness and sin- fulness of man. This faith is the more praiseworthy in Tacitus, as he lived at a time when the wildest passions were let loose, when all that was good was oppressed, and all that was evil came into active play. The social At this time the social, political, and, above tion d of a ^> ^ ne m °ral condition of Humanity was Humanity most violently disturbed : murder, rapine, in the , i , • , • • • . . 1 times of treachery, superstition, poisoning, suicide, Tacitus, infanticide, documentary falsifications, in- subordination, rebellion, religious madness, fanatical intolerance and hatred, were every- day occurrences. To have preserved a heart full of love, and a mind full of admiration for everything noble, honest, and true, at such a period ; to have striven to gain through incorruptible and disinterested virtue the re- spect of his contemporaries and of posterity, as Tacitus did, recording all that was glorious around him, and holding up antiquity, in its wisdom and deep moral sense, as a model for imitation, must place him at the head of the very greatest Historians of past, present, and future times. We do no more than our duty in recommending him to the earnest study of our readers. Tacitus never was a favourite with diplomatists and fashionable writers, and, least of all, with those who use THE SCIENCE OF HISTORY. 349 History for the falsification of facts, and are afraid to face the results of the study of true History. He was no courtier, who made use of circumstances to benefit himself; he never craved for the approval of those who were in power, or who swayed by their majority the deluded minds of the people. He was, there- fore, isolated — forced to seek for consolation, support, and comfort in his own inner self. Tacitus was often bitter in contrasting The prm- what Rome had become with what she might S p ^ t 8 ° f have been, if State and citizens had not neg- lected the culture of man's moral and intel- lectual forces. He never lost sight of the highest ideal which a good citizen and man might attain. Self-sacrificing love and true devotion were no empty words to him. As a proof of this, we must refer to his account of the death of Arria, the heroic wife of Csecina Psetus, who was falsely accused of having conspired against the Emperor Clau- dius, and condemned to death. After she had vainly tried every means to save his life, Arria plunged a dagger into her bosom, held it out to her husband, and died, with the words, u Psetus, it does not hurt!" on her lips. If we wish to ascertain his views on freedom and patriotism, we have only to read what he says of the great German hero, Arminius (Hermann) . And we can best make ourselves acquainted with his moral and philosophical principles, by referring to his description of the death of Seneca, his beloved master. True philosophy is to him the very 350 THE SCIENCE OF HISTORY. highest possible consolation that fills a human heart with peace, and, above all, with charity; true philosophy is the only firm basis of man's higher culture and real happiness. His With Pliny, the Younger, Tacitus lived on friendship most intimate terms. We possess ten letters piiny, the addressed by Pliny to Tacitus. One of them Younger. w ^[ suffice to throw light on the disposition of both these noble and exceptional characters. Letter ad- PlINY TO TACITUS, HIS FftlEND. "I have piiny, the read your book ; and marked, with the great- to°TacTtus est P oss ^ e accuracy, what, I think, ought to be altered and cut out. For I do not like less to speak the truth than you to hear it. Besides, one never finds people more open to blame than those who deserve most praise. I expect you, in your turn, to send me back my book, with your criticism. Oh, what an agreeable and delightful exchange! What pleasure it gives me to think that, if ever posterity should take notice of us, it will not omit to state with what union, frankness, and friendship we lived together. It will be a rare and remarkable fact that two men, nearly of the same age, of the same rank, of a certain fame in the realms of literature (for I must speak modestly of you, as I am speak- ing at the same time of myself), should have assisted each other so faithfully in their works. As for me, from my earliest youth, the fame and glory which you have attained made me wish to march, and to appear to march, in your traces, not near you, but much nearer than anyone else. Not because THE SCIENCE OP HISTORY. 351 we had not at Rome many intellects of the first order, but the similarity of our inclina- tions showed me you as the best with whom to be on intimate terms, and as the most worthy. It doubles mv delight when I hear it said, that whenever literature is referred to, we are mentioned together; as soon as they speak of you, they think of me. I know that there are people who prefer one to the other ; but if they only place us together, I do not care in what order ; for, whenever they j^lace me above you; I think myself on the first (floor), and when they put me under you, I consider myself on the second. You must have ob- served that even in their wills, with the ex- ception of some very particular friends, they never make a legacy to one of us, when they do not make a similar one to the other. The conclusion of all this talk is, that we cannot love each other too much, who are united by our studies, customs, fame, and the last wills of people, as by so many ties. Farewell ! " In another letter Pliny informs Tacitus that he had been hunting, and had taken his tablets with him, to write down any ideas ; and lie advises Tacitus to do the same, as Minerva may be found as well in the mountains as Diana. To this letter we possess the answer — the only letter by Tacitus that is preserved, and, on that account, of great interest. Tacitus to Pliny, his Friend. — " I have L f J tter i. • i j /■ ii i • i addressed a great mmd to lollow your advice ; but by Tacitus boars are here so rare that it is impossible to J? Plin ^ make Minerva agree with Diana ; though Younger. 352 THE SCIENCE OF HISTORY. one ought to serve both, according to you. I must be contented to pay homage to Mi- nerva, and that even sparingly, as is be- coming a retreat, and in summer. About the road I have written some trifles (poems) good enough to be struck out again; some ordinary reflections, such as one is used to make in travelling. I have added a few here, as I did not do anything else. I let poetry rest, which you think can only be written in woods and forests. I touched up one or two little speeches, though it is very disagree- able work, more like the roughness than the sweetness of rural life. Farewell ! " Tacitus in The relation in which Tacitus stood to his his times, times may be best studied in his two small works ; the one on Agricola, and his book on the Germans. Grloomy and despairing is the tone in his greater historical works ; bright and hopeful that in his " Life of Agricola," forming a glaring contrast to the surround- ing reality. He succeeded in this work in producing the very best model of a biography. What Xenophon attempted in his " Agesi- laus" (see page 201), Tacitus carried out. He constructed a written monument to the memory of one of the greatest statesmen and warriors of Home, who led her victorious armies into Caledonia (Scotland). He did this without writing a running panegyric, full of hollow phrases and dialectical niceties, in opposition to all good taste, tiring out the patience of the reader, like so many of our modern biographies. THE SCIENCE OF HISTORY. 353 In his Book on Germany lie strove to give His Book a "faithful, though perhaps too glowing, de- Q^ rman scrip tion of the social condition, customs, manners, and political organization of the Germans; their excellent morals, chastity, honesty, fidelity, and independent love of freedom. He had at the same time another object in view ; he did not merely picture the innocent state of a people which had not yet come into contact with the dangerous allurements of a depraved and overstrained civilization, polluted by Oriental debauch- ery; but endeavoured to show the striking contrast between these fresh and vigorous elements in their simplicity and genuineness, and evervthing Roman. The enthusiastic praise bestowed by Tacitus on the Germans, is a proof of the unbounded love which he had for Rome. He wanted to see her once more great, honest, virtuous, and free. In vain did a blind fanatic, like Tertullian, who declared " philosophy to have been the invention of the devil, and the source of all heresy," dare to accuse him of having written falsehoods. We now know well, through a careful study of History, that an accusation from men of the stamp of Tertullian is the greatest praise. The critic shows clearly his spirit, when he asserts that " Tacitus was an enemy of the true religion ; in fact he had no religion at all." Tacitus had purer moral principles than any of the priests, of whatever denomination of his times, and was more virtuous than Tertullian, who 2 A 354 THE SCIENCE OF HISTORY. branded ethers with infidelity, and was him- self excommunicated, because he ventured to write against the laxity of the morals of the priests. On the other hand, there were some wise princes, even of the Romish Church, who considered Tacitus one of the greatest writers of ancient times. Amongst them, Pope Paul III. so constantly used his copy of Tacitus, that it was worn to pieces. The immortal Cosmo de' Medici, the generous pro- tector of art and science, delighted in read- ing Tacitus. Gibbon says of him, that "the expressive conciseness of his descriptions has deserved to exercise the diligence of innumer- able antiquarians, and to excite the genius and penetration of the philosophic historians of our own times." Christina, Queen of Sweden, looked upon the reading of Tacitus as her most serious occupation ; she never al- lowed a single day to pass without perusing a few of his pages. The first printed edition of Tacitus, without the introductory five books of the "Annals," and the " Life of Agricola," appeared 1470, in folio; and edition after edition rapidly followed. The first complete edition was published at Rome by Beroaldus; Rhenanus, Lipsius, Grotius, &c, edited his works, adding valuable annotations. No one should attempt to write History, in whatever language, until he has made himself master of the following writers of antiquity : ' ' Herodo- tus, Thukydides, and Tacitus." The study of the historical works of these three authors will stimulate all those faculties which must be THE SCIENCE OF HISTORY. 355 developed, in order to render us able not only to write, but even to appreciate History. 4. Quintus Curtius Rufus was probably Quint™ born under Vespasian, though this is a dis- ^S^ 8 puted point, as Rutger and Voss place him under Augustus ; Perizon, under Tiberius ; J. J. Pontanus, under Trajan; Niebuhr, under Septimus Severus ; and others, under Theo- dosius the Great. The difficulty that pre- sents itself in treating of this Roman writer lies in the fact, that no ancient Historian ever Not mentioned him, and that his works were not bya D y ned published until the fifteenth (Tentury a.d. The writer of oldest manuscript of his " History of Alex- antiqmty * ander the Great " is dated 900 — 1000 a.d. Tacitus, Pliny, and Suetonius speak of a celebrated orator of the same name, but say nothing of him as a Historian. Yet the style of the work attributed to Quintus Curtius is so pure and noble, that we are compelled to place him amongst the writers of the times of Vespasian. There are many mistakes and inaccuracies in his geography and chronology. The assertion that the rivers Indus and Gan- ges were unknown before Ptolemy, was taken to prove that this work could not have been genuine; for Strabo,who lived under Augustus, and Pliny, who lived under Vespasian, speak of these rivers ; whilst Ptolemy lived under Marcus Aurelius. But Quintus Curtius really only says, that " some rivers of India were unknown to ancient writers before Ptolemy;" he makes no mention of the Indus and Ganges, and some Indian rivers might well have been 2 a 2 356 THE SCIENCE OF HISTORY. Compared ■with Xenophon. Internal evidence rot to be neglected. ,aius St etonius Tnnquil- lus. unknown to many writers of antiquity. This passage does not prove that the book must have been written in the fourteenth or fif- teenth century a.d. His "Life of Alexander the Great," like Xenophon s "Kyropsedia," is more a historical novel than a scientific work; but, as we have already said, the rhetorical power of his style, the smoothness of his periods, and the correctness of his construc- tion place him among the writers of the times of Vespasian; for certain forcible internal evidence cannot be ignored, and no writer of the fourteenth or fifteenth century a.d. could have used the Latin language like an orator of that period. It is admitted that we can safely date works of architecture, modes of writing, porcelain, embroideries, sculp- tures, and paintings, and we may surely venture to do the same with historical works. We see again, that trifles may be surrounded with difficulties, even there where no one has any interest in creating obstacles. How much greater must be the perplexities that we shall have to encounter, when pious fraud, sancti- monious lying, and fanatical ignorance come into play, and every incident, every writer, every sentence is used for a preconceived purpose, to prove some favourite occurrence, which perhaps never took place at all ! 5. Caius Suetonius Teaxquillus, born about TO a.d., died about 121 a.d., was the son of Suetonius Lenus, Tribune of the 13th Legion, and lived at Rome, where he was known as a distinguished orator and lawyer. THE SCIENCE OF HISTORY. 357 Pliny, the Younger, recommended him to the Emperor Trajan, who appointed him Tri- bune. The Emperor Hadrian made him his private secretary (Mayister Epistolarum) ; but he lost this position, on account of his fami- liarity with the Empress Sabina. He retired from public life, and devoted himself exclu- sively to study, and the composition of his masterly biographies of the first twelve Em- perors, and other works. A peculiar kind of historical literature was cultivated at Rome, under the Emperors, corresponding to our modern newspaper writing. The literary productions of this period may be divided into two classes : — (1.) Comic or satirical writings, showing (i.) Comic the ridiculous side of all public, political, satirical social, and religious events. Such papers writings. often reflect far better the innermost senti- ments that pervade a certain period, than some serious and dull party publications, which guide the ignorant masses on the leading strings of national prejudices and inveterate superstitions. The comic and sa- tirical writers of old, like those of our times, had a vast field for their labours ; and were permitted to say far more, in laughing at the shortcomings of their contemporaries, than the serious writers. The " Charivari," of Paris; the u Kladderadatsch," of Berlin; " Punch," and " Judy," of London, are ex- cellent and reliable sources for the study of the hidden political and moral mainsprings of society. 358 THE SCIENCE OF HISTORY. (2.) Serious (2.) More serious papers, corresponding to Pa°ers^ our s0_cane( i u Society Journals," which are nothing- but a revival of those Roman writ- ings that flourished under the Emperors, and became day by day more scurrilous, insolent, personal, and abusive. The sanctity of pri- vate life was gone. The public writers, who were forbidden to have an opinion on State matters, turned their attention to anec- dotes and little scandals relating to private persons. Moral topics were considered stale and tedious. Politics were too dangerous, or were exclusively treated in the spirit of the irresponsibly ruling supreme authority, influence The ever active force of intellect in hu- literature. canity demands some occupation ; and if higher matters are denied to it, it will fasten upon ephemeral trifles. The dresses, looks, smiles, coughs, and little insipid remarks of the aristocracy will be registered. A quarrel between a Patrician Cornelius and a Plebeian Julia was to the Romans already of greater importance than an Imperial edict, beggar- ing hundreds of thousands of industrious Barbarians. Court " tittle-tattle " was still more fascinating. The more despotic the emperors grew, and the more public life was stifled, the more everyone and everything became dependent on the Court and its myr- midons. The more a higher culture, amongst the ruling classes, faded away, the more ex- clusively did high and low interest them- selves in the " Chronique Scandaleuse" of the upper classes. Most of these chronicles were THE SCIENCE OF HISTORY. 359 written by contemptible Greek parasites, who crowded the Imperial courts, and the houses or palaces of the rich. We should make a great mistake if we "News- were to assume that newspapers were a mod- j^their ern invention. Newspapers existed already origin, amongst the Romans, and were first intro- duced by Julius Caesar, who was anxious that the meetings of the Senate should be regu- larly and more fully recorded and published. Augustus abolished these reports, but allowed another publication, ordered by Caesar, to be continued. Under the title of " Acta Diurna" (Daily Doings), or, "Acta Populi" (The People's Doings), regular records were drawn up of all the important events, con- cerning the administration of justice in the courts, and the levying of taxes. These Their publications contained official edicts, Court Merits news, lists of births and deaths, marriages and under divorces, adoptions of children, reports of Au s u8tu criminal proceedings, and other petty daily occurrences; and, in addition, announcements of religious processions, festivities, theatrical and amphitheatrical performances, gladiato- rial exhibitions, wrestlings, races in chariots, elephant, lion, and bull fights, &c. These newspapers were published in thousands of copies in Rome, and sent into the provinces, and read there with avidity by the citizens, and especially by the army. These journals exercised a very detrimental influence on the social purity and political freedom of the people. The general taste was deteriorated, 360 THE SCIENCE OF HISTOEY. and earnest studies were sacrificed to sensa- tional reports ; creating in the public mind an inordinate craving for ever-varying mental excitement, and stifling every social and political improvement through a prohibition of all free discussion. Those who felt the want of a serious moral reform, and wished freely to discuss State-matters, were forced to hold secret meetings in the dead of night, and to form mysterious societies, which began to under- mine the State. Christianity thus originated ; and its votaries were looked upon as dan- gerous conspirators, propagating mystic and unintelligible doctrines, under the name of a " New Dispensation." Had Christianity been worked out in the broad daylight of publicity, it would, from the very beginning, have assumed forms entirely different from those which it received, step by step, through oppression and persecution. Suetonius' These were the causes that produced works Sough he ^ e those of Maximus Valerius, and to this heionged sort of light literature belong the u Lives of class of the Twelve Caesars," by Suetonius. We can- superficial not, however, deny that, in spite of the levity with which his work is written, and the use which he made of his position as the private secretary of an Emperor, and his copious extracts from the daily publications of this period, Suetonius had the courage to evince, whatever adverse critics may say, a deep sense of moral disgust for all that happened under the reigns of a Tiberius, Caligula, THE SCIENCE OF HISTORY. 361 Nero, or Doraitian. He wrote, in fact, " Me- moirs " rather, than History. In treating of Julius Caesar, "he neither dwells on the Civil Wars, which sealed the fall of the Repub- lic ; nor on the military expeditions, which extended the frontiers of the Empire ; nor does he attempt to develop the causes of the great political changes which marked the period of which he treats." According to La Harpe, LaHarpe he is scrupulously exact, strictly methodical. g^ etoniu3 and omits nothing which concerns the person whose life he is writing; he relates every- thing, but paints nothing. His works are, in some sense, a collection of anecdotes, but they must be read and consulted. Of his numerous writings, we possess, in addition to the " Lives of the Twelve Caesars," the His otter " Lives of the Grammarians and Rhetori- works - cians " and the " Lives of the Poets," espe- cially of Terence, Juvenal, Persius, Horace, Lucan, and Pliny. Scholars of all times have recommended the study of his works, on account of the beauty and purity of his style. He is defective in his chronology, but pays great attention to the inner connec- tion of facts. Those who blame Suetonius The for having conscientiouslv recorded the in- antics of . y •ill Suetonius. decent outrages, committed by the monsters clad in the purple of Imperial Rome, belong to the most pernicious class of historical falsi- fiers. They wish to palliate crimes, if per- petrated by those in authority, and pass over in silence the dark sides of humanity, assum- ing mere Chance, Predestination, or Provi- 362 THE SCIENCE OF HISTORY. dence as the agents in History, unwilling to trace evil to natural causes. They feel the blasphemy which they would utter in assert- ing that Providence allowed a Nero or Do- rnitian to be the master of the destinies of millions of human creatures, who were spe- cially sent into the world to be sacrificed to the whimsical arbitrariness of single human beings, and therefore object to truthful re- cords, and are ready to suppress all History for the sake of maintaining their prejudices. The more, however, we advance in the study of History on a scientific basis, the more we become convinced that we need not suppress Truth. So soon as we reduce the phenomena in man's historical development to forces, working according to eternal laws, as firm as those in the physical world, we acquire means of ascertaining causes and effects. We must consider man, with his good and evil deeds ; and attempt to discover, with unbiassed minds, why, at certain periods, all that is glorious and divine in Humanity should pre- vail ; whilst at others, all that is dark and outrageous rules supreme. Only in search- ing for and discovering the causes of such historical phenomena, are we enabled to un- derstand them, to remedy their evil effects, and to promote what is good. Lucius 6. Lucius Ann^eus Florus is supposed Fk>rus U . S t° have been born in Spain, and to have been a descendant of the family of Seneca. Others concluded from his name, " Florus/' that he was a native of Gaul ; others, again, THE SCIENCE OF HISTORY, 363 mistook him for an orator, mentioned by Quinctilian, or for a poet, referred to by Horace. It is certain that he wrote under Trajan or Hadrian. His History, under the title " Epitome de Gestis Romanorum" (Epitome His of Roman History), in four books, treats of ^f^™^ the Republican History of Rome, from the History." Foundation of the City to Augustus, the first Emperor. The work is written in a heavy style, and the whole is one never-ending glorification of the Roman people, during the Republican period. Of the first hundred years of the Republic he says : " They were pure and pious, and, as I have called them, golden, free from vice and immorality ; as there yet remained the sincere and harmless integrity of the pastoral life." His work is Fiorus full of national conceit, and forms a model Historian for all those writers who compile Historv from ^ tho