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THE
UNDERGROUM) RAIL ROAD.
A RECORD
OP
Facts, ^^uthentic Narratives, Letters, &c.,
Narrating the Hardships Hair-breadth Escapes and Death Straggles
OP THE
Slaves in their efforts for Freedom,
AS RELATED
BY THEMSELVES AND OTHERS, OR WITNESSED BY THE AUTHOR;
TOGETHER WITH
SKETCHES OF SOME OF THE LARGEST STOCKHOLDERS, AND
MOST LIBERAL AIDERS AND ADVISERb,
OF THE ROAD.
'■ -^ BY ' (
WILLIAM STILL,
For many years connected with the Anti-Slavery Office in Philadelphia, and Chairman
of the Acting Vigilant Committee of the Philadelphia Branch of
the Underground E,ail Road.
Illustrated with 70 fine Engravings hy BenselL Schell and others, and
Portraits from Photographs from Life.
Thou shalt not deliver unto his master the servant that has escaped from his master unto thee. — Detlt. xxiii. 16.
SOLD ONLY BY SUBSCRIPTION.
PHILADELPHIA:
POUTEK & COA.TES,
822, CHESTNUT STREET.
1872.
\
E
4-'-
Entered according to act of Congress, in the year 1871, by
AVM. STILL,
In the Office of the Librarian of Congress, at Washington.
JAS. B. RODGERS CO.
Elcctrotypcrs & Priutcrt,
52 ft 54 North 6th Street, Philad's.
\'
oSJ
I)>EI)>I€A TIOWc
TO THE
FRIENDS OF FREEDOM, TO HEROIC FUGITIVES AND THEIR
POSTERITY IN THE UNITED STATES,
THESE MEMORIALS OF THEIR LOVE OF LIBERTY
ARE INSCRIBED
By the AUTHOR.
PREFACE.
Wiereas, The position of William Still in the vigilance committee connected with the
" Underground Rail Road," as its corresponding secretary, and chairman of its active
sub-committee, gave him peculiar facilities for collecting interesting facts pertainmg to
this branch of the anti-slavery service ; therefore
Resolved, That the Pennsylvania Anti-Slavery Society request him to compile and
publish his personal reminiscences and experiences relating to the " Underground
Rail Road."
In compliance with this Resolution, unanimously passed at the
closing meeting of the Pennsylvania Anti-Slavery Society held
last May in Philadelphia, the writer, in the following pages, wil-
lingly and he hopes satisfactorily discharg-es his duty..
In these Records will be found interesting narratives of the
escapes of many men, women and children, from the prison-
house of bondage ; from cities and plantations ; from rice swamps
and cotton fields; from kitchens and mechanic shops; from
Border States and Gulf States; from cruel masters- and mild mas-
ters; — some guided by the north star alone, penniless, braving the
perils of land and sea, eluding the keen scent of the blood-hound
as well as the more dangerous pursuit of the savage slave-hunter ;
some from secluded dens and caves of the earth, where for months
and years they had been hidden away waiting for the chance to
escape ; from mountains and swamps, where indescribable suifer-
ing from hunger and other privations had patiently been endured.
Occasionally fugitives came in boxes and chests, and not infre-
quently some were secreted in steamers and vessels, and in some
instances journeyed hundreds of miles in skiffs. Men disguised in
female attire and women dressed in the garb' of men have under
very trying circumstances triumphed in thus making their way
to freedom. And here and there> when all other modes of escape
seemed cut off, some, whose fair complexions have rendered them
indistinguishable from their Anglo-Saxon brethren, feeling that
they could endure the yoke no longer, with assumed airs of im-
2 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD.
portance, such as they had been accustomed to see their masters
show when traveling, have taken the usual modes of conveyance
and have even braved the most scrutinizing inspection of slave-
holders, slave-catchers and car conductors, who were ever on the
alert to catch those who were considered base and white enou'^li
to practice such deception. Passes have been written and used
by fugitives, with their masters' and mistresses' names boldly
attached thereto, and have answered admirably as a protection,
when passing through ignorant country districts of slave regions,
where but few, either white or colored, knew how to read or write
correctly.
Not a few, upon arriving, of course, hardly had rags
enough on them to cover their nakedness, even in the coldest
weather.
It scarcely needs be stated that, as a general rule, the passengers
of the U. G. R. R. were physically and intellectually above the
average order of slaves.
They were determined to have liberty even at the cost of life.
The slave auction block indirectly proved to be in some respects
a very active agent in promoting travel on the U. G. R. R., just
as Jeff. Davis wa-s an agent in helping to bring about the downfall
of Slavery. The horrors of the block, as looked upon through
the light of the daily heart-breaking separations it was causing to
the oppressed, no pen could describe or mind imagine; hence it
will be seen that many of the passengers, whose narratives will be
found in this work, ascribed their first undying resolution to strike
for freedom to the auction block or to the fear of soon having to
take their chances thereon. But x)ther agencies were at work in
the South, which in various ways aided directly or tacitly the
U. G. R. R. cause.
To refer in detail to any considerable number of these agents
would be impossible, if necessary. Some there were who nobly
periled their all for the freedom of the oppressed, whose sufferings
and deeds of bravery must have a fitting place in this volume.
Where in history-, modem or ancient, could be found a more
Christlike exhibition of love and humanity, of whole-souled devo-
tion to freedom, than was proven in the character of the hero,
Seth Concklin, who lost his life while endeavoring to rescue from
Alabama slavery the wife and children of Peter Still?
PREFACE. 3
So also do the heroic and fiiithfiil services of Samuel D. Burrls
demand special reference and commemoration, for his connection
with the U. G. R. R. cost him not only imprisonment and the
most barbarous treatment, but likewise the loss of his freedom.
He was sold on the auction block.
Here too come the overwhelming claims o*f S. A. Smith, who
at the sad cost to himself of many of the best years of his life in
the Richmond penitentiary, boxed up Henry Box Brown and
others in Richmond, and committed them to Adams' Express
office, to be carried in this most extraordinary manner to freedom.
We must not omit from these records the boldness and the
hazard of the unparalleled undertakings of Captains Drayton,
Lee, Baylis, &c.
While the Vigilance Committee of Philadelphia was in no wise
responsible for the suffering incurred by many of those who
helped the slave, yet in order to show how men were moved
to lend an ear to those hungering and thirsting for freedom, and
to what extent the relentless spirit of Slavery would go in wreak-
ing vengeance upon them — out of the many who were called upon
to suffer thus, the individual cases here brought forward must
suffice. Without introducing a few of such incidents the records
would necessarily be incomplete.
Those who come after us seeking for information in regard
to the existence, atrocity, struggles and destruction of Slavery,
will have no trouble in finding this hydra-headed monster
ruling and tyrannizing over Church and State, North and
South, white and black, without let or hindrance, for at least
several generations. Nor will posterity have any difficulty in
finding the deeds of the brave and invincible opposers of Slavery,
who in the language of Wm. Lloyd Garrison, declared without
concealment and without compromise : "I am in earnest, I will
not equivocate — I will not excuse — I will not retreat a single
inch — and I will be heard."
While this resolute spirit actuated the hearts of all true aboli-
tionists, it was a peculiar satisfaction and gratification to them to
know that the slaves themselves were stru2i:o;linQ; and huno:ering
for deliverance. Hence such evidence from this quarter never
failed to meet with hearty sympathy and aid. But here the
enemy was never willingly allowed to investigate.
PREFACE. 3
So also do the heroic and fiiithful services of Samuel D. Biirris
demand special reference and commemoration, for his connection
with the U. G. R. R. cost him not only imprisonment and the
most barbarous treatment, but likewise the loss of his freedom.
He was sold on the auction block.
Here too come the overwhelming claims o-f S. A. Smith, who
at the sad cost to himself of many of the best years of his life in
the Richmond penitentiary, boxed up Henry Box Brown and
others in Richmond, and committed them to Adams' Express
office, to be carried in this most extraordinary manner to freedom.
We must not omit from these records the boldness and the
hazard of the unparalleled undertakings of Captains Drayton,
Lee, Baylis, &c.
While the Vigilance Committee of Philadelphia wiis in no wise
responsible for the suffering incurred by many of those who
helped the slave, yet in order to show how men were moved
to lend an ear. to those hungering and thirsting for freedom, and
to what extent the relentless spirit of Slavery would go in wreak-
ing vengeance upon them — out of the many who were called upon
to suffer thus, the individual cases here brought forward must
suffice. Without introducing a few of such incidents the records
would necessarily be incomplete.
Those who come after us seeking for information in regard
to the existence, atrocity, struggles and destruction of Slavery,
will have no trouble in finding this hydra-headed monster
ruling and tyrannizing over Church and State, North and
South, white and black, without let or hindrance, for at least
several generations. Nor will posterity have any difficulty in
finding the deeds of the brave and invincible opposers of Shivery,
who in the language of Wm. Lloyd Garrison, declared without
concealment and without compromise : "I am in earnest, I will
not equivocate — I will not excuse — I will not retreat a single
inch — and I will be heard."
While this resolute spirit actuated the hearts of all true aboli-
tionists, it was a peculiar satisfaction and gratification to them to
know that the slaves themselves were struggling and hungering
for deliverance. Hence such evidence from this quarter never
failed to meet with hearty sympathy and aid. But here the
enemy was never willingly allowed to investigate.
4 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD.
The slave and his particuhir friends could only meet in private
to transact the business of the Underground Rail Road ground.
All others were outsiders. The right hand was not to know what
the left hand was doing.
Stockholders did not expect any dividends, nor did they re-
quire special reports to be published. Indeed prudence often
dictated that even the recipients of our favor should not know
the names of their helpers, and vice versa they did not desire to
know theirs.
The risk of aiding fugitives was never lost sight of, and the safety
of all concerned called for still tongues. Hence sad and thrilling
stories w^ere listened to, and made deep impressions ; but as a uni-
versal rule, friend and fugitive parted with only very vivid recollec-
tion of the secret interview and with mutual sympathy; for a length
of time no narratives were written. The writer, in common with
otherSj took no notes. But after the restoration of Peter
Still, his own brother (the kidnapped and the ransomed), after
forty years' cruel separation from his mother, the wonderful
discovery and joyful reunion, the idea forced itself upon his
mind that all over this wide and extended country thousands of
mothers and children, separated by Slavery, were in a similar
way living without the slightest knowledge of each other's where-
abouts, praying and weeping without ceasing, as did this mother
and son. Under these reflections it seemed reasonable to hope
that by carefully gathering the narratives of Underground Rail
Road passengers, in some way or other some of the bleeding and
severed hearts might be ur/ited and comforted; and by the use that
might be made privately, if not publicly, of just such facts as would
naturally be embraced in their brief narratives, re-unions might take
place. For years it was the writer s privilege to see many travelers,
to receive from their own lips the most interesting and in many
cases exceedingly thrilling accounts of their struggles for liberty,
and to learn who had held them in bondage, how they had been
treated, what prompted them to escape, and whom that were near
and dear to them they had left in chains. Their hopes, fears and
Bufferings were thus recorded in a book. It scarcely need be
added with no expectation, however, that the day was so near
when these things could be published.
It is now a source of great satisfaction to feel that net
PREFACE. 5
only these numerous narratives may be published, but that in
connection therewith, for the completeness of tlie work, many in-
teresting private letters from fugitives in Canada, slaves in the
South, Underground Rail Road conductors and stockholders, and
last and least, from slaveholders, in the bargain — all having a
direct bearing on the mysterious road.
In the use of these various documents, the writer begs to assure
his readers that the most scrupulous care has been taken to
furnish artless stories, simple facts, — to resort to no coloring
to make the book seem romantic, as he is fully persuaded that
any exaggerations or additions of his own could not possibly
equal in surpassing interest, the original and natural tales given
under circumstances, when life and death seemed about equally
balanced in the scale, and fugitives in transit were making their
way from Slavery to Freedom, with the horrors of the Fugitive
Slave-law staring them in the face.
Thousands were either directly or indirectly interested in this en-
terprise, and in all probability two generations will pass away before
many who are now living witnesses to the truth of these recorda
will cease to bring vividly to mind the hour and circumstance
when for the first time they were led to resort to this road to
escape the " barbarism" of Slavery.
Far be it from the writer to assume, however, that these
Records cover the entire Underground Rail Road operations.
Many local branches existed in different parts of the country,
which neither time nor limit would allow mention of in this
connection. Good men labored and suffered, who deserve to be
held in the highest admiration by the friends of Freedom, whose
names may be looked for in vain in these pages ; for which reason
some may be inclined to complain. With respect to these
points it may here be remarked that in gathering narratives
from unwritten sources — from memorj^ simply — no amount of
pains or labor could possibly succeed in making a trustworthy his-
tory. The writer has deemed it best, therefore, to confine himself
to facts coming within his personal knowledge, and to the records
of his own preserving, which, by the way, are quite too voluminous
to be all used in this work. Frequent abridgements and omissions
must be made.
The waiter is fully conscious of his literary imperfections. The
6 THE UXDERGROUXD RAIL ROAD.
time allotted him from other pressing duties is, moreover, exceed-
ingly limited. Nevertheless he feels that he owes it to the
cause of Freedom, and to the Fugitives and their posterity in par-
ticular, to bring the doings of the U. G. R. R. before the jDublic
in the most truthful manner; not for the purpose of amusing
the reader, but to show wliat efforts were made and what suc-
cess was gained for Freedom under difficulties. That some
professing a love of liberty at this late date will be disposed to
criticise some of the methods resorted to in aiding in the escape
of fugitives as herein recounted, may be expected. While the
writer holds the labors of Abolitionists generally in very grateful
appreciation, he hopes not to be regarded as making any inv^idious
discriminations in favor of the individual friends of the slave,
whose names may be brought out prominently in this work, as it
is not with the Anti-Slavery question proper that he is dealing,
but simply the Underground Rail Road. In order, therefore,
fittingly to bring the movements of this enterprise to light,
the writer could not justly confine himself to the Acting
Committee, but felt constrained to bring in others — Friends —
who never forsook the fugitive, who visited him in prison,
clothed him when naked, fed him when hungry, wept with
him when he wept, and cheered him with their warmest sym-
pathies and friendship. In addition to the names of the Act-
ing Committee, he has felt constrained to beg the portraits of the
following stockholders and advisers of the Road, whose names
will be found on the next page, and in thus presenting a brief
sketch of their labors, he feels that the true friends of the slave in
recognizing them in this connection with many of the once Fugi-
tives (now citizens), will regard it as a tribute to the Anti-Slavery
cause rather than the individuals themselves.
WILLIAM STILL.
Philadelphia, January, 1872.
ILLUSTRATIONS.
THE AUTHOR fbontispiecb.
PAGB
PETER STILL — " THI. KIDNAPPED AND THE RANSOMED" 37
CHARITY STILL TWICE ESCAPED FROM SLAVERY 37
DESPERATE CONFLICT IN A BARN 50
DEATH OF ROMULUS HALL '. 53
RESURRECTION OF HENRY BQX BROWN 83
RESCUE OF JANE JOHNSON AND HER CHILDREN 88
PASSMORE WILLIAMSON 95
JANE JOHNSON 95
ESCAPING FROM PORTSMOUTH, VA 98
TWENTY-EIGHT FUGITIVES ESCAPING FROM EASTERN SHORE OF MARYLAND 102
ESCAPING FROM ALABAMA ON TOP OF A CAR 107
CROSSING THE RIVER ON HORSEBACK IN THE NIGHT 121
A BOLD STROKE FOR FREEDOM CONTEST WITH FIRE-ARMS 125
ABRAM GALLOWAY 150
THE MAYOR AND POLICE OF NORFOLK SEARCHING CAPTAIN FOUNTAIN'S
SCHOONER 167
MARIA WEEMS ESCAPING AS JO W^RIGHT 183
JOHN HENRY HILL 191
DRY-GOODS MERCHANT SEARCHING THE CARS 215
ESCAPE WITH A LADY, AS HER COACHMAN, WITH MASTER'S HORSE AND
CARRIAGE 216
SIX ON TWO HORSES 220
UP A TREE 237
SAMUEL GREEN SENTENCED TO THE PENITENTIARY FOR TEN YEARS FOR
HAVING A COPY OF " UNCLE TOM's CABIN " IN HIS HOUSE 250
LEAR GREEN ESCAPING IN A CHEST 283
ESCAPE OF ELEVEN PASSENGERS FROM MARYLAND IN TWO CARRIAGES... 302
THE CHRISTIANA TRAGEDY 351
WILLIAM AND ELLEN CRAFT 368
7
8 ILLUSTRATIONS.
PACK
MEMBERS OF THE ACTING COMMITTEE:
,N. W. DEPEE 400
JACOB C. WHITE 400
CHARLES WISE 400
EDWIN H. COATES 400
KNIFING HIS VICTIM 423
LIVING IN A HOLLOW TREE 424
" IN A CAVE 425
A NARROW ESCAPE 453
SUSPENDED BY THE HANDS WITH BLOCK AND TACKLE 470
CROSSING THE BAY 482
BREAKING HIM IN 495
MOTHER ESCAPING WITH SEVEN CHILDREN 512
FIGHT IN CHESAPEAKE BAY •• . 528
JOHN W. DUNGEE 542
MARY MILBURN (SECRETED IN A BOX) 558
HEAVY WEIGHTS — ARRIVAL OP A PARTY AT LEAGUE ISLAND 560
SKETCHES AND PORTRAITS OF STATION-MASTERS, PROMINENT ANTI-SLAVERY
MEN, AND SUPPORTERS OF THE U. G. R. R. :
ABIGAIL GOODWIN 622
THOMAS GARRETT 62?
DANIEL GIBBONS 622
LUCRETIA MOTT , 622
J. MILLER M'KIM 654
WILLIAM H. FURNESS 654
■WILLIAM LLOYD GARRISON 654
LEWIS TAPPAN 654
ELIJAH F. PENNYPACKER 688
WILLIAM WRIGHT 688
DR. BARTHOLOMEW FUSSELL 688
ROBERT PURVIS • 688
JOHN HUNN 720
SAMUEL RHOADS 720
WILLIAM WHIPPER 720
SAMUEL D. BURRI8 720
CHARLES D. CLEVELAND 724
GRACE ANNA LEWIS "748
MRS, FRANCES E. W. HARPER 748
JOHN NEEDLES 748
CONTENTS.
PAGE
SETHCONKLIN 23
UNDERGROUND RAILROAD LETTERS.
From Thomas Garrett — G. A. Lewis— E. L. Stevens — Sydney Howard Gay — John
Henry Hill — J. Bigelowe — Ham and Eggs — Rev. H. Wilson — Sheridan Ford —
E. F. Pennypacker— J. C. Bustill — Slave secreted in Richmond — G, S. Nelson —
John Thompson — Wm. Penn 39
WILLIAM BOX PEEL JONES
Came boxed up via Erricson line of Steamers 46
WESLEY HARRIS alias ROBERT JACKSON, CRAVEN MATTERSON
AND TWO BROTHERS 48
CLARISSA DAVIS
Arrived in Male Attire 60
ANTHONY BLOW alias HENRY LEVISON
Secreted Ten Months — Eight days on the Steamship City of Richmond bound for
Philadelphia , 61
PERRY JOHNSON, OF ELKTON, MARYLAND.
Eye knocked Out 64
ISAAC FORMAN, WILLIAM DAVIS AND WILLIS REDICK.
Hearts full of joy for Freedom — Very anxious for Wives in Slavery G4
JOSEPH HENRY CAMP
Sold, the day he escaped, for Fourteen Hundred Dollars — Slave Trader loses his
Bargain 66
SHERIDAN FORD
Secreted in the Woods — Escapes in a Steamer 67
JOSEPH KNEELAND alias JOSEPH HUDSON
Young Master had a "Malignant Spirit" 68
9
10 CONTENTS.
PAGE
EX PRESIDENT TYLER'S HOUSEHOLD LOSES AN ARISTOCRATIC
ARTICLE 69
EDWARD MORGAN, HENRY JOHNSON, JAMES AND STEPHEN
BUTLER.
" Two Thousand Dollars Reward" offered 70
HENRY PREDO
Daniel Hughes, Thomas Elliott, and five others betrayed into Dover Jail 72
MARY EPPS ALIAS EMMA BROWN, JOSEPH AND ROBERT
ROBINSON.
A Slave Mother Loses her Speech at the Sale of her Child... Bob Escapes from his
Master, a Trader, with Fifteen Hundred Dollars in North Carolina Money 74
GEORGE SOLOMON, DANIEL NEALL, BENJAMIN R. FLETCHER AND ;
MARIA DORSEY -.^-H
HENRY BOX BROWN
Arrived by Adams Express 81
TRIAL OF THE EMANCIPATORS OF COL. J. H. WHEELER'S SLAVES,
JANE JOHNSON AND HER TWO LITTLE BOYS f
THE ARRIVALS OF A SINGLE MONTH. *
Sixty Passengers came in one Month — Twenty-eight in one Arrival — Great Panic
and Indignation Meeting — Interesting Correspondence from Masters and Fugi-
tives 97
A SLAVE GIRL'S NARRATIVE.
Cordelia Loney, Slave of Mrs. Joseph Caheill, (widow of the late Hon. Joseph Caheill,
of Virginia) — Cordelia's Escape from her Mistress in Philadelphia 112
ARRIVAL OF JACKSON, ISAAC AND EDMONDSON TURNER FROM
PETERSBURG.
Touching Scene on Meeting their Old Blind Father at the U. G. R. R. Depot 117
ROBERT BROWN alias THOMAS JONES.
Crossing the River on Horseback in the Night 121
ANTHONY LONEY alias WILLIAM ARMSTEAD AND CORNELIUS
SCOTT 122
SAMUEL WILLIAMS alias JOHN WILLIAMS 12^
BARNABY GRIGBY alias JOHN BOYER. AND MARY ELIZABETH HIS ,Qg
WIFE, FRANK WANZER alias ROBERT SCOTT, EMILY FOSTER"'
ALIAS ANN WOOD
CONTENTS. 11
\ PAGS
WILLIAM JORDAN alias WILLIAM PRICE 129
JOSEPH GRANT AND JOHN SPEAKS.
Two Passengers via Liverpool 132
WILLIAM N. TAYLOR.
"One Hundred Dollars Reward" 134
LOUISA BROWN, JACOB WATERS, AND ALFRED GOULDEN 135
ARRIVAL FROM BALTIMORE.
Jefferson Pipkins alias David Jones, Louisa Pipkins, Elizabeth Brit, Harriet Brown,
alias Jane Wooton, Gracy Murry alias Sophia Sims, Edward Williams alias Henry
Johnson, Charles Lee alias Thomas Bushier 136
SEVERAL ARRIVALS FROxM DIFFERENT PLACES,
lenry Anderson, Charles and Margaret Congo, Chaskey Brown, William Henry
Washington, James Alfred Frisley, Charles Henry Salter, Stephen Taylor, Charles
Brown, Charles H. Hollis, Luther Dorsey 137
ARRIVAL FROM RICHMOND.
Jeremiah W, Smith and wife Julia 141
EIGHT ARRIVALS.
James Massey, Perry Henry Trusty, George Rhoads, James Rhoads, George Wash-
ington, Sarah Elizabeth Rhoadd, and Child, Mary Elizabeth Stevenson 143
CHARLES THOMPSON,
Carrier of "The National American" 146
BLOOD FLOWED FREELY.
.A^ram Galloway and Richard Eden — Secreted in a Vessel Loaded with Spirits of
Turpentine — Shrouds Prepared to Prevent being Smoked to Death — Abram a Sol-
dier under Father Abraham — Senator of North Carolina 150
JOHN PETTIFOOT.
" One Hundred Dollars Reward" Offered — McHenry and McCulloch Anxious
About John 153
EMANUEL T. WHITE.
" Would rather Fight than Eat" 154
THE ESCAPE OF A CHILD FOURTEEN MONTHS OLD.
J Letter from "J.B." — Letters from E. L. Stevens. ..Great Anxiety and Care 155
ESCAPE OF A YOUNG SLAVE MOTHER.
ISAj^y- Little Girl and Husband left Behind —Three Hundred Dollars Reward Offered 157
12 CONTENTS,
SAMQEL W. JOHNSON.
PAGR
Arrival from the Richmond Daily Dispatch Office — "T^ncle Tom's Cabia" turned
Sam's Brain — Affecting Letters loS
FAMILY FROM BALTIMORE.
Stephen Amos alias Henry Johnson, Harriet alias Mary Jane Johnson, and their
four children, Ann Rebecca, William H., Elizabeth and Mary Elieu loO
ELIJAH HILTON,
From Richmond—" Five Hundred Dollars Reward" offered by R. J. Christian... Grate-
ful letter from Canada 101
SOLOMON BROWN
Arrived per City of Richmond — Letter from Canada containing expressions of Grati-
tude 163
WILLIAM HOGG alias JOHN SMITH.
Traveler from Maryland — William was much troubled about his Wife left behind —
Letter from Canada 164
TWO FEMALE PASSENGERS FROM MARYLAND.
Ann Johnson and Lavina Woolfley Sold — Out of the Frying Pan into the Fire 164
CAPTAIN F. AND THE MAYOR OF NORFOLK^
Twenty-one Passengers secreted in Captain Fountain's Boat — Mayor and Posse of
Officers on the Boat searching for U. G. R. R. Passengers 165
ARRIVALS FROM DIFFERENT PLACES.
Matilda Mahoney — Dr. J. W. Pennington's Brother and Sons — Great Adventure to
deliver a Lover 172
FLEEING GIRL OF FIFTEEN IN MALE ATTIRE. «
Ann Maria W^eems alias Joe Wright — Great Triumph — Arrival on Thanksgiving
Day — Interesting letters from J. Bigelow 177
FIVE YEARS AND ONE MONTH SECRETED.
John Henry, Hezekiah and James Hill IS''
FROM VIRGINIA, MARYLAND AND DELAWARE.
Archer Barlow, alias Emet Robins — Samuel Bush o/ms William Oblebee — John Spen-
cer and his son William and James Albert — Robert Fisher— Nathan Harris —
Han.iel Waples — Rosanna Tonnell, a/ias Maria Hyde — Mary Ennis alias Licia
Hemmit and two Children— Lydia and Louisa Caroline 203
SAM, ISAAC, PERRY. CHARLES AND GREEN.
" One Thousand Dollars Reward" 208
)
' CONTENTS. 13
PAGE
FROM RICHMOND AND NORFORK, VA.
William B. White, Susan Brooks, and Wm. Henry Atkinson 211
FOUR ARRIVALS.
Charlotte and Harriet escape in deep Mourning — White Lady and Child with a Col-
ored Coachman — Three likely Young Men from Baltimore — Four large and two
Small Hams — U. G. R. R. Passengers Travelling with their Master's Horses and
Carriage — Six Passengers on two Horses, &c 214
FROM VIRGINIA, MARYLAND, DELAWARE, NORTH CAROLINA, WASH-
INGTON, D. C. AND SOUTH CAROLINA 223
CHARLES GILBERT,
Fleeing from Davis, a Negro Trader — Secreted under a Hotel — Up a Tree — Under a
Floor— In a Thicket— On a Steamer 235
LIBERTY OR DEATH.
Jim Bowlegs alias Bill Paul 240
. SALT-WATER FUGITIVE 242
SAMUEL GREEN alias WESLEY KINNARD.
Ten Years in the Penitentiary for having a Copy of Uncle Tom's Cabin in his
House 246
AN IRISH GIRL'S DEVOTION TO FREEDOM.
V-In Love with a Slave — Gets him off to Canada — Follows him — Marriage, &c 250
"SAM" NIXON ALIAS DR. THOMAS BAYNE.
The Escape of a Dentist on the U. G. R. R. &c 254
SUNDRY ARRIVALS.
From Loudoun County, Va., Norfolk, Baltimore, Md., Petersburg, Va., &c 259
HEAVY REWARD.
" Two Thousand Six Hundred Dollars Reward" Offered 272
SLAVE-TRADER HALL IS FOILED.
Robert McCoy alias William Donar, and Elizabeth Sanders, arrived per steamer 274
THE PROTECTION OF SLAVE PROPERTY IN VIRGINIA.
A Bill providing additional Protection for the Slave Property of Citizens of this Com-
monwealth o^y
ESCAPING IN A CHEST.
" One Hundred and Fifty Dollars Reward"— Lear Green 281
ISAAC WILLIAMS, HENRY BANKS AND KIT NICKLESS 284
14 CONTENTS.
I
)
ARRIVAL OF FIVE FROM THE EASTERN SHORE OF MARYLAND.
PAGE
Cyrus Mitchell alias John Steel, Joshua Handy alias Hambleton Ilamby, Charles
Button alias William Ptobinson, Ephraim Hudson alias John Spry, Francis Molock
alias Thomas Jackson 2So
SUNDRY ARRIVALS ABOUT AUGUST 1st, 1So5.
Francis Hilliard and Others 287
DEEP FURROWS ON THE BACK.
Thomas Madden 294
PETER MATHEWS alias SAMUEL SPARROWS.
"I might as well be in the Penitentiary as in Slavery." 295
"MOSES" ARRIVES WITH SIX PASSENGERS 296
ESCAPED FROM "A WORTHLESS SOT."
John Atkinson 299
WILLIAM BUTCHER alias Wm. T. MTCHELL.
" He was abuseful" 300
"WHITE ENOUGH TO PASS" 301
ESCAPING WITH MASTER'S CARRIAGES AND HORSES.
Harriet Shephard, and her five Children with five other Passengers 302
EIGHT AND A HALF MONTHS SECRETED.
Washington Somlor alias James Moore 304
ARTHUR FOWLER alias BENJAMIN JOHNSON 305
SUNDRY ARRIVALS.
About the 1st of June, 1855— Emory Roberts and others 305
SUNDRY ARRIVALS ABOUT JANUARY 1st, 1855.
Verenea Mercer and others 309
SLAVE-HOLDER IN MARYLAND WITH THREE COLORED WIVES.
James GriflSn alias Thomas Brown 31^
CAPTAIN F. ARRIVES WITH NINE PASSENGERS.
Names of Passengers '^'■'^
OWEN AND OTHO TAYLOR'S FLIGHT WITH HORSES, &c 320
CONTENTS. 15
HEAVY REWARD.
PAGE
Three Hundred Dollars Reward — " Tom" gone 304
CAPT. F. ARRIVES WITH FOURTEEN "PRIME ARTICLES" ON BOARD 325
SUNDRY ARRIVALS, LATTER PART OF DECEMBER, 1855, AND BE-
GINNING OF JANUARY, 1856.
Joseph Cornish and others 33^
PART OF THE ARRIVALS IN DECEMBER, 1855.
Thomas J. Gooseberry and others goo
THE FUGITIVE SLAVE BILL OF 1850.
" An Act Respecting Fugitives from Justice, and Persons Escaping from the Servi-
ces of their Masters." o.ig
THE SLAVE HUNTING TRAGEDY IN LANCASTER COUNTY IN
SEPTEMBER, 1851.
"Treason at Christiana" oic
WILLIAM AND ELLEN CRAFT.
Female Slave in Male Attire, fleeing as a Planter, with her Husband as her Body
Servant .- 0,0
ARRIVALS FROM RICHMOND.
Lewis Cobb and Nancy Brister 0-7
PASSENGERS FROM NORTH CAROLINA, [By Schooner.]
Major Latham, William Wilson, Henry Goram, Wiley Madison, and Andrew Shep-
herd .^^f.
THOMAS CLINTON, SAUNEY PRY AND BENJAMIN DUCKET.
Passed over the U. G. R. R. in the Fall of 1856 3S2
ARRIVALS IN APRIL, 1856.
Charles Hall and others
383
FIVE FROM GEORGETOWN CROSS-ROADS.
Mother and Child from Norfolk, Va., &c 3g(3
PASSENGERS FROM MARYLAND.
William Henry MOODY, BELINDA BIVANS, &c 3SS
ARRIVAL FROM MARYLAND o^q
ARRIVAL FROM WASHINGTON, D. C, &c., 1857.
George Carroll, Randolph Branson, John Clagart and William'Royan 391
16 CONTENTS.
ARRIVAL FROM UNIONVILLE, 1857.
PAGK
Israel Todd and Bazil Aldridge 392
ARRIVAL FROM MARYLAND, 1857.
Ordee Lee and Richard J. Booce. 393
ARRIVAL FROM CAMBRIDGE, 1857.
Silas Long and Solomon Light — " The Mother of Twelve Children" — Old Jane
Davis 394
BENJAMIN ROSS AND HIS WIFE HARRIET
Fled from Caroline County, Eastern Shore of Maryland, June, 1857 395
ARRIVAL FROM VIRGINIA, 1857 39G
ARRIVAL FROM DELAWARE, 1857 397
ARRIVAL FROM ALEXANDRIA, IN 1857 399
ARRIVAL FROM UNIONVILLE, 1857 401
ARRIVAL FROM NEW ORLEANS, 1857 403
ARRIVAL FROM WASHINGTON, D. C 40(5
ARRIVAL FROM VIRGINIA, 1857 408
ARRIVAL FROM MARYLAND 409
ARRIVAL FROM GEORGETOWN CROSSROADS AND ALEXANDRIA 410
ARRIVAL FROM MARYLAND 411
ARRIVAL FROM NORFOLK, Va 412
ARRIVAL FROM WASHINGTON, D. C 413
FOUR ABLE BODIED " ARTICLES" IN ONE ARRIVAL. 1857 414
ARRIVAL FROM ARLINGTON, Md., 1857 41G
FIVE PASSENGERS, 1847 418
ARRIVAL FROM HOWARD COUNTY, Md., 1857 419
ARRIVAL FROM PRINCE GEORGE'S COUNTY, Md., 420
ARRIVAL FROM RAPPAHANNOCK COUNTY, 1857 421
ARRIVAL FROM NORTH CAROLINA, 1857 422
CONTENTS. 17
PACK
7
ALFRED HOLLON, GEORGE AND CHARLES N. RODGERS 42
ARRIVAL FROM KENT COUNTY, 1857 409
ARRIVAL FROM BALTIMORE COUNTY, 1857 409
MARY COOPER AND MOSES ARMSTEAD, 1857 43O
ARRIVAL FROM NEAR WASHINGTON, D. C 43O
HON. L. McLANE'S PROPERTY, SOON AFTER HIS DEATH, TRAVELS
VIA THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD— WILLIAM KNIGHT, ESQ
LOSES A SUPERIOR "ARTICLE." ' 431
ARRIVAL FROM HARFORD COUNTY, 1857 434
ARRIVAL FROM MARYLAND, 1857 434
ARRIVAL FROM NORFOLK, Va., 1857 435
ARRIVAL FROM HOOPERVILLE, Md., 1857 437
ARRIVAL FROM MARYLAND, 1857 439
ARRIVAL FROM QUEEN ANNE COUNTY, 1858 440
ARRIVAL FROM BALTIMORE 44^
ARRIVED FROM DUNWOODY COUNTY, 1858 44I
ARRIVED FROM ALEXANDRIA, Va., 1857 440
ARRIVAL FROM MARYLAND, 1858 443
ARRIVAL FROM PETERSBURG, 1858 444
ARRIVAL FROM MARYLAND 444
ARRIVAL OF A PARTY OF SIX, 1858 445
ARRIVAL FROM RICHMOND, 1858 449
ARRIVAL FROM BALTIMORE, 1858 45O
ARRIVAL FROM HIGHTSTOWN, 1858 45I
ARRIVAL FROM VIRGINIA, 1858 450
ARRIVAL FROM BELLAIR 454
ARRIVAL FROM MARYLAND, 1858 455
ARRIVAL FROM VIRGINIA, 1858 459
ARRIVAL FROM RICHMOND, 1858 461
j8 CONTENTS.
PAnr,
ARRIVAL FROM NORFOLK, Va., 1858 ^^'-
ARRIVAL FROM NEAR BALTIMORE, 1858 462
483
ARRIVAL FROM VIRGINIA, 1858
ARRIVAL FROM WASHINGTON. 1858 ^^'^
4G4;
ARRIVAL FROM VIRGINIA. 1858
ARRIVAL FROM THE OLD DOMINION '• ^"^'^
ARRIVAL FROM DELAWARE, 1858 "^'^^
ARRIVAL FROM DELAWARE, 1858 '
ARRIVAL FROM MARYLAND, 1858 ^'^
ARRIVAL FROM NORTH CAROLINA AND DELAWARE 473
ARRIVAL FROM MARYLAND
ARRIVAL FROM MARYLAND
ARRIVAL FROM THE DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA, 1858 : 477 -
ARRIVAL FROM HONEY BROOK TOWNSHIP, 1858 478
ARRIVAL FROM ALEXANDRIA, Va., 1S58 4.8
ARRIVAL FROM THE SEAT OF GOVERNMENT 480
481
CROSSING THE BAY IN A SKIFF
ARRIVAL FROM KENT COUNTY. Md.. 1858
ARRIVAL FROM WASHINGTON, 1858 " 4^*^
ARRIVAL FROM CECIL COUNTY, 1858 48o
ARRIVAL FROM GEORGETOWN, D. C, 1858 487
ARRIVAL FROM SUSSEX COUNTY, 1858 4SS
491
SUNDRY ARRIVALS IN 1859
493
ARRIVAL FROM RICHMOND, 1859
495
ARRIVAL FROM DELAWARE, 1858
4Q7
ARRIVAL FROil RICHMOND, 1859 *^
499
ARRIVAL FROM MARYLAND, 1859
500
SUNDRY ARRIVALS, 1859
CONTENTS. 19
PAGE
ARRIVAL FROM MARYLAND, 1859 502
ARRIVAL FROM DELAWARE, 1859 , 502
ARRIVAL FROM VIRGINIA, 1859 503
SUNDRY ARRIVALS FROM MARYLA.ND, 1859 504
ARRIVAL FROM RICHMOND, 1859 506
ARRIVAL FROM MARYLAND 507
ARRIVAL FROM MARYLAND, VIRGINIA, AND THE DISTRICT OF CO-
LUMBIA 508
SUNDRY ARRIVALS FROM MARYLAND AND VIRGINIA 509
ARRIVAL FROM SEAFORD, 1859 511
ARRIVAL FROM TAPS' NECK, Mc, 1859 511
ARRIVAL FROM MARYLAND, 1859 512
SUNDRY ARRIVALS FROM VIRGINIA, MARYLAND AND DELAWARE.... 514
ARRIVAL FROM DIFFERENT POINTS 516
SUNDRY ARRIVALS FROM MARYLAND, 1860 519
ARRIVAL FROM VIRGINIA, 1860 521
ARRIVAL FROM BALTIMORE, 1860 523
ARRIVAL FROM MARYLAND 524
ARRIVAL FROM FREDERICKSBURG, 1860 525
SUNDRY ARRIVALS FROM MARYLAND, 1860 526
CROSSING THE BAY IN A BxiTTEAU 528
ARRIVAL FROM DORCHESTER COUNTY, 1860 530
ARRIVAL FROM MARYLAND, 1860 532
TWELVE MONTHS IN THE WOODS, 1860 532
ARRIVAL FROM MARYLAND ■. 533
A SLAVE CATCHER CAUGHT IN HIS OWN TRAP 534
TO WHOM IT MIGHT CONCERN 535
ARRIVAL FROM RICHMOND, 1858 536
20 CONTENTS.
PAGR
ARRIVAL FROM RICHMOND, 18o9 539
ARRIVAL FROM RICHMOND 541
" AUNT HANNAH MOORE." 547
KIDNAPPING OF RACHEL AND ELIZABETH PARKER— MURDER OF
JOSEPH C. MILLER, IN 1851 AND 1852 551
ARRIVAL FROM VIRGINIA, 1854 555
ARRIVAL FROM NORFOLK ' 55S
ARRIVAL OF FIFTEEN FROM NORFOLK, VIRGINIA ^ 559
THE CASE OF EUPHEMIA WILLIAMS 5GC. f
HELPERS AND SYMPATHIZERS AT HOME AND ABROAD— INTEREST-
ING LETTERS 584
PAMPHLET AND LETTERS 584
LETTERS TO THE WRITER 003
WOMAN ESCAPING IN A BOX, 1857 608
ORGANIZATION OF THE VIGILANCE COMMITTEE 610
PORTRAITS AND SKETCHES 613
ABIGAIL GOODWIN 617
THOMAS GARRETT 623 \
\
I
DANIEL GIBBONS 642 |
LUCRETIA MOTT G49
JAMES xMILLER McKIM 654 '
WILLIAM H. FURNESS, D. D 659 |
i
WILLIAM LLOYD GARRISON GG.") |
I
LEWIS TAPPAN OSO j
ELIJAH F. PENNYPACKER 688
WILLIAM WRIGHT (191
DR. BARTHOLOMEW FUSSELL 695
THOMAS SHIPLEY 698
ROBERT PURVIS. 711
CONTENTS. 21
JOHN HUNN 712
SAMUEL RHOADS 719
GEORGE CORSON 7L'l
CHARLES D. CLEVELAND 723
WILLIAM WHIPPER 735
ISAAC T. HOPPER ■ 740
SAMUEL D. BURRIS 74G
MARIANN, GRACE ANNA, AND ELIZABETH R. LEWIS 748
CUNNINGHAM'S RACHE 753
FRANCES ELLEN WATKINS HARPER 755
THE
UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD.
SETH CONCKLIN.
In the long list of names who have suifered and died in the cause of
freedom, not one, perhaps, could be found whose efforts to redeem a poor
family of slaves were more Christlike than Seth Concklin's, whose noble
and daring spirit has been so long completely shrouded in mystery. Except
John Brown, it is a question, whether his rival could be found with respect
to boldness, disinterestedness and willingness to be sacrificed for the de-
liverance of the oppressed.
By chance one day he came across a copy of the Pennsylvania Freeman,
containing the story of Peter Still, " the Kidnapped and the P/ansomed," —
how he had been torn away from his mother, when a little boy six years
old ; how, for forty years and more, he had been compelled to serve under
the yoke, totally destitute as to any knowledge of his parents' whereabouts;
how the intense love of liberty and desire to get back to his mother had un-
ceasingly absorbed his mind through all these years of bondage; how, amid
the most appalling discouragements, prompted alone by his undying deter-
mination to be free and be reunited with those from whom he had been sold
away, he contrived to buy himself; how, by extreme economy, from doing
over-work, he saved up five hundred dollars, the amount of money required
for his ransom, which, with his freedom, he, from necessity, placed unre-
servedly in the confidential kee})ing of a Jew, named Joseph Friedman, whom
he had known for a long time and could venture to trust, — how he had fur-
ther toiled to save up money to defray his expenses on an expedition in
search of his mother and kindred; how, when this end was accomplished,
with an earnest purpose he took his carpet-bag in his hand, and his heart
throbbing for his old home and people, he turned his mind very privately to-
wards Philadelphia, where he hoped, by having notices read in the colored
churches to the effect that "forty -one or forty-two years before two little boys*
* Sons of Levin and Sidney — the last names of his parents he was too young to remember.
24 TUB UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD.
were kidnapped and carried South " — that tlic memory of some of the oldor
members might recall the circumstances, and in this way he would be aided
in his ardent efforts to become restored to thera.
And, furtiiermore, Seth Concklin had read how, on arriving in Pliiladcl-
pliia, after traveling sixteen hundred miles, that almost the first man whom
Peter Still sought advice from was his own unknown brother (whom he had
never seen or heard of), who made the discovery that he was the long-lt>s!
boy, whose history and fate had been enveloped in sadness so long, and
for whom his mother had shed so many tears and offered so many prayers,
during the long years of their se[)aration ; and, finally, how this self-ran-
somed and restored captive, notwithstanding his great success, was destined
to suffer the keenest pangs of sorrow for his wife and children, whom he had
left in Alabama bondage.
Seth Concklin was naturally too singularly sympathetic and humane not
to feel now for Peter, and especially for his wife and children left in bonds
as bound with them. Hence, as Seth was a man who seemed wholly insen-
sible to fear, and to know no other law of humanity and right, than when-
ever the claims of the suffering and the wronged aj)pealed to him, to respond
unreservedly, whether those thus injured were amongst his nearest kin or
the greatest strangers, — it mattered not to what race or clime they might be-
long, — he, in the spirit of the good Samaritan, owning all such Us his neigh-
bors, volunteered his services, without pay or reward, to go and rescue the
wife and three children of Peter Still.
The magnitude of this offer can hardly be appreciated. It was literally
laying his life on the altar of freedom for the despised and oppressed whom
he had never seen, whose kins-folk even he was not acquainted with. At this
juncture even Peter was not prepared to.accept this projjosal. He wanteat it was only
natural for him in this case to have taken the stojis he did. Now and
then overflowing tears would obstruct this deeply thrilling and most re-
markable story she was telling of her brother, but her memory seemed
quickened by the sadness of the occasion, and she was enabled to recall
vividly the chief events connected with his past history. Thus his agency in
this movement, which cast him his life, could readily enough be accounteursued
her, and one night they pounced upon the whole fiimily, and, without judge
or jury, hurried them all back to slavery. Whether this was kidnapping or
not is for the reader to decide for liimself.
Safe back in the hands of her owner, to prevent her from escaping a
second time, every night for about three months she was cautiously " kept
locked up in the garret," until, as they supposed, she was fully "cured of
the desire to do so again." But she was incurable. She had been a witness
to the fact that her own father's brains had been blown out by the dis-
charge of a heavily loaded gun, deliberately aimed at his head by his
drunken master. She only needed half a chance to make still greater strug-
gles than ever for freedom.
She had great faith in God, and found much solace in singing some of
the good old Methodist tunes, by day and night. Her owner, observing
this apparently tranquil state of mind, indicating that she "seemed better
contented than ever," concluded that it was safe to let the garret door
remain unlocked at night. Not many weeks were allowed to pass before
she resolved to again make a bold strike for freedom. This time she had to
leave the two little boys. Levin and Peter, behind.
On the night she started she went to the bed where they were sleeping.
38 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD.
kissed them, and, consigning them into the hands of God, bade her mother
good-bye, and with her two little girls wended her way again to Burlington
Countv, Xevv Jersey, but to a ditlerent neighborhood from that where she
had been seized. ISiie changed her name to Charity, and succeeded in again
joining her husband, but, alas, with the heart-breaking thought that she
had been compelled to leave her two little boys in slavery and one of the
little girls on the road for the father to go back after. Thus she began
life in freedom anew.
Levin and Peter, eight and six years of age respectively, were now left at
the mercy of the enraged owner, and were soon hurried off to a Soutliern
market and sold, while their mother, for whom they were daily weeping,
was they knew not -where. They were too young to know that they were
slaves, or to undei-stand the nature of the afflicting separation. Sixteen
years before Peter's return, his older brother (Levin) died a slave in the
State of Alabama, and was buried by his surviving brother, Peter.
No idea other than that they had been "kidnapped" from tlieir mother
ever entered their minds; nor had they any knowledge of the State from
whence they supposed they had been taken, the last names of their mother
and father, or where they were born. On the other hand, the mother was
aware that the safety of herself and her rescued children depended on keep-
ing the whole transaction a strict family secret. During the forty years of
separation, except two or three Quaker friends, including the devoted friend
of the slave, Benjamin Lundy, it is doubtful whether any other individuals
were let into the secret of her slave life. And when the account given of
Peter's return, etc., was published in 1850, it led some of the family to
apprehend serious danger from the partial revelation of the early condition
of the mother, especially as it was about the time that the Fugitive Slave
law was passed.
Hence, the author of "The Kidnapped and the Ransomed" was com-
pelled to omit these dangerous facts, and had to confine herself strictly to the
"personal recollections of Peter Still" with regard to his being " kid-
napf)cd." Likewise, in the sketch of Setli Concklin's eventful life, written
by Dr. W. H. Furncss, for similar reasons he felt obliged to make but bare
refercMice to his wonderful agency in relation to Peter's family, although he
wa- fully aware of all the facts in the case.
LETTERS. 39
UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD LETTERS.
Here are introduced a few out of a very large number of interesting
letters, designed for other parts of the book as occasion may require. All
letters will be given precisely as they were written by their respective
authors, so tliat there may be no apparent room for charging the writer
\ith partial colorings in any instance. Indeed, the originals, however
ungrammatically written or erroneously spelt, in their native simplicity
possess such beauty and force as corrections and additions could not possibly
enhance —
LETTER FROM THOMAS GARRETT (u. G. R. R. DEPOT).
Wilmington, 3mo. 23d, 185G.
Dear Friend, William Still : — Since I wrote thee this morning informing thee of
the safe arrival of the Eight from Norfolk, Harry Craige has informed me, that he has a
man from Delaware that he proposes to take along, who arrived since noon. He will
take the man, woman and two children from here with him, and the four men will get in
at Marcus Hook. Thee may take Harry Craige by the hand as a brother, true to the
cause; he is one of our most efficient aids on the Rail Road, and worthy of full confidence.
May they all be favored to get on safe. The woman and three children are no common
stock. I assure thee finer specimens of humanity are seldom met with. I hope herself
and children may be enabled to find her husband, who has been absent some years, and
the rest of their days be happy together. I am, as ever, thy friend, Thos. Garrett.
LETTER FROM MISS G. A. LEWIS (u. G. R. R. DEPOT).
Kimberton, October 28th, 1855.
Esteemed Friend ; — This evening a company of eleven friends reached here, having
li.'ft their homes on the night of the 26th inst. They came into Wilmington, about ten
o'clock on the morning of the 27th, and left there, in the town, their two carriages, drawn
by two horses. They went to Thomas Garrett's by open day-light and from thence were
sent hastily onward for fear of pursuit. They reached Longwood meeting-house in the
evening, at which place a Fair Circle had convened, and stayed a while in the meeting,
then, after remaining all night with one of the Kennet friends, they were brought to
Downingtown early in the morning, and from thence, by daylight, to within a short dis-
tance of this place.
They come from New Chestertown, within five miles of the place from which the nine
lately forwarded came, and left behind them a colored woman who knew of their intended
flight and of their intention of passing through Wilmington and leaving their horses and
carriages there.
I have been thus particular in my statement, because the case seems to us one of un-
usual danger. We have separated the company for the present, sending a mother and
five children, two of them quite small, in one direction, and a husband and wife and three
lads in another, until T could write to you and get advice if you have any to give, as to
the best method of forwarding them, and assistance pecuniarily, in getting them to
Canada. The mother and children we have sent off of the usual route, and to a place
where I do not think they can remain many days.
40 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD.
We shall await hearing from you. H. Kimber will be in the city on third day, the 30th
and any thing left at -iOS Green Street directed to his care, will meet with prompt atten-
tion.
Please give me again the direction of Hiram Wilson and the friend in Elmira, Mr.
Jones, I think. If you have heard from any of the nine since their safe arrival, please let
us know when you write. Very Respectfully, G. A. Lewis.
2d day morning, 29th. — The person who took the husband and wife and three lads to
E. F. Pennypecker, and Peart, has returned and reports that L. Peart sent three on to
Norristown. We fear that there they will fall into the hands of an ignorant colored man
Daniel Ross, and that he may not understand the necessity of caution. AVill you please
write to some careful person there? The woman and children detained in this neighbor-
hood are a very helpless set. Our plan was to assist them as much as possible, and when
we get things into the proper train for sending them on, to get the assistance of the hus-
band and wife, who have no children, but are uncle and aunt to the woman with five, in
taking with them one of the younger children, leaving fewer for the mother. Of the lads,
or young men, there is also one whom we thought capable of accompanying one of the
older girls — one to whom he is paying attention, they told us. Would it not be the best
way to get those in Norristown under your own care ? It seems to me their being sent
on could then be better arranged. This, however, is only a suggestion,
Hastily yours, G. A. Lewis.
LETTER FROM E, L. STEVENS, ESQ.
{T/ie reader will interpret for himself.)
Washington, D. C, July 11th, 1858.
My dear Sir : — Susan Bell left here yesterday with the child of her relative, and since
leaving I have thought, perhaps, you had not the address of the gentleman in Syracuse
where the child is to be taken for medical treatment, etc. His name is Dr. H. B. Wilbur.
A woman living with him is a most excellent nurse and will take a deep interest in the
child, which, no doubt, will under Providence be the means of its complete restoration to
health. Be kind enough to inform me whether Susan is with you, and if she is give her
the proper direction. Ten pacharjes were sent to your address last evening, one of them
belongs to Susan, and she had better remain with you till she gets it, as it may not have
come to hand. Susan thought she would go to Harrisburg when she left here and stay
over Sunday, if so, she would not get to Philadelphia till Monday or Tuesday. Please
acknowledge the receipt of this, and inform me of her arrival, also when the packages
came safe to hand, inform me especially if Susan's came safely.
Truly Yours, E. L. Stevens.
LETTER FROM S. 11. GAY, ESQ., EX-EDTTOR OF THE ANTI-SLAVERY STAN-
DARD AND NEW YORK TRIBUNE.
Friend Still: — fhe two women, Laura and Lizzy, arrived this morning. I shall for-
ward tiiem to Syracuse this afternoon.
The two men came safely yesterday, but went toGibbs'. He has friends on board the
boat who are on the lookout for fugitives, and send them, when found, to his house.
Those whom you wisli to be particularly under my charge, must have careful directions
to this office.
There is now no other sure place, but the office, or Gibbs', that I could advise you to
send such persons. Those to me, therefore, must come in office hours. In a few days,
however, Napoleon will have a room down town, and at odd times they can be sent there.
I am not willing to put any more with the family where I have hitherto sometimes sent
them.
LETTERS. 41
When it is possible I wish you would advise me two days before a shipment of your
intention, as Napoleon is not always on hand to look out for them at short notice. In
special cases you might advise me by Telegraph, thus : " One M. (or one F.) this morning.
W. S." By which I shall understand that one Male, or one Female, as the case may be,
has left Phila. by the 6 o'clock train — one or more, also, as the case may be.
Aug. 17th, 1855. Truly Yours, S. H. Gay.
LETTER FROM JOHN H. HILL, A FUGITIVE, APPEALING IN BEHALF OF A
POOR SLAVE IN PETERSBURG, VA.
Hamilton, Sept. 15th, 1856.
Dear Fp.iend Still : — I write to inform you that Miss Mary Wever arrived safe in this
city. You may imagine the happiness manifested on the part of the two lovers, Mr. H.
and Miss W. I think they will be married as soon as they can get ready. I presume
Mrs. Hill will commence to make up the articles to-morrow. Kind Sir, as all of us is
concerned about the welfare of our enslaved brethren at the South, particularly our
friends, we appeal to your sympathy to do whatever is in your power to save j^oor WiUis
Johnson from the hands of his cruel master. It is not for me to tell you of his case, be-
cause Miss Wever has related the matter fully to you. All I wish to say is this, I wish
you to write to my uncle, at Petersburg, by our friend, the Capt. Tell my uncle to go to
Richmond and ask my mother whereabouts this man is. The best for him is to make his
way to Petersburg ; that is, if you can get the Capt, to bring him. He have not much
money. But I hope the friends of humanity will not withhold their aid on the account of
money. However we will raise all the money that is wanting to pay for his safe delivery.
You will please communicate this to the friends as soon as possible.
Yours truly, John H. Hill.
LETTER FROM J. BIGELOW, ESQ.
Washington, D. C, June 22d, 1854.
Mr. William Still: — Sir — I have just received a letter from my friend, Wm. Wright,
of York Sulphur Springs, Pa., in which he says, that by writing to you, I may get some
information about the transportation of some property from this neighborhood to your city
or vicinity.
A person who signs himself Wm. Penn, lately wrote to Mr. Wright, saying he would
pay $300 to have this service performed. It is for the conveyance of only one small
package ; but it has been discovered since, that the removal cannot be so safely effected
without taking two larger packages with it. I understand that the three are to be brought
to this city and stored in safety, as soon as the forwarding merchant in Philadelphia shall
say he is ready to send on. The storage, etc., here, will cost a trifle, but the $300 will be
promptly paid for the whole service. I think Mr. Wright's daughter, Hannah, has also
seen you. I am also known to Prof. C. D. Cleveland, of your city. If you answer this
promptly, you will soon hear from Wm. Penn himself.
Very truly yours, J. Bigelow.
LETTER FROM HAM & EGGS, SLAVE (u. G. R. R. AG't).
Peteesburg, Va., Oct. 17th, 1860.
Mr. W. Still: — Dear Sir — I am happy to think, that the time has come when we no
doubt can open our correspondence with one another again. Also I am in hopes, that
these few lines may find you and family well and in the enjoyment of good health, as it
leaves me and family the same. I want you to know, that I feel as much determined to
work in this glorious cause, as ever I did in all of my life, and I have some very good
42 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD.
hams on hand that I would like very much for you to have, I have nothing of interest
to write about just now, only that the politics of the day is in a high rage, and I don't
know of the result, therefore, I want you to be one of those wide a-wakes as is mentioned
from your section of country now-a-days, &c. Also, if you wish to write to me, Mr. J.
Brown will inform you how to direct a letter to me.
No more at present, until I hear from you ; but I want you to be a wide-a-wake. ^
Yours in haste. Ham & Eggs.
LETTER FROM REV H. WILSON (u. G. R. R. AG't).
St. Catharine, C. W., July 2d, 1855.
My Dear Friend, Wm. Still : — Mr. Elias Jasper and Miss Lucy Bell having arrived
here safely on Saturday last, and found their " companions in tribulation," who had ar-
rived before them, I am induced to write and let you know the fact. They are a cheerful,
happy company, and very grateful for their freedom. I have done the best I could for
their comfort, but they are about to proceed across the lake to Toronto, thinking they can
do better there than here, which is not unlikely. They all remember you as their friend
and benefactor, and return to you their sincere thanks. My means of support are so
scanty, that I am obliged to write without paying postage, or not write at all. . I hope
you are not moneyless, as I am. In attending to the wants of numerous strangers, I am
much of the time perplexed from lack of means ; but send on as many as you can and I
will divide with them to the last crumb.
Yours truly, Hiram Y/ilson.
LETTER FROM SHERIDAN FORD, IN DISTRESS.
Boston, Mass., Feb. 15th, 1855.
No. 2, Change Avenue.
My Dear Friend: — Allow me to take the liberty of addressing you and at the same
time appearing troublesomes you all friend, but subject is so very important that i can
not but ask not in my name but in the name of the Lord and humanity to do something
for my Poor Wife and children who lays in Norfolk Jail and have Been there for three
month i Would open myself in that frank and hones manner. Which should convince
you of my cencerity of Purpoest don't shut your ears to the cry's of the Widow and the
orphant & i can but ask in the name of humanity and God for he knows the heart of all
men. Please ask the friends humanity to do something for her and her two lettle ones
i cant do any thing Place as i am for i have to lay low Please lay this before the churches
of Philadelphaise beg them in name of the Lord to do something for him i love my
freedom and if it would do her and her two children any good i mean to change with her
but cant be done for she is Jail and you most no she suffor for the jail in the South
are not like yours for any thing is good enough for negros the Slave hunters Says & may
God interpose in behalf of the demonstrative Race of Africa Whom i claim deeendent
i am sorry to say that friendship is only a name here but i truss it is not so in Philada
i would not have taken this liberty had i not considered you a friend for you treaty as
such Plea?(e do all you can and Please ask the Anti Slavery friends to do all they can and
God will Reward them for it i am shure for the earth is the Lords and the fullness there
of as this note leaves me not very well but hope when it comes to hand it may find you
and family enjoying all the Pleasure life Please answer this and Pardon me if the
necessary sum can be required i will find out^ from my brotherinlaw i am with respectful
consideration Sheridan W. Ford.
Yesterday is the fust time i have heard from home Sence i left and i have not got any
thing yet i have a tear yet for my fellow man and it is in my eyes now for God knows it
LETTERS. 43
is tlia truth i sue for your Pity and all and may God open their hearts to Pity a poor
Woman and two children. The Sum is i believe 14 hundred Dollars Please write to day
for me and see if the cant do something for humanity.
LETTER FEOM E. F. PENNYPACKER (u. G. R. R. DEPOT).
Schuylkill, 11th mo., 7th day, 1857.
Wm. Still : Respected Friend— ThevQ are three colored friends at my house now, who
will reach the city by the Phil. &. Reading train this evening. Please meet them.
Thine, &c., E. F. Pennypackee,
We have within the past 2 mos. passed 43 through our hands, transported most of them
to Norristown in our own conveyance. E. F. P.
LETTER FROM JOS. C. BUSTILL (u. G. R. R. DEPOT), y
Hasbisbtjeg, March 24, '56.
Feiend Still : — I suppose ere this you have seen those five large and three small
packages I sent by way of Reading, consisting of three men and women and children.
They arrived here this morning at 8J^ o'clock and left twenty minutes past three. You
will please send me any information hkely to prove interesting in relation to them.
Lately we have formed a Society here, called the Fugitive Aid Society. This is our
first case, and I hope it will prove entirely successful.
When you write, please inform me what signs or symbols you make use of in your
despatches, and any other information in relation to operations of the Underground Rail
Road.
Our reason for sending by the Reading Road, was to gain time ; it is expected the owners
will be in town this afternoon, and by this Road we gained five hours' time, which is a
matter of much importance, and we may have occasion to use it sometimes in future. In
great haste, Yours with great respect, Jos. C. Bustill.
LETTER FROM A SLAVE SECRETED IX RICHMOND.
Richmond, Va., Oct. 18th, 1860.
To Me. William Still : — Dear Sir — Please do me the favor as to write to my uncle a
few lines in regard to the bundle that is for John H. Hill, who lives in Hamilton, C. W.
Sir, if this should reach you, be assured that it comes from the same poor individual that
you have heard of before ; the person who was so unlucky, and deceived also. If you
write, address your letter John M. Hill, care of Box No. 250. I am speaking of a person
who lives in P.va. I hope, sir, you will understand this is from a poor individual.
LETTER FROM G. S. NELSON (u. G. R. R. DEPOT).
Me. Still : — il/y Dear Sir — I suppose you are somewhat uneasy because the goods did
not come safe to hand on Monday evening, as you expected — consigned from Harrisburg to
vou. The train only was from Harrisburg to Reading, and as it happened, the goods had
to stay all night with us, and as some excitement exists here about goods of the kind, we
thought it expedient and wise to detain them until we could hear from you. There aj-e
two small boxes and two large ones ; we have them all secure ; what had better be done ?
Let us know. Also, as we can learn, there are three more boxes still in Harrisburg. An-
swer your communication at Harrisburg. Also, fail not to answer this by the return of
mail, as things are rather critical, and you will oblige us.
G. S. Nelson.
Reading, May 27, '57.
We knew not that these goods were to come, consequently we were all taken by sur-
prise. When you answer, use the word, goods. The reason of the excitement, is : some
44 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD.
three weeks ago a big box was consigned to us by J. Bustill, of Harrisburg. We received
it, and forwarded it on to J. Jones, Elmira, and the next day they were on the fresh hunt
of said box ; it got safe to Elmira, as I have had a letter from Jones, and all is safe.
Yours, G, S. N.
LETTER FROM JOHN THOMPSON.
Mr. Still: — You will oblige me much Iff you will Direct this Letter to Vergenia for
me to my Mother & iff it well sute you Beg her in my Lettei: to Direct hers to you & you ;
Can send it to me iff it sute your Convenience I am one of your Chattle. ^'•
John Thompson,
Syracuse, Jeny 6th.
Direction — Matilda Tate Care of Dudley M Pattee Worrenton Farkiear County Ver-
ginia.
LETTER FROM JOHN THOMPSON, A FUGITIVE, TO HIS MOTHER.
My Dear Mother: — I have imbrace an opportunity of writing you these few lines
(hoping) that they may fine you as they Leave me quite well I will now inform you how
I am geting I am now a free man Living By the sweet of my own Brow not serving a
nother man & giving him all I Earn But what I make is mine and iff one Plase do not
sute me I am at Liberty to Leave and go some where elce & can ashore you I think
highly of Freedom and would not exchange it for nothing that is offered me for it I am
waiting in a Hotel I supose you Pwemember when I was in Jail I told you the time would
Be Better and you see that the time has come when I Leave you my heart was so full &
yours But I new their was a Better Day a head, & I have Live to see it I hird when I
•was on the Underground R. Road that the Hounds was on my Track but it was no go I
new I was too far out of their Reach where they would never smell my track when I
Leave you I was carred to Richmond & sold & From their I was taken to North Carolina
& sold & I Ran a way & went Back to Virginna Between Richmond & home & their
I was caught & Put in Jail & their I Remain till the oner come for me then I was taken
& carred Back to Richmond then I was sold to the man who I now Leave he is nothing
But a But of a Feller Remember me to your Husband & all in quirin Friends & say to
Miss Rosa that I am as Free as she is & more happier I no I am getting $12 per month
for what Little work I am Doing I hope to here from you a gain I your Son & ever By
John Thompson.
LETTER FROM " WM. PENN " (OF THE BAR).
Washington, D. C, Dec. 9th, 1856.
Dear Sir : — I was unavoidably prevented yesterday, from replying to yours of 6th in-
stant, and although I have made inquiries, I am unable today, to answer your questions
satisfactorily. Although I know some of the residents of Loudon county, and have often
visited there, still I have not practiced much in the Courts of that county. There are
several of my acquaintances here, who have lived in that county, and possibly, through my
assistance, your commissions might be executed. If a better way shall not suggest itself
to you, and you see fit to give me the fads in the case, I can better judge of my ability
to help you ; but I know not the man resident there, whom 1 would trust with an impor-
tant suit. I think it is now some four or five weeks since, that some packages left this vi-
cinity, said to be from fifteen to twenty in number, and as I suppose, went through your
hands. It was at a time of uncommon vigilance here, and to hie it was a matter of ex-
treme wonder, how and through whom, such a work was accomplished. Can you tell
me? It is needful that I should know ! Not for curiosity merely, but for the good of others.
LETTERS. 45
An enclosed slip contains the marks of one of the packages, which you will read and then
immediately burn.
If you can give me any light that will benefit others, I am sure you will do so,
A traveler here, very reliable, and who knows his business, has determined not to leave
home again till spring, at least not without extraordinary temptations.
I thmk, however, he or others, might be tempted to travel in Virginia.
Yours, Wm. p.
LETTER FROM MISS THEODOCTA GILBERT.
Skaneateles (Glen Haven) Chuy., 1851.
William Still:— D^ar Friend and Brother— A thousand thanks for your good, gen-
erous letter !
It was so kind of you to have in mind my intense interest and anxiety in the success
and fate of poor Concklin! That he desired and intended to hazard an attempt of the kind,
I well understood ; but what particular one, or that he had actually embarked in the en-
terprise, I had not been able to learn.
His memorv will ever be among the sacredly cherished with me. He certainly dis-
played more real disinterestedness, more earnest, unassuming devotedness, than those who
claim to be the sincerest friends of the slave can often boast. What more Saviour-like than
the willing sa.cnfice he has rendered!
Never shall I forget that night of our extremest peril (as we supposed), when he came
and so heartily proffered his services at the hazard of his liberty, of life even, in behalf of
William L. Chaplin.
Such generosity ! at such a moment ! The emotions it awakened no words can bespeak !
They are to be sought but in the inner chambers of one's own soul! He as earnestly de-
vised the means, as calmly counted the cost, and as unshrinkingly turned hira to the task,
as if it were his own freedom he would have won.
Through his homely features, and humble garb, the intrepidity of soul came out in all
its lustre ! Heroism, in its native majesty, commanded one's admiration and love!
Most truly can I enter into your sorrows, and painfully appreciate the pang of disap-
pointment which must have followed this sad intelligence. But so inadequate are words
to the consoling of such griefs, it were almost cruel to attempt to syllable one's sympathies.
I cannot bear to believe, that Concklin has been actually murdered, and yet I hardly
dare hope it is otherwise.
And the poor slaves, for whom he periled so much, into what depths of hopelessness and
woe are they again plunged! But the deeper and blacker for the loss of their dearly
sought and new-found freedom. How long must wrongs like these go unredressed?
" How long, God, how long?" .......
Very truly yours, Theodocia Gilbeet.
46 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD.
WILLIAM PEEL, alias WILLIAM BOX PEEL JONES.
ABEIVED PER EKRICSOX LIXE OF STEAMERS, WRAPPED IX STRAW AND BOXED UP,
APRIL, 1859.
William is twenty-five years of age, unmistakably colored, good-looking,
rather under the medium size, and of pleasing manners. William had him-
self boxed up by a near relative and forwarded by the Erricson line of
steamers. He gave the slip to Robert H. Carr, his owner (a grocer and
commission merchant), after this wise, and for the following reasons: For
some time previous his master had been selling off his slaves every now and
then, the same as other groceries, and this admonished William that he was
liable to be in the market any day ; consequently, he preferred the box to
the auction-block.
He did not complain of having been treated very badly by Carr, but felt
that no man was safe wliile owned by another. In fact, he "hated the very
name of slaveholder." Tlie limit of the box not admitting of straightening
himself out he was taken with the cramp on the road, suffered indescribable
misery, and had his faith taxed to the utmost, — indeed was brought to the
very verge of " screaming aloud " ere relief came. However, he controlled
himself, though only for a short season, for before a great while an ex-
cessive faintness came over him. Here nature became quite cxliausted.
He thought he must "die;" but his time had not yet come. After a severe
struggle he revived, but only to encounter a third ordeal no less painful than
the one through which he had just passed. Next a very "cold chill " came
over him, which seemed almost to freeze the very blood in his veins and gave
him intense agony, from whicli he only found relief on awaking, having ac-
tually fallen asleep in that condition. Finally, however, he arrived at l*hil-
adelphia, on a steamer, Sabbath morning. A devoted friend of his, expecting
him, engaged a carriage and repaired to the wharf for the box. The bill of
lading and the receipt he had with him, and likewise knew whore the box
was located on the boat. Although he well knew freight was not usually
delivered on Sunday, yet his deep solicitude for the safety of his friend
determined him to do all that lay in his power to rescue him from his
perilous situation. Handing his bill of lading to the proper officer of the
boat, he asked if he could get the freight that it called for. The officer
looked at tlic bill and said, "No, we do not deliver freight on Sunday;"
but, noticing the anxiety of the man, he asked him if he would know it if
he were to see it. Slowly — fearing that too much interest manifested
might excite suspicion — he replied: "I think I should." Deliber-
ately looking around amongst all the "freight," he discovered the box,
WILLIAM BOX PEEL JONES. 47
and said, "I think that is it there." Said officer stepped to it, looked at the
directions on it, then at the bill of lading, and said, " That is right, take it
along." Here the interest in these two bosoms was thrilling in the highest
degree. But the size of the box was too large for the carriage, and the driver
refused to take it. Nearly an hour and a half was spent in looking for a
furniture car. Finally one was procured, and again the box was laid hold
of by the occupant's particular friend, when, to his dread alarm, the poor fel-
low within gave a sudden cough. At this startling circumstance he dropped
the box; equally as quick, although dreadfully frightened, and, as if helped
by some invisible agency, he commenced singing, "Hush, my babe, lie still
and slumber," with the most apjiarent indifference, at the same time slowly
making his way from the box. Soon his fears subsided, and it was pre-
sumed that no one was any the wiser on account of the accident, or coughing.
Thus, after summoning courage, he laid hold of the box a third time, and
the Rubicon was passed. The car driver, totally ignorant of the contents of
the box, drove to the number to which he was directed to take it — left it
and went about his business. Now is a moment of intense interest — now of
inexpressible delight. The box is opened, the straw removed, and the poor
fellow is loosed; and is rejoicing, I will venture to say, as mortal never did
rejoice, who had not been in similar peril. This particular friend was
scarcely less overjoyed, however, and their joy did not abate for several
hours ; nor was it confined to themselves, for two invited members of the
Vigilance Committee also partook of a full share. This box man was
named Wm. Jones. He was boxed up in Baltimore by the friend who re-
ceived him at the wharf, who did not come in the boat with him, but came
in the cars and met him at the wharf.
The trial in the box lasted just seventeen hours before victory was
achieved. Jones was w^ell cared for by the Vigilance Committee and sent on
his way rejoicing, feeling that Resolution, Underground Rail Road, and
Liberty were invaluable.
On his way to Canada, he stopped at Albany, and the subjoined letter
gives his view of things from that stand-point—
Me. Still :— I take this cpportanity of writing a few lines to you hopinj? that tha may
find you in good health and femaly. i am well at present and doing well at present i am
i now in a store and getting sixteen dollars a month at the present, i feel very much o
blige to you and your family for your kindnes to me while i was with you i have got a long
without any trub le a tal. i am now in albany City, give my lov to mrs and mr miller
and tel them i am very much a blige to them for there kind ns. give my lov to my Brother
nore Jones tel him i should like to here from him very much and he must write, tel him
to give my love to all of my perticular trends and tel them i should like to see them very
much, tel him that he must come to see me for i want to see him for sum thing very per-
i ticler. please ansure this letter as soon as posabul and excuse me for not writting sooner
;asi dont write myself, no more at the present. William Jones.
derect to one hundred 125 lydus. stt
48 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD.
Ilis good fricnJ returned to Baltimore the same day the box man started
for the North, and immediately dispatched through the post the following
brief letter, worded in Underground Kail Road parables :
Baltimo Apeil 16, 1859.
W. Still : — Dear brother i have taken the opportunity of writing you these few lines
to inform you that i am well an hoping these few lines may find you enjoying the same
good blessing please to write me word at what time was it when isreal went to Jerico i am
very anxious to hear for thare is a mighty host will pass over and you and i my brother
will sing hally luja i shall notify you when the great catastrophe shal take place No more
at the present but remain your brother N. L. J.
WESLEY HARRIS,* alias ROBERT JACKSON, AND THE
MATTERSON BROTHERS.
In setting out for freedom, Wesley was the leader of this party. After
two nights of fatiguing travel at a distance of about sixty miles from
home, the young aspirants for liberty were betrayed, and in an attempt
made to capture them a most bloody conflict ensued. Both fugitives and
pursuers were the recipients of severe wounds from gun shots, and other
weapons used in the contest.
Wesley bravely used his fire arms until almost fatally wounded by one of
the pursuers, v.-ho with a heavily loaded gun discharged the contents with
deadly aim in his left arm, which raked the flesh from the bone for a space
of about six inches in length. One of Wesley's companions also fought
heroically and only yielded Avhen badly wounded and quite overpowered.
The two younger (I)rothcrs of C. Matterson) it seemed made no resistance.
In order to recall the adventures of this struggle, and the success of
Wesley Harris, it is only necessary to copy the report as then j)enned
from the lips of this young hero, while on the Underground Rail Road,
even then in a very critical state. Most fearful indeed was his condition
when he was brought to the Vigilance Committee in this City.
UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD RECORD.
November 2d, 1853. — Arrived: Robert Jackson (shot man), nA'as Wesley
Harris; age twenty-two years; dark color; medium height, and of slender
stature.
Robert was born in Martinsburg, Ya., and was owned by Philip Pendle=^
ton. From a boy he had always been hired out. At the first of this year
he commenced services with jNIrs. Carroll, proprietress of the United States
Hotel at Harj)er's Ferry. Of Mrs. Carroll he speaks in very grateful
terms, saying that she was kintory, aud desiring great success to him in his Underground efforts to
get rid of slavery, and at the same time jwssess himself of his affianced,
made him heartily welcome, feeling assured tliat the struggles and hard-
ships he had submitted to in escaping, as well as the luxuries he was leaving
beiiind, were nothing to be compared with the blessings of liberty and a free
wife in Canada.
EDWARD MORGAN, IIEXRY JOHNSON, JAMES AND
STEPHEN BUTLER.
"Two Thousand Dolt^ap.s Reward. — The above Reward will be paid for the appre-
hension of two blacks, who escaped on Sunday last. It is supposed they have made their
way to Pennsylvania. $500 will be paid for the apprehension of either, so that we can
get them again. The oldest is named Edward ^lorgan,. about five feet six or seven
inches, heavily made— is a dark black, has rather a down look when spoken to, and is
about 21 years of age.
" Henry .Tohnson is a colored neffro, about five feet seven or eight inches, heavily
made, aged nineteen years, has a pleasant countenance, and has a mark on his neck beluw
the ear.
EDWARD MORGAN. 71
•'Stephen Butler is a dark-complexioned negro, about five feet seven inches; has a
pleasant countenance, with a scar above his eye; plays on the violin ; about tvventy-Lwo
years old.
"Jim Butler is a dark-complexioned negro, five feet eight or nine inches; is rather
sullen when spoken to; face rough; aged about twenty-one years. The clothing not re-
collected. They had black frock coats and slouch hats with them. Any information of
them address Elizabeth Brown, Sandy Hook P. O., or of Thomas Johnson, Abingdon P.
0., Harford county, Md. "Elizabeth Brown.
"Thomas Johnson." ^
FROM THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD RECORDS.
The following memorandum is made, which, if not too late, may afford
some light to "Elizabeth Brown and Thomas Johnson/' if they have not
already gone the way of the " lost cause " —
June 4, 1857. — Edward is a hardy and firm-looking young man of
twenty-four years of age, chestnut color, medium size, and " likely," — would
doubtless bring $1,400 in the market. He had been held as the property
of the widow, " Betsy Brown," who resided near Mill Green P. O., in Har-
ford county, Md. " She was a very bad woman ; would go to church every
Sunday, come home and go to fighting amongst the colored people ; was
never satisfied ; she treated my mother very hard, (said Ed.) ; would beat her
with a walking-stick, &c. She was an old woman and belonged to the
Catholic Church. Over her slaves she kept an overseer, who was <^ very
wicked man ; very bad on colored people ; his name was ' Bill Eddy ;' Eli-
zabeth Brown owned twelve head."
Heniy is of a brown skin, a good-looking young man, only nineteen years
of age, whose prepossessing appearance would insure a high price for him in
the market — perhaps $1,700. With Edward, he testifies to the meanness of
Mrs. ]3ctsy Brown, as well as to his own longing desire for freedom. Being a
fellow-servant with Edward, Henry was a party to the plan of escape. In
slavery he left his mother and three sisters, owned by the " old woman "
from whom he escaped.
James is about twenty-one years of age, full black, and medium size. As
he had been worked hard on poor fare, he concluded to leave, in com-
pany with his brother and two cousins, leaving his parents in slavery,
owned by the " Widow Pyle," who was also the owner of himself. ^' She
was upwards of eighty, very passionate and ill-natured, although a member
of the Presbyterian Church." James may be worth $1,400.
Stephen is a brother of James', and is about the same size, though a year
older. His experience differed in no material respect from his brother's; was
owned by the same woman, whom he "hated for her bad treatment" of
him. Would bring $1,400, perhaps.
In substance, and to a considerable extent in the exact words, these facts
are given as they came from the lips of the passengers, who, though having
been kept in ignorance and bondage, seemed to have their eyes fuily open to
72 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD.
the wrongs that had been heaped upon them, and were singularly determined
to reaeh free soil at all hazards. The Couunittee willingly attended to their
financial and other wants, and cheered them on with encouraging advice.
They were indebted to "The Baltimore Sun" for the advertisement infor-
mation. And here it may be furtlier added, that the " Sun " was quite fa-
mous for this kind of U. G. R. R. literature, and on that account alone the
Committee subscribed for it daily, and never failed to scan closely certain
columns, illustrated with a black man running away with a bundle on his
back. Many of these popular illustrations and advertisements were pre-
served, many others were sent away to friends at a distance, M'ho took a
special interest in the U. G. R. R. matters. Friends and stockholders in
England used to take a great interest in seeing how tlie fine arts, in these
particulars, were encouraged in the South (" the land of chivalry ").
HENRY PREDO.
BROKE JAIL, JUMPED OUT OF THE WINDOW AND MADE HIS ESCAPE.
Henry fled from Buckstown, Dorchester Co., Md., March, 1857. Physi-
cally he is agiant. About 27 years of age, stout and well-made, quite black,
and no fool, as will appear presently. Only a short time before he escaped,
his master threatened to sell him south. To avoid that flite, therefore, he
concluded to try his luck on the Underground Rail Road, and, in company
with seven others — two of them females — he started for Canada. For
two or three days and nights they managed to outgeneral all their adver-
saries, and succeeded bravely in making the best of their way to a Free
State.
In the meantime, however, a reward of $3,000 was offered for their
arrest. This temptation was toQ great to be resisted, even by the man who
had been intrusted with the care of them, and who had faithfully promised to
pilot them to a safe place. One night, through the treachery of their pre-
tended conductor, they were all taken into Dover Jail, where the Sheriff
and several others, who had been notified beforehand by the betrayer, were
in readiness to receive them. Up stairs they were taken, the betrayer remark-
ing as they were going up, that they were " cold, but would soon have a
good warming." On a light being lit they discovered the iron bars and
the fact that they had been betrayed. Their liberty-loving s])irits and pur-
pose'^, however, did not quail. Though resisted brutally by the sheriff with
revolver in hand, they made their May down one flight of stairs, and in the
moment of oxoltemcnt, as good lurk would have it, plunged into the sheriff's
private n])artmont, Avhere his wife and children were sleeping. The wife
cried murder lustily. A shovel full of fire, to the great danger of burning
THOMAS ELLIOTT. 73
the premises, was scattered over the room ; out of the window jumped two
of the female fugitives. Our hero Henry, seizing a heavy andiron,
smashed out the window entire, through which the others leaped a dis-
tance of twelve feet. The railing or wall around the jail, though at first
it looked forbidding, was soon surmounted by a desperate effort.
At this stage of the proceedings, Henry found himself Nvithout the walls,
and also lost sight of his comrades at the same time. The last enemy he
spied was the sheriff in his stockings without his shoes. He snapped his
pistol at him, but it did not go off. Six of the others, however, marvel-
lously got off safely together ; where the eighth went, or how he got off,
was not known.
DANIEL HUGHES.
Daniel fled from Buckstown, Dorchester Co., also. His owner's name was
Richard Meredith, a farmer. Daniel is one of the eight alluded to above.
In features he is well made, dark chestnut color, and intelligent, possessing
an ardent thirst for liberty. The cause of his escape was : " Worked hard in
all sorts of weather — in rain and snow," so he thought he would " go where
colored men are free." His master was considered the hardest man around.
His mistress was " eighty-three years of age," " drank hard," was " very
stormy," and a "member of the Methodist Church" (Airy's meeting-house).
He left brothers and sisters, and uncles and aunts behind. In the combat
at the prison he played his part manfully.
THOMAS ELLIOTT.
Thomas is also one of the brave eight who broke out of Dover Jail. He
was about twenty-three years of age, well made, wide awake, and of a
superb black complexion. He too had been owned by Richard Meredith.
Against the betrayer, who was a black man, he had vengeance in store if the
opportunity should ever offer. Thomas left only one brother living ; his
"father and mother were dead."
The excitement over the escape spread very rapidly next morning, and
desperate efforts were made to recapture the fugitives, but a few friends
there were who had sympathy and immediately rendered them the needed
assistance.
The appended note from the faithful Garrett to Samuel Rhoads, may
throw light upon the occurrence to some extent.
Wilmington, 3d mo, 13th, 1S57.
Dear Cousin, Samuel Rhoads : — I have a letter this day from an agent of the Under-
ground Rail Road, near Dover, in this state, saying I must be on the look out for six
brothers and two sisters, they were decoyed and betrayed, he says by a colored man
74 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD.
named Thomas Otwell, who pretended to be their friend, and sent a while scamp ahead
to wait for them at Dover till they arrived ; they were arrested and put in Jail there, with
Tom's assistance, and some officers. Oa third day morning about four o'clock, they broke
jail; six of them are secreted in the neighborhood, and the writer has not known what
became of the other two. The six were to start last night for this place. I hear that
their owners have persons stationed at several places on the road watching. I fear they
will be taken. If they could lay quiet for tea days or two weeks, they might then get
up safe. I shall have two men sent this evening some four or five miles below to keep
them away from this town, and send them (if found to Chester County). Thee may show
this to Still and McKim, and oblige thy cousin, Thomas Garrett.
Further light about this exciting contest, may be gathered from a colored
conductor on the Road, in Delaware, who wrote as follows to a member of
the Vigilance Committee at Philadelphia.
Camden, Del., March 23d, 1857.
Dear Sir: — I tak my pen in hand to write to you, to inform you what we have had to
go throw for the last two weaks. Thir wir six men and two woman was betraid on the
tenth of this month, thea had them in prison but thea got out was conveyed by a black
man, he told them he wood bring them to my hows, as he wos told, he had ben ther
Befor, he has com with Harrett, a woman that stops at my hous when she pases tow and
throw yau. You don't no me I supos, the Rev. Thomas H. Kennard dos, or Peter Lowis.
He Road Camden Circuit, this man led them in dover prisin and left them with a whit
man ; but tha tour out the winders and jump out, so cum back to camden. We put them
throng, we hav to carry them 19 mils and cum back the sam night wich maks 38 mils.
It is tou much for our littel horses. We must do the bes we can, ther is much Bisness
dun on this Road. We hav to go throw dover and smerny, the two wors places this
sid of mary land lin. If you have herd or sean them pies let me no. I will Com to Phila
be for long and then I will call and se you. There is much to do her. Pies to wright, I
Remain your frend, William Brinkly.
Remember me to Thorn. Kennard.
The balance of the.se brave fugitives, although not named in this connec-
tion, succeeded in getting off safely. But how the betrayer, sheriff and
hunters got out of their dilemma, the Committee was never fully posted.
The Committee found great pleasure in assisting these passenger.s, for
they had the true grit. Such were always doubly welcome.
MAEY EPPS, ALIAS EMMA BROWX— JOSEPH AND ROBERT
ROBIXSOX.
A SLAVE MOTHER LOSES HER SPEECU AT THE SALE OF HER CHILD — BOB ESCAPES
FROM HIS MASTER, A TRADER, WITH S1500 IN NORTH CAROLINA MONEY.
Mary fled from Petorsburg and the Robin.sons from Richmond. A fugi-
tive slave law-breaking captain by the name of B., who owned a schooner,
and would biing any kind of freight that would pay the most, was the con-
ductor in tills instance. Quite a number of pas.sengers at different time-
3IAEY EPPS. 75
availetl themselves of his accommodations and thus succeeded in reaching
-Canada.
11 His risk was very great. On this account he claimed, as did certain
others, that it was no more than fair to charge for his services — indeed he did
not profess to bring persons for nothing, except in rare instances. In this
matter the Committee did not feel disposed to interfere directly in any way,
J [further than to suggest that wdiatever understanding was agreed upon by the
f Iparties themselves should be faithfully adhered to.
( I Many slaves in cities could raise, " by hook or by crook," fifty or one
! [hundred dollars to pay for a passage, providing they could find one who
was willing to risk aiding them. Thus, while the Vigilance Committee of
Philadelphia especially neither charged nor accepted anything for their
services, it was not to be expected that any of the Southern agents could
afford to do likewise.
The husband of Mary had for a long time wanted his own freedom, but
dkl not feel that he could go without his wife ; in fact, he resolved to get
her off first, then to try and escape himself, if possible. The first essential
step towards success, he considered, was to save his money and make it an
ol)ject to the captain to help him. So when he had managed to lay by one
hundred dollars, he willingly offered this sura to Captain B., if he would"
engage to deliver his wife into the hands of the Vigilance Committee of
Philadelphia. The captain agreed to the terms and fulfilled his engage-
t Iment to the letter. About the 1st of March, 1855, Mary was presented to
ithe Vigilance Committee. She was of agreeable manners, about forty-five
I years of age, dark complexion, round built, and intelligent. mShe had been
Ithe mother of fifteen children, four of whom had been sold away from her ;
one was still held in slavery in Petersburg ; the others were all dead.
At the sale of one of her children she was so affected with grief that she
was thrown into violent convulsions, which caused the loss of her speech
for one entire month. But this little episode was not a matter to excite sym-
pathy in the breasts of the highly refined and tender-hearted Christian
mothers of Petersburg. In the mercy of Providence, however, her reason
and strength returned.
She had formerly belonged to the late Littleton Reeves, whom she repre-
sented as having been "kind" to her, much more so than her mistress (Mrs.
Reeves). Said Mary, "She being of a jealous disposition, caused me to be
hired out with a hard faniily, where I was much abused, frequently flogged,
and stinted for food," etc.
But the sweets of freedom in the care of the Vigilance Committee now
delighted her mind, and the hope that her husband would soon follow her
to Canada, inspired her M-ith expectatio'.is that she would one day "sit under
her own vine and fig tree where none dared to molest or make her afraid.'
The Committee rendered her the usual assistance, and in due time, for-
76 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD.
Avardcd her on to Queen Victoria's free land in Canada. On her arrival
she ^vrote back as follows —
Toronto, March 14th, 1855.
Dear Mr. Still: — I take this opportunity of addressing you with these few lines to.
inform you that I arrived here to day, and hope that this may find yourself and Mrs.
Still well, as this leaves me at the present. I will also say to you, that I had no difficulty
in getting along, the two young men that was with me left me at Suspension Bridge,
they went another way.
I cannot say much about the place as I have ben here but a short time but so far as I
have seen I like very well, you will give my Respect to your lady, & Mr & Mrs Brown.
If you have not written to Petersburg you will please to write as soon as can I have
nothing More to Write at present but yours Respectfully
Emma Brown (old name Mary Epps).
Now, Joseph and Robert (Mary's associate passengers from Richmond)
must here be noticed. Joseph was of a dark orange color, medium size,,
very active and intelligent, and doubtless, well understood the art of
behaving himself. He was well acquainted with the auction block — having
been sold three times, and had had the misfortune to fall into the hands of £^
cruel master each time. Under these circumstances he had had but few
privileges. Sundays and week days alike he was kept pretty severely bent
down to duty. He had been beaten and knocked around shamefully. He
had a wife, and spoke of her in most endearing language, although, oq
leaving, he did not feel at liberty to apprise her of his movements, "fearing
that it would not be safe so to do." His four little children, to Aviiom he
appeared warmly attached, he left as he did his wife — in Slavery. He declared
that he " stuck to them as long as he could." George E. Sadler, the keepel
of an oyster house, held the deed for " Joe," and a most heartless wretch
he was in Joe's estimation. The truth was, Joe could not stand the burdens
and abuses wdiich Sadler was inclined to heap upon him. So he concluded
to join his brother and go off on the U. G. R. R.
Robert, his younger brother, was owned by Robert Slater, Esq., a regular
negro trader. Eight years this slave's duties liad been at the slave prison,
and among other daily offices he had to attend to, was to lock up the prison,
prepare the slaves fur sale, etc. Robert was a very intelligent young man,
and from long and daily experience with the customs and usages of the >
slave jirison, he was as familiar with the business as a Pennsylvania farmer i
with his barn-yard stock. His account of things was too harrowing for detail
here, except in the briefest manner, and that only Avith reference to a few i
particulars. In order to prepare slaves for the market, it was usual to
have them greased and rul)bed to make them look bright and shining.
And he w^ent on further to state, that " females as well as males wore nofc '
uncommonly strip])od naked, lashed flat to a bench, and then held by two ;
men, sometimes four, while the brutal trader would strap them with a broad
leather strap." The strap being preferred to the cow-hide, as it would not
I
ROBERT ROBINSON. 77
break the skin, and damage the sale. " One hundred lashes would only be
a common flogging." The separation of families was thought nothing of.
" Often I have been, flogged for refusing to flog others." While not yet
I twentv-three years of age, Robert expressed himself as having become so
daily sick of the brutality and suffering he could not help witnessing, that
he felt he could not possibly stand it any longer, let the cost be what it
miiT-ht. In this state of mind he met with Captain B. Only one obstacle
stood in his way — material aid. \ It occurred to liobert that he had frequent
access to the money drawer, and often it contained the proceeds of fresh
sales of flesh and blood ; and he reasoned that if some of that would help
him and his brother to freedom, there could be no harm in helping- himself
the first opportunity.
The captain was all ready, and provided he could get three passengers at
, $100 each he would set sail without much other freight. Of course he was
too shrewd to get out papers for Philadelphia. That would betray him at
once. Washington or Baltimore, or even Wilmington, Del., were names
. which stood fair in the eyes of Virginia. Consequently, being able to pack
the fugitives away in a very private hole of his boat, and being only bound
for a Southern port, the captain was willing to risk his share of the danger.
"Very well," said Robert, "to-day I will please my master so well, that I
will catch him at an unguarded moment, and will ask him for a pass to go to
a ball to-night (slave-holders love to see their slaves fiddling and dancing of
! nights), and as I shall be leaving in a hurry, I will take a grab from the
I day's sale, and when Slater hears of me again, I will be in Canada." So
■ after having attended to all his disagreeable duties, he made his "grab," and
got a hand full. He did not know, however, how it would hold out. That
evening, instead of participating with the gay dancers, he was just one
i degree lower down than the regular bottom of Captain B's. deck, with
several hundred dollars in his pocket, after paying the worthy captain one
hundred each for himself and his brother, besides making the captain an addi-
tional present of nearly one hundred. Wind and tide were now what they
; prayed for to speed on the U. G. R. R. schooner, until they might reach
, the depot at Philadelphia.
The Richmond Dispatch, an enterprising paper in the interest of slave-
holders, which came daily to the Committee, was received in advance of the
I passengers, when lo ! and behold, in turning to the interesting column con-
taining the elegant illustrations of " runaway negroes," it was seen that the
unfortunate Slater had "lost $1500 in Xorth Carolina money, and also his
dark orange-colored, intelligent, and good-looking turnkey. Bob." " Served
him right, it is no stealing for one piece of property to go off with another
piece," reasoned a member of the Committee.
II In a couple of days after the Dispatch brought the news, the three U. G.
' R. R. passengers were safely landed at the usual place, and so accurate were
78 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD.
tlie descriptions in the paper, that, on first seeing thorn, the Committee;
recognized them instantly, and, without any previous ceremonies, read to
them the advertisement relative to the "§1500 in N. C. money, <&c.," and
put the question to them direct: "Are you the ones?" "AVe are," they
owned up without hesitation. The Committee did not see a dollar of their
money, but understood they had about $900, after paying the captain*!
while Bob considered he made a "very good grab," he did not admit that!
the amount advertised was correct. After a reasonable time for recruiting,
having been so long in the hole of the vessel, they took their departure for
Canada.
From Joseph, the elder brother, is appended a short letter, announcing
their arrival and condition under the British Lion —
Saint Catharine, April 16, 1855.
Mr. William Still, Dear Sir:— Your letter of date April 7th I have just got, it
had been opened before it came to me. I have not received anj' other letter from you
and can get no account of them in the Post Office in this place, I am well and have got a'
good situation in this city and intend staying here. I should be very glad to hear [row
you as soon as convenient and also from all of my friends near you. My Brother is also!
at work with me and doing well.
There is nothing here that would interest you in the way of news. There is a Masonic
Lodge of our people and two churchee and societys here and some other institutions for
our benefit. Be kind enough to send a few lines to the Lady spoken of for that mocking
bird and much oblige me. Write me soon and believe me your obedient Servt
Love & respects to Lady and daughter Joseph Robinson.
As well as writing to a member of the Committee, Joe and Bob had the
assurance to write back to the trader and oyster-house keeper. In their
letter they stated that they had arrived safely in Canada, and were having
good times, — in the eating line had an abundance of the best, — also had
very choice wines and brandies, which they supposed that they (trader and
oyster-house keeper) would give a great deal to have a "smack at." And
then they gave them a very cordial invitation to make them a visit, and
suggested that the quickest way they could come, would bo by telegraph,
which they admitted was slightly dangerous, and without first greasing
thc'ii-^elves, and then hanging on very fast, the journey might not prove
altogether advantageous to them. This was wormwood and gall to the
trader and oyster-house man. A most remarkable coincidence was that,
about the time this letter was received in Richmond, the captain who
brought away the three passengers, made it his business for some reason or
other, to call at the oyster-house kept by the owner of Joe, and while there,
this letter was read and commented on in torrents of Billingsgate phrases;
and the trader told the captain that he would give him " two thousand
dollars if he would get them;" finally he told him he would "give evsry
cent they would brinLr, which would be much over §2000," as they were
"so very likely." IIuw far the captain talked at)provingIy, he did not
GEGRGE SOLOMON. 79
iGxactly tell the Committee, but they guessed he talked strong Democratic
doctrine to them under the frightful circumstances. But he was good at
concealing his feelings, and obviously managed to avoid suspicion.
GEORGE SOLOMON, DANIEL NEALL, BENJAMIN R.
FLETCHER AND MARIA DORSET.
The above representatives of the unrequited laborers of the South fled
'directly from Washington, D. C. Nothing remarkable was discovered in
their stories of slave life; their narratives will therefore be brief.
George Solomon was owned by Daniel Minor, of Moss Grove, Ya.
Georo-e was about thirty-tlu'ee years of age ; mulatto, intelligent, and of pre-
possessing appearance. His old master valued George's services very highly,
and had often declared to others, as well as to George himself, that without
him he should hardly know how to manage. And frequently George was
told by the old master that at his " death he was not to be a slave any longer,
'as he would have provision made in his will for his freedom." For a long
Itime this old story was clung to pretty faithfully by George, but his "old
master hung on too long," consequently George's patience became exhausted.
And as he had heard a good deal about Canada, U. G. R. R., and the Abo-
litionists, he concluded that it would do no harm to hint to a reliable friend
or two the names of these hard places and bad people, to see what impression
would be made on their minds ; in short, to see if they were ready to second
a motion to get rid of bondage. In thus opening his mind to his friends, he
{SOon found a willing accord in each of their hearts, and they put their heads
together to count up the cost and to fix a time for leaving Egypt and the host
of Pliaraoh to do their own "hewin<2: of wood and drawing; of water." Ac-
eordingly George, Daniel, Benjamin and Maria, all of one heart and mind,
one " Saturday night " resolved that the next Sunday should find them on
the U. G, R. R., with their faces towards Canada.
Daniel was young, only twenty-three, good looking, and half white, witli
a fair share of intelligence. As regards his slave life, he acknowledged
that he had not had it very rough as a general thing ; nevertlieless, he was
fully persuaded tliat he had " as good a riglit to his freedom " as his
"master had to his," and that it was his duty to contend fi)r it.
Benjamin was twenty-seven years of age, stuall of stature, dark com-
plexion, of a pleasant countenance, and quite smart. He testified, that "ill-
jjtreatment from his master," Henry Martin, who would give him "no chance
.at ad," was the cause of his leaving. He left a brother and sister, belonging
to Martin, besides he left two other sisters in bondage, Louisa and Letty, but
his father and mother were both dead. Therefore, the land of slave-whips
I
80 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD.
and auction-blocks had no charms for liim. He loved his sisters, but he
knew if he could not protect himself, much less could he protect them. So
he concluded to bid them adieu forever in this world.
Turning from the three male companions for the purpose of finding a brief
space for Maria, it will be well to state here that females in attempting
to escape from a life of bondage undertook three times the risk of failure
that males were liable to, not to mention the additional trials and struggles
they had to contend with. In justice, therefore, to the heroic female who
was willing to endure the most extreme sufiering and hardship for freedom,
double honors were due.
]\Iaria, the heroine of the party, was about forty years of age, chestnut
color, medium size, and possessed of a good share of common sense. She was
owned by George Parker. As was a common thing with slave-holders, Maria
had found her owners hard to please, and quite often, without the slightest
reason, they would threaten to "sell or make a change." These threats
only made matters worse, or rather it only served to nerve Maria for the
conflict. The party walked almost the entire distance from Washington to
Harrisburg, Pennsylvania.
In the meantime George Parker, the so-called owner of Daniel and
Maria, hurriedly rushed their good names into the " Baltimore Sun," after
the following manner —
"Four Hundred Dollars Reward. — Ranaway from my house on Saturday night,
August 30, my negro man 'Daniel,' twenty-five years of age, bright yellow mulatto,
thick set and stout made.
Also, my negro woman, ' Maria,' forty years of age, bright mulatto. The above re-
ward will be paid if delivered in Washington city. George Parker."
AVhile this advertisement was in the Baltimore papers, doubtless these
noble ]>assengers were enjoying the hospitalities of the Vigilance Committee,
and finally a warm reception in Canada, by which they were greatly pleased.
Of Benjamin and Daniel, the subjoined letter from Rev. H. Wilson is of
importance in the way of throwing light upon their whereabouts in Canada:
St. Catharine, C. W., Sept. 15th, 1856.
Mr. William Still:— 7)^ar iS^iV— Two young men arrived hereon Friday evening
last from Washington, viz : Benjamin R. Fletcher and Daniel Neall. Mr. Neall (or Neale)
desires to have his box of clothing forwarded on to him. It is at Washington in the care
of John Dade, a colored man, who lives at Doct. W. H. Oilman's, who keeps an Apothe-
cary store on the corner of 4^ and Pennsylvania Avenue. Mr. Dade is a slave, but a free
dealer. You will please write to John Dade, in the care of Doct. W. H. Oilman, on behalf
of Danipl Noale, but make use of the name of George Harrison, instead of Neale, and
Dade will understand it. Please have John Dade direct the box by express to you in
Philadelphia ; he has the means of paying the charges on it in advance, as far as Philadel-
phia; and as soon as it comes you will please forward it on to my care at St. Catherine.
Say to John Dade, that George Harrison sends his love to his sister and Uncle Allen
Sims, and all inquiring friends. Mr. Fletcher and Mr. Neale both send their respects to
you, 'and I may add mine. Yours truly, Hibam Wilson.
P. S.— Mr, Benjamin R. Fletcher wishes to have Mr. Dade call on his brother James,
BENRY BOX BROWN: gj
and communicate to him his affectionate regards, and make known to him that he is safe
and cheerful and happy. He desires his friends to know, through Dade, that he found
Mrs. Starke here, his brother Alfred's wife's sister ; that she is well, and livin<^ in St.
Catharine, C. W., near Niagara Falls. jj. W.
HENRY BOX BROWN".
ARRIVED BY ADA MS' EXPRESS.
Although the name of Henry Box Brown has been eclioed over the land
for a number of years, and the simple facts connected with his marvelous
escape from slavery in a box published widely through the medium of
anti-slavery papers, nevertheless it is not unreasonable to suppose that
very little is generally known in relation to this case.
|| Briefly, the facts are these, which doubtless have never before been fully
published —
Brown was a man of invention as well as a hero. In point of interest,
however, his case is no more remarkable than many others. Indeed,
neither before nor after escaping did he suffer one-half what many others
. have experienced.
i| He was decidedly an unhappy piece of property in the city of Richmond,
Va. In the condition of a slave he felt that it would be impossible for
him to remain. Full well did he know, however, that it was no holiday
task to escape the vigilance of Virginia slave-hunters, or the wrath of an
I lenraged master for committing the unpardonable sin of attempting to escape
to a land of liberty. So Brown counted well the cost before venturing upon
this hazardous undertaking. Ordinary modes of travel he concluded mio-ht
prove disastrous to his hopes; he, therefore, hit upon a new invention
altogether, which was to have himself boxed up and forwarded to Philadel-
phia direct by express. The size of the box and how it was to be made to
fit him most comfortably, was of his own ordering. Two feet ei-rht inches
deep, two feet wide, and three feet long were the exact dimensions of the
box, lined with baize. His resources Avith regard to food and water con-
sisted of the following : One bladder of water and a few small biscuits.
His mechanical implement to meet the death-struggle for fresh air, all told
was one large gimlet. Satisfied that it would be far better to peril his life
for freedom in this way than to remain under the galling yoke of Slavery,
he entered his box, which was safely nailed up and hooped with five
bickory hoops, and was then addressed by his next friend, James A. Smith,
I shoe dealer, to y^m. H. Johnson, Arch street, Philadelphia, marked, "This
5ide up with care." In this condition he was sent to Adams' Express
office in a dray, and thence by overland express to Philadelphia. It was
:wenty-six hours from the time he left Richmond until his arrival in the
::ity of Brotherly Love. The notice, " This side up, &c.," did not avail
I
82 THE UXDERGROUXD RAIL BO AD.
with tlic different expressmen, who hesitated not to handle the box in the
usual rough manner common to this class of men. For a while thoy
actually had the box upside down, and had him on his head for miles. A
few days before he was expected, certain intimation was conveyed to a mem-
ber of the Vigilance Committee that a box might be expected by the three
o'clock morning train from the South, which might contain a man. One of
the most serious walks he ever took — and they had not been a few — to
meet and accompany passengers, he took at half past two o'clock that morn-
ing to the depot. Not once, but for more than a score of times, he fancied
the slave would be dead. He anxiously looked while the freight was being
unloaded from the cai's, to see if he could recognize a box that might con-
tain a man; one alone had that appearance, and he confessed it really
seemed as if there was the scent of death about it. But on inquiry, he soon
learned that it was not the one he was looking after, and he was free to say
he experienced a marked sense of relief. That same afternoon, however,
he received from Richmond a telegram, which read thus, "Your case of
goods is shipped and will arrive to-morrow morning."
At this exciting juncture of aifairs, Mr. McKim, who had been engineer-
ing this important undertaking, deemed it expedient to change the pro-
gramme slightly in one particular at least to insure greater safety. In-
stead of having a member of the Committee go again to the depot for the
box, which might excite suspicion, it was decided that it would be safest to
have the express bring it direct to the Anti-Slavery Office.
But all apprehension of danger did not now disappear, for there was no
room to suppose that Adams' Express office had any sympathy with the
Abolitionist or the fugitive, consequently for Mr. McKim to appear per-
sonally at the express office to give directions Avith reference to the coming
of a box from Richmond which would be directed to Arch street, and yet
not intended for that street, but for the Anti-Slavery office at 107 North
Fifth street, it needed of course no great discernment to foresee that a step of
this kind was wholly impracticable and that a more indirect and covert
method would have to be adopted. In this dreadful crisis Mr. McKim,
with his usual good judgment and remarkably quit;k, strategical mind,
especially in matters pertaining to the U. G. 11. II., hit upon the following
plan, namely, to go to his friend, E. ]\I. Davis,* who was then extensively
engaged in mercantile business, and relate the circumstances. Having daily
intercourse with said Adams' Express office, and being well acquainted with
the firm and some of the drivers, Mr. Davis could, as ]\Ir. McKim thought,
talk about " boxes, freight, etc.," from any part of the country without risk.
Mr. Davis heard ]\Ir. McKim's plan and instantly approved of it, and was
heartily at his service.
* E. M. Davia was a mcmhor of tho Executive Committee of the Pennsylvania Anti-Slavery
Society and a lon^'-tricd Abolitionist, gon-in-law of James and Lucrctia Mott.
HENRY BOX BROWN. 83
"Dan, an Irishman, one of Adams' Express drivers, is just the fellow to
go to the depot after the box," said Davis. " He drinks a little too much
whiskey sometimes, but he will do anything I ask him to do, promptly and
oblio-ino-ly. I'll trust Dan, for I believe he is the very man." The difficulty
which Mr. McKim had been so anxious to overcome was thus pretty
well settled. It was agreed that Dan should go after the box next morning
before daylight and bring it to the Anti-Slavery office direct, and to make it
all the more agreeable for Dan to get up out of his warm bed and go on this
errand before day, it was decided that he should have a five dollar gold
piece for himself. Thus these preliminaries having been satisfactorily
arranged, it only remained for Mr. Davis to see Dan and give him instruc-
tions accordingly, etc.
Next morning, according to arrangement, the box was at the Anti-
Slavery office in due time. The witnesses present to behold the resurrection
were J. M. McKim, Professor C. D. Cleveland, Lewis Thompson, and the
writer.
Mr. McKim was deeply interested; but having been long identified with
the Anti-Slavery cause as one of its oldest and ablest advocates in the darkest
days of slavery and mobs, and always found by the side of the fugitive to
counsel and succor, he was on this occasion perfectly composed.
Professor Cleveland, however, was greatly moved. His zeal and earnestness
in the cause of freedom, especially in rendering aid to passengers, knew no
limit. Ordinarily he could not too often visit these travelers, shake them too
warmly by the hand, or impart to them too freely of his substance to aid
them on their journey. But now his emotion was overpowering.
Mr. Thompson, of the firm of Merrihew & Thompson — about the only
printers in the city who for many years dared to print such incendiary docu-
ments as anti-slavery papers and pamphlets — one of the truest friends
of the slave, was composed and prepared to witness the scene.
All was quiet. The door had been safely locked. The proceedings com-
menced. Mr. McKim rapped quietly on the lid of the box and called
out, " All right ! " Instantly came the answer from within. " All right,
sir !"
The witnesses will never forget that moment. Saw and hatchet quickly
had the five hickory hoops cut and the lid off, and the marvellous resurrec-
tion of Brown ensued. Rising up in his box, he reached out his hand,
saying, "How do you do, gentlemen?" The little assemblage hardly
knew what to think or do at the moment. He was about as wet as if he
had come up out of the Delaware. Very soon he remarked that, before
leaving Richmond he had selected for his arrival-hymn (if he lived) the
Psalm beginning with these words: " I taaitcd pafienthj for the Lord, and
He heard my prayer." And most touchingly did he sing the psalm, much
to his own relief, as well as to the delight of his small audience.
84 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD.
He was then christened Henry Box Brown, and soon afterwards was sent
to the hospitable residence of James Mott and E. M. Davis, on Ninth street,
where, it is needless to say, he met a most cordial reception from Mrs.
Lucretia Mott and her household. Clothing and creature comforts were
furnished in abundance, and delight and joy filled all hearts in that strong-
hold of philanthropy.
As he had been so long doubled up in the box he needed to promenade
considerably in the fresh air, so James Mott j)ut one of his broad-brim hats
on his head and tendered him the hospitalities of his yard as well as his
house, and while Brown promenaded the yard flushed with victory, great
was the joy of his friends.
After his visit at Mr. Mott's, he spent two days with the writer, and
then took his departure for Boston, evidently feeling quite conscious of
the wonderful feat he had performed, and at the same time it may be safely
said that those who witnessed this strange resurrection were not only elated
at his success, but were made to sympathize more deeply than ever before
with the slave. Also tiie noble-hearted Smith who boxed him up was
made to rejoice over Brown's victory, and was thereby encouraged to render
similar service to two other young bondmen, who appealed to him for
deliverance. But, unfortunately, in this attempt the undertaking proved a
failure. Two boxes containing the young men alluded to above, after
having been duly expressed and some distance on the road, were, through
the agency of the telegraph, betrayed, and the heroic young fugitives were
captured in their boxes and dragged back to hopeless bondage. Conse-
quently, through this deplorable faikire, Samuel A. Smith was arrested, im-
prisoned, and was called upon to suffer severely, as may be seen from tlie
subjoined correspondence, taken from the New York Tribune soon after his
release from the penitentiary.
THE DELIVERER OF BOX BROWN — MEETING OF THE COLORED CITIZENS
OF PHILADELPHIA.
[Correspondence of the N. Y. Tribune.]
Philadelphia, Saturday, July 5, 1856.
Samuel A. Smith, who boxed up Henry Box Brown in Riclimond, Va.,
and forwarded him by overland express to Philadelphia, and who was ar-
rested and convicted, eight years ago, for boxing up two other slaves, also
directed to Philadelphia, having served out his imprisonment in the Peni-
tentiarv, was released on the 18th ultimo, and arrival in this city on the 21st.
Though he lost all his property; though he was refused witnesses on his
trial (no officer could be found, who would serve a summons on a witness);
though for five long months, in hot weather, he was kept heavily chained
in a cell four by eight feet in dimensions; tiiough he received five dreadful
stabs, aimed at his heart, by a bribed assassin, nevertheless he still rejoices
in the motives which prompted him to " undo the heavy burdens, and let
I
SENBY BOX BROWN. 85
the oppressed go free." Having resided nearly all his life in the South,
where he had traveled and seen much of the " peculiar institution," and had
witnessed the most horrid enormities inflicted upon the slave, whose cries
were ever ringing in his ears, and for whom he had the warmest sympathy,
Mr. Smith could not refrain from believing that the black man, as well as the
white, had God-given rights. Consequently, he was not accustomed to shed
tears when a poor creature escaped from his " kind master ;" nor was he
willing to turn a deaf ear to his appeals and groans, when he knew he was
thirsting for freedom. From 1828 up to the day he was incarcerated,
many had sought his aid and counsel, nor had they sought in vain. In
various places he operated with success. In Richmond, however, it seemed
expedient to invent a new plan for certain emergencies, hence the Box and
Express plan was devised, at the instance of a few heroic slaves, who had
manifested their willingness to die in a box, on the road to liberty, rather
than continue longer under the yoke. But these heroes fell into the power of
their enemies. Mr. Smith had not been long in the Penitentiary before he
had fully gained the esteem and confidence of the Superintendent and other
officers. Finding him to be humane and generous-hearted — showing kind-
ness toward all, especially in buying bread, &c., for the starving prisoners,
and by a timely note of warning, which had saved the life of one of the
keepers, for whose destruction a bold plot had been arranged — the officers
felt disposed to show him such favors as the law would allow. But their
good intentions were soon frustrated. The Inquisition (commonly called the
Legislature), being in session in Richmond, hearing that the Superintendent
had been speaking well of Smith, and circulating a petition for his pardon,
indignantly demanded to know if the rumor was well founded. Two weeks
were spent by the Inquisition, and many witnesses were placed upon oath,
to solemnly testify in the matter. One of the keepers swore that his life had
been saved by Smith. Col. Morgan, the Sujjerintendent, frequently testi-
fied in writing and verbally to Smith's good deportment; acknowledging
that he had circulated petitions, &c. ; and took the position, that he sin-
cerely believed, that it would be to the interest of the institution to pardon
him; calling the attention of the Inquisition, at the same time, to the fact, that
not unfrequently pardons had been granted to criminals, under sentence of
death, for the most cold-blooded murder, to say nothing of other gross
crimes. The effijrt for pardon was soon abandoned, for the following reason
given by the Governor : " I can't, and I won't pardon him !"
In view of the unparalleled injustice which Mr. S. had suffered, as well as
on account of the aid he had rendered to the slaves, on his arrival in this city
the colored citizens of Philadelphia felt that he was entitled to sympathy
and aid, and straightway invited him to remain a few days, until arrange-
ments could be made for a mass meeting to receive him. Accordingly, on
last Monday evening, a mass meeting convened in the Israel church, and
86 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD.
the Rev. Wra. T. ditto was called to the chair, and ^\m. Still was ap-
pointed secretary. The chairman briefly stated the object of the meetino-.
Having lived in the South, he claimed to know something of the workino-s (Tf
the oppressive system of slavery generally, and declared that, notwith-
standing the many exposures of the evil which came under his own obser-
vation, the most vivid descriptions fell far short of the realities his own
eyes had witnessed. He then introduced Mr. Smith, who arose and in a
l)lain manner briefly told his story, assuring the audience that he had al-
ways hated slavery, and had taken great pleasure in helping many out of it
and though he had suffered much physically and pecuniarily for the cause'
sake, yet he murmured not, but rejoiced in what he had done. After taking
his seat, addresses were made by the Rev. S. Smith, Messrs. Kinnard, Brun-
ner, Bradway, and others. The following preamble and resolutions were
adopted —
Whereas, We, the colored citizens of Philadelphia, have among us Samuel A. Smith,
who was incarcerated over seven years in the Kichmond Penitentiary, for doing an act
that was honorable to his feelings and his sense of justice and humanity, therefore
Resolved, That we welcome him to this city as a martyr to the cause of Freedom.
Resolved, That we heartily tender him our gratitude for the good he has done to our
suffering race.
Resolved, That we sympathize with him in his losses and suflferings in the cause of the
poor, down-trodden slave. -^ g
During his stay in Philadelphia, on this occasion, he stopped for about a
fortnight with the writer, and it was most gratifying to learn from him that
lie was no new worker on the U. G. R. R. But that he had long hated
slavery thoroughly, and although surrounded with perils on every side, he
had not failed to help a poor slave whenever the opportunity was presented.
Pecuniary aid, to some extent, was rendered him in this city, for which he
was grateful, and after being united in marriage, by Wm. H. Furncss, D.D.,
to a lady who had remained fliithful to him through all his sore trials and
sufferings, he took his departure for Western New York, with a good con-
science and an unshaken faith in the belief that in aiding his fellow-man to
freedom he had but simply obeyed the word of Him who taught man to do
unto others as he Avould be done by.
TRIAL OF THE EMAXCIPATORS OF COL. J. H. WHEELER'S
SLAVES, JAXE JOHNSON AND HER TWO LITTLE BOYS.
Among other duties devolving on the Vigilance Committee when hearing
of slaves brought into the State by their owners, was immediately to inform
such persons that as they were not fugitives, but were brouglit into the State
by tlu.r masters, thoy were entitled to their freedom without another
moment's service, and that they could have the assistance of the Committee
TRIAL OF THE EMANCIPATORS. 87
and the advice of counsel without charge, by .simply availing themselves
of these proffered favors.
Many slave-holders fully understood the law in this particular, and were
also equally posted with regard to the vigihmce of abolitionists. Consequently
they avoided bringing slaves beyond Mason and Dixon's Line in traveling
North. But some slave-holders were not thus mindful of the laws, or were
too arrogant to take heed, as may be seen in the case of Colonel John II.
Wheeler, of North Carolina, the United States Minister to Nicaragua. In
passing through Philadelphia from Washington, one very warm July day in
1855, accompanied by three of his slaves, his high official equilibrium, as
well as his assumed rights under the Constitution, received a terrible shock
at the hands of the Committee. Therefore, for the readers of these pages,
and in order to completely illustrate the various phases of the work of the
Committee in the days of Slavery, this case, selected from many others, is a
fittino- one. However, for more than a brief recital of some of the more promi-
nent incidents, it will not be possible to find room in this volume. And,
indeed, the necessity of so doing is precluded by the fact that Mr. Wil-
liamson in justice to himself and the cause of freedom, with great pains and
sino-ular ability, gathered the most important facts bearing on his memorable
trial and imprisonment, and published them in a neat volume for historical
reference.
In order to bring fully before the reader the beginning of this interesting
and exciting case, it seems only necessary to publish the subjoined letter,
written by one of the actors in the drama, and addressed to the New York
Tribune, and an additional paragraph which may be requisite to throw light
on a special point, which Judge Kane decided was concealed in the "obsti-
nate" breast of Passmore Williamson, as said Williamson persistently refused
before the said Judge's court, to own that he had a knowledge of the mystery
in question. After which, a brief glance at some of the more important
points of the case must suffice.
LETTER COPIED FROM THE NEW YORK TRIBUNE.
[Correspondence of The N. Y. Tribune.]
Philadelphia, Monday, July 30, 1855.
As the public have not been made acquainted with the fiicts and particulars
respecting the agency of Mr. Passmore Williamson and others, in relation to
the slave case now agitating this city, and especially as the poor slave mother
and her two sons have been so grossly misrepresented, I deem it my duty to
lay the facts before you, for publication or otherwise, as you may think
proper.
On Wednesday afternoon, week, at 4| o'clock, the following note was
placed in my hands by a colored boy whom I had never before seen, to my
recollection:
88 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD.
"]\Ik. Still — Sir: "Will you come down to Bloodgood's Hotel as soon as
possible — as there are three fugitive slaves here and they want liberty. Their
master is here with them, on his way to New York."
The note was without date, and the signature so indistinctly written as
not to be understood by me, having evidently been penned in a moment of
haste.
Without delay I ran with the note to Mr. P. Williamson's office, Seventh
and Arch, found him at his desk, and gave it to him, and after reading it, he
remarked that he could not go down, as he had to go to Harrisburg that
night on business — but he advised me to go, and to get the names of the
slave-holder and the slaves, in order to telegraph to Xew York to have them
arrested there, as no time remained to procure a writ of habeas corpus here.
I could not have been two minutes in Mr. W.'s office before startino- in
haste for tlie wharf. To my surprise, however, when I reached the wharf,
there I found Mr. W., his mind having undergone a sudden change; he was
soon on the spot.
I saw three or four colored persons in tlie hall at Bloodgood's, none of
whom I recognized except the boy who brought me the note. Before having
time for making inquiry some one said they had gone on board the boat. " Get
their description," said Mr. W. I instantly inquired of one of the colored
persons for the desired description, and was told tliat she was "a tall, dark
woman, with two little boys."
Mr. W. and myself ran on board of the boat, looked among the pas-
sengers on the first deck, but saw them not. *•' They are up on the second
deck," an unknown voice uttered. In a second we were in their presence.
AVc approached the anxious-looking slave-mother with her two boys on her
left-hand ; close on her right sat an ill-favored white man having a cane in
Ills hand which I took to be a sword-cane. (As to its being a sword-cane,
however, I might have been mistaken.)
The first words to the mother were : " Are you traveling?" "Yes," was the
prompt answer. " With whom?" She nodded her head toward the ill-favored
man, signifying with him. Fidgeting on his seat, he said something, exactly
wliat I do not now recollect. In reply I remarked : " Do they belong to
you, Sir?" " Yes, they are in my charge," was his answer. Turning from
him to the mother and her sons, in substance, and word for word, as near as
I can remember, the following remarks were earnestly though calmly ad-
dressed by the individuals who rejoiced to meet them on free soil, and who
felt unmistakably assured that they were justified by the laws of Pennsylvania
as well as the T^aw of God, in informing them of their rights :
" You are entitled to your freedom according to the laws of Pennsylvania,
having been brought into the State by your owner. If you prefer freedom to
slavery, as we suppose everybody does, you have the chance to accej)t it now.
Act calmly — don't be frightened by your master — you are as much entitled
fl
TRIAL OF THE EMANCIPATORS. 89
to your freedom as we are, or as he is — be determined and you need have no
fears but that you will be protected by the law. Judges have time and again
decided cases in this city and State similar to yours in favor of freedom !
Of course, if you want to remain a slave with your master, we cannot force
you to leave ; we only want to make you sensible of your rights. Remember j
if you lose this chance you may never get such another," etc.
This advice to the woman was made in the hearing of a number of per-
sons present, white and colored ; and one elderly white gentleman of genteel
address, who seemed to take much interest in what was going on, remarked
that they would have the same chance for their freedom in New Jersey and
New York as tiiey then had — seeming to sympathize with the woman, etc.
During the few moments in which the above remarks were made, the slave-
holder frequently interrupted — said she understood all about the laws making
her free, and her right to leave if she wanted to ; but contended that she did
not Avant to leave — that she was on a visit to New York to see her friends —
afterward wished to return to her three children whom she left in Virginia, from
whom it loould be HARD to separate her. Furthermore, he diligently tried to
constrain her to say that she did not want to be interfered with — that she
wanted to go with him — that she was on a visit to New York — had children
in the South, etc. ; but the woman's desire to be free was altogether too strong
to allow her to make a single acknowledgment favorable to his wishes in the
matter. On the contrary, she repeatedly said, distinctly and firmly, '^ I am
not free, but I want my freedom — always wanted to be free ! ! but he holds me."
While the slaveholder claimed that she belonged to him, he said that she
was free ! Again he said that he was going to give her her freedom, etc.
When his eyes would be off of hers, such eagerness as her looks expressed,
indicative of her entreaty that we would not forsake her and her little ones
in their weakness, it had never been my lot to witness before, under any cir-
cumstances.
The last bell toiled ! The last moment for further delay passed ! The
arm of the woman being slightly touched, accompanied with the word,
" Come !" she instantly arose. " Go along — go along !" said some, who
sympathized, to the boys, at the same time taking hold of their arms. By
this time the parties were fairly moving toward the stairway leading to the
deck below. Instantly on their starting, the slave-holder rushed at the woman
and her children, to prevent their leaving ; and, if I am not mistaken, he
simultaneously took hold of the woman and Mr. Williamson, which resistance
on his part caused Mr. W. to take hold of him and set him aside quickly.
The passengers were looking on all around, but none interfered in behalf of
the slaveholder except one man, whom I took to be another slaveholder. He
said liarshly, " Let them alone ; they are his property V The youngest boy,
about 7 years of age — too young to know what these things' meant — cried
"Massa John! Massa John!" The elder boy, 11 years of age, took the
90 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD.
matter more dispassionately, and the mother quite calmly. The mother and
her sympathizers all moved down the stairs together in the presence of quite
a number of spectators on the first deck and on the wharf, all of whom, as
far as I was able to discern, seemed to look upon the whole affair with the
greatest indifference. The woman and children were assisted, but not forced
to leave. Nor were there any violence or threatenings as I saw or heard.
The only words that I heard from any one of an objectionable character, were :
" Knock him down ; knock him down !" but who uttered it or who was
meant I knew not, nor have I since been informed. However, if it was
uttered by a colored man, I regret it, as there was not the slightest cause for
such language, especially as the sympathies of the spectators and citizens
seemed to justify the course pursued.
While passing off of the wharf and down Delaware-avenue to Dock st.,
and up Dock to Front, where a carriage was procured, the slaveholder and
one police officer were of the party, if no more.
The youngest boy on being put in the carriage was told that he was " a
fool for crying so after *Massa John,' who would sell him if he ever caught
him." Not another whine was heard on the subject.
The carriage drove down town slowly, the horses being fatigued and the
weather intensely hot ; the inmates were put out on Tenth street — not at any
house — after which they soon found hospitable friends and quietude. The
excitement of the moment having passed by, the mother seemed very cheerful,
and rejoiced greatly that herself and boys had been, as she thought, so "provi-
dentially delivered from the house of bondage .'" For the first time in her
life she could look upon herself and children and feel free !
Having felt the iron in her heart for the best half of her days — having
been sold with her children on the auction block — having had one of her
children sold far away from her without hope of her seeing him again — she
very naturally and wisely concluded to go to Canada, fearing if she re-
mained in this city — as some assured her she could do with entire safety —
that she might again find herself in the clutches of the tyrant from whom
she had fled.
A few items of what she related concerning the character of her master
jnay be interesting to the reader —
AVithin the last two years he had sold all his slaves — between thirty and
forty in number — having purchased the present ones in that space of time.
She said that before leaving Washington, coming on the cars, and at his
father-in-law's in this city, a number of persons had told him that in bring-
ing his slaves into Pennsylvania they would be free. When told at his
father-in-law's, as she overheard it, that he "could not have done a worse
thing," (^'c, ho replied that "Jane would not leave him."
As much, however, as he affected to have such implicit confidence in Jane,
he scarcely allowed her to be out of his presence a moment while in this
I
TRIAL OF THE EMANCIPATORS. ■ 91
city. To use Jane's own language, he was " on her heels every minute,"
fearing that some one miglit get to her ears the sweet music of freedom. By
tlie way, Jane had it deep in her heart before leaving the South, and was
bent on succeeding in New York, if disappointed in Philadelphia.
At Bloodgood's, after having been belated and left by the 2 o'clock train,
"while waiting for the 5 o'clock line, his appetite tempted her " master " to take
a hasty dinner. So after placing Jane where he thought she would be pretty
secure from " evil communications " from the colored waiters, and after giv-
ing her a double counselling, he made his way to the table ; remained
but a little while, however, before leaving to look after Jane ; finding her
composed, looking over a bannister near where he left her, he returned to the
table again and finished his meal.
But, alas, for the slave-holder ! Jane had her " top eye open," and in that
brief space had appealed to the sympathies of a person whom she ventured
to trust, saying, "I and my children are slaves, and we want liberty !" I
am not certain, but sup[)0se that person, in the goodness of his heart, was
the cause of the note being sent to the Anti-Slavery office, and hence the
result.
As to her going on to New York to see her friends, and wishing to return
to her three children in the South, and his going to free her, &c., Jane de-
clared repeatedly and very positively, that there was not a particle of truth
in what her master said on these points. The truth is she had not the
slightest hope of freedom through any act of his. She had only left one boy
in the South, who had been, sold far away, where she scarcely ever heard
from him, indeed never expected to see him any more.
In appearance Jane is tall and well formed, high and large forehead, of
genteel manners, chestnut color, and seems to possess, naturally, uncommon
good sense, though of course she has never been allowed to read.
Thus I have given as truthful a report as I am capable of doing, of Jane
and the circumstances connected with her deliverance. W. Still.
P. S. — Of the five colored porters who promptly appeared, with warm
hearts throbbing in sympathy with the mother and her children, too much
cannot be said in commendation. In the present case they acted nobly,
whatever may be said of their general character, of which I know notliing.
How human beings, who have ever tasted ojipression, could have acted
differently under the circumstances I cannot conceive.
The mystery alluded to, which the above letter did not contain, and which
the court failed to make Mr. Williamson reveal, might have been truthfully
explained in these words. The carriage was procured at the Avharf, while
Col. Wheeler and Mr. Williamson were debating the question relative to the
action of the Committee, and at that instant, Jane and her two boys were in-
vited into it and accompanied by the writer, who procured it, were driven
down town, and on Tenth Street, below Lombard, the inmates were invited
92 . THE UXDERGROUND RAIL ROAD.
out of It, and the said conductor paid the driver and discharged him. For
prudential reasons he took them to a temporary resting-place, where they
could tarry until after dark ; then they were invited to his own residence,
where they were made welcome, and in due time forwarded East. No\v
what disposition was made of them after they had left the wharf, while
Williamson and Wheeler were discussing matters— (as was clearly sworn to
by Passmore, in his answer to the writ of Habeas Corpus)— he Williamson
did not know. That evening, before seeing the member of the Committee,
with whom he acted in concert on the boat, and who had entire charge of
Jane and her boys, he left for Ilarrisburg, to fulfill business engagements.
The next morning his father (Thomas Williamson) brought the writ of
Habeas Corpus (which had been served at Passmore's office after he left) to
the Anti-Slavery Office. In his calm manner he handed it to the writer, at
the same time remarking that " Passmore had gone to Harrisburg/' and
added, ''thee had better attend to it" (the writ). Edward Hopper,' Esq.,
was applied to with the writ, and in the absence of JMr. Williamson ap-
peared before the court, and stated "that the writ had not been served as
Mr. W. was out of town," etc. '
After this statement, the Judge postponed further action until the nexfe
day. In the meanwhile, Mr. Williamson returned and found the writ
awaitmg hnn, and an agitated state of feeling throughout the city besides.
JV^ow It is very certain, that he did not seek to know from tho^e in the
secret where Jane Johnson and her boys were taken after they left the
^vhart, or as to what disposition had been made of them, in any way: except
to ask simply, "are they safe?" (and when told "yes," he smiled) conse-
quently, he might have been examined for a week, by the most skillful
lawyer, at the Pluladelphia bar, but he could not have answered other than
he did in making Ins return to the writ, before Judge Kane, namely: " That
the persons named in the writ, nor either of them, are now nor was at the time
oj issuing of the wnt, or the original icrit, or at any other time in the custody,
power or possession of the respondent, nor by him confined or restrained;
wherefore he cannot have the bodies," etc.
Thus, while Mr. W. was subjected to the severest trial of his devotion to
Ireedom, his noble bearing throughout, won for him the admiration and
sympathy of the friends of humanity and liberty throughout the entire
]an a eon-
t^. I -ool resection, or he would have weighed the matter a , tie more
(luioii n'l ^'-'^^' ' If. . ii TT P "R U •i(T-piit
"1tr;rllXnl exhibition of affection for his eontente "■.-nah Peter,. Henrict.
Doto: Elifabtti; I'mby..Josiai:Stanly. Caroline Stanly. Daniel Stanly, jr.
''
THE ARRIVALS OF A SINGLE MONTH. 103
John Stanly and Miller Stanly (arrival from Cambridge.) Daniel is about
35, well-made and wide-awake. Fortunately, in emancipating himself, he
also, through great perseverance, secured the freedom of his wife and six
children ; one child he was compelled to leave behind. Daniel belonged to
Robert Calender, a farmer, and, "except when in a passion," said to be
"pretty clever." However, considering as a father, that it was his " duty to
do all he could " for his childreu, and that all work and no play makes Jack a
dull boy, Daniel felt bound to seek refuge in Canada. His wife and children
were owned by "Samuel Count, an old, bald-headed, bad man," who "had
of late years been selling and buying slaves as a business," though he stood
high and was a " big bug in Cambridge." The children were truly likely-
looking.
Nat is no ordinary man.. Like a certain other Nat known to history, his
honest and independent bearing in every respect was that of a natural
hero. He was full black, and about six feet high ; of powerful physical pro-
])ortion^, and of more than ordinary intellectual capacities. With the
strongest desire to make the Port of Canada safely, he had resolved to be
"carried back," if attacked by the slave hunters, " only as a dead man." He
was held to service by John Muir, a wealthy farmer, and the owner of 40 or
50 slaves. "Muir would drink and was generally devilish." Two of Nat's
sisters and one of his brothers had been " sold away to Georgia by him."
Therefore, admonished by threats and fears of having to pass through the
same fiery furnace, Nat was led to consider the U. G. R. R. scheme. It was
through the marriage of Nat's mistress to his present owner that he came
into Muir's hands. " Up to the time of her death," he had been encouraged
to " hope " that he would be " free ;" indeed, he was assured by her " dying
testimony that the slaves were not to be sold." But regardless of the
promises and will of his departed wife, Muir soon extinguished all hopes of
freedom from that quarter. But not believing that God had put one man
here to " be the servant of another — to work," and get none of the benefit of
his labor, Nat armed himself with a good pistol and a big knife, and taking
his wife with him, bade adieu forever to bondage. Observing that Lizzie
(Nat's wife) looked pretty decided and resolute, a member of the committee
remarked, " ^yould your wife fight for freedom?" "I have heard her say
she would wade through blood and tears for her freedom," said Nat, in the
most serious mood.
The following advertisement from The Cambridge Democrat of Nov. 4,
speaks for itself —
$300 Reward. — Ran away from the subscriber, on Saturday night last., 17th
inst., my negro woman Lizzie, about 28 years old. She is medium sized, dark com-
plexion, good-looking, with rather a down look. When spoken to, replies (juickly.
She was well dressed, wearing a red and green blanket shawl, and carried with her
a variety of clothing. She ran off in company with her husband, Nat Amby (belonging
to John Muir, Esq.), who is about G feet in height, with slight impediment in his speech,
dark chestnut color, and a large scar on the side of his neck.
104 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD.
I will give the above reward if taken in this County, or one-half of what she sells for if
taken out of the County or State. In either case to be lodged in Cambridge Jail
Cambridge, Oct. 21, 1857. Alexander H. Bayly.
P. S.— For the apprehension of the above-named negro man Nat, and delivery in Cam-
bridge Jail, I will give $500 reward. John Muir.
Now since Nat's master has been introduced in the above order, it seems
but a])pro[)riate that Nat should be heard too; consequently the following
letter is inserted for what it is worth :
Auburn, June ICth, 1858.
Mr. William Still : — Sir, will you be so Kind as to write a letter to afFi^y White in
straw berry alley in Baltimore city on the point Say to her at nat Ambey that I wish to
Know from her the Last Letar that Joseph Ambie and Henry Ambie two Brothers and
Ann Warfield a couisin of them two boys I state above I would like to hear from my
mother sichy Ambie you will Please write to my mother and tell her that I am well and
doing well and state to her that I perforin my Relissius dutys and I would like to hear
from her and want to know if she is performing her Pielissius dutys yet and send me word
from all her children I left behind say to afFey White that I wish her to write me a Let-
ter in Hast my wife is well and doing well and my nephew is doing well Please tell
aflfey White when she writes to me to Let me know where Joseph and Henry Ambie is
Mr. Still Please Look on your Book and you will find my name on your Book They
was eleven of us children and all when we came through and I feal interrested about my
Brothers I have never heard from them since I Left home you will Please Be Kind
annough to attend to this Letter When you send the answer to this Letter you will
Please send it to P. R. Freeman Auburn City Cayuga County New York
Yours Truly Nat Ambie.
William is 25, complexion brown, intellect naturally good, with no favor-
able notions of the peculiar institution. He was arnied with a ibrinidable
dirk-knife, and declared he would use it if attacked, rather than be dragged
back to bondage.
Haxxaii is a hearty-looKing young woman of 23 or 24, with a countenance
that indicated that liberty was what she wanted and was contending for, and
that she could not willingly submit to the yoke. Though she came with the
Cambridge party, she did not come from Cambridge, but from Marshall
Hope, Caroline County, where she had been owned by Charles Peters, a man
Avho had distinguished himself by getting " drunk, scratching and fighting,
etc.," not unfrequently in his own family even. She had no parents that she
knew of licft because they used her " so bad, beat and knocked " her about.
" Jack Scott." Jack is about thirty-six years of age, substantially built,
dark color, and of quiet and prepossessing manners. He was owned by
David B. Turner, Esq., a dry goods merchant of New York. By birth,
Turner was a Virginian, and a regular slave-holder. His slaves were kept
hired out by the year. As Jack had had but slight acquaintance with his
New York owner, he says but very little about him. He was moved to
leave simply because he had got tired of working for the " white people for
nothing." Fled from Richmond, Va. Jack went to Canada direct. The
following letter furnishes a clew to his whereabouts, plans, etc.
THE ARRIVALS OF A SINGLE MONTH. 105
Montreal, September 1st 1859.
Dear Sir :— It is with extreme pleasure that I set down to inclose you a few lines to
let you know that I am well & I hope when these few lines come to hand they may find
you & your family in good health and prosperity I left your house Nov. 3d, 1857, for
Canada I Received a letter here from James Carter in Peters burg, saying that my wife
would leave there about the 2Sth or the first September and that he would send her on by
way of Philadelphia to you to send on to Montreal if she come on you be please to send
her on and as there is so many boats coming here all times a day I may not know what
time she will. So you be please to give her this direction, she can get a cab and go to the
Donegana Hotel and Edmund Turner is there he will take you where I lives and if he is
not there cabman take you to Mr Taylors on Durham St. nearly opposite to the Methodist
Church. Nothing more at present but Remain your well wisher John Scott.
C. HiTCHENS. — This individual took his departure from Milford, Del.,
where he was owned by Wra. Hill, a farmer, who took special delight in
having " fighting done on the place." This passenger was one of our least
intellitrent travelers. He was about 22.
Major Ross. — Major fled from John Jay, a farmer residing in tlie neigh-
borhood of Havre de Grace, Md. But for the mean treatment received from
jMr. Jay, Major might have been foolish enough to have remained all his
days in chains. " It's an ill wind that blows nobody any good."
PIej^ry Oberne. — Henry was to be free at 28, but preferred having it
at 21, especially as he was not certain that 28 would ever come. He is of
chestnut color, well made, &c., and came from Seaford, Md.
Perry Burton. — Perry is about twenty-seven years of age, decidedly
colored, medium size, and only of ordinary intellect. He acknowledged John
R. Burton, a farmer on Indian River, as his master, and escaped because he
wanted "some day for himself."
Alfred Hubert, Israel Whitney and John Thompson. Alfred is of
powerful muscular appearance and naturally of a good intellect. He is full
dark chestnut color, and would doubtless fetch a high price. He was owned
by Mrs. Maiilda Niles, from whom he had hired his time, paying $110
yearly. He had no fault to find with his mistress, excej)t he observed she
had a young family growing up, into whose hands he feared he might un-
luckily fall some day, and saw no way of avoiding it but by flight. Being
only twenty-eight, he may yet make his mark.
Israel was owned by Elijah Money. All that he could say in favor of
his master was, that he treated him "respectfully," though he "drank hard."
Israel was about thirty-six, and another excellent specimen of an able-bodied
and wide-awake man. He hired his time at the rate of |120 a year, and
had to find his wife and child in the bargain. He came from Alexandria, Va.
INTEEESTING LETTER FROM ISRAEL.
Hamilton, Oct. le,, 1858.
William Still — My Dear Friend: — I saw Carter and his friend a few days ago, and
they told me, that you was well. On the seventh of October my wife came to Hamilton.
Mr. A. Hurberd, who came from Virginia with me, is going to get married the 20th of
106 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD.
November next. I wish you woul.l write to me how many of my friends you have seen
since October 1857. Montgomery Green keeps a barber shop m Cayuga, in the State of
New York. I have not heard of Oscar Ball but once since I came here, and then he was
we 1 and doing well. George Carroll is in Hamilton. The times are very dull at present
and have been ever since I came here. Please write soon. Nothing more at present onW
I still remam in Hamilton, C.W. Israel Whitne;.
John is nineteen years of age, mulatto, spare made, but not lacking in
courage; mother wit or perseverance. He was born in Fauquier countv,
Va., and, after experiencing Slavery for a number of years there— bein.r sold
two or three times to the "highest bidder "-he was finally purehased'by a
cotton planter named Hezekiah Thompson, residing at Iluntsville, Alabama
Immediately after the sale Hezekiah bundled his new "purchase" off to
Alabama, where he succeeded in keeping him only about two years, for at
the end of that time John determined to strike a blow for liberty. The in-
centive to this step was the inhuman treatment he was subjected to. Cruel
indeed did he find it there. His master was a young man, " fond of drlnkino.
and carousing, and always ready for a fight or a knock-down." A short time
before John left his master whipped him so severely with the " bull whip" that
he could not use his arm for three or four days. Seeing but one way of
es«ipe (and that more perilous than the way William and Ellen Craft, or
Henry Box Brown traveled), he resolved to try it. It was to get on the
top of the car, instead of insi-ht
in this particular. Nevertheless, as he had been a slave all his days, he
found that it required' no small amount of nerve to succeed in runninrr the
gauntlet with slave-holders and slave -catchers for so long a journey.
The following pointed epistle, from Jeremiah Colburn alias William
Cooper, beautifully illustrates the effects of Freedom on many a passeno-er
who received hospitalities at the Philadelphia depot —
Syracuse, June 9th, 1858.
Mr. Still :—Z)(?ar Sir:— One of your Underground R. R. Passenger Drop you these
few Lines to let you see that he have not forgoten you one who have Done so much for
him well sir I am still in Syracuse, well in regard to what I am Doing for a Living I no
you would like to hear, I am in the Painting Business, and have as much at that as^E can
do, and enough to Last me all the Summer, I had a knoUedge of Painting Before I Left
the South, the Hotell where I was working Last winter the Proprietor fail & shot up in
•the Spring and I Loose evry thing that I was working for all Last winter. I have Ritten
a Letter to my Friend P. Christianson some time a goo & have never Received an
Answer, I hope this wont Be the case with this one, I have an idea sir, next winter itf I
can this summer make Enough to Pay Expenses, to goo to that school at McGrowville ^t-rate hair-drosser and a prompt and trustworthy Underground Rail
Road agent. Of course a spoedy answer was returned to his note, and he
was instructed to bring the eleven passengers on to the Committee in
Brotherly Love.
THE ARRIVALS OF A SINGLE MONTH. m
LETTER FROM MISS G. LEWIS ABOUT A PORTIOX OF THE SAME " MEMORABLE
TWENTY-EIGHT."
SUNNYSIDE, Nov. Cth, 1857.
Dear Friend : — Eight more of the large company reached our place last night, direct
from Ercildown. The eight constitute one family of them, the husband and wife with four
children under eight years of age, wish tickets for Elraira. Three sons, nearly grown, will
be forwarded to Phila., probably by the train which passes Phoenixville at seven o'clock
of to-morrow evening the seventh. It would be safest to meet them there. We shall
send them to Elijah with the request for them to be sent there. And I presume they will
be. If they should not arrive you may suppose it did not suit Elijah to send them.
We will send the money for the tickets by C. C. Burleigh, who will be in Phila. on second
day morning. If you please, you will forward the tickets by to-morrow's mail as we do
not have a mail again till third day. Yours hastily, G. Lewis.
Please give directions for forwarding to Elmira and name the price of tickets.
At first Miss Lewis thought of forwarding only a part of her fugitive
guests to the Committee in Philadelphia, but on further consideration, all
were safely sent along in due time, and the Committee took great pains to
have them made as comfortable as possible, as the eases of these mothers
and children especially called forth the deepest sympathy.
In this connection it seems but fitting to allude to Captain Lee's suffer-
ings on account of his having brought away in a skiff, by sea, a party of
four, alluded to in the beginning of this single month's report.
Unfortunately he was suspected, arrested, tried, convicted, and torn from
his wife and two little children, and sent to the Richmond Penitentiary for
twenty-five years. Before being sent away from Portsmouth, Va., where he
was tried, for ten days in succession in the prison five lashes a day were laid
heavily on his bare back. The further suffererings of poor Lee and his
heart-broken wife, and his little daughter and son, are too painful for minute
recital. In this city the friends of Freedom did all in their power to comfort
Mrs. Lee, and administered aid to her and her children ; but she broke
down under her mournful fate, and went to that bourne from whence no
traveler ever returns.
Captain Lee suffered untold misery in prison, until he, also, not a great
while before the Union forces took possession of Richmond, sank beneatli
the severity of his treatment, and went likewise to the grave. The two
children for a long time were under the care of Mr. "VYm. Ingram of Phila-
delphia, who voluntarily, from pure benevolence, proved himself to be a
father and a friend to them. To their poor mother also he had been a
true friend.
The way in which Captain Lee came to be convicted, if the Committee were
correctly informed and they think they were, was substantially in this wise :
In the darkness of the night, four men, two of them constables, one of the
112 THE UXDERGROUND RAIL ROAD.
other two, the owner of one of the slaves who had been aided away bj Lee,
seized the wife of one of the fugitives and took her to the woods, where the
fiends stripped every particle of clothing from her person, tied her to a tree,
and armed with knives, cowhides and a shovel, swore vengeance against her,
declaring they would kill her if she did not testify against Lee. At first
she refused to reveal the secret ; indeed she knew but little to reveal ; but
her savage tormentors beat her almost to death. Under this barbarous in-
fliction she was constrained to implicate Caj^tain Lee, which was about all the
evidence the prosecution had against him. And in reality her evidence, for
two reasons, should not have weighed a straw, as it was contrary to the laws
of the State of Virginia, to admit the testimony of colored persons against
white ; then again for the reason that this testimony was obtained M'holly
by brute force.
But in this instance, this woman on whom the murderous attack had
been made, Avas brought into court on Lee's trial and was bid to sim])ly
make her statement with regard to Lee's connection with the escape of her
husband. This she did of course. And in the eyes of this chivalric court,
this procedure " was all right." But thank God the events since those
dark and dreadful days, afford abundant proof that the All-seeing Eye was
not asleep to the daily sufferings of the poor bondman.
A SLAVE GIRL'S NARRATIVE.
CORDELIA LOXEY, SLAVE OF MRS. JOSEPH CAHELL (WIDOW OF THE LATE HOX.
JOSEPH CAHELL, OF VA.), OF FREDERICKSBURG, VA. — CORDELIA'S ESCAPE
FROM HER MISTRESS IN PHILADELPHIA.
Rarely did the peculiar institution present the relations of mistress and
maid-servant in a light so apparently favorable as in the case of ]Mrs. Joseph
Cahell (widow of the late Hon. Jos Cahell, of Va.), and her slave, Cordelia.
The Vigilance Committee's first knowledge of either of these memorable
personages was brought about in tlie following manner.
About the 30th of March, in the year 1859, a member of the Vigilance
Committee was notified by a colored servant, living at a fashionable boarding-
house on Chestnut street that a lady with a slave woman from Fredericks-
burg, Va., was boarding at said house, and, that said slave woman desired
to receive counsel and aid from the Committee, as she was anxious to secure
her freedom, before her mistress returned to the South. On further consul-
tation about the matter, a suitable hour wa.s named for the meeting of the
Committee and the Slave at the above named boarding-house. Finding that
A SLAVE GIRLS NARRATIVE. 113
the woman was thoroughly reliable, the Committee told her "that two modes
of deliverance were open before her. One was to take her trunk and all
her clothing and quietly retire." The other was to " sue out a writ of
habeas corpus_, and bring the mistress before the Court, where she would
be required, under the laws of Pennsylvania, to show cause why she restrained
this woman of her freedom." Cordelia concluded to adopt the former ex-
pedient, provided the Committee would protect her. Without hesitation the
Committee answered her, that to the extent of their ability, she should have
their aid with pleasure, without delay. Consequently a member of the
Committee was directed to be on hand at a given hour that evening, as
Cordelia would certainly be ready to leave her mistress to take care of
herself. Thus, at the appointed hour, Cordelia, very deliberately, accom-
panied the Committee away from her " kind hearted old mistress."
In the quiet and security of the Vigilance Committee Room, Cordelia
related substantially the following brief story touching her relationship as
a slave to Mrs. Joseph Cahell. In this case, as with thousands and tens
of thousands of others, as the old adage fitly expresses it, " All is not gold
that glitters." Under this apparently pious and noble-minded lady, it will
be seen, that Cordelia had known naught but misery and sorrow.
Mrs. Cahell, having engaged board for a month at a fashionable private
boarding-house on Chestnut street, took an early opportunity to caution
Cordelia against going into the streets, and against having anything to say
or do with "free niggers in particular" ; withal, she appeared unusually kind,
so much so, that before retiring to bed in the evening, she would call Cordelia
to her chamber, and by her side would take her Prayer-book and Bible, and
go through the forms of devotional service. She stood very high both
as a church communicant and a lady in society.
For a fortnight it seemed as though her prayers were to be answered, for
Cordelia apparently bore herself as submissively as ever, and Madame re-
ceived calls and accepted invitations from some of the elite of the city, with-
out suspecting any intention on the part of Cordelia to escape. But Cordelia
could not forget how her children had all been sold by her mistress!
Cordelia was about fifty-seven years of age, M'ith about an equal proportion
of colored and white blood in her veins; very neat, respectful and pre-
possessing in manner.
From her birth to the hour of her escape she had worn the yoke under
Mrs. C, as her most efficient and reliable maid-servant. She had been at
her mistress' beck and call as seamstress, dressing-maid, nurse in the sick-
room, etc., etc., under circumstances that might appear to the casual observer
uncommonly favorable for a slave. Indeed, on his first interview with her,
the Committee man was so forcibly impressed with the belief, that her con-
dition in Virginia had been favorable, that he hesitated to ask her if she did
not desire her liberty. A few moments' conversation with her, however, con-
114 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD.
vinced him of her good sense and decision of purpose with regard to this
matter. For, in answer to the first question he put to her, she answered,
that " As many creature comforts and religious privileges as she had been
the recipient of under her ' kind mistress,' still she ' wanted to be free,' and
' wjis bound to leave,' that she had been ' treated very cruelly ;' that her
children had ' all been sold away ' from her; that she had been threatened
with sale herself ' on the first insult,' " etc.
She was willing to take the entire responsibility of taking care of
herself. On the suggestion of a friend, before leaving her mistress, she
was disposed to sue for her freedom, but, upon a reconsideration of the
matter, she chose rather to accept the hospitality of the Underground Rail
Road, and leave in a quiet way and go to Canada, where she would be free
indeed. Accordingly she left her mistress and was soon a free woman.
The following sad experience she related calmly, in the presence of several
friends, an evening or two after she left her mistress:
Two sons and two daughters had been sold from her by her mistress,
within the last three years, since the death of her master. Three of her
children had been sold to the Richmond market and the other in Nelson
county.
Paulina was the first sold, two years ago last May. Nat was the next;
he was sold to Abram AVarrick, of Richmond. Palilina was sold before
it was named to her mother that it had entered her mistress's mind to dis-
pose of her. Nancy, from infancy, had been in poor health. Nevertheless,
she had been obliged to take her place in the field with the rest of the slaves,
of more rugged constitution, until she had passed her twentieth year, and
had become a mother. Under these circumstances, the overseer and his wife
complained to the mistress that her health was really too bad for a field hand
and begged that she might be taken where her duties would be less oppres-
sive. Accordingly, she was withdrawn from the field, and was set to spin-
ning and weaving. When too sick to work her mistress invariably took the
ground, that " nothing was the matter," notwithstanding the fact, that her
family physician. Dr. Ellsom, had pronounced her "quite weakly and sick."
In an angry mood one day, Mrs. Cahell declared she would cure her ; and
again sent her to the field, "with orders to the overseer, to whip her every
day, and make her work or kill her." Again the overseer said it was " no
use to try, for her health would not stand it," and she was forthwith re-
turned. The mistress then concluded to sell her.
One Sabbath evening a nephew of hers, who resided in New Orleans, hap-
pened to be on a visit to his aunt, when it occurred to her, that she had
" better get Nancy off if possible." Accordingly, Nancy was called in for
examination. Being dressed in her "Sunday best" and "before a poor
candle-light," she appeared to good advantage; and the nephew concluded
to start with her on the following Tuesday morning. However, the next
A SLAVE GIRL'S NARRATIVE. jl5
morning, he happened to see her by the light of the sun, and in her workino-
garqients, which satisfied him that he had been grossly deceived; that she
woukl barely live to reach New Orleans ; he positively refused to carry
out the previous evening's contract, thus leaving her in the hands of her
mistress, with the advice, that she should " doctor her up."
The mistress, not disposed to be defeated, obviated the difficulty by select-
ing a little boy, made a lot of the two, and thus made it an inducement to a
purchaser to buy the sick woman ; the boy and the Avoman brought $700.
In the sale of her children, Cordelia was as little regarded as if she had
been a cow.
" I felt wretched," she said, with emphasis, " when I heard that Nancy
had been sold," which was not until after she had been removed. " But "
she continued, " I was not at liberty to make my grief known to a sino-le
white soul. I wept and couldn't help it." But remembering that she was
liable, " on the first insult," to be sold herself, she sought no sympathy
from her mistress, whom she describes as "a woman who sliows as little
kindness towards her servants as any woman in the States of America. She
neither likes to feed nor clothe well.'^
With regard to flogging, however, in days past, she had been up to the
mark. " A many a slap and blow " had Cordelia received since she arrived
at womanhood, directly from the madam's own hand.
One day smarting under cruel treatment, she appealed to her mistress in
the following strain: "I stood by your mother in all her sickness and nursed
her till she died !" " I waited on your niece, night and day for months, till
she died." " I waited upon your husband all my life — in his sickness
especially, and shrouded him in death, etc., yet I am treated cruelly." It
was of no avail.
Her mistress, at one time, was the owner of about five hundred slaves, but
within the last few years she had greatly lessened the number by sales.
She stood very high as a lady, and was a member of the Episcopal
Church.
To punish Cordelia, on several occasions, she had been sent to one of the
plantations to work as a field hand. Fortunately, however, she found the
overseers more compassionate than her mistress, though she received no par-
ticular favors from any of them.
Asking her to name the overseers, etc., she did so. The first was "Marks,
a thin-visaged, poor-looking man, great for swearing." The second was
" Gilbert Brower, a very rash, portly man." The third was " Buck Young,
a stout man, and very sharp." The fourth was " Lynn Powell, a tall man
with red whiskers, very contrary and spiteful." There was also a fifth one,
but his name was lost.
Thus Cordelia's experience, though chiefly confined to the "great house,"
extended occasionally over the corn and tobacco fields, among the overseers
-^-^Q THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD.
and field hands generally. But under no circumstances could she find it in
her heart to be thankful for the privileges of Slavery.
After leaving her mistress she learned, with no little degree of pleasure,
that a perplexed state of things existed at the boarding-house ; that her
mistress was seriously puzzled to imagine how she would get her shoes and
stockings on and oif; how she would get her head combed, get dressed, be
attended to in sickness, etc., as she (Cordelia), had been compelled to dis-
charge these offices all her life.
Most of the boarders, being slave-holders, naturally sympathized in her
affliction ; and some of them went so far as to offer a reward to some of the
colored servants to gain a knowledge of her whereabouts. Some charged
the servants with having a hand in her leaving, but all agreed that " she
had left a very kind and indulgent mistress," and had acted very foolishly
in running out of Slavery into Freedom.
A certain Doctor of Divinity, the pastor of an Episcopal church in this
city and a friend of the mistress, hearing of her distress, by request or
voluntarily, undertook to find out Cordelia's place of seclusion. Hailing on
the street a certain colored man witli a familiar face, who he thought knew
nearly all the colored people about town, he related to him the predicament
of his lady friend from the South, remarked how kindly she had always
treated her servants, signified that Cordelia would rue the change, and be
left to suffer among the " miserable blacks down town," that she would not
be able to take care of herself; quoted Scripture justifying Slavery, and
finally suggested that he (the colored man) would be doing a duty and a
kindness to the fugitive by using his influence to " find her and prevail upon
her to return."
It so happened that the colored man thus addressed, was Thomas Dorsey,
the well-known fiishionable caterer of Philadelphia, who had had the ex-
perience of quite a numl)er of years as a slave at the South,— had himself once
been pursued as a fugitive, and having, by his industry in the condition of
Freedom, acquired a handsome estate, he felt entirely qualified to reply to
the reverend gentleman, which he did, though in not very respectful phrases,
tellin- him that Cordelia had as good a right to her liberty as he had, or
her mistress either; that God had never intended one man to be the skve
of another; that it was all fiilse about the slaves being better off than the
free colored people; that he would find as many "poor, miserably degraded,
of his own color " down-t«wn," as among the "degraded blacks"; and con-
cluded by telling him that he would "rather give her a hundred dollars
to help her off, tlian to do aught to make known her whereabouts, if he
knew ever so much about her."
What further steps were taken by the discomfited divine, the mistress, or
her boarding-house sympathizers, the Committee was not informed. ^
But with regard to Cordelia: she took her departure for Canada, in tne.
MEETING ' OF BLIND FA THER AND HIS SONS. 1 1 7
midst of the Daniel Webster (fugitive) trial, with the hope of being per-
mitted to enjoy the remainder of her life in Freedom and peace. Beino- a
member of the Baptist Church, and professing to be a Christian, she was
persuaded that, by industry and assistance of the Lord, a way would be
opened to the seeker of Freedom even in a strange land and among
strangers.
This story appeared in part in the N. Y. Evening Post, having been
furnished by the writer, without his name to it. It is certainly none the less
interesting now, as it may be read in the light of Universal Emancipation.
ARRIVAL OF JACKSON, ISAAC AND EDMONDSON TURNER
FROM PETERSBURG.
TOUCHING SCENE ON MEETING THEIR OLD BLIND FATHER AT THE U. G. R. R. DEPOT.
LETTERS AND WARNING TO SLAVEHOLDERS.
About the latter part of December, 1857, Isaac and Edmondson, brothers,
succeeded in making their escape together from Petersburg, Va. They
barely escaped the auction block, as their mistress, Mrs. Ann Colley, a
widow, had just completed arrangements for their sale on the coming first
day of January. In this kind of property, however, Mrs. Colley had not
largely invested. In the days of her prosperity, while all was happy and
contented, she could only boast of " four head :" these brothers, Jackson,
Isaac and Edmondson and one other. In May, 1857, Jackson had fled and
was received by the Vigilance Committee, who placed him upon their books
briefly in the following light :
" Runaway— i^i/??/ Dollars Eezvard,—'Ra.r\ away some time in May last, my Servant-
man, who calls himself Jackson Turner. He is about 27 years of age, and has one of his
front teeth out. He is quite black, with thick lips, a little bow-legged, and looks down
when spoken to. I will give a reward of Fifty dollars if taken out of the city, and
twenty five Dollars if taken within the city. I forewarn all masters of vessels from har-
boring or employing the said slave ; all persons who disregard this Notice will be pun-
ished as the law directs. Ann Collet.
Petersburg, June 8th, 1857."
Jackson is quite dark, medium size, and well informed for one in his
condition. In Slavery, he had been "pressed hard." His hire, "ten
dollars per month " he was obliged to produce at the end of each month, no
matter how much he had been called upon to expend for "doctor bills, &c."
The woman he called mistress went by the name of Ann Colley, a widow,
living near Petersburg. " She was very quarrelsome," although a " member
of the Methodist Church." Jackson seeing that his mistress was yearly
growing " harder and harder," concluded to try and better his condition if
:possible." Having a free wife in the North, who was in the habit of
jjg THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD.
communicating with him, he was kept fully awake to the love of Freedom.
The Underground Rail Road expense the Committee gladly bore. No fur-
ther record ''of Jackson was made. Jackson found his poor old father here,
where he had resided for a number of years in a state of almost total bhnd-
ness and of course in much parental anxiety about his boys in chams. On
the arrival of Jackson, his heart overflowed with joy and gratitude not easily
described, as the old man had hardly been able to muster faith enough to
believe that he should ever look with his dim eyes upon one of his sons
in Freedom. After a day or two's tarrying, Jackson took his departure for
safer and more healthful localities,-her "British Majesty's possessions.
The old man remained only to feel more keenly than ever, the pang of
havinjr sons still toiling in hopeless servitude. , , ,,
In less than seven months after Jackson had shaken off the yoke, to the
unspeakable joy of the father, Isaac and Edmondson succeeded in following
their brother's example, and were made happy partakers of the benefits and
blessino-s of the Vigilance Committee of Philadelphia. On first meeting his
two bo"vs,at the Underground Rail Road Depot, the old man took each
one in'his arms, and as looking through a glass darkly, straining every
nerve of his almost lost sight, exclaiming, whilst hugging them closer and
closer to his bosom for some minutes, in tears of joy and wonder, My son
Isaac, is this you? my son Isaac, is this you, &c.?" The scene was calcu-
lated to awaken the deepest emotion and to bring tears to eyes not accus-
tomed to weep. Little had the old man dreamed in his days of sadness that
he should share such a feast of joy over the deliverance of his sons. But it
is in vain to attempt to picture the affecting scene at this reunion, for ha
would be impossible. Of their slave life, the records contain but a short
notice, simply as follows : i^ ^^rl-
"Isaac is twenty-eight years of age, hearty-looking, well made, dark
color and intelligent. He was owned by Mrs. Ann Colley, a widow, resid-
ing near Petersburg, Ya. Isaac and Edmondson were to have been sold
on^Ncw Year's dav ; a few days hence. How sad her disappomtment must
have been on finding them gone, may be more easily imagined than de-
scribed. . . i
Edmondson is about twenty-five, a brother of Isaac, and a smar , good-
looking young man, was owned by Mrs. Colley also. " This is just the class
of fugftivcs to make good subjects for John Bull," thought the Committee,
feelint pretty well assured that they would make good reports after haying
eiijoyXl free air in Canada for a short time, ^f f-^^' ^^^^,7,"V"^^^
en o ned upon them very earnestly " not to forget their brethren left behind
Joaning in fetters; but to prove by their industry, uprightness, economy,
?„brietv and thrift, by the remembrance of their former days of oppression
and th'eir obligations to their God, that they were worthy of the country to
^kieh they were going, and so to help break the bands of the oppressors, and
MEETING OF BLIND FATHER AND HIS SONS. 119
undo the heavy burdens of the oppressed." Similar advice was impressed
upon the minds of all travelers passing over this branch of the Underground
Rail Road. From hundreds thus admonished, letters came affording the
most gratifying evidence that the counsel of the Committee was not in
vain. The appended letter from the youngest brother, written with his
own hand, will indicate his feelings and views in Canada :
Hamilton, Canada West Mar. 1, 1858.
Mr. Still, Dear Sir : — I have taken the oppertunity to enform you yur letter carae
to hand 27th I ware glad to hear from you and yer famly i hope this letter May fine you
and the famly Well i am Well my self My Brother join me in Love to you and all the
frend. I ware sorry to hear of the death of Mrs frearaan. We all must die sune or Late
this a date we all must pay we must Perpar for the time she ware a nise lady dear sir the
all is well and san thar love to you Eraerline have Ben sick But is better at this time. I
saw the hills the war well and san thar Love to you. I war sory to hear that My
brother war sol i am glad that i did come away when i did god works all the things for
the Best he is young he may get a long in the wole May god Bless hem ef you have any
News from Petersburg Va Plas Rite me a word when you anser this Letter and ef any
person came form home Letter Me know. Please sen me one of your Paper that had the
under grands R wrod give My Love to Mr Careter and his family I am Seving with a
barber at this time he have promust to give me the trad ef i can lane it he is much of a
gentman. Mr Still sir i have writing a letter to Mr Brown of Petersburg Va Pleas reed
it and ef you think it right Plas sen it by the Mail or by hand you wall see how i have
writen it the will know how sent it by the way this writing ef the ancer it you can sen it
to Me i have tol them direc to yor care for Ed. t. Smith Philadelphia i hope it ma}^ be
right i promorst to rite to hear Please rite to me sune and let me know ef you do sen it on
write wit you did with that ma a bught the cappet Bage do not fergit to rite tal John he
mite rite to Me. I am doing as well is i can at this time but i get no wagges But my
Bord but is satfid at that thes hard time and glad that i am Hear and in good helth.
Northing More at this time yor truly Edmund Turner.
/
The same writer sent to the Corresponding Secretary the following " Wa,rri-
ing to Slave-holders." At the time these documents were received, Slave-
holders were never more defiant. The right to trample on the weak in
oppression was indisputable. " Cinnamon and odors, and ointments, and
frankincense, and wine, and oil, and fine flour and wheat, and beasts, and
sheep, and horses, and chariots, and slaves, and souls of men," slave-holders
believed doubtless were theirs by Divine Right. Little dreaming that in
less than three short years — " Therefore shall her plagues come in one day,
death, and mourning, and famine." In view of the marvelous changes
which have been wrought by the hand of the Almighty, this warning
to slave-holders from one who felt the sting of Slavery, as evincing a par-
ticular phase of simple faith and Christian charity is entitled to a place in
th&se records.
A WARNING TO SLAVE-HOLDERS.
Well may the Southern slaveholder say, that holding their Fellow men in Bondage is no
(sin, because it is their delight as the Egyptians, so do they ; but nevertheless God in his
120 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD.
own good time will bring them out by a mighty hand, as it is recorded in the sacred oracles
of truth, that Ethiopia shall soon stretch out her hands to God, speaking in the positive
(shall). And my prayer is to you, oh, slaveholder, in the name of that God who in the
beginning said. Let there be light, and there was light. Let my People go that they may
serve me; thereby good may come unto thee and to thy children's children. Slave-holder
have you seriously thouglit upon the condition yourselves, family and slaves ; have you
read where Christ has enjoined upon all his creatures to read his word, thereby tliat they
may have no excuse when coming before his judgment seat? But you say he shall not
read his word, consequently his sin will be upon your head. I think every man has ag
much as he can do to answer for his own sins. And now my dear slave-holder, who with
you are bound and fast hastening to judgment? As one that loves your soul repent ye,
therefore, and be converted, that your sins may be blotted out when the time of refresh-
ing shall come from the presence of the Lord.
In the language of the poet :
Stop, poor sinner, stop and think,
Before you further go ;
Think upon the brink of death
Of everlasting woe.
Say, have you an arm like God,
That you his will oppose?
Fear you not that iron rod
With which he breaks his foes?
Is the prayer of one that loves your souls. Edmund Turner.
N. B. The signature bears the name of one who knows and felt the sting of Slavery ;
but now, thanks be to God, I am now where the poisonous breath taints not our air, but
every one is sitting under his own vine and fig tree, where none dare to make him
ashamed or afraid. Edmund Turner, formerly of Petersburg, Va.
Hamilton, June 22d, 1858, C. W.
To Mr. Wm. Still, Dear Sir:— A favorable opportunity allbrda the pleasure of acknow-
ledging the receipt of letters and papers; certainly in this region they were highly appreci-
ated, and I hope the time may come that your kindness will be reciprocated we are al well
at present, but times continue dull. I also deeply regret the excitement recently on the
account of those slaves, you will favor me by keeping me posted upon the subject. Those
words written to slaveholder is the thought of one who had sufferd, and now I thought it
a duty incumbent upon me to cry aloud and spare not, &c., by sending these few lines
where the slaveholder may hear. You will still further oblige your humble servant also,
to correct any inaccuracy. My respects to you and your family and all inquiring friends.
Your friend and well wisher, Edmund Turner.
The then impcndiii}? jiulgmonts seen by an eye of fliith as set forth in this
" \yarninjj;," soon fell with criisliin' in-
JACOB WATERS AND ALFRED GOULD EK 135
temperate, horse racer, chicken-cock fighter and gambler. He had owned
as high as forty head of slaves, but he had gambled them all away. lie was
a doctor, circulated high amongst southerners, though he never lived
agreeably with his wife, would curse her and call her all kinds of names
that he should not call a lady. From a boy of nine up to the time I was
fifteen or sixteen, I don't reckon he whipped me less than a hundred times.
He shot at me once with a double-barrelled gun.
" What made me leave was because I worked for him all my life-time
and he never gave me but two dollars and fifteen cents in all his life. I
was hired out this year for two hundred dollars, but when I would go to
him to make complaints of hard treatment from the man I was hired to, he
would say : " G — d d n it, don't come to me, all I want is my money."
Mr. Tyler was a thin raw-boned man, with a long nose, the picture of the
president. His wife was a tolerably well-disposed woman in some instances
— she was a tall, thin-visaged woman, and stood high in the community.
Through her I fell into the hands of Tyler. At present she owns about
fifty slaves. His own slaves, spoken of as having been gambled away,
came by his father — he has been married the second time."
Twice William had been sold and bought in, on account of his master's
creditors, and for many months had been expecting to be sold again, to meet
pressing claims in the hands of the sheriff against Tyler. Hs, by the way,
"now lives in Hanover county, about eighteen miles from Richmond, and
for fear of the sheriff, makes himself very scarce in that city."
At fourteen years of age, William was sold for eight hundred dollars ; he
would have brought in 1857, probably twelve hundred and fifty dollars; he
was a member of the Baptist Church in good and regular standing.
LOUISA BROWN.
Louisa is a good-looking, well-grown, intelligent mulatto girl of sixteen
years of age, and was owned by a widow woman of Baltimore, Md. To
keep from being sold, she was prompted to try her fortune on the U. G. R. R,,
for Freedom in Canada, under the protection of the British Lion.
JACOB WATERS and ALFRED GOULDEN.
Jacob is twenty-one years of age, dark chestnut color, medium size, and
of prepossessing manners. Fled from near Frederick, Md., from the clutches
of a farmer by the name of William Dorsey, who was described as a severe
136 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD.
master, and had sold two of Jacob's sisters, South, only three years prior to
his escape. Jacob left three brothers in chains.
Alfred is twenty-three years of age, in stature quite small, full black, and
bears the marks of ill usage. Though a member of the Methodist Church,
his master, Fletcher Jackson, " thought nothing of taking the shovel to
Alfred's head ; or of knocking him, and stamping his head wdth the heels of
his boots." Repeatedly, of late, he had been shockingly beaten. To escape
those terrible visitations, therefore, he made up his mind to seek a refuge in
Canada.
ARRIVAL FROM BALTIMORE.
JEFFERSON PIPKINS, ALIAS DAVID JONES, LOUISA PIPKINS, ELIZABETH BRIT, HAR-
RIET BROWN, ALIAS JANE WOOTON, GRACY MURRY, ALIAS SOPHIA SIMS,
EDWARE WILLIAMS, ALIAS HENRY JOHNSON, CHAS. LEE, ALIAS
THOMAS BUSHIER.
Six very clever-looking passengers, all in one party from Baltimore, Md.,
the first Sunday in April, 1853. Baltimore used to be in the days of
Slavery one of the most difficult places in the South for even free colored
people to get away from, much more for slaves. The rule forbade any
colored person leaving there by rail road or steamboat, wdthout such applicant
had been weighed, measured, and then given a bond signed by unquestionable
signatures, well known. Baltimore was rigid in the extreme, and was a
never-foiling source of annoyance, trouble and expense to colored people
generally, and not unfrcquently to slave-holders too, when they were travel-
ing North with " colored servants." Just as they were ready to start, the
" Rules " would forbid colored servants until the law was complied with.
Parties hurrying on would on account of this obstruction " have to wait until
their hurry was over." As this was all done in the interest of Slavery, the
matter was not very loudly condemned. But, notwithstanding all this
weighing, measuring and requiring of bonds, many travelers by the Under-
ground Rail Road took passage from Baltimore.
The enterprising individual, whose name stands at the head of this nar-
rative, came directly from this stronghold of Slavery. The widow Ripkins
held the title deed for Jefferson. She was unfortunate in losing him, as
she was living in ease and luxury oflf of Jefferson's sweat and labor. Louisa,
Harriet and Grace owed service to Geo. Stewart of Baltimore ; Edward was
owned by Chas. Moondo, and Chas. Lee by the above Stewart.
Those who would have taken this party for stupid, or for know-nothings,
would have found themselves very much mistaken. Indeed they were far
from being dull or sleepy on the subject of Slaveiy at any rate. They had
considered pretty thoroughly how wrongfully they, with all othere in similar
circumstances, had been year in and year out subjected to unrequited tod so
SE VERAL ARRIVALS FROM DIFFERENT FLA CES. 137
resolved to leave masters and mistresses to shift for themselves, while they
would try their fortunes in Canada.
Four of the party ranged in age from twenty to twenty-eight years of
age, and the other two from thirty-seven to forty. The Committee on
whom they called, rendered them due aid and advice, and forwarded them to
the Committee in New York.
The following letter from Jefferson, appealing for assistance on behalf of
his children in Slavery, was peculiarly touching, as were all similar letters.
But the mournful thought that these appeals, sighs, tears and prayers would
continue in most cases to be made till death, that nothing could be done
directly for the deliverance of such sufferers was often as painful as the
escape from the auction block was gratifying.
LETTER FROM JEFFERSON PIPKINS.
Sept. 28, 1856.
To Wm. Still. Sir : — I take the liberty of writing to you a few lines concerning my
children, for I am very anxious to get them and I wish you to please try what you can
do for me. Their names are Charles and Patrick and are living with Mrs. Joseph G.
"Wray Murphysborough Hartford county, North Carolma; Emma lives with a Lawyer
Baker in Gatesville North Carolina and Susan lives in Portsmouth Virginia and is stop-
ping with Dr. Collins sister a Mrs. Nash you can find her out by enquiring for Dr. Collins
at the ferry boat at Portsmouth, and Rose a coloured woman at the Crawford House can
tell where she is. And I trust you will try what you think will be the best way. And
you will do me a great favour. Yours Respectfully, Jefferson Pipkins.
P. S. I am living at Yorkville near Toronto Canada West. My wife sends her best re-
spects to Mrs. Still.
SEVERAL ARRIVALS FROM DIFFERENT PLACES.
In order to economize time and space, with a view to giving an account
of as many of the travelers as possible, it seems expedient, where a number of
arrivals come in close proximity to each other, to report them briefly, under
one head.
Henry Anderson, alias "William Anderson. In outward appear-
ance Henry was uninteresting. As he asserted, and as his appearance indi-
cated, he had experienced a large share of " rugged " usage. Being far in
the South, and in the hands of a brutal " Captain of a small boat," chances
of freedom or of moderate treatment, had rarely ever presented themselves
in any aspect. On the 3d of the preceding March he was sold to a negro
trader — the thought of having to live under a trader was so terrible, he
was moved to escape, leaving his wife, to whom he had only been married
three months. Henry was twenty-five years of age, quite black and a little
below the medium size.
He fled from Beaufort, North Carolina. The system of slavery in all
138 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD.
the region of country whence Henry came, exhibited generally great bru-
tality and cruelty.
Charles Congo and wife, Margaret. Charles and his wife were
fortunate in managing to flee together. Their attachment to each other
was evidently true. They were both owned by a farmer, who went by the
name of David Stewart, and resided in Maryland. As Charles' owner did
not require their services at home, as he had more of that kind of stock than
he had use for — he hired them out to another farmer — Charles for $105
per annum; how much for the wife they could not tell. She, however,
was not blessed with good health, though she was not favored any more
on that account. Charles' affection for his wife, on seeing how hard she
had to labor when not well, aroused him to seek their freedom by flight.
He resolved to spare no pains, to give himself no rest until they were both
free. Accordingly the Underground Rail Road was sought and found.
Charles was twenty-eight, with a good head and striking face, as well as
otherwise well made; chestnut color and intelligent, though unable to read.
Left two sisters in bondage. Margaret was about the same age as her
husband, a nice-looking brown-skinned woman ; worth $500. Charles was
valued at $1200.
The atmosphere throughout the neighborhood where Charles and IMar-
garet had lived and breathed, and had their existence, was heavily oppressed
with slavery. No education for the freeman of color, much less for the
slave. The order of the day was literally, as far as colored men were con-
cerned : " No rights which white men were bound to respect."
Chaskey Brown, Wm. Henry Washington, James Alfred Frisley, and
Charles Henry Salter. Chaskey is about twenty-four years of age, quite
black, medium size, sound body and intelligent appearance, nevertheless he
resembled a " farm hand " in every particular. His master was known by
the name of Major James H. Gales, and he was the owner of a farm with
eighteen men, women and children, slaves to toil for him. The Major in
disposition was very abusive and profane, though old and grey-headed.
His wife was pretty much the same kind of a woman as he was a man ; one
who delighted in making the slaves tremble at her bidding. Chaskey was
a member of the " Still Pond church," of Kent county, Md. Often Chaskey
was made to feel the lash on his back, notwithstanding his good standing in
the church. He had a wife and one child. In escaping, he was obliged to
leave them both. Chaskey was valued at $1200.
"William Henry was about 20 years of age, and belonged to Doctor
B. Crain, of Baltimore, who hired him out to a farmer. Not relishing the
idea of having to work all his life in bondage, destitute of all privileges,
he resolved to seek a refuge in Canada. He left his mother, four sisters and
two brothers.
James is twenty-four years of age, well made, quite black and pretty
SEVERAL ARRIVALS FROM DIFFERENT PLACES. 139
I
shrewd. He too was unable to see how it was that he should be worked, and
flogged, and sold, at the [)leasure of his master and " getting nothing ;" he
" had rather work for himself." His master was a " speckled-faced — pretty
large stomach man, but was not very abuseful." He only owned one other.
V Charles Henry is about thirty years of age, of good proportion, nice-
looking and intelligent ; but to rough usage he was no stranger. To select
his own master was a privilege not allowed; privileges of all kinds were
rare with him. So he resolved to flee. Left his mother, three sisters and
I five brothers in slavery. He was a member of "Albany Chapel," at Mas-
sey's Cross Koads, and a slave of Dr. B. Crain. Charles left his wife Anna,
living near the head of Sassafras, Md. The separation was painful, as was
everything belonging to the system of Slavery.
I These were all gladly received by the Vigilance Committee, and the hand
of friendship warmly extended to them ; and the best of counsel and en-
couragement was offered ; material aid, food and clothing were also furnished
as they had need, and they were sent on their way rejoicing to Canada.
Stephen Taylor, Charles Brown, Charles Henry Hollis, and Luther
Dorsey. Stephen was a fine young man, of twenty years of age ; he
\ fled to keep from being sold. He " supposed his master wanted money."
His master was a " tall, spare-faced man, with long whiskers, very wicked
and very quick-tempered," and was known by the name of James Smithen,
of Sandy Hook, Harford county, Md. His wife was also a very "close
woman." They had four children growing up to occupy their places as op-
pressors. Stephen was not satisfied to serve either old or young masters any
longer, and made up his mind to leave the first opportunity. Before this
watchful and resolute purpose the way opened, and he soon found it compa-
ratively easy to find his way from Maryland to Pennsylvania, and likewise
into the hands of the Vigilance Committee, to whom he made known fully
the character of the place and people whence he had fled, the dangers he
was exposed to from slave-hunters, and the strong hope he cherished of
reaching free land soon. Being a young man of promise, Stephen was ad-
vised earnestly to apply liis mind to seek an education, and to use every
possible endeavor to raise himself in the scale of manhood, morally, reli-
giously and intellectually ; and he seemed to drink in the admonitions thus
given with a relish. After recruiting, and all necessary arrangements had
been made for his comfort and passage to Canada, he was duly forwarded.
"One more slave-holder is minus another slave worth at least $1200, which
is something to rejoice over," said Committee. Stephen's parents were dead;
one brother was the only near relative he left in chains.
Charles Brown was about twenty-five years of age, quite black, and
bore the marks of having been used hard, though his stout and hearty
appearance would have rendered him very desirable to a trader. He fled
from "William Wheeling, of Sandy Hook, Md. He spoke of his master as
140 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD.
a " pretty bad man/' who was " always quarreling," and " would drink,
swear and lie." Left simply because he " never got anything for his labor."
On taking his departure for Canada, he was called upon to bid adieu to his
mother and three brothers, all under the yoke. His master he describes
thus —
"His face was long, cheek-bones high, middling tall, and about twenty-six
years of age." With this specimen of humanity, Charles was very mucili
dissatisfied, and he made up his mind not to stand the burdens of Slavery a
day longer than he could safely make his way to the North. And in making
an effort to reach Canada, he was quite willing to suffer many things. So
the first chance Charles got, he started, and Providence smiled upon his
resolution ; he found himself a joyful passenger on the Underground Rail
Road, being entertained free, and receiving attentions from the Company all
along the line through to her British Majesty's boundlessly free territory
in the Canadas.
True, the thought of his mother and brothers, left in the prison house,
largely marred his joy, as it did also the Committee's, still the Committee
felt that Charles had gained his Freedom honorably, and at the same time,
had left his master a poorer, if not a wiser man, by at least $1200.
Charles Henry was a good-looking young man, only twenty years
of age, and appeared to possess double as nmch natural sense as he would
require to take care of himself. John Webster of Sandy Hook, claimed
Charles' time, body and mind, and this was what made Charles unhappy.
Uneducated as he was, he was too sensible to believe that Webster had any
God-given right to his manhood. Consequently, he left because his master
"did not treat him right." Webster was a tall man, with large black
whiskers, about forty years of age, and owned Charles' two sisters. Charles
was sorry for the fate of his sisters, but he could not help them if he re-
mained. Staying to wear the yoke, he felt would rather make it worse
instead of better for all concerned.
Luther Dorset is about nineteen years of age, rather smart, black,
■well made and well calculated for a Canadian. He was prompted to escape
purely from the desire to be "//'ge." He fled from a " very insulting
man," by the name of Edward Schriner, from the neighborhood of Sairs-
ville Mills, Frederick Co., Md. This Schriner was described as a " low
chunky man, with grum look, big mouth, etc.," and was a member of the
German Reformed Church. " Don't swear, though might as well ; he was
so bad other ways."
Luther was a member of the Methodist church at Jones Hill. Left
his father in chains ; his mother had wisely escaped to Canada years back,
when he was but a boy. Where she was then, he could not tell, but hoped
to meet her in Canada.
ARRIVAL FROM RICHMOND. 141
ARRIVAL FROM RICHMOND.
JEREMIAH W. SMITH AND WIFE JULIA.
Richmond was a city noted for its activity and enterprise in slave trade.
Several slave pens and prisons were constantly kept up to accommodate the
trade. And slave auctions were as common in Richmond as dress goods
auctions in Philadelphia ; notwithstanding this fact, strange as it may
seem, the Underground Rail Road brought away large numbers of passen-
gers from Richmond, Petersburg and Norfolk, and not a few of them lived
comparatively within a hair's breadth of the auction block. Many of those
from these localities were amongst the most intelligent and respectable
slaves in the South, and except at times when disheartened by some grave
disaster which had befallen the road, as, for instance, when some friendly
captain or conductor was discovered in aiding fugitives, many of the thinking
bondmen were daily manceuvering and watching for opportunities to escape
or aid their friends so to do. This state of things of course made the
naturally hot blood of Virginians fairly boil. They had preached long and
loudly about the contented and happy condition of the slaves, — that the
chief end of the black man was to worship and serve the white man, with
joy and delight, with more willingness and obedience indeed than he would
be expected to serve his Maker. So the slave-holders were utterly at a
loss to account for the unnatural desire on the part of the slaves to escape to
the North where they affirmed they would be far less happy in freedom than
in the hands of those so " kind and indulgent towards them." Despite all
this, daily the disposition increased, with the more intelligent slaves, to dis-
trust the statements of their masters especially when they spoke against the
North. For instance if the master was heard to curse Boston the slave was
then satisfied that Boston was just the place he would like to go to; or if
the master told the slave that the blacks in Canada were freezing and starv-
ing to death by hundreds, his hope of trying to reach Canada was made ten-
fold stronger ; he was willing to risk all the starving and freezing that the
country could afford ; his eagerness to find a conductor then would become
almost painful.
The situations of Jeremiah and Julia Smith, however, were not considered
very hard, indeed they had fared rather better than most slaves in Virginia,
nevertheless it will be seen that they desired to better their condition, to
keep oif of the auction-block at least. Jeremiah could claim to have no
mixture in his blood, as his color was of such a pure black ; but with the
way of the world, in respect to shrewdness and intelligence, he had evidently
been actively conversant. He was about twenty-six years of age, and in
stature only medium, with poor health.
The name of James Kinnard, whom he was obliged to call master and
serve, was disgusting to him. Kinnard, he said, was a "close and severe
5.J0 TirE VNDERnnOUND RAIL ROAD.
mail." At thn H:imo tiino lie was not oonsidciv.l by the coiiimnnlly "a lianl
mail." From tlio ago of liftcrn yonrs Jcirmiali had been lined oiil, for
which his owner had received from |50 to $130 per ai.mim. In coiihc-
.inciicc of his maHtcr'H (inntom of thiiH IctliiiK' «ut Jeremiah, the master had
avoided r.s' hills, ttc. For the hi-st two years prior to his escape, how-
ever, .Icicmiah's health had been very treacherous, in eonsequenec of while, (he traders even dec^lined U) buy him.
AVhil(! these troubles were presentiii};- themselves (o .Jeremiah, .Iiilia,
his wife, was still more seriously involved, which added to Jeremiah's jx-r-
plexities, of <'ourse.
Julia was of a dark brown color, of medium si/e, and thirty years of af^^o.
F<.urteen years she had been the slave ol" A. Jndson Oane, ami under him
nhe had peilbniie.! (Ik- duties of nurse, d. She
actually posscssin (J' ni-hts (o her husband, instead of bein<>; on hand at the
beck and call of her master and mistress day and ni^dit. So the very day
Jnlia and her liusbaurompted you to escape ? " was next asked. " Because times were hard
and I could not come up with my wages as I was required to do, so I
i
HON. ABRAM GALLOWAY.
iSi-ci-eto.l in a vessel lua,l,.,l «i,|, tmi„.|,tinf.,
BL OOD FLO WED FEE EL Y. 151
thought I would try and do better." At this juncture Abram explained
substantially in what sense times were hard, &g. In the first place iie was
not allowed to own himself; he, however, preferred hiring his time to serv-
ing in the usual way. This lavor was granted Abram ; but he was com-
pelled to pay $15 per month for his time, besides finding himself in clothing,
food, paying doctor bills, and a head tax of $15 a year.
Even under this master, who was a man of very good dis{)osition, Abram
was not contented. In the second place, he " always thought Slavery was
wrong," although he had " never suffered any personal abuse." Toilin<^»-
month after month the year round to support his master and not himself,
was the one intolerable thought. Abram and llichard were intimate
friends, and lived near each other. Being similarly situated, they could
venture to communicate the secret feelings of their hearts to each other.
Richard was four years older than Abram, with not quite so much Anglo-
Saxon blood in his veins, but was equally as intelligent, and was by
trade, a " fashionable barber," well-known to the ladies and gentlemen of
Wilmington. Richard owed service to Mrs. Mary Loren, a widow. " She
was very kind and tender to all her slaves." " If I was sick," said
Richard, "she would treat me the same as a mother would." She was the
owner of twenty, men, women and children, who were all hired out, except
the children too young for hire. Besides having his food, clothing and
doctor's expenses to meet, he had to pay the " very kind and tender-hearted
widow" $12.50 per month, and head tax to the State, amounting to twenty-
five cents per month. It so happened, that Richard at this time, was
involved in a matrimonial difficulty. Contrary to the laws of North Caro-
lina, he had lately married a free girl, which was an indictable offence, and
for whicli the penalty was then in soak for him — said penalty to consist of
ttiirty-nine lashes, and imprisonment at the discretion of the judge.
So Abram and Riciiard put their heads together, and resolved to try the
Underground Rail Road. They concluded that liberty was worth dying
for, and that it was their duty to strike for Freedom even if it should
cost them their lives. The next thing needed, was information about the
Underground Rail Road. Before a great while the captain of a schooner
turned up, from Wilmington, Delaware. Learning that his voyage extended to
Philadelpiiia, they souglit to find out whether this captain was true to Free-
dom. To ascertain this fact required no little address. It had to be done
in such a way, that even the captain would not really understand what they
were up to, should he be found untrue. In this instance, however, he was
the right man in the right place, and very well understood his business.
Abram and Richard made arrangements with him to bring them away;
they learned when the vessel would start, and that slie was loaded with tar,
rosin, and spirits of turpentine, amongst which the captain was to secrete
them. But here came the difficulty. In order that slaves might not be
152 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD.
secreted in vessels, the slave-holders of North Carolina had procured the
enactment of a law requiring all vessels coming North to be smoked.
To escape this dilemma, the inventive genius of Abram and Richard soon
devised a safe-guard against the smoke. This safe-guard consisted in silk
oil cloth shrouds, made large, with drawing strings, which, when pulled over
their heads, might be drawn very tightly around their waists, whilst the
process of smoking might be in operation. A bladder of water and towels
were provided, the latter to be wet and held to their nostrils, should there
be need. In this manner they had determined to struggle against death for
liberty. The hour approached for being at the wharf. At the appointed
time they were on hand ready to go on the boat; the captain secreted them,
according to agreement. They were ready to run the risk of being smoked
to deatht but as good luck would have it, the law was not carried into
effect in' this instance, so that the "smell of smoke was not upon tliem."
The effect of the turpentine, however, of the nature of which they were totally
ignorant, was worse, if possible, than the smoke would have been. The
blood was literally drawn from them at every pore in frightful quantities.
But as heroes of the bravest type they resolved to continue steadfast as long
as a pulse continued to beat, and thus they finally conquered.
The invigorating northern air and the kind treatment of the Vigilance
Committee acted like a charm upon them, and they improved very rapidly
from their exhaustive and heavy loss of blood. Desiring to retain some me-
morial of them, a member of the Committee begged one of their silk
shrouds, and likewise procured an artist to take the i)hotograph of one of
them ; which keepsakes have been valued very highly. In the regular order
of arrangements the wants of Abram and Richard were duly met by the
Committee, financially and otherwise, and they were forwarded to Canada.
After their safe arrival in Canada, Richard addressed a member of the Com-
mittee thus: __ T 1 on iQtiT
Kingston, Jul)'' 20, lb57.
]Mr William STiLL-Z)«ar Friend : -I take the opertunity of wriphting a few lines
to let you no that we air all in good health hoping thos few lines may lind you and your
family engoying the same blessing. We arived in King all saft Canada West Abram
Galway gos to work this morning at $1 75 per day and John pediford is at work for mr
peorge mink and i will opne a shop for my self in a few days My wif will send a daiig-
retipe to your cair whitch you will pleas to send on to me Richard Edons to the cair of
George Mink Kingston C W Yours with Respect, Richabd Edons.
Abram, his comrade, allied himself fiuthfully to John Bull until Uncle
Sam became involved in- the contest with the rebels. In this hour of need
Abram hastened back to North Carolina to help fight the battles of Free-
dom. How well he acted his part, we are not informed. We only know
that, after the war was over, in the reconstruction of North Carolina, Abram
was promoted to a seat in its Senate. He died in office only a few months
since. The portrait is almost a "fac-simile.'*
JOHN PETTIFOG T. 153
JOHN PETTIFOOT.
Anglo-African and Anglo-Saxon were about equally mixed in the
organization of Mr. Pettifoot. His education, with regard to books, was
quite limited. He had, however, managed to steal the art of reading and
writing, to a certain extent. Notwithstanding the Patriarchal Institution
of the South, he was to all intents and purposes a rebel at heart, conse-
quently he resolved to take a trip on the Underground Rail Road to Canada.
So, greatly to the surprise of those whom he was serving, he was one
morning inquired for in vain. No one could tell what had become of Jack
no more than if he had vanished like a ghost. Doubtless Messrs. McHcnry
and McCulloch were under the impression that newspapers and money
230ssessed great power and'could, under the circumstances, be used with entire
eifect. The following advertisement is evidence, that Jack was much needed
at the tobacco factory.
^100 Reward — For the apprehension and delivery to us of a MULATTO
MAN, named John Massenberg, or John Henry Pettifoot, who has been passing
as free, under the name of Sydney. He is about 5 feet 6 or 8 inches high, spare
made, bright, with a bushy head of hair, curled under and a small moustache.
Absconded a few days ago from our Tobacco Factory. McHenry & McCulloch.
ju 16 3t.
Jack was aware that a trap of this kind would most likely be set for him,
and that the large quantity of Anglo-Saxon blood in his veins Avould not
save him. He was aware, too, that he was the reputed son of a white gen-
tleman, who was a professional dentist, by the name of Dr. Peter Cards.
The Doctor, however, had been called away by death, so Jack could see no
hope or virtue in having a white father, although a " chivalric gentleman,"
while living, and a man of high standing amongst slave-holders. Jack was
a member of the Baptist church, too, and hoped he was a good Christian ;
but he could look for no favors from the Church, or sympathy on the score
of his being a Christian. He knew very well were it known, that he had
the love of freedom in his heart, or the idea of the Underground Rail
Road in his head, he would be regarded as having committed the " unpar-
donable sin." So Jack looked to none of these "broken reeds" in Rich-
mond in the hour of his trial, but to Him above, whom he had not seen,
and to the Underground Rail Road. He felt pretty well satisfied, that if
Providence would aid him, and he could get a conductor to put him on the
right road to Canada, he would be all right. Accordingly, he acted uji to
his best light, and thus he succeeded admirably, as the sequel shows.
"John Henry Pettifoot. John is a likely young man, quite bright
in color and in intellect also. He was the son of Peter Cards, a dentist by
profession, and a white man by complexion. As a general thing, he had
been used 'very well;' had no fault to find, except this year, being hired to
154 THE UXDERGEOUXD RAIL ROAD.
McHenry & McCulloch, tobacconists, of Petersburg, Va., whom he found
rather more oppressive than he agreed for, and supposing that he had * no
right' to work for any body for nothing, he 'picked up his bed and
walked.' His mistress had told him'that he was ^willed free,' at her death,
(jut John was not willing to wait her " motions to die."
He had a wife in Richmond, but was not allowed to visit her. He left
one sister aud a step-father in bondage. Mr. Pcttifoot reached Philadelphia
by the llichmond line of steamers, stowed away among the pots and cooking
utensils. On reaching the city, he at once surrendered himself into the hands
of the Committee, and was duly looked after by the regular acting members.
EMANUEL T. WHITE.
Emanuel was about twenty-five years of .age, with seven-eighths
of white blood in his veins, medium size, and a very smart and
likely-looking piece of property generally. He had the good fortune to
escape from Edward H. Hubbert, a ship timber merchant of Norfolk, Va.
Under Hubbert's yoke he had served only five years, having been bought
by him from a certain Aldridge Mandrey, who was described as a " very
cruel man," and would " rather fight than eat." " I have licks that will
carry me to my grave, and will be there till the flesh rots off my bones,"
said Emanuel, adding that his master was a " devil" though a member of the
Reformed ]\Ietliodist Church. But his mistress, he said, was a " right nice
little woman, and kept many licks off me." " If you said you were sick,
he would whip it out of you." From Mandrey he once fled, and was gone
two months, but was captured at Williamsburg, Va., and received a severe
flogging, and carried home. Hubbert finally sold Emanuel to a Mr. Grig-
way of Norfolk; with Emanuel Mr. G. was pretty well suited, but his wife
was not — he had "too much white blood in him" for her. Grigway and
his wife were members of the Episcopal Church.
In this unhappy condition Emanuel fi)und a conductor of the Underground
Rail Road. A secret passage was secured for him on one of the Richmond
steamers, and thus he escaped from his servitude. The Committee attended
to his wants, and forwarded him on as usual. From Syracuse, where he was
breathing quite freely under the protection of the Rev. J. W. Logucn, he
wrote the following letter :
Syracuse, July 29, 1857.
My Dear Friend, Mr. Still: — I got safe through to Syracuse, and found the house
of our friend, Mr. J. W. Loguen. Many thanks to you for your kindness to me. I wish
to say to you, dear sir, that I expect my clothes will be sent to Dr. Landa, and I wish, if
yow please, gf't them and send them to the care of Mr. Loguen, at Syracuse, for me. He
•will be in possession of my whereabouts and will send them to me. Remember me to
Mr. Landa and Miss Millen Jespan, and much to you and your family.
Truly Yours, Manual T. White.
ESCAPE OF A CHILD FOURTEEN MONTHS OLD. 155
THE ESCAPE OF A CHILD FOUETEEN MONTHS OLD.
There is found the following brief memorandum on the Records of
the Underground Rail Road Book, dated July, 1857 ;
" A little child of fourteen months old was conveyed to its mother, who
had been compelled to flee without it nearly nine months ago."
While the circumstances connected with the coming of this slave child were
deeply interesting, no further particulars than the simple notice above were
at that time recorded. Fortunately, however, letters from the good friends,
who plucked this infant from the jaws of Slavery, have been preserved to
throw light on this little one, and to show how true-hearted sympatliizers
with the Slave labored amid dangers and difficulties to save the helpless
bondman from oppression. It will be observed, that both these friends wrote
from Washington, D. C, the seat of Government, where, if Slavery was not
seen in its worst aspects, the Government in its support of Slavery appeared
in a most revolting light.
LETTER FROM " J. B."
Washington, D. C, July 12, 1857.
Deae Sir : — Some of our citizens, I am told, lately left here for Philadelphia, three of
■whom were arrested and brought back.
I beg you will inform me whether two others — (I., whose wife is in Philadelphia, was
one of them), ever reached your city.
To-morrow morning Mrs. Weems, witli her baby, will start for Philadelphia and see you
probably over night. Yours Truly, J. B.
" J. B." was not only a trusty and capable conductor of the Under-
ground Rail Road in Washington, but was also a practical laAvyer, at the
same time. His lawyer-like letter, in view of the critical nature of the case,
contained but few words, and those few naturally enough were susceptible
of more than one construction.
Doubtless those styled " our citizens," — " three of whom were arrested
and brought back," — were causing great anxiety to this corresjwndent, not
knowing how soon he might find himself implicated in the " running off,"
etc. So, while he felt it to be his duty, to still aid the child, he was deter-
mined, if the enemy intercepted his letter, he should not find much comfort
or information. The cause was safe in such careful hands. The following
letters, bearing on the same case, are also from another good conductor, who
was then living in Washington.
LETTERS FROM E. L. STEVENS.
Washington, D. C, July 8, 1857.
My Deap. Sib :— I write you now to let you know that the children of E. are yet well,
and that Mrs. Arrah Weems will start with one of them for Philadelphia to-morrow or
next day. She will be with you probably in the day train. She goes for the purpose of
jtjg THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD.
makinc an effort to redeem her last child, now in Slavery. The whole amount necessary
is raise°d, except about $300. She will take her credentials with ber and you can place
the mosi implicit reliance on her statemeuts. The story in regard to the Weems family
was published in Frederick Douglass' paper two years ago. bmce then the two middle
boys have been redeemed and there is only one left in Slavery, and he is in Alabama. The
master has agreed to take for him just what he gave. $1100. Mr. Lewis Tappan has his
"tter and the money, except the amount specified. There were about ^5UU0 raised in
England to redeem this family, and they are now all free except this one And there never
was a more excellent and worthy family than the Weems' family. I do hope, that Mrs.
W will find friends who can advance the amount required.
Truly Yours, E. L. Stevens.
Washington. D. C, July 13th, 1857.
My Friend :-Your kind letter in reply to mine about Arrah was duly received. As
she is doubtless with you before this, she will explain all. I propose that a second jour-
ney be made by her or some one else, in order to take the other. They have been a grea
burden to the good folks here and should have been at home \o.^ ere this AiTah will
explain everything. I want, however, to say a word m her behalf. I there is a
persoTin the worll, that deserves the hearty co-operation of e^^y friend o humani y^
that person is Arrah Weems, who now. after a long series of ^^If--;^"^^'"^^^^ *^, ^^
others in their struggle for their God-given rights. soUots a small amount to r deem
the last one of her own children in Slavery. Never have ^ ^^\^\;^-'^^^^ ^^
aroused in behalf of any object as in behalf of this most worthy family. /'^^ -" ^^^^
you what I have done. And I do hope, that our friends in Philadelphia and New lork
will assist her to make up the full amount required for the purchase of the boy.
After she does what she can in P., will you give her the proper direction about getting
to New York and to Mr. Tappan's? Inform him of what she has done &c.
Please write me as soon as you can as to whether she arrived safe y, &c. ^ we m your
opinion, also, as to the proposal about the other. Had you not better keep the littl one
L P. tiil the other is taken there? Inform me also where E. is, how she is getting along,
&c., who living with. &c. Yours Truly, ^ . .
In this instance, also, as in the case of "J. B.," the care and anxiety
of other souls, besides this child, crying for deliverance, weighed heavily
on the mind of Mr. Stevens, as may be inferred from certain references m
his letters. Mr. Stevens' love of humanity, and impartial freedom, even m
those dark days of Slavery, when it was both unpopular and unsafe to allow
the cries of the bondman to awaken the feeling of humanity to assist the
suffering, was constantly leading him to take sides with the oppressed and
as he appears in this correspondence, so it was his wont daily to aid the
helpless, who were all around him. Arrah Weems, who had the care of the
child, alluded to so touchingly by Mr. Stevens, had known, to her licart s
sorrow, how intensely painful it was to a mother's feelings to have her chil-
dren torn from her by a cruel master and sold. For Arrah had had a
number of children sold, and was at that very time striving diligently to
raise money to redeem the last one of them. And through such kind-
hearted friends as Mr. Stevens, the peculiar hardships of this interestmg
family of \Yeems' were brought to the knowledge of thousands of philanthro-
pists in this country and England, and liberal contributions had already
ESCAPE OF A YO UNG SLA VE MO THER. 1 57
been made by friends of the Slave on both sides of the ocean. It may now
be seen, that while this child had not been a conscious suiferer from the
wicked system of Slavery, it had been the object of very great anxiety and
suifering to several persons, who had individually perilled their own free-
dom for its redemption. This child, however, was safely brought to the
Vigilance Committee, in Philadelphia, and was duly forwarded, md friends
in New York, to its mother, in Syracuse, where she had stopped to work
and wait for her little one, left behind at the time she escaped.
ESCAPE OF A YOUNG SLAVE MOTHER.
LEFT HER LITTLE BABY-BOY, LITTLE GIRL AND HUSBAND BEHIND.
She anxiously waits their coming in Syracuse, N. Y. Not until after the
foregoing story headed, the " Escape of a Child," etc., had been put into the
hands of the printer and was in type, was the story of the mother discov-
ered, although it was among the records preserved. Under changed names,
in many instances, it has been found to be no easy matter to cull from a
great variety of letters, records and advertisements, just when wanted, all the
particulars essential to complete many of these narratives. The case of the
child, alluded to above, is a case in point. Thus, however, while it is im-
possible to introduce the mother's story in its proper place, yet, since it has
been found, it is too important and interesting to be left out. It is here
given as follows:
l^ $800 REWARD. — RAN AWAY from the subscriber on Saturday, ihr^ 30th
of August, 1856, my SERVANT WOMAN, named EMELINE CHAPMAN,
^^ about 25 years of age; quite dark, slender built, speaks short, and stammers some;
with two children, one a female about two and a half years old; the other a male, seven
or eight months old, bright color. 1 will give the above reward if they are delivered to
me in Washington. Mrs. Emily Thompson,
s23-TU, Th&stg Capitol Hill, Washington, D. C.
Eraeline Chapman, so particularly described in the " Baltimore Sun" of
the 23d of September, 1856, arrived by the regular Underground Rail Road
train from Washington. In order to escape the responsibility attached to
her original name, she adopted the name of Susan Bell. Thus for free-
dom she was willing to forego her name, her husband, and even her little
children. It was a serious sacrifice; but she had been threatened with the
auction block, and she well understood what that meant. With regard to
usage, having lived away from her owner, Emeline did not complain of
any very hard times. True, she had been kept at work very constantly,
and her owner had very faithfully received all her hire. Emeline had not
even been allowed enough of her hire to find herself in clothing, or any-
thing for the support of her two children — for these non-essentials, her
kind mistress allowed her to seek elsewhere, as best she could. Emeline's
husband was named John Henry; her little girl she called Margaret
158 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD.
Ann, and her babe she had named after its father, all with the brand of
Slavery upon them. The love of freedom, in the breast of this spirited
young Slave-wife and mother, did not extinguish the love she bore to her
husband and children, however otherwise her course, in leaving them, as siie
did, might appear. For it was just this kind of heroic and self-sacrifioin(»'
struggle, that appealed to the hearts of men and compelled attention.
The letters of Biglow and Stevens, relative to the little child, prove this
fact, and additional testimony found in the aj>pended letter from Rev. J. W.
Loguen conclusively confirms the same. Indeed, who could close his eyes
and ears to the plaintive cries of such a mother? Who could refrain from
aiding on to freedom children honored in such a heroic parent ?
Syracuse, Oct. 5, 1856.
Dear Friend Still : — I write to yon for Mrs. Susan Bell, who was at your city some
time in September last. She is from Washington city. She left her dear little children
behind (two children). She is stopping in our city, and wants to hear from her children
very ranch indeed. She wishes to know if you have heard from Mr. Biglow, of Washing-
ton city. She will remain here until she can hear from you. She feels very anxious about
her children, I will assure yon. I should have written before this, but I have been from
home much of the time since she came to our city. She wants to know if Mr. Biglow has
heard anything about her husband. If you have not written to Mr. Biglow, she wishes
you would. She sends her love to you and j^our dear family. She says that yon were
all kind to her. and she does not forget it. You will direct your letter to me, dear brother,
and I will see that she gets it.
Miss F. E, Walkins left our house yesterday for Ithaca, and other places in that part of
the State. Frederick Douglass, Wm. J. Watkins and others were with us last week;
G^rritt Smith with others. Miss Watkins is doing great good in our part of the State.
We think much indeed of her. She is such a good and glorious speaker, that we are all
charmed with her. We have had thirty-one fugitives in the last twenty-seven days; but
yon. no doubt, have had many more than that. I hope the good Lord may bless you and
spare you long to do good to the hunted and outraged among our brethren.
Yours truly, J. W. Loguex,
Agent of the Underground Kail Eoad.
SAMUEL W. JOHNSON.
ARRIVAL FROM THE "DAILY DISPATCH" OFFICE.
"Sam" was doing Slave labor at the office of the Richmond "Daily Dis-
patch," as a carrier of that tlioroughly pro-slavery sheet. "Sam " had pos-
sessed himself somehow of a knowledge of reading and writing a little, and
for the news of the day he had quite an itching ear. Also with regard to
his freedom he was quite solicitous. Being of an ambitious turn of mind, he
hired his time, for which he paid his master $175 i)er annum in regular
quarterly payments. Besides paying this amount, he iiad to find liimself in
board, clothing, and pay doctor's expenses. He had had more than one
owner in his life. The last one, however, he spoke of thus: "His name is
SAMUEL W. JOHNSON. I59
James B. Foster, of Richmond, a very hard man. He owns three more
Skives besides myself." In escaping, " Sam" was obliged to leave his wife,
who was owned by Christian Bourdon. His attachment to her, iud^i-ino-
from his frequent warm expressions of affection, was very strong. But, as
strong as it was, he felt that he could not consent to remain in slavery
any longer. " Sam" had luckily come across a copy of Uncle Tom's Cabin,
and in perusing it, all his notions with regard to " Masters and Servants,"
soon underwent an entire change, and he began to cast his eyes around him
to see how he might get his freedom. One who was thoroughly awake as
he was to the idea of being free, with a fair share of courage, could now
and then meet with the opportunity to escape by the steamers or
schooners coming North. Thus Samuel found the way open and on one of
the steamers came to Philadelphia. On arriving, he was put at once in the
charge of the Committee. While in their hands he seemed filled with as-
tonishment at his own achievements, and such spontaneous expressions as
naturally flowed from his heart thrilled and amazed his new found friends,
and abundant satisfaction was afforded, that Samuel AV^ashington Johnson
would do no discredit to his fugitive comrades in Canada. So the Com-
mittee gladly aided him on his journey.
After arriving in Canada, Samuel wrote frequently and intelligently. The
subjoined letter to his wife shows how deeply he was attached to her, and,
at the same time, what his views were of Slavery. The member of the
Committee to whom it was sent with the request, that it should be forwarded
to her, did not meet with the opportunity of doing so. A copy of it was
preserved with other Underground Rail Road documents.
LETTER FROM SAMUEL W. JOHNSON TO HIS WIFE.
My Dear Wife I now embrace this golden opportunity of writing a few Lines to in-
form you that 1 am well at present engoying good health and hope that these few lines
may find you well also My dearest wife I have Left you and now I am in a foreign land
about fourteen hundred miles from you but though my wife my thoughts are upon you
all the time My dearest Frances I hope you will remember me now gust as same as vou
did when I were there with you because my mind are with you night and day the Love
that I bear for you in my breast is greater than I thought it was if I had thought I had so
much Love for you. I dont think I ever could Left being I have escape I and has fled into
a land of freedom I can but stop and look over my past Life and say what a fool I was
for staying in bondage as Long My dear wife I dont want you to get married before ycu
send me some letters because I never shall get married until I see you again My mind
dont deceive and it appears to me as if I shall see you again at my time of writing this
letter I am.desitute of money I have not got in no business yet but when I do get into
business I shall write you and also remember you Tell my Mother and Brother and all
enquiring friends that I am now safe in free state I cant tell where I am at present but
Direct your Letters to Mr. William Still in Philadelphia and I will get them Answer
this as soon as you can if you please for if you write the same day you receive it it will
take a fortnight to reach me No more to relate at present but still remain your aflfec-
tionate husband Mr. Still please defore this piece out if you please
Bamxjel Washington Johnson;.
IGO THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD.
\yhethcr Samuel ever met with the opportunity of communicating Avitli
his wife, the writer cannot say. But of all the trials which Slaves had
to endure, the separations of husbands and wives were the most difficult
to bear up under. Although feeling keenly the loss of his wife, Samuel's
breast swelled with the thought of freedom, as will be seen from the letter
which he wrote immediately after landing in Canada:
St. Catharine, Upper Canada West.
Mr. William Still : — I am now in safety I arrived at home safe on the 11th inst at
12 o'clock M. So I hope that you will now take it upon yourself to inform me something
of that letter I left at your house that night when I left there and write me word how you
are and how is your wife I wish you may excuse this letter for I am so full that I can-
not express my mind at all I am only got $1.50 and I feel as if J had an independent
fortune but I dont want you to think that I am going to be idle because I am on free
ground and I shall always work though I am not got nothing to do at present Direct
your letter to the post ofl&ce as soon as possible.
Samuel W. Johnsox.
FAMILY FROM BALTIMORE.
Stephen Amos, alias Henry Johnson, Harriet, alias Mary Jane
Johnson (man and wife), and their four children, Ann Rebecca, Wm. H.,
Elizabeth and Mary Ellen. Doubtless, in the eyes of a Slaveholder, a more
" likely-looking " family could not readily be found in Baltimore, than the
one to be now briefly noticed. The mother and her children were owned by
a young slave-holder, who went by the name of AVilliam Giddings, and
resided in Prince George's county, Md. Harriet acknowledged, that she
had been treated "tolerably well in earlier days" for one in her condition;
but, as in so many instances in the experience of Slaves, latterly, times had
changed with her and she was compelled to serve under a new master who
oft-times treated her " very severely." On one occasion, seven years pre-|
viously, a brother of her owner for a trifling offence struck and kicked
her so brutally, that she was immediately thrown into a fit of sickness, which
lasted " all one summer " — from this she finally recovered.
On another occasion, about one year previous to her escape, she was sei;^cd
by her owner and thrust into prison to be sold. In this instance the inter-
ference of the Uncle of Harriet's master saved her from the auction block.
The young master, was under age, and at the same time under the guardian-
ship of his Uncle. The young master had early ac(piired an ardent taste
for fast horses, gambling, etc. Harriet felt, that her chances for the future
in the hands of such a brutal master could not be other than miserable.
Her husband had formerly been owned by John S. Giddings, who was said
to have been a " mild man." He had allowed Stephen (her husband) to I
buy himself, and for eighteen months prior to the flight, he had been [
FAMIL Y FROM BAL TTMORE. 161
what was called a free man. It should also be further stated in justice to
Stephen's master, that he was so disgusted with the manner in which
Stephen's wife was treated, that he went so far as to counsel Stephen to
escape with his wife and children. Here at least is one instance where a
Maryland slave-holder lends his influence to the Underground Rail Road
cause. The counsel was accepted, and the family started on their perilous
flight. And although they necessarily had manifest trials and difficulties to
discourage and beset them, they battled bravely with all these odds and
reached the Vigilance Committee safely. Harriet was a bright mulatto,
with marked features of character, and well made, with good address and
quite intelligent. She was about twenty-six years of age. The children
also were remarkably fine-looking little creatures, but too young to know
the horrors of Slavery. The Committee at once relieved them of their heavy
load of anxiety by cheering words and administering to their necessities with
regard to food, money, etc. After the family had somewhat recovered from
the fatigue and travel-worn condition in which they arrived, and were pre-
pared to resume their journey, the Committee gave them the strictest caution
with regard to avoiding slave-hunters, and also in reference to such points
on the road where they would be most in danger of going astray from a
lack of knowledge of the way. Then, with indescribable feelings of sym-
pathy, free tickets were tendered them, and they having been conducted to
the depot, were sent on their way rejoicing.
ELIJAH HILTON.
FROM EICHMOND.
After many years of hard toiling for the support of others, the yoke
pressed so heavily upon Elijah's shoulders, that he could not endure Slave
life any longer. In the hope of getting rid of his bondage, by dexterous
management and a resolute mind, which most determined and thoughtful
men exercise when undertaking to accomplish great objects, he set about
contriving to gain his freedom. In proof of Elijah's truthfulness, the adver-
tisement of Mr. R. J. Christians is here offered, as taken from a Richmond
paper, about the time that Elijah passed through Philadelphia on the Under-
ground Rail Road, in 1857.
RAN AWAY— $500 REWARD.— Left the Tobacco Factory of the sub-
scriber, on the 14th inst., on the pretence of being sick, a mulatto man, named
ELIJATI, the property of Maj. EdvvardJohnson, of Chesterfield county. He is
about 5 feet 8 or 10 inches high, spare made, bushy hair, and very gpnteel ap-
pearance ; he is supposed to be making his way North. The above reward will
be paid if delivered at my factory. Ko. J. Christians.
jy 21— ts.
From his infancy up to the hour of his escape, not a breath of free air
162 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD.
had he ever been permitted to breathe. He was first owned by Mrs. Caro-
line Johnson, " a stingy widow, the owner of about fifty slaves, and a mem-
ber of Dr. Plummer's church." Elijah, at her death, was willed to her son.
Major Johnson, who was in the United States service. Elijah spoke of
him as a "favorable man," but added, "I'd rather be free. I believe I can
treat myself better than he can or anybody else." For the last nineteen
years he had been hired out, sometimes as waiter, sometimes in a tobacco
factory, and for five years in the Coal Klines.
At the mines he was treated very brutally, but at Cornelius Hall's To-
bacco factory, the suffering he had to endure seems almost incredible. The
poor fellow, with the sears upon his person and the unmistakable earnestness
of his manner, only needed to be seen and heard to satisfy the most incre-
dulous of the truth of his story. For refusing to be flogged, one time
at Hall's Factory, the overseer, in a rage, "took up a hickory club" and
laid his head " open on each side." Overpowered and wounded, he was
stripped naked and compelled to receive three hundeed lashes, by which
lie was literally excoriated from head to foot. For six months afterwards
he was " laid up." Last year he was hired out for "one hundred and eighty
dollars," out of which he " received but five dollars." This year he brought
" one hundred and ninety dollars." Up to the time he escaped, he had re-
ceived " two dollars," and the promise of " more at Christmas." Left
brothers and sisters, all ignorant of his way of escape. The following pass
brought away by Elijah speaks for itself, and will doubtless be interesting
to some of our readers who are ignorant of what used to be Republican usages
in the "land of the Free."
Richmond, July 3d, 1857.
Permit the Bearer Elijah to pass to and from my FACTORY, to Frederick Williams,
In the Vallie,
for one month, untill 11 o'clock at night. By A. B. Wells,
R. J. Ceristian.
[Pine Apple Pactory.]
As usual, the Vigilance Committee tendered aid to Elijah, and forwarded
him on to Canada, whence he wrote back as follows:
Toronto, Canada West, July 28.
Dear friend in due respect to your humanity and nobility I now take my pen in hand
to inform you of my health I am enjoying a reasonable proportion of health at this
lime and hope when "these few lines come to hand they may find you and family the same
dear Sir I am in Toronto and are working at my ole branch of business with meny of my
friends I want you to send those to toronto to Mr Tueharts on Edward St what I have
been talking about is my Clothes I came from Richmond Va and expect my things to come
to you So when they come to you then you will send them to Jesse Tuehart Edward
St no 43.
I must close by saying I have no more at present I still remain your brother,
Elijah Hilton.
SOLOMON BRO WN AND WILLIAM HOGG, alias JOHN SMITH 163
SOLOMON BROWN.
AREIVED PEE CITY OF EICHMOND.
This candidate for Canada managed to secure a private berth on tlie steam-
ship City of liichraond. He was thus enabled to leave his old mistress,
Mary A. Ely, in Norfolk, the place of her abode, and the field of his servi-
tude. Solomon was only twenty-two years of age, rather under the medium
size, dark color, and of much natural ability. He viewed Slavery as a great
hardship, and for a length of time had been watching for an opportunity to
free himself. He had been in the habit of hiring his time of his mistress,
for which he paid ten dollars per month. This amount failed to satisfy
the mistress, as she was inclined to sell him to North Carolina, where Slave
stock, at that time, was commanding high prices. The idea of North
Carolina and a new master made Solomon rather nervous, and he was
thereby prompted to escape. On reaching the Committee he manifested
very high appreciation of the attention paid him, and after duly resting for
a day, he was sent on his way rejoicing. Seven days after leaving Phila-
delphia, he wrote back from Canada as follows:
St. Cathaeines, Feb. 20th, 1854.
Me. Still — Deae Sie : — It is with great pleasure that I have to inform yon, that I have
arrived safe in a land of freedom. Thanks to kind friends that helped me here. Thank
God that I am treading on free soil. I expect to go to work to-morrow in a steam factory.
I would like to have you, if it is not too much trouble, see Mr. Minhett, the steward on
the boat that I came out on, when he gets to Norfolk, to go to the place where my clothes
are, and bring them to you, and you direct them to the care of Rev. Hiram Wilson, St.
Catharines, Niagara District, Canada West, by rail-road via Suspension Bridge. You men-
tioned if I saw Mr. Foreman. I was to deliver a message — he is not here. I saw two
yesterday in church, from Norfolk, that I had known there. You will send my name,
James Henry, as you knew me by that name; direct my things to James Henry. My
love to your wife and children.
Yours Respectfully, Solomon Brown.
WILLIAM HOGG, alias JOHN SMITH.
TEAVELEE FROM MAETLAND.
William fled from Lewis Roberts, who followed forming in Baltimore
county, Md. In speaking of him, William gave him the character of being
a "fierce and rough man," who owned nine head of slaves. Two of Wil-
liam's sisters were held by Roberts, when he left. His excuse for running
away was, " ill-treatment." In traveling North, he walked to Columbia (in
Pennsylvania), and there took the cars for Philadelphia. The Committee
took charge of him, and having given him the usual aid, sent him hopefully
on his way. After safely reaching Canada, the thought of his wife in a land
1(34 THE UNDERGROUND RAILROAD.
of bondage, pressed so deeply upon his mind, that he was prompted to make
an etJbrt to rescue her. Tlie following letter, written on his behalf by the
Rev. 11. Wilson, indicates his feelings and wishes with regard to her :
St. Cathaeines, Canada West, 24th July, 1854.
Dear Friekd, William Still:— Your encouraging letter, to John Smith, was duly
received by him, and I am requested to write again on his behalf. His colored friend in _
Baltimore county, who would favor his designs, is Thomas Cook, whom he wishes you to
address, Baltimore post-office, care of Mr. Thomas Spicer.
He has received a letter from Thomas Cook, dated the 6th of June, but it was a long
time reaching him. He wishes you to say to Cook, that he got his letter, and that he
would like to have him call on his wife and make known to her, that he is m good health,
doing well here, and would like to have her come on as soon as she can.
As she is a free woman, there will, doubtless, be no difficulty in her coming right
throu-h He is working in the neighborhood of St. Catharines, but twelve miles from
Niagara Falls. You will please recollect to address Thomas Cook, m the care of Thomas
Spicer Baltimore Post-office. Smith's wife is at, or near the place he came from, and.
doubtless, Thomas Cook knows all about her condition and circumstances. Please write
again to John Smith, in mv care, if you please, and request Thomas Cook to do the same.
Very respectfully youra in the cause of philanthropy. Hieam Wilson.
TWO FEMALE PASSENGERS FROM MARYLAND.
As the way of travel, via the Undergroutid Rail Road, under the most
favorable circumstances, even for the sterner sex, was hard enough to test
the strongest nerves, and to try the faith of the bravest of the brave,
every woman, who won her freedom, by this perilous undertaking de-
serves commemoration. It is, therefore, a pleasure to thus transfer from
the old Record book the names of Ann Johnson and Lavina Woolfley, who
fled from ISIarvland in 1857. Their lives, however, had not been ni any
way very remarkable. Ann was tall, and of a dark chestnut color with an
intelligent countenance, and about twenty-four years of age She had hi cd
various situations as a Slave. Sometimes she was required to serve in the
kitchen, at other times she was required to toil in the fidd, with the plow,
hoe, and the like. Samuel Harrington, of Cambridge District Maryland,
was the name of the man for whose benefit Ann labored during her younger
days. She had no hesitation in saying, that he was a very ^H-^^tured
man :" he however, was a member of the "old time Methodist Chuiyh In
Slave propertv he had invested only to the extent of some five or six head
About three years previous to Ann's escape, one of her brothers fled and
went to Canada. This circumstance so enraged the owner, that he declared
he would "sell all" he owned. Accordingly Ann was soon P"t on the
auction block, and was bought by a man who went by the name of William
Moore. Moore was a married man, who, with his wife, was addicted to in-
CAPTAIN F. AND THE MA YOR OF NORFOLK. 165
temperance and carousing. Ann found that she had simply got "out
of the fire into the frying-pan." She was really at a loss to tell when
her lot was the harder, whether under the " rum drinker," or the old
time Methodist. In this state of mind she decided to leave all and go to
Canada, the refuge for the fleeing bondman. Lavina, Ann's companion,
was the wife of James Woolfley. She and her husband set out together, with
six others, and were of the party of eight who were betrayed into Dover
jail, as has already been described in tliesc pages. After figliting their
way out of the jail, they separated (for prudential reasons). The husband
of Lavina, immediately after the conflict at the jail, passed on to Canada,
leaving his wife under the protection of friends. Since that time several
mc^iths had elapsed, but of each other nothing had been known, before she
received information on her arrival at Philadelphia. The Committee was
glad to inform her, that her husband had safely passed on to Canada, and
that she would be aided on also, where they could enjoy freedom in a free
country.
CAPTAIN F. AND THE MAYOR OF NORFOLK.
TWENTY-ONE PASSENGERS SECRETED IN A BOAT, NOVEMBER, 1855.
P Captaix F. was certainly no ordinary man. Although he had been
living a sea-faring life for many years, and the marks of this calling were
plainly enough visible in his manners and speech, he was, nevertheless,
unlike the great mass of this class of men, not addicted to intemperance and
; I profanity. On the contrary, he was a man of thought, and possessed, in a
large measure, those humane traits of character which lead men to sympa-
thize with suffering humanity wherever met with.
It must be admitted, however, that the first impressions gathered from a
hasty survey of his rough and rugged appearance, his large head, large
mouth, large eyes, and heavy eye-brows, with a natural gift at keeping
^concealed the inner-workings of his mind and feelings, were not calculated
to inspire the belief, that he was fitted to be entrusted with the lives of un-
protected females, and helpless children; that he could take pleasure in
risking his own life to rescue them from the hell of Slavery; that he could
deliberately enter the enemy's domain, and with the faith of a martyr, flice
the dread slave-holder, with his Bowie-knives and revolvers — Slave-hunters,
and blood-hounds, lynchings, and penitentiaries, for humanity's sake. But
his deeds proved him to be a true friend of the Slave; whilst his skill, bra-
very, and success stamped him as one of the most daring and heroic Cap-
tains ever connected with the Underground Kail Road cause.
At the time he was doing most for humanity in rescuing bondsmen from
166 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD.
Slavery, Slave-laws were actually being the most rigidly executed. To show
mercy, in any sense, to man or woman, who might be caught assisting a poor
Slave to flee from the prison-house, was a matter not to be thought of in
Virginia. This was perfectly well understood by Captain F. ; indeed he did
not hesitate to say, that his hazardous operations might any day result in
the "sacrifice" of his life. But on this point he seemed to give himself no
more concern than he would have done to know which way the wind would
blow the next day. He had his own convictions about dying and the future,
and he declared, that he had " no fear of death," however it might come.
Still, he was not disposed to be reckless or needlessly to imperil his life, or
the lives of those he undertook to aid. Xor was he averse to receiving
compensation for his services. In Richmond, Norfolk, Petersburg, and other
places where he traded, many slaves were fully awake to their condition.
The great slave sales were the agencies that served to awaken a large number.
Then the various mechanical trades were necessarily given to the Slaves, for
the master had no taste for "greasy, northern mechanics." Then, again, the
stores had to be supplied with j^orters, draymen, etc., from the slave popula-
tion. In the hearts of many of the more intelligent amongst the slaves,
the men, as mechanics, etc., the women, as dress-makers, chamber-maids, etc., j
notwithstanding all the opposition and hard laws, the spirit of Freedom
was steadily burning. Many of the slaves were half brothers, and sisters,
cousins, nephews, and nieces to their owners, and of course " blood
would tell."
It was only necessary for the fact to be made known to a single rcliablej
and intelligent slave, that a man with a boat running North had the love o:
Freedom for all mankind in his bosom to make that man an object of the
greatest interest. If an angel had ai)peared amongst them doubtless his pre-
sence would not have inspired greater anxiety and hope than did the presence
of Captain F. The class most anxious to obtain freedom could generally
manage to acquire some means which they would willingly offer to captains
or conductors in the South for such assistance as was indis]>ensable to their
escape. Many of the slaves learned if they could manage to cross Mason
and Dixon's line, even though they might be utterly destitute and penniless,
that they would then receive aid and protection from the Vigilance Com-
mittee. Here it may be well to state that, whilst the Committee gladly
received and aided all who might come or be brought to them, they never
employed agents or captains to go into the South with a view of enticing
or running off slaves. So when ca})tains operated, they did so with the
full understanding that they alone were responsible for any failures attending
their movements.
The way is now clear to present Captain F. with his schooner lying at
the wharf in Norfolk, loading with wheat, and at the same time with twenty-
one fugitives secreted therein. While the boat was thus lying at her moor-
CAPTAIN F. AND THE MA YOR OF NORFOLK. 1G7
ing, the rumor was flying all over town tliat a number of slaves had escaped,
which created a general excitement a degree less, perhaps, than if the
citizens had been visited by an earthc^ualve. The mayor of the city with a
posse of officers with axes and long spears repaired to Captain F.'s boat.
The fearless, commander received his Honor very coolly, and as gracefully
as the circumstances would admit. The mayor gave liim to understand who
he was, and by what authority he appeared on the boat, and what he meant
to do. " Very well," replied Captain F., " here I am and this is my boat,
go ahead and search." His Honor with his deputies looked quickly around,
and then an order went forth from the mayor to "spear the wheat thoroughly."
The deputies obeyed the command with alacrity. But the spears brought
neither blood nor groans, and the sagacious mayor obviously concluded that
he was "barking up the wrong tree." But the mayor was not there for
nothing. " Take the axes and go to work," was the next order ; and the
axe was used with terrible effect by one of the deputies. The deck and other
parts of the boat were chopped and split ; no greater judgment being ex-
ercised when using the axe than when spearing the wheat ; Captain F. all
the while wearing an air of utter indifference or rather of entire composure.
Indeed every step they took proved conclusively that they were wholly
ignorant with regard to boat searching. At this point, with remarkable
shrewdness. Captain F. saw wherein he could still further confuse them by a
bold strategical move. As though about out of patience with the mayor's
blunders, the captain instantly reminded liis Honor that he had " stood still
long enough" while his boat was being "damaged, chopped up," &c. "Now
if you want to search," continued he, "give me the axe, and then point out
the spot you want opened and I will open it for you very quick." While
uttering these words he presented, as he was capable of doing, an indignant and
defiant countenance, and intimated that it mattered not where or when a man
died provided he was in the right, and as though he wished to give particularly
strong emphasis to what he was saying, he raised the axe, and brought it
down edge foremost on the deck with startling effect, at the same time
causing the splinters to fly from the boards. The mayor and his posse
seemed, if not dreadfully frightened, completely confounded, and by the time
Captain F. had again brought down his axe with increased power, demand-
ing where they would have him open, they looked as though it was time for
them to retire, and in a few minutes after they actually gave up the search
and left the boat without finding a soul. Daniel in the lions' den was not
safer than were the twenty-one passengers secreted on Captain F.'s boat.
The law had been carried out with a vengeance, but did not avail with this
skilled captain. The " five dollars" were paid for being searched, the amount
which was lawfully required of every cajitain sailing from Virginia. And
the captain steered direct for the City of Brotherly Love. The wind of
heaven favoring the good cause, he arrived safely in due time, and delivered
168 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD.
his precious freight in the vicinity of Philadelphia within the reach of the
Vigilance Committee. The names of the passengers were as follows :
Alan Tatum, Daniel Carr, Michael Vaughn, Thomas Nixon,
Frederick Nixon, Peter Petty, Nathaniel Gardener, John
Brown, Thomas Freeman, James Foster, Godfrey Scott, Willis
Wilson, Nancy Little, John Smith, Francis Haines, David
Johnson, Phillis Gault, Alice Jones, Ned Wilson, and Sarah C.
W^ii-SON, and one other, who subsequently passed on, having been
detained on account of sickness. These passengers were most "likely-
looking articles;" a number of them, doubtless, would have commanded the
very highest prices in the Richmond market. Among them were some good
mechanics — one excellent dress-maker, some " prime " waiters and chamber-
maids ; — men and women with brains, some of them evincing remarkable
intelligence and decided bravery, just the kind of passengers that gave
the greatest satisfaction to the Vigilance Committee. The interview with
these passengers was extremely interesting. Each one gave his or her
experience of Slavery, the escape, etc., in his or her own way, deeply
impressing those who had the privilege of seeing and hearing them, with
the fact of the growing spirit of Liberty, and the wonderful perception and
intelligence possessed by some of the sons of toil in the South. While all
the names of these passengers were duly entered on the Underground Rail
Road records, the number was too large, and the time they spent with the
Committee too short, in which to write out even in the briefest manner more
than a few of the narratives of this party. The following sketches, how-
ever, are important, and will, doubtless, be interesting to those at least who
were interested in the excitement which existed in Norfolk at the time of
this memorable escape:
Alan Tatum. Alan was about thirty years of age, dark, intelligent, and
of a good physical organization. For the last fourteen years he had been
owned by Lovey White, a w'idow and the owner of nine slaves, from whom
she derived a comfortable support. This slave-holding madam was a mem-
ber of the Methodist Church, and was considered in her general deportment
a " moderate slave-holder." For ten years prior to his escape, Alan had
been hiring hjs time, — for this privilege he paid his mistress, the widow,
$120 per aiHium. If he happened to be so unfortunate as to lose time
by sickness Mithin the year, he was obliged to make that uj). In
addition to these items of expenditure, he had his own clothes, etc., to find.
Although Alan had at first stated, that his mistress was "moderate," further
on in his story, as he recounted the exactions above alluded to, his tune
turned, and ho declared, that he was ])rom|)ted to leave because he disliked
his mistress; that "she was mean and without principle." Alan left three
sisters, one brother, and a daughter. The names of the sisters and brother
were as follows: Mary Ann, Rachel and William — the daughter, Mary.
Daniel Carr. Daniel was about thirty-eight years of age, dark mu-
CAPTAIN F. AND THE MA YOR OF NORFOLK. 1G9
latto, apparently of sound body, — good mind and manly. The man to
whom he had been compelled to render hard and unpaid labor and call
master, was known by the name of John C. McBolo. McBole lived at
Plymouth, North Carolina, and was in the steam-mill business. McBole
'lad bought Daniel in Portsmouth, where he had been raised, for ^1150, only
two years previously to his escape. Twice Daniel had been sold on the auc-
tion-block. A part of his life he had been treated hard. Two unsuccessful
attempts to escape were made by Daniel, after being sold to North Carolina;
for this offence, he was on one occasion stripped naked, and flogged
severely. This did not cure him. Prior to his joining Captain F.'s party,
he had fled to the swamps, and dwelt there for three months, surrounded
with wild animals and reptiles, and it was tins state of solitude that he left
directly before finding Captain F. Daniel had a wife in Portsmouth, to
whom he succeeded in paying a private visit, when, to his unspeakable joy,
he made the acquaintance of the noble Captain F., whose big heart was de-
lighted to give him a passage North. Daniel, after being sold, had been
allowed, within the two years, only one opportunity of visiting his wife ;
being thus debarred he resolved to escape. His wife, whose name was Han-
nah, had three children — slaves — their names were Sam, Dan, and " baby."
The name of the latter was unknown to him.
Michael Vaughn. Michael was about thirty-one years of age, with
superior physical proportions, and no lack of common sense. His color was
without paleness — dark and unfading, and his manly appearance was quite
striking. Michael belonged to a lady, whom he described as a " very
disagreeable woman." " For all my life I have belonged to her, but for the
last eight years I have hired my time. I paid my mistress $120 a year; a
part of the time I had to find my board and all my clothing." This was
the direct, and unequivocal testimony that jVIlchael gave of his slave life,
which was the foundation for alleging that his mistress was a " very disa-
greeable woman."
Michael left a Mafe and one child in Slavery; but they were not owned by
his mistress. Before escaping, he felt afraid to lead his companion into the
secret of his contemplated movements, as he felt, that there was no possible
way for him to do anything for her deliverance ; on the other hand, any
revelation of the matter might prove too exciting for the poor soul ; — her
name was Esther. That he did not lose his affection for her whom he was
obliged to leave so unceremoniously, is shown by the appended letter :
New Bedford, August 22d, 1855.
Dear Sir : — I send you this to inform you that I expect my wife to come that way. If
she should, you will direct her to me. When I came through your city last Fall, you
took my name in your office, which was then given you, Michael Vaughn ; since then my
name is William Brown, No. 130 Kempton street. Please give my wife and child's name to
Dr. Lundy, and tell him to attend to it for me. Her name is Esther, and the child's
name Louisa. Truly yours, William Brown.
170 THE UNDERGROUND RAILROAD.
Michael worked in a foundry. In church fellowship he was connected
with the Methodists — his mistress with the Baptists.
Thomas Nixon was about nineteen years of age, of a dark hue, and
quite intelligent. He had not much excuse to make for leaving, except, that
he was " tired of staying '^ with his " owner," as lie " feared he might
be sold some day," so he " thought " that he might as well save him the
trouble. Thomas belonged to a Mr. Bockover, a wholesale grocer. No. 12
Brewer street. Thomas left behind him his mother and three brothers.
His father was sold away when he was an infant, consequently he never saw
him. Thonias was a member of the Methodist Church ; his master was of
the same persuasion.
FEEDERick Nixon was about thirty-three years of age, and belonged
truly to the wide-awake class of slaves, as his marked physical and mental
appearance indicated. He had a more urgent excuse for escaping than
Thomas; he declared that he fled because his owner wanted "to work
him hard without allowing him any chance, and had treated him rough."
Frederick was also one of Mr. Bockover's chattels ; he left his wife, Eliza-
beth, with four children in bondage. They were living in Eatontown, North
Carolina. It had been almost one year since he had seen them. Had he
remained in Norfolk he had not the slightest prospect of being reunited to
his wife and children, as he had been already separated from them for about
three vears. This painful state of affairs only increased his desire to leave
those who were brutal enough to make such havoc in his domestic
relations.
Peter Petty was about twenty-four years of age, and wore a happy
countenance; he was a person of agreeable manners, and withal pretty
smart. He acknowledged, that he had been owned by Joseph Boukley,
Hair Inspector. Peter did not give Mr. Boukley a very good character,
however; he said, that Mr. B. was " rowdy ish in his habits, was deceitful Jind
sly, and would sell his slaves any time. Hard bondage — something like the
children of Israel," was his simple excuse for fleeing. He hired his time of
his master, for which he was compelled to pay $156 a year. When he lost
time by sickness or rainy weather, he was required to make up the deficiency,
also find his clothing. He left a wife — Lavinia — and one child, Eliza, both
slaves. I*eter communicated to his wife his secret intention to leave, and
she acquiesced in his going. He left his parents also. All his sisters and
brothers had been sold. Peter woidd have been sold too, but his owner
was under the impression, that he was " too good a Christian" to violate
the laws by running away. Peter's master was quite a devoted Methodist,
and was attached to the same Church with Peter. While on the subject of
religion, Peter was asked about the kind and character of preaching that he
had been accustomed to hear ; whereupon he gave the following graphic spe-
cimen : " Servants obey your masters; good servants make good masters;
CAPTAIN F. AND THE MAYOR OF NORFOLK. 171
wlien your mistress speaks, to you don't pout out your mouths ; when you
want to go to church ask your mistress and master," etc., etc. Peter declared,
that he had never heard but one preacher speak against slavery, and that
"one was obliged to leave suddenly for the North." He said, that a Quaker
lady spoke in meeting against Slavery one day, which resulted in an out-
break, and final breaking up of the meeting.
Phillis Gault. Phillis was a widow, about thirty years of age ; the
blood of two races flowed in about equal projjortions through her veins.
Such was her personal appearance, refinement, manners, and intelligence,
that had the facts of her slave life been unknown, she would have readily
passed for one who had possessed superior advantages. But the facts in
her history proved, that she had been made to feel very keenly the horri-
fying effects of Slavery ; not in the field, for she had never worked there ;
nor as a common drudge, for she had always been required to fill higher
spheres ; she was a dress-maker — but not without fear of the auction block.
This dreaded destiny was the motive which constrained her to escape with
the twenty others ; secreted in the hold of a vessel expressly arranged for
bringing away slaves. Death had robbed her of her husband at the time
that the fever raged so fearfully in Norfolk. This sad event deprived her
of the hope she had of being purchased by her husband, as he had intended.
She was haunted by the constant thought of again being sold, as she had
once been, and as she had witnessed the sale of her sister's four children
after the death of their mother.
Phillis was, to use her own striking expression in a state of "great
horror;" she felt, that nothing would relieve her but freedom. After having
fully pondered the prospect of her freedom and the only mode offered
by which she could escape, she consented to endure bravely whatever of
suffering and trial might fall to her lot in the undertaking — and as was the
case with thousands of others, she succeeded. She remained several days in
the family of a member of the Committee in Philadelphia, favorably impress-
ing all who saw her. As she had formed a very high opinion of Boston,
from having heard it so thoroughly reviled in Norfolk, she desired to go
there. The Committee made no objections, gave her a free ticket, etc.
From that time to the present, she has ever sustained a good Christian
character, and as an industrious, upright, and intelligent woman, she has
been and is highly respected by all who know her. The following letter is
characteristic of her :
Boston, March 22, 1858.
My Dear Sir — I received your photograph by Mr Cooper and it afforded me much
pleasure to do so i hope that these few lines may find you and your family well as it
leaves me and little Dicky at present i have no interesting news to tell you more than
there is a great revival of religion thro.ugh the land i all most forgoten to thank you for
your kindness and our little Dick he is very wild and goes to school and it is my desire
and prayer for him to grow up a useful man i wisn you would try to gain some informa-
172 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD.
tion from Norfolk and write me word how the times are there for i am afraid to write i
wish yoo would see the Doctor for me and ask him if he could carefully find out any way
that we could steal little Johny for i think to raise nine or ten hundred dollars for such a
child is outraigust just at this time i feel as if i would rather steal him than to buy him
give my kinde regards to the Dr and his family tell Miss Margret and Mrs Landy that i
would like to see them out here this summer again to have a nice time in Cambridge
Miss Walker that spent the evening with me in Cambridge sens much love to yoo and
Mrs. Landy give my kindes regards to Mrs Still and children and receive a portion for
yoo self i have no more to say at present but remain yoor respectfully.
Flaeece p. Gault.
When you write direct yoo letters Mrs. Fbjrece P. Gault, No 62 Pinkney St.
ARRIVALS FROM DIFFERENT PLACES.
MATILDA MAHONEY, — DR. J. W. PENNINGTON'S BROTHER AND SONS CAPTURED AND
CARRIED BACK.
"While many sympathized with the slave in his chains, and freely wept
over his destiny, or gave money to help buy his freedom, but few could
be found who were willing to take the risk of going into the South, and
standing face to face with Slavery, in order to conduct a panting slave to
freedom. The undertaking was too fearful to think of in most cases.
But there were instances when men and women too, moved by the love of
freedom, would ta,ke their lives in their hands, beard the lion in his den, and
nobly rescue the oppressed. Such an instance is found in the case of Ma-
tilda jMahoney, in Baltimore.
The story of Matilda must be very brief, although it is full of thrilling
interest. She was twenty-one years of age in 1854, when she escaped and
came to Philadelphia, a handsome young woman, of a light complexion,
quite refined in her manners, and in short, possessing great personal attrac-
tions. But her situation as a slave was critical, as will be seen.
Her claimant was \Vm. Rigard, of Frederick, Md., who hired her to a
Mr. Reese, in Baltimore ; in this situation her duties were general house-
work and nursing. With these labors, she was not, however, so much
dissatisfied as she was with other circumstances of a more alarming nature:
her old master was tottering on the verge of the grave, and his son, a trader
in New Orleans. These facts kept Matilda in extreme anxiety. For two
years prior to her escape, the young trader had been trying to influence his
father to let him have her for the Southern market ; but the old man had not
consented. Of course the trader knew quite well, that an " article" of her
appearance would command readily a very high price in the New Orleans
market. But Matilda's attractions had won the heart of a young man in
the North, one who had known her in Baltimore in earlier days, and this
ARRI VALS FR OM DIFFERENT FLA CES. 173
lover was willing to make desperate efforts to rescue her from her perilous
situation. Whether or not he had nerve enough to venture down to Balti-
more to accompany his intended away on the Underground Kail Road,
his presence would not have aided in the case. He had, however, a friend
who consented to go to Baltimore on this desperate mission. The friend
was James Jefferson, of Providence, R. I. With the strategy of a skilled
soldier, Mr. Jefferson hurried to the Monumental City, and almost under
the eyes of the slave-holders and slave-catchers, despite of pro-slavery
breastworks, seized his prize and speeded her away on the Underground
Railway, before her owner was made acquainted with the fact of her in-
tended escape. Ow Matilda's arrival at the station in Philadelphia, several
other passengers from different points, happened to come to hand just at that
time, and gave great solicitude and anxiety to the Committee. Among these
were a man and his wife and their four children, (noticed elsewhere), from
Maryland. Likewise an interesting and intelligent young girl who had
been almost miraculously rescued from the prison-house at Norfolk, and in
addition to these, the brother of J. Wr Pennington, D. D., with his two sons.
While it was a great gratification to have travelers coming along so fast,
and especially to observe in every countenance, determination, rare manly
and womanly bearing, with remarkable intelligence, it must be admitted,
that the acting committee felt at the same time, a very lively dread of
the slave-hunters, and were on their guard. Arrangements were made to
send the fugitives on by different trains, and in various directions. Matilda
and all the others with the exception of the father and two sons (relatives
of Dr. Pennington) successfully escaped and reached their longed-for haven
in a free land. The Penningtons, however, although pains had been taken
to apprize the Doctor of the good news of the coming of his kin, whom he
had not seen for many, many years, were captured after being in New York
some twenty-four hours. In answer to an advisory letter from the secretary
of the Committee the following from the Doctor is explicit, relative to
his wishes and feelings with regard to their being sent on to New York.
29 6th Avenue, New Yoek, May 24th, 1854.
My Deae Mr. Still :— Your kind letter of the 22d inst has come to hand and I have
to thank you for your offices of benevolence to my bone and my flesh, I have had the
pleasure of doing a little for your brother Peter, but I do not think it an offset. My
burden has been great about these brethren. I hope they have started on to me. Many
thanks, my good friend. Yours Truly.
J. W. C. Pennington.
This letter only served to intensify the deep interest which had already
been awakened for the safety of all concerned. At tlie same time also it made
the duty of the Committee clear with regard to forwarding them to N. Y.
Immediately, therefore, the Doctor's brother and sons were furnished with
free tickets and were as carefully cautioned as possible with regard to slave-
174 TEE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD.
hunters, if encountered on the road. In company with several other
Underground Rail Road passengers, under the care of an intelligent guide,
all were sent oft* in due order, looking quite as well as the most respectable
of their race from any part of the country. The Committee in New
York, with the Doctor, were on the look out of course ; thus without diffi-
culty all arrived safely in the Empire City.
It would seem that the coming of his brother and sons so overpowered
tlie Doctor that he forgot how imminent their danger was. The meeting
and interview was doubtless very joyous. Few perhaps could realize, even
in imagination, the feelings that filled their hearts, as the Doctor and his
brother reverted to their boyhood, when they were both slaves together in
Maryland ; the separation — the escape of the former many years previous —
the contrast, one elevated to the dignity of a Doctor of Divinity, a scholar
and noted clergyman, and as such well known in the United States, and
Great Britain, whilst, at the same time, his brother and kin were held in
chains, compelled to do unrequited labor, to come and go at the bidding of
another. Were not these reflections enough to incapacitate the Doctor for
the time being, for cool thought as to how he should best guard against
the enemy ? Indeed, in view of Slavery and its horrid features, the wonder
is, not that more was not done, but that any thing was done, that the victims
were not driven almost out of their senses. But time rolled on until nearly
twenty-four hours had passed, and while reposing their fiitigued and weary
limbs in bed, just before day-break, hyena-like the slave-hunters pounced
upon all three of them, and soon had them hand-cufted and hurried oft" to a
United States' Commissioner's office. Armed with the Fugitive Law, and
a strong guard of officers to carry it out, resistance would have been simply
useless. Ere the morning sun arose the sad news was borne by the telegraph
wires to all parts of the country of this awful calamity on the Underground
Rail Road.
Scarcely less painful to the Committee was the news of this accident, than
the news of a disaster, resulting in the loss of several lives, on the Camden
and Amboy Road, would have been to its managers. This was the first
accident that had ever taken place on the road after passengers had reached
the Philadelphia Committee, although, in various instances, slave-hunters
had been within a hair's breadth of their prey.
Ail that was reported respecting the arrest and return of the Doctor's
kin, so disgraceful to Christianity and civilization, is taken from the
Liberator, as follows :
ARRIVALS FROM DIFFERENT FLA CES. \ 75
THREE FUGITIVE SLAVES ARRESTED IN NEW YORK, AND GIVEN UP TO THEIR
OWNERS.
NEW VoRK, May 25th.
About three o'clock this morning, three colored men, father and two sons,
known as Jake, Bob, and Stephen Pennington, were arrested at the instance
of David Smith and Jacob Grove, of Washington Co., Md., who claimed
them as their slaves. They were taken before Commissioner Morton, of the
United States Court, and it was understood that they would be examined at
11 o'clock; instead of that, however, the case was heard at once, no persons
being present, when the claimnants testified that they were the owners of
said slaves and that they escaped from their service at Baltimore, on Sunday
last.
From what we can gather of the proceedings, the fugitives acknowledged
themselves to be slaves of Smith and Grove. The commissioner considerins:
the testimony sufficient, ordered their surrender, and they were accordingly
given up to their claimants, who hurried them off at once, and they are now
on their way to Baltimore. A telegraph despatch has been sent to Philadel-
phia, as it is understood an attempt will be made to rescue the parties, when
the cars arrive. There was no excitement around the commissioner's office,
owing to a misunderstanding as to the time of examination. The men were
traced to this city by the claimants, who made application to the United
States Court, when officers Horton and De Angeles were deputied by the
marshal to effect their arrest, and those officers, with deputy Marshal
Thompson scoured the city, and finally found them secreted in a house in
Broome St. They were brought before Commissioner Morton this morning.
No counsel appeared for the fugitives. The case being made out, the usual
affidavits of fear of rescue were made, and the warrants thereupon issued, and
the three fugitives were delivered over to the U. S. Marshal, and hurried off
to Maryland. They were a father and his two sons, father about forty-five
and sons eighteen or nineteen. TJie evidence shows them to have recently
escaped. The father is the brother of the Rev. Dr. Pennington, a highly
respected colored preacher of this city.
Xew York, May 28.
Last evening the church at the corner of Prince and Marion streets was
filled with an intelligent audience of white and colored people, to hear Dr.
Pennington relate the circumstance connected with the arrest of his brother
and nephews. He showed, that he attempted to afford his brother the assis-
tance of counsel, but was unable to do so, the officers at the Marshal's office
having deceived him In relation to the time the trial was to take place be-
fore the Commissioners. Hon. E. F. Culver next addressed the audience,
showing, that a great injustice had been done to the brother of Dr. Pen-
176 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD.
nington, and though he, up to that time, had advocated peace, he now had
the spirit to tear down the building over the Marshal's head. Intense in-
terest was manifested during the proceedings, and much sympathy in behalf
of Dr. Pennington. •
THE FUGITIVE SLAVES IN BALTIMORE.
The U. S. Marshal, A. T. Hillyer, Esq., received a dispatch this morning
from officers Horton and Dellugelis, at Baltimore, stating, that they had ar-
rived there with the three slaves, arrested here yesterday (the Peuningtons),
the owners accompanying them. The officers will return to New York, this
evening. — N. Y. Exp'ess, 27th.
New York, May 30.
The Rev. Dr. Pennington has received a letter from Mr. Grove, the claim-
ant of his brother, who was recently taken back from this city, oifering to
sell him to Dr. Pennington, should he wish to buy him, and stating, that he
would await a reply, before " selling him to the slave-drivers." Mr. Groce,
who accompanied his " sweet heart," Matilda, in the same train which con-
veyed the Penningtons to New York, had reason to apprehend danger to
all the Underground Rail Road passengers, as will appear from his sub-
joined letter:
Elmiea, May 28th.
Dear Luke : — I arrived home safe with my precious charge, and found all well. I
have just learned, that the Penningtons are taken. Had he done as I wished him he
would never have been taken. Last night our tall friend from Baltimore came, and
caused great excitement here by his information. The lady is perfectly safe now in Can-
ada. I will write you and Mr. Still as soon as I get over the excitement. This letter was
first intended for Mr. Gains, but I now send it to you. Please let me hear their move-
ments. Yours truly, ^ L. Groce.
But sadly as this blow was felt by the Vigilance Committee, it did not
cause them to relax their efforts in the least. Indeed it only served to stir]
them up to renewed diligence and watchfulness, although for a length of
time afterwards the Committee felt disposed, when sending, to avoid New
York as much as possible, and in lieu thereof, to send vid Elmira, where '
there was a depot under the agency of John W. Jones. Mr. Jones was a
true and prompt friend of the fugitive, and wide awake with regard to
Slavery and slave-holders, and slave hunters, for he had known from sad
experience in Virginia every trait of character belonging to these classes.
In the midst of the Doctor's grief, friends of the slave soon raised money
to purchase his brother, about $1,000; but the unfortunate sons were doomed
to the auction block and the far South, where, the writer has never exactly
learned.
FLEEING GIRL OF FIFTEEN IN MALE ATTIRE. 177
« FLEEING GIEL OF FIFTEEN," IN MALE ATTIRE.
PROFESSORS H. AND T. OFFER THEIR SERVICES — CAPTAINS B. ALSO ARE ENLISTED
— SLAVE-TRADER GRASPING TIGHTLY HIS PREY, BUT SHE IS RESCUED —
LONG CONFLICT, BUT GREAT TRIUMPH — ARRIVAL ON THANKSGIVING
DAY, NOV. 25, 1855.
It was the business of the Vigilance Committee, as it was clearly under-
stood by the friends of the Slave, to assist all needy fugitives, who might in
any way manage to reach Philadelphia, but, for various reasons, not to
send agents South to incite slaves to run away, or to assist them in so doing.
Sometimes, however, this rule could not altogether be conformed to. Cases,
in some instances, would appeal so loudly and forcibly to humanity, civiliza-
tion, and Christianity, that it would really seem as if the very stones
would cry out, unless something was done. As an illustration of this point,
the story of the young girl, which is now to be related, will afford the most
striking proof. At the same time it may be seen how much anxiety, care,
hazard, delay and material aid, were required in order to effect the delive-
rance of some who were in close places, and difficult of access. It will be
necessary to present a considerable amount of correspondence in this case,
to bring to light the hidden mysteries of this narrative. The first letter, in
explanation, is the following :
LETTER FEOM J. BIGELOW, ESQ.
Washington, D. C, June 27, 1854.
Mr. Wm. Still — Bear Sir : — I have to thank you for the prompt answer you had the
kindness to give to my note of 22d inst. Having found a correspondence so quick and
easy, and withal so very flattering, I address you again more fully.
The liberal appropriation for transportation has been made chiefly on account of a female
child of ten or eleven years old, for whose purchase I have been authorized to offer $700
(refused), and for whose sister I have paid $1,600, and some $1,000 for their mother, &c.
This child sleeps in the same apartment with its master and mistress, which adds to the
difficulty of removal. She is some ten or twelve miles from the city, so that really the
chief hazard will be in bringing her safely to town, and in secreting her until a few days of
storm shall have abated. All this, I think, is now provided for with entire safety.
The child has two cousins in the immediate vicinity ; a young man of some twenty-two
years of age, and his sister, of perhaps seventeen — both Slaves, but bright and clear-headed
as anybody. The young man I have seen often — the services of both seem indispensable
to the main object suggested ; but having once rendered the service, they cannot, and
ought not return to Slavery. They look for freedom as the reward of what they shall
now do.
Out of the $300, cheerfully offered for the whole enterprise, I must pay some reasonable
sum for transportation to the city and sustenance while here. It cannot be much : for the
balance, I shall give a draft, which will he promptly paid on their arrival in New York.
If I have been understood to oiTer the whole $300, it shall be paid, though I have meant
as above stated. Among the various wavs that have been suggested, has been that of
12
j^g THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD.
takmc. all of them into the car3 here ; that, I think, will be found impracticable. I find so
much°vigilance at the depot, that I would not deem it safe, though in any kmd of carnage
they might leave in safety at any time. , „ , wi.„
All the rest I leave to the experience and sagacity of the gentleman who maps out the
'""NowTwill thank you to reply to this and let me know that it reaches you in safety,
and is not put m a careless place, whereby I may be endangered ; and state also whether
all my propositions are understood and acceptable, and whether, (pretty quickly after I shall
inform you that all things are ready), the gentleman will make bis appearance ?
I live alone. My office and bed-room, &c., are at the corner of E. and 7th streets, op-
posite the east end of the General Post Office, where any one may call upon me
' It would, of course, be imprudent, that this letter, or any o her .rUten parh^ular^ be
in his pockets for fear of accident. Yours very respectfully. J. Bigelow.
While this letter clearly brought to light the situation of things, its
author, however, had scarcely begun to conceive of the numberless difficul-
ties which stood in the way of success before the work could be accom-
plished The information which Mr. Bigelow's letter contained of the
painful'situation of this young girl was submitted to different parties who
could be trusted, with a view of finding a person who might possess suffi-
cient courage to undertake to bring her away. Amongst those consulted
we two or three captains who had on former occasions done good service
in the cause. One of these captains was known in Underground Rail-Road
circles as the "powder boy."* He was willing to undertake the work,
and immediately concluded to make a visit to Washington, to see how the
"land lay" Accordingly in company with another Underground Rail
Road captlin, he reported himself one day to Mr. Bigelow with as much
assurance as if he were on an errand for an office under the government.
The impression made on Mr. Bigelow's mind may be seen from the follow-
ing letter; it may also be seen that he was fully alive to the necessity of
precautionary measures.
SECOND LETTER FROM LAWYER BIGELOW.
Washikgton. D. C. September 9th, 1855.
Me Wm. Still, Deau Sir :-I strongly hope the little matter of business so long
pendmg and about which I have written you so many times will take a move nov.
have the promise that the merchandize shall be delivered in this city to-mght. L.k so
^anvothe Promises, this also may prove a failure, though I have reason to believe tl
T.vill not I shall however know before I mail this note. In case the goods arrive here
i sh 1 hope to e voir long-talked of " Professional gentleman " m Washington, as soon
so si H - I find m'e by the enclosed card, which shall be a -t>sfactory introdu.
illZhna. You have never given me his name, nor am I anxious to know it. But
on a pw" visit made last faU to friend Wm. Wright, in Adams Co., I suppose I acci-
dentallv learned it to be a certain Dr. H-. Well, let him come.
I h:!d an interesting call a week ago from two gentlemen, masters of vessels, and
T^ad been engaged at different times in carrying powder in his boat from a powder magazine,
and from this circumstance, was familiarly called the " Powder Boy.
FLEEING GIRL OF FIFTEEN IN MALE A TTIRE. 1 79
brothers, one of whom, I understand, you know as the " powder boy." I had a little
Jight freight for them ; but not finding enough other freight to ballast their craft, they
went down the river looking for wheat, and promising to return soon. I hope to see
them often.
I hope this may find you returned from your northern trip,* as your time proposed was
out two or three days ago.
I hope if the whole particulars of Jane Johnson's case f are printed, you will send me
the copy as proposed.
I forwarded some of her things to Boston a few days ago, and had I known its import-
ance in court, I could have sent you one or two witnesses who would prove that her
freedom was intended by her before she left Washington, and that a man was engaged
here to go on to Philadelphia the same day with her to give notice there of her case,
though I think he failed to do so. It was beyond all question her purpose, before leaving
Washington and provable too, that if Wheeler should make her a free woman by takincr
her to a free state " to use it rather."
Tuesday, 11th September. The attempt was made on Sunday to forward the merchan-
dize, but failed through no fault of any of the parties that I now know of. It will be re-
peated soon, and you shall know the result.
" Whorra for Judge Kane." I feel so indignant at the man, that it is not easy to write
the foregoing sentence, and yet who is helping our cause like Kane and Douglas, not
forgetting Stringfellow. I hope soon to know that this reaches you in safety.
It often happens that light freight would be offered to Captain B., but the owners can-
not by possibility advance the amount of freight. I wish it were possible in some such
extreme cases, that after advancing all they have, some public fund should be found to pay
the balance or at least lend it.
[I wish here to caution you against the supposition that I would do any act, or say a
word towards helping servants to escape. Although I hate slavery so much, I keep my
hands clear of any such wicked or illegal act.] Yours, very truly, J. B.
Will you recollect, hereafter, that in any of my future letters, in which I may use [ ]
whatever words may be within the brackets are intended to have no signification what-
ever to you, only to blind the eyes of the uninitiated. You will fiud an example at
the close of my letter.
Up to this time the chances seemed favorable of procuring the ready services
of either of the above mentioned captains who visited Lawyer Bigek)w for
the removal of the merchandize to Philadelphia, providing the shippino-
master coidd have it in readiness to suit their convenience. But as these
captains had a number of engagements at Richmond, Petersburg, &c., it was
not deemed altogether safe to rely ujion either of them, consequently in
order to be prepared in case of an emergency, the matter was laid before two
professional gentlemen who were each occui\ving chairs in one of the medical
colleges of Philadclpliia. They were known to be true friends of the slave,
and had possessed withal some experience in Underground Rail Road
matters. Either of these professors was willing to undertake the operation,
provided arrangements could be completed in time to be carried out during
the vacation. In this hopeful, although painfully indefinite position the
* Mr. Bigelow's correspondent had been on a visit to the fugitives to Canada,
t Jane Johnson of the Passmore Williamson Slave Case.
i
jgQ THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD.
matter rom.mccl for more than a year; but the correspondence and anxiety
increased, and M'ith them disappointments and difficulties multiplied. The
hope of Freedom, however, buoyed up the heart of the young slave girl
durincthe long months of anxious waiting and daily expectation for the
hour of delivei^nce to come. Equally true and faithfu also did Mr. Bige-
low prove to the last; but at times he had some painfully dark seasons to
encounter, as may be seen from the subjoined letter :
Washington, D. C, October 6th, 1855.
Mb. Still, Deak Sik:-I regret exceedingly to learn by your favor of 4th instant^
that all things are not ready. Although 1 cannot speak of any immediate and positive
din-er [ Yet it is well known that the city is full of incendiaries]
Plrhap you are aware that any colored citizen is liable at any hour of day or n,ght
wiult any show of authority to have his house ransacked by constables, and if others d
"Ind commit the most outrageous depredations none but white witnesses can convi
hem Teh outrages are always common here, and no kind of P-P-Y ''.'Ti n
CO "ed protection only, can be considered safe. [I don't say that much liberty should not
be Xen to on^t^^^^^^ account of numerous runaways, but it don't always work or
go'.] Before advertising they go round and offer rewards to sharp colored men o per-
laps on. or two hundred dollars, to betray runaways, and having discovered their hiding-
i^lace seize them and then cheat their informers out of the money. , ■ „„
■^ [X«^I a la...aiUUn, .»nj I am an.iou, ■". 'f ^^ "^f"",*";:'! am
r.™mct or suspicion. [Be sure that the manummion is f,dl and legal] And as 1 am
cona.ct or suspicion „„„ don't lose a moment in giving me relief. The
rdTa^flCyetTr :1 s'eem^ dreadful ; do reduce it to days ,f possible, and give me
-'ire;':;;';"? ;S;irtLd. .ut wm be, [a„d . .. de,a, too ,ong, ma, be sold
"It wt'a great misunderstanding, though not your fault, that so much delay would be
necLlTy. '[I repeat again that I must have the tMng done 1^ y ^ere o. P W '
a good lawyer to draw up the deed of manumission.] ^lours iiuiy,
Great was the anxiety felt in Washington. It is certainly not too much to
say, that an equal amount of anxiety existed in Philadelphia respecting he
safety of the merchandise. At this juncture Mr. Bigelow had come to he
conclusion that it was no longer safe to write over his own name but that
he would do well to henceforth adopt the name of the renowned Quakei,
Wm. Penn, (he was worthy of it) as in the case of the following letter.
Washington, D. C, November 10th, 1855.
Devk Sib -Doctor T. presented my card last night about half past eight which I in^
BtantW recognised. I. however, soon became suspicious, and f ^^^^^ -f,"", f '.^
find the docL using your name and the well known names of Mr. McK. and Mr. W.
A „o+ TipifViPr he nor I could conjecture the object of his visit.
'1 h'e doc ^"agreeaUe and sensiWe, and doubUess a true-hearted man. He seemed to
-^:::iz:i:^^.X^;LA. -^ penis, though i -- -2-;
he did do, this morning.
FLEEING GIRL OF FIFTEEN IN 3IALE ATTIRE. 181
This morning after eight, I got your letter of the 9th, but it gives me but little enlight-
enment or satisfaction. You simply say that the doctor is a true man, which I cannot
doubt, that you thought it best we should have an interview, and that you supposed I
would meet the expenses. You informed me also that the " P. Boy " left for Richmond,
on Friday, the 2d, to be gone the length of time named m your last, I must infer that to be
ten days though in your last you, assured me that the " P. Boy " would certainly start for
this place (not Richmond) in two or three days, though the difficulty about freight might
cause delay, and the whole enterprise might not be accomplished under ten days, Ac, &c.
That time having elapsed and I having agreed to an extra iifty dollars to ensure prompt-
ness. I have scarcely left my office since, except for my hasty meals, awaiting his arrival.
You now inform me he has gone to Richmond, to be gone ten days, which will expire to-
morrow, but you do not say he will return here or to Phila., or where, at the expiration
of that time, and Dr. T. could tell me nothing whatever about him. Had he been able to tell
me that this best plan, which I have so long rested upon, would fail, or was abandoned, I
could then understand it, but he says no such thing, and you say, as you have twice be-
fore said, " ten days more."
Now, my dear sir, after this recapitulation, can you not see that I have reason for great
embarrassment? I have given assurances, both here and in New York, founded on your
assurances to me, and caused my friends in the latter place great anxiety, so much that I
have had no way to explain my own letters but by sending your last two to Mr. Tappan.
I cannot doubt, I do not, but that you wish to help me, and the cause too, for which
both of us have made many and large sacrifices with no hope of reward in this world. If
in this case I have been very urgent since September Dr. T. can give you some of my
reasons, they have not been selfish.
The whole matter is in a nutshell. Can I, in your opinion, depend on the " P. Boy,"
and when?
If he promises to come here next trip, will he come, or go to Richmond ? This I think
is the best way. Can I depend on it?
Dr. T. promised to write me some explanation and give some advice, and at first I
thought to await his letter, but on second thought concluded to tell you how I feel, as I
have done.
Will you answer my questions with some explicitness, and without delay?
I forgot to inquire of Dr. T. who is the head of your Vigilance Committee, whom I may
address concerning other and further operations ? Yours very truly, Wm. Penn.
P. S. I ought to say, that I have no doubt but there were good reasons for the P. Boy's
going to Richmond instead of W. ; hut what can they be ?
Whilst there are a score of other interesting letters, bearing on this case,
the above must suffice, to give at least, an idea of the perplexities and
dangers attending its early history. Having accomplished this end, a more
encouraging and pleasant phase of the transaction may now be introduced.
Here the difficulties, at least very many of them, vanish, yet in one respect,
the danger became most imminent. The following letter shows that the girl
had been successfully rescued from her master, and that a reward of five
hundred dollars had been offered for her.
Washington, D. C, October 12, 1855.
Mr. Wm. Still: — As yott pick tjt all the news that is sTiRRiNa, I contp.ibtjte a
FEW SCRAPS to TOUR STOCK, GGINO TO SHOW THAT THE POOR SLAVE-HOLDERS HAVE THEIR
TROUBLES AS WELL AS OTHER PEOPLE.
232 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD.
Four heavy losses on one small scrap cut from a single number of the "Sun !"
How vexatious I How provoking! On the other hand, think of the poor, timid,
breathless, FLYING CHILD OF FIFTEEN! FIVE HUNDRED DOLLARS REWARD!
Oh, for succor! To whom in all this wide land op Freedom shall she flee and
FIND safety ? Alas !— Alas !— The law points to no one I
Is she still running with bleeding feet?* Or hides she in some cold cave,
to rest and starve? "$500 reward." Yours, for the weak and the poor.
PERISH THE REWARD. ^ . "^^ ^"
Having thus succeeded in getting possession of, and secreting this fleeing
child of fifteen, as best they could, in Washington, all concerned were com-
pelled to "possess their souls in patience," until the storm had passed.
Meanwhile, the "child of fifteen" was christened "Joe Wright," and
dressed in male attire to prepare for traveling as a lad. As no oppor-
tunity had hitherto presented itself, whereby to prepare the "package" for
shipment, from Washington, neither the "powder boy" nor Dr. T.,t was
prepared to attend to the removal, at this critical moment. The emergency
of the case, however, cried loudly for aid. The other professional gentleman
(Dr. H.), was now appealed to, but his engagements in the college forbade his
absence before about Thanksgiving day, which was then six weeks off. This
fact was communicated to A¥ashington, and it being the only resource left,
the time named was necessarily acquiesced in. In the interim, "Joe" was
to perfect herself in the art of wearing pantaloons, and all other male rig.
Soon the days and weeks slid by, although at first the time for waiting
seemed long, when, according to promise. Dr. H. was in Washington, with
his horse and buggy prepared for duty. The impressions made by Dr. H.,
on William Penn's mind, at his first interview, will doubtless be interesting
to all concerned, as may be seen in the following letter :
Washington, D. C, November 26, 1855,
My Dear Sir:— A recent letter from "my friend, probably has led you to expect this
from me. He was delighted to receive yours of the 23d, stating that the boy was aU
right. He found the " Prof, gentleman" a 2)erfect gentleman; cool, quiet, thoughtful, and
perfectly competent to execute his undertaking. At the first three minutes of their mter-
view, he felt assured that all would be right. He, and all concerned, give you and that
gentleman sincere thanks for what you have done. May the blessings of Him, who cares
for the poor, be on your heads.
The especial object of this, is to inform you that there is a half dozen or so of packages
here, pressing for transportation; twice or thrice that number are also pressing, but less
60 than the others. Their aggregate means will average, say, $10 each ; besides these,
we know of a few, say three or four, able and smart, but utterly destitute, and kept so
purposely by their oppressors. For all these, we feel deeply interested; $10 each would
not be enough for the '' powder boy." Is there any fund from which a pittance could be
spared to help these poor creatures? I don't doubt but that they would honestly repay
* At the time this letter w^s written, she was then under Mr. B.'s protection in Washington, and
had to he so kept for six weeks. His question, therofore, "is she still running with bleeding feet,'
eto., was simply a precautionary step to blind any who might p.rchnnce investigate the matter.
t Dr. T. was one of the professional gentlomea alluded to above, who had expressed a willingness
to act as an ageut in the matter.
MAKIA WKEMS ESCAPING IN MAI.K ATTIKK.
FLEEING GIRL OF FIFTEEN IN MALE ATTIRE. 183
a small loan as soon as they (jould earn it. I know full well, that if you begin with such
cases, there is no boundary at which you can stop. For years, one half at least, of my
friend's time here has been gratuitously given to oases of distress among this class. He
never expects or desires to do less; he literally has the poor always with him. He knows
that it is so with you also, therefore, he only states the case, being especially anxious for
at least those to whom I have referred.
I think a small lot of hard coal might always be sold here from the vessel at a profit.
Would not a like lot of Cumberland coal always sell in Philadelphia?
My friend would be very glad to see the powder boy here again, and if he brings coal,
there are those here, who would try to help him sell.
Keply to your regular correspondent as usual. Wm. Penn.
By the presence of the Dr., confidence having been reassured that all
would be right, as well as by the " inner light," William Penn experienced
a great sense of relief. Everything having been duly arranged, the doctor's
horse and carriage stood waiting before the White House (William Penn
preferred this place as a starting point, rather than before his own office
door). It being understood that " Joe " was to act as coachman in passing
out of Washington, at this moment he was called for, and in the most
polite and natural manner, with the fleetness of a young deer, he jumped
into the carriage, took the reins and whip, whilst the doctor and William
Penn were cordially shaking hands and bidding adieu. This done, the
order was given to Joe, " drive on." Joe bravely obeyed. The faithful
horse trotted off willingly, and the doctor sat in his carriage as composed as
though he had succeeded in procuring an honorable and lucrative office
from the White House, and was returning home to tell his wife the good
news. The doctor had some knowledge of the roads, also some acquaintances
in Maryland, through which State he had to travel ; therefore, after leaving
the suburbs of Washington, the doctor took the reins in his own hands, as
he felt that he was more experienced as a driver than his young coachman.
He was also mindful of the fact, that, before reaching Pennsylvania, his
faithful beast would need feeding several times, and that they consequently
would be obliged to pass one or two nights at least in Maryland, either at
a tavern or farm-house.
In reflecting upon the matter, it occurred to the doctor, that in earlier
days, he had been quite intimately acquainted with a farmer and his family
(who were slave-holders), in Maryland, and that he would about reach their
house at the end of the first day's journey. He concluded that he could
do no better than to renew his acquaintance with his old friends on this
occasion. After a very successful day's travel, night came on, and the
doctor was safely at the farmer's door with his carriage and waiter boy;
the doctor was readily recognized by the farmer and his family, who seemed
glad to see him; indeed, they made quite a "fuss" over him. As a matter
of strategy, the doctor made quite a "fuss" over them in return; nevertheless,
he did not fail to assume airs of importance, which were calculated to lead
;jg4 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD.
them to think that he had grown older and wiser than when they knew him
in his younger days. In casually referring to the manner of his traveling,
he alluded to the fact, that he was not very well, and as it had been a
considerable length of time since he had been through that part of the
country, he thought that the drive would do him good, and especially the
si-ht of old familiar places and people. The farmer and his family felt
themselves exceedingly honored by the visit from the distinguished doctor,
and manifested a marked willingness to spare no pains to render his nights
lod'i-ing in every way comfortable.
The Dr. being an educated and intelligent gentleman, well posted on other
questions besides medicine, could freely talk about forming in all its
branches, and "niggers" too, in an emergency, so the evening passed oflf
ple^isantly with the Dr. in the parlor, and " Joe " in the kitchen. The Dr.,
however, had given " Joe " precept upon precept, " here a little, and there a
little," as to how he should act in the presence of master white people, or
slave' colored people, and thus he was prepared to act his part with due ex-
actness. Before the evening grew late, the Dr., fearing some accident, inti-
mated, that he was feeling a "little languid," and therefore thought that he
had better " retire." Furthermore he added, that he was " liable to vertigo,
when not quite well, and for this reason he must have his boy " Joe " sleep
in the room with him. " Simply give him a bed quilt and he will flire well
enough in one corner of the room," said the Dr. The proposal was
readily acceded to, and carried into effect by the accommodating host. The
Dr. was soon in bed, sleeping soundly, and " Joe," in his new coat and
pants, wrapped up in the bed quilt, in a corner of the room quite com-
fortably.
The next morning the Dr. arose at as early an hour as was prudent tor^ a
gentleman of his position, and feeling refreshed, partook of a good breaR-
fast, and was ready, with his boy, " Joe," to prosecute their journey. Face,
eyes, hope, and steps, were set as flint, Pennsylvania-ward. What time the
followincr day or night thev crossed Mason and Dixon's line is not recorded
on th(^ Underground Rail Road books, but at four o'clock on Thanksgiving
Day, the Dr. safely landed the " fleeing girl of fifteen " at the residence of
the writer in Philadelphia. On delivering up his charge, the Dr. simply
remarked to the writer's wife, " I wish to leave this young lad with you a
short while, and I will call and see further about him." Without further
explanation, lie stepped into his carriage and hurried away, evidently
anxious to report himself to his wife, in order to relieve her mind of a
great weight of anxiety on his account. The writer, who happened to be
absent from home when the Dr. called, returned soon afterwards. " The
Dr. ha.s been here" (he was the family physician), "and left this 'young
lad,' and said, that he would call again and see about him," said Mrs. b.
The " young lad" was sitting quite composedly in the dining-room, with his
FLEEING GIRL OF FIFTEEN IN MALE ATTIRE. 185
cap ou. The writer turned to him and inquired, "I suppose you are
the person that the Dr. went to Washington after, are you not ?" " No "
said " Joe." " Where are you from then?" was the next question. "From
York, sir." " From Yorlv ? Wliy then did the Dr. bring you here ?" was
the next query, " the Dr. went expressly to Washington after a young girl,
who was to be brought away dressed up as a boy, and I took you to be the
person." Without replying " the lad " arose and walked out of the house.
The querist, somewhat mystified, followed him, and then when the two
were alone, ^' the lad " said, " I am the one the Dr. went after." After con-
gratulating her, the writer asked why she had said, that she was not from
Washington, but from York. She explained, that the Dr. had strictly
charged her not to own to any person, except the writer, that she was from
Washington, but from York. As there were persons present (wife, hired
girl, and a fugitive woman), when the questions were put to her, she felt
that it would be a violation of her pledge to answer in the affirmative.
Before this examination, neither of the individuals present for a moment en-
tertained the slightest doubt but that she was a " lad," so well had she
acted her part in every particular. She was dressed in a new suit, which
fitted her quite nicely, and with her unusual amount of common sense, she
appeared to be in no respect lacking. To send off a prize so rare and re-
markable, as she was, without affording some of the stockholders and
managers of the Road the pleasure of seeing her, was not to be thought of.
In addition to the Vigilance Committee, quite a number of persons were in-
vited to see her, and were greatly astonished. Indeed it was difficult to
realize, that she was not a boy, even after becoming acquainted with the
facts in the case.
The following is an exact account of this case, as taken from the Under-
ground Rail Road records :
"Thanksgiving Day, Nov., 1855.
Arrived, Ann Maria Weems, a/ia.s 'Joe Wright,' alias 'Ellen Capron,'
from Washington, through the aid of Dr. H. She is about fifteen years of
age, bright mulatto, well grown, smart and good-looking. For the last three
years, or about that length of time, she has been owned by Charles M. Price,
a negro trader, of Rockville, Maryland. Mr. P. was given to 'intempe-
rance,' to a very great extent, and gross 'profanity.' He buys and sells
many slaves in the course of the year. ' His wife is cross and peevish.'
She used to take great pleasure in 'torturing' one ' little slave boy.' He
was the son of his master (and was owned by him) ; this was the chief cause
of the mistress' spite."
Ann Maria had always desired her freedom from childhood, and although
not thirteen, when first advised to escape, she received the suggestion with-
out hesitation, and ever after that time waited almost daily, for more thau
jgg THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD.
two years, tlie chance to flee. Her friends were, of course, to aid her, and
make arrangements for her escape. Her owner, fearing that she m.ght es-
cape, for a long time compelled her to sleep in the chamber with her master
and mistress;" indeed she was so kept until about three weeks before she
fled. She left her parents living in Washington. Three of her brothers had
been sold South from their parents. Her mother had been purchased for
$1,000, and one of her sisters for $1,600 for freedom. Before Ann Maria
was thirteen years of age $700 was offered for her by a friend, who
desired to procure her freedom, but the offer was promptly refused as were
succeeding ones repeatedly made. The only chance of procuring her free-
dom, depended upon getting her away on the Underground Rail Road. She
^vas neatly attired in male habiliments, and in that manner came all the way
from Washington. After passing two or three days with her new friends in
Philadelphia, she was sent on (in male attire) to Lewis Tappan, of Jsew
York, who had likewise been deeply interested in her case from the be-
ginning, and who held himself ready, as was understood, to cash a draft lor
three hundred dollars to compensate the man who might risk his own liberty
in bringing her on from Washington. After having arrived safely in New
York, she found a home and kind friends in the family of the Rev. A. N
Freeman, and received quite an ovation characteristic of an Underground
Rail Road. , , . , /. ^i r • j
After having received many tokens of esteem and kindness from the friends
of the slave in New York and Brooklyn, she was carefully forwarded on to
Canada, to be educated at the " Buxton Settlement." ^
An interesting letter, however, from the mother of Ann Maria, conveying
the intelligence of her late great struggle and anxiety in laboring to free her
last child from Slavery is too important to be omitted, and hence is inserted
in connection with this narrative.
LETTER FROM THE MOTHER.
Washington, D. C, September 19th, 1857.
Wm. Stili. Esq., Philadelphia, Pa. Sik :-I have just sent for my son Augustus ia
Akbla I Lave sent elevei hundred dollars which pays for h.s body and some thirty
tl a s to pay his fare to Washington. I borrowed one hundred and -gbty doUars
make out the eleven hundred dollars. I was not very successful m Syracuse I olected
only twelve dollars, and in Rochester only two dollars. I did not know that he season
was'so unpropitious. The wealthy had all gone to the spnngs. /'^^^^ .^/-J^;
turned by thi time. I hope you will exert yourself and help me get a part ot the mon y
I owe at least I am obHged to pay it by the 12th of next month. I was unwell when
IreTurned through PhJelphia.'or I should have called. I had been from home five
""'My'son Augustus is the last of the family in Slavery. I feel rejoiced that he is soon to
be free and with me. and of course feel the greatest solicitude about raasmg the one hun-
dred and eighty dollars I have borrowed of a kind friend, or who has borrowed it for me
at bank. I hope and pray you will help me as far as possible. Tell Mr. Douglass to re-
member me, and if he can, to interesl his friends for me.
FLEEING QIRL OF FIFTEEN IN MALE ATTIRE. 187
You will recollect that five hundred dollars of our money was taken to buy the sister of
Henry H. Garnett's wife. Had I been able to command this I should not be necessitated
to ask the favors and indulgences I do.
I am expecting daily the return of Augustus, and may Heaven grant him a safe deliv-
erance and smile propitiously upon you and all kind friends who have aided in his return
to me.
Be pleased to remember me to friends, and accept yourself the blessing and prayers
of your dear friend, Earro Weems.
P. S. Direct your letter to E. L. Stevens, in Duff Green's Row, Capitol Hill, Washing-
'°°'^-''- ■ , E.W.
That William Penn who worked so faithfully for two years for the
deliverance of Ann Maria may not appear to have been devoting all his
time and sympathy towards this single object it seems expedient that two or
three additional letters, proposing certain grand Underground Rail Road
plans, should have a place here. For this purpose, therefore, the following
letters are subjoined.
LETTERS FEOM WILLIAM PENN.
Washington, D. C, Oct. 3, 1851
Dear Sir : — I address you to-day chiefly at the suggestion of the Lady who will hand
you my letter, and who is a resident of your city.
After stating to you, that the case about which I have previously written, remains just
as it was when I wrote last — full of difficulty — I thought 1 would call your attention to
another enterprise ; it is this : to find a man with a large heart for doing good to the op-
pressed, who will come to Washington to live, and who will lualk out to Penri'a., or a
part of the way there, once or twice a week. He will find parties who will pay him for
doing so. Parties of say, two, three, five or so, who will pay him at least $5 each, for the
privilege of following him, but will never speak to him ; but will keep just in sight of hira
and obey any sign he may give ; say, he takes off his hat and scratches his head as a
sign for them to go to some barn or wood to rest, &o. No living being shall be found to
say he ever spoke to them. A white man would be best, and then even parties led out by
him could not, if they would, testify to any understanding or anything else against a white
man. I think he might make a good living at it. Can it not be done ?
If one or two safe stopping-places could be found on the way — such as a barn or shed,
they could walk quite safely all night and then sleep all day — about two, or easily three
nights would convey them to a place of safety. The traveler might be a peddler or huck-
ster, with an old horse and cart, and bring us in eggs and butter if he pleases.
Let him once plan out his route, and he might then take ten or a dozen at a time, and
they are often able and willing to pay $10 a piece.
I have a hard case now on hand ; a brother and sister 23 to 25 years old, whose mother
lives in your city. They are cruelly treated; they want to go, they ought to go ; but they
are utterly destitute. Can nothing be done for such cases? If you can think of anything
let me know it. I suppose you know me ?
I
Washington, D. C, April 3, 1856.
Dear Sir : — I sent you the recent law of Virginia, under which all vessels are to be
searched for fugitives within the waters of that State.
It was long ago suggested by a sagacious friend, that the " powder boy " might find a
188 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD.
better port in the Chesapeake baj', or in the Patuxent river to communicate with this vi-
cinity, than by entering the Potomac river, even were there no such law.
Suppose he opens a trade with some place south-west of Annapolis, 25 or 30 miles from
here, or less. He might carry wood, oysters, &c., and all his customers from this vicinity
might travel in that direction without any of the suspicions that might attend their jour-
neyings towards this city. In this way, doubtless, a good business might be carried on
without interruption or competition, and provided the plan was conducted without affecting
the inhabitants along that shore, no suspicion would arise as to the manner or magnitude
of his business operations. How does this strike you ? What does the " powder boy "
think of it ?
I heretofore intimated & pressing necessity on the part of several females — they are va-
riously situated — two have children, say a couple each ; some have none — of the latter,
one can raise $50, another, say 30 or 40 dollars — another who was gazetted last August
(a copy sent you), can raise, through her friends, 20 or 30 dollars, &c., &c. None of these
can walk so far or so fast as scores of men that are constantly leaving. I cannot shake off
my anxiety for these poor creatures. Can you think of anything for any of these? Ad-
dress your other correspondent in answer to this at your leisure. Yours,
Wm. Penn.
P. S. — April 3d. Since writing the above, I have received yours of 31st. I am re-
joiced to hear that business is so successful and prosperous — may it continue till the article
shall cease to be merchandize.
I spoke in my last letter of the departure of a " few friends." I have since heard of
their good health in Penn'a. Probably you may have seen them.
In reference to the expedition of which you think you can "hold out some little encour-
agement," I will barely remark, that I shall be glad, if it is undertaken, to have all the
notice of the time and manner that is possible, so as to make ready.
A friend of mine says, anthracite coal will always pay here from Philadelphia, and
thinks a small vessel might run often — that she never would be searched in the Potomac,
unless she went outside.
You advise caution towards Mr. P. I am precisely of your opinion about him, that he
is a " queer stick," and while I advised him carefully in reference to his own under-
takings, I took no counsel of him concerning mine. Y''ours,
W. P.
Washington, D. C, April 23d, 1856.
Deae Sir: — I have to thank you for your last two encouraging letters of 31st of March
and 7th April. I have seen nothing in the papers to interest you, and having bad health
and a press of other engagements, I have neglected to write you.
Enclosed is a list of persons referred to in my last letter, all most anxious to travel — all
meritorious. In some of these I feel an especial interest for what they have done to help
others in distress.
I suggest for yours and the " powder boy's" consideration the following plan : that he
shall take in coal for Washington and come directly here — sell his coal and go to George-
town for freight, and wait for it. If any fancy articles are sent on board, I understand he
has a place to put them in, and if he has I suggest that he lies still, still waiting for
freight till the first anxiety is over. Vessels that have just left are the ones that will be
inquired after, and perhaps chased. If he lays still a day or two all suspicion will be pre-
vented. If there shall be occasion to refer to any of them hereafter, it may be by their
numbers in the list.
The family — 5 to 11 — will be missed and inquired after soon and urgently; 12 and 13 will
also be soon missed, but none of the others.
JOHN UENBY HILL.
Page 189.
FIVE YEARS AND ONE MONTH SECRETED. 189
If all this can be done, some little time or notice must be had to get them all ready.
They tell me they can pay the sums marked to their names. The aggregate is small, but
as i told you, they are poor. Let me hear from you when convenient.
Truly Yours, Wm. Penn.
1. A woman, may be 40 years old, $40.00
2. " " 40 " with 3 children, say 4, 6, and 8,* 15.00
3. A sister of the above, younger 10.00
4. A very genteel mulatto girl about 22 25.00
6. A woman, say 45, "1 These are all one
6. A daughter, 18, | family, either of
7. A son, 1(3, them leaving
8. A son, 14, j- alone, they think,
9. A daughter, 12, | would cause the
10. A son, say 22, | balance to be sold.
11. A man, the Uncle, 40, J
12. A very genteel mulatto girl, say 23 25.00
13. " " " " 24 25.00
50.00
FIVE YEARS AND ONE MONTH SECRETED.
JOH:^ HEJfRY, HEZEKIAH, AND JAJIES HILL. — JOHN MAKES A DESPERATE RESISTANCE
AT THE SLAVE AUCTION AND ESCAPES AFTER BEING SECRETED NINE MONTHS,
HEZEKIAH ESCAPED FROM A TRADER AND WAS SECRETED THIRTEEN M0NTH3
BEFORE HIS FINAL DELIVERANCE. — JAMES WAS SECRETED THREE YEARS
IN A PLACE OF GREAT BUFFERING, AND ESCAPED. IN ALL FIVE
YEARS AND ONE MONTH.
Many letters from John Henry show how incessantly his mind ran out
towards the oppressed, and the remarkable intelligence and ability he dis-
played with the pen, considering that he had no chance to acquire book
knowledge. After having fled for refuge to Canada and having become a
partaker of impartial freedom under the government of Great Britain, to
^ many it seemed that the fugitive should be perfectly satisfied. Many ap-
peared to think that the fugitive, having secured freedom, had bat little
occasion for anxiety or care, even for his nearest kin. " Change your
name." '^ Never tell any one how you escaped." " Never let any one know
where you came from." " Never think of writing back, not even to your
wife; you can do your kin no good, but may do them harm by writing."
" Take care of yourself" " You are free, well, be satisfied then." " It will
do you no good to fret about your wife and children; that will not get
them out of Slavery." Such was the advice often given to the fugitive.
Men who had been slaves themselves, and some who had aided in the escape
of individuals, sometimes urged these sentiments on men and women whose
hearts were almost breaking over the thought that their dearest and best
friends were in chains in the prison-house. Perhaps it was thoughtlessness
* The children might be left behind.
J 90 TUE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD.
on the part of some, and a wish to inspire due cautiousness on the part of
others, that prompted this advice. Doubtless some did soon forget their
friends. They saw no way by which they could readily communicate with
them. Perhaps Slavery had dealt with them so cruelly, that little hope or
aspiration was left in them.
It was, however, one of the most gratifying facts connected with the fugi-
tives, the strong love and attachment that they constantly expressed for their
relatives left in the South; the undying faith they had in God as evinced
by their touching appeals on behalf of their fellow-slaves. But few probably
are aware how deeply these feelings were cherished in the breasts of this people.
Forty, fifty, or sixty years, in some instances elapsed, but this ardent sympa-
thy and love continued warm and unwavering as ever. Children left to the
cruel mercy of slave-holders, could never be forgotten. Brothers and sisters
could not refrain from weeping over the remembrance of their separation on
the auction block : of having seen innocent children, feeble and defenceless wo-
men in the grasp of a merciless tyrant, pleading, groaning, and crymg m vam
for pity Not to remember those thus bruised and mangled, it would seem
alike unnatural, and impossible. Therefore it is a source of great satisfoc-
tion to be able, in relating these heroic escapes, to present the evidences ot
the strong affections of this greatly oppressed race.
John Hexry never forgot those with whom he had been a fellow-suffeiv^r
in Slavery; he was always fully awake to their wrongs, and longed to be
doing something to aid and encourage such as were striving to get their
Freedom. He wrote many letters in behalf of others, as well as for himse f,
the tone of which, was always marked by the most zealous devotion to the
slave, a high sense of the value of Freedom, and unshaken confidence that
God was on the side of the oppressed, and a strong hope, that the day was
not far distant, when the slave power would be " suddenly broken and that
without remedy." , . , , ^,
Notwithstanding the literary imperfections of these letters, they ai^
deemed well suited to these pages Of course, slaves were not allowed book
learning. Virginia even imprisoned white women for teachmg free colored
children the alphabet. AYho has forgotten the imprisonment of Mrs.
Douglass for this offense? In view of these facts, no apology is needed on
account of Hill's grammar and spelling. , , , .i + f^
In these letters, may be seen, how much liberty was valued how the tas e
of Freedom moved the pen of the slave; how the thought of fellow-boml-
men, under the heel of the slave-holder, aroused the spirit of indignation
and wrath; how importunately appeals were made for help from man and
from God; how much joy was felt at the arrival of a fugitive and the
intense sadness experienced over the news of a fivilure or capture ot a slave.
Not only are the feelings of John Henry Hill represented m th^se epistle ,
but the feelings of veiy many others amongst the intelligent fugitives
I
FIVE YEARS AND ONE MONTH SECRETED. 191
over the country are also represented to the letter. It is more with a view
of doing justice to a brave, intelligent class, whom the public are ignorant
of, than merely to give special prominence to John and his relatives as
individuals, that these letters are given.
ESCAPE OF JOHN HENRY HILL FROM THE SLAVE AUCTION IN RICHMOND, ON THE
FIRST DAY OF JANUARY, 1853.
John Henry at that time, was a little turned of twenty-five years of
age, full six feet high, and remarkably well proportioned in every respect.
He was rather of a brown color, with marked intellectual features. John
was by trade, a carpenter, and was considered a competent workman. The
year previous to his escape, he hired his time, for which he paid his owner
^150. This amount John had fully settled up the last day of the year.
As he was a young man of steady habits, a husband and father, and withal
an ardent lover of Liberty; his owner, John Mitchell, evidently observed
these traits in his character, and concluded that he was a dangerous piece
of property to keep ; that his worth in money could be more easily manao-ed
than the man. Consequently, his master unceremoniously, without inti-
mating in any way to John, that he was to be sold, took him to Richmond,
on the first day of January (the great annual sale day), and directly to the
slave-auction. Just as John was being taken into the building, he^was in-
vited to submit to hand-cuffs. As the thought flashed upon his mind that
he was about to be sold on the auction-block, he grew terribly desperate.
" Liberty or death " was the watchword of that awful moment. In the
twinkling of an eye, he turned on his enemies, with his fist, knife, and feet,
so tiger-like, that he actually put four or five men to flight, his master
among the number. His enemies thus suddenly baffled, John wheeled,
and, as if assisted by an angel, strange as it may appear, was soon out of
sight of his pursuers, and securely hid away. This was the last hour of
John Henry's slave life, but not, however, of his struggles and sufferings
for freedom, for before a final chance to escape presented itself, nine months
elapsed. The mystery as to where, and how he fared, the following account,
in his own words, must explain —
Nine months I was trying to get away. I was secreted for a long time in a kitchen of
a merchant near the corner of Franklyn and 7th streets, at Richmond, where I was well
taken care of, by a lady friend of my mother. When I got Tired of staving in that place,
I wrote myself a pass to pass myself to Petersburg, here I stopped with^'a very prominent
Colored person, who was a friend to Freedom stayed here until two white fripnds told
other friends if I was in the city to tell me to go at once, and stand not upon the order of
going, because they had hard a plot. I wrot a pass, started for Richmond, Reached
Manchester, got off the Cars walked into Richmond, once more got back into the same old
Den Stayed here from the 16th of Aug. to 12th Sept. On the 11th ot Sept. 8 o'clock
R. M. a message came to me that there had been a State Room taken on the steamer
City of Richmond for my benefit, and I assured the party that it would be occupied if
192 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD.
God be willing. Before 10 o'clock the next morning, on the 12th, a beautiful Sept. day, I
arose early, wrote my pass for Norfoll: left my old Den with a many a good bye, turned
out the back way to 7th St., thence to Main, down Main behind 4 night waich to old
Rockett's and after about 20 minutes of delay I succeed in Reaching the State Room.
My Conductor was very much Excited, but 1 felt as Composed as 1 do at this moment,
for I had started from my Den that morning for Liberty or for Death providing myself
with a Brace of Pistels. Yours truly J. H. Hill.
A private berth was procured for him on the steamship City of Rich-
mond, for the amount of $125, and thus he was brought on safely to Phila-
delphia. While in the city, he enjoyed the hospitalities of the Vigilance
Committee, and the greetings of a number of friends, during the several
days of his sojourn. The thought of his wife, and two children, left in
Petersburg, however, naturally caused him much anxiety. Fortunately,
they were free, therefore, he was not without hope of getting them ; morer
over, his wife's father (Jack McCraey), was a free man, well known, and
very well to do in the world, and would not be likely to see his daughter
and grandchildren suffer. In this particular. Hill's lot was of a favorable
character, compared with that of most slaves leaving their wives and
children.
FIRST LETTER
ON ARRIVING IN CANADA.
Toronto, October 4th, 1853.
Dear Sir : — T take this method of informing you that I am well, and that I got to this
city all safe and sound, though I did not get here as soon as I expect, I left your city on
Saterday and I was on the way untel the Friday following. I got to New York the same
day that I left Philadelphia, but I had to stay there untel Monday evening. I left that
place at six o'clock. I got to Albany next morning in time to take the half past six
o'clock train for Rochester, here I stay untel Wensday night. The reason I stay there so
long Mr. Gibbs given me a letter to Mr Morris at Rochester. I left that place Wensday,
but I only got five miles from that city that night. I got to Lewiston on Thurday after-
noon, but too late for the boat to this city. 1 left Lewiston on Friday at one o'clock, got
to this city at five. Sir I found this to be a very handsome city. I like it better than
any citv I ever saw. It are not as large as the city that you live in, but it is very large
place much more so than I expect to find it. I seen the gentleman that you given me
letter to. I think him much of a gentleman. I got into work on Monday. The man
whom I am working for is name Myers ; but I expect to go to work for another man by
name of Tinsly, who is a master workman in this city. He says that he will give me
work next week and everybody advises me to work for Mr. Tinsly as there more surity in
him.
Mr. Still, I have been looking and looking for my friends for several days, but have not
seen nor heard of them. I hope and trust in the Lord Almighty that all things are well
with them. My dear sir I could feel so much better sattisfied if I could hear from my
wife. Since I reached this city I have talagraphed to friend Brnwn to send my thing to
me, but I cannot hear a word from no one at all. I have written to Mr. Brown two or
three times since I left the city. I trust that he has gotten ray wife's letters, that is if she
has written. Please direct your letters to me, near the corner Sarah and Edward street,
until I give you further notice. You will tell friend B. how to direct his letters, as I for-
FIVE YEAR8 AND ONE MONTH SECRETED. I93
gotten it when I writt to him, and ask him if he has heard anything from Virginia. Please
to let me hear from him without delay for my very soul is trubled about my friends whom
I expected to of seen here before this hour. Whatever you do please to write. I shall
look for you paper shortly. Believe me sir to be your well wisher.
John H. Hill.
SECOND LETTER.
Expressions nf gratitude— The Custom House refuses to charge him duty— He is greatly
concerned for his wife
Toronto, October 30th, 1853.
My Dear Friend :— I now write to inform you that I have received my things all safe
and sound, and also have shuck hand with the friend that you send on to this place one
of them is stopping with me. His name is Chas. Stuert, he seemes to be a tolerable smart
fellow. I Rec'd my letters. I have taken this friend to see Mr. Smith. However will
give him a place to board untell he can get to work. I shall do every thing I can for them
all that I see the gentleman wish you to see his wife and let her know that he arrived safe,
and present his love to her and to all the friend. Mr. Still, I am under ten thousand ob-
ligation to you for your kindness when shall I ever repay ? S. speek very highly of vou.
I will state to you what Custom house master said to me. He ask me when he Presented
my efects are these your efects. I answered yes. He then ask me was I going to settle in
Canada. I told him I was. He then ask me of my case. I told all about it. He said I am
happy to see you and all that will come. He ask me how much 1 had to pay for my Paper.
i told him half dollar. He then told me that I should have my money again. He a Rose
from his seat and got my money. So my friend you can see the people Ind tell them all
this is a land of liberty and believe they will find friends here. My best love to all.
My friend I must call upon you once more to do more kindness for me that is to. write
to my wife as soon as you get this, and tell her when she gets ready to come she- will pack
and consign her things to you. You will give her some instruction, but not to your ex-
penses but to her own.
When you write direct your letter to Phillip Ubank, Petersburg, Va. My Box ar-
rived here the 27th.
My dear sir I am in a hurry to take this friend to church, so I must close by saying I
am your humble servant in the cause of liberty and humanity. John H. HillT
THIRD LETTER.
Canada is highly praised— The Vigilance Cotnmittee is imjolored to send all the Fugitives
there— •' Farmers and Mechanics wanted"— " No living in Canada for Negroes," as
argued by " Masters," flatly denied, dc, &c., &c.
So I ask you to send the fugitives to Canada. I don't know much of this Province but
I beleaves that there is Rome enough for the colored and whites of the United States. We
wants farmers mechanic men of ail qualification &o, if they are not made we will make
them, if we cannot make the old, we will make our children.
Now concerning the city toronto this city is Beautiful and Prosperous Levele city. Great
many wooden codages more than what should be but I am in hopes there will be more of
the Brick and Stonn. But I am not done about your Republicanism. Our masters have
told us that there was no living in Canada for a Negro but if it may Please vour gentle-
manship to publish these facts that we are here able to earn our bread 'and money
enough to make us comftable. But I say give me freedom, and the United States may have
all her money and her Luxtures, yeas give Liberty or Death. Pm in America, but not
under Such a Government th.t I cannot express myself, speak, think or write So as I am
able and if my master had allowed me to have an education I would make them Ameri-
can Slave-holders feel me, Yeas I would make them tremble when I spoke and v'hen I
13
194
THE UNDERGROUND RAILROAD.
take my Pen in hand their knees smote together. My Dear Sir suppose I was an educated
man. I could write you sometliing worth reading, but you know we poor fugitives whom
has just come over from the South are not able to write much on no subject whatever, but
I hope by the aid of my God I will try to use my midnight lamp, untel I can have some
influence upon the American Slavery. If some one would say to me, that they would
give my wife bread untel I could be Educated I would stoop my trade this day and take
up my books.
But a crisis is approaching when assential requisite to the American Slaveholders when
blood Death or Liberty will be required at their hands. 1 think our people have depened
too long and too much on false legislator let us now look for ourselves. It is true that
England however the Englishman is our best friend but we as men ought not to depened
upon her Remonstrace with the Americans because she loves her commercial trade as any
Nations do. But I must say, while we look up and acknowledge the Power greatness and
honor of old England, and believe that while we sit beneath the Silken folds of her flag of
Perfect Liberty, we are secure, beyond the reach of the aggressions of the Blood hounds
and free from the despotism that would wrap around our limbs by the damable Slave-
holder. Yet we would not like spoiled childeren depend upon her, but upon ourselvesj
and as one means of strengthening ourselves, we should agitate the emigration to Canada.
I here send you a paragraph which I clipted from the weekly Glob. I hope you will pub-
lish so that Mr. Williamson may know that men are not chattel here but reather they are
men and if he wants his chattle let him come here after it or his thing. I wants you to
let the whole United States know we are satisfied here because I have seen more Pleasure
since I came here then I saw in the U. S. the 24 years that I served my master. Come
Poor distress men women and come to Canada where colored men are free. Oh how sweet
the word do sound to me yeas when I contemplate of these things, my very flesh creaps
my heart thrub when I think of my beloved friends whom I left in that cursid hole. Oh
my God what can I do for them or shall I do for them. Lord help them. Suflfer them to.
be no longf^r depressed beneath the Bruat Creation but may they be looked upon as mer
made of the Bone and Blood as the Anglo-Americans. May God in his mercy Give Lib-
erty to all this world. I must close as it am late hour at night. I Remain your friend
in the cause of Liberty and humanity,
John H. Hill, a fugitive.
If you know any one who would give me an education write and let me know for I am
in want of it very much. Your with Respect,
J. H. H.
If the sentiments in the above letter do not indicate an uncommon degree
of natural intelligence, a clear perception of the wrongs of Slavery, and
a just apj)reciation of freedom, where shall we look for the signs of intellect
and manhood ?
FOURTH LETTER.
Lonfjs for his wife — In hearing of the return of a Fugitive from Philadelphia is madel
sorrowful — His love of Freedom increases, <&c., &c.
Toronto, November 12ih, 1853.
My Dkar Rtit.l : — Your letter of the 3th came to hand tbursday and also three copes I
all of wliich I was glad to Received they have taken my attention all together Every!
Time I got them. I also Rec'd. a letter from my frii^nd Brown. Mr. Brown stated to mef
that he had heard from my wife but he did not say what way he heard. I am looking fori
my wife every day. Yes I want her to come then I will be better sattisfied. My friend I
am a free man and feeles alright about that matter. I am doing tolrable well in my line!
FIVE YEARS AND ONE MONTH SECRETED. 195
of business, and think 1 will do better after little. I hope you all will never stop any of
our Brotheran that makes their Escep from the South but send them on to this Place
where they can be free man and woman. We want them here and not in your State
where they can be taken away at any hour. Nay but let him ccme here where he can
Enjoy the Rights of a human being and not to be trodden under the feet of men like them-
selves. All the People that comes here does well. Thanks be to God that I came to this
place. 1 would like very well to see you all but never do I expect to see you in the United
States. I want you all to come to this land of Liberty where the bondman can be free.
Come one come all come to this place, and I hope my dear friend you will send on here. I
shall do for them as you all done for me when I came on here however I will do the best
I can for them if they can they shall do if they will do, but some comes here that can't do
well because they make no efford. I hope my friend you will teach them such lessons as
Mrs. Moore Give me before I left your city. I hope she may live a hundred years longei
and enjoy good health. May God bless her for the good cause which she are working in.
Mr. Still you ask me to remember you to Nelson. I will do so when I see him, he are on
the lake so is Stewart. 1 received a letter to-day for Stewart from your city which letter
I will take to him when he comes to the city. He are not stoping with us at this time. I
was very sorry a few days ago when I heard that a man was taken from your city.
Send them over here, then let him come here and take them away and 1 will try to have
a finger in the Fie myself. You said that you had written to my wife ten thousand thanks
for what you have done and what you are willing to do. My friend whenever you hear
from my wife please write to me. Whenever she come to your city please give instruc-
tion how to travel. I wants her to come the faster way. I wish she was here now. I
wish she could get a ticket through to this place. I have mail a paper for you to day.
We have had snow but not to last long. Let me hear from 3'ou. My Respect friend
Brown. I will write more when I have the opportunity. Yours with Respect,
John H. Hill.
P. S. My dear Sir. Last night after I had written the above, and bad gone to bed, I
heard a strange voice in the house. Saying to Mr. Myers to come quickly to one of our
colod Brotheran out of the street. We went and found a man a Carpenter laying on the
side walk woltun in his Blood. Done by some unknown Person as yet but if they stay on
the earth the law will deteck them. It is said that party of colord people done it, which
party was seen to come out an infame house.
Mr. Myers have been down to see him and Brought the Sad news that the Poor fellow
was dead. Mr. Scott for Henry Scott was the name, he was a fugitive from Virginia he
came here from Pittsburg Pa. Oh, when I went where he laid what a shock, it taken my
Sleep altogether night. When I got to Sopt his Body was surrounded by the Policeman.
The law has taken the woman in cusidy. I write and also send you a paper of the case
when it comes out. J. H. Hill.
FIFTH LETTER.
He rejoices over the arrival of his wife — but at the same time, his heart is bleeding over
a dear friend whom he had promised to help before he left Slavery.
Toronto, December 29th, 1853.
My Dear Friend : — It affords me a good deel of Pleasure to say that my wife and
the Children have arrived safe in this City. But my wife had very bad luck. She lost
her money and the money that was belonging to the children, the whole amount was 35
dollars. She had to go to the Niagara falls and Telegraph to me come after her. She got
to the falls on Sat'dy and I went after her on Monday. We saw each other once again
after so long an Abstance, you may know what sort of metting it was, joyful times of
196 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD.
corst. My wife are well Satisfied here, and she was well Pleased during her stay in your
citv. My Trip to the falls cost Ten Eighty Seven and half. The things that friend Brown
Shiped to me by the Express costed .$24^. So you can see fiting out a house Niagara
falls and the cost for bringing my things to this place, have got me out of money, but for
all I am a free man.
The weather are very cold at Present, the snow continue to fall though not as deep here
as it 13 in Boston. The people haves their own Araouseraents, the weather as it is now,
they don't care for the snow nor ice, but they are going from Ten A. M. until Twelve
P. M., the hous that we have open don't take well because we don't Sell Spirits, which
'we are trying to avoid if we can.
Mr. Still, I hold in my hand A letter from a friend of South, who calls me to promise
that I made to him before I left. My dear Sir, this letter have made my heart Bleed,
since I Received it, he also desires of me to remember him to his beloved Brethren and
then to Pray for him and his dear friends who are in Slavery. I shall Present his letter
to the churches of this city. I forward to 5'our care for Mrs. Moore, a few weeks ago.
Mrs. Hill sends her love to your wife and yourself.
Please to write, 1 Sincerely hope that our friends from Petersburg have reached your
city before this letter is dated. I must close by saying, that I Sir, remain humble and
obedient Servant, J- H- H.
SIXTH LETTER.
He is now earnestly appealing in behalf of a friend in Slavery, with a view to procuring
aid and assistance from certain parties, by which this particular friend in bondage
might be resetted.
•^ Toronto, March 8th, 1854.
My Dear friekd Still :— We will once more truble you opon this great cause of
freedom, as we know that you are a man, that are never fatuged in Such a glorious cause.
Sir, what I wish to Say is this. Mr. Forman has Received a letter from his wife dated the
29th ult. She States to him that She was Ready at any time, and that Everything was
Right with her, and she hoped that he would lose no time in sending for her for she was
Ready and awaiting for him. Well friend Still, we learnt that Mr. Minkens could not bring
her the account of" her child. We are very sorry to hear Such News, however, you will
please to read this letter with care, as we have learnt that Minkens Cannot do what we
wishes to be done; we perpose another way. There is a white man that Sale from
Richmond to Boston, that man are very Safe, he will bring F's wife with her child. Sc
you will do us a favour will take it upon yourself to transcribe from this letter what w.
shall write. I. E. this there is a Colored g^n. that workes on the basin in R— d thi:
man's name is Esue Foster, he can tell Mrs. forman all about this Saleor. So you car
place the letter in the hands of M. to take to forman's wife. She can read it for herself. Shi
will find Foster at ladlum's warehouse on the Basin, and when you write call my name t
him and he will trust it. this foster are a member of the old Baptist Church. Whei
you have done all you can do let us know what you have done, if you hears anything c
my uncle let me know.
SEVENTH LETTER.
He laments over his uncle's fate, who was suffering in a dungeon-like place of concealmei
daily waitinn for the opporttmity to escape. . ,^. ,„^,
^ "^-^ Toronto, March 18th, 1864.
My Dear Still:— Yours of the 15th Reached on the 11th, found myself and famil
very well, and not to delay no time in replying to you, as there was an article in yov
letter which article Roused me very much when I read it; that was you praying lo me t
FIVE YEARS AND ONE MONTH SECRETED. 197
be cautious how I write down South. Be so kind as to tell me in your next letter whether
you have at any time apprehended any danger in my letters however, in those bond
: southward; if there have been, allow me to beg ten thousand pardon before God and man,
■ for I am not design to throw any obstacle in the way of those whom I left in South, but
to aide them in every possible way. I have done as you Requested, that to warn the
■ friends of the dager of writing South. I have told all you said in yours that Mr. Min-
kms would be in your city very soon, and you would see what you could do for me, do
you mean or do speak in reference to my dear uncle. I am hopes that you will use every
ifford to get him from the position in which he now stand. I know how he feels at this
time, for I have felt the same when I was a runway. I was bereft of all participation
with my family for nearly nine months, and now that poor fellow are place in same posi-
tion. Oh God help I pray, what a pitty it is that I cannot do him no good, but I
sincerely hope that you will not get fatigued at doing good in such cases, nay, I think
other wises of you, however, I Say no more on this subject at present, but leave it for
you to judge.
On the 13th inst. you made Some Remarks concerning friend Forman's wife, I am
Satisfied that you will do all you can for her Release from Slavery, but as you said
you feels for them, so do I, and Mr. Foreman comes to me very often to know if I
have heard anything from you concerning his wife, they all comes to for the same.
God Save the Queen. All my letters Southward have passed through your hands
with an exception of one. John H. Hill.
EIGHTH LETTER.
Death has snatched away one of his children and he has cause to mourn. In his grief
he recounts his struggles for freedom, and his having to leave his wife and children. He
acknowledges that he had to " work very hard for comforts," but he declares thai he
would not " exchange with the comforts of ten thousand slaves."
Toronto Sept 14th 1854
i My Dear friend Still : — this are the first opportunity that I have had to write you
I since I Reed your letter of the 20th July, there have been sickness and Death in my
family since your letter was Reed, our dear little Child have been taken from us one
whom we loved so very Dear, but the almighty God knows what are best for us all.
Louis Henry Hill, was born in Petersburg Va May 7th 1852. and Died Toronto
' August 19th 1854 at five o'clock P. M.
Dear Still I could say much about the times and insidince that have taken place since
• the coming of that dear little angle jest spoken of. it was 12 months and 3 days from the
' time that I took departure of my wife and child to proceed to Richmond to awaite a con-
veyance up to the day of his death.
it was thursday the 13th that I lift Richmond, it was Saturday the 15th that I land to
my great joy in the city of Phila. then I put out for Canada. I arrived in this city on Fri-
day the 30th and to my great satisfaction. I found myself upon Briton's free land, not
only free for the white man bot for all.
this day 12 months I was not out of the reach the slaveholders, but this 14th day of
Sept. I am as Free as your President Pearce. only I have not been free so long How-
ever the 30th of the month I will have been free only 12 months.
It is true that I have to work very hard for comfort but I would not exchange with ten
thousand slave that are equel with their masters. I am Happy, Happy.
Give love to Mrs. Still. My wife laments her child's death too much, wil you be so
kind as to see Mr. Brown and ask him to write to me, and if he have heard from Peters-
burg Va. Yours truely J. H. Hill.
jgg THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD.
NINTH LETTER.
He is anxiously wailing for the arrival of friends from the South. Hints that slave-
holders would be very unsafe in Canada, should they be foolish enough to visU that
country for the purpose of enticing slaves back. ^^^^^^^^ ^^^ ^^^^ ^^^^
My Dear Still :— Your letter of the 16th came to hand just in time for my per-
pose I perceivs by your statement that the money have not been to Petersburg at all
done just what was right and I would of sent the money to you at first, but my dear
friend I have called upon you for so many times that I have been ashamed of myself to
call any more So vou may perceive by the above written my obligations to you, you said
that vou had written on to Petersburg, you have done Right which I believes is your
general way of doing your business, the money are all right I only had to pay a 6d ou
the Ten dollars, this money was given to by a friend in the city N. york, the fnend was
from Richmond Virginia (a white man) the amount was fifteen dollars, I forward a letter
to you yesterday which letter I forgot to date, my friend I wants to hear from Virginia
the worst of all things, you know that we expect some freneds on and we cannot hear
anv thin- from them which makes us uneasy for fear that they have attempt to come
away and been detected. I have ears open at all times, listen at all hours expecting to
hear from them Please to see friend Brown and know from him if he has heard anything
from our friends, if he have not. tell him write and inquiare into the matter why it is that
thev have not come over, then let me hear from you all. r -u u a
We are going to have a grand concert &c I mean the Abolisnous Socity. I will attend
mvself and also my wife if the Lord be willing you will perceive in previous letter that
I mension something concerning Mr Forman's wife if there be any chance whatever please
te proceed, Mr Foreman sends his love te you Requested you to do all you can to get his
wife away from Slavery.
Our best respects te your wife. You promisted me that you would write somthing con.
cerning our arrival in Canada but I suppose you have not had the time as yet, I would
be very "lad to read your opinion on that matter
I have notice several articles in the freeman one of the Canada weaklys concerning the
Christiana prisoners respecting Castnor Hanway and also Mr. Rauffman. if I had one
hundred dollars te day I would give them five each, however I hope that I may be able
te subscribe something for their Relefe. in Regards to the letters have been written from
Canada te the South the letters was not what they thought them to be and if the slave-
holders know when they are doing well they had better keep their side for if t.hey comes
over this side of the lake 1 am under the impression they will not go back with somethin
that their mother boned them with whether thiar slaves written for them or not. i
know some one here that have written his master te come after him, but not because he
expect te go with him home but because he wants to retaleate upon his persecuter, but 1
would be sorry for man that have written for his master expecting te return with hira
because the people here would kill them. Sir I cannot write enough te express myselt
80 I must close by saying I Remain yours. Jo^N H. Hill.
TENTH LETTER.
Great joy over an arrival— Twelve months praying for the deliverance of an Uncle
groaning in a hiding-place, while the Slave-hunters are daily expected-Slrong ap-
peals for aid, dc, <&c. ^^^^^^^_ j^^^^^y ^^^^ ^855_
My Dear Friend :— It is with much pleasure that I take this opportunity of addressing
you with these few lines hoping when they reeches you they may find yourself and family
enjoying good health as they leaves us at present.
FIVE YEARS AND ONE MONTH SECRETED. I99
And it is with much happiness that I can say to you that Mrs. Mercor arrived in this
city on yesterday. Mr. Mercer was at my house late in the evening, and I told him that
when he went home if hear anything from Virginia, that he must let me know as soon as
possible. He told me that if he went home and found any news there he would come
right back and inform me thereof. But little did he expect to find his dearest there. You
may judge what a meeting there was with them, and may God grant that there may be
some more meetings with our wives and friends. I had been looking for some one from the
old sod for several days, but I was in good hopes that it would be my poor Uncle. But
poor fellow he are yet groaning under the sufferings of a horrid sytam, Expecting every
day to Receive his Doom. Oh, God, what shall I do, or what can I do for him ? I have
prayed for him more than 12 months, yet he is in that horrid condition. I can never hear
anything Directly from him or any of my people.
Once more I appeal to your Humanity. Will you act for him, as if you was in slavery
yourself, and I sincerely believe that he will come out of that condition? Mrs. M. have
told me that she given some directions how he could be goten at, but friend Still, if this
conductor should not be successfuU this time, will you mind him of the Poor Slave agam.
I hope you will as Mrs. Mercer have told the friend what to do I cannot do more, there-
fore I must leve it to the Mercy of God and your Exertion.
The weather have been very mile Ever since the 23rd of Dec. I have thought consider-
able about our condition in this country Seeing that the weather was so very faverable to
us. I was thinking a few days ago, that nature had giving us A country & adopted all
things Sutable.
You will do me the kindness of telling me in your next whether or not the ten slaves
have been Brought out from N. C.
I have not hard from Brown for Nine month he have done some very Bad letting me
alone, for what cause I cannot tell. Give my Best Kespect to Mr. B. when you see him
I wish very much to hear from himself and family. You will please to let me hear from
you. My wife Joines me in love to yourself and family.
Yours most Respectfully,
John H. Hill.
P. S. Every fugitive Regreated to hear of the Death of Mrs. Moore. I myself think
that there are no other to take her Place. yours J H H
ELEVENTH LETTER.
[extract.]
Rejoices atheanng of the success of the Underground Rail Road- Liquires particu-
larly after the "fellow " who " cut off the Patrol's head m Maryland."
Hamilton, August 15th, 1856.
Dear Friend :-I am very glad to hear that the Underground Rail Road is doing such
good business, but tell me in your next letter if you have seen the heroic fellow that cut
ott the head of the Patrol in Maryland. We wants that fellow here, as John Bull has a
great deal of hghting to do, and as there is a colored Captain in this city, I would seek to
have that fellow Promoted, Provided he became a soldier.
Great respect, John H. Hill.
P. S.— Please forward the enclosed to Mr. McCray.
200
THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD.
TWELFTH LETTER.
[extract.]
Believes in praying for the Slave-but Llunks " fire and sword" wouUbe more effective
with Slave-holders.
Hamilton, Jan. oth, Ibov.
Mr Still -—Our Tappers contains long details of insurrectionary movements among
the'slaves at the South and one paper adds that a great Nomber of Generals, Captains
with other officers had being arrested. At this day four years ago I left Petersburg for
Richmond to meet the man whom called himself my master, but he wanted money worser
that day than I do this day, he took me to sell me, he could not have done a better thing lor
me for I intended to leave any how by the first convaiance. I hard some good Prayers put
up for the suffers on last Sunday evening in the Baptist Church. Now friend still I beleve
that Prayers affects great good, but I beleve that the fire and sword would aff-ect more
good in this case. Perhaps this is not your thoughts, but I must acknowledge this to be
my Polacy. The world are being turned upside down, and I think we might as well
take an active part in it as not. We must have something to do as other people, und
I hope this moment among the Slaves are the beginning. I wants to see something go
ou while I live. tt i i t^ttxt w ttttt
Yours truly, John x±. Hill.
THIRTEENTH LETTER.
Sad tidings from Richmond— Of the arrest of a Captain with Slaves on board as Under-
around Rail Road passengers.
^ Hamilton, June 5th, 1868.
Dear Friend Still:— I have just beard that our friend Capt. B. have being taken.
Prisoner in Virginia with slaves on board of his vessel. I hard this about an hour ago.
the Person told me of this said he read it in the newspaper, if this be'so it is awfull. You
will be so kind as to send me some information. Send me one of the Virginia Papers.
Poor fellow if thev have got him, I am sorry, sorry to my heart. I have not heard from
my Uncle for a long time if have heard or do hear anything from him at any time you will
oblige me by writing. I wish you to inquire of Mr. Anderson's friends (if you know any
of them), if they have heard anything from him since he was in your city. 1 have written
to him twice since he was here according to his own directions, but never received an an-
swer. I wants to hear from my mother very much, but cannot hear one word. You will
present my best regards to the friend. Mrs. Hill is quite sick.
Yours truly, J- H. Hill.
P. S — I have not received the Anti-Slavery Standard for several weeks. Please for-
ward any news relative to the Capt. J. H. M.
THE ESCAPE OF HEZEKIAH HILL.
(uncle of JOHN HENRY HILL.)
Impelled by the love of freedom Hezekiah resolved that he would work
no longer for nothin;.;; that he would never be sold on the auction block;
that he no lon<;er would obey the bidding of a master, and that he would die
rather than be a slave. This decision, however, had only been entertained
THE ESCAPE OF HEZEKIAH HILL. 201
by him a short time prior to his escape. For a number of years Hezckiah
had been laboring under the pleasing thought that he shoukl succeed in
obtaining freedom through purchase, having had an understanding with his
owner with this object in view. At different times he had paid on account
for himself nineteen hundred dollars, six hundred dollars more than he was
to have paid according to the first agreement. Although so shamefully de-
frauded in the first instance, he concluded to bear the disappointment as
patiently as possible and get out of the lion's mouth as best he could.
He continued to work on and save his money until he had actually come
within one hundred dollars of paying two thousand. At this point instead
of getting his free papers, as he firmly believed that he should, to his sur-
prise one day he saw a notorious trader approaching the shop where he
was at work. The errand of the trader was soon made known. Hezekiah
simply requested time to go back to the other end of the shop to get his
coat, which he seized and ran. He was pursued but not captured. This
occurrence took place in Petersburg, Va., about the first of December, 1854.
On the night of the same day of his escape from the trader, Hezekiah
walked to Richmond and was there secreted under a floor by a friend. He
was a tall man, of powerful muscular strength, about thirty years of age just
in the prime of his manhood with enough pluck for two men.
A heavy reward was offered for him, but the hunters failed to find
him in this hiding-place under the floor. He strongly hoped to get away
soon ; on several occasions he made efforts, but only to be disappointed. At
different times at least two captains had consented to afford him a private
passage to Philadelphia, but like the impotent man at the pool, some
one always got ahead of him. Two or three times he even managed to
reach the boat upon the river, but had to return to his horrible place under
the floor. Some were under the impression that he was an exceedingly
unlucky man, and for a time captains feared to bring him. But his courage
sustained him unwaveringly.
Finally at the expiration of thirteen months, a private passage was pro-
cured for him on the steamship Pennsylvania, and with a little slave boy,
seven years of age, (the son of the man who had secreted him) though
placed in a very hard berth, he came safely to Philadelphia, greatly to the
astonishment of the Vigilance Committee, who had waited for him so long
that they had despaired of his ever coming.
The joy that filled Hezekiah's bosom may be imagined but never de-
scribed. Nane but one who had been in similar straits could enter into
his feelings.
He had left his Avife Louisa, and two little boys, Henry and Manuel.
His passage cost one hundred dollars.
Hezekiah being a noted character, a number of the true friends were in-
vited to take him by the hand and to rejoice with him over his noble
202 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD.
struggles and his triumph ; needing rest and recruiting, he was made
welcome to stay, at the expense of the committee, as long as he might feel
disposed so to do. He remained several days, and then went on to Canada
rejoicing. After arriving there he returned his acknowledgment for favors
received, &c., in the following letter :
Toronto Jan^24th 1856.
Mr. Still : — this is to inform you that Myself and little boy, arrived safely in this city
this day the 241 h, at ten o'clock after a very long and pleasant trip. I had a great deal
of attention paid to me while on the way.
I owes a great deel of thanks to yourself and friends, I will just say hare that when I
arrived at New York, I found Mr. Gibbs sick and could not be attended to there. How-
ever, I have arrived alright.
You will please to give ray respects to your friend that writes in the office with you,
and to Mr Smith, also Mr Brown, and the friends, Mrs Still in particular.
Friend Still you will please to send the enclosed to John Hill Petersburg I want him
to send some things to me you will be so kind as to send your direction to them, so that
the things to your care, if you do not see a convenient way to send it by hands, you
will please direct your letter to Phillip Ubank Petersburg. Yours Respectfully H Hill.
JAMES— (BROTHER OF JOHN HENRY HILL).
For three years James suffered in a place of concealment, before he found
the way opened to escape. When he resolved on having his freedom he was
much under twenty-one years of age, a brave young man, for three years,
with unfailing spirit, making resistance in the city of Richmond to the slave
Power !
Such heroes in the days of Slavery, did much to make the infernal system
insecure, and to keep alive the spirit of freedom in liberty-loving hearts the
world over, wherever such deeds of noble daring were made known. But of
his heroism, but little can be reported here, from the fact, that such accounts
as were in the possession of the Committee, were never transferred from the
loose slips of paper on which they were first written, to the regular record
book. But an important letter from the friend with whoip he was secreted,
written a short while before he escaped (on a boat), gives some idea of his
condition :
Richmond, Va., February 16th, 1861.
Dear Brother Still: — T received a message from brother Julius anderson, asking me
to send the bundle on but I has no way to send it, I have been waiting and truly hopeing
that you would make some arrangement with some person, and send for the parcel. I
have no way to send it, and I cannot communicate the subject to a stranger there is a
Way by the N. y. line, but they are all strangers to me, and of course I could not
approach them With this subject for I would be indangored myself greatly, this busi-
ness is left to you and to you alone to attend to in providing the way for me to send on
the parcel, if you only make an arrangement with some person and let me know the said
FROM VIRGINIA, MARYLAND, AND DELAWARE. 203
person and the article which they ia to be sent on then I can send the parcel, unless you
do make an arrangement with some person, and assure them that they will receive the
funs for delivering the parcel this Business cannot be accomplished, it is in your power
to try to make some provision for the article to be sent but it is not in my power to do
so, the bundle has been on my hands now going on 3 years, and I have suffered a great
de.ll of danger, £yid is still suffering the same. I have understood Sir that there were no
difficul about the mone that you had it in your possession Ready for the bundle whenever
it is delivered. But Sir as I have said I can do nothing now. Sir I ask you please
through sympathy and feelings on my part & his try to provide a way for the bundle to
be sent and relieve me of the danger in which I am in. you might succeed in making
an arrangement with those on the New york Steamers for they dose such things but
please let me know the man that the arrangement is made with — please give me au
answer by the bearer. yours truly friend C. A.
At last, the long, dark night passed away, and this young slave safely-
made his way to freedom, and proceeded to Boston, where he now resides.
Wiiile the Committee was looked to for aid in the deliverance of this poor
fellow, it was painful to feel that it was not in their power to answer his
prayers — not until after his escape, was it possible so to do. But his
escape to freedom gave them a satisfaction which no words can well express.
At present, John Henry Hill is a justice of the peace in Petersburg. Heze-
kiah resides at West Point, and James in Boston, rejoicing that all men are
free in the United States, at last.
FROM VIRGINIA, MARYLAND AND DELAWARE.
ARCHER BARLOW, ALIAS EMIT ROBIN'S.
This passenger arrived from Norfolk, Va. in 1853. For the last four
years previous to escaping, he had been under tiie yoke of Dr. George
Wilson. Archer declared that he had been '^ very badly treated " by the
Doctor, which he urged as his reason for leaving. True, the doctor had been
good enough to allow him to iiire his time, for which he required Archer to
pay the moderate sum of $120 per annum. As Archer had been " sickly "
most of the time, during the last year, he complained that there was " no
reduction " in his hire on this account. Upon reflection, therefore. Archer
thought, if he had justice done him, he would be in possession of this "one
hundred and twenty" himself, and all his other rights, instead of having to
toil for another without pay ; so he looked seriously into the matter of mas-
ter and slave, and pretty soon resolved, that if others chose to make no effort
to get away, for himself he would never be contented, until he was free. When
a slave reached this decision, he was in a very hopeful state. He was near
the Underground Rail Road, and was sure to find it, sooner or later. At
this thoughtful period, Archer was thirty-one years of age,, a man of
medium size, and belonged to the two leadinor branches of southern
204 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD.
liunianity, i. e., he was half white and half colored — a dark mulatto. His
arrival in Philadelphia, per one of the Richmond steamers, was greeted
with joy by the Vigilance Committee, who extended to him the usual aid
and care, and forwarded him on to freedom. For a number of years, he
has been a citizen of Boston.
SAMUEL BUSH, alias WILLIAM OBLEBEE.
This "piece of property" fled in the fall of 1853. As a specimen of this
article of commerce, he evinced considerable intelligence. He was a man of
dark color, although not totally free from the admixture of the "superior"
southern blood in his veins ; in stature, he was only ordinary. For leaving,
he gave the following reasons : " I found that I was working for my master,
for his advantage, and when I was sick, I had to pay just as much as if I
were well — $7 a month. But my master was cross, and said that he
intended to sell me — to do better by me another year. Times grew worse
and worse, constantly. I thought, as I had heard, that if I could raise thirty
dollars I could come away." He at once saw the value of money. To
his mind it meant liberty from that moment. Thenceforth he decided to
treasm-e up every dollar he could get hold of until he could accumulate at
least enough to get out of "Old Virginia." He was a married man, and
thought he had a wife and one child, but on reflection, he found out that
they did not actually belong to him, but to a carpenter, by the name of
Bailey. The man whom Samuel was compelled to call master was named
Iloyle.
The Committee's interview with Samuel was quite satisfactory, and they
cheerfully accorded to him brotherly kindness and material aid at the same
time.
JOHN SPENCER AND HIS SON WILLIAM, AND JAMES
ALBERT.
These individuals escaped from the eastern shore of Maryland, in the
Spring of 1853, but were led to conclude that they could enjoy the freedom
they had aimed to find, in New Jersey. They procured employment in
the ncighl)orhood of Haddonfield, some six or eight miles from Camden,
New Jersey, and were succeeding, as they thought, very well.
Things went on favorably for about three months, when to their alarm
" slave-hunters were discovered in the neighborhood," and sufficient evi-
dence WIU3 obtained to make it quite ])lain that, John, William and
James were the identical persons, for whom the hunters were in "hot
HETTY SCOTT, alias MARGARET DUNCANS AND DAUGHTER. 205
pursuit." When brought to the Committee, they were pretty thoroughly
alarmed and felt very anxious to be safely off to Canada. While the Com-
mittee always rendered in such cases immediate protection and aid, they nev-
ertheless, felt, in view of the imminent dangers existing under the fugitive
slave law, that persons disposed to thus stop by the way, should be very plainly
given to understand, that if they were captured they would have themselves
the most to blame.. But- the dread of Slavery was strong in the minds of
these fugitives, and they very fully realized their folly in stopping in New
Jersey. The Committee procured their tickets, helped them to disguise
themselves as much as possible, and admonished them not to stop short of
Canada.
HETTY SCOTT ALIAS MARGARET DUNCANS AND
DAUGHTER PRISCILLA.
This mother and daughter had been the " chattels personal " of Daniel
Coolby of Harvard, Md. Their lot had been that of ordinary slaves in
the country, on farms, &c. The motive which prompted them to escape was
the fact that their master had "threatened to sell" them. He had a right to
do so ; but Hetty was a little squeamish on this point and took great um-
brage at her " kind master.'^ In this " disQbedient " state of mind, she de-
termined, if hard struggling would enable her, to defeat the threats of Mr.
Daniel Coolby, that he should not much longer have the satisfaction of en-
joying the fruit of the toil of herself and offspring. She at once began to
prepare for her journey.
She had three children of her own to bring, besides she was intimately
acquainted with a young man and a young woman, both slaves, to whom
she felt that it would be safe to confide her plans with a view of inviting
them to accompany her. The young couple were ready converts to the
eloquent speech delivered to them by Hetty on Freedom, and were quite
willing to accept her as their leader in the emergency. Up to the hour of
setting out on their lonely and fatiguing journey, arrangements were being
carefully completed, so that there should be no delay of any kind. At
the appointed hour they were all moving northward in good order.
Arriving at Quakertown, Pa., they found friends of the slave, who wel-
comed them to their homes and sympathy, gladdening the hearts of all
concerned. For prudential reasons it was deemed desirable to separate the
party, to send some one way and some another. Thus safely, through the
kind offices and aid of the friends at Quakert(nvn, they were duly forwarded
on to the Committee in Philadelphia. Here similar acts of charity were ex-
tended to them, and they were directed on to Canada.
206 ^'^^ UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD.
ROBERT FISHER.
THIS PASSENGER AVAILS HIMSELF OF HOLIDAY WEEK, BETWEEN CHRISTMAS
AND NEW year's, TO MAKE HIS NORTHERN TRIP.
RoBKRT was about thirty years of age, dark color, quite tall, and in talk-
ing with him a little while, it was soon discovered that Slavery had not
crushed all the brains out of his head by a good deal. Nor was he so much
attached to his " kind-hearted master," John P^dward Jackson, of Anne
Arundel, Md., or his old fiddle, that he was contented and happy while in
bondage. Far from it. The fact was, that he hated Slavery so decidedly
and had such a clear common sense-like view of the evils and misery of the
system, that he declared he had as a matter of principle refrained from mar-
rying, in order that he might have no reason to grieve over having added
to the woes of slaves. Nor did he wish to be encumbered, if the opportunity
offered to escape. According to law he was entitled to his freedom at the
age of twenty-five.
But what right had a negro, which white slave-holders were "bound to
respect?" Many who had been willed free, were held just as firmly in
Slavery, as if no will had ever been made. Robert had too much sense
to suppose that he could gain anything by seeking legal redress. This
method, therefore, was considered out of the question. But in the mean-
time he was growing very naturally in favor of the Underground Rail Road.
From his experience Robert did not hesitate to say that his master was
"mean," " a very hard man," who would work his servants early and late,
without allowing them food and clothing .sufhcient to shield them from the
cold and hunger. Robert certainly had unmistakable marks about him, of
having been used roughly. He thought very well of Nathan Harris, a fel-
low-servant b(>l()iigii)g to the same owner, and he made up his mind, if
Nathan would join him, neither the length of the journey, the loneliness
of night travel, the coldness of the weather, the fear of the slave-hunter,
nor the scantiness of their means should det^T him from making his way
to freedom. Nathan listened to the proposal, and was suddenly converted
to freedom, and the two united during Christmas week, 1854, and set out on
the Underground Rail Road. It is needless to say that they had trying
difTiculties to encounter. These they expected, but all were overcome, and
they reached the Vigilance Committee, in Philadelphia safely, and were
cordially welcomed. During the interview, a fidl interchange of thought
resulted, the fugitives were well cared for, and in due time both were for-
warded on, free of cost.
HANSEL WAPLES. ROSE ANNA TONNELL, AND MARY ENNIS. 207
HANSEL WAPLES.
This traveler arrived from Millsboro, Indian River, Delaware, where he
was owned by Wra. E. Burton. While Hansel did not really own hiniselfj
he had the reputation of having a wife and six children. In June, some
six months prior to her husband's arrival, Hansel's wife had been allowed
by her mistress to go out on a begging expedition, to raise money to buy
herself; but contrary to the expectation of her mistress she never returned.
Doubtless the mistress looked upon this course as a piece of the most high-
handed stealing. Hansel did not speak of his owner as being a hard man,
but on the contrary he thought that he was about as "good" as the best that
he was acquainted with. While this Avas true, however, PTansol had quite;
good ground for believing that his master was about to sell him. Dread-
ing this fate he made up his mind to go in pursuit of his wife to a Free
state. Exactly where to look or how to find her he could not tell.
The Committee advised him to "search in Canada." And in order to
enable him to get on quickly and safely, the Committee aided him with
money, &c., in 1853.
ROSE ANNA TONNELL alias MARIA HYDE.
She fled from Isaac Tonnell of . Georgetown, Delaware, in Christmas
week, 1853. A young woman with a little boy of seven years of age
accompanied Rose Anna. Further than the simple fact of their having
thus safely arrived, except the expense incurred by the Committee, no other
particulars appear on the records.
MARY ENNIS alias LTCIA HEMMIN.
Mary arrived with her two children in the early Spring of 1851.
The mother was a woman of about thirty-three years of ago, quite tall,
with a countenance and general appearance well fitted to awaken sym-
pathy at first sight. Her oldest child was a little girl seven years of
age, named Lydia; the other was named Louisa Caroline, three years of age,
both promising in appearance. They were the so called property of John
Ennis, of (Georgetown, Delaware. For their flight they chose the dead of
Winter. After leaving they made their way to West Chester, and there
found friends and security for several weeks, up to the time they reached
Philadelphia. Probably the friends with whom they stopped thought
the weather too inclement for a woman with children dependent on her
208 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD.
support to travel. Long before this mother escaped, thoughts of liberty-
filled her heart. She was ever watching for an opportunity, that would en-
courage her to hope for safety, when once the attenn)t should be made. Un-
til, however, she was convinced that her two children were to be sold, she
could not quite muster courage to set out on the journey. This threat to
sell proved .in multitudes of instances, " the last straw on the camel's back."
When nothinjr else would start tliem this would, Marv and her children
were the only slaves owned by this Ennis, consequently her duties were that
of "Jack of all trades;" sometimes in the field and sometimes in the barn,
as well as in the kitchen, by which, it is needless to say, that her life was
rendered servile to the last degree.
To bind up the broken heart of such a poor slave mother, and to aid
such tender plants as were these little girls, from such a wretched state of
barbarism as existed in poor little Delaware, was doubly gratifying to the
Committee.
«SA:\r," "ISAAC," "PERRY," "CHARLES," AND "GREEN."
ONE THOUSAND DOLLARS REWARD.— Ran away on Satur-
(lay night, the 20th September, 1856, from the subscriber, living in the ninth
district of Carroll county, Maryland, two Negro Men, ISAM and ISAAC. Sara
calls himself Samuel Sims; he is very black ; shows his teeth very much when
he laughs ; no perceptible marks; he is 5 feet 8 inches high, and about thirty
years of age, but has the appearance of being much older
Isaac calls himself Isaac Dotson he is about nineteen years of age, stout made,
but rather chunky; broad across his shoulders, he is about five feet five or six inches high,
always appears to be in a good humor ; laughs a good deal, and runs on with a good deal
of foolishness; he is of very light color, almost yellow, might be called a yellow boy ; has
no perceptible marks.
They have such a variety of clothing that it is almost useless to say anything about
them. No doubt they will change their names.
i will give the above reward for them, of one thousand dollars, or five hundred dollars
for either of them, if taken and lodged in any jail in Maryland, so that I get them again.
Also two of Mr. Dade's, living in the neighborhood^ went the same time ; no doubt
they are all in company together. THOMAS B. WINGS.
s24-6tWii*l|
Tlicsc passengers reached the Philadelphia station, about the 24th of Sep-
tember, 1856, five days after they escaped from Carroll county. They were
in fine spirits, and had borne the fatigue and privation of travel bravely.
A free and interesting interview took place, between these passengers and the
Committee, eliciting much information, especially with regard to the work-
ings of the system on the farms, from which they had the good luck to flee.
Each of the party was thoroughly questioned, about how time had passed with
them at home, or rather in the prison house, what kind of men their masters
were, how they fed and clothed, if they whipped, bought or sold, whether they
were members of church, or not, and many more questions needless to enu-
merate bearing: on the domestic relation which had existed between them-
6'AM, ISAAC, PERRY, CHARLES, AND GREEN. 209
selves and their masters. These queries they answered in their own wav,
with intelligence. Upon the Avhole, their lot in Slavery had been rather
more favorable than the average run of slaves.
No record was made of any very severe treatment. In fact, the
notices made of them were very brief, and, but for the elaborate way in
which they were described in the "Baltimore Sun," by their owners, their
narratives would hardly be considered of sufficient interest to record.
The heavy rewards, beautiful descriptions, and elegant illustrations in the
"Sun," were very attractive reading. The Vigilance Committee took the
" Sun," for nothing else under the sun but for this special literature, and
for this purpose they always considered the " Sun " a cheap and reliable pa-
per.
A slave man or woman, running for life, he with a bundle on his back or
she with a babe in her arms, was always a very interesting sight, and should
always be held in remembrance. Likewise the descriptions given by slave-
holders, as a general rule, showed considerable artistic powers and a most
thorough knowledge of the physical outlines of this peculiar property. In-
deed, the art must have been studied attentively for practical })urposes. When
the advfrtisements were received in advance of arrivals, which was always
the case, the descriptions generally were found so lifelike, that the Committee
preferred to take them in preference to putting themselves to the labor of
writing out new ones, for future reference. This we think, ought not to be
complained of by any who were so unfortunate as to lose wayward servants,
as it is but fair to give credit to all concerned. True, sometimes some of
these beautiful advertisements were open to gentle criticism. The one at
the head of this report, is clearly of this character. For instance, in de-
scribing Isaac, Mr. Thomas B. Owings, represents him as being of a " very
light color," "almost yellow," " might be called a yellow boy." In the
next breath he has no perceptible marks. Now, if he is " very light,"
that is a well-known southern mark, admitted everywhere. A hint to the
wise is sufficient. However, judging from what was seen of Isaac in
Philadelphia, there was more cunning than "foolishness" about him.
Slaves sometimes, when wanting to get away, would make their owners
believe that they wer^ very happy and contented. And, in using this
kind of foolishness, would keep up appearances until an opportunity
offered for an escape. So Isaac might have possessed this sagacity, which
appeared like nonsense to his master. That slave-holders, above all others,
were in the habit of taking special pains to encourage foolishness, loud
laughing, banjo playing, low dancing, etc., in the place of education, virtue,
self-respect and manly carriage, slave-holders themselves are witnesses.
As Mr. Robert Dade was also a loser, equally with ]\Ir. Thomas B.
Owings, and as his advertisement was of the same liberality and high tone,
it seems but fitting that it should come in just here, to give weight and com-
14
2JQ THE UXDERGROUND RAILROAD.
pleteness to the story. Both Owings and Dade showed a considerable
deo-roe of southern cluvah-y in the liberality of their rewards Doubtless
the lar.^e sums thus offered awakened a lively feeling in the breasts of od
slave-lmnters. But it is to be supposed that the artful fugitives safely
re-iched Philadelphia before the hunters got even the first scent on their
track Up to the present hour, with the owners all may be profound
mvsterv • if so, it is to be hoped, that they may feel some interest in the solu-
tion of 'these wonders. The articles so accurately described must now be
permitted to testify in their own words, as taken from the records.
Green Modock acknowledges that he was owned by W illiam Dorsey
Perrv bv Robert Dade, Sam and Isaac by Thomas Owings, all farmers, and
all "toul egarth
and John Dela-
hay. Neither
of these girls
had any great
complaint to
" make on the
score of ill-
treatment en-
dured.
So they c(>ntii\((l e.ich to get a suit of mouinmg, \\ith heavy black veil?,
and thus dressed, apparently absorbed with grief, with a friend to pass them
to the Baltimore depot (hard place to pass, except aided by an individual
well known to the R. R. company), they took a direct course for l*hiladclphia.
While seated in the car, before leaving Baltimore (where slaves and mas-
ters both belonged), who should enter but the master of one of the girls !
In a very excited manner, he hurriedly approached Charlotte and Harriet,
who were apparently weeping. Peeping under their veils, "What is your
name," exclaimed the excited gentleman. " M;ny, sir," sobbed Charlotte.
"What is your name?" (to the other mourner) "I^izzie, sir," Avas the faint
reply. On rushed the excited gentleman as if moved by steam — through the
cars, looking for his property; not finding it, he passed out of the cars, and
to the delight of Charlotte and Harriet soon disappeared. Fair business
: men would he likely to look at this conduct on the part of the two girls in
the light of a "sharp practice." In military parlance it might be regarded
as excellent strategy. Be this as it may, the Underground Hail Poad
passengers arrived safely at the Philadelphia station and wei'c gladly received.
A brief stay in the city was thought prudent lest the hunters might be on
the pursuit. They were, therefore, retained in safe quarters.
In the meantime, Arrival No. 2 reach(>d the Committee. It consisted of
a colored man, a white woman and a child, ten years old. This case created
no little surprise. Not that quite a number of passengers, fair enough to
pass for white, with just a slight tinge of colored blood in their veins, even
sons and daughters of some of the F. F. V., had not on various occasions
come over the U, G. 11. R. Bat this party was peculiar. An exj)lanation was
216
THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD.
sought, wliioh resulted in ascertaiuiug that the party was from Leesburg,
Virginia; that David, the colored man, was about twenty-seven years of age,
intelligent, and was owned, or claimed by Joshua Pusey. David had no
taste for Slavery, indeed, felt that it would be impossible for him to adapt
himself to a life of servitude for the special benefit of others; he had, al-
ready, as he thought, been dealt with very wrongfully by Pusey, who had
deprived him of many years of the best part of his life, and would continue
thus to wrong him, if he did not make a resolute effort to get away. So
after thinking of various plans, he determined not to run off as a slave with
his " budget on his back," but to " travel as a coachman," under the " pro-
tection of a white lady." In planning this pleasant scheme, David was not
blind to the fact that neither himself nor the " white lady," with whom he
proposed to travel, possessed either horse or carriage.
But his master happened to have a vehicle that would answer for the oc-
casion. David reasoned that as Joshua, his so called master, had deprived
him of his just dues for so many years, he had a right to borrow, or take
without borrowing, one of Joshua's horses for the expedition. The plan was
pal)iiiittcd to tlie lady, and was approved, and a mutual understanding here
entered into, that she should hire a carriage, and take also her little girl
with them. The lady was to assume the proprietorship of the horse, car-
riage and coachman. In so doing all dangers would be, in their judgment,
averted. Tlic scheme being all r«ady for execution, the time for departure
was fixed, the carriage hired, David having secured his master Joshua's horse,
and off they started in the direction of Pennsylvania. AVhite people being
so accustomed to riding, and colored people to driving, the party looked all
FOUR ARRIVALS. 217
right. No one suspected them, that they were aware of, while passing
through Virginia.
On reaching Chambersburg, Pa., in the evening, they drove to a hotel,
the lady alighted, holding by the hand her well dressed and nice-looking
little daugliter, bearing herself with as independent an air as if she had owned
twenty such boys as accompanied her as coachman. She did not hesitate to
enter and request accommodations for the night, for herself, daughter, coach-
man, and horse. Being politely told that they could be accommodated, all
that was necessary was, that the lady should show off to the best advantage
possible. The same duty also rested with weiglit upon the mind of David.
The night passed safely and the morning was ushered in with bright hopes
which were overcast but only for a moment, however. Breakfast liaving been
ordered and partaken of, to the lady's surprise, just as she was in the act of
paying the bill, the proprietor of the hotel intimated that he thought that
matters " looked a little suspicious," in other words, he said plainly, that he
" believed that it was an Underground Rail Road movement ; " but being
an obliging hotel-keeper, he assured her at the same time, that he 'Svould
not betray them." Just here it was with them as it would have been on any
other rail road when things threaten to come to a stand ; they could do no-
thing more than make their way out of the peril as best they could. One
thing they decided to do immediately, namely, to " leave the horse and car-
riage," and try other modes of travel. They concluded to take the regular
passenger cars. In this way they reached Philadelphia. In Harrisburg,
they had sought and received instructions how to find the Committee in
Philadelphia.
What relations had previously existed between David and this lady in
Virginia, the Committee knew not. It looked more like the time spoken
of in Isaiah, where it is said, " And a little child shall load them," than
any thing that had ever been previously witnessed on the Underground
Rail Road. The Underground Rail Road never practised the proscription
governing other roads, on account of race, color, or previous condition.
All were welcome to its immunities, white or colored, when the object to be
gained favored freedom, or weakened Slavery. As the sole aim apparent
in this case was freedom for the slave the Committee received these travellers
as Underground Rail Road passengers.
Arrival No. 3. Charles H. Ringold, Robert Smith, and John Henry
Richards, all from Baltimore. Their ages ranged from twenty to twenty-four
years. They were in appearance of the class most inviting to men who were
in the business of buying and selling slaves. Charles and John were owned
by James Hodges, and Robert by Wm. H. Normis, living in Baltimore.
This is all that the records contain of them. The exciting and hurrying
times when they were in charge of the Committee probably forbade the
writmg out of a more detailed account of them, as was often the case.
218 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD.
With the above three arrivals on lianJ, it may be seen how great was
the danger to wliich all concerned were exposed on account of tlie bold and
open manner in wliich these parties had escaped from the land of the peculiar
institution. Notwithstanding, a feeling of very great gratification existed in
view of the success attending tiie new and adventurous modes of travelino-.
Indulging in reflections of this sort, the writer on going from his dinner that
day to the anti-slavery office, to his surprise found an officer awaiting his
coming. Said officer was of the mayor's police force. Before many moments
had been allowed to pass, in which to conjecture his errand, the officer,
evidently burdened with the importance of his mission, began to state his
business substantially as follows:
"I have just received a telegraphic despatch from a slave-holder living
in Maryland, informing me that six slaves had escaped from him, and that
he had reason to believe that they were on their way to Philadelphia, and
would come in the regular train direct from Harrisburg ; furthermore I am
requested to be at the depot on the arrival of the train to arrest the whole
party, for whom a reward of $1300 is offi^red. Now I am not the man for
this business. I would have nothing to do with the contemptible work of»
arresting fugitives. I'd rather help them off. What I am telling you is
confidential. My object in coming to the office is simply to notify the
Vigilance Committee so that they may be on the look-out for them at the
depot this evening and get them out of danger as soon as possible. This is
the way I feel about them ; but I shall telegraph back that I will be on the
look-out."
While the officer was jrivino; this information he was listened to most
attentively, and every word he uttered was carefully weighed. An air of
truthfulness, however, was apparent; nevertheless he was a stranger and
there was cause for great cautiousness. During the interview an unopened
telegraphic despatch wliich had come to hand during the writer's absence,
lay on the desk. Impressed with the belief that it might shed light on
the officer's story, the first opportunity that offered, it was seized, opened,
and it read as follows: (Copied from the original.)
Harkisburg, May 31st, 1856.
Wm. Still, N. 5th St. : — I have sent via at two o'clock four large and two small hams.
Jos. C. BCSTILL.
Here there was no room for further doubt, but much need for vigilance.
Although the despatch was not read to the officer, not that his story was
doubted, but purely for prudential reasons, he was nevertheless given to
understand, that it was about the same party, and that they would be duly
looked after. It would hardly have been understood by the officer, had he
been permitted to read it, so guardedly M-as it worded, it was indeed dead
language to all save the initiated. In one particular especially, relative to
FOUR ARRIVALS. 219
the depot where they were expected to arrive, the officer was in the dark, as
his despatch pointed to the regidar train, and of course to the depot at
Eleventh and Market streets. The Underground Kail Road despatch on
the contrary pointed to Broad and Callowhill streets " Via," i. e. Reading.
As notified, that evening the " four large and t\v6 small hams " arrived,
and turned out to be of the very finest quality, just such as any trader would
have paid the highest market price for. Being mindful of tiie great danger
of the hour, there was felt to be more occasion just then for anxiety and
watchfulness, than for cheering and hurrahing over the brave passengers. To
provide for them in the usual manner, in view of the threatening aspect of
affixirs, could not be thought of. In this critical hour it devolved upon a
member of the Committee, for the safety of all parties, to find new and separate
places of accommodation, especially for the six known to be pursued. To be
stored in other than private families would not answer. Three or four such
were visited at once; after learning of the danger much sympathy was
expressed, but one after another made excuses and refused. This was pain-
ful, for the parties had plenty of house room, were identified with the
oppressed race, and on public meeting occasions made loud professions of
devotion to the cause of the fugitive, &c. The memory of the hour and
circumstances is still fresh.
Accommodations were finally procured for a number of the fugitives
with a widow woman, (Ann Laws) whose opportunities for succor were
far less than at the places where refusals had been met with. But Mrs. L.
was kind-hearted, and nobly manifested a willingness to do all that she
could for their safety. Of course the Committee felt bound to bear what-
ever expense might necessarily be incurred. Here some of the passen-
gers were kept for several days, strictly private, long enough to give the
slave-hunters full opportunity to tire themselves, and give up the chase
in despair. Some belonging to the former arrivals had also to be simi-
larly kept for the same reasons. Through careful management all were
succored and cared for. Whilst much interesting information was ob-
tained from these several arrivals: the incidents connected with their
lives in Slavery, and when escaping were but briefly written out. Of this
fourth arrival, however, the following intelligence will doubtless be highly
gratifying to the friends of freedom, wherever the labors of the Underground
Rail Road may be appreciated. . The people round about Hagerstown, Mary-
land, may like to know how these "articles" got off so successfully, the cir-
cumstances of their escape having doubtless created some excitement in that
region of the country.
Arrival No. 4. Charles Bird, George Dorsey, Angeline Brown, Albert
Brown, Charles Brown and Jane Scott.
Charles was twenty-four years of age, quite dark, of quick motion, and
ready speech, and in every way appearing as though he could take care of
220
THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD.
himself. He had occupied the condition of a farm laborer. This call-
ing he concluded to forsake, not because he disliked farming, but simply
to get rid of David Clargart, who professed to own him, and compelled
him to work without pay, "for nothing." While Charles spoke favor-
ably of Clargart as a Yuan, to the extent, at all events, of testifying that
he was not what was called a hard man, nevertheless Charles was so
decidedly opposed to Slavery that he felt compelled to look out for himself.
Serving another man on the no pay principle, at the same time liable to be
flogged, and sold at the pleasure of another, Charles felt was worse than
heathenish viewed in any light whatsoever. He was prepared therefore, to
leave without delay. He had four sisters in the hands of Clargart, but what
could he do for them but leave them to Providence.
The next on the list was George Doesey, a comrade of Charles. He was
a young man, of medium size, mixed blood, intelligent, and a brave fellow
as will appear presently.
This party in order to get over the road as expeditiously as possible, avail-
ed themselves of their master's horses and wagon and moved off civilly and
respectably. About nine miles from home on the road, a couple of white
men, finding their carriage broken down approached them, unceremoniously
seized the horses by the reins and were evidently about to assume authority,
supposing that the boys would surrender at once. But instead of so doing,
the boys struck away at them with all their might, with their large clubs,
not even waiting to hear what these superior individuals wanted. The
FOUR ARRIVALS. 221
effect of the clubs brought them prostrate in the road, in an attitude resem-
bling two men dreaming, (it was in the night.) The victorious passeno-ers
seeing that the smashed up carriage could be of no furtlier use to them, quick-
ly conceived the idea of unhitching and attempting further pursuit on horse-
back. Each horse was required to carry three pa&sengers. So up they mount-
ed and off they galloped with the horses' heads turned directly towards Pennsyl-
vania. No further difficulty presented itself until after they had traveled some
forty miles. Here the poor horses broke down, and had to be abandoned.
The fugitives were hopeful, but of the difficulties ahead they wot not; surely no
flowery beds of ease awaited them. For one whole week they were oblio-ed
to fare as they could, out in the woods, over the mountains, ect looked simply hopeless. Man}
hearts were sad in view of the doom which they feared would fall u[x>u hitn
for obeying a humane impulse (he had put the girls on the «\rs). But witli
the R;\il Road Comj\any it was a different matter ; they had money,
power, friends, etc., and could defy the courts. In the course of a
few months, Avhen the suit against Adams and the R^ail Road Company
came up, the Rail R^^d Comj^any proved in court., in defense, that the pros-
ecutor cntcrtxl the cars in search of his runaway, and went and s}>oke to the
two voung women in *' mourning" tlie dav thev escaped, looking expressly
for the identical parties, for which he was seeking damages Ix'fore the court,
and that he declared to the conductor, on leaving the cars, that the said "two
FROM YIEGIXIA, MABYLAXD, DELAWARE, ETC. 223
o-irls ill mourning, were not the ones he was looking after," or in other
words, that " neither " belonged to him. This positive testimony satisfied the
jury, and the Rail Road Company and poor James Adams escaped by the
verdict not guilty. The owner of the lost property had the costs to pay of
eourso, but whether he was made a wiser or better man by the operation was
aever ascertained.
THIKD LETTER.
Senxett, October 28th, 1S56.
Dear Mr. Still: — I am happy to tell you that I am well and happy. I still live
with Rev. Mr. Anderson in this place, I am learning to read and write. I do not like to
trouble you too much, but I would like to know if you have heard anything more about
my friends in Baltimore who got into trouble on our account. Do be pleased to write me
if you can give me any information about them. I feel bad that they should suffer for
me. I wish all my brethren and sisters in bondage, were as well off as I am. The girl
that came with me is in Canada, near the Suspension Bridge. I was glad to see Green
Murdock, a colored young man, who stopped at your house about six weeks ago, he knew
my folks at the South. He has got into a good place to work in this neighborhood.
Give my love to Mrs Still, and believe me your obliged friend, Harriet Eglin.
P. S. I would like to know what became of Johnson,* the man whose foot was
-mashed by jumping off the cars, he was at your house when I was there. H. E.
FROM YIRGIXIA, MARYLAND, DELAWARE, NORTH CARO-
LINA, WASHINGTON, D. C, AND SOUTH CAROLINA.
TAMES BURKELL, DANIEL WIGGINS, WM. ROBINSON, EDWARD PEADEN, AND WIFE,
ALEX. BOGGS, SAMUEL STATER, HARRISON BELL AND DAUGHTER, HARRIET ANN,
DANIEL DAVIS, alias DAVID SMITH, JAMES STEWART, alias WILLIAM JACKSOX,
HARRIET HALEY, alias ANN RICHARDSON, BENJ. DUNCANS, alias GEORGE SCOTT,
MOSES WINES, SARAH SMITH, alias MILDRETH PAGE, LUCY GARRETT, alias JULIA
WOOD, ELLEN FORM AN, alias ELIZABETH YOUNG, WM. WOODEN, alias WM. NEL-
SON, JAMES EDWARD HANDY', alias DENNIS CANNON, JAMES HENRY' DELANY
alias SMART STANLEY, JAMES HENRY BLACKSON, GEORGE FREELAND, MILES
WHITE, LOUISA CLAYTON, LEWIS SNOWDEN, oLioS LEWIS WILLIAMS, WM. JOHNSON,
JOHN HALL alias JOHN SIMPSON.
In order to keep this volume within due limits, in the cases to be noticed
n this chapter, it will be impossible to state more than a few of the interest-
-ug particulars that make up these narratives. While some of these passen-
gers might not have been made in the prison house to drink of the bitter
•up as often as others, and in their flight might not have been called upon
pass through as severe perils as fell to the lot of others, nevertheless
* Johnson w.is an unfortunate young fugitive, who, while escaping, beheld his master or pursuer in
-le cars, and jumped therefrom, crushing his feet shockingly by the bold act.
224 THE USDERGROUND BAIL ROAD,
justice seems to require, that, as far as possible, all the passengers passing
over the Philadelphia Underground Rail Road shall be noticed.
James Burrell. James was certainly justifiable in making his escape,
if for no other reason than on the score of being nearly related to the chi-
valry of the South. He was a mulatto (the son of a white man evidently),
about thirty-two years of age, medium size, and of an agreeable appear-
ance. He was owned by a maiden lady, who lived at Williamsburg, but not
requiring his services in her own family, she hired him out by the year
to a Mr. John Walker, a manufacturer of tobacco, for which she received
$120 annually. This arrangement was not satisfactory to James. He could
not see why he should be compelled to wear the yoke like an ox. The more
he thought over his condition, the more unhappy was his lot, until at last
he concluded, that he could not stand Slavery any longer. He had M'it-
nessed a great deal of the hardships of the system of Slavery, and he had
quite enough intelligence to portray the horrors thereof in very vivid
colors. It was the auction-block horror that first prompted him to seek free-
dom. While thinking how he would manage to get away safely, his wife
and children were ever present in his mind. He felt as a husband should
towards his " wife Betsy," and likewise loved his "children, Walter and
Mary ;" but these belonged to another man, who lived some distance in the
country, where he had permission to see them only once a week. This had its
pleasure, it also had its painful influence. The weekly partings were a never-
failing source of unhappiness. So when James' mind was fully made up to
escape from Slavery, he decided that it would not be best to break the secret
to his poor wife and children, but to get off to Canada, and afterwards to try
and see what he could do for their deliverance. The hour fixed to leave Vir-
ginia arrived, and he started and succeeded in reaching Philadelphia, and the
Committee. On arriving he needed medicine, clothing, food, and a carriage
for his accommodation, all which were furnished freely by the Committee,
and he was duly forwarded to Canada. From Canada, with his name
changed, he wrote as follows:
Toronto, March 28th, 1854.
Sib, Mr. Still — It does me pleasure to forward you this letter hopeing when this comes
to hand it may find your family well, as they leaves me at present. I will also say that
the friends are well. Allow me to say to you that I arrived in this place on Friday last
safe and sound, and feeles well under my safe arrival. Its true that I have not been em-
ployed as yet but I lives hopes to be at work very shortly. I likes this city very well,
and I am in hopes that there a living here for me as much so as there for any one else.
You will be please to write. I am hording at Mr. Phillip's Centre Street.
I have nothing more at present. Yours most respectfull. W. Boural.
Daniel Wiggins, alias Daniel Robinson. Daniel fled from Norfolk,
Ya., where he had been owned by the late Richard Scott. Only a few days
before Daniel escaped, his so called owner was summoned to his last account.
FROM VIRGINIA,. MARYLAND, DELAWARE, ETC. 225
While ill, just before the close of his career, he often promised D. his free-
dom and also promised, if restored, that he would make amends for the
past, by changing his ways of living. Ilis son, who was very reckless, he
would frequently allude to and declared, " that he," the son, " should not
have his ' property.' " These dying sentiments filled Daniel with great hopes
that the day of his enslavement was nearly at an end. Unfortunately, how-
ever, death visited the old master, ere he had made provision for his slaves.
At q\\ events, no will was found. That he might not fall a prey to the
reckless son, he felt, that he must nerve himself for a desperate struggle
to obtain his freedom in some other way, by traveling on tlie Underground
Rail Road. While he had always been debarred from book learning, he
was, nevertheless, a man of some intelligence, and by trade was a practical
Corker.
He was called upon in this trying hour to leave his wife with three chil-
dren, but they were, fortunately, free. Coming to the Committee in want,
they cheerfully aided liim, and forwarded him on to Canada. Thence,
immediately on his arrival, he returned the following grateful letter :
New Bedford, Mass., March 22d, 1854.
Dear Sir : — I am happy to inform you that I arrived in this place this morning well
and cheerful. I am, sir, to you and others under more obligations for your kindly protec-
tion of me than I can in any way express at present. May the Lord preserve you unto
eternal life. Remember my respects to Mr. Lundy and family. Should the boat lay up
please let me know. Yours respectfully, David Robinson.
Please forward to Dr. H. Lundy, after you have gqtten through. With respects, &c.
D. R.
Wm. Robinson, alias Tnos. Harred. William gave satisfactory evi-
dence, at first sight, that he was opposed to the unrequited labor system
m toto, and even hated still more the flogging practices of the chivalry.
Although he had reached his twenty-eighth year, and was a truly fair
specimen of his race, considering his opportunities, a few days before
William left, the overseer on the plantation attempted to flog him, but
did not succeed. William's manhood was aroused, and he flogged the
overseer soundly, if what he averred was true. The name of William's
owner was John G. Beale, Esq., of Fauquier county, Va. Beale was
considered to be a man of wealth, and had invested in Slave stock to
the number of seventy head. According to William's account of Beale,
he was a ^' hard man and thought no more of his black people than he
did of dogs." When William entered upon the undertaking of freeing
himself from Beale's barbarism, he had but one dollar and twenty-five
cents in liis possession ; but he had physical strength and a determined
mind, and being heartily sick of Slavery, he was willing to make the trial,
even at the cost of life. Thus hopeful, he prosecuted his journey with suc-
15
226 THE UNDERGROUD RAIL ROAD.
cess through strange regions of country, vvitli but little aid or encouragement
before reaching riiiladclphia. This feat, however, was not performed with-
out getting lost by the way. On arriving, his shoes were gone, and his feet
were severely travel-worn. The Committee rendered needed aid, etc., and
sent William on to Canada to work for himself, and to be recognized as a iJ
subject of Great Britain. !
Edward Peaden and wife Harriet, and sister Celia. This
man and his wife and wife's sister were a nice-looking trio, but they
brought quite a sad story with them: the sale of their children, six ui
number. The auction block had made such sad havoc among them, that no
room was left to hope, that their situation would ever be improved by re-
maining. Indeed they had been under a very gloomy cloud for some time i
previous to leaving, fearing that the auction block was shortly to be H
their doom. To escape tliis fate, they were constrained to " secrete them-
selves for one month," until an opportunity offered them to secure a pas-
sage on a boat coming to Philadelphia. Edward (the husband), was about
forty-four years of age, of a dark color, well made, full face, pleasant coun-
tenance, and talked fluently. Dr. Price claimed him as his personal
property, and exacted all his hire and labor. For twelve years he had
been hired out for $100 per annum. Harriet, the wife of Edward, be-
longed to David Baines, of Norfolk. Her general appearance indicated,
that nature had favored her physically and mentally, although being
subjected to the drudgery of Slave life, with no advantages for development,
she was simply a living testimony to the crushing influence of Slavery —
with a heart never free from the saddened recollection of the auction block,
on which all of her children had been sacrificed, " one by one." Celia, the
sister, also belonged to D. Baines, and was kept hired out — was last in the
service of the Mayor of Norfolk. Of her story nothing of any moment
Avas recorded. On their arrival in Philadelphia, as usual they were handed
over to the Committee, and their wants were met.
William Davis. All that the records contain of William is as follows :
He left Einmitsburg, Md., the previous Friday night, where he had been
held by Dr. James Shoul. William is thirty-two years of age, dark color,
rather below medium stature. AVith regard to his slave life, he declaral
that he had been "roughly used." Besides, for some time before escapiiig, he
felt that his owner was in the " notion of trading" him off. The fear that
this api)rchended notion would be carried into execution, was what prompted
him to leave his master.
Alexander Boggs, alias Johnson Henson. This subject was under
the ownership of a certain John Emie, who lived about three miles from
Baltimore. Mr. Emie had only been in possession of the wayward Alex-
ander three weeks, having purchased him of a trader named Demiit, for
$550. This was not the first time, however, that he had experienced the
I
FROM VIBGIXIA, MARYLAND, DELAWARE, ETC. 227
trouble of changing masters, in consequence of having been sold. Previ-
ously to his being disposed of hj the trader Dennit, he had been owned by
Senator Merrick, who had the misfortune to fail in business, in consequence
whereof, his slaves had all to be sold and Alexander with the rest, away
from ills wife, Caroline, and two children, James and Eliezer.
This was a case that appealed for sympathy and aid, which were cheer-
fully rendered by the Couimitlce. Alexander was about fifty years of age,
of dark color. On the Records no account of cruel treatment is found,
other than being sold, &c.
John Brown, alias Jacob Williams, arrived from Frederick town,
Md., where he had been woi-king under the yoke of Joseph Postly.
John was a young man of twenty-nine years of age. Up to the hour
.of his escape, his lot had been that of an ordinary slave. Indeed, he had
much less to complain of with reference to usage than most slaves ; the
only thing in this respect the records contain, is simply a charge, that his
master threatened to sell him. But this did not seem to have been the
motive which prompted John to take leave of his master. Although untu-
tored, he had mind enough to comprehend that Postly had no right to
oppress hiju, and wrong him out of his hire. John concluded that he would
;not stand such treatment any longer, and made up his mind to leave for
Canada. After due examination the Committee, finding his story reasonable,
i^ave him the usual assistance, advice and instruction, and sent him on
Oanada-ward.
Samuel Slater, alias Patterson Smith, came from a place called
Power Bridge, Md. He gave a satisfactory account of himself, and was
3ommended for having wisely left his master, Wilh'am Martin, to earn his
oread by the sweat of his own brow. Martin had held up the vision of
;he auction-block before Sam ; this was enough. Sam saw that it was time
br him to be getting out of danger's way without delay, so he i)rcsumed,
f others could manage to escape, he could too. And he succeeded. He
i.vas a stout man, about twenty-nine years of age, of dark complexion. No
particular mention of ill treatment is found on the Records.
j After arriving in Canada, his heart turned with deep interest and affec-
ion to those left in the prison-house, as the following letter indicates.
St. Cathrines Oct 29th.
JIy Dear Friend :— yours of the L5th came to hand and I was glad to hea from 3^ou
md your dear family were well and the reason that I did not write sooner I expected get
I letter from my brother in Pennsylvania but I have not received any as yet when I wrote
a3t I directed my letter to philip scott minister of the asbury church baltimore and that
vas the reason that I thought it strange I did not get an answer but I did not put my
Tother name to it 1 made arrangements before I left home with a family of smiths that I
ifas to write to and the letter that I enclose in this I want you to direct it to D Philip
|Cott in his care for mrs cassey Jackson Duke Jacksons wife and she will give to Priana
mith or Sarah Jane Smith those are the persons I wish to write to I wish you to write
228 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD.
on as quick as you can and let them know that there is a lady coming on by the name of
mrs Holonsworth and she will call and see you and you will hud her a very intereslmg
and inteligent person one worthy of respect and esteem and a high reputation I must now
bring my letter to a close no more at present but remain your humble servant
Patterson Smith
In my letters I did not write to my friends how they shall write to me but in the letter
that you write you will please to tell them how they shall write to me.
Harrison Bell and daughter Harriet Ann. Father and daughter
were fortunate enough to escape together from Norfolk, Va.
Harrison was just in the prime of life, forty years of age, stout made,
good features, but in height was rather below medium, was a man of more
than ordinary shrewdness, by trade he was a chandler. He alleged that he
had been used hard.
Harriet Ann was a well-grown girl of pleasant appearance, four-
teen years of age. Father and daughter had each different owners, one
belonged to James Snyder, the other to John G. Hodgson.
Harrison had been informed that his children were to be sold ; to prevent
this shocking fate, he was prompted to escape. Several months previous to
finding a chance to make a safe flight, he secreted himself with his children
in Norfolk, and so remained up to the day he left, a passage having been
secured for them on one of the boats coming to Philadelphia. While the
records contain no definite account of other children, it is evident that
there were others, but what became of them is not known.
If at the time of their arrival, it had been imagined that the glorious day
of universal freedom was only about eight years off, doubtless much fuller
records would have been made of these struggling Underground Rail Road
passengers. If Harrison's relatives and friends, who suddenly missed iiira
and his daughter Harriet Ann, in the Spring of 1854, are still ignorant of
his whereabouts, this very brief account of their arrival in Philadelphia,
may be of some satisfliction to all concerned, not excepting his old master,
whom he had served so faithfully.
The Committee finding them in need, had the pleasure of furnishing them
with food, material aid and a carriage, with cheering words and letters of
introduction to friends on the road to Canada.
DANIET> DAVIS, ALIAS DAVID SMITH, ADAM NICHOLSON, ALIAS JOHN WYNKOOP,"
REUBEN BOWLES, ALIAS CDNNIGAN, ARRIVED FROM HEDGEVILLE, VA.
Daniel was only about twenty, just at a capital age to make a bold
strike for freedom. The appearance and air of this young aspirant foi
liberty indicated that he was not of the material to be held in chains,
lie was a man of medium size, well-built, dark color, and intelligent. Hon.
Charles J. Fortner, M. C. was the reputed owner of this young fugitive, bul
the honorable gentleman having no use for his services, or because he may
i
FROM VIRGINIA, MARYLAND, DELAWARE, ETC. 229
have profited more by hii'ing him out, Daniel was placed in the employ of
a farmer, by the name of Adam Quigley. It wa^ at this time he resolved
that he would not be a slave any longer. He declared that Quigley was a
" very mean man," one for whom he had no respect whatever. Indeed he
felt that the system of Slavery was an abomiaation in any form it might be
viewed. While he was yet so young, he had pretty clear views with regard
to Slavery, and remembered with feelings of deep indignation, how his
father had been sold when he himself was a boy, just as a horse might have
been sold ; and how his mother was dragging her chains in Slavery, up to the
hour he fled. Thus in company with his two companions he was prepared
for any sacrifice.
Adam's tale is soon told ; all that is on the old record in addition to his
full name, is in the following words : "Adam is dark, rugged and sensible,
and was owned by Alexander Hill, a drunkard, gambler, &c."
Keuben had been hired out to John Sabbard near Hedgeville. Startled
at hearing that he was to be sold, he was led to consider the propriety
of seeking flight via the Underground Rail Road. These three young
men were all fine specimens of farm hands, and possessed more than average
common sense, considering the oppression they had to labor under. They
walked the entire distance from Hedgeville, Va., to Greenville, Pa. There
they took the cars and walked no more. They appeared travel-worn, gar-
ments dirty, and forlorn ; but the Committee had them cleanly washed,
hair cut and shaved, cliange of clothing furnished, &c., which at once made
them look like very difierent men. Means were appropriated to send them
on free of cost.
James Stewart, alias Wm. Jackson. James had been made acquainted
with the Peculiar Institution in Fauquier county, Va. Being of sound
judgment and firm resolution, he became an enemy to Slavery at a very
early age ; so much so, that by the time he was twenty-one he was willing
to put into practice his views of the system by leaving it and going where all
men are free. Very different indeed were these notions, from those held by
his owner, Wm. Rose, who believed in Slavery for the black man. So as
James could neither enjoy his freedom nor express his opinion in Virginia,
he determined, that he had better get a passage on the Underground Rail
Road, and leave the land of Slavery and the obnoxious sentiments of
his master. He, of course, saw formidable diSiculties to be encountered
all the way along in escaping, but these, he considered, would be
more easy for him to overcome than it would be for him to learn the
lesson — " Servants, obey your masters." The very idea made James sick.
This, therefore, was the secret of his escape.
Harriet Haley, alias Ann Richardson, and Elizabeth Haley,
alias Sarah Richardson. These travelers succeeded in escaping from
Geo. C. Davis, of Harford county, Md. In order to carry out their plans,
230 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD.
they took advantage of Whitsuntide, a holiday, and with marked ingenuity and
perseverance, they managed to escape and reach Quakertown Underground
Rail Road Station without obstruction, where protection and assistance were
rendered by the friends of the cause. After abiding there for a shoit time,
thev were forwarded to the Committee in Philadelphia. Their ages ranged
from nineteen to twenty-one, and they were apparently "servants" of a very
superior order. The pleasure it afforded to aid such young women in
escaping from a condition so loathsome as that of Slavery in Maryland, was
unalloyed.
BENJA^riN Duncans, alias George Scott. This individual was in
bonds under Thomas Jeffries, who was a firm believer in the doctrine:
" Servants, obey your masters," and, furthermore, while laboring " pretty
hard" to make Benjamin a convert to this idea, he had made Benjamin's
lot anything else than smooth. This treatment on the part of the master
made a wise and resolute man of the Slave. For as he looked earnestly
into the fact, that he was only regarded by his owner in the light of an
ox, or an aas, his manhood rebelled straightway, and the true light of
freedom told him, that he must be willing to labor, and endure suffering for
the great prize, liberty. So, in company with five others, at an appointed
time, he set out for freedom, and succeeded. The others, alluded to, passed
on to Canada direct. Benjamin was induced to stop a few months in Penn-
sylvania, during which time he occu])ied himself in farming. Pie looked as
if he was well able to do a full day's work at this occupation. He was
about twenty-five years of age, of unmixed blood, and wore a pleasant
countenance.
jSIoses Wines. Portsmouth, Va., lost one of her most substantial la-
borers in the person of Moses, and Madam Abigail Wheeler, a very "likely
article" of merchandise. "No complaint" as to "ill treatment " was made
by Moses against " ]\Iiss Abigail." The truth was, he admitted, that he liad
been used in a " mild way." With some degree of pride, he stated
that he " had never been flogged." But, for the " last fifteen years, he
had been favored witli the exalted privilege of 'hiring' his time at the 'rea-
sonable' sum of ^12 per month." As he stood pledged to have this amount
always ready, " whether sick or well," at the end of the month, his mistress
" never neglected to be in roadineas to receive it " to the last cent. I n this way
Moses was taught to be exceedingly punctual. Who would not commend such
a mistress for the punctuality, if nothing more? But as smoothly as matters
seemed to be going along, the mischievous idea crept into Moses' head, that
he ought to have some of the money claimed by his " kind " mistress, and at
the same time, the thought would often forcibly press upon his mind that he
might any day be sold. In addition to this unpleasant prospect, Virginia
had just about that time passed a law "prohibiting Slaves from hiring
their time " — also, a number of " new Police rules with reference to Slaves
FROM VIRGINIA, MARYLAND, DELAWARE, ETC. 231
and free colored people," all of which, the " humane Slave-holders " of that
"liberal State," regarded as highly essential both for the "protection and
safety of Master and Slave." But the stupid-headed Moses was not pleased
with these arrangements. In common with many of the Slaves, he smarted
severely under his heavy oppression, and felt that it was similar to an old
rule, which had been once tried under Pharaoh — namely, when the children
of Israel were required to " make bricks without straw." But Moses was
not a fit subject to submit to be ruled so inhumanly.
Despite the beautiful sermons he had often listened to in favor of
Slavery, and the many wise laws, above alluded to, he could not reconcile
himself to his condition. The laws and preaching were alike as
"sounding brass, and tinkling cymbals" to him. He made up his
mind, therefore, that he must try a free country ; that his manhood
required him to make the effort at once, even at the risk of life. Father
and husband, as he was, and loving his wife, Grace, and son, Alphonso,
tenderly as he did, he nevertheless felt himself to be in chains, and that he
could do but little for them by remaining. He conceived that, if he
could succeed in gaining his freedom, he might possibly aid them away
also. With this hope in him, he contrived to secure a private passage
on the steamship City of Richmond, and in this way reached Philadelphia,
but not without suffering fearfully the entire journey through, owing to the
narrowness of the space into which he was obliged to be stowed in order to
get away.
Moses was a man of medium size, quite dark, and gave promise of being
capable of taking care of himself in freedom. Pie had seen much of the
cruelties of Slavery inflicted upon others in various forms, which he related
in a way to make one shudder ; but these incidents were not recorded in the
book at the time.
Sarah S.mith, alias Mildreth Page, and her daughter, nine years of
age. Sarah and her child were held to service by the Rev. A. D. Pollock, a
resident of Wilmington, Del. Until about nine months before she escaped
from the Reverend gentleman, she was owned by Mrs. Elizabeth Lee of
Fauquier Co., Va., who had moved M'ith Sarah to Wilmington. How
Mr. Pollock came by Sarah is not stated on the records ; perhaps by mar-
riage; be that as it may, it was owing to ill treatment from her mistress that
Sarah "took out" with her child. Sarah was a woman of becoming
manners, of a dark brown complexion, and looked as though she might do a
fair share of housework, if treated well. As it required no great effort to
escape from Wilmington, where the watchful Garrett lived, she reached the
Committee in Philadelphia without much difficulty, received assistance and
was sent on her way rejoicing.
Lucy Garrett, alias Julia Wood. John Williams, who was said to
be a " very cruel man," residing on the Western Shore of Ya., claimed
232 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD.
Lucy as his chattel personal. Julia, having a lively sense of his meanness
stood much in fear of being sold ; having seen her father, three sisters, and
two brothers, disposed of at auction, she was daily on the look-out for her
turn to come next. The good spirit of freedom made the way plain to her
by whicli an escai)e could be effected. Being about nineteen years of age,
she felt that she had served in Slavery long enough. She resolved to start
immediately, and did so, and succeeded in reaching Pennsylvania. Her
appearance recommended her so well, that she was prevailed upon to remain
and accept a situation in the family of Joseph A. Dugdale, so well known
in reformatory circles, as an ardent friend of humanity. While in his family
she gave great satisfaction, and was much esteemed for uprightness and in-
dustry. But this place was not Canada, so, when it was deemed best, she
was sent on.
Ellen Forman, alias Elizabeth Young. Ellen had formerly been
owned by Dr. Thomas, of the Eastern Shore of Maryland, but about one year
before escaping, she was bought by a lady living in Baltimore known by the
name of Mrs. Johnson. Ellen was about thirty years of age, of
slender stature, and of a dark brown complexion. The record makes no
mention of cruel treatment or very hard usage, as a slave. From travel-
ing, probably, she had contracted a very heavy cold, which threatened her
with consumption. The Committee cheerfully rendered her assistance.
fiWiLLiAM Wooden, alias William Nelson. While Delaware was not
far from freedom, and while Slavery was considered to exist there compa-
ratively in a mild form, nevertheless, what with the imjienctrable ignorance
in which it was the wont of pro-slavery whites to keep the slaves,
and the unwillingness on the part of slave-holders generally to conform to
the spirit of progr&ss going on in the adjacent State of Pennsylvania, it m;ls
wonderful how the slaves saw through the thick darkness thus prevailing,
and how wide-awake they were to escape.
It was from this State, that William Wooden fled. True, William was
said to belong to Judge Wooden, of Georgetown, Del., but, according
to the story of his "chattel," the Judge was not of the class who judged
righteously. He had not only treated William badly, but he had threat-
ened to sell him. This was the bitter pill which constrained William to
"take out." The threat seemed hard at first, but its effect was excellent for
this young man ; it was the cause of his obtaining his freedom at the age of
twenty-three. William was a tall, well-built man, of dark complexion and
promising. No further particulars concerning him are on the records.
James Edwaiid Handy, aViafi Daniel Canon. At Seaford, Delaware,
James was held in bonds under a Slave-holder called Samuel Lewis, who fol-
lowed farming. Lewis was not satisfied with working James hard and
keeping all his earnings, but would insolently talk occasionally of hand-
ing him "over to the trader." This "stirred James' blood " and aroused
FROM VIRGINIA, MARYLAND, DELAWARE, ETC. 233
his courage to the "sticking point." Nothing could induce him to
remain. He had the name of having a wife and four children, but ac-
cording to the Laws of Delaware, he only had a nominal right in them.
They were " legally the property of Capt. Martin." Therefore
they were all left in the hands of Capt. Martin. The wife's name was
Harriet Delaney, alias Smart Stanley. James Henry Delaney came as a
fellow-traveler with James Edward. He had experienced oppression under
Capt. Martin, and as a witness, was prepared to testify, that Martin " ill-
treated his Slaves, especially with regard to the diet, which was very poor."
Nevertheless James was a stout, heavy-built young man of twenty-six years
of age, and looked as if he might have a great deal of valuable work in
him. He was a single man.
James Henhy Blackson. James Henry had only reached twenty-five,
when he came to the " conclusion, that he had served long enough under
bondage for the benefit of Charles Wright." This was about all of the ex-
cuse he seemed to have for escaping. He was a fine specimen of a man, so
far as physical strength and muscular power were concerned. Very little
was recorded of him.
George Freeland. It was only by the most indomitable resolution
and perseverance, that Freeland threw off the yoke. Capt. John Pollard of
Petersburg, Va., held George to service. As a Slave-holder, Pollard be-
longed to that class, who did not believe in granting favors to Slaves. On
the contrary, he was practically in favor of wringing every drop of blood
from their bodies.
George was a spare-built man, about twenty-five years of age,
quite dark, but had considerable intelligence. He could read and write
very well, but how he acquired these arts is not known. In testifying
against his master, George used very strong language. He declared
that Pollard "thought no more of his servants than if they had been
dogs. He was very mean. He gave nothing to his servants. He has given
me only one pair of shoes the last ten years." After careful inquiry,
George learned that he could get a private passage on the City of Rich-
mond, if he could raise the passage money. This he could do cheerfully.
He raised "sixty dollars" for the individual who was to "secrete him on
the boat." In leaving the land of Slave auctions, whips and chains, he was
obliged to leave his mother and father and two brothers in Petersburg.
Pollard had been offered $1,500 for George. Doubtless he found, when he
discovered George had gone, that he had "overstood the market." This was
what produced action prompt and decisive on the part of George. So the
old adage, in this case, was verified — " It's an ill wind that blows nobody
any good."
On arriving in Canada, George did not forget to express gratitude to those
who aided him on his road there, as the following note will show :
234 'i'lii^ UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD.
SiNCATHANS, Canada west.
Brotlier Still :— I im brace this opportunity of pening you a few lines to in form you
that 1 aru well at present & in hopes to find you & fanriily well also I hope that god Will
Biusa you & and your family & if I never should meet you in this world I hope to meet
you in glory Remember my love to Brother Brown & tell him that I ara well & hearty
tell him to writ Thomas word that I am well at present you must excuse me I will Kite
when I return from the west. George W. Feeeland.
Send your Letters in the name of John Anderson.
Milks White. This piisseiif^er owed service to Albert Kern, of Eliza-
beth City, N. 0. At least Kcsrn, through the oj)i)ressive laws of that State,
claimed Miles as his personal j)roperty. Miles, however, thought dilferently,
but he was not at liberty to argue the ease with Kern ; for on the "side of
the oppressor there was strength." So he resolved, that he would adopt
the lliidci'grouiid Hail Jioad ])Ian. As he was only about twenty-one
years of age, he iound it much easier to close his affairs with North
( arolina, than it would hav(; been had he been encumbered with a
family. In fact, the only serious difficulty he liad to surmount was to
find a captain with whom he could secure a safe passage North. To
his gratification it was not long before his efforts in this direction were
crowned with success. A vessel was being loaded with shingles, the captain
of which was kind enough to allow Miles to occupy a very secure hiding-
])llcc thereon. In course of time, having suffered to the extent usual
when so ch^scly conveyed, he arrived in Philadcl])hia, and being aided, was
duly f'liwardcd by the Committee.
.loiiN Hall, ( i flan , Tows Simpson. John fled from South Carolina. In
this hot-bed of Slavery he labored and suffered up to the age of thirty-
two. For a length of time before he escaju'd, his burdens were intolerable;
but he c(»uld sc(! no way to rid himself of them, except by flight. Nor was
he by any means certain (hat an efful in this direction would prove suc-
cessful. In |»hniniug tin* route which he should take to travel North he
decided, (h;it if success was for him, his best chance would bo to wend his
way (hidngh iS'orlh Carolina and Virginia. Not that he hoped to And
friends (»r helpers in these States, lie had heard enough of the cruelties
of Slavery in these regions to convince him, that if he should be caught,
there would bo no sympathy or mercy shown. Nevertheless the irons were
|)icrcing him so severely, that he felt constrained to try his luck, l(>t the con-
sequences be what they might, and so he set out for freedom or death. Moun-
tains of difficulties, and months of suffering and privations by land and
water. In the woods, and s\vam|)s of North Carolina and Virginia, were
before him, as his experience^ in traveling proverod the
pen powerless, and made the heart too sick for the task. Wiiether
it was so or not in this case, it was not unfrequently so in other in-
stances, as is well remembered. It will be necessary, in tlie subse-
quent, pages of this M'ork, to omit the narratives of a great many who,
unfortunately, were but briefly noted on the books at the time of their ar-
rival. In the eyes of some, this may ]>rove disappointing, especially in in-
stances where these pages are turned to with tiie hope of gaining a clue to
certain lost ones. As all, however, cannot be mentioned, and as the general
reader will look for incidents and facts which will most fittingly bring out
the chief characteristics in the care(T and escape of bondmen, the reasonable-
ness of this course must be obvious to all.
CHARLES GILBERT.
FLEEING FKOM DAVIS A NKGUO TRADER, SECRETED UNDER A HOTEL, UP A TREE,
UNDER A FLOOR, IN A THICKET, ON A STEAMER.
In 1854 Charles was owned in the city of Richmond by Benjamin Davis,
a notorious negro trader. Charles was quite a " likely-looking article," not
too black or too white, but rather of a nice "ginger-bread color."
Davis was of opinion that this "article" must bring him a tip-top
236 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD.
j)rice. For two or three months the trader advertised Charles for sale in
the j)a[K'rs, but fur some reason or other Charles did not command the high
price demanded.
Wiiile Davis was thus daily trying to sell Charles, Charles was con-
templating how he might escape. Being uncommonly shrewd be learned
something about a captain of a schooner from Boston, and determined to
approach him with regard to securing a passage. The captain mani-
fested a dis[)osition to accommodate him for the sum of icw dollars,
})rovi(l('d Charles could manage to get to Old Point Comfort, there to
embark. The Point was about one hundred and sixty miles distant from
Richmond.
A man of ordinary nerve would have declined this condition unhesitat-
ingly. On the other hand it was not Charles' intention to let any offer
slide; indeed he felt that he must make an effort, if ho failed. He could
not see how his lot could be made more miserable by att(>mpting to flee.
In full view of all the consecpiences he ventured to take the hazardous
step, and to his great satisfaction he reached Old Point Comfort safely. In
that locality he was well known, unfortunately too well known, for he had
been raised partly there, and, at the same time, many of his relatives and
acquaintances were still living there. These facts were evidently well known
to the trader, who unquestionably had snares set in order to entrap Charles
should he seek shelter among his relatives, a reasonable supposition.
Charles had scarcely reached his old home before he Avas ai)prised of
the fact that the hunters and watch dogs of Shivery were eagerly watching
for liim. Even his nearest relatives, through fear of consequences had to
hide their faces as it were from him. None dare offer him a night's lodging,
scarcely a cup of water, lest such an act might be discovered by the hunters,
whose fiendish hearts would have found pleasure in meting out the most
dire punishuients to those guilty of thus violating the laws of Slavery.
The prospect, if not utterly hopeless, was decidedly discouraging. The
way to Boston was entirely closed. A "reward of $200" was advertised
for his capture. For the first week after arriving at Old Point he entru*;ted
himself to a young friend by the name of E. S. The fear of the pur-
suers drove him from his hiding-place at the expiration of the week.
Thence he sought shelter neither with kinfolks. Christians, nor infidels, but
in this hour of his calamity he made up his mind that he would try living
under a large hotel for a while. Having watched his opportunity,
he managcil to reach Higce hotel, a very large house without a cellar, erected
on pillars three or four feet above the ground. One j)laco alone, near the
cistern, presented some chance for a hiding-place, sufficient to satisfy him
quite well under the circumstances. This dark and gloomy spot he at
once willingly occuj)ied rather than return to Slavery. In this refuge
he remained four weeks. Of course he could not live without food ; but to
CHARLES GILBERT.
237
communicate with man or woman would inevitably subject him to danger.
Charles' experience in the neighborhood of iiis old home left no ground for
him to hope that he would be likely to find friendly aid anywhere under the
shadow of Slavery. In consetjuence of these fears he received his food from
the "slop tub," securing this diet in the darkness of night after all was still
and quiet around the liotel. To use his own language, the meals thus
obtained were often " sweet " to his taste.
One evening, however, he was not a little alarmed by the approach
of an Irish boy who canie under the hotel to hunt cliickens. While
prowling around in the darkness he a])peared to be making his way
unconsciously to the very spot where Charles was reposing. How to meet
the danger was to Charles' mind at first very puzzling, there was no time
now to plan. As quick as thought he feigned the bark of a savage dog
accompanied with a furious growl and snarl which he was confident would
frighten the boy half out of his senses, and cause him to depart quickly from
his private apartment. The trick succeeded admirably, and the einci--
gency was satisfiictorily met, so far as the boy was concerned, but the boy's
father hearing the attack of the dog, swore that he would kill him. Charles
was a silent listener to the threat, and he saw that he could no longer
remain in safety in his present quarter. So that night he took his de-
parture for Bay Shore; here
he decided to pass a day in
the woods, but the privacy
of this place was not altoge-
ther satisfactory to Charles'
mind; but where to find a
more secure retreat he could
not, — dared not venture to
as(;ertain that day. It oc-
curred to him, however, that
he would be much safer up a
tree ,than hid in the bushes
and undergrowth. lie there-
fore climbed up a large acorn
tree and there passed an en-
tire day in deep meditation.
No gleam of hope appeared,
yet he would not suffer him-
self to think of returning to
bondage. In this dilemma
he remembered a poor wash-
er-woman named Isabella, a
slave who had charge of a wash house. AVith her he resolved to seek succor.
238 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD.
Leaving the woods he proceeded to tlie wiish-house and was kindly received
by Isabella, but what to do with him or how to afford him any protection
she could see no way whatever. The schooling which Charles had been
receiving a number of weeks in connection with the most fearful looking-for
of the threatened wrath of the trader made it much easier for him than for her
to see how he could be provided for. A room and comforts he was not
accustomed to. Of course he could not expect such comforts now. Like
many another escaping from the relentless tyrant, Charles could con-
trive methods which to his venturesome mind would afford hope, however
desperate they might appear to others. He thought that he might
be safe under the floor. To Isabella the idea was new, but her sym-
pathies were strongly with Cliarles, and she readily consented to accommodate
him under the floor of the wash-house. Isabella and a friend of Charles, by
the name of John Thomas, were the only persons who were cognizant of
this arrangement. The kindness of these friends, manifested by their
willingness to do anything in their power to add to the comfort of Charles,
was proof to him that his efforts and sufferings had not been altogether in
vain. Pie remained under the floor two weeks, accessible to kind voices and
friendly ministrations. At the end of this time his repose was again sorely
disturbed by reports from without that suspicion had been awakened towards
the wash-house. How this happened neither Charles nor his friends could
conjecture. But the arrival of six officers whom he could hear talking very
plainly in the house, whose errand was actually to search for him, convinced
him that he liad never for a single moment been in greater danger. The
officers not only searched the house, but they offered his friend John Thomas
^25 if he would only put them on Charles' track. John professed to know
nothing; Isabella was equally ignorant. Discouraged with their efforts on
this occasion, the offi(!ers gave up the hunt and left the house. Charles,
however, had liad enough of the floor accommodations. He left that night
and returned to his old quarters under the hotel. Here he stayed one
week, at the expiration of which time the need of fresh air was so im-
})crative, that he resolved to go out at night to Allen's cottage and spend a'
day in the woods. He had knowledge of a place where the undergrowth
and bushes were almost impenetrable. To rest and refresh himself in this
thicket he felt would be a great comfort to him. "Without serious
difficulty he reached the thicket, and while pondering over the all-
absorbing matter as to how he should ever manage to make his escape, an
old man approached. Now while Cliarles had no reason to think that he
was sought by the old intruder, his very near approach admonished him
that it would neither be safe nor agreeable to allow him to come nearer.
Charles remembering that his trick of playing the dog, when previously in
danger under the hotel, had served a good end, thought that it would work
well in the thicket. So he again tried his power at growling and barking
CHARLES GILBERT. 239
hideously for a moment or two, vvhicli at once caused the man to turn his
course. Charles could hear him distinctly retreating, and at the same time
cursing the dog. The owner of the place had the reputation of keeping
" bad dof-s," so the old man poured out a dreadful threat against " Stephens'
doo-s," and was soon out of the reach of the one in the thicket.
Notwithstanding his success in frightening off the old man, Charles
felt that the thicket was by no means a safe place for him. He con-
cluded to make another change. This time he sought a marsh ; two
hours' stay there was sufficient to satisfy him, that that too was no place to
tarry in, even for a single night. He, therefore, left immediately. A third
time, he returned to the hotel, where he remained only two days. His
appeals had at last reached the heart of his mother — she could no longer
boar to see him struggling, and suffering, and not render him aid, whatever
the consequences might be. If she at first feared to lend him a hcl})ing
hand, she now resolutely worked with a view of saving money to succor
him. Here the prospect began to brighten.
A passage was secured for him on a steamer bound for Philadelphia.
Oiie more day, and night must elapse, ere he could be received on board.
The joyful anticipations which now filled his breast left no room for
fear; indeed, he could scarcely contain himself; he was drunk with joy. In
this state of mind he concluded that nothing would afford him more
pleasure before leaving, than to spend his last hours at the wash house,
*' under the floor." To this place he went with no fear of hunters before
his eyes. Charles had scarcely been three hours in this place, however,
before three officers came in search of him. Two of them talked with
Isabella, asked her about her "boarders," etc.; in the meanwhile, one of
them uninvited, made his way up stairs. It so happened, that Charles was
in this very portion of the house. His case now seemed more hopeless than
ever. The officer up stairs was separated from him simply by a thin
curtain. Women's garments hung all around. Instead of fainting or sur-
rendering, in the twinkling of an eye, Charles' inventive intellect, led him
to enrobe himself in female attire. Here, to use his own language, a
"thousand thoughts" rushed into his mind in a minute. The next instant
he was going down stairs in the presence of the officers, his old calico dress,
bonnet and rig, attracting no further attention than simply to elicit the fol-
lowing simple questions: "Whose gal are you?" "Mr. Cockling's, sir."
"What is your name?" " Delie, sir." "Go on then!" said one of the
officers, and on Charles went to avail himself of the passage on the steamer
which his mother had procured for him for the sum of thirty dollars.
In due time, he succeeded in getting on the steamer, but he soon learned,
that her course was not direct to Philadelphia, but that some stay would be
made in Norfolk, Va. Although disappointed, yet this being a step in the
right direction, he made up his mind to be patient. He was delayed
240 TUE UXDEBGROUXD RAIL ROAD.
iu Norfolk four weeks. From tlie time Charles first escaped, his owner'
(Davis the negro trader), had kept a standing reward of $550 adver-
tised for his recovery. This siiowed that Davis was willing to risk
heavy expenses for Charles as well as gave evidence that he believed
him still secreted either about Hichniond, Petersburg, or Old Point Com-
fort. In this belief he was not far from being correct, for Charles spent
most of his time in either of these three places, from the day of his escape
until the day that he finally embarked. At last, the long lookcd-for hour
arrived to start for Philadelphia.
He was to leave his mother, with no hope of ever seeing her again, but
she had purchased herself and was called free. Her name was Margaret
Johnson. Three brothers likewise were ever in his thoughts, (in chains),
"Henry," "Bill," and "Sam," (half brothers). But after all the hope of
freedom outweighed every other consideration, and he was prepared to give
up all for liberty. To die rather than remain a slave was his resolve.
Charles arrived per steamer, from Norfolk, on the 11th day of No-
vember, 1854. The Richmond papers bear witness to the fact, that Benja-
min Davis advertised Charles Gilbert, for months prior to this date, as has
been stated in this narrative. As to the correctness of the story, all that the
writer has to say is, that he took it down from the lips of Charles, hur-
riedly, directly after his arrival, with no thought of magnifying a single in-
cident. On the contrary, much that was of interest in the sto;y had to be
omitted. Instead of being overdrawn, not half of the particulars were re-
corded. Had the idea then been entertained, that the narrative of this fl
young slave- warrior was to be brought to light in the manner and time that V
it now is, a far more thrilling account of his adventures might have been
written. Other colored men who knew both Davis and Charles, as well as
one man ordinarily knows another, rejoiced at seeing Charles in Philadel-
phia, and they listened with perfect faith to his story. So marvellous were
the incidents of his escape, that his sufferings in Slavery, previous to his
heroic struggles to throw oif the yoke, were among the facts omitted fi'om
the records. AVhile this may be regretted it is, nevertheless, gratifying on
the whole to have so good an account of him as was preserved. It is need-
less to say, that the Committee took especial pleasure in aiding him, and lis-
tening to so remarkable a story narrated so intelligently by one who had
been a slave.
LIBERTY OR DEATH.
JIM BOW-LEGS, alias BILL PAUL.
In 1855 a traveler arrived with the above name, who, on examinatioD,
was found to possess very extraordinary characteristics. As a hero and ad-
LIBERTY OR DEATH. ' 241
venturer some passages of his history were most remarkable. His schooling
had been such as could only be gathered on plantations under brutal over-
seers ; — or while fleeing, — or in swamps, — in prisons, — or on the auction-
block, etc.; in which condtion he was often found. Nevertheless in these cir-
cumstances his mind got well stored with vigorous thoughts — neither books
nor friendly advisers being at his command. Yet his native intelligence as
it regarded human nature, was extraordinary. His resolution and perseve-
rance never faltered. In all respects he was a remarkable man. He was a
young man, weighing about one hundred and eighty pounds, of uncommon
muscular strength. He was born in the State of Georgia, Oglethorpe county,
and was owned by Dr. Thomas Stephens, of Lexington. On reaching the
Vigilance Committee in Philadelphia, his story was told many times over to
one and another. Hour after hour was occupied by friends in listening to
the simple narrative of his struggles for freedom. A very full account of
" Jim," was forwarded in a letter to M. A. Shadd, the then Editress of the
" Provincial Freeman." Said account has been carefully preserved, and is
here annexed as it appeared in the columns of the above named paper :
" I must now pass to a third adventurer. The one to whom I allude, is
a young man of twenty-six years of age, by the name of ' Jim,' who fled
from near Charleston, S. C. Taking all the facts and circumstances into con-
sideration respecting the courageous cai'eer of this successful adventurer for
freedom, his .case is by far more interesting than any I have yet referred to.
Indeed, for the good of the cause, and the honor of one who gained his lib-
erty by periling his life so frequently : — shot several times, — making six
unsuccessful attempts to escape from the far South, — numberless times
chased by bloodhounds, — captured, imprisoned and sold repeatedly, — living
for months in the woods, swamps and caves, subsisting mainly on parched
corn and berries, &c., &c., his narrative ought, by all means, to be pub-
lished, though I doubt very much whether many could be found who could
persuade themselves to believe one-tenth part of this marvellous story.
Though this poor Fugitive was utterly ignorant of letters, his natural
good sense and keen perception qualified him to arrest the attention and in-
terest the heart in a most remarkable degree.
His master finding him not available, on account of his absconding pro-
pensities, would gladly have offered him for sale. He was once taken to
Florida, for that purpose ; but, generally, traders being wide awake, on in-
specting him, would almost invariably pronounce him a ' d — n rascal,' be-
cause he would never fail to eye them sternly, as they inspected him. The
obedient and submissive slave is always recognized by hanging his head
and looking on the ground, when looked at by a slave-holder. This lesson
Jim had never learned, hence he was not to be trusfed.
His head and chest, and indeed his entire structure, as solid as a rock, in-
dicated that he was physically no ordinary man ; and not being under the
16
242 THE UXDERGROUXD RAIL ROAD.
iufluence of the spirit of " non-resistance," he had occasionally been found
to be a ratlier formidable customer.
His father was a full-bloodad Indian, brother to the noted Indian Chief,
Billy Bowlegs; his mother was quite black and of unmixed blood.
For five or six years, the greater part of Jim's time was occupied in try-
ing to escape, and in being in prison for sale, to punish him for running
away.
His mechanical genius was excellent, so were his geographical abilities.
He could make shoes or do carpenter's work very handily, though he had
never had the chance to learn. As to traveling by night or day, he was al-
ways road-ready and having an uncommon memory, could give exceedingly
good accounts of what he saw, etc.
When he entered a swamp, and had occasion to take a nap he took care
first to decide upon the posture he must take, so that if come upon unex-
pectedly by the hounds and slave-hunters, he might know in an instant
which^way to steer to defeat them. He always carried a liquid, which he had
prepared, to prevent hounds from scenting him, which he said had never
failed. As soon as the hounds came to the place where he had rubbed his
legs and feet with said liquid, they could follow him no further, but howled
and turned immediately.
Quite a large number of the friends of the slave saw this noble-hearted
fugitive, and would sit long and listen with the most undivided attention to
his narrative — none doubting for a moment, I think, the entire truthfulness
of his story. Strange as his story was, there was so much natural simplicity
in his manner and countenance, one could not refrain from believing him."
SALT-WATER FUGITIVE.
This was an exceptional case, as this passenger did not reach the Vigilance
Committee of Phihidelphia, yet to exclude him on this account, would be
doing an injustice to history.
The facts in his case were incontestably established in the Philadelphia
Register in April, 1854, from which the following thrilling account is taken:
The steamship. Keystone State, which arrived at this port on Saturday
morning, had just entered Delaware Bay, when a man was discovered sc- j
cretcd outside of the vessel and under the guards. When brought from his
hiding-plafce, he was found to be a Fugitive Slave, who had secreted himself
there before the vessel left Savannah on Wednesday, and had remained in
that jdace from the time of starting!
His position was such, that the water swept over and around him almost
constantly. He had some bread in his pocket, which he had intended for
SAL T- WA TER FUGITIVE. 243
subsistence until he could reach a land of liberty. It was saturated with
sea-water and dissolved to a pulp.
When our readers remember the high winds of Friday, and the sudden
change to cold during that night, and the fact that the fugitive had
remained in that situation for three days and nights, we think it will be
conceded that he fully earned his liberty, and that the " institution," which
was so intolerable that he was willing to run the risk of almost certain
death to escape from it had no very great attractions for him. But the
poor man was doomed to disappointment. The captain ordered the vessel
to put into Newcastle, where, the fugitive, hardly able to stand, Avas taken
on shore and incarcerated, and where he now awaits the order of his
owner in Savannah. The following additional particulars are from the same
paper of the 21st.
The Keystone State case. — Our article yesterday morning brought us
several letters of inquiry and offers of contributions to aid in the purchase
from his master of the unfortunate inmate of Newcastle jail. In answer
to the former, we would say, that the steamer Keystone State, left
Savannah, at 9 A. M., last Wednesday. It was about the same hour next
morning that the men engaged in heaving lead, heard a voice from under
the guards imploring help. A rope was procured, and the man relieved
from his dan2;erous and sufferinjr situation. He was well cared for immedi-
ately ; a suit of dry clothes was furnished him, and he was given his share
of the contents of the boat pantry. On arriving at Newcastle, the captain
had him placed in jail, for the purpose, as we are informed, of taking him
back to Savannah.
To those who have offered contributions so liberally, we answer, tliat the
prospect is, that only a small amount will be needed — enough to fee a
lawyer to sue out a writ of habeas corpus. The salt water fugitive claims
to be a free man, and a native of Philadelphia. He gives his name as
Edward Davis, and says that he formerly lived at No. 5 Steel's court, that
he was a pupil in Bird's school, on Sixth St. above Lombard, and that he
has a sister living at Mr. Diamond's, a distiller, on South St. We are not
informed why he was in Georgia, from which he took such an extraordinary
means to effect his escape. If the above assertion be true, we apprehend
little trouble in restoring the man to his former home. The claim of the
captain to take him back to Savannah, will not be listened to for a moment
, by any court. The only claim the owners of the "Keystone State" or
the captain can have on salt water Davis, is for half passenger fare ; he
came half the way as a fish. A gentleman who came from Wilmington
yesterday, assures us that the case is in good hands at Newcastle.
i
244 THE UXDEE GROUND RAILROAD.
FULL PARTICDXARS OF THE ABDUCTIOIT, ENSLAVII^rO AND ESCAPE OF DATI8.
ATTEilPT TO BEDUCE HIM TO SLAVERY AGAIN.
The case of the colored man Davis, who made such a bold stroke to
regain his liberty, by periling his life on board the steamer Keystone State
has excited very general attention. He has given a detailed account of his
abduction and sale as a slave in the State of ]\Iar)^land and Georgia, and
some of his adventures up to the time of reaching Delaware. His own
story is substantially as follows :
He left Philadelphia on the 15th of September, 1851, and went to
Harrisburg, intending to go to Hollidaysburg ; took a canal boat for
Havre de Grace, where he arrived next day. There he hired on board the
schooner Thomas and Edward (oyster boat), of Baltimore. Went from
Havre de Grace to St. Michael's, for oysters, thence to Baltimore, and thence
to Havre de Grace again.
He then hired to a Mr. Sullivan, who kept a grocery store, to do jobs.
While there, a constable, named Smith, took him before a magistrate named
Graham, who fined him fifteen or twenty dollars for violating the law in
relation to free negroes coming into the State. This fine he was not able to
pay, and Smith took him to Boll Air prison. Sheriif Gaw wrote to Mr.
Maitland in Philadelphia, to whom he referred, and received an answer
that Mr. Maitland was dead and none of the family knew him. He
remained in that prison nearly two months. He then had a trial in court
before a Judge Gricr (most unfortunate name), who sentenced him to be
sold to pay his fine and expenses, amounting to fifty dollars.
After a few days and without being offered at public sale, he was taken out
of jail at two o'clock in the morning and carried to Campbell's slave pen, in
Baltimore, where he remained several months. While there, he was
employed to cook for some fifty or sixty slaves, being told that he was work-
ing out his fine and jail fees. After being there about six months, he
was taken out of prison, handcuffed by one Winters, who took him and two
or three others to Washington and thence to Charleston, S. C. Here Win-
ters left them, and they were taken by steamboat to Savannah. AVliile
on board the boat, he learned that himself and the other two had been sold
to Mr. William Dean, of Macon, where he stayed two days, and was taken
from that place to the East Valley Railroad.
Subsequently he was sent to work on the Possum Tail Bailroad. Here
he was work(Ml so hard, that in one montli he lost his health. The other
two men taken on with him, failed before he did. He was then sent to
Macon, and (hence to the cotton plantation again.
During the time he worker] on the railroad he had allowed him for fond,
one peck of com meal, four pounds of bacon, and one quart of molasses per
week. Ho cookc'l it himself at night, for the next day's use. He worked
I
SAL T- WA TEE FUGITIVE. 245
at packing cotton for four or five months, and in the middle of November,
1852, was sent back to the railroad, where he was again set to wheeling.
He worked at "task work" two months, being obliged to wheel sixteen
square yards per day. At the end of two months he broke down again, and
was sick. They tried one month to cure him, but did not succeed. In July,
1853, he was taken to an infirmary in Macon. Dr. Nottinghau and Di\
Harris, of that institution, both stated that his was the worst case of the
kind they ever had. He remained at the infirmary two months and par-
tially recovered. He told the story of his wrongs to these physicians, who
tried to buy him. One of his legs was drawn up, so that he could not walk
well, and they offered four hundred dollars for him, which his master re-
fused. The doctors wanted him to attend their patients, (mostly slaves).
While in Georgia he was frequently asked where he came from, being found
more intelligent than the common run of slaves.
On the 12th of March he ran away from Macon and went to Savannah.
There he hid in a stable until Tuesday afternoon at six o'clock, when he
secreted himself on board the Keystone State. At 9 o'clock the next morning
the Keystone State left with Davis secreted, as we have before stated. With
his imprisonment in Newcastle, after being pronounced free, our readers are
already familiar. We subjoin the documents on which he was discharged
from his imprisonment in Newcastle, and his subsequent re-committal on
the oath of Capt. Hardie.
COPY OF FIRST ORDER OF COMMITMENT.
New Castle county, ss.. State of Delaware. — To Wm. R. Lynam, Sheriff
of said county. Davis (Negro) is delivered to your custody for
further examination and hearing for traveling without a pass, and supposed
to be held a Slave to some person in the State of Georgia.
[Seal]. Witness the hand and seal of John Bradford, one of the Justices
of the Peace for the county of Newcastle, the 17th day of March, 1854.
John Bradford, J. P.
COPY OF DISCHARGE.
To Wm. R. Lynam, Sheriff of Newcastle county : You will discharge
Davis from your custody, satisfactory proof having been made
before me that he is a free man. John Bradford, J. P.
Witnesses — Joanna Diamond, John H. Brady, Martha C. Maguire.
COPY of ORDER OF RE-COMMITMENT.
New Castle county, ss., the State of Delaware to Wm. R. Lynam, and to
the Sheriff or keeper of the Common Jail of said county, Whereas
Davis hath this day been brought before me, the subscriber, one of the Jus-
tices of the Peace, in and for the said county, charged upon the oath of Ro-
246 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD.
bert Hardie with being a runaway slave, and also as a suspicious person,
traveling without a pass, these are therefore to command you, the said Wm.
R. Lynani, turthwith to convey and deliver into the custody of the said
Sheriff, or keeper of the said jail, the lx>dy of the said Davis, and you the
said Sheriff or receiver of the body of the said Davis into your custody in
the said jail, and him there safely keep until he be thence delivered by due
course of the law.
Given under my hand and seal at New Castle this 21st day of March, A.
D., 1854. John Bradford, J. P.
On the fourth of April, the Marshal of Macon callal at the jail in New-
castle, and demanded him as a fugitive slave, but the Sheriff refused to give
him up until a fair hearing could be had according to the laws of the State
of Delaware. The Marehal has returned to Georgia, and will probably
bring the claimant on the next trip of the Keystone State. The authorities
of Delaware manifest no disposition to deliver up a man whose freedom has
been so clearly proved ; but every effort will be made to reduce him again
to slavery by the man who claims him, in Mhich, it seems, he has the hearty
co-operation of Capt. Hardie. A trial will be had before U. S. Commis-
sioner Guthrie, and we have every reason to suppose it will be a fair one.
The friends of right and justice should remember that such a trial will be
attended with considerable expense, and that the imprisoned man has been
too long deprived of his liberty to have money to pay for his own defence.
SAMUEL GREEN alias WESLEY KINNARD, August 28th, 1854.
TEN YEARS IN TUE PENITENTIARY FOR HAVING A COPY OF UNCLE TOM'S CABIN.
The passenger answering to the above name, left Indian Creek, Chester
Co., Md., where he had been held to service or labor, by Dr. James ^Muse.
One week had elapsed from the time he set out until his arrival in Philadel-
phia. Although he had never enjoyed sart a comj)ensation
and a relief. David, the husband of this woman, was about thirty-two
years of age. No further notice was made of him.
Arrival No. 2 consisted of Henry AVashington, alias Anthony Hanly,
and Henry Stewart. Henry left Norfolk and a " very mild master," known
by the name of " Seth March," out of sheer disgust for the patriarchal in-
stitution. Directly after speaking of his master in such flattering terms he
qualified the " mild," &g. by adding that he was excessively close in money
matters. In proof of this assertion, Henry declared, that out of his hire
he was only allowed ^1.50 per week to pay his board, clothe himself, and
defray all other expenses ; leaving no room whatever for him to provide for
his wife. It was, therefore, a never-failing source of unhappincss to be thus
debarred, and it was wholly on this account that he "took out," as he did,
and at the time that he did. His wife's name was "Sally." She too was
a slave, but " had not been treated roughly."
For fifty long years Henry had been in the grasp of this merciless
system — constrained to toil for the happiness of others, to make them com-
fortable, rich, indolent, and tyrannical. To say that he was like a bird out
of a cage, conveys in no sense whatever the slightest idea of his delight in
^
SUNDRY ARRIVALS. 261
escaping from the prison house. And yet, his pleasure was sadly marred by
the reflection that his bosom companion was still in bondage in the gloomy
prison-house. Henry was a man of dark color, well made, and of a re-
flective turn of mind. On arriving in Canada, he nianifested his gratitude
through Rev. H. Wilson, as follows —
St. Cathaeines, Aug. 20th, 1855.
Dear Br. Still : — I am requested by Henry Washington to inform you that he got
through safe, and is here in good business. He returns to you his sincere thanlis for your
attention to him on his way. I had the pleasure of receiving seven fugitives last week.
Send them on, and may God speed them in the flight. I would like to have a miracle-
working power, that I could give wings to them all so that they could come faster than
by Railroads either underground or above. Yours truly, Hiram Wilson.
While he was thus hopefully succeeding in Canada, separated from his
companion by many hundreds of miles, death came and liberated her from
the yoke, as the subjoined letter indicates —
St, Catharines, C. W. Nov. 12, 1855.
Mr. William Still: — Dear Sir: — I have received a letter from Joseph G. Selden a
friend in Norfolk, Va., informing me of the death of my wife, who deceased since I saw
you here; he also informs me that my clothing will be forwarded to you by Jupiter White,
who now has it in his charge. You will therefore do me a great favor, if you will be so
good as to forward them to me at this place St. Catharines, C. W.
The accompanying letter is the one received from Mr. Selden which I send you, that
you may see that it is all right. You will please give my respects to Mrs. Still and
family. Most respectfully yours, Henry Washington.
Henry Stewart, who accompanied the above mentioned traveler to
Canada, had fled a short while before from Plymouth, North Carolina.
James Monroe Woodhouse, a farmer, claimed Stewart as his property, and
" hired him out " for $180 per annum. As a master, Woodhouse was con-
sidered to be of the "moderate" type, according to Stewart's judgment.
But respecting money matters (when his slaves wanted a trifle), " he was
very hard. He did not flog, but would not give a slave a cent of money
upon any consideration."
It was by procuring a pass to Norfolk, that Henry managed to escape.
Although a father and a husband, having a wife (Martha) and two cliildren
(Mary Ann and Susan Jane), he felt that his lot as a slave utterly debarred
him from discharging his duty to them ; that he could exercise no rights
or privileges whatever, save as he might obtain permission from his master.
In the matter of separation, even although the ties of husband and wife,
parents and children were most closely knit, his reason dictated that he
would be justified in freeing himself if possible; indeed, he could not en-
dure the pressure of Slavery any longer. Although only twenty-three years
of age, the burdens that he had been called upon to bear, made his natu-
262 'TSE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD.
rally intelligent mind chafe to an unusual degree, especially when reflecting
upon a continued life of Slavery. When the time decided upon for his flight
arrived, he vsaid nothing to his wife on the subject, but secured his pass and
took his departure 'iev Norfolk. On arriving there, he sought out an Un-
derground Rail Road captaiw, and arranged with him to bring him to Phi-
ladelphia. Whether the sorrow-stricken wife ever afterwards heard of her
husband, or the father of his two little children, the writer is unable to
sav. It is possible that this narrative may reveal to the mother and her
offspring (if they are still living), the first ray of light concerning the
missing one. Indeed it is not unreasonable to suppose, that thousands of
anxious wives, husbands and children, who have been scattered in every
direction by Slavery, will never be able to learn as much of their lost ones
as is contained in this brief account of Henry Stewart.
Arrival No. 3, brought William Nelson, his wife, Susan, and son,
William Thomas, together with Louisa Bell, and Elias Jasper. These tra-
velers availed themselves of the schooner of Captain B. who allowed them
to embark at Norfolk, despite the search laws of Virginia. It hardly need
be said, however, that it was no trifling matter in those days, to evade the"
law. Captains and captives, in order to succeed, found that it required
more than ordinary intelligence and courage, shrewdness and determina-
tion, and at the same time, a very ardent appreciation of liberty, Avitliout
which, there could be no success. The simple announcement then, that a
party of this number had arrived from Norfolk, or Richmond, or Peters-
burg, gave the Committee unusual satisfaction. It made them quite sure
that there was pluck and brain somewhere.
These individuals, in a particularly marked degree, possessed the quali-
ties that o-reatlv encourag-ed the efforts of the Committee. William Nelson,
was a man of a dark chestnut color, medium size, with more than an
ordinary degree of what might be termed " mother wit." Apparently,
William possessed well settled convictions, touching the questions of morals
and religion, despite the overflowing tide of corruption and spurious reli-
gious teachings consequent on the existing pro-slavery usages all arotuid
him. He was'a member of the Methodist Church, under the charge of the
Rev. Mr. Jones. For twenty years, William had served in the capacity
of a " packer " under Messrs. Turner and White, who held a deed for
William as their legal property. While he declarefl that he had been very
" tightly worked " he nevertheless admitted that he had been dealt with in
a mild manner in some respects.
For his board and clothing, William had been allowed $1.50 per week.
Truly a small sum for a hard-working man with a family — yet this was far
more than many slaves received from their masters. In view of receiving
thfe small pittance, he had toiled hard — doing over-work in order to make
" buckle and strap meet." Once he had been sold on the auction-block. A
SUNDRY ARRIVALS. 263
sister of his had also shared the same fate. While seriously conteinjilating
his life as a slave, he was soon led to the conclusion that it was his duty to
bend his entire energies towards freeing himself and his family if possible.
The idea of not being able to properly provide for his family rendered him
quite unhappy; he therefore resolved to seek a passage North, via the
Underground Rail Road. To any captain who would aid him in the
matter, he resolved to offer a large reward, and determined that the amount
should only be limited by his inability to increase it. Finally, after much
anxious preparation, agreement was entered into with Captain B., on behalf
of himself, wife, child, and Louisa Bell, which was mutually satisfactory to
all concerned, and afforded great hope to William. In due time the agree-
ment %^as carried into effect, and all arrived safely and were delivered into
the hands of the Committee in Philadelphia. The fare of the four cost
$240, and William was only too grateful to think, that a Captain could
be found who would risk his own liberty in thus aiding a slave to freedom.
The Committee gladly gave them aid and succor, and agreed with Wil-
liam that the Captain deserved all that he received for their deliverance.
The arrival of William, wife, and child in Canada was duly announced
by the agent at St. Catharines, Rev. H. Wilson, as follows :
St. Catharines, C. W,, June 28th, 1855.
Mr. Wm. Still : — My Dear Friend: — I am happy to announce the safe arrival of
Thomas Russell with his wife and child. They have just arrived. I am much pleased with
their appearance. I shall do what I can for their comfort and encouragement. They stopt
at Elmira from Monday night till this morning, hoping that Lucy Bell would come up and
jom them at that place. They are very anxious to hear from her, as they have failed of
meeting with her on the way or finding her here in advance of them. They wish to hear
from you as soon as you can write, and would like to know if you have forwarded Lucy
on, and if so, what route you sent her. They send their kind respects to you and your
family and many thanks for your kindness to them.
They wish you to inquire after Lucy if any harm has befallen her after her leaving
Philadelphia. Please write promptly in my care.
Yours truly in the love of freedom, Hiram Wilson.
The man who came to us as Wm. Nelson, is now known only as " Thomas
Russell." It may here be remarked, that, owing to the general custom of
changing names, as here instanced, it is found difficult to tell to whom the
letters severally refer. Where the old and new names were both carefully
entered on the book there is no difficulty, of course, but it was not always
thus.
Susan Bell, the wife of William, was about thirty years of age, of a dark
color, rather above medium size, well-made, good-looking, and intelligent —
quite equal to her husband, and appeared to have his affections undividedly.
She was owned by Thomas Baltimore, with whom she had lived for the
last seven years. She stated that during a part of her life she had been
264 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD.
treated in a "mild manner." She had no complaint to make until after
the marriao-e of her master. Under the new wife and mistress, Susan
found a very marked change for the worse. She fared badly enougli then.
The mistress, on every trifling occasion for complaint, was disposed to hold
the auction-block up to Susan, and would likewise influence her husband to
do the same. From the fact, that four of Susan's sisters had been sold away /
to " parts unknown," she was not prepared to relish these almost daily
threats from her irritable mistress, so she became as anxious for a trip on
the Underground Rail Road as was her husband.
About one hundred miles a\\ay in the country, her father, mother, three
brothers, and one sister were living; but she felt that she could not remain
a slave on their account. Susan's owner had already fixed a price t)n her
and her child, twenty-two months old, which was one thousand dollars.
From this fate she was saved only by her firm resolution to seek her
freedom.
Louisa Bell was also of Wm. Nelson's party, and a fair specimen of a
nice-looking, wide awake woman ; of a chestnut color, twenty-eight years of
age. She was the wife o£ a free man, but the slave of L. Stasson, a con-
fectioner. The almost constant ringing in her ears of the auction-block,
made her most miserable, especially as she had once suffered terribly by
being sold, and had likewise seen her mother, and five sisters placed in the
same uniiappy situation, the thought of which never ceased to be most pain-
ful. In reflecting upon the course which she was about to pursue in order
to free herself from the prison-house, she felt more keenly than ever for
her little children, and readily imagined how sadly she would mourn while
thinking of them hundreds of miles distant, growing up only to be slaves.
And particularly would her thoughts dwell upon her boy, six years of age;
full old enough to feel deeply the loss of his mother, but without hope of
ever seeing her again.
Heart-breaking as were these reflections, she resolved to leave Robert and
Mary in the hands of God, and escape, if possible from her terrible thral-
dom. Her plan was submitted to iier husband; he acquiesced fully and
promised to follow her as soon as an oj)i)ortunity might ])resent itself.
Although the ordeal that she was called u])on to pass through was of the
most trying nature she bravely endured the journey through to Canada.
On her arrival there the Rev. H. Wilson wrote on behalf of herself, and
the cause as follows :
St. Catherines, C. W. July 6th, 1855.
Dear Br. Still : — I have just received your letters touching U. G. R. R. operations.
Ail is right. Jasper and Mrs. Bell got here on Saturday last, and I think I dropt you aline
announcing the fact. I write again thus soon because two more by name of Smith, John
and Wm., have arrived the present week and were anxious to have me inform you that
they are safely landed and free in this refuge land. They wish me to communicate their kind
SUNDRY ARRIVALS. 265
regards to you and others who have aided them. They have found employrnent and are
likely to do well. The 5 of last week have gone over to Toronto. I gave them letters to a
friend there after furnishing them as well as I could with such clothing as they required.
I am afraid that I am burdening you too much with postage, but can't help doing so un-
less I fail to write at all, as my means are not half equal to the expenses to which I am
subject. Faithfully and truly yours, Hieam Wilson.
Elias Jasper, who was also a fellow-passenger with "VVm. Nelson and
Co., was noticed thus on the Underground liail Road : Age thirty-two
years, color dark, features good, and gifted both with his tongue and hands.
He had worked more or less at the following trades : Rope-making, carpen-
tering, engineering, and photographing. It was in this latter calling that
he was engaged when the Underground Rail Road movement first arrested
his attention, and so continued until his departure.
For several years he had been accustomed to hire his time, for which he
had been required to pay $10 per month. In acquiring the above trades he
had been at no expense to his master, as he had learned them solely by
his own perseverance, endowed as he was with a considerable share of
genius. Occasionally he paid for lessons, the money being earned by his
over-work. His master, Bayham, was a " retired gentleman."
Elias had been sold once, and had suffered in various other ways, particu-
larly from being flogged. He left his wife, Mary, but no child. Of his ir.-
tention to leave Elias saw not how to impart to his wife, lest she should in
some way let the " cat out of the bag." She was owned by a ]\Iiss Portlock,
and had been treated " tolerably well," having had the privilege of hiring
her time. She had $55 to pay for this favor, which amount she raised by
washing, etc. Elias was a member of the ]\Iethodist Church, as were all of
his comrades, and well did they remember the oft-repeated lesson, " Servants
obey your masters," etc. They soon understood this kind of preaching after
breathing free air. The market value of Elias was placed at $1200.
Arrival No. 4. Maria Joiner. Captain F. arrived, from Norfolk, with
the above named passenger, the way not being open to risk any other on that
occasion. This seemed rather slow business with this voyager, for ho was
usuallv accustomed to bringing more than one. However, as this arrival
was only one day later than the preceding one noticed, and came from the
same place, the Committee concluded, that they had much reason for re-
joicing nevertheless. As in the case of a great number among the oppressed
of the South, when simply looking at Maria, no visible marks of ill usage
in any way were discernible. Indeed, as she then appeared at the age of
t'lirty-three, a fine, fresh, and healthy-looking mulatto woman, nine out of
every ten would have been impressed with the idea, that she had never been
subjected to hard treatment ; in other words, that she had derived her full
share of advantages from the" Patriarchal Institution." The appearance of
just such persons in Southern cities had often led Northerners, when trav-
266 / THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD.
eling in thoge parts, to regard the lot of slaves as quite comfortable. But
the story /^ Maria, told in an earnest and intelligent manner, was at once
calculated to dissipate the idea of a " comfortable " existence in a state of
bonclagc. She frankly admitted, however, that prior to the death of her old
iwitster, she was favorably treated, compared with many others; but, unfortu-
.''iiately, after his death, she had fallen into the hands of one of the old man's
daughters, from whom, she declared, that she had received continued abuse,
especially when said daughter was under the influence of liquor. At such
times she was very violent. Being spirited, Maria could not consent to suffer
on as a slave in this manner. Consequently she began to cogitate how she
might escape from her mistress (Catharine Gordon), and reach a free State.
None other than the usual trying and hazardous ways could be devised —
which was either to be stowed away in the hold of a schooner, or concealed
amongst the rubbish of a steamer, where, for the time being, the extreme
suifering was sure to tax every nerve even of the most valiant-hearted men.
The daily darkening prospects constrained her to decide, that she was willing
to suffer, not only in adopting this mode of travel, but on the other hand,
that she had better be dead than remain under so cruel a woman as her mis-
tress. Maria's husband and sister (no other relatives are noticed), were na-
turally formidable barriers in the way of her es(.'ape. Notwithstanding her
attachment to them, she fully made up her mind to be free. Immediately
she took the first prerequisite step, which was to repair to a place of conceal-
ment with a friend in the city, and there, like the man at the pool, wait until
her turn came to be conveyed thence to a free State. In this place she was
obliged to wait eight long months, enduring daily suffering in various ways,
especially during the winter season. But, with martyr-like faith, she en-
dured to the end, and Avas eventually saved from the hell of Slavery. Maria
was appraised at $800.
Arrival No. 5. Eichard Green, alias Wm. Smith, and his brother George.
These young brothers fled from George Chambers of Baltimore. The elder
brother Avas twenty-five, the younger twenty-three. Both were tall and
well made and of a chestnut color, and possessed a good degree of natural
ability. When desiring to visit their parents, their request was positively
refused by their owner. Taking offence at this step, both mutually resolved
to run away at the earliest o])portunity. Thus in accordance with well pre-
meditated plans, they set out and unobstructed ly arrived in Philadelphia.
At first it Mas simply very pleasant to take them by the hand and welcome
them ; then to listen for a few moments to their intelligent narration of how
they escaped, the motives that jirompted them, etc. But further inquiries
soon brought out incidents of the most thrilling and touching nature — not
with regard to hardships which they had personally expenonccd, but in re-
lation to outrages which had been perpetrated uj)on tiieir mother. Such
simple facts as were then written are substantially as follows : Nearly
SUNDE Y ARRIVALS. 267
thirty years prior to the escape of Richard and his brother their motlier
was ill very bad health, so much so that physicians regarded her incurable.
Her owner was evidently fully impressed with the belief that instead of being
profitable to him, she might be an expense, which he could not possibly ob-
viate, while he retained her as a slave. Now there was a way to get out of
this dilemma. He could emancipate her and throw the responsibility of her
support upon herself. Accordingly he drew up papers, called for his wife's
mother to witness them, then formally put them into the hands of the invalid
slave woman (Dinah), assuring her at the same time, that she was free — •
being fully released as set forth in her papers. "Take notice I have no
more claim on you nor you on me from this time." Marvellous liberality !
After working the life out of a woman, in order that he should not have
her to bury, he becomes hastily in favor of freedom. He is, however, justi-
fied by the laws of Maryland. Complaint, therefore, would simply amount
to nothing. In the nature of the case Dinah was now free, but she was not
wholly alone in the world. She had a husband, named Jacob Green, who
was owned by Nathan Cliilds for a term of years only, at the expiration of
which time he was to be free. All lived then in Talbot county, Md. At
the appointed time Jacob's bondage ended, and he concluded that he might
succeed better by moving to Baltimore. Indeed the health of his wife was
so miserable that nothing in his old home seemed to offer any inducement in
the way of a livelihood. So off" they moved to Baltimore. After a time,
under careful and kind treatment, the faithful Jacob was greatly encouraged
by perceiving that the health of his companion was gradually improving —
signs indicated, that she might yet become a well woman. The hopes of
husband and wife, in this particular, were, in the lapse of time, fully real-
ized. Dinah was as well as ever, and became the mother of another child —
a little boy. Everything seemed to be going on happily, and they had no
apparent reason to suspect any troubles other than such as might naturally
have to be encountered in a state of poverty and toil.
The unfettered boy was healthy, and made rapid advance in a few years.
That any one should ever claim him was never for a moment feared.
The old master, however, becoming tired of country life, had also moved
to Baltimore. How, they knew not, but he had heard of the existence of
this boy.
That he might satisfy himself on this point, he one day very slyly ap-
proached the house with George. No sooner was the old man within the en-
closures than he asked Dinah, "Whose child is that?" pointing to the boy.
" Ask Jacob," was the reply of the mother. The question was then put to
Jacob, the father of the boy. " I did not think that you would ask such a
question, or that you would request anything like that," Jacob remarked,
naturally somewhat nervous, but he added, " I have the privilege of having
any one I please in my house." " Where is he from ?" again demanded
268 THE UNDERGROUND RAILROAD.
the master. The father repeated, " I have a riglit to have," etc., " I am my
own man," etc. " I have found out whose he is," the hunter said. " I am
going presently to take him home with me." At this juncture he seized tlie
little fellow, at the same time calling out, " Dinah, put his clothes on." By
this time the i'atlier too had seized hold of the child. Mustering courage,
the father siiid, "Take notice that you are not in the country, pulling and
hauling people about." " I will have him or I will leave my heart's
blood in the house," was the savage declaration of the master. In his rage
he threatened to shoot the father. In the midst of the excitement George
called in two officers to settle the trouble. " What are you doing here ?"
said the officers to the slave-holder. " I am after my property — this boy,"
he exclaimed. "Have you ever seen it before?" they inquired. "No,"
said the slave-holder. "Then how do you know that he belongs to you?"
inquired the officers. " I believe he is mine," replied the slave-holder.
All the parties concerned were then taken by the officers before an Alder-
man. The father o\med the child but the mother denied it. The Alder-
man then decided that the child should be given to the father.
The slave-holder having thus failed, was unwilling, nevertheless, to re-
linquish his grasp. AVhereupon he at once claimed the mother. Of course
he was under the necessity of resorting to the Courts in order to establish
his claim. Fortunately the mother had securely preserved the paper given
her by her master so many years before, releasing her. Notwithstanding
this the suit was pending nearly a year before the case was decided. Every-
thing was so clear the mother finally gained the suit. This de(;ision was
rendered only about two months prior to tlie escape of Richard and George.
Arrival No. 6. Henry Cromwell. This passenger fled from Baltimore
county, Md. The man that he escaped from was a farmer by the name of
AVilliani Roberts, Avho also owned seven other young slaves. Of his treat-
ment of his slaves nothing was recorded.
Henry was about six feet high, quite black, visage thin, age twenty-five.
He left neither wife, parents, brothers nor sisters to grieve after him. lu
making his w^ay North he walked of nights from his home to Ilarrisburg,
Pa., and there availed himself of a passage on a freight car coming to Phil-
adel2)hia.
Arrival No. 7. Henry Bohm. Henry came from near Norfolk, Va.
He was about twenty-five years of age, and a fair specimen of a stout man,
possessed of more than ordinary physical strength. As to wliom he fled
from, liow he had been treated, or how he reach h1 Philadelphia, the record
book is silent. Why this is the case cannot now be accounted for, unless
the hurry of getting him off forbade sufficient delay to note down more of
the particulars.
Arrival No. 8. Ralph Whiting, James H. Forman, Anthony Atkinson,
Arthur Jones, Isaiah Nixon, Joseph Harris, John Morris, and Henry
i
SUNDRY ARRIVALS. 269
Hodges. A numerous party like this had the appearance of business.
They were all young and hopeful, and belonged to the more intelligent and
promising of their race. They were capable of giving the best of reasons
for the endeavors they were making to escape to a free country.
They imparted to the Committee much information respecting their seve-
ral situations, together with the characters of their masters in relation to
domestic matters, and the customs and usages under which they had been
severally held to service — all of which was listened to with deep interest.
But it was not an easy matter, after having been thus entertained, to write
iout the narratives of eight such persons. Hundreds of pages would hardly
have contained a brief account of the most interesting portion of their his-
tories. It was deemed sufficient to enter their names and their forsaken
homes, etc., as follows :
*' lialph was twenty-six years of age, five feet ten inches high, dark, well
made, intelligent, and a member of the Methodist Church. He was claimed
by Geo. W. Kemp, Esq., cashier of the Exchange Bank of Norfolk, Va.
Ralph gave Mr. Kemp the credit of being a ' moderate man ' to his slaves.
Ralph was compelled to leave his wife, Lydia, and two children, Anna
Eliza, and Cornelius."
" James was twenty-three years of age, dark mulatto, nearly six feet
high, and of prepossessing appearance. He fled from James Saunders, Esq.
Nothing, save the desire to be free, prompted James to leave his old sit-
uation and master. His parents and two sisters he was obliged to leave in
Norfolk."
Two brief letters from James, one concerning his "sweet-heart," whom he
left in Norfolk, the other giving an account of her arrival in Canada and
i marriage thereafter will, doubtless, be read with interest. They are here
I given as follows:
NiAGAEA Falls, June 5th, 1856.
Mr. Still: — Sir — I take ray pen in hand to write you theas few hnes to let you know
that I am well at present and hope theas few lines may find you the same. Sir my object
in writing to you is that I expect a young Lady by the name of Miss Mariah Moore,
from Norfolk, Virginia. She will leave Norfolk on the 13th of this month in the Steam-
ship Virginia for Philadelphia you will oblige me very much by seeing her safely on the
tram of cars that leaves Philadelphia for the Suspension Bridge Niagara Falls pleas to
tell the Lady to telegraph to me what time she will leave Philadelphia so i may know what
time to meet her at the Suspension Bridge my Brother Isaac Forman send his love also
his family to you and your family they are all well at present pleas to give my respects to
Mr. Harry Londay, also Miss Margaret Cunigan, no more at present.
I remain your friend, James H. Forman.
When you telegraph to me direct to the International Hotel, Niagara Falls, N. Y.
Niagara Falls, July 24th, 1856.
Dear Sir : — I take this opportunity of writing these few lines to you hoping that they
may find you enjoying good health as these few lines leave me at present. I thank you
270 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD.
for your kindness. Miss Moore arrived here on the 30th of June and I was down to the
cars to receive her. I thought I would have written to you before, but I thought I would
wait till I got married. I got married on the 22d of July in the English Church Canada
about 11 o'clock my wife sends all her love to you and your wife and all enquiring friends
please to kiss your two children for her and she says she is done crying and I am glad to
hear she enjoyed herself so well in Philadelphia give my respects to Miss Margaret Cun-
ingham and I am glad to hear her sister arrived my father sends his respects to you no
more at present but remain your friend, James H. Forman.
Direct your letter to the International Hotel, Niagara Falls.
Anthony was thirty-six years of age, and by blood, was quite as nearly
related to the Anglo-Saxon as the Anglo-African. He was nevertheless,
physiciilly a fine f^pecimen of a man. He was abont six feet high, and bore
evidence of having picked up a considerable amount of intelligence consid-
ering his opportunities. He had been sold three times. Anthony was
decidedly opposed to having to pass through this ordeal a fourth time, there-
fore, the more he meditated over his condition, the more determined he
became to seek out an Underground Rail lioad agent, and make his way to
Canada.
Concluding that Josiah Wells, who claimed him, had received a thou-
sand times too much of his labor already, Anthony was in a fit state of
mind to make a resolute eifort to gain his freedom. He had a wife, but
no chiklrcn. His father, one sister, and two brothers were all dear to
him, but all being slaves "one could not help the other," Anthony
reasoned, and wisely too. So, at the command of the captain, he was
ready to bear his part of the suffering consequent upon being concealed in
the hold of a vessel, where but little air could penetrate.
Arthur was forty-one years of age, six feet high — chestnut color, well
made, and possessed good native faculties newling cultivation. He escaped
from a farmer, by the name of John Jones, who was classed, as to natural
temperament, amongst " moderate slave-holders."
" I wanted my liberty," said Arthur promptly and emphatically, and he
declared tliat was the cause of his escape. He left his mother, two sisters,
and three brothers in Slavery.
Isaiah was about twenty-two, small of stature, but smart, and of a
substantially black complexion. He had been subjected to very hard treat-
ment under Samuel Simmons who claimed him, and on this account he was
first prompted to leave. His mother and three brothers he left in bondage.
Joseph was twenty-three years of age, and was, in every way, " likely-
looking." According to the laws of Slavery, he was the property of David
Morris, who was entitled to be ranked amongst the more compassionate
slave-holders of the South. Yet, Joseph was not satisfied, deprived of his
freedom. He had not known hardships as many had, but it was not in hira
notwithstanding, to be contented as a slave. In leaving, he had to " tear
himself away " from his parents, three brothers, and two sisters.
SUNDRY ARRIVALS. 271
Henry escaped from S. Simmons of Plymouth, North Carolina, and was
a fellow-servant with Isaiah. Simmons was particularly distinguished for
his tyrannical rule and treatment of his slaves — so Henry and Isaiah had
the good sense to withdraw from under his yoke, very young in life; Henry
being twenty-three.
John was about twenty-one years of age, five feet eight inches high, dark
color, and well-grown for his years. Before embarking, he had endured
seven months of hard suffering from being secreted, waiting for an oppor-
tunity to escape. It was to keep his master from selling him, that he was
thus induced to secrete himself. After he had remained away some months,
he resolved to suffer on until his friends could manage to procure him a
passage on the Underground Rail Road. With this determined spirit he
did not wait in vain.
Arrival No. 9. Robert Jones and wife : — In the majority of cases, in
order to effect the escape of either, sad separations between husbands and
wives were unavoidable. Fortunately, it was not so in this case. In jour-
neying from the house of bondage, Robert and his wife were united both in
sympathies and in struggles. Robert had experienced "hard times" just in
what way, however, was not recorded ; his wife had been differently treated,
not being under the same taskmaster as her husband. At the time of their
arrival all that was recorded of their bondage is as follows —
August 2d, 1855, Robert Jones and wife, arrived from Petersburg, Va.
Robert is about thirty-five, chestnut color, medium size, of good manners,
intelligent, had been owned by Thomas N. Lee, "a very hard man."
Robert left because he " wanted his liberty — always had from a boy."
Eliza, his wife, is about forty years of age, chestnut color, nice-looking,
and well-dressed. She belonged to Eliza 11. Richie, who was called a
" moderate woman " towards her slaves. Notwithstanding the limited space
occupied in noting them on the record book, the Committee regarded them
as being among the most worthy and brave travelers passing over the
Underground Rail Road, and felt well satisfied that such specimens of
humanity would do credit in Canada, not only to themselves, but to their
race.
Robert had succeeded in learning to read and write tolerably well, and
had thought much over the condition and wrong-s of the race, and seemed
to be eager to be where he could do something to lift his fellow-sufferers up
to a higher plane of liberty and manhood. After an interview with Robert
and his wife, in every way so agreeable, they were forwarded on in the
usual manner, to Canada. While enjoying the sweets of freedom in Canada,
he was not the man to keep his light under a bushel. He seemed to
have a high appreciation of the potency of the pen, and a decidedly
clear idea that colored men needed to lay hold of many enterprises with
resolution, in order to prove themselves qualified to rise equally with other
272 TEE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD.
branches of the human family. Some of his letters, embracing his views,
plans and suggestions, were so encouraging and sensible, that the Committee
was in the habit of showing them to friendly persons, and mdeed, ex-
tracts of some of his lettei-s were deemed of sufficient importance to publish.
One alone, taken from many letters received from him, must here suffice
to illustrate his intelligence and efforts as a fugitive and citizen in Canada.
Hamilton, C. W., August 9Lb, 1856.
Mr. Wm. Still .-Dear Friend:-! take this opportunity of writing you^ these few
lines to inform you of my health, which is good at present, &c. * * ^ *. *^
I was talking to you about going to Liberia, when I saw you last, and did intend to
start this fall, but I since looked at the condition of the colored people m Canada 1
thoucrht I would try to do something for their elevation as a nation, to place them in the
proper position to stand where they ought to stand. In order' to do this, I have under-
taken to get up a military company amongst them. They laughed at me to undertake
such a thing ; but I did not relax my energies. I went and had an interview with Major
J T. Gilepon, told him what my object was, he encouraged me to go on, saying that he
would do all he could for the accomplishment of ray object. He referred to Sir Allan
McNab &c * * * * I took with me Mr. J. H. Hill to see him-he told me that it
should be done, and required us to write a petition to the Governor General, which ha^
been done * * * * The company is already organized. Mr. Howard was elected
Captain- J H Hill, 1st Lieutenant; Hezekiah Hill, Ensign ; Robert Jones, 1st Sergeant
The company's name is, Queen Victoria's Rifle Guards. You may, by this, see what I
have been doing since I have been in Canada. When we receive our appointments by
the Government. I will send by express, my daguerreotype in u^ifo^;^-
My respects, &c. &c., ROBERT JONES.
HEAVY REWARD.
Two Thousand Six Hundred Dollars Reward.— Ran away
from ?he subscnber, on Saturday n.ght November 15th, 1 oJosiah and
William Bailey, and Peter Pennington. Joe is about 5 leet 10 '"J^^^^^?^"^ J^^SJ '
of a chestnut color, bald head, with a remarkable scar on o»« °JJ^\^ f -^ :
not positive on which it is, but think it is on the left, "[^^^''^^^^^^J'^ij^^^^^it
Hgent countenance, active, and well-made. He is about 28 J'^^^- ;1;\ J^"^^!
— of' a darker color, about 5 feet 8 inches in height, stammers a 1'^ tie when con
fused, well-made, and older than Joe well dressed but may ^ave pulled kearsey on over
their other clothes. Peter is smaller than either the others, about 2o jeara ot age, aars
chestnut color. 5 feet 7 or 8 inches high. ... „___py,pn(1 the
A reward of fifteen hundred dollars will be given to any person who will ^PF^\^.J^' \^J
said Joe Bailev, and lodge him safely in the jail at Easton, Talbot Co. Md and ..^UU lor
BUI and $800 for Peter. Ln'o? 1 wT'
T. Wright.
When tiiis arrival made its appearance, it was at first sight quite evident
that one of the company was a man of more than ordinary parts, both
physically and mentally. Likewi.so, taking them individually, their appear-
ance and bearing tended largely to strengthen the idea that the spirit ot
freedom was rapidly gaining ground in the minds of the slaves, despite the
HEA VY RE WARD. 273
efforts of the slavc-lioklers to keep them in darkness. In company with
the three men, for whom the above large reward was oifered, came a woman
by the name of Eliza Nokey.
As soon as the opportunity presented itself, the Active Committee feeling
an unusual desire to hear their story, began the investigation by inquiring
as to the cause of their escape, etc., which brought simple and homely but
earnest answers from each. These answers afforded the best j)ossible moans
of seeing Slavery in its natural, practical workings — of obtaining such
testimony and representations of the vile system, as the most eloquent orator
or able pen might labor in vain to make clear and convincing, although tliis
arrival had obviously been owned by men of high standing. The fugitives
themselves innocently stated that one of the masters, who was in the habit
of flogging adult females, was a " moderate man." Josiah Bailey was the
leader of this party, and he appeared well-qualified for this position, lie
was about twenty-nine years of age, and in no ])articular physically, did ho
[' I seem to be deficient. He was likewise civil and polite in his manners, and
a man of good common sense. He was held and oppressed l)y William II.
Hughlett, a farmer and dealer in ship timber, who had besides invested in
slaves to the number of forty head. In his liabits he was generally taken for
a "moderate" and "fair" man, "thougli he was in the habit of flogging
the slaves — females as well as males," after they had arrived at the age of
maturity. This was not considered strange or cruel in Maryland. Josiah
was the " foreman " on the place, and was entrusted with the management of
hauling the ship-timber, and through harvesting and busy seasons was re-
-• ! quired to lead in the fields. He was regarded as one of the most valuable
hands in that part of the country, being valued at $2,000. Three weeks be-
j fore he escaped, Joe was "stripped naked," and " flogged" very cruelly by
" ' his master, simply because he had a dispute with one of the fellow-servants
who had stolen, as Joe alleged, seven dollars of his hard earnings. This
: flogging, produced in Joe's mind, an unswerving determination to leave
Slavery or die : to try his luck on tiie Underground Rail Iload at all hazards.
The very name of Slavery, made the fire fairly burn in his bones. Although
a married man, having a wife and three children (owned by Hughlett), he was
not prepared to let his affection for them keep him in chains — so Anna
Maria, his wife, and his children Ellen, Anna Maria, and Isabella, were
shortly widowed and orphaned by the slave lash.
William Bailey was owned by John C. Henry, a large slave-holder,
and a very " hard " one, if what William alleged of him was true. His
story certainly had every appearance of truthfulness. A recent brutal flogging
had "stiffened his back-bone," and furnished him with his excuse for not
being willing to continue in Maryland, working his strength away to enrieli
his master, or the man who claimed to be such. The memorable flogging,
however, which caused him to seek flight on the Underground Eail Road,
18
274 TllK UNDEIUUIOUNI) RAIL ROAD.
was not luliiiiniskTc'd hy his master or on his master's plantation. TIo was
hired out, and it was in this situatit)n that lie was so barbarously treated.
Yet he eonsidcred his master more in fault than the man to whom he
wiia hired, but redrt'ss there was none, save to eseaj)e.
The hour lor ibrvvarding the party by the Committee, oamo too soon to
allow time for the writing of any aeeount of Peter Pennington and Eliza
Nokey. Suilice it to say, that in struggling through their journey, their
spirits never flagged ; they had determined not to stop short of Canada.
They truly hail a very high a]>preoiatiou of freedom, but u very poor opinion
of Maryland.
SLAVE TRADER ITALL IS FOIEED.
ROBEUT M'COY alias WU.IJAM DONAR.
In Oetober, 1854, the C\)mmittee received per steamer, directly from
Norfolk, \i\., Robert MeCoy and Elizabeth Saunders. Robert had con-
stantly been in the clutches of the negro-tradir Jlall, for the last sixteen
years, previous to his leaving, being owned by Inm. ITe had, therefore,
possessed very favorable opportunities for varied observation and ex[)erience
relative to the trader's conduct in his ni'tarit)us business, as well as for
witnessing the ell'iH-ts of the auction-block upon all ages — rending asunder
the dearest tics, despite the j)iteous wails of childhood or womanhood,
parental or conjugal relations. ]>ut no attcmj)t will be made to chronicle
the deeds of this dealer in huiuan llcsli. Those stories fresh from the lips
of one who had just escaped, were j)aiMl'ul in the extreme, but in the very
nature of things some of the statements are too revolting to be published.
In lieu of this fact, except the above allusions to the trader's business, this
sketch will only refer to Robert's condition as a slave, and finally as a
traveler on the Underground Rail Road.
Robert w:us a man of medium size, dark mulatto, of more than ordinary
intelligence. His duties had been confined to the house, and not to the slave
pen. As a general thing, he had managed, doubtless through much shrewd-
ness, to avt»Itl very s(>verc outrages from the trader. On the whole, he had
farcil " about as well " as the genemlity of slaves.
Yet, in onli-r to free himself from his " miserable" life, he was willing, as
he diH-larcd, ti) sull'cr almost any sacrillcc. Indeed, his condni^t proved
the sincerity of this decloi'ation, as he hail actually been concealed five
months in a place in the city, where he could not possibly avoid daily
sulVcring of the most trying kind. His resolve to be free was all this while
maturing. The trader had threatened to sell Robert, and to ])rcvcnt it
Robert (thus) " took out." Successfully did he elude the keen scent and
I
SLAVE TRADER HALL LS FOILED. 275
grasp of the hunters, who made diligent efforts to recapture him. Altliough
a young man — only about twenty-eight years of age, his health was by no
means good. His system had evidently been considerably shattered by
Slavery, and synq)toms of consumption, together with chronic rlieurnatism,
I were making rapid headway against the physical man. Under his vaiioKs
ills, he declared, as did many others from the land of bondage, that his fait'.i
in God afforded him comfort and hope. He was obliged to leave his wife,
Eliza, in bonds, not knowing whether they should ever meet again on e.-irth,
but he was somewhat hopeful that the way would open for her escape also.
After reaching Philadelphia, where his arrival had long been anticipat>"d
by the Vigilance Committee, his immediate wants were met, and in duo
order he was forwarded to New Bedford, where, he was led to feel, he would
be happy in freedom.
Scarcely had he been in New Bedford one month, before his prayers and
hopes were realized with regard to the deliverance of his wife. On hearing
of the good news of her coming he wrote as follows —
New Bedford, Nov. .3, 1859.
Dear Sir: — i embrace this opertunity to inform you that i received your letter with
pleasure, i am enjoying good health and hope that these few lines will find you enjoying
the same blessing, i n-joise to hear from you i feel very much indetted to you for not
writing before but i have been so bissy that is the cause, i rejoise to heare of the arrival
of my wife, and hope she is not sick from the roling of the sea and if she is not, pleas to
send her on here Monday with a six baral warlian and a rifall to gard her up to my re?!-
dance i thank you kindly for the good that you have don for rne. Give my respects to
Mrs. Still, tell her i want to see her very bad and you also i would come but i am afraid
yet to venture, i received your letter the second, but about the first of spring i hope to
pay you a visit or next summer, i am getting something to do every day. i will write on
her arrivall and tell you more. Mr. R. White sends his love to you and your famerly and
says that he is very much indetted to you for his not writing and all so he desires to know
wheather his cloths has arived yet or not, and if they are please to express them on to
him or if at preasant by Mrs. Donar. Not any more at preasent. i remain your affec-
tionate brother, William Donah.
By tlie same arrival, and similarly secreted, Elizabeth Frances, alias Ellen
Saunders, had the good luck to reach Philadelpliia. She was a single young
woman, about twenty-two, with as pleasant a countenance as one would wisli
to see. Her manners were equally agreeable. Perhaps hor joy over
her achieved victory adecimen of the
peculiar institution, about twenty-five years of age, medium size, and of a
dark hue.
Arrival No. IL Anthony and Albert Brown (brothers), Jones Ander-
son and Isaiah.
292 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD.
This party escaped from Tanner's Creek, Norfolk, Virginia, where they
had been owned by John and Henry Holland, oysternicn. As slaves they
alleged that they had been snbjected to very brutal treatment from their
profane and ill-n;itnred owners. Not relishing this treatment, Albert and
Anthony came to the conclusion that they nndei"stood boating well enough
to escape by water. They accordingly selected one of their master's small
oyster-boats, which was pretty-well rigged with sails, and off they started
for a Northern Shore. They procealed on a part of their voyage merely by
guess work, but landed safely, however, about twenty-five miles north of
Baltiint)re, though, by no means, on free soil. They had no knowledge
of the danger that they were then in, but they were persevering, and still
dctcrnnned to make their way North, and thus, at last, success attended
their elforts. Their struggles and exertions having been attended with
more of the romantic and tragical elements than had characterized the
nndertakings of any of the other late passengers, the Committee felt in-
clined to make a fuller notice of them on the book, yet failed to do them
justice in this respect.
The elder brother was twenty-nine, the younger twenty-seven. Both
were mentally above the average run of slaves. They left wives in Norfolk,
named Alexenia and Ellen. While Anthony and Albert, in seeking their
freedom, were forced to sever their connections with their companions,
they did not forget them in Canada.
How great was their delight in freedom, and tender their regard for their
wives, and the deep interest they felt for their brethren and friends gene-
rally, may be seen from a perusal of the following letters from them :
Hamelton, March 7th 1856.
Mr. Wj:. Still: — Sir: — T now take the opportianit}' of wrilting you a few lins hoping
to find yourself and famly well as thes lines leves me at present, myself and brother,
Anthony & Albert brown's respects. We have spent quite agreeable winter, we ware
emploied in the new hotel, name Anglo american, wheare we wintered and don very well,
we also met with our too frends ho came from home with us, Jonas anderson and Izeas,
now we are all safe in hamilton, I wish to cale you to youre prommos, if convenient to
write to Norfolk, Va., for me, and let my wife mary Elen Brown, no where I am, and my
brothers wife Elickzener Brown, as we have never heard a word from them since we left,
tel them that we found our homes and situation in canady much better than we expected,
tel them not to think hard of us, we was boun to floe from the rath to come, tel them we
live in the hopes of meting them once more this side of the grave, tel them if we never
more see them, we hope to meet them in the kingdom of heaven in pece, tel them to
remember my love to my cherch and brethren, tel them I find there is the same prayer-
hearing God heare as there is in old Va ; tel them to remember our love to all the enquir-
ing frends, I have written sevrel times but have never reseived no answer, I find a gret
meny of my old accuaintens from Va., hears we are no ways lonesom, Mr. Still, I have
written to you once before, but reseve no answer. Pleas let us hear from you by any
means. Nothing more at present, but remane youre frends,
Anthony & Albeet Brown.
SUNDR Y ARRIVALS, ABO UT A UO UST \st, 1855. 293
Hamilton June 2Cth, 1856,
Mr. Wm. Still: — kine Sir: — I am happy to say to you that I have jus reseved my
letter dated 5 of the present month, but previeously had bin in form las night by Mr. J.
H. Hall, he had jus reseved a letter from you stating that my wife was with you, oh my
I was so glad it case me to shed tears.
Mr. Still, I cannot return you the thanks for the care of my wife, for I am so Glad that
I dont now what to say, you will pleas start her for canaday. I am yet in hamilton, C.
W, at the city hotel, my brother and Joseph anderson is at the angle american hotel, they
send there respects to you and family my self also, and a greater part to my wife. I
came by the way of syracruse remember me to Mrs. logins, tel her to writ back to my
brothers wife if she is livmg and tel her to com on tel her to send Joseph Andersons love
to his mother.
i now send her 10 Pollers and would send more but being out of employment some of
winter it pulls me back, you will be so kine as to forward her on to me, and if life las 1
will satisfie you at some time, before long. Give my respects and brothers to Mr. John
Dennes, tel him Mr. Hills famly is wel and send there love to them, I now bring my letter
to a close, And am youre most humble Servant, Anthony Bkown.
P. S. I had given out the notion of ever seeing my wife again, so I have not been
attending the office, but am truly sorry T did not, you mention in yours of Mr. Henry
lewey, he has left this city for Boston about 2 weeks ago, we have not herd from him yet.
A. Brown.
Arrival No. 12. George Williams and Charles Holladay. These two
travelers were about the same age. They were not, however, from the
same ncigliborhood — they happened to meet each other as they were trav-
eling the road. George fled from St. Louis, Charles from Baltimore. George
"owed service" to Isaac Hill, a planter; he found no special fault with his
master's treatment of him ; but with Mrs. Hill, touching this point, ho was
thoroughly dissatisfied. She had treated him "cruelly," and it was for this
reason that he was moved to seek his freedom.
Charles, being a Baltimorean, had not far to travel, but had pretty sharp
hunters to elude.
His claimant, F. Smith, however, had only a term of years claim upon
him, which was within about two years of being out. This contract for the
term of years, Charles felt was made without consulting him, therefore he
resolved to break it without consulting his master. He also declined to
have anything to do with the Baltimore and Wilmington R. R. Co., consi-
dering it a proscriptive institution, not worthy of his confidence. He started
on a fast walk, keeping his eyes wide open, looking out for slave-hunters
on his right and left. In this way, like many others, he reached the Com-
mittee safely and was freely aided, thenceforth traveling in a first class Un-
derground Rail Road car, till he reached his journey's end.
Arrival No. 13. William Govan. Availing himself of a passage on
the schooner of Captain B., William left Petersburg, where he had been
owned by " Mark Davis, Esq., a retired gentleman," ratlier, a retired negro
trader.
294 THE rXDERGROUXD RAIL ROAD.
William was about thirty-three years of age, and was of a bright orange
color. Nothing but an ardent love of liberty prompted him to escape. He
was quite smart, and a clever-looking man, worth at least $1^000.
DEEP FURROWS ON THE BACK.
THOMAS MADDEN.
Of all the passengers who had hitherto arrived with bruised and mangled
bodies received at the hands of slave-holders, none brought a back so shame-
fully lacerated by the lash as Thomas Madden. Not a single spot had been
exempted from the excoriating cow-hide. A most bloody picture did the
broad back and shoulders of Thomas present to the eye as he bared his
wounds for inspection. While it was sad to think, that millions of men,
women, and children throughout the South were liable to just such brutal
outrages as Thomas had received, it was a satisfaction to think, that this
outrage had made a freeman of him.
He was only twenty-two years of age, but that punishment convinced him
that he was fully old enough to leave such a master as E. Ray, who had
almost murdered him. But for this treatment, Thomas might have remained
in some degree contented in Slavery. He was expected to look after the
fires in the house on Sunday mornings. In a single instance desiring to
be absent, perhaps for his own pleasure, two boys offered to be his substi-
tute. The services of the boys were accepted, and this gave offence to the
master. This Thomas declared was the head and front of his offending.
His simple narration of the circumstances of his slave life was listened to
by the Committee with deep interest and a painful sense of the situation of
slaves under the despotism of such men as Ray.
After being cared for by the Committee he was sent on to Canada. AVhen
there he wrote back to let the Committee know how he was faring, the
narrow escape he had on the way, and likewise to convey the fact, that one
named " Rachel," left behind, shared a large place in his affections. The
subjoined letter is the only correspondence of his preserved :
Stanford, June 1st, 1855, Niagara district.
Dear Sir : — I set down to inform you that I take the liberty to rite for a frend to
inform you that he is injoyinggood health and hopes that this will finde you the same he
got to this cuntry very well except that in Albany he was vary neig taking back to his oald
home but escaped and when he came to the suspention bridg he was so glad that he run
for freadums shore and when he arived it was the last of October and must look for sum
wonrk for the winter he choped wood until Ternary times are good but money is scarce he
thinks a grpat deal of the girl he left beliind him he thinks that there is non like her
hf-re non so hansom as his Rachel right and let him hear from you as soon as convaniant
no more at presant but remain yours, ^ Albert metteb.
PETE MATTHEWS, alias SAMUEL SPARROWS. 295
« PETE MATTHEWS," alias SAMUEL SPARROWS.
" I MIGHT AS WELL BE IN THE PENITENTIARY, «fcC."
j Up to the age of thirty-five "Pete" had worn the yoke steadily, if not
' patiently under William S. Matthews, of Oak Hall, near Temperaneeville,
in the State of Virginia. Pete said that his "master was not a hard man,"'
but the man to whom he " was hired, George Matthews, was a very cruel
man." " I might as well be in the penitentiary as in his hands," was his
declaration.
One day, a short while, before Pete " took out," an ox broke into the
truck patch, and helped himself to choice delicacies, to the full extent of
his capacious stomach, making sad havoc with the vegetables generally.
Peter's attention being directed to the ox, he turned him out, and gave
him what he considered proper chastisement, according to the mischief he
had done. At this liberty taken by Pete, the master became furious.
11 « jjg got hJs gmi auj threatened to shoot him." " Open your mouth if you
dare, and I will put the whole load into you," said the enraged master.
" He took out a large dirk-knife, and attempted to stab me, but I kept out
of his way," said Pete. Nevertheless the violence of the master did not
abate until he had beaten Pete over the head and body till he was wear}',
inflicting severe injuries. A great change was at once wrought in Pete's
mind. He was now ready to adopt any plan that might hold out the least
encouragement to escape. Having capital to the amount of four dollars
only, he felt that he could not do much towards employing a conductor,
but he had a good pair of legs, and a heart stout enough to whip two
or three slave-catchers, with the help of a pistol. Happening to know a
man who had a pistol for sale, he went to him and told him that he
wished to purchase it. For one dollar the pistol became Pete's property.
He had but three dollars left, but he was determined to make that amount
answer his purposes under the circumstances. The last cruel beating mad-
dened him almost to desperation, especially when he remembered how he
had been compelled to work hard night and day, under Matthews. Then,
too, Peter had a wife, whom his master prevented him from visiting; this
was not among the least offences with which Pete charged his master.
Fully bent on leaving, the following Sunday was fixed by him on which to
commence his journey.
The time arrived and Pete bade farewell to Slavery, resolved to follow
the North Star, with his pistol in hand ready for action. After traveling
about two hundred miles from home he unexpectedly had an opportunity of
using his pistol. To his astonishment he suddenly came face to face wnth a
former master, whom he had not seen for a long time. Pete desired no
friendly intercourse with him whatever ; but he perceived that his old
296 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD.
master recognized liiiii and was bent upon stopping him. Pete held on to
his pistol, but moved as fast as his wearied limbs would allow him, in
an opposite direction. As he was running, Pete cautiously, cast his eye
over his shoulder, to see Mhat had become of his old master, when to his
amazement, he found that a regular chase was being made after him.
Need of redoubling his pace was quite obvious. In this hour of peril, Pete's
legs saved him.
After this signal leg-vietory, Pete had more confidence in his " under-
standings," than he had in his old pistol, although he held on to it until he
reached Philadelphia, where he left it in the possession of the Secretary of
the Committee. Considering it worth saving simply as a relic of the Under-
ground Rail Road, it was carefully laid aside. Pete was now christened
Samuel Sparrows. i\Ir. Sparrows had the rust of Slavery washed otf as
clean as possible and the Committee furnishing him with clean clothes, a
ticket, and letters of introduction, started him on Canada-ward, looking
quite respectable. And doubtless he felt even more so than he looked;
free air had a powerful effect on such passengers as Samuel Sparrows.
The unpleasantness which grew out of the mischief done by the ox on
George ^latthews' farm took place the first of October, 1855. Pete may
be described as a man of unmixed blood, well-made, and intelligent.
" MOSES " ARRIVES WITH SIX PASSENGERS.
" Not allowed to seek a master ;" — " Very devilish ;" — father " leaves two
LITTLE sons ;" — " USED HARD ;" — " FeARED FALLING INTO THE HANDS OF YOUNG
HEIRS," ETC. John Chase, alias Daniel Floyd ; Benjamin Eoss, alias
James Stewart ; Henry Eoss, alias Levin Stewart ; Peter Jackson, alias
Staunch Tilohman ; Jane Kane, alias Catharine Kane, and Egbert Eoss.
The coming of these passengers was heralded by Thomas Garrett as
follows:
THOMAS GAERETT'S LETTER.
Wilmington, 12 mo. 29th, 1854.
Esteemed Friend, J. Millep. McKim : — We made arrangements last night, and sent
away Harriet Tubman, with six men and one woman to Allen Agnew's, to be forwarded
across the country to the city. Harriet, and one of the men had worn their shoes off
Iheir feet, and I gave them two dollars to help fit them out, and directed a carriage to be
hired at my expense, to take them out, but do not yet know the expense. I now have two
more from the lowest county in Maryland, on the Peninsula, upwards of one hundred
miles. I will try to get one of our trusty colored men to take them to-morrow morning to
the Anti-slavery ofTice. You can then pass them on. Thomas Garkett.
IIariukt TritMAX liad been their "Moses," but not in the sense that
Andrew Johnson \va.s the " Moses of the colored people." She had faith-
MOSES ARRIVES WITH SIX PASSENGERS. 297
fully gone down into Egypt, and had delivered these six bondmen by her
own heroism. Harriet was a woman of no pretensions, indeed, a more
ordinary specimen of humanity could hardly be found among the most
unfortunate-looking farm hands of the South. Yet, in point of courage,
shrewdness and disinterested exertions to rescue her fellow-men, by making
personal visits to JNIaryland among the slaves, she was without her equal.
Her success was wonderful. Time and again she made successful visits to
Maryland on the Underground Rail Road, and would be absent for weeks,
at a time, running daily risks while making preparations for herself and
passengers. Great fears were entertained for her safety, but she seemed
wholly devoid of personal fear. The idea of being captured by slave-
hunters or slave-holders, seemed never to enter her mind. She was appa-
rently proof against all adversaries. While she thus manifested such
utter personal indifference, she was much more watchful with regard to
those she was piloting. Half of her time, she had the appearance of
one asleep, and would actually sit down by the road-side and go fast asleep
when on her errands of mercy through the South, yet, she would not suffer
one of her party to whimper once, about "giving out and going back," how-
ever wearied they might be from hard travel day and night. She had a
very short and pointed rule or law of her own, which implied death to any
who talked of giving out and going back. Thus, in an emergency she
would give all to understand that "times were very critical and therefore no
foolishness would be indulged in on the road." That several wlio were
rather weak-kneed and faint-hearted were greatly invigorated by Harriet's
blunt and positive manner and threat of extreme measures, there could be no
doubt.
After having once enlisted, "they had to go through or die." Of
course Harriet was supreme, and her followers generally had full faith in
her, and would back up any word she might utter. So when she said
to them that " a live runaway could do great harm by going back, but
that a dead one could tell no secrets," she was sure to have obedience.
Therefore, none had to die as traitors on the " middle passage." It is obvi-
ous enough, however, that her success in going into Maryland as she did,
was attributable to her adventurous spirit and utter disregard of conse-
quences. Her like it is probable was never known before or since. On
(examining the six passengers who came by this arrival they were thus
recorded :
December 29th, 1854 — John is twenty years of age, chestnut color, of
spare build and smart. He fled from a farmer, by the name of John
Campbell Henry, who resided at Cambridge, Dorchester Co., jMaryhmd.
Qn being interrogated relative to the character of his master, John gave no
V^Bry amiable account of him. He testified that he was a "hard man" and
tHat he " owned about one hundred and forty slaves and sometimes he would
298 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD.
sell," etc. John was one of the slaves Avho were " hired out." lie " de-
sired to have the privilege of liunting his own master." His desire was
not granted. Instead of lueeicly submitting, John felt wronged, and made
this his reason for running away. This looked pretty spirited on the part
of one so young as John. The Committee's respect for him was not a
little increased, when they hoard him express himself.
Benjamin was twenty-eight years of age, chestnut color, medium size,
and shrewd. He was the so-called property of Eliza Ann Brodins, who
lived near Buckstown, in ]\Iaryland. Ben did not hesitate to say, in unqual-
ified terms, that his mistress was "very devilish." He considered his
charges, proved by the fact that three slaves (himself one of tlieni) were
required to work hard iuul fare mcagcrly, to support his mistress' family in
idleness and luxury. The Committee paid due attention to his ex parte
statement, and was obliged to conclude that his argument, clothed in common
and homely language, was forcible, if not eloquent, and that he was well
worthy of aid. Benjamin left his parents besides one sister, Mary Ann
"Williamson, who wanted to come away on the Underground Kail Road.
Henry left his wife, Harriet Ann, to be known in future by the name of
"Sophia Brown." He was a fellow-servant of Ben's, and one of the sup-
ports of Eliza A. Brodins.
Henry was only twenty-two, but had quite an insight into matters and
things going on among slaves and olave-holdcrs generally, in country life.
He was the father of two small children, whom he had to leave behind.
Peter was owned by George Wenthrop, a farmer, living near Cambridge,
j\Id. In answer to the question, how he had been used, he said "hard."
Xot a pleasant thought did he entertain respecting his master, save that he
was no longer to demand the sweat of Peter's brow. Peter left parents,
who were free ; he was born before they were emancipated, consequently, he
was retained in bondage.
Jane, aged twenty-two, instead of regretting that she had unadvisedly
left a kind mistress and indulgent master, who had aiforded her necessary
comforts, affirmed that her master, " Hash Jones, was the worst man in
the country." The Committee were at first disjiosed to doubt her sweeping
statement, but when they heard particularly how she had been treated,
they thought Catharine had good ground for all that she said. Personal
abuse and hard usage, were the common lot of poor slave girls.
Robert was thirty-five years of age, of a chestnut color, and well made.
His report was similar to that of many others. He had been provided with
plenty of hard drudgery — hewing of Nvood and drawing of water, and had
hardly been treated as well as a gentleman would treat a dumb brute. HI3
feelings, therefore, on leaving his old master and home, were those of an
individual who had been unjustly in prison for a dozen years and had at
last regained his libertv.
ESCAPED FROM A WORTHLESS SOT. 299
The civilization, religion, and customs under which Robert and his com-
panions had been raised, were, he thought, " very wicked." Although these
travelers were all of the field-hand order, they were, nevertheless, very
promising, and they anticipated better days in Canada. Good advice was
proffered them on the subject of temperance, industry, education, etc.
Clothing, food and money were also given them to meet their wants^ and
they were sent on their way rejoicing.
ESCAPED FROM "A WORTHLESS SOT."
JOHN ATKINSON.
John was a prisoner of hope under James Ray, of Portsmouth, Va.,
whom he declared to be " a worthless sot." This character was fully set
forth, but the description is too disgusting for record. John Avas a dark
mulatto, thirty-one years of age, well-formed and intelligent. For some
years before escaping he had been in the habit of hiring his time for C^120
per annum. Daily toiling to support his drunken and brutal master, was
a hardship that John felt keenly, but was com^Jelled to submit to up to
the day of his escape.
A part of John's life he had suffered many abuses from his oppressor, and
only a- short while before freeing himself, the auction-block was held up
before his troubled mind. This caused him to take the first daring step
towards Canada, — to leave his wife, Mary, without bidding her good-bye,
or saving a word to her as to his intention of fleeing.
John came as a private passenger on one of the Richmond steamers, and
was indebted to the steward of the boat for his accommodations. Having
been received by the Committee, he was cared for and sent on his journey
Canada-ward. There he was happy, found employment and wanted for
nothing but his wife and clothing left in Virginia. On these two points he
wrote several times with considerable feeling.
Some slaves who hired their time in addition to the payment of their
monthly hire, purchased nice clothes for themselves, which they usually
valued highly, so much so, that after escaping they would not be contented to IMiilip (iaiTisou. The continual threat
to si'U harassed Henry so nuieh, that he saw no ehanee of peaec or liap-
piness in the future. So one day the master laid the "last straw on the
camel's hacU," and not another day would ITenrv stay. INlany times it
reipjii-cd a pretty heavy pressure to start olf a number of yonno; men,
but in this instance they seeniecl unwilling to wait to be worn out under the
yoke and violent treatment, or to beciMuc encumbered with wives and child-
ren before leaving. All were single, with the exception of James, whose wife
M'as free, and named Charlotte ; she understood about his going to Canada,
and, of course, was true to him.
These Ndung men had of courst> btnai reared under circunistaneos alto-
gether unfavorable to mental development. Nevertheless tluy had fervent
aspiratit)ns to strike lor freedom.
Li'.wis Giles belropor-
titmed, and of a dark chestnut color, worth probably eSlllOl), in the Kich-
mond market. Touching his slave life, he saiil (hat he had been treated
*' pretty well," except that he " had been sold several times." Intellectnally
he was above the average run of slaves. He left on the twenty-third of
April, and arrived about tlu^ second of June, having, in the meantime,
enconntcrt'd dilliculties and discouragement*! of various kinds. His safe
arrival, therefore, was attended with unusual rejoicing.
Pamki, Bfnnrtt and his wife and children were the next in order. A
woman poorly ilad with a bab<> just one month oM in her arms, and a little
boy at her side, who could scarcely toddle, together with a husband who had
never dared mider penalty of the laws to protect her or her little ones, pre-
siMited a most painfully touching pietin-e. It was easv enouirh to see, that
they hatl betMi ernshcd. The husliand had been owned bv Captain Janifts
Tavlor — the wife ami children bv Geor-re Carter.
SUNDR Y Alilil VALS. 309
The young mother gave Carter a very ]jad character, afTirming, tluit it was
a "common practice with him to flog the slaves, stripped entirely naked" —
that she had herself been so flogged, since she had been a married woman.
How the husband was treated, the record book is silent. He was about
thirty-two — the wife about twenty-seven. Especial pains were taken to
provide aid and sympathy to this fauiily in their destitution, fleeing under
sucli peculiarly trying circumstances and from such loathsome brutality. They
were from Aldie P. O., Loudon County, Virginia, and passed through the
hands of the Committee about the 11th of June. What has been their fate
since is not known.
SUNDRY ARRIVALS ABOUT JANUARY FIRST, 1855.
VERENEA MERCER.
The steamship Pennsylvania, on one of her regular trips from Richmond,
brought one passenger, of whom the Captain had no knowledge; no j)ermis-
sion had been asked of any officer of the boat. Nevertheless, Verenea
Mercer managed, by the most extraordinary strategy, to secrete herself on the
steamer, and thus succeeded in reaching Philadelphia. She was following
her husband, who escaped about nine months before her.
Verenea was about forty-one years of age, of a dark chestnut color, prc-
})ossessing in manners, intelligent and refined. She belonged to the slave
population of Richmond, and was owned by Thomas W. Quales. Accord ir.-g
to her testimony, she had not received severe treatment during the eight
and a half years that she had been in his hands. Previous to his becoming
the owner of Verencta, it might have been otherwise, although nothing
is recorded in proof of this inference, except that she had the misfortune to
lose her first husband by a sale. Of course she was left a widow, in \vhich
state she remained nine years, at the expiration of which jieriod, she married
a man by the name of James Mercer, whose narrative may be found on p. 54.
How James got off, and where he went, Verenea knew quite well ; conse-
quently, in planning to reach him, she resorted to the same means by whicli
he achieved success. The Committee rendered her the usual aid, and sent
her on direct to her husband in Canada. Without difficulty of any kind slie
reached there safely, and found James with arms wide open to embrace her.
Frequent tidings reached the Committee, that they were getting along quite
well in Toronto.
On the same day (January 1st), Peter DERnifiKSON and Ciiatjees
PuRNELL arrived from iJerlin, Worcester county, Maryland, lioth were
able-bodied young men, twenty-four and twenty-six years of age, just the
kind that a trader, or an experienced slave-holder in the farming business,
310 THE UNDERGROUND RAILROAD.
would be most likely to select for doing full days' work in the field, or for
bringing high prices in the market.
Peter toiled and toiled, with twenty others, on John Derrickson's farm.
And although Derrickson was said to be a "mild master," Peter decidedly
ol)iected to working for him for nothing. He thought over his situation a
great deal, and finally came to the conclusion, that he must get from under
the yoke, if possible, before entering another New Year. His friend Charles
he felt could be confided in, therefore he made up his mind, that he Avould
broach the question of Canada and the Underground Rail Road to liim.
Charles was equally ready and willing to enter into any practical arrange-
ments by which he could get rid of his no-pay task-master, and be landed
safely in Canada. After taking into account the dangers likely to attend
such a struggle, they concluded that they would risk all and try their luck,
as many had done before them.
" What made you leave, Charles?" said a member of iho. Committee.
" I left because I wanted my time and money for myself."
No one could gainsay such a plain common-sense answer as that. The
fact, that he had to leave his parents, three brothers, and five sisters, all
in slavery, brought sad reflections.
Lloyd Hacket, alias Perry Watkins and William Henry Johnson,
alias John Wesley.
No weather was too cold for travel, nor way too rough, when the slave
was made to feel by his heartless master, that he was going to sell him or
starve him to death.
Lloyd had toiled on until he had reached fifty-five, before he came to
the conclusion, that he could endure the treatment of his master, Jolm
Griffin, no longer, simply because " he was not good to feed and clothe," and
was a "great fighter." Moreover, he would "never suflTer his slaves to stop
work on account of bad weather." Not only was his master cruel in these
jjarticulars, but he was equally cruel with regard to selling. Georgia Mas
continually held up to the slaves with a view of producing a wholesome fear,
but in this instance, as in many similar ones, it only awakened desires to
seek flight via the Underground Rail Road.
Lloyd, convinced by experience, that matters with him would be no
better, but worse and worse, resolved that he would start with the ojieniiig
of the New Year to see if he could not find a better country than the one
that he was then in.
He consulted William, who, although a young man of only twenty-four
years of age, had the hate of slavery exceedingly strong in his heart, and
was at once willing to accompany Lloyd — ready to face cold weather
and start on a lon<; walk if freedom could be thus purchased, and liis master,
John Hall, thus defeated. So Lloyd took a heroic leave of his Avife, INIary
Ann, and their little boy, one brother, one sister, and two nieces, and at once
SUNDB Y ARRIVALS. 311
set out with William, like pilgrims and strangers seeking a better country —
where they would not have to go "hungry" and be "worked hard in
all weather," threatened with the auction-block, and brutally flogged if
they merely seemed unwilling to endure a yoke too grievous to be borne.
Both these travelers were mulattoes, and but for the crushing influences that
they had lived under would have made smart men — as it was they showed
plainly, that they were men of shrewd sense.
Inadvertently at the time of their arrival, the names of the State and
place whence they fled were not entered on the book.
In traveling they suffered severely from hunger and the longdistance they
had to walk, but having succeeded victoriously they were prepared to rejoice
all the more.
David Edwards. John J. Slater, coachmaker of Petersburg, Virginia,
if he is still living, and should see these items, may solve what may have
been for years a great mystery to him — namely, that David, his man-
servant, was enjoying himself in Philadelphia about the first week in Jan-
uary, 1855, receiving free accommodations and obtaining letters of intro-
duction to friends in Canada. Furthermore, that David alleged that he was
induced to escape because he (the coachmaker) was a very hard man, who
took every dollar of his earnings, from which he would dole out to him
only one dollar a week for board, etc., a sum less than David could manage
to get along with.
David was thirty years of age, black, weighed one hundred and forty-five
pounds, and was worth one thousand dollars. He left his wife behind.
Beverly Good and George Walker, alias Austin Valentine. These
passengers came from Petersburg, per steamship Pennsylvania. Richard
Perry was lording it over Beverly, who was a young man of twenty-four
years of age, dark, medium size, and possessed of a quick intellect — just the
man that an Underground Rail Road agent in the South could approach with
assurance with questions such as these — " What do you think of Slavery ?"
" Did you ever hear of the Underground Rail Road ?" " How would you
like to be free?" "Would you be willing to go to Canada if you could get
off safely," etc., etc.
Such questions at once kindled into a flame the sparks of freedom lying
dormant in the heart. Although uttered in a whisper, they had a won-
drous ring about them, and a wide-awake bondman instantly grasped their
meaning. Beverly was of this class ; he needed no arguments to prove that
he was daily robbed of his rights — that Slavery was merciless and freedom
the God-given right of all mankind. Of him, therefore, there was no fear
that he would betray his trust or flinch too soon when cramped up in his
hiding-place on the steamer.
His comrade, George, was likewise of the same mettle, and was aided in
the same way. George, however, had more age on his side, being about
312 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD.
forty-tliree. He was about six feet high, with marked physical and mental
abilities, but Slavery had had it^ heel upon his neck. And who could
then have risen ?
Eliza Jones held the deed for George, and by her he was hired as foreman
in a tobacco factory, in which position his duties were onerous — especially to
one with a heavy, bleeding heart, throbbing daily for freedom, while, at
the same time, inournfully brooding over past wrongs. Of these wrongs
one incident must suffice. He had been married twice, and had been the
father of six children by his first wife; at the command of his owner the
wedded relations were abruptly broken, and he was obliged to seek another
wife. In entering this story on the book at the time of the arrival, the con-
cluding words were written thus: "This story is thrilling, but time will not
allow its being penned."
Although safely under the protection of the British Lion, George's heart
was in Virginia, where his wife was retained. As he could not return for
lier deliverance, he was wise enough to resort to the pen, hoping in this way
to effect his grand object, as the following letter will show:
Toronto, January 25th, 1855.
Dear Friend Still : — George Walker, of Petersburg, Va., is now in my office, and
requests me to write a letter to you, and request you to write to his wife, after or accord-
ing to the instructions he gave to his friend, John Brown, in your city, with whom he says
you are acquainted. You will understand, of course, his reason for wanting the letter
wrote and posted at Philadelphia. You will please attend to it and address a letter to
him (Walker) in my care. He and Beverly Good, his comrade, tender much love to you.
Send them on ; we are prepared for them. Yours in great haste, J. B. Smith.
P. S. — Be sure and follow the directions given to Brown.
Adam Buooks, alias "William Smith. Hardtown, Montgomery county,
Maryland, lost a rather promising " article of merchandise," in the person of
Adam. The particulars of his going are on this wise: John Phillips, his
so-called master, believed in selling, and practiced accordingly, to the extent
at least of selling Adam's mother, brother, and sister only two years before
his escape.
If Adam had known nothing else against Phillips, this was enough in all
conscience to have awakened his deadly hate; but, added to this, P]iillii)s
was imprudent in his habit of threatening to "sell," etc. This kept the
old wound in Adam's heart continually bleeding and forced him to the
conclusion, that his master was not only a hard man, as a driver on the farm,
but that at heart he was actnallv a bad man. Furthermore, that it was his
duty to break his fetters and .seek his freedom in Canada.
In thus looking at his situation, his mind was worked uj) to fever heat,
and he resolved that, let the consequences be what they might, go he must.
In this pronii.sing .state of mind he started, at an appointed time, for Penn-
sylvania, and, .sure enough, he succeeded. Having the appearance of a
SUNDRY ARRIVALS. 3I3
desirable working-hand, a Pennsylvania farmer prevailed on him to stop
for a time. It was not long before the folly of this halt was plainly dis-
cernible, as his master had evidently got wind of his whereabouts, and was
pretty hot in pursuit. Word reached Adam, however, barely in time for
him to make his escape through the aid of friends.
In coming into the hands of the Committee he needed no persuading to
go to Canada; he was occupied with two interesting problems, to go back
or to go forward. But he set his face hopefully towards Canada, and had no
thought of stopping short thereof. In stature, he was small; color, black;
countenance, pleasant, and intellect, medium. As to his fitness for making
a good citizen in Canada the Committee had no doubt.
Sarah A. Dunagan. Having no one to care for her, and, having been
threatened with the auction-block, Sarah mustered pluck and started out in
search of a new home among strangers beyond the borders of slave territory.
According to her story, she "was born free'' in the State of Delaware, but
had been "bound out" to a man by the name of George Churchman,
living in Wilmington. Here she averred, that she "had been flogged re-
peatedly," and had been otherwise ill-treated, while no one interfered to
take her part. Consequently she concluded, that although she was born free,
she would not be likely to be benefited thereby unless she made her escape
on the Underground Rail Road. This idea of freedom continued io agitato
Sarah's mind until she decided to leave forthwith. She was a young mulatto
woman, single, and told her story of hardships and of the dread of being
sold, in a manner to elicit much sympathy. She had a mother living in
New Castle, named Ann Eliza Kingslow. It was no uncommon thing for
free-born }K'rsons in slave States to lose their birth-right in a manner simi-
lar to that by which Sarah feared that she had lost hers.
"Arrived JosEPfi Hall, Jr., son of Joseph Hall, of Norfolk, Virginia."
This is all that is recorded of this passenger, yet it is possible that this item
of news may lead to the recognition. of Joseph, should he still hai)pen to be
of the large multitude of fugitives scattered over the land amongst the
living.
Isaac D. Davis. In fleeing from bondage, in Maryland, Davis was
induced to stoj^, as many others were, in Pennsylvania. Not comprehending
the Fugitive Slave Law he fancied that he would be safe so long as he kept
matters private concerning his origin. But in this particular he labored
under a complete delusion — when he least dreamed of danger the slave-
catchers were scenting him close. Of their approach, however, he was for-
tunate enough to be notified in time to place himself in the hands of the
Committee, who soon held out Canada to him, as the only sure refuge for
him, and all others similarly situated. His fears of being carried back
opened his eyes, and understanding, so that he could readily see the force of
this argument, and accepting the proffered aid of the Committee was sent on
314 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD.
his "way rejoicing. He had been away from his master eigliteen months, and
in the meanwhile had married a wife in Pennsylvania. What became of
them after this flight the book contains no record.
Jacob Matthias Boyer left at about the age of tM'cnty. He had no
idea of working in the condition of a slave, but if he had not been threat-
ened with the auction-block, he might have remained much longer than he
did. He had been owned by Richard Garmaii, cashier of one of the Anna-
j)olis banks, and who had recently died. Jacob fled from Annai)olis. Very
little record was made of either master or slave. Probably no incidents
were related of sufficient importance, still the Committee felt pleased to
receive one so young. Indeed, it always afforded the Committee especial
satisfaction to see children, young people, and females escaping from the
prison-house. Jacob was of a dark hue, a little below medium stature.
Zechariaii Mead, alias John AVilliams. This traveler had been in the
house of bondage in Maryland, doing service for Charles C. Owens, to
whom he belonged. According to Zechariah's statement, his mistress had
been very unfortunate with her slave property, having lost fifteen head out
of twenty in a similar manner to that by which she lost Zechariaii. Thus
she had been considerably reduced in circumstances. But Zechariaii had no
compassion on her whatever, but insisted that she was a hard mistress.
Doubtless Zechariaii was prompted to flee by the " bad " example of others
who had succeeded in making good their escape, before he had made up his
mind to leave. He was not yet quite twenty-one, but was wide-awake, and
it appeared from his conversation, that he had done some close thinking
before he started for freedom. He left his father, mother, and three
brothers, all slaves except his father.
SLAVE-HOLDER IN MARYLAND WITH THREE COLORED
WIVES.
JAMES GRIFFIN ALIAS THOMAS BROWN.
James was a tiller of the soil under the yoke of Joshua Hitch, who lived
on a farm about seventeen miles from Baltimore. James spoke rather favor-
ably of hini ; indeed, it was through a direct act of kindness on the part of
his master that he procured the opportunity to make good his escai)e. It
appeared from his story, that his master's affairs had become particularly
embarrassed, and the Sheriff was making frequent visits to his house. This
sign was interpreted to mean that James, if not others, would have to be
sold before long. The master was much puzzled to decide which way to
turn. He owned but three other adult slaves besides James, and they were
i
SLA VE- HOLDER IN 3IAR YLAND. 3 1 5
females. One of tliem was his chief housekeeper, and with them all his
social relations were of such a nature as to lead James and others to think
and say that they '* were all his wives." Or to use James's own language,
"he had three slave women; two were sisters, and he lived with them all as his
wives; two of them he was very fond of," and desired to keep them from
being sold if possible. The third, he concluded he could not save, she would
have to be sold. In this dilemma, he was good enough to allow James a
few days' holiday, for the purpose of finding him a good master. Express-
ing his satisfaction and gratification, James, armed with full authority from
his master to select a choice specimen, started for Baltimore.
On reaching Baltimore, however, James carefully steered clear of all
slave-holders, ajid shrewdly turned his attention to the matter of getting an
Underground Rail Road ticket for Canada. After making as much inquiry
as he felt was safe, he came to the conclusion to walk of nights for a long
distance. He exaiuined his feet and legs, found that they were in good
order, and his faith and hope strong enough to remove a mountain. Besides
several days still remained in which he was permitted to look for a new
master, and these he decided could be profitably spent in making his way
towards Canada. So off he started, at no doubt a very diligent pace, for at
the end of the first night's journey, ho had made much headway, but at the
expense of his feet.
His faith was stronger than ever. So he rested next day in the woods,
concealed, of course, and the next evening started with fresh courage and
renewed perseverance. Finally, he reached Columbia, Pennsylvania, and
there he had the happiness to learn, that the mountain which at first had
tried his faith so severely, was removed, and friendly hands were reached out
and a more speedy and comfortable mode of travel advised. He was directed
to the Vigilance Committee in Philadelphia, from whom he received friendly
aid, and all necessary information respecting Canada and how to get there.
James was thirty-one years of age, rather a fine-looking man, of a chest-
nut color, and quite intelligent. He had been a married man, but for two
years before his escape, he had been a widower — that is, his wife had been
sold away from him to North Carolina, and in that space of time he had
received only three letters from her; he had given up all hope of ever seeing
her again. He had two little boys living in Baltimore, whom he was obliged
to leave. Their names were Edward and William. What became of them
afterwards was never known at the Philadelphia station.
James's master was a man of about fifty years of age — who had never
been lawfully married, yet had a number of children on his place who were
of great concern to him in the midst of other pressing embarrassments. Of
course, the Committee never learned how matters were settled after James
left, but, in all probability, his wives, Nancy and Mary (sisters), and Lizzie,
with all the children, had to be sold.
316 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD.
CAPTAIN F. ARRIVES WITH NINE PASSENGERS.
NAMES OF I'ASSENGERS.
Petee IIeines, Eatontown, North Carolina; Matthew Bor>AMS, Ply-
mouth, North Carolina; James ]\Iokkis, South End, North Carolina;
Charles Thompson, Charity Thompson, Nathaniel Bowser, and
Thomas Cooper, Portsmouth, Virginia ; George Anderson, Elkton,
Maryland.
.t
Their arrival was announced by Thomas Garrett as follows:
Wilmington, 7th mo., 19tb, 1856,
Respected Friend, William Still : — I now have the pleasure of consigning to thj
care four able-bodied human beings from North Carolina, and five from Virginia, one of|
which is a girl twelve or thirteen years of age, the rest all men. After thee has seen anc
conversed with them, thee can determine what is best to be done with them. I am as-
sured they are such as can take good care of themselves, Elijah Pennypacker, some time''"
since, informed me he could find employment in his neighborhood for two or three good'^
hands. I should think that those from Carolina would be about as safe in that neighbor-
hood as any place this side of Canada. Wishing our friends a sale trip, I remain thy sin-
cere friend, Thos. Garkett.
After conferring with Harry Craige, we have concluded to send five or six of tliem to-
night in the cars, and the balance, if those go safe, to-morrow night, or in the steam-boat'
on Second day morning, directed to the Anti-Slavery office.
There was much rejoicing over these select passengers, and very much
interesting information was elicited from them.
Peter was only twenty-one years of age, composed of equal parts of An-
glo-Saxon and Anglo- African blood — rather a model-looking "article,"
with a fair share of intelligence. As a slave, he had fared pretty well — ^
he had neither been abused nor stinted of food or clothing, as many others
had been. His duties had been to attend upon his master (and reputed
father), Elias IIeines, Esq., a lawyer by profession in North Carolina,
No charges Avhatever appear to have been made against Mr. IIeines,
according to the record book; but Peter seemed filled with great delight at
the prospects ahead, as well as with the success that had attended his etibrts
thus far in striking for freedom.
James was twenty-seven years of age. His experience had been quite
different from that of Peter's. The heel of a woman, by the name of }drs.
Ann M(>C(>urt, had been on James's neck, and she had caused liim to suiler
severely. As James recounted his grievances, while nniler the rule, he by
no means gave her a very flattering character, but, on the contrary, he
plainly stated, that she was a " desperate woman " — that he had " never
known any good of her," and that he was moved to escape to get rid of her.
In other words she had threatened to sell him ; this well nigh produced a
frenzy in James's mind, for too well did he remember, that he had already
CAPTAIN F. ARRIVES WITH NINE PASSENGERS. 317
been sold three times, and in different stages of his bondage had been treated
quite cruelly. In the change of masters he was positive in saying, that he
had not found a good one, and, besides, he entertained the belief that such
personages were very rare.
Those of the Committee who listened to James were not a little amazed
at his fluency, intelligence and earnestness, and acknowledged that he dealt
unusually telling blows against the Patriarchal Institution.
Matthew was twenty-three years of age, very stout — no fool — a man of
decided resolution, and of the very best black complexion produced in the
South. Matthew had a very serious bill of complaints against Samuel Sim-
mons, who professed to own him (jMatthew), both body and mind, while in
this world at least. Among these complaints v/as the charge of ill-
treatment. Nevertheless Matthew's joy and pleasure were matchless over
his Underground Rail Road triumph, and the prospect of being so soon out
of the land and reach of Slavery, and in a land where he could enjoy
his freedom as others enjoyed theirs. Indeed the entire band evinced similar
feelings. Matthew left a brother in Martin county.
Further sketches of this interesting company were not entered on the book
at the time, perhaps on account of the great press of Underground Rail
Road business which engaged the attention of the acting Committee. How-
ever, they were all duly cared for, and counselled to go to Canada, where
their rights would be protected by a strong and powerful government, and
they could enjoy all the rights of citizenship in common with " all the world
>and the rest of mankind." And especially M'cre they advised to get education;
to act as men, and remember those still in bonds as bound with them, and
that they must not forget to write back, after their arrival in Canada, to in-
form their friends in Philadelphia of their prospects, and what they thought
of the "goodly land." Thus, with the usual Underground Rail Road pass-
ports, they were again started Canada-ward. Without difficulty of any kind
they duly reached Canada, and a portion of them wrote back as follows:
"Toronto, C. W., Aug. 17th, 1856.
Mr. Still: — Dear Sir — These few lines may find you as they leave us, we are well at
present and arrived safe in Toronto. Give our respects to Mrs. S. and daughter.
.Toronto is a very extensive place. We have plenty of pork, beef and mutton. There are
five market houses and many churches. Female wages is 62^ cents per day, men's wages
is $1 and york shilling. We are now boarding at Mr, George Blunt's, on Centre street,
two doors from Elm, back of Lawyer's Hall, and when you write to us, direct your letter
to the care of Mr. George Blunt, &c. (Signed), James Monroe, Peter Heines, Henry
James Morris, and Matthew Bodams."
This intelligence was very gratifying, and most assuredly added to the
pleasurable contemplation of having the privilege of holding out a helping
hand to the fleeing bondman. From James Morris, one of this company,
however, letters of a painful nature were received, touching his wife in
:{IH Tin: rx/)i:i!<;L'(>n\/> uml uoap.
1»(>iii1h, H«'llin^ I'orlli her "awful" siliiulitui and apjualiiiji; (o llio Coiniiiiltoc
lo use llicii- Im'sI, «'ii(lcav(»rs (o rescue her, willi her ehil«l, Cruiii Slavi-ry. One
(.r ihese leMei-M, HO lull ol' lomhiiig Hcntiiiieiit.s ul" all'eetioii ami appeal on
Ix IimII" oI" his wile, is jus IoIIows:
ToKoNro, (^maila Wi-hI, ni>|nT, ISili day of t]i,> ',)(!, mo,, 18,^;.
Mil. W'li.i.iAM Srii.i.: — l>t'iu-Hir— I liopo Mi(>h(< hi\t's iiiiiy liiul you uin.1 your I'lmiily as
Mii'V IciiVK uu« |.',ivt» luy roHiii'cIrt lo lidlo ("aroliuo ami \w\ luotlicr.
l)»Mir Sir, 1 liavo n>ct>iv<>(l two l(»Mi'rs from my wifo HiiH't< I saw you, ami the second was
(iwful. I am Morry to say nlm Hay« slw lias Ix-ou Iroatcil awful siiu-o 1 left, and she (old the
lady hIio Ih.iuj^lil. tdic was left fr('i> :iud r\\o lold Iut Aw was an mucli slave as ever she was
lliat (ln< n(al« was not lo 1m> HoMlcd uuld lior ilcath and il. would lie a monu'lo if she and
lior child got it tluMi and that her maslor left a groat uumy relations and she diden no what
ihoy woidd dt». Mr. Si ill doar Mir 1 am very sorry to hoar my wifo and child are sIuvoh
if you ploaMt* dear sir inform me what to do for my dear wito niui ehild. She said she has
been threatened to be put in jail thrive limt>s sineo I l(>fL also she (ells me that she is wash-
ing lor the eaplaiii of a vt>s('l that uho to run lo rt^terslnirg hut now ho runs to I'^alliiiioro
and h<> has pitunas lo laki^hiT (o Oolawaro or Now York for M dtdlars and sh(> had not
the luout'v, sho stMit to mo and 1 sent hor all 1 had whioh was f) dollars dear sir can you
inform mo what to do with a, easi» of this kind the caiitains name is Thomas.
My wifo is name luoy an morris my ohild is nnmo lot, if ymi please dear sir answer mo
Ra soon as you ean posahle. Ill nuy Jami'.s Mokuis, Toronto C. W.
Ilonry .lamos Morris in ean> of \\'\\\. (loorgo l>lunt, ("outre st., '1 doors from Elam.
Tiiis s;i(l Iftlv'r Muule :i moiinil'iji iiiij)r(>s>:it>ii, ;is il was not e;isv {o see liow
lu-r (K'livtM'anee was lo lu> ellei'te«l. Oik- leMtiire, howe\ I'r, about (his (>|)istlo
alVonh'il iiineh s;itisl"aetion, UMnielv, \o Know, that .lames diil nt^t loro-et his
pcM- wile ;iii(l I'liild, who were in the prist>n-hoiis(\ iManv months alter (his
lirst letter eanu> l(» han«l. Mrs, l)r. Willis, one o\' the llr^t hulitN in Toronto,
wrote on his hehalf as lollows:
Toi;oNr(>. ir>(li .luuo, Monday morning, 1857.
To Mu. Sru.i,, Dr.AK Siu: — I write vimi this letter for a respectable young man (his
name is Jamos Morris), ho passed through your haiiils July of last year (isr)0), and has
just had a letter frvun his wife, whom he left behind in Virginia, tiiat she and her child aro
likely U-' bt> sold. lh> is very anxious about this and wishful that she could get away by
some vessel or otherwisp. His wife's naiiu> is Lucy ^[^u•ris ; the child's nanu> is Lot Mor-
ris ; the lady's name she lives with is a Mrs. Hine (I hope I .sjiell her name riglit, Hine), nt
the i>»rnerof Puke street and Washington stivel, in Norfolk city, Virginia. She is hired
out to this rich ohl widow buly. James Morris wishes me to write you — ho has saved
forty dollars, and will .«»end it to you whenever it is ivquiivd, to bring her on (o Toitmto,
r^nnda West, It is in the bank ivady up^m call. Will you please, sir, diitvt ycnir letter
in n>ply (o this, to a Mrs. Kinggold. Centre stivet, two dooi-s fl\Mn Klain street. TonMito,
O.'inaila West, as I will be out of town. I write this instead of Mr. Thomas Henning,
who IS lust about leaving lor Kngland. Hoping you will reply soon, I remain, sir.
U.spoettully yours, A*:nis Wu.i.is.
W hether .lames over siu^vtHled in reeoverino- his wife ami ehiUl, it* not
ktioN^n to the writer. Many similarly situati'd were wont to appeal M.oain
ami «i:ain. tmlil orowino; entirely hopeless. (luy wonhl eonehule to marry.
CAPTA IN F. A RUT VES WITH NINE PASSENG EIlS. 31 Q
Here it may be remarked, witli reference to marryliienti,\e Sj'iues,
near J'etersburg; Daniei. Oreen, R, J.(,'esbui-g, Vir-
ginia; James Johnson, allaH Whjjam (Ivia'.vmt and wife Harriet,
Prince George's county, Maryland; IlE.viiY Cooi'Eit, and William Ihraki,
SMiTir, Middhitown, Delaware ; Anna Dorkey, Maryla?id.
Although stiirting from wid^'ly separated localities without the slightest
communication with each other in the South, each separate passenger earn-
estly bent on freedom, had (endured suffering, hunger, and perils, by land
and water, sustained by tlie hope of ultimate freedtjm.
Perry Shephard and Isaac; Heed reported themselves as having fled
from the ]Oastern Shore of Maryland ; that they had there been he-ld to
s(;rvic(! or Slavery })y Sarah Ann Burgess, and Benjamin Franklin Houston,
from whom they fled. No incidents of slave life or travel were recorded,
save that Perry l(;fl his wife Milky Ann, and two children, Xatify and
Kfibeeea (free). Also Isaac h'ft lils wife, Hester Ann liouisa, and the
following named ehildrfn : Philip Henry, Harriet Ann and Jane Kli/abeth.
George Sperryman's lot was cast amongst the oj)pressed in th<; (■'\\y oi'
Piehmond, Va. Of the common ills of slave life, George frxild ."-pe-ak
frorn experienee; but little of liis story, however, was recorded at the Litne.
He had reached the Committee through the regular chann^'l — was adjudged
wf)rthy of aid and enry>uragemcnt, and they gave it to him freely. jS'ickless
Tenipleman was the loser in this instance; how he bore the misfortune the
Committf.'C was not apprised. Without question, the property was delighted
with getti)ig rid of the owner.
Valentine Spires came a fellow-passenger with George, having "took
out" tl)e j)revious C'hristtrias, from a \\\:\<-(t called Dunwofxly, near Peters-
burg. ]Ie was held to service; in that place by Dr. Jesse Sfjuirf-s. HndfT
his opi)resHive rules and demands, \'alf*ritine had been convinced that thr-re
could be no prijice, consequently he turned his attention to one id'-a — frecflom
and the Underground Kail Poad, and with this faith, worked his way
through to the Committee, and was received, and aided of course.
IY20 THE rX/>h'/!(,'/i'<>t.\/> AM//. /COA/>.
|)\\ii. (Jifii'.N, (lrii, iK'Mi" li(>('sl)iir«r. Elliolt C'lirlctt
HH mIiiiiihmI haviti Ity (lirnil.'iiiii|r (o nrll liiiii, lliaf llic idea of liltcrly iiiuiu!-
(liiilflv (ni.k puMscMsion ill Pavid'H luiiid. |).i\i(l liail siinrrcd many liard-
hlii|t,s III llif liaiids nC his ma- Ita, ImiI wImii I lie aiirl i(Mi-l>I()ck was licid up to
liiiii, thai WUM (li(< \V(»f.sl nil, nl" nil. lie iM-caiiic u lliinkcr ii;;li| away.
AIiIhiii}';Ii III* hud a wilr and one child in Slavery, he decided lo lice for \m
Irccdtim al all ha/.ards, and accii!din;.'ly he eaniid mil his linn rcsoliilion.
.Iami:s .Iomnson. This "arlicle" was ddinu; nnre(|nilcd lalior as the slavo
1)1' 'rhomas Wallace, in I'rince (Jeorj^-e eomily, Maryland. 1 le was a hIouI
and ru};'^ed loi'lvin;^', man, ol" I liii ly-live )'ears of a;2,<'. On escapinn-, he w.'iH
roi'liinulc I'litiiif^h (n hring his wife, llarrici with him. She was leii ynU'H
voutijjvr ihaii himself, and had hccii owned l>y William 'P. Wood, hy whom
hIu< naiil (hill she had " hccn well liealcd." Hul of laic, ihis Wood \mf{
tiikeii lo li.pior, and .Jic fell in daiccr of being sold. SliO Knew thai nun
ruined ihe l)csl ol' slave holdcis, so she was admonished (o t;'c( out of danger
MS soon as possible.
('ii\i;iis lli;\i;v ( V»on'.i; and Wii.l.lAM IsuA Ki, Sm 1111. These pusscii-
gers w«re rcprcseiilaliscs of (he peculiar Insliliirum of Middlclown, I)ila-
ware. Charles wum owned ItN' (\alliarine Meiidine, and William l>y .lohn I'.
("afher. Aceordiiii;' lo (heir confession, ( 'harles and William it secnii d had
lieen (hinkiiii;' a p)od deal over (he idea ttf " worUiiit;- for iiothini;," of heiiijf
dailv driven (o Mippoit others, while (hey were rciulcred iiiIm labi*' (hereby.
So they made up ihcir minds totiv the I 'ndir^;i-ouiid Ivail lu>ad, " hit, or
miss." This resolution was made and eariicd inb» ellcct [o\\ the part (if
Cluu'U'S at least), at (he cos( of lea\ini!,- a mo(her, (lirce brodiers, and (hrec
wistern in Slavt>r\', wiihoiil hope ol' cNcr seeiiii; (hem apiin. flic ages
(>t'(MuirleN aj>il William wtae respee(ively (wen(y-(wo aiul (wcn(y-onc. I>o(h
stout ami well-made yonn^'; men, with intcllec(s well tpialified (o make (he
wilderness of ( 'aiiada bud and blossom as (1k< rosi-, and (hitherwanl they
NVOIV dispatched.
Anna 1>okskv bei'anuMired t>f Slavery ju ISfaryland, where she reported
tliat sht> had been held to si'rvlcc bv a slave-holder, kut>wn by tlu> name of
Mli Molc-^woith. The rei-ord is silent as to how she was trcaUnl. Asa
slave, she had be«'n britUi;ht up a sv-amstrcss, auvl was ipiiti' intellipait. Age
twcutv-two, mulatto.
OWKN \M> (>riU> TAYLOU'S hMdCllb Wlldl llOUslS. Ivrc.
ru»;KK m;orui:us, rwv> v>k ruKM wirii wivks \np tniimtKN.
Ab«»ut the latter part of Maivli, lv^r>(5, Oweu Taylor and his wife. Mary
Ann, and their little sou, Kdward, togetlu'r with a bn>ther aud his wlfo and
two chiKhi'u, auvl a tliir\l bn>tlicr, Ueujamiu, arrivixl from ni>ar Clear
OWEN AXD OTirO TAYLORS FIJOIfT WITH IIORSKS, KTC. .321
Springs, nine miles from IIu;^er.stown, Maryland. They uU lei't their home,
or rather escaped from the prison-house, on Easter Sunday, and came vid
Ilarrisburg, where they were assisted and directed to tli>m-
mittoe for a long time.
The three brothers were intelligent, and heroic, and, in tlie resolve to
obtain freedom, not only for themselves, but for their wives and children
desperately in earnest. They had counted well the cost of this Ktruggle
fijr liberty, and had fully made up their minds that if interfered with by
slave-catchers, somebody wouhl have to bit*; the dust. 'J'hat th(;y had
pledged themselves never to surrender alive, was obvious. Jheir travel-
worn appearance, their attachment for each other, the joy that the tokens
of friendship affo.'ded them, the dcso-ijjfion they gave of incidc.'iits on tiie
road, made an im[>ression not soon to be effaced.
In the presence of a group like this Sumner's great and eloquent sjteech
on the ]5arbarism of Slavery, seemed almost cold and dcati, — the mute
appeals of these little ones in their mother's arms — the urdettei-e(l language
of these young mothers, striving U) save their offs{)ring from the dooni of
Slav(;ry — the resolute and manly bearing of these brothers expressed in
words full of love of liberty, and of the determination to resist Slavery
to the death, in defence of their wives and children — this was Sumner's
speech enacted befoj-e our eyes.
Owen was about fiiii'ty-onc years r)f agr-, but had exjiericnccd a deal of
trouble. He had been married twice, and both wives were believed to be
living. The first one, with their little child, had l>een sohi in the Halfimore
market, about three years before, tiie mother was sent to I^ouisiana,
the child to South Carolina. Father, mother, and cliild, part<;d with
no hope of ever seeing each other again in this world. After Owen's
wife was sent South, he sent her his likeness and a dress; the latter was
received, and she was greatly delighted with it, l>ut he never lujard of
tier having received his likeness. lie likewise wrote to her, but he was not
sure that she received his letters. Finally, he came to the conclusion that as
•jhc was forever dead to him, he would dr> well to marry again. Aword-
ingly he took to himself another i>artner, the one who now accomj)auied
him on the Underground itail iioad.
Omitting other interesting incidents, a reference to liis handiwork will
suffice to show the ability of Owen. Owen was a born mechanic, and his
Tiaster practically tested his skill in various ways ; sometimes in the black-
smith shop — at other times as a wheelwright — again at making brushes and
jrooms, and at leisure times he wovdd try his fiatxl in all these erafts.
This Jack-of-all-trades was, of course, very valuable to his masUir. Indeed
lis placxi was hard to fill.
Henry Flerv, a farmer, "about sixty-ffMir years of age, a stout, crusty oIathy were very faint indeed. No one could
possibly avoid the conclusion, that these mothers, with their handsome
daughters, were valued on the Ledger of their owners at enormously high
prices; that lustful traders and sensualists had already gloated over the
thought of buying them in a few short years. Probably not one of those
beautiful girls would have brought less than fifteen hundred or two thousand
dollars at the age of fifteen. It was therefore a great satisfaction to think,
that their mothers, who knew full well to what a fate such slave girls were
destined, had labored so heroically to snatch them out of this danger ere
the critical hour arrived.
Rebecca Jones was about twenty-eight years of age ; mulatto, good-
looking, considerably above medium size, very intelligent, and a true-born
heroine.
The following reward, offered by the notorious negro-trader. Hall, proved
that Rebecca and her children were not to be allowed to go free, if slave-
hunters coidd be induced by a heavy pecuniary consideration to recapture
them:
^300 Reward is offered for the apprehension of negro woman, REBECCA
JONES and her three children, and man ISAIAH, belonging to W. W. Davidson,
who have disappeared since the 20th inst. The above reward will be paid tor the
apprehension and delivery of the said Negroes to my Jail, by the attorney in fact of the
owner, or the sura of $250 for the man alone, or $150 for the woman and three children
alone. Wm. W. Hall, for the Attorney.
feb. 1.
Years before her escape, her mistress died in England; and as Rel)ecca
had always understood, long before this event, that all the slaves were to
be freed at the death of her mistress, she was not prepared to believe any
other report. It turned out, however, as in thousands of other instances,
that no will could be found, and, of course, the administrators retained
the slave property, regardless of any verbal expressions respecting freeing,
etc. Rebecca closely wat<-hod the course of the administrators, and in the
meanwhile firndy resolved, that neitlier she nor her children should ever
serve another master. Rather than submit, she declared that she would
CAPTAIN F. ARRIVES WITH FOURTEEN PRIME ARTICLES. 327
take the lives of her chiklreu and then her own. Notwithstanding her
bold and decided stand, the report went out that she was to be sold,
and that all the slaves were still to be held in bondage. Rebecca's
sympathizers and friends advised her, as they thought for the best, to
get a friend or gentleman to purchase her for herself. To this she replied:
" Not three cents would I give, nor do I want any of my friends to buy me,
not if they could get me for three cents. It would be of no use," she con-
tended, " as she was fully bent on dying, rather than remain a slave," The
slave-holders evidently understood her, and were in no hurry about bringing
her case to an issue — they rather gave her time to become calm. But Re-
becca was inflexible.
Six years before her arrival, her husband had escaped, in company with
the noted fugitive, "Shadrach." For a time after he fled, she frequently
received letters from him, but for a long while he had ceased to write, and
of late she had heard nothing from him.
In escaping stowed away in the boat, she suffered terribly, bu't faithfully
endured to the end, and was only too happy when the agony was over. After
resting and getting thoroughly refreshed in Philadeljjhia, she, with others,
, was forwarded to Boston, for her heart was there. Several letters were
received from her, respecting her prospects, etc., from which it appears that
siie had gained some knowledge of her husband, although not of a satisfac-
tory nature. At any rate she decided that she could not receive him
back again. The following letter has reference to her prospects, going to
California, her husband, etc. :
Parker Hotjse, School street, Boston, Oct. 18th, '56.
My Dear Sir: — I can hardly express the pleasure I feel at the receipt of your kind
letter ; but allow me to thank you for the same.
And now I will tell you my reasons for going to California. Mrs. Tarrol, a cousin of
my husband, has sent for me. She says I can do much better there than in Boston. And
as I have my children's welfare to look to, I have concluded to go. Of course I shall be
just as likely to hear from home there as here. Please tell Mr. Bagnale I shall expect one
letter from him before I leave here.
I should like to hear from my brothers and sisters once more, and let me hear every
particular. You never can know how anxious I am to hear from thera ; do please impress
this upon their minds.
I have written two letters to Dr. Lundy and never received an answer. I heard Mrs.
Lundy was dead, and thought that might possibly be the reason he had not replied to me.
Please tell the Doctor I should take it as a great favor if he would write me a few lines.
I suppose you think I am going to live with my husband again. Let me assure you
'tis no such thing. My mind is as firm as ever. And believe me, in going away from
Boston, I am going away from him, for I have heard he is living somewhere near. He
has been making inquiries about me, but that can make no difference in my feelings to
him. I hope that yourself, wife and family are all quite well. Please remember me to
them all. Do me the favor to give my love to all inquiring friends. I should be most
lappy to have any letters of introduction you may think me worthy of and I trust I shall
3ver remain Yours faithfullv, Eebecca Jones.
328 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD.
p. S — I do not know if I shall go this Fall, or in the Spring. It will depend upon the
letter I receive from California, but whichever it may be, I shall be happy to hear from
you very soon.
IsAiAir, who Wiis a fellow-sorvant with Rebecca, and was included in the
reward olil'red by Hall for Rebecca, etc., was a young man about twenty-
three years of age, a mulatto, intelligent and of prepossessing manners. A
purely ardent thirst for liberty prompted him to flee ; although he declared
that he had been treated very badly, and had even suffered severely from
being shamefully "beaten." He had, however, been permitted to hire
his time by the year, for which one hundred and twenty dollai's were
regularly demanded by his owner. Young as he was, he was a married
man, with a wife and two children, to whom he was devoted. He had
besides two brothers and two sisters for whom he felt a warm degree of
brotherly affection ; yet when the hour arrived for him to accept a chance
for freedom at the apparent sacrifice of these dearest ties of kindred, he was
found heroic enough for this })ainful ordeal, and to give up all for freedom.
Caroline Taylor, and her two little children, were also from Norfolk,
and came by boat. Upon the whole, they were not less interesting than Re-
becca Jones and her three little girls. Although Caroline was not in her
person half so stately, nor gave such promise of heroism as Rebecca — for
Caroline was rather small of stature — yet she was more refined, and quite
as intelligent as Rebecca, and represented considerably more of the Anglo-
Saxon blood. She was a mulatto, and her children were almost fair enough
to pass for white — probably they were quadroons, hardly any one would
have suspected that they had only one quarter of colored blood in their veins.
For ten years Caroline had been in the habit of hiring her time at the
rate of seventy-five dollars per year, with the exception of the last year,
when her hire was raised to eighty-four dollars. So anxious was she to
have her older girl (eleven years old) at home with her, that slie also hired
her time by the year, for w^hich she was compelled to pay twenty-four
dollars. As her younger cliild was not sufficiently grown to hire out for
pay, siio was permitted to have it at home with her on the conditions that
she would feed, clothe and take good care of it, permitting no expense what-
ever to fall upon the master.
Judging from the appearance and manners of the children, their mother
had, doubtless, been most faithful to them, for more handsome, well-behaved,
intelligent and pleas^Ing children could not easily be selected from either
race or any staticm of life. The younger, Mary by name, nine years of age,
attracted very great attention, by the deep interest she manifested in a poor
fugitive (wliom she had never seen before), at the Philadelphia station,
confined to the bed and suffering excruciating pain from wounds he had
received whilst escaping. Hours and houi-s together, during the two or
three days of their sojourn, she spent of her own accord, by liis bed-side^
CAPTJ IX F. ARRIVES WITH FO UR TEEN PRIME ARTICLES. 329
manifesting almost womanly sympathy in the most devoted and tender
manner. She thus, doubtless, unconsciously imparted to the sufferer a
great deal of comfort. Very many affecting incidents had come under the
observation of the acting Committee, under various circumstances, but never
before had they witnessed a sight more interesting, a scene more touching.
Caroline and her children were owned by Peter March, Esq., late of
K^orfolk, but at that time, he was living in New York, and was carrying
on the iron business. He came into possession of them through his wife,
who was the daughter of Caroline's former master, and almost the only heir
left, in consequence of the terrible fever of the previous summer. Caroline
was living under the daily fear of being sold; this, together with the task
of supporting herself and two children, made her burden very grievous.
Not a great while before her escape, her New York master had been on to
Norfolk, expressly with a view of selling her, and asked two thousand
dollars for her. This, however, he failed to get, and was still awaiting an
offer.
These ill omens aroused Caroline to think more seriously over the con-
dition of herself and children than she had ever done before, and in this
state of mind she came to the conclusion, that she would strive to save her-
self and children by flight on the Underground Rail Road. She knew full
well, that it was no faint-hearted struggle that was required of her, so she
had nerved herself with the old martyr spirit to risk her all on her faith
in God and Freedom, and was ready to take the consequences if she fell back
into the hands of the enemy. This noble decision was the crowning act
in the undertakings of thousands similarly situated. Through this faith
she gained the liberty of herself and her children. Quite a number of the
friends of the slave saw these interesting fugitives, and wept, and rejoiced
witli them.
Col. A. Cummings, in those days Publisher of the " Evening Bulletin,"
for the first time, witnessed an Underground Rail Road arrival. Some time
previous, in conversation with Mr. J. M. INIcKim, the Colonel had ex-
pressed views not altogether favorable to the Underground Rail Road.-
indced he was rather inclined to apologize for slavery, if not to defend the
Fugitive Slave Law. While endeavoring somewhat tenaciously to maintain
his ground, Mr. IMcKim opposed to him not only the now well established
Anti-Slavery doctrines, but also offered as testimony Underground Rail
Road facts — the results of personal knowledge from daily proofs of the
heroic struggles, marvellous faith, and intense earnestness of the fugitives.
In all probability the Colonel did not feel prepared to deny wholly Mr.
McKim's statement, yet, he desired to see " some " for himself. " Well,"
said Mr. McK., "you shall see some." So when this arrival came to hand,
true to his promise, Mr. McK. called on the Colonel and invited him to
accompany him to the Underground Rail Road station. He assured the
300 THE UyDERGROUND RAIL ROAD.
Colonel tli.it li(> (litl not wnnt :iny money fVi>in liini, but simply wanted to
ciuivineo liim ol'iiis vrvov in tlio recent armiment that tliey hail hoUl on the
yuhject. .Veeorilini^ly the Colonel aeeomj)anie(l him, and lound that twentv-
two passengers had been on hand within the past twenty-four hours, and
at least sixteen or s(>venteeu were then in his presence. It is needless to
say, that such a sight admitted of" no contradiction — no argument — no
doubt. Tlie facts were too self-evident. The Colonel could say but little,
so complete was his amazement; but he voluntarily attested the thoroughness
of his conversion by pulling out of liis pocket and handing to Mr. McK. a
twenty dollar gold piece to aid the passengers on to freedom.
In these hours of rest and joyful anticipation the necessities of both large
and small were administcreil to according to their needs, before forwarding
them still further. The lime and attention rcipiired ibr so many left but
little oppoi'tunity, however, ibr the Secretary to write their narratives.
lie had only evening leisure ibr the Mork. Ten or twelve of that
party had to be sent olf Avithout liaving their stories recorded. Daniel
Robertson was one (»f this number; his name is simply entered on the
roll, and, but for letters received from him, after ho passed on North,
no further knowledge would have been obtained. In Petersburg, whence
he escaped, he left his wife, tor whose deliverance he felt bound to do
.everything that lay in his power, as the subjoined letters will attest:
Havana, August 11, 1856, Schuylkill Co., N. Y.
Mr. Wm. Still — Dear Sir: — I came from Virginia in March, and was at your oflice
the last of March. My object iu writing you, is to inquire what I can do, or what can be
done to help my wife to escape from the same bondage that I was in. You will knew
by your books that I was from Petersburg, Va., and that is where my wife now is. I
have received two or three letters from a lady in that place, and the last one says, thai my
wife's mistress is dead, and that she expects to be sold. I ara very anxious to do what I
can for her before it is too late, and beg of you to devise some means to get her away.
Capt. the man that brought me away, knows the colored agent at Petersburg, and
knows he will do all he can to forward my wife. The Capt. promised, that when I could
raise one hundred dollars for him that he would deliver her in Philadelphia. Tell liiin that
I can now raise the money, and will forward it to you at any day that he thinks tliat he
can bring her. Please .see the Captain and lind when he will undertake it, and then let me
know when to forward the money to you. I am at work for tlie Hon. Charles Cook, and
can send the money any day. My wife's name is Harriet Kobertson, and the agent at
Petersburg knows her.
Please direct your answer, with all necessary directions, to N. Coryell, of this village,
and he will see that all is right. Very respectfully, Paniel Robertson.
Havana, Aug. IS, 1856.
Mr. Wm. Still— Dear Sir:— Youi-s of the ISth, for D. Robertson, was duly received.
In behalf of Daniel, I thank you kindly for the interest you manifest in him. The letters
that have gone from him to his friends in Virginia, have been written by me, and sent in
such a manner as we thought would best ensure safety. Yet I am well aware of the risk
of writing, and have restrained him as far as possible, and the last one I wrote was to be
CAPTAIN F. ARRIVES WITH FOURTEEN PRIME ARTICLES. 331
the last, till an effort was made to reclaim his wife. Daniel is a faithful, likely man, and
is well liked by all who know him. He is industrious and prudent, and is bending hi's
whole energies toward the reclaiming his wife. He can forward to you the one hundred
dollars at any day that it may be wanted, and if you can do anything to forward his inter-
ests it will be very gratefully received as an additional favor on your part. He asks for
no money, but your kindly efforts, which he regards more highly than money.
Very respectfully, N. Coeyell.
The letters that have been written for him were dated " Niagara Falls, Canada West,"
and his friends think he is there — none of them know to the contrary — it is important
that they never do know. N. C.
Havana, Sept. 29, 1856.
Mr. Wm. Still — Dear Sir : — I enclose herewith a draft on New York, payable to your
order, for $100, to be paid on the delivery at Philadelphia of Daniel Robertson's wife.
You can readily see that it has been necessary for Daniel to work almost night and day
to have laid up so large an amount of money, since the first of April, as this one hundred
dollars, Daniel is industrious and prudent, and saves all of his earnings, above his most
absolute wants. If the Captain is not successful in getting Daniel's wife, you, of course,
j will return the draft, without charge, as you said. I hope success will attend him, for
Daniel deserves to be rewarded, if ever man did. Yours, &c. N. Coeyell.
Havana, Jan. 2, 1857.
Deae Sir : — Your favor containing draft on N. York, for Daniel Robertson, came to
hand on the 31st ult. Daniel begs to tender his acknowledgments for your kind interest
manifested in his behalf, and says he hopes you will leave no measure untried which has
any appearance of success, and that the money shall be forthcoming at a moment's notice.
Daniel thinks that since Christmas, the chances for his wife's deliverance are fewer than
before, for at that time he fears she was disposed of and possibly went South.
The paper sent me, with your well- written article, was received, and on reading it to
: Daniel, he knew some of the parties mentioned in it — he was much pleased to hear it
; read. Daniel spent New Year's in Elmira, about 18 miles from this place, and there he
met two whom he was well acquainted with. Yours, &c., N. Coryell.
Wm. Still, Esq., Phila.
[ Such devotion to freedom, such untiring labor, such appeals as those letters
contained awakened dee[) interest in the breasts of Daniel's new friends,
which spoke volumes in favor of the Slave and against slave-holders. But,
alas, nothing could be done to relieve the sorrowing mind of poor Daniel for
the deliverance of his wife in chains. The Committee sympathized deeply
with him, but could do no more. What other events followed, in Daniel's
life as a fugitive, were never made known to the Committee.
ArtiiuPw Spence also deserves a notice. lie was from North Carolina,
about twenty-four years of age, and of pleasing appearance, and was heart
and soul in sympathy with the cause of the Underground Rail Road.
In North Carolina he declared that he had been heavily oppressed by being
i compelled to pay $175 per annum for his hire. In order to get rid of this
I heavy load, l)y shrewd management he gained access to the kind-hearted
Captain and procured an Underground Rail Road ticket. In leaving
332 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD.
bondage, he was obliged to leave his mother, two brothers and one sister.
He appeared to be composed of just the kind of material for making a good
British subject.
Ben Dickinson. Ben was also a slave in North Carolina — located at
Eatontown, being the property of " Miss Ann Blunt, who was very hard,"
In slave property Miss Blunt was interested to the number of about "ninety
head." She was much in the habit of hiring out servants, and in thus dis-
posing of her slaves Ben thought she was a great deal more concerned in
getting good prices for herself than good places for them. Indeed he de-
clared that "she did not care how mean the place was, if she could only get
her price." For three years Ben had Canada and the Underground Rail Road
in view, having been " badly tr^ted." At last the long-looked for time
arrived, and he conferred neither with master nor mistress, but " picked
himself up " and "took out." Age twenty-eight, medium size, quite dark,
a good carpenter, and generally intelligent. Left two sisters, etc.
Of this heroic and promising party we can only mention, in conclusion,
one more passenger, namely:
Tom Page. At the time of his arrival, his name only was enrolled on
the book. Yet he was not a j^assenger soon to be forgotten — he was but a
mere boy, probably eighteen years of age ; but a more apt, ready-witted,
active, intelligent and self-reliant fellow is not often seen.
Judging from his smartness, under slavery, with no chances, it was easy
to imagine how creditably he miglit with a white boy's chances have
climbed the hill of art and science. Obviously he had intellect enough,
if properly cultivated, to fill any station within the ordinary reach of
intelligent American citizens. He could read and write remarkably well for
a slave, and well did he understand his advantages in this particular ; indeed
if slave-holders had only been aware of the growing tendency of Tom's
mind, they would have rejoiced at hearing of his departure for Canada; he
was a most dangerous piece of property to be growing up amongst slaves.
After leaving the Committee and going North his uncaged mind felt the
need of more education, and at the same time he was eager to make money,
and ^fiirvlaiHl slavc-lioldcrs. With (liis bold niul niatily spirit
lu' siicfcrdcd, of coiirsc.
Anna Scoi't nnd liiisliaiid, Samuel Scolt. 'Phis couple escaped from Cecil
Cross-Kojids, Mil. Tlic wile, in (his instance, evidently look (he lend, and
:ic(«'d (he nunc manly par( in s(rIUinr i>wn. I'^irtccn slaves, with other stock, were
k(>p( on the |>Lu'e. She was a«'eus(on\ed (o rul(> with severity, being governed
by a " lii.di tenipei," and in nowist' disposed to alhnv her slaves to enjoy jJ
«'\ en oitlinarv privileges, and lu'sides, wcnild occ!isit)nally sell to the South(>rii
market. She was calcnlatctl to ren(h>r slave life very unhappy. Anna })or-
(raNcd her mistress's (I't'atnuMit of (Iu> slaves with much earnestness, espo-
ciallv w hen ii'lerring to (he sale of lu>r own brotluT ami sister, l^pon the
whi>le, (he mistress was so hateful (o Anna, (hat she resolved not to liviM'n
the house wi(h her. Huring several years prior to her escape, Anna had
been hii'ed (>ut, where sht> had betMi (reatt>d a little more ilcet'utlv than her
mistrt>ss was woi\t to \.\o\ on (his ai'count she was less willing to put up with
auv snbseipieut abuse from lu>r mis(ress.
To eseape was the only rtMuedy, so she madi^ up her mind, that she would
leave a( all hazards. She gave her husband to undei'stand, that she
had resolv<'«l (o siH>k a home in Canada. Fortunately, he Avas free, but
slavery had many wavs of putting the yoke on tlu^ cidored m:ui, even (hough
he n\igh( W ("re(>; it was bound to ki>ep him in ignorance, and at the same
time miserably abjt>et, so (hat he Avould seatvely dare to hndv up in the
pres(M\ec i>f white pei>ph'.
S\M. apparcutlv, was oui> ot" tiu> number wIk'* had In'en greatlv Avronged
in this particular. lie had less spirit thaj\ his wife, \\\\o had been
dirci'tlv goadt>d (o desperatit>u. lli> agreinl, however, to stautl by her
in her strug>;les while llct'lng, and ilid so, ("or which he tlescrves
cnnlit. It n\ust be admitted, (hat it rcipiircd siuue considerable nerve
fiU" a free man even to ji>in his witc in au'ctlort k>( this chanictcr.
In setting on(, Anna had to K-ave her father (^.hu'v>b Trust \\ seven sis-
tei"s and two brothers. The names o{' the sisters were as tbllows: lane-
line. Sus;u» -Vun, l>elilah, Mary I'li/.a, Kose(ta. KiVie Mllendcr and Kliza-
beth; the brothel's — Fanson and Terry. For the omui\euecmeiit of their
jourui'v they avaiknl themselves of the CMu'istmas holidays, but had to sullor
(\\m\ the »old wcadicr they cn(»uutenHl. Yet they got along tolenibly avcII,
and wi'ic much checrt\l by the a((eutiou and aid they nveived fn>m the
CommidtH'.
W 1 1. 1,1 AM llr.Ni:v Lamivson came tVom near Xewv\»stle, lVla\vare. lie
was suKirt enough Xo take adyantasailants that
it was madness for them to attempt to capture fugitive slaves there, or even
to remain, and begged them if they wished to save their own lives, to leave
the ground. Kline replied, "Do you really think so?" " Yes," was the
answer, "the sooner you leave, the better, if you would prevent bloodshed."
Kline then left the ground, retiring into a very safe distance into a corn-
field, and toward the woods. The blacks were so exasperated by his threats,
that, but for the interposition of the two white Friends, it is very doubtful
whether he would have escaped without injury. Messrs. ILuiaway and
THE SLA VE-IIUNTING TRA GED Y. Z'A
Lewis both exerted tlicir influence to dissuade the colored people from
violence, and would probably have succeeded in restraining them, had not
the assailing party fired upon them. Young Gorsuch a.sivod liis father to
leave, but the old man refused, declaring, as it is said and Ijclieved, that he
would "go to hell, or have his slaves."
Finding they could do nothing further, Hanaway and Lewis \)(>i\\ started
to leave, again counselling the slave-hunters to go away, and the colored
people to peace, but had gone but a few rods, when one of the inmates of
the house attempted to come out at the door. Gorsuch presented his re-
volver, ordering him back. The colored man replied, " You had better go
away, if you don't want to get hurt," and at the same time, pushed him aside
and passed out. Maddened at this, and stimulated by the question of liis
nephew, whether he would "take such an insult from a d — d nigger," Gor-
such fired at the colored man, and was followed by his son and nepljcw, who
both fired their revolvers. The fire was returned by the Ijlacks, who made
a rush upon them at the same time. Gorsuch and his son fell, the one dead
the other wounded. The rest of the party after firing their revolvers, fled
precipitately through the corn and to the woods, pursued by some of the
blacks. One was wounded, the rest escaped unhurt. Kline, the deputy
marshal, who now boasts of his miraculous escape from a volley of musket-
Ijalls, had kept at a *afe distance, though urged by young Gorsuch to stand
by his father and protect hira, when he refused to leave the ground. lie of
course came off unscathed. Several colored men were wounded, but none
severely. Some had their hats or their clothes perforated with bullets ;
others had flesh wounds. They said that the Lord protected them, and they
shook the bullets from their clothes. One man found several shot in his
l)00t, which seemed to have spent their force ?jefore reaching him, and did
not even break the skin. The slave-holders having fled, several neiglibors,
mostly Friends and anti-slavery men, gathered to succor the wounded and
take charge of the dead. "We are told that Parker himself protected the
wounded man from his excited comrades, and brought water and a bed from
his own house for the invalid, thas showing that he was as magnanimous to
his fallen enemy as he was brave in the defence of his own liberty. The
young man was then removed to a neighboring house, where the family
received him with the tenderest kindness and paid him every attention,
though they told him in Quaker phrase, that "they had no unity with his
cruel business," and were very sorry to see liim engaged in it. He was
much affected by their kindness, and we are told, expressed his regret that
he had been thus engaged, and his determination, if his life was spared,
never again to make a similar attempt. His wounds are very severe, and it
IS feared mortal. All attempts to procure assistance to capture the fugitive
slaves failed, the people in the neighborhood either not relishing the busi-
ness of slave-catching, or at least, not choosing to risk their lives in it.
352 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD.
There was a very great reluctance felt to going even to remove the body and
the wounded man, until several abolitionists and Friends had collected for
that object, when others found courage to follow on. The excitement
caused I)y this most melancholy affair is very great among all classes. The
abolitionists, of course, mourn the occurrence, M'hile they see in it a legiti-
mate fruit of the Fugitive Slave Law, just such a harvest of blood as they I
had long feared that the law would produce, and which they had earnestly I
labored to prevent. We believe that they alone, of all classes of the nation, '
are free from responsibility for its occurrence, having wisely foreseen the
danger, and faithfully labored to avert it by removing its causes, and pre-
ventino- the inhuman policy wdiich has hurried on the bloody convulsion.
The enemies of the colored people, are making this the occasion of fresli
injuries, and a more bitter ferocity toward that defenceless people, and of
new misrepresentation and calumnies against the abolitionists.
The colored people, though the great body of them had no connection
with this affair, are hunted like partridges upon the mountains, by the
relentless horde which has been poured forth upon them, under the pretense
of arresting the parties concerned in the fight. When we reached Chris-
tiana, on Friday afternoon, we found that the Deputy- Attorney Thompson,
of Lancaster, was there, and had issued warrants, upon the depositions . of
Kline and others, for the arrest of all suspected persons. A company of
police were scouring the neighborhood in search of colored i)copIc, several
of whom were seized whfle at their work near by, and brought in.
Castner HANAWAYand Elijah Lewis, hearing that warrants were issued
against them, came to Christiana, and voluntarily gave themselves uj), calm
and strong in the confidence of their innocence. They, together with the
arrested colored men, were sent to Lancaster jail that night.
Tlie next morning we visited the ground of the battle, and the family
Avliere young Gorsuch now lives, and while there, we saw a deposition which
he had just made, that he believed no wdiite persons were engaged in the
affray, beside his own party. As he was on the ground during the whole
controversy, and deputy Marshall Kline had discreetly run off into the
corn-field, before the fighting began, the hireling slave-catcher's eager and
confident testimony against our white friends, will, we think, weigh lightly
with Impartial men.
On returning to Christiana, w^e found that the United States Marshal from
the city, had arrived at that place, accompanied by Commissioner Ingraham,
^Ir. Jones, a special commissioner of the United States, from Washington,
the U. S. District Attorney Ashmead, with forty-five U. S. Marines from
the Navy Yard, and a posse of about forty of the City Marshal's police,
together with a large body of special constables, eager for such a man-
hunt, from Columbia and Lancaster and other jilaces. This crowd divided
ilito parties, of from ten to twenty-five, and scoured the countiy, in every
THE SLA VE-HUXTIXG TEA GED Y. 'x -,o
direction, for miles around, ransacking the houses of the colored people, and
captured every colored man they could find, with several colored women
and two other white men. Never did our heart bleed with deeper pity for
the peeled and persecuted colored people, than when we saw this troop let
loose upon them, and witnessed the terror and distress which its approach
excited in families, wholly innocent of the charges laid against them."
On the other hand, a few extracts from the editorials of some of the lead-
ing papers, will suffice to show the state of public feeling at that time, and
the dreadful opposition abolitionists and fugitives had to contend with. '
From one of the leading daily journals of Philadelphia, we copy as
follows :
" There can be no difference of opinion concerning the shocking affiiir
which occurred at Christiana, on Thursday, the resisting of a law of Con-
gress by a band of armed negroes, whereby the majesty of the Government
was defied and life taken in one and the same act. There is something more
than a mere ordinary, something more than even a murderous, riot°in all
this. It is an act of insurrection, we might, considering the peculiar class
and condition of the guilty parties, almost call it a servile insurrection— if
not also one of treason. Fifty, eighty, or a hundred persons, whether white
or black, who are deliberately in arms for the purpose of resisting the law,
even the law for the recovery of fugitive slaves, are in the attitude of levyin-'
war against the United States ; and doubly heavy becomes the crime of
murder in such a case, and doubly serious the accountability of all who have
any connection with the act as advisers, suggesters, countenancers, or acces-
sories in any way whatever."
In those days, the paper from which this extract is taken, represented the
Whig party and the more moderate and respectable class of citizens.
The following is an extract from a leading democratic organ of Philadel-
phia :
"We will not, however, insult the reader by arguing that which has not
been heretofore doubted, and which is not doubted now, by ten honest men
in the State, and that is that the abolitionists are implicated in the Chris-
tiana murder. All the ascertained facts go to show that they were the real
It not the chief instigators. White men are known to harbor fugitives, in
the neighborhood of Christiana, and these white men are known to be aboli-
tionists, known to be opposed to the Fugitive Slave Law, and hioicn to be
the warm friends of William F. Johnston, (Governor of the State of Penn-
sylvania). And, as if to clinch the argument, no less than three white men
are now in the Lancaster prison, and were arrested as accomplices in the
dreadful afifair on the morning of the eleventh. And one of these white
men was committed on a charge of high treason, on Saturday last, by
United States Commissioner Ingraham."
Another daily paper of opposite politics thus spake:
354 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD.
"The unwarrantable outrage committed lust week, at Christiana, Lancas-
ter county, is a foul stain upon the fair name and fame of our State. We
are pleased to see tliat the officers of the Federal and State Governments
are upon the tracks of those who were engaged in the riot, and that several
arrests liave been made.
"We do not wish to see the poor misled blacks who participated in the
afiliir, suffer to any great extent, for they were but tools. The men who are
really chargeable with treason against the United States Government, and
with the death of Mr. Gorsuch, an estimable citizen of Maryland, are unques-
tionably white, with hearts black enough to incite them to the commission of
any crime equal in atrocity to that committed in Lancaster county.
Pennsylvania has now but one course to pursue, and that is to aid, and
warmly aid, the United States in bringing to condign punishment, every
man engaged in the riot. She owes it to herself and to the Union. Let
her in this resolve, be just and fearless."
From a leading neutral daily paper the following is taken: "One would
suppose from the advice of forcible resistance, so familiarly given by the abo-
litionists, that they arc quite unaware that there is any such crime as treason
recognized by the Constitution, or punished with death by the laws of the
United States. We would remind them, that not only is there such a crime,
but that there is a solemn decision of the Supreme Court, that all who are
concerned in a conspiracy which ripens into treason, whether present or
absent from the scene of actual violence, are involved in the same liabilities
as the immediate actors. If they engage in the conspiracy and stimulate the
treason, they may keep their bodies from the affray without saving their
necks from a halter.
It would be very much to the advantage of society, if an example could
be made of some of these persistent agitators, who excite the ignorant and
reckless to treasonable violence, from which they themselves shrink, but who
are, not only in morals, but in law, equally guilty and equally amenable to
punishment with the victims of their inflammatory counsels."
A luuuber of the most influential citizens represented the occurrence to
the Governor as follows:
"To the Governor of Pennsylvania:
The undersigned, citizens of Peimsylvania, respectfully represent:
That citizens of a neighboring State have been cruelly assassinated by a
band of armed outlaws at a place not more than three hours' journey distant
from the seat of Government and from the commercial metropolis of the
State :
That this insurrectionary movement in one of the most populous parts of
the State has been so far successful as to overawe the local ministers of
justice and paralyze the power of the law :
That your memorialists are not aware that 'any military force' has been
THE SLAVE-HUNTING TRAGEDY. 355
sent to the seat of insurrection, or that the civil authority has been strength-
ened by the adoption of any measures suited to the momentous crisis.
They, therefore, respectfully request the chief executive magistrate of
Pennsylvania to take into consideration the necessity of vindicating the out-
! raged laws, and sustaining the dignity of the Commonwealth on this im-
portant and melancholy occasion."
Under this high pressure of public excitement, threatening and alarm
breathed so freely on every hand, that fugitive slaves and their friends in
this region of Pennsylvania at least, were compelled to pass through an
hour of dreadful darkness — an ordeal extremely trying. The authorities of
the United States, as well as the authorities of the State of Pennsylvania
and Mnryland, were diligently making arrests wherever a suspected party
could be found, who happened to belong in the neighborhood of Christiana.
In a very short time the following persons were in custody: J. Castner
Hanaway, Elijah Lewis, Joseph Scarlett, Samuel Kendig, Henry Spins,
George Williams, Charles Hunter, Wilson Jones, Francis Harkins, Benja-
min Thomson, William Brown (No. 1), William Brown (No. 2), John Hal-
liday, Elizabeth Mosey, John Morgan, Joseph Berry, John Norton, Denis
Smith, Harvey Scott, Susan Clark, Tansy Brown, Eliza Brown, Eliza Par-
ker, Hannah Pinckney, Robert Johnson, Miller Thompson, Isaiah Clark, and
Jonathan Black.
These were not all, but sufficed for a beginning ; at least it made an inter-
esting entertainment for the first day's examination; and although there were
two or three non-resistant Quakers, and a number of poor defenceless colored
' women among those thus taken as prisoners, still it seemed utterly impos-
sible for the exasperated defenders of Slavery to divest themselves of the
idea, that this heroic deed, in self-defence, on the part of men who felt that
their liberties were in danger, was anything less than actually levying war
against the United States.
Accordingly, therefore, the hearing gravely took place at Lancaster.
On the side of the Commonwealth, the following distinguished counsel
appeared on examination: Hon. John L. Thompson, District Attorney; Wm.
B. Faulney, Esq. ; Thos. E. Franklin, Esq., Attorney-General of Lancaster
county; George L. Ashmead, Esq., of Philadelphia, representative of the
United States authorities ; and Hon. Robert Brent, Attorney-General of
Maryland.
' For the defence — Hon. Thaddeus Stevens, Reah Frazer, Messrs. Ford,
Cline, and Dickey, Esquires.
From a report of the first day's hearing we copy a short extract, as fol-
lows :
''The excitement at Christiana, during yesterday, was very great. Several
hundred persons were present, and the deepest feeling was manifested
against the perpetrators of the outrage. At two o'clock yesterday afternoon,
l^^yQ THE UXDERG ROUND RAIL ROAD.
the United States Marshal, IMr. Roberts, United States District Attorney,
J. H. Ash mead, Esq., Mr. Commissioner Ingraham, and Recorder Lee,
accompanied by the United States JNIarincs, returned to the citv. Lieut.
Johnson, and officers I^ewis S. Brest, Samuel Mitchell, Charles ^McCully,
Samuel Neif, Jacob xVlbright, Robert McP^wen, and — Perkenpine, by
direction of the United States IMarshal, had charge of the following named
prisoners, who were safely lodged in Moyamensing prison, accompanied by
the Marines: — Joseph Scarlett, (white), William Brown, Ezckiel Thompson,
Lsaiah Clarkson, Daniel Caulsberry, Benjamin Pendergrass, Elijah Clark,
George W. H. Scott, Miller Thompson, and Samuel Hanson, all colored.
The last three were placed in the debtors' apartment, and the others in the
criminal apartment of the Moyamensing prison to await their trial for
treason, etc."
In alluding to the second day's doings, the Philadelphia Ledger thus
represented matters at the field of battle :
"The intelligence received last evening, represents the country for miles
around, to be in as much excitement as at any time since the horrible deed
was committed. The officers sent there at the instance of the proper
authorities are making diligent search in eveiy direction, and securing every
person against whom the least suspicion is attached. The jwlice force from
this city, amounting to about sixty men, are under the marshalship of Lieut.
Ellis. Just as the cars started east, in the afternoon, five more prisoners
who were secured at a place called the Welsh Mountains, twelve miles
distant, were brought into Christiana. They were placed in custody until
such time as a hearing will take place."
Although tiie government had summoned its ablest legal talent and the
popular sentiment was as a hundred to one against William Parker and his
brave comrades who had made the slave-hunter "bite the dust," most nobly
did Thaddens Stevens prove that he was not to be cowed, that he believed
in the stirring sentiment so much apjilauded by the American people,
"Give me liberty, or give me death," not only for the white man but for all
men. Thus standing upon such great and invulnerable principles, it was
soon discovered that one could chase a thousand, and two put ten thousand
to flight in latter as well as in former times.
At first even the friends of freedom thought that the killing of Gorsuch
was not only -wrong, but unfortunate for the cause. Scarcely a week passed,
however, before the matter was looked upon in a far different light, and it
was pretty generally thought that, if the T^ord had not a direct hand in it, the
cause of Freedom at least would be greatly benefited thereby.
And just in proportion as the masses cried. Treason ! Treason ! the hosts
of freedom from one end of the land to the other were awakened to sympa-
thize with the slave. Thousands were goon aroused to show sympathy
who had hitherto been dormant. Hundreds visited the prisoners in their
THE 8LA VE-HUNTING TEA GED Y. 357
cells to greet, elieer, and offer them aid and counsel in tlieir hour of sore
trial.
The friends of freedom remained calm even while the pro-slavery party
were fiercely raging and gloating over the prospect, as they evidently thought
of the satisfaction to be derived from teaching the abolitionists a lesson from
the scaffold, which would in future prevent Underground Hail Road
passengers from killing their masters when in pursuit of them.
Through the efforts of the authorities three white men, and twenty-seven
colored had been safely lodged in Moyamensing prison, under the charge of
treason. The authorities, however, had utterly failed to catch the hero,
William Parker, as he had been sent to Canada, via the Underground Rail
Road, and was thus " sitting under his own vine and fig tree, where none
dared to molest, or make him afraid,"
As an act of simple justice it may here be stated that the abolitionists and
prisoners found a true friend and ally at least in one United States official,
who, by the way, figured prominently in making arrests, etc., namely : the
United States Marshal, A. E. Roberts. In all his intercourse with the
prisoners and their friends, he plainly showed that all his sympathies were
on the side of Freedom, and not with the popular pro-slavery sentiment
which clamored so loudly against traitors and abolitionists.
Two of his prisoners had been identified in the jail as fugitive slaves by
their owners. When the trial came on these two individuals were among
the missing. How they escaped was unknown the Marshal, however,
was strongly suspected of being a friend of the Underground Rail Road, and
to add now, that those suspicions were founded on fact, will, doubtless, do
liim no damage.
In order to draw the contrast between Freedom and Slavery, simply with
a view of showing how the powers that were acted and judged in the days
of the reign of the Fugitive Slave Law, unquestionably nothing better could
be found to meet the requirements of this issue tiian the charge of Judge
Kane, coupled with the indictment of the Grand Jury. In the liglit of the
Emancipation and the Fifteenth Amendment, they are too transparent to
need a single word of comment. Judge and jury having found the accused
chargeable with Treason, nothing remained, so far as the men were con-
cerned, but to bide their time as best they could in prison. Most of them
were married, and had wives and children clinging to them in this hour of
fearful looking for of judgment.
358 THE UXDERGROUXD RAIL ROAD.
THE LAW OF TREASON, AS LAID DOWN BY JUDGE KANE.
The following charge to the Grand Jury of the United States District
Court, in reference to the Slave-hunting affray in Lancaster county, and ])re-
paratory to their finding bills of indictment against the prisoners, was deliv-
ered on INIonday, September 28, by Judge Kane :
" Gentlemen of the Grand Jury : — It has been represented to me, that
since we met last, circumstances have occurred in one of the neighborinjr
counties in our District, which should call for your prompt scrutiny, and
perhaps for the energetic action of the Court. It is said, that a citizen of the
State of Maryland, who had come into Pennsylvania to reclaim a fugitive
from labor, was forcibly obstructed in the attempt by a body of armed men,
assaulted, beaten and murdered; that some members of his family, who had
accompanied him in the pursuit, were at the same time, and by the same
party maltreated and grievously wounded ; and that an officer of justice,
constituted under the authority of this Court, who sought to arrest tlie fugi-
tive, was impeded and repelled by menaces and violence, while proclaiming
his character, and exhibiting his warrant. It is said, too, that the time and
manner of those outrages, their asserted object, the denunciations by which
they were preceded, and the simultaneous action of most of the guilty par-
ties, evinced a combined purpose forcibly to resist and make nugatory a
constitutional provision, and the statutes enacted in pursuance of it: and
it is added, in confirmation of tiiis, that for some months back, gatherings of
people, strangers, as well as citizens, have been held from time to time in the
vicinity of the place of the recent outbreaks, at which exhortations were
made and pledges interchanged to hold the law for the recovery of fugitive
slaves as of no validity, and to defy its execution. Such are some of the
representations that have been made in my hearing, and in regard to which,
it has become your duty, as the Grand Inquest of the District, to make legal
inquiry. Personally, I know nothing of the facts, or the evidence relating
to them. As a member of the Court, before which the accused persons may
hereafter bo arraigned and tried, I have sought to keep my mind altogether
free from any impressions of their guilt or innocence, and even from an extra-
judicial knowledge of the circumstances which must determine the legal
c-haracter of the offence that has thus been perpetrated. It is due to the
groat interests of ]Miblic justioe, no less than to the parties implicated in
a criminal charge, that their cause should be in no wise and in no degree pre-
judged. And in referring, therefore, to the representations which have been
made to me, I have no other object than to point you to the reasons for my
addre&sing you at this advanced period of our sessions, and to enable you
THE LA W OF TREASON. 359
to apply with more facility and certainty the principles and rules of law,
which I shall proceed to lay before you.
If the circumstances, to which I have adverted, have in fact taken place,
they involve the highest crime known to our laws. Treason against the
United States is defined by the Constitution, Art. 3, Sec. 3, cl. 1, to consist
in " levying war against them, or adhering to their enemies, giving them aid
and comfort." This definition is borrowed from the ancient Law of England,
Stat. 25, Edw. 3, Stat. 5, Chap. 2, and its terms must be understood, of
course, in the sense which they bore in that law, and which obtained here
when the Constitution was adopted. The expression, "levying war," so
regarded, embraces not merely the act of formal or declared war, but any
combination forcibly to prevent or oppose the execution or enforcement of a
provision of the Constitution, or of a public Statute, if accompanied or
followed by an act of forcible opposition in pursuance of such combination.
This, in substance, has been the interpretation given to these words by the
English Judges, and it has been uniformly and fully recognized and adopted
in the Courts of the United States. (See Foster, Hale, and Hawkins, and
tlie opinions of Iredell, Patterson, Chase, Marshall, and Washington, J. J.,
of the Supreme Court, and of Peters, D. J., in U. S. vs. Vijol, U. S. vs.
Mitchell, U. S. vs. Fries, U. S. vs. Bollman and Swartwout, and U. S. vs.
Burr).
The definition, as you will observe, includes two particulars, both of them
indispensable elements of the oifence. There must have been a combination
or conspiring together to oppose the law by force, and some actual force must
have been exerted, or the crime of treason is not consummated. The highest,
or at least the direct proof of the combination may be found in the'dcclared
purposes of the individual party before the actual outbreak ; or it may be de-
rived from the proceedings of meetings, in which he took part openly; or which
he either prompted, or made eifective by his countenance or sanction, — com-
mending, counselling and instigating forcible resistance to the law. I speak,
of course, of a conspiring to resist a law, not the more limited purpose to
violate it, or to prevent its application and enforcement in a particular case,
or against a particular Individual. The combination must be directed against
the law itself But such direct proof of this element of the offence is not
legally necessary to establish its existence. The concert of purpose may be
deduced from the concerted action itself, or it may be inferred from flvcts
occurring at the time, or afterwards, as well as before. Besides this, there
must be some act of violence, as the result or consequence of the combining.
But here again, it is not necessary to prove that the individual accused
was a direct, personal actor in the violence. If lie was present, directing,
aiding, abetting, counselling, or countenancing it, he is in law guilty of the
forciMe act. Nor Is even his personal presence Indispensable. Thono:h he
bo absent at the time of Its actual perpetration, yet. If he directed the act.
360 THE UXDERGEOUXD EAIL-ROAD.
i'levisal, or kno\vIni;'ly furnished the means for carryhig it into cifect, insti- |
g,itetl others to perform it, he shares their guilt. '
In treason there are no accessories. Tliere has been, I fear, an erroneous
impression on this subject, among a portion of our people. If it has been
thought safe, to counsel and instigate others to acts of forcible oppugnation
to the provisions of a statute, to inflame the minds of the ignorant by-
appeals to passion, and denunciations of the law as oj)pressive, unjust, |
revolting to the conscience, and not binding on the actions of men, to rej)re-
sent the constitution of the land as a compact of iniquity, which it were
meritorious to violate or subvert, the mistake has been a grievous one; and
they who have fallen into it may rejoice, if pcrad venture their appeals and \m
their counsels have been hitherto without effect. The supremacy of the '
constitution, in all its provisions, is at the very basis of our existence as a
nation, lie, Avhose conscience, or whose theories of political or individual
right, forbid him to support and maintain it in its fullest integrity, may
relieve himself from the duties of citizenship, by divesting himself of its
rights. But while he remains within our borders, he is to remember, that
successfully to instigate treason, is to commit it. I shall not be supposed to
imply in these remarks, that I have doubts of the law-abiding cliaracter of
our people, Xo one can know them well, without the most entire reliance
on their fidelity to the constitution. Some of them may differ from the
mass, as to the rightfulness or the wisdom of this or the other j)rovision
that is found in the federal compact, they may bo divided in sentiment as to
the policy of a particular statute, or of some provision in a statute ; but it is
their honest purpose to stand by the engagements, all the engagements,
which bind them to their brethren of the other States. They have but one
country ; they recognize no law of higher social obligation than its constitu-
tion and the laws made in pursuance of it; they recognize no higher appeal
than to the tribunals it has appointed ; they cherish no patriotism that looks
beyond the union of the States. That there are men here, as elsewhere,
whom a misguided zeal impels to violations of law; that there are others
who are controlled by false sympathies, and some who yield too readily and
too fully to sympathies not always false, or if false, yet pardonable, and
become criminal by yielding, that we have, not only in our jails and alms-
houses, but segregated here and there in detached i)ortions of the State,
ignorant men, many of them without political rights, degraded in social
position, and instinctive of revolt, all this is true. It is proved by the
daily record of our i)olice courts, and by the ineffective labors of those good
luen among us, who seek to detach want from temptation, passion from vio-
lence, and ignorance from crime.
But it should not be supposed that any of these represent the sentiment
of Pennsylvania, and it would be to wrong our people sorely, to include
thcin in the same category of personal, social, or political morals. It is
THE LA W OF TREASON. 301
declared in the article of the constitution, which I have already citct|, that
'no person shall be convicted of treason, unless on the testitnony of two
witnesses to the same overt act, or on confession in open court.' This and
the corresponding language in the act of Congress of the 30th of April,
1790, seem to refer to the proofs on the trial, and not to the preliminary
hearino- before the committing magistrate, or the proceeding before the grand
inquest. There can be no conviction until after arraignment on bill found.
The previous action in the Case is not a trial, and cannot convict, whatever
be the evidence or the number of witnesses. I understand this to have been
the opinion entertained by Chief Justice Marshall, 1 Burr's Trial, 195, and
though it differs from that expressed by Judge Iredell on the indictment of
Fries, (1 Whart. Am. St. Tr. 480), I feel authorized to recommend it to
you, as within the terms of the Constitution, and involving no injustice to
the accused. I have only to add that treason against the United States,
may be committed by any one resident or sojourning within its territory, and
under tlic protection of its laws, whether he be a citizen or an alien. (Fost.
C. L. 183, 5.— 1 Hale 59, 60, 62. 1 Hawk. ch. 17, § 5, Kel. 38).
Besides the crime of treason, which I have thus noticed, there are offences
of minor grades, against the Constitution and the State, some or other of
which may be apparently established by the evidence that will come before
you. These are "embraced in the act of Congress, on the 80th of Sept., 1790,
Ch. 9, Sec. 22, on the su!)jeet of obstructing or resisting the service of legal
process, — the act of the 2d of March, 1831, Chap. 99, Sec. 2, wliich secures
the jurors, witnesses, and officers of our Courts in the fearless, free, and
impartial administration of their respective functions, — and the act of the
18th of September, 1850, Ch. 60, which relates more particularly to the
rescue, or attempted rescue of a fugitive from labor. Tiiese Acts were made
the subject of a charge to the Grand Jury of this Court in November last,
of which I shall direct a co})y to be laid before you ; and I do not deem it
necessary to repeat their provisions at this time.
Gentlemen of the Grand Jury : You are about to enter upon a most grave
and momentous duty. You will be careful in performing it, not to permit
your indignation against crime, or your just appreciation of its perilous con-
sequences, to influence your judgment of the guilt of those who may be
charged before you with its commission. But you will be careful, also, that
no misguided charity shall persuade you to withhold the guilty from the retri-
butions of justice. You will inquire whether an offence has been committed,
what was its legal character, and who were the offenders, — and this done, and
this only, you will make your presentments according to the evidence and
the law. Your inquiries will not be restricted to the conduct of the people
belonging to our own State. If in the progress of them, you shall find, that
men have been among us, who, under whatever mask of conscience or of
peace, have labored to incite others to treasonable violence, and who, after
362 I'l^E UNDEEGROUXD RAIL BO AD.
arranging the elements of the mischief, have withdrawn themselves to await
the explosion they liad contrived, you will feel yourselves bound to present
the fact to the Court, — and however distant may be the place in which the
offenders may have sought refuge, we give you the pledge of the law, that
its far-reaching energies shall be exerted to bring them up for trial, — if
guilty, to punishment. The offence of treason is not triable in this Court;
but by an act of Congress, passed ou the 8th of August, 1845, Chap. 98, it is
made lawful for the Grand Jury, empanelled and sworn in the District Court,
to take cognizance of all the indictments for crimes against the United States
within the jurisdiction of either of the Federal Courts of the District.
There being no Grand Jury in attendance at this time in the Circuit Court,
to pass upon the accusations I have referred to in the first instance, it has
fallen to my lot to assume the responsible office of expounding to you the
law in regard to them. I have the satisfaction of knowing, that if the views
I have expressed are in any respect erroneous, they must undergo the revi-
sion of my learned brother of the Supreme Court, who presides in this Cir-
cuit, before they can operate to the serious prejudice of any one ; and that
if they are doubtful even, provision exists for their re-examination in the
highest tribunal of the country."
On the strength of Judge Kane's carefully-drawn up charge the Grand
Jury found true bills of indictment against forty of the Christiana offenders,
charged with treason. James Jackson, an aged member of the Society of
Friends (a Quaker), and a well-known non-resistant abolitionist, was of this
number. With his name the blanks were filled up ; the same form (Avith
regard to these bills) was employed in the case of each one of the accused.
The following is a
copy OF THE INDICTMENT.
Eastern District of Pennsylvania, ss. :
The Grand Inquest of the United States of America, inquiring for tlie
Eastern District of Pennsylvania, on their oaths and affirmations, respect-
fully do present, that James Jackson, yeoman of the District aforesaid, owing
allegiance to the United States of America, wickedly devising and intending
the peace and tranquility of said United States, to disturb, and prevent the
execution of the laws thereof within the same, to wit, a Jaw of the United
States, entitled "An act raspecting fugitives from justice and persons escaping
from the service of their masters," approved February twelfth, one thou-
sand seven hundred and ninety-three, and also a law of the United States,
entitled " An act to amend, and supplementary to, the act entitled, An act
respecting fugitives from justice and persons escaping from the service of
their masters, approved February the twelfth, one thousand seven hundred
THE LA W OF TREASON. 363
and niuety-three," which latter supplementary act was approved September
eio-liteenth, one thousand eight hundred and fifty, on the eleventh day of
September, in the year of our Lord, one thousand eight hundred and fifty-
one, in the county of Lancaster, in the State of Pennsylvania and District
aforesaid, and within the jurisdiction of this Court, wickedly and traitor-
ously did intend to levy war against the United States within the same.
And to fulfill and bring to effect the said traitorous intention of him, the
said James Jackson, he, the said James Jackson afterward, to wit, on the day
and year aforesaid, in the State, District and County aforesaid, and within
the jurisdiction of this Court, with a great multitude of persons, whose
names, to this Inquest are as yet unknown, to a great number, to Avit, to the
number of one hundred persons and upwards, armed and arrayed in a war-
like manner, that is to say, with guns, swords, and other warlike weapons,
as well offensive as defensive, being then and there unlawfully and traitor-
ously assembled, did traitorously assemble and combine against the said
United States, and then and there, with force and arms, wickedly and trai-
torously, and with the wicked and traitorous intention to oppose and prevent,
by means of intimidation and violence, the execution of the said laws of the
United States within the same, did array and dispose themselves in a war-
like and hostile manner against the said United States, and then and there,
with force and arms, in pursuance of such their traitorous intention, he, the
said James Jackson, with the said persons so as aforesaid, wickedly and trai-
torously did levy war against the United States.
And further, to fulfill and bring to effect the said traitorous intention of
him, the said James Jackson, and in pursuance and in execution of the said
wicked and traitorous combination to oppose, resist and prevent the said
laws of the United States from being carried into execution, he, the said
James Jackson, afterwards, to wit, on the day and year first aforesaid, in the
State, District and county aforesaid, and within the jurisdiction aforesaid,
M'ith the said persons whose names to this Inquest are as yet unknown, did,
M'ickedly and traitorously assemble against the said United States, with the
avowed intention by force of arms and intimidation to prevent the execu-
tion of tiie said laws of the United States within the same ; and in pursu-
ance and execution of such their wicked and traitorous combination, he, the
said James Jackson, then and there with force and arms, with the said per-
sons to a great number, to wit, the number of one hundred persons and
upwards, armed and arrayed in a warlike manner, that is to say, with guns,
swords, and other warlike weapons, as well offensive as defensive, being
then and tliere, unlawfully and traitorously assembled, did wickedly, know-
ingly, and traitorously resist and oppose one Henry H. Kline, an officer,
duly appointed by Edward D. Ingraham, Esq., a commissioner, duly
appointed by the Circuit Court of the United States, for the said district, in
i the execution of the duty of the office of the said Kline, he, the said Kline,
364 THE UNDEBGROUXD RAIL ROAD.
beiug appouited by the said Edward Ingniliam, Esq., by writing under his
hand, to execute warrants and other process issued by him, the said
Inis,
but highly efficient workers for reform in this country, and whose pubhc
and private acts, if you were acquainted with, you would feel the same
esteem and affiiction for him as is felt towards him by Mr. Thompson, myselt
and many others)— these ladies and gentlemen, together with myself, met
at Mr. Thompson's hou.-o, and, in company with ISIrs. Thompson, and Miss
Amelia Thompson, the Crafts and Brown, proceeded from thence to tlie
Exhibition. Saturday was selected, as a day upon which the largest number
of the aristocracy and wealthy classes attend the Crystal Palace, and the
WILLIAM AND ELLEN CRAFT. 375
company was, on this occasion, the most distinguished that had been gatli-
ered together within its walls since its opening day. Some fifteen thousand,
mostly of the upper classes, were there congregated, including the Queen,
Prince Albert, and the royal children, the anti-slavery Duchess of Suther-
land, (by whom the fugitives were evidently favorably regarded), the Duke
of Wellington, the Bishops of Winchester and St. Asaph, a large number of
peers, peeresses, members of Parliament, merchants and bankers, and distin-
guished men from almost all parts of the world, surpassing, in variety of
tongue, character and costume, the description of the population of Jerusa-
lem on the day of Pentecost — a season of which it is hoped the Great Exhi-
bition will prove a type, in the copious outpouring of the holy spirit of
brotlierly union, and the consequent diffusion, throughout the world, of the
anti-slavery gospel of good will to all men.
In addition to the American exhibitors, it so happened that the American
visitors were particularly numerous, among whom the experienced eyes of
Brown and the Crafts enabled them to detect slave-holders by dozens. Mr.
McDonnell escorted Mrs. Craft, and Mrs. Thompson ; Miss Thompson, at
her own request, took the arm of Wm. Wells Brown, whose companion she
elected to be for the day; Wm. Craft walked with INIiss Amelia Thompson
and myself. This arrangement was purposely made in order that there
might be no appearance of patronizing the fugitives, but that it miglit be
shown that we regarded them as our equals, and honored them for their
heroic escape from Slavery. Quite contrary to the feeling of ordinary visi-
tors, the American department was our chief attraction. Upon arriving at
Powers' Greek Slave, our glorious anti-slavery friend, Punch's 'Virginia
Slave ' was produced. I hope you have seen this production of our great
humorous moralist. It is an admirably-drawn figure of a female slave in
chains, with the inscription beneath, 'The Virginia Slave, a companion for
Powers' Greek Slave.' The comparison of the two soon drew a small crowd,
including several Americans, around and near us. Although they refrained
from any audible expression of feeling, the object of the comparison was
evidently understood and keenly felt. It would not have been prudent in
us to have challenged, in words, an anti-slavery discussion in the World's
Convention; but everything that we could with propriety do was done to
induce them to break silence upon the subject. We had no intention, ver-
bally, of taking the initiative in such a discussion; M^e confined ourselves to
speaking at them, in order that they might be led to speak to us; but our
efforts were of no avail. The gauntlet, which was unmistakably thrown
down by our party, the Americans were too wary to take up. AVe spoke
among each other of the wrongs of Slavery; it was in vain. We discoursed
freely upon the iniquity of a professedly Christian Eepublic holding three
millions of its population in cruel and degrading bondage; you might as
well have preached to the winds. Wm. Wells Brown took ' Punch's Vir-
376 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD.
ginia Slave ' and deposited it within tlie enclosure by the ' Greek Slave,'
saying audibly, 'As an American fugitive slave, I place this 'Virginia
Slave ' by the side of the ' Greek Slave,' as its most fitting companion.' Not
a word, or reply, or remonstrance from Yankee or Southerner. We had
not, however, proceeded many steps from the place before the ' Virginia
Slave' was removed. We returned to the statue, and stood near the Ame-
rican by whom it had been taken up, to give him an opportunity of making
any remarks he chose upon the matter. Whatever were his feelings, his
policy was to keep his lips closed. If he had felt that the act was wrongful,
would he not have appealed to the sense of justice of the British bystanders,
who are always ready to resist an insult offered to a foreigner in this country?
If it was an insult, why not resent it, as became high-spirited Americans?
But no; the chivalry of the South tamely allowed itself to be plucked by
the beard ; the garrulity of the North permitted itself to be silenced by three
fugitive slaves We promenaded the Exhibition between six
and seven hoars, and visited nearly every portion of the vast edifice. Among
the thousands whom we met in our perambulations, who dreamed of any
impropriety in a gentleman of character and standing, like Mr. McDonnell,
walking arm-in-arm with a colored woman ; or an elegant and accomplished
voung lady, like Miss Thompson, (daughter of the Hon. George Thompson,
M. C), becoming the promenading companion of a colored man ? Did the
English peers or peeresses ? Not the most aristocratic among them. Did
the representatives of any other country have their notions of propriety
shocked by the matter ? None but Americans. To see the arm of a beau-
tiful English young lady passed through that of *a nigger,' taking ices and
other refreshments with him, upon terms of the most perfect equality, cer-
tainly was enough to 'rile,' and evidently did 'rile' the slave-holders who
beheld it; but there was no help for it. Even the New York Broadway
bullies would not have dared to utter a word of insult, much less lift a
finger against Wm. Wells Brown, when walking with his fair companion in
the World's Exhibition. It Avas a circumstance not to be forgotten by th"se
Southern Bloodhounds. Probably, for the first time in their lives, they felt
themselves thoroughly muzzled ; they dared not even to bark, much less
bite. Like the meanest curs, they had to sneak through the Crystal Palace,
unnoticed and uncared for ; while the victims who had been rescued from
their jaws, were warmly greeted by visitors from all parts of the country.
* ** *****
Brown and the Crafts have paid several other visits to the Great Exhi-
bition, in one of which, Wm. Craft succeeded in getting some Southerners
" out" upon the Fugitive Slave Bill, respecting which a discussion was held
between them in the American department. Finding themselves worsted at
every point, they were compelled to have recourse to lying, and unblusliingly
denied that the bill contained the provisions which Craft alleged it did.
ARRIVALS FROM RICHMOND. 377
Craft took care to inform them who and what he was. He told thera that
there had been too much information upon that measure diffused in Enghmd
for lying to conceal them. He has subsequently met the same parties, who,
with contemptible hypocrisy, treated "the nigger" with great respect.
In England the Crafts were highly respected. While under her British
Majesty's protection, Ellen became the mother of several children, (having had
none under the stai'S and stripes). These they spared no pains in educating
for usefulness in the world. Some two years since William and Elleu
returned with two of their children to the United States, and after visiting
Boston and other places, William concluded to visit Georgia, his old
home, with a view of seeing what inducement war had opened up to enter-
prise, as he had felt a desire to remove his family thither, if encouraged.
Indeed he was prepared to purchase a plantation, if he found matters satis-
factory. This visit evidently furnished the needed encouragement, judging
from the fact that he did purchase a plantation somewhere in the neighbor-
hood of Savannah, and is at present living there with his family.
The portraits of William and Ellen represent them at the present stage
of life, (as citizens of the U. S.) — of course they have greatly clianged in
appearance from what they were when they first fled from Georgia. Obvi-
ously the Fugitive Slave Law in its crusade against William and Ellen Craft,
reaped no advantages, but on the contrary, liberty was greatly the gainer.
ARRIVALS FROM RICHMOND.
LEWIS COBB AND NANCY BRISTER.
No one Southern city furnished a larger number of brave, wide-awake and
likely-looking Underground Rail Road passengers than the city of Rich-
mond. Lewis and Nancy were fair specimens of the class of travelers coming
from that city. Lewis was described as a light yellow man, medium size,
good-looking, and intelligent. In referring to bondage, he spoke with
great earnestness, and in language very easily understood ; especially when
speaking of Samuel Myers, from whom he escaped, he did not hesitate to
give him tlie character of being a very hard man, who was never satisfied,
no matter how hard the slaves might try to please him.
Myers was engaged in the commission and forwarding business, and was
a man of some standing in Richmond. From him Lewis had received very
severe floggings, the remembrance of which he would not only carry with
him to Canada, but to the grave. It was owing to abuse of this kind that
he was awakened to look for a residence under the protection of the British
378 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD.
Lion. For eight months he longed to get away, and had no rest until he
found himself on the Underground Rail Road.
His muster Mas a member of the Century Methodist Church, as was also
liLS wife and family,; but Lewis thought that they were strangers to })ractical
Christianity, judging from the manner that the slaves were treated by both
master and mistress. Lewis was a Baptist, and belonged to the second
church. Twelve hundred dollars had becji offered for him. He left his
father (Judville), and his brother, John Harris, both slaves. In view of his
prospects in Canada, Lewis' soul overflowed with pleasing anticipations of
freedom, and the Committee felt great satisfaction in assisting him.
Nancy was also from Richmond, and came in the same boat with Lewis.
She represented the most "likely-looking female bond servants." Indeed
her appearance recommended her at once. She was neat, modest, and well-
behaved — with a good figure and the picture of health, with a countenance
beaming with joy and gladness, notwithstanding the late struggles and
sufferings through which she had passed. Young as she was, she had seen
much of slavery, and had, doubtless, profited by the lessons thereof. At all
events, it was through cruel treatment, having been frequently beaten after
she had passed her eighteenth year, that she was prompted to seek free-
dom. It was so common for her mistress to give way to unbridled passions
that Nancy never felt safe. Under the severest infliction of punishment she
was not allowed to complain. Neither from mistress nor master had she any
reason to expect mercy or leniency — indeed she saw no way of escape but
by the Underground Rail Road.
It was true that the master, Mr. William Bears, was a Yankee from Con-
necticut, and his wife a member of the Episcopal Church, but Nancy's yoke
seemed none the lighter for all that. Fully persuaded that she would never
find her lot any better while remaining in their hands, she accepted the
advice and aid of a young man to whom she was engaged; he was shrewd
enough to find an agent in Richmond, with whom he entered into a cove-
nant to have Nancy brought away. With a cheerful heart the journey was
undertaken in the manner aforesaid, and she safely reached the Committee.
Her mother, one brother and a sister she had to leave in Richmond. One
thousand dollars were lost in the departure of Nancy.
Having been accommodated and aided by the Committee, they were for-
warded to C/anada. Lewis wrot« back repeatedly and expressed himself very
gratefully for favors received, as will be seen by the appended letters from
him:
Toronto, April 25, 1857.
To Mb, Wm. Still— Dear Sir: — I take this opportunity of addressing these few lines
to inform you that I am well and hope that they may find you and your family enjoying
the same good health. Please to give my love to you and your family. I had a very
pleasant trip from your house that morning. Dear sir, you would oblige me much, if you
PASSENGERS FROM NORTH CAROLINA. 379
have not sent that box to Mr. Robinson, to open it and take out the little yellow box that
I tied up in the large one and send it on by express to me in Toronto. Lift up a few of
the things and you will find it near the top. All the clothes that I have are in that box
and I stand in need of them. You would oblige me much by so doing. I stopped at Mr.
Jones' in Elmira, and was very well treated by him while there. I am now in Toronto
and doing very well at present. I am very thankful to you and your family for the atten-
tion you paid to me while at your house. I wish you would see Mr. Ormsted and ask
him if he has not some things for Mr. Anthony Loney, and if he has, please send them on
with my things, as we are both living together at this time. Give my love to Mr. An-
thony, also to Mr. Ormsted and family. Dear sir, we both would be very glad for you to
attend to this, as we both do stand very much in need of them at this time. Dear sir, you
will oblige me by giving my love to Miss Frances Watkms, and as she said she hoped to
be out in the summer, I should like to see her. I have met with a gentleman here by the
name of Mr. Truehart, and he sends his best love to you and your family. Mr. Truehart
desires to know whether you received the letter he sent to you, and if so, answer it as soon
as possible. Please answer this letter as soon as possible. I must now come to a close
by saying that I remain your beloved friend, Lewis Cobb.
The young man who was there that morning, Mr. Robinson, got married to that young
lady.
Toronto, June 2d, 1857.
To Mr. Wm. Still — Dear Sir : — I received yours dated May 6th, and was extremely
happy to hear from you. You may be surprised that I have not answered you before this,
but it was on account of not knowing anything concerning the letter being in the post-
office until I was told so by a friend. The box, of which I had been inquiring, I have re-
ceived, and am infinitely obliged to you for sending it. Mr. and Mrs. Renson are living in
Hamilton, C. W. They send their best love to you and your family. I am at present
residing in Toronto, C. W. Mr. Anthony Loney has gone on to Boston, and is desirous
of my coming on to him ; and as I have many acquaintances there, I should like to know
from you whether it would be advisable or not. Give, if you please, my best love to your
family and accept the same for yourself, and also to Mr. James Ormsted and family. Tell
James Ormsted I would be glad if he would send" me a pair of thick, heavy boots, for it
rains and hails as often out here in the summer, as it does there in the winter. Tell him
to send No. 9, and anything he thinks will do me good in this cold country. Please to
give to Mr. James Ormsted to give to Mr. Robert Seldon, and tell him to give it to my
father. Mr. and Mrs. Truehart send their love to you and your family. If the gentleman,
Mr. R. S., is not running on the boat now, you can give directions to Ludwill Cobb, in
care of Mr. R. Seldon, Richmond, Va. Tell Mr. Ormsted not to forget my boots and
send them by express. No more at present, but remain yours very truly,
Please write soon. Lewis Cobb.
PASSENGERS FROM NORTH CAROLINA.
[by schooner.]
major latham, william wilson, henry gorham, wiley maddison, and andrew
shepherd.
The above named passengers were delivered into the hands of Thomas
Garrett by the Captain who brought them, and were aided and forwarded to
the Committee in Philadelphia, as indicated by the subjoined letter :
380 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD.
Wilmington, 11th mo., 6th, 1856,
Respecteb Friend : — William Still : — Thine of yesterday, came to hand this morn-
ing, advising me to forward those four men to thee, which I propose to send from here in
the steam boat, at two o'clock, P. M. to day to thy care ; one of them thinks he has a
brother and cousin in New Bedford, and is anxious to get to them, the others thee can do
what thee thinks best with, after consulting with them, we have rigged them up pretty
comfortably with clothes, and I have paid for their passage to Philadelphia, and also for the
passage of their pilot there and back ; he proposed to ask thee for three dollars, for the
three days time he lost with them, but that we will raise here for him, as one of them
expects to have some money brought from Carolina soon, that belongs to him, and wants
thee when they are fixed, to let me know so that I may forward it to them. I will give
each of them a card of our firm. Hopmg they may get along safe, I remain as ever, thy
sincere friend, Thos. Garrett.
The passengers by this arrival were above the ordinarj'- plantation or
farm hand slave, as will appear from a glance at their condition under the
yoke.
Major Latham was forty-four years of age, mulatto, very resolute,
with ccood natural abilities, and a decided hater of slavery. John Latham
was the man whom he addressed as " master," which was a very bitter pill
for him to swallow. He had been married twice, and at the time of his
escape he was the husband of two wives. The first one, with their three
children, in consequence of changes incident to slave life, was sold a long
distance from her old home and husband, thereby ending the privilege of
living together ; he could think of them, but that was all ; he was compelled
to give them up altogether. After a time he took to himself another
M'ife, with whom he lived several years. Three more children owned him as
father — the result of this marriage. During his entire manhood Major
had been brutally treated by his master, which caused him a great deal of
anguish and trouble of mind.
Only a few weeks before he escaped, his master, in one of his fits of passion,
flogged him most cruelly. From that time the resolution was permanently
grounded in his mind to find the way to freedom, if possible, before many
more weeks had passed. Day and night he studied, worked and planned,
with freedom uppermo.st in his mind. The hour of hope arrived and with
it Captain F.
Wii.iJAM, a fellow-passenger with Major, was forty-two years of age, just
in the prime of life, and represented the mechanics in chains, being a black-
smith by trade. Dr. Thomas Warren, who followed i'arming in the neigh-
borhood of Eatontown, was the owner of William. In speaking of his
slave life William .said: "I was sold four times; twice I was separated from
my wives. I -was separated from one of my wives when living in Ports-
mouth, Virginia," ete.
In liis simple manner of describing the trials he had been called upon to
endure, it was not to be wondered at tliat he was willing to forsake all and
PASSENGERS FROM NORTH CAROLINA. 381
run fearful risks in order to rid himself not only of the "load on his back,"
but the load on his heart. By the very j)ositive character of William's testi-
mony against slavery, the Committee felt more than ever justified in encour-
aging the Underground Rail Road.
Hexry Gorham was thirty-four years of age, a " prime," heavy, dark,
smart, " article," and a good carpenter. He admitted that he had never
felt the lash on his back, but, nevertheless, he had felt deeply on the
subject of slavery. For years the chief concern with hira was as to how he
could safely reach a free State. Slavery he hated with a perfect hatred. To
die in the woods, live in a cave, or sacrifice himself in some way, he was
bound to do, rather than remain a slave. The more he reflected over his
condition the more determined he grew to seek his freedom. Accordingly
he left and went to the woods; there he prepared himself a cave and re-
solved to live and die in it rather than return to bondage. Before he
found his way out of the prison-house eleven months elapsed. His strong
impulse for freedom, and intense aversion to slavery, sustained him until
he found an opportunity to escape by the Underground Rail Road.
One of the tried Agents of the Underground Rail Road was alone cogni-
zant of his dwelling in the cave, and regarding him as a tolerably safe pas-
senger (having been so long secreted), secured him a passage on the schooner,
and thus he was fortunately relieved from his eleven months' residence in
his den. No rhetoric or fine scholarship was needed in his case to make his
story interesting. None but hearts of stone could have listened without
emotion.
Andrew, another fellow-passenger, was twenty-six years of ago, and a
decidedly inviting-looking specimen of the peculiar institution. He filled
the situation of an engineer. He, with his wife and one child, belonged to
a small orphan girl, wdio lived at South End, Camden county, N. C. His
wife and child had to be left behind. While it seemed very hard for a
husband thus to leave his wife, every one that did so weakened slavery and
sncou raged and strengthened anti-slavery.
Numbered with these four North Carolina passengers is found the name
Df Wiley Maddison, a young man nineteen years of age, who escaped from
Petersburg on the cars as a white man. He was of promising appearance,
md found no difficulty whatever on the road. With the rest, however, he
concluded himself hardly safe this side of Canada, and it afforded the Com-
nittee special pleasure to help them all.
382 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD.
THOMAS CLINTON, SAUNEY PRY AND BENJAMIN DUCKET.
• PASSED OVER THE U. G. R. R., IN THE FALL OF 1856.
Thomas escaped from Baltimore. He described the man from whom he
fled as a " rum drinker" of some note, by the name of Benjamin Walmsly,
and he testified that under him he was neither " half fed nor clothed," in
consequence of which he was dissatisfied, and fled to better his condition.
Luckily Thomas succeeded in making his escape when about twenty-one years
of age. His appearance and smartness indicated resolution and gave promise
of future success. He was well made and of a chestnut color.
Sauney Pry came from Loudon Co., Ya. He had been one of the
" well-cared for," on the farm of Nathan Clapton, who owned some sixty or
seventy slaves. Upon inquiry as to the treatment and character of his
master, Sauney unhesitatingly described him as a " very mean, swearing,
blustering man, as hard as any that could be started." It was on this
account that he was prompted to turn his face against Yirginia and to
venture on the Underground Rail Road. Sauney was twenty-seven years
of age, chestnut color, medium size, and in intellect was at least up to the
average.
Benjamin Ducket came from Bell Mountain, Prince George's Co.,
Maryland. He stated to the Committee that he escaped from one Sicke
Perry, a farmer. Of his particular master he spoke thus: "He was one of
the baddest men about Prince George ; he would both fight and kill up."
These characteristics of the master developed in Ben very strong desires
to get beyond his reach. In fact, his master's conduct was the sole cause of
his seeking the Underground Rail Road. At the time that he came to
Philadelphia, he was recorded as twenty-three years of age, chestnut color,
medium size, and wide awake. He left his father, mother, two brothers,
and three sisters, owned by Marcus Devoe.
About the same time that the passengers just described received succor,
Elizabeth IjAMBERT, with three children, reached the Committee. The
names of the children were, Mary, Horace, and William Henry, quite
marketable-looking articles.
Tiicy fled from Middlctown, Delaware, where they had been owned by
Andrew Peterson. The poor mother's excuse for leaving her "comfortable
home, free board, and kind-hearted master and mistress," was simply because
she was tired of such " kindness," and was, therefore, willing to suffer in
order to get away from it.
HiET. Jones, a lad of eighteen, accompanied Elizabeth with her children
from Middlctown. He had seen enough of Slavery to satisfy him that he
could never relish it. His owner -vvas known by the name of John Cochran,
and followed farming. He was of a chestnut color, and well-grown.
SUNDRY ARRIVALS, 333
ARRIVALS IN APRIL, 1856.
CHARLES HALL, JAMES JOHNSON, CHARLES CARTER, GEORGE, AND JOHN LOGAN, JAMES
HENRY WATSON, ZEBULON GREEN, LEWIS, AND PETER BURRELL, WILLIAM WILLIAMS,
AND HIS WIFE— HARRIET TUBMAN, WITH FOUR PASSENGERS.
Charles Hall. This individual was from Maryland, Baltimore Co.
where " black men had no rights which white men were bound to respect,"
according to the decision of the late Chief Justice Taney of the Supreme
Court of the United States.
Charles was owned by Atwood A. Blunt, a farmer, much of whose time
was devoted to card playing, rum-drinking and fox-hunting, so Charles
stated. Charles gave him the credit of being as mild a specimen of a slave-
holder as that region of country could claim when in a sober mood, but
when drunk every thing went wrong with him, nothing could satisfy him.
Charles testified, however, that the despotism of his mistress was much
worse than that of his master, for she was all the time hard on the slaves.
Latterly he had heard much talk about selling, and, believing tliat matters
would soon have to come to that, he concluded to seek a place where colored
men had rights, in Canada.
James Johnson. James fled from Deer Creek, Harford Co., lU., where
he was owned by William Rautty. " Jim's " hour had come. Within one
day of the time fixed for his sale, he was handcuffed, and it was evidently
supposed that he was secure. Trembling at his impending doom he resolved
to escape if possible. He could not rid himself of the handcuffs. Could
he have done so, he was persuaded that he might manage to make his
way along safely. He resolved to make an effort Avith the handcuffs on.
With resolution his freedom was secured. What Master Rautty said
wlien he found his property gone with the handcuffs, we know not.
The next day after Jim arrived, Charles Carter, George and John
Logan came to hand.
Charles had been under the yoke in the city of Richmond, held to
service by Daniel Delaplain, a flour inspector. Charles was hired out by
the flour inspector for as much as he could command for him, for being
a devoted lover of money, ordinary wages hardly ever satisfied him. In
other respects Charles spoke of his master rather favorably in comparison
with slaveholders generally.
A thirty years' apprenticeship as a slave had not, however, won him over
to the love of the system ; he had long since been convinced that it was non-
sense to suppose that such a thing as happiness could be found even under
the best of masters. He claimed to have a wife and four little children
living in Alexandria Ya. ; the name of the wife was Lucinda. In the
estimation of slave-holders, the fact of Charles having a family might have
334 TUB UyDEBGROUXD RAIL ROAD.
offered no cause for imhappiness, but Charles felt differently in relation to
the matter. Again, for reasons best known to the owner, he talked of
selling Charles. ''on this point Charles also felt quite nervous, so he began to
think^that he had better make an attempt to get beyond the raich of buyers
and sellers. He knew that many others similarly situated had got out of
bondage simply by hard struggling, and he felt that he could do likewise.
Wlien he had thus determined the object was half accomplished. True,
every step that he should take was liable to bring trouble upon himself, yet
with the hope of freedom buoying him up he resolved to run the risk.
Charles was about thirty years of age, likely-looking, well made, intelligent,
and a mulatto.
Geoege was twenty-three years of age, quite dark, medium size, and
bore the marks of a man of considerable pluck. He was the slave of Mrs.
Jane Coultson. No special complaint of her is recorded on the book. She
mio-ht have been a very good mistress, but George was not a very happy
and contented piece of property, as was proved by his course in escaping.
The cold North had many more charms for him than the sunny South.
John has been already described in the person of his brother George.
He was not, however, the property of Mrs. Coultson, but was owned by
Miss Cox, near Little Georgetown, Berkeley Co., Va. These three individ-
uals were held as slaves by that class of slave-holders, known in the South
as the most kind-hearted and indulgent, yet they seemed just as much de.
lighted with the prospects of freedom as any other passengers.
The next day following the arrival of the party just noticed James Henry
AVatson reached the Committee. He was in good condition, the spring
weather having been favorable, and the journey made without any serious
difficulty.
He was from Snowhill, Worcester county, ISId., and had escaped from
James Purnell, a farmer of whom he did not speak very favorably. Yet
James admitted that his master was not as hard on his slaves as some others.
For the benefit of James' kinsfolk, who may still perchance be making
searches for him, not having yet learned whither he went or what became
of him, we copy the following paragraph as entered on our book April
11th, 1856:
James Henry is twenty years of age, dark, well-made, modest, and
seems fearful of apprehension ; was moved to escape in order to obtain his
freedom. He had heard of others who had run away and thus secured their
freedom ; lie tliought he could do the same. He left his father, mother,
three brothers and five sisters owned by Purnell. His father's name was
Ephraim, his mother's name Mahala. The names of his sisters and
brothers were as follows: Hetty, Betsy, Dinah, Catharine and Harriet;
Homer, William and James.
SUXDE Y ARRIVALS. 33-
Zebulon Greex was tlie next traveler. He arrived from Duck Creek,
Md. John Appleton, a former, was chargeable with having deprived Zeb
of his rights. But, as Zeb was only about eighteen years of age when he
; made his exit, Mr. Appleton did not get much the start of him "in answer
to the question as to the cause of his escape, he replied " bad usao-e." He
was smart, and quite dark. In traveling, he changed his name to Samuel
Hill. The Committee endeavored to impress him thoroughly, with the idea
that he could do much good in the world for himself and fellow-men, by
using his best endeavors to acquire education, etc., and forwarded him on to
1 Canada.
Lewis Burrell and his brother Peter arrived safely from Alexandria,
Virginia, April 21, 1856. Lewis had been owned by Edward M. Clark,'
Peter by Benjamin Johnson Hall. These passengers seemed to bo well
posted in regard to Slavery, and understood full well their responsibilities
in fleeing from "kind-hearted" masters. All they feared was that they
might not reach Canada safely, although they were pretty hopeful and quite
resolute. Lewis left a wife, Winna Ann, and two children, Joseph and
' Mary, who were owned by Pembroke Thomas, at Culpepper, Va., nearly
a hundred miles distant from him. Once or twice in the year, was the
: privilege allowed him to visit his wife and little ones at this long distance.
' This separation constituted his daily grief and was the cause of his escape.
Lewis and Peter left their father and mother in bondage, also one brother
(Reuben), and three sisters, two of Mdiom had been sold far South.
After a sojourn in freedom of nearly three years, Lewis wrote on behalf
of his wife as follows :
^r „. „ Toronto, C. W., Feb. 2, 1859.
Mr. \\i m. Still :
Dear Sir :— It have bin two years since I war at your house, at that time I war on
my way to cannadia, and I tould you that I had a wife and had to leave her -behind, and
; you promiest me that you would healp me to gait hir if I ever heaird from hir, and I
! think my dear frend, that the time is come for me to strick the blow, will you healp me
according to your promis. I recived a letter from a frend in Washington last night and
,he says that my wife is in the city of Baltimore, and she will come away if she can find a
frend to healp hir, so I thought I would writ to you as you are acquanted with foulks
theare to howm you can trust with such matthas. 1 could write to Mr Noah davis in
Baltimore, who is well acquanted with my wife, but I do not think that he i*a trew
I frend, and I could writ to Mr Samual Maden in the same city, but I am afread that a
letter coming from cannada might be dedteced, but if you will writ to soume one that
you know, and gait them to see Mr Samual Maden he will give all the information that
you want, as he is acquanted with my wife, he is a preacher and belongs to the Baptis
church. My wifes name is Winne Ann Berrell, and she is oned by one Dr. Tama who is
'on a viset to Baltimore, now Mr Still will you attend to this thing for me, fourthwith, if
lyou will I will pay you four your truble, if we can dow any thing it must be don now. as
;8he will leave theare in the spring, and if you will take the matter in hand, you mous
writ me on to reseption of this letter, whether you will or not. Yours truly,
■NT ev e-imp
William Williams and his wife were the next who arrive^. They came
f THn onAIanor Md Thoy had been owned by John Peak, by whom,
IrrS "o tlSrirt, theyLd been badly treated, and the Comnnttce
hid no reason to doubt their testimony. • i .
The « ° arrival nnmlx.red fonr passengers, and eame nnder the guKlance
of ' A otes" (Harriet Tnbman), from Maryland. They were adults,
looki,; as though thcv could take eare of thenrselves very easdy although
thev M the m°arks 'of Slavery on them. It was no easy matter for men
a,^ won>en who had been ground down all their lives, to appear as though
thev d been enjoying freedom. Indee.-r>Er.s, Wm. IIenuy Tiiomp-
sofand ThomIs PA.KE. arrived safely from the above named place.
Upon inquiry, the following information was gleaned from then,
Abe 4oke with feelings of some bitterness of a farmer known bj the
name of George Spencer, who had deprived him of the hard -rmngs^f h.s
hands. Furthermore, he had worked him hard, stmted h™/"^ J""^^^";
clothing and had been in the habit of flogging h.m whenever he felt l.ke it
In addftion to the above charges, Abe did not hesitate to say that , s m^t^^
meddled ,00 much with the bottle, in eonseqnenee of -^'cJ., he was often n
a "ton-heavy " state. Abe said, however, that he was nch and stood preny
^igh in tl neighborhood-stinting, flogging and drinking were no great
dis^advantagcs to a man in Georgetown, Maryland.
Abe was twenty.three years of age, pure black, ordinary si.e, » ' •'P ^^ «^;
a thorough convert to the doctrine that all men arc born fr««. """l ^''3
1,0 had been held in bondage up to the hour of his escape, he gave much
reason for believing that he would not be an easy subject to manage under
the yoke, if ever captured and carried back.
SUNDRY ARRIVALS.
387
Sam was about thirty years of age, genuine black, common size, and a
hater of slavery; he was prepared to show, by the scars he bore about his
person, why he talked as he did. Forever will he remember James Hurst,
his so-called master, who was a very blustering man oft-times, and in the
habit of abusing his slaves. Sam was led to seek the Underground liail
Eoad, in order to get rid of his master and, at the same time, to do better
for himself than he could possibly do in Slavery. He had to leave his wife,
Phil] is, and one child.
William Henry was about twenty-four years of age, and of a chestnut
color. He too talked of slave-holders, and his master in particular, jii.st as
any man would talk who had been shamefully robbed and wronged all his life.
Tom, likewise, told the same story, and although they used the eoni-field
vernacular, they were in earnest and possessed an abundance of mother-wit,
so that their testimony was not to be made light of.
The following letter from Thomas Garrett speaks for itself:
Wilmington, 5 mo. 11th, 1856.
Esteemed Friends— McKim and Still :— I purpose sending to-morrow morning hy the
steamboat a woman and child, whose husband, I thmk, went some nine months previous
to New Bedford. She was furnished with a free passage by the same line her husband
came in. She has been away from the person claiming to be her master some five months;
we, therefore, think there cannot be much risk at present. Those four I wrote thee about
arrived safe up in the neighborhood of Longwood, and Harriet Tubman followed after in
t^he stage yesterday. I shall expect five more from the same neighborhood next trip.
Captain Lambdin is desirous of having sent him a book, or books, with the strongest
arguments of the noted men of the South against the institution of slavery, as he wiSies
to prepare to defend himself, as he has little confidence in his attorney. Cannot you send
to me something that will be of benefit to him, or send it direct to him ? Would not W.
Goodell's book be of use ? His friends here think there is no chance for him but to go to
the penitentiary. They now refuse to let any one but his attorney see him.
As ever your friend, Thos. Garrett.
The woman and child alluded to were received and noted on the record
book as follows:
Winnie Patty, and her daughter, Elizabeth, arrived safely from Nor-
folk, Va. The mother is about twenty-two years of age, good-looking and
of chestnut color, smart and brave. From the latter part of October,
1855, to the latter part of March, 1856, this young slave mother, with her
clnld, was secreted under the floor of a house. The house was occupied bv
a slave family, friends of Winnie. During the cold winter weather she
suffered severely from wet and cold, getting considerably frosted, but her faith
faded not, even in the hour of greatest extremity. She chose rather to
suffer thus than endure slavery any longer, especially as slie was aware that
the auction-block awaited her. She had already been sold three times; she
knew therefore what it was to be sold.
38g THE UNDERGEOUyD RAIL ROAD.
Jacob Sinister M'as the name of the man whom she spoke of as her tor-
mentor and master, and from whom she fled. He had been engaged in
the farming business, and had owned quite a large number of slaves, but
from time to time he had been selling off, until he had • reduced his stock
considerably.
Captain Lambdin, spoken of in Thomas Grarrett^s letter, had, in the kind-
ness of his heart, brought away in his schooner some Underground Rail Road
passengers, but unfortunately he was arrested and thrust into prison in
Norfolk, Va., to await trial. Having no confidence in his attorney there he
found that he would have to defend himself as best he could, consequently he
wanted books, etc. He was in the attitude of a drowning man catching at
a straw. The Committee was powei'less to aid him, except with some money;
as the books that he desired had but little effect in the lions' den, in which
he was. He had his trial, and was sent to the penitentiary, of course.
One Hundred Dollars Reward. — Ran away from the subscriber,
living in Rockville, Montgomery county, Md., on Saturday, olst of May last,
NEGRO MAN, ALFRED,
about twenty-two years of age ; five feet seven inches high ; dark copper color,
and rather good looking.
He had on when he left a dark blue and green plaid frock coat, of cloth, and
lighter colored plaid pantaloons,
I will give the above reward if taken out of the county, and in any of the States, or
fifty dollara if taken in the county or the District of Columbia, and secured so that I get
him again. John W. Anderson.
j6-lwW2.
A man calling himself Alfred Homer, answering to the above description,
came to the Vigilance Committee in June, 1856. As a memorial we trans-
ferred the advertisement of John W. Anderson to our record book, and con-
cluded to let that suffice. Alfred, however, gave a full description of his
master's character, and the motives which impelled him to seek his freedom.
He was listened to attentively, but his story was not entered on the book.
PASSENGERS FROM MARYLAND, 1857.
WILLIAM IIEXKY MOODY, BELINDA BIVANS, ETC.
AViLLiAM was about twenty years of age, black, usual size, and a lover
of liberty. He had heard of Canada, had formed a very favorable opinion
of the country and was very desirous of seeing it. The man who had
habitually robbed him of his hire, was a "stout-built, ill-natured man,"
a farmer, by the name of William Hyson.
To meet the expenses of an extensive building enterprise which he had
undertaken, it was apparent that Hyson would have to sell some of his pro-
PASSENGERS FROM MARYLAND, 1857. 389
perty. William and some six others of the servants got wind of tlie fact
that they would stand a chance of being in the market soon. Not rclishinc
the idea of going further South they unanimously resolved to emigrate to
Canada. Accordingly they borrowed a horse from Dr. Wise, and another
from H. K. Tice, and a carriage from F. J. Posey, and Joseph P. IMong's
buggy (so it was stated in the Baltimore Sun, of May 27th), and off they
started for the promised land. The horses and carriages were all captured
at Chambersburg, a day or two after they set out, but the rest of the property
hurried on to the Committee. How Mr. Hyson raised the money to carry
out his enterprise, William and his " ungrateful " fellow-servants seemed not
to be concerned.
Belinda Bivans. Belinda was. a large woman, thirty years of age,
wholly black, and fled from Mr. Hyson, in company with William, and those
above referred to, with the idea of reaching Canada, whither her father liad
fled eight years before.
She was evidently pleased with the idea of getting away from her ill-
natured mistress, from poor fare and hard work without pay. She had
experienced much hardship, and had become weary of her trial in bondage.
She had been married, but her husband had died, leaving her with two little
girls to care for, both of wdiom she succeeded in bringing away with her.
In reference to the church relations of her master and mistress, she
represented the former as a backslider, and added that money was his
church ; of the latter she said, " she would go and take the sacrament, come
back and the old boy would be in her as big as a horse." Belinda could see
but little difference between her master and mistress.
Joseph Winston. In the Richmond Dispatch, of June 9th, the follow-
ing advertisement was found :
RUNAWAY— S200 Reward will be given if taken in the state, and $300 if
taken out of the state.
Run away, my negro boy Joe, sometimes called Joe Winston ; about 23 years
old, a little over 5 feet high, rather stout-built, dark guiger-bread color, small
moustache, stammers badly when confused or spoken to ; took along two or
three suits of clothes, one a blue dress coat with brass buttons, black pants, and
patent leather shoes, white hat, silver watch with gold chain ; was last seen in
this city on Tuesday last, had a pass to Hanover county, and supposed to be making his
way towards York River, for the purpose of getting ou board some coasting vessel.
Samuel Ellis.
The passenger above described reached the Underground Bail Road sta-
tion, June 6th, 1857.
" Why did you leave your master ? " said a member of the Committee to
Joe. ''I left because there was no enjoyment in slavery for colored people."
After stating how the slaves were treated he added, "I was working all
the time for master and he was receiving all my money for my daily labor.
"What business did your master follow?" incpiired the Committee. "He
390 THE UXDERG ROUND RAIL ROAD.
was a carpenter by trade." ""What kind of a looking man was he?" again
inquired the Committee. " He was a large, stout man, don't swear, but lies
and cheats." Joe admitted that he had been treated very well all his life
with the exception of being deprived of his freedom. For eight years prior
to his escape he had been hired out, a part of the time as porter in a grocerv
store, the remainder as bar-tender in a saloon. At the time of his escape he
was worth twenty-two dollars per month to his master. Joe had to do over-
work and thus procure clothing for himself.
When a small boy he resolved, that he never would work all his days as
a slave for the white people. As he advanced in years his desire for free-
dom increased. An offer of fifteen hundred dollars was made for Joe, so he
M'as informed a short time before he escaped; this caused him to move
promptly in the matter of carrying out his designs touching liberty.
His parents and three brothers, slaves, were to be left; but when the
decisive hour came he was equal to the emergency. In company with
William Naylor secreted in a vessel, he was brought away and delivered to
the Committee for aid and counsel, which he received, and thus ended his
bondage. The reward offered by his master, Samuel Ellis, proved of no
avail.
ARRIVAL FROM MARYLAND.
William Scott. William was about twenty-four years of age, well
made, though not very heavy — stammered considerably when speaking —
wide awake and sensible nevertheless. For two years the fear of being
sold had not been out of his mind. To meet a security agreement, which had
been contracted by his mistress — about which a law-suit had been pending
for two years — was what he feared ho should be sold for. About the first
of ]May he found himself in the hands of the sheriff. On being taken to
Stafford Court-House Jail, however, the sheriff permitted him to walk a
"little ways." It occurred to Williani that then was his only chance to
strike for freedom and Canada, at all hazards. He soon decided the matter,
and the sheriff saw no more of him.
Susan Fox was the name of the person he was compelled to call mistress.
She was described as a "large, portly woman, very gross, with a tolerably
severe tcmi)er, at times." William's mother and one of his brothers had
been sold by this woman — an outrage to be forever remembered. His
grandmother, one sister, Avith two children, and a cousin with five children,
all attached by the sheriff, for sale, were left in the hands of his mistress. He
was married the previous Christmas, but in the trying hour could do nothing
for his wifi', Imt leave her to the mercy of slave-holders. The name of the
sheriff that he outgeneralled was Walter Cox. William was valued at $1,000.
ARRIVAL FROM WASHINGTON, D. C, &c. 391
Perhaps, after all, but few appreciated the sorrow that must have filled the
hearts of most of those who escaped. Though they succeeded in gainiinT
their own liberty — they were not insensible to the oppression of their
friends and relatives left in bondage. On reaching Canada and tasting the
sweets of freedom, the thought of dear friends in bondage must have been
acutely painful.
William had many perils to encounter. On one occasion he was hotly
chased, but proved too fleet-footed for his pursuers. At another time, when
straitened, he attempted to swim a river, but failed. Plis faith remained
strong, nevertheless, and he succeeded in reaching the Committee.
ARRIVAL FROM WASHINGTON, D. C, etc., 1857.
GEORGE CARROLL, RANDOLPH BRANSON, JOHN CLAGART, AND WILLIAM EOYAN.
These four journeyed from "Egypt" together — but did not leave i\iQ
same " kind protector."
George was a full black, ordinary size, twenty-four years of age, and a
convert to the doctrine that he had a right to himself. For years the idea
of escape had been daily cherished. Five times he had proposed to buy
himself, but failed to get the consent of his " master," who was a merchant,
C. C. Hirara, a man about sixty years of age, and a member of the Metho-
dist Church. His property in slaves consisted of two men, two women,
two girls and a boy.
Three of George's brothers escaped to Canada many years prior to his
leaving — there he hoped on his arrival to find them in the possession of good
farms. $1,300 walked off in the person of George.
Randolph, physically, was a superior man. He was thirty-one years of
age and of a dark chestnut color. Weary with bondage he came to the con-
clusion that he had served a master long enough " without privileges."
Against his master, Richard Reed, he had no hard things to say, however.
He was not a " crabbed, cross man" — had but "little to say," but "didn't
believe in freedom."
Three of his brothers had been sold South. Left his father, two sisters
and one brother. Randolph was worth probably $1,700.
John was a well-made yellow man, twenty-two years of age, who had
counted the cost of slavery thoroughly, besides having experienced the
effects of it. Accordingly he resolved to " be free or die," " to kill or be
killed, in trying to reach free land somewhere !"
Having " always been hired out amongst very hard white people," he was
" unhappy." His owner, George Coleman, lived near Fairfax, Va., and
was a member of the Methodist Church, but in his ways was " very sly,"
392 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD.
and "deadly against anything like freedom." He held fifteen of his fellow-
men in chains.
For Jolm's hire he received one hundred and fifty dollars a year. He
was, therefore, ranked with first-class "stock," valued at $1,500.
William was about tliirty-five years of age, neat, and pleasing in his
manners. He would be the first selected in a crowd by a gentleman or a
lady, who might want a very neat-looking man to attend to household affairs.
Though he considered Captain Cunningham, his master, a " tolerable fair
man," he was not content to be robbed of his liberty and earnings. As he
felt that he " could take care of himself," he decided to let the Captain
have the same chance — and so he steered his course straight for Canada.
ARRIVAL FROM UNIONYILLE, 1857.
ISRAEL TODD, AND BAZIL ALDRIDGE.
Israel Avas twenty-three years of age, yellow, tall, well made and intelli-
gent. He fled from Frederick county, Md. Through the sweat of his brow,
Dr. Greenberrv Sappington and his family had been living at ease. The
doctor was a Catholic, owning only one other, and was said to be a man of
" right disposition." His wife, however, was " so mean that nobody could
stay with her." Israel was prom]ited to escape to save liis wife, (had lately
been married) and her brother from being sold south. His detestation of
slavery in every shape was very decided. He was a valuable man, worth to
a trader fifteen hundred dollars, perhaps.
Bazil was only seventeen years of age. About as near a kin to the
" white folks" as to the colored i)cople, and about as strong an opponent of
slavery as any " Saxon " going of his age. He was a broth er-in-la\v of
Israel, and accompanied him on the Underground Rail Road. Bazil was
held to service or labor by Thornton Pool, a store-keeper, and also farmer,
and at the same time an ardent lover of the "cretur," so much so that "he
kept about half-drunk all the time." So Bazil affirmed. The good spirit
moved two of Bazil's brothers to escape the spring before. A few months
afterwards a brother and sister were sold south. To manage the matter
smoothly, previous to selling them, the master pretended that he was " only
going to hire them out a short distance from home." But instead of doing
so he sold them south. Bazil might be put down at nine hundred dollars.
ARRIVAL FROM MARYLAND, 1857. 393
ARRIVAL FROM MARYLAND, 1857.
ORDEE LEE, AND RICHARD J. BOOCE. *
Both of these passengers came from Maryland. Okdee was about thirty-
five years of age, gingerbread color, well made, and intelligent. Being
allowed no chances to make anything for himself, was the excuse offered
for his escape. Though, as will appear presently, other causes also helped
to make him hate his oppression.
The man who had daily robbed him, and compelled him to call him
master, was a notorious " gambler," by the name of Elijah Thompson, resid-
ing' in Maryland. '' By his bad habits he had run through with his property,
though in society he stood pretty tolerably high amongst some people ; then
again some didn't like him, he was a mean man, all for himself. He was a
man that didn't care anything about his servants, except to get work out of
them. When he came where the servants were working, he would snap and
bite at them and if he said anything at all, it was to hurry the work on."
" He never gave me," said Ordee, " a half a dollar in his life. Didn't
more than half feed, said that meat and fish was too high to eat. As for
clothing, he never gave me a new hat for every day, nor a Sunday rag in his
life." Of his mistress, he said, " She was stingy and close, — made him (his
master) worse than what he would have been." Two of his brothers were
sold to Georgia, and his uncle was cheated out of his freedom. Left three
brothers and two sisters in chains. Elijah Thompson had at least fifteen
hundred dollars less to sport upon by this bold step on the part of Ordee.
Richard was about twenty-two years of age, well grown, and a very
likely-looking article, of a chestnut color, with more than common intelli-
gence for a slave.
His complaints wave that he had been treated " bad," allowed "no privileges"
to make anything, allowed "no Sunday clothing," &c. So he left the portly-
looking Dr. Hughes, with no feeling of indebtedness or regret. And as to
his " cross and ill-natured " mistress, with her four children, they might
'whistle for his services and support. His master had, however, some eigh-
teen or twenty others to rob for the support of himself and family, so they
were in no great danger of starving.
" Would your owner be apt to pursue you ?" said a member of the Com-
mittee. " I don't think he will. Ho was after two uncles of mine, one
time, saw them, and talked with them, but was made to run."
Richard left behind his mother, step-fither, two sisters, and one brother.
As a slave, he would have been considered cheap at sixteen hundred
dollars. He was a fine specimen.
394 THE UXDERGROUND RAIL ROAD.
ARRIVAL FROM CAMBRIDGE, 1857.
Silas Long and Solomon Light. Silas and Solomon both left together
from Cambridge, INId.
Silas was quite black, spare-built and about twenty-seven years of age.
He was owned by Sherift' Robert Bell, a man about "sixty years of age, and
had his name up to be the hardest man in the county." " The Sheriff's
wife was about pretty much such a woman as he was a man— there was not
a pin's point of difference between them." The fear of having to be sold
caused this Silas to seek the Underground Rail Road. Leaving his mother,
one brother and one cousin, and providing himself with a Bowie-knife and
a few dollars in money, he resolved to reach Canada, "or die on the way."
Of course, when slaves reached this desperate point, the way to Canada was
generally found.
Solomon was about twenty-three years of age, a good-natured-looking
"article," who also left Cambridge, and the protection of a certain Willis
Branick' described as an "unaccountable mean man." "He never gave me
any money in his life," said Sol., " but spent it pretty freely for liquor." " He
would not allow enough to eat, or clothing sufficient." And he sold Sol. s
brother the vear before he fled, " because he could not whip him." The
fear of being sold prompted Sol. to flee. The very day he escaped he had
a serious combat with two of his master's sons. The thumb of one of them
being "badly bit," and the other used roughly— the ire of the master and
sons was raised to a very high degree— and the verdict went forth that "Sol.
should be sold to-morrow." Unhesitatingly, he started for the Underground
Rail Road and Canada — and his efforts were not in vain. Damages,
§1,500.
"THE MOTHER OF TWELVE CHILDREN."
OLD JANE DAVIS— FLED TO ESCArE THE AUCTION-BLOCK.
The appended letter, from Thomas Garrett, will serve to introduce one of
the most remarkable cases that it was our privilege to report or assist:
Wilmington, 6 mo., 9th, 1857.
Esteemed Friend-William Still :-We have here in this place, at Comegys Mun-
son's an ol.l colored woman, the mother of twelve children, one half of which has been
sold South. She has been so ill u.ed, that she was compelled to leave husband and cbii-
dren behind, and is desirous of getting to a brother who lives at Buffalo. She was nearly
naked. She called at my house on 7th day night, but being from home, did not see
her till last evening. I have procured her two under garments, one new ; two skirts, one
BENJAMIN BOSS, AND HIS WIFE HABBIET. 395
new ; a good frock with cape ; one of my wife's bonnets and stockings, and gave her five
dollars in gold, which, if properly used, will put her pretty well on the way. I also gave
her a letter to thee. Since I gave them to her she has concluded to stay where she is till
7th day night, when Comegys Munson says he can leave his work and will go with her to
thy house. I write this so that thee may be prepared for them ; they ought to arrive be-
tween 11 and 12 o'clock. Perhaps thee- may find some fugitive that will be willin"' to
accompany her. With desire for thy welfare and the cause of the oppressed, I remain thy
friend, Thos. Gareett.
Jane did not know how old slie was. She was probably sixty or seventy.
She fled to keep from being sold. She had been " whipt right smart,"
poorly fed and poorly clothed, by a certain Roger McZant, of the New IVIar-
ket District, Eastern Shore of Maryland. His wife was a " bad woman
too." Just before escaping, Jane got a whisper that her " master " was about
to sell her; on asking him if the rumor was true, he was silent. He had
been asking " one hundred dollars " for her.
Remembering that four of her children had been snatched away from her
and sold South, and she herself was threatened with the same fate, she was
willing to suffer hunger, sleep in the woods for nights and days, wandering
towards Canada, rather than trust herself any longer under the protection of
her " kind " owner. Before reaching a place of repose she was three weeks
in the woods, almost wholly without nourishment.
Jane, doubtless, represented thousands of old slave mothers, who, after
having been worn out under the yoke, were frequently either offered for
sale for a trifle, turned off* to die, or compelled to eke out their existence on
the most stinted allowance.
BENJAMIN ROSS, AND HIS WIFE HARRIET.
FLED FROM CAROLINE COUNTY, EASTERN SHORE OF MARYLAND, JUNE, 1857.
This party stated that Dr. Anthony Thompson had claimed them as his
property. They gave the Committee a pretty full report of how they had
jeen treated in slavery, especially under the doctor. A few of the interesting
)oints were noted as follows : The doctor owned about twenty head of slaves
•vhen they left; formerly he had owned a much larger number, but circum-
itauces had led him to make frequent sales during the few years previous to
-heir escape, by which the stock had been reduced. As well as having been
argely interested in slaves, he had at the same time been largely interested
u real estate, to the extent of a dozen forms at least. But in consequence
)f having reached out too far, several of his farms had slipped out of his
lands.
Upon the whole, Benjamin pronounced him a rough man towards his
laves, and declared, tliat he had not given him a dollar since the death of
396 THE UNDERQROUXD RAIL ROAD.
his (the master's) father, which had been at least twenty years prior to Ben-
jamin's ost-apc. But Ben. did not stop here, he went on to speak ofthe reH-
gious character of his master, and also to describe him physically ; he was a
Methodist preacher, and had been " pretending to preach for twenty years."
Then the fact that a portion of their children had been sold to Georgia by
this master was referred to with much feeling by Ben and his wife ; likewise
the fact that he had stinted them for food and clothing, and led them a
rough life generally, which left them no room to believe that he was any-
thing else than " a wolf in sheep's clothing." They described him as a
'' sparc'built man, bald head, wearing a wig."
These two travelers had nearly reached their three score years and ten
under the yoke. Nevertheless they seemed delighted at the idea of going
to a fi-ee country to enjoy freedom, if only for a short time. Moreover some
of their children had escaped in days past, and these they hoped to find.
Xot many of those thus advanced in years ever succeeded in getting to
Canada.
AERIYAL FROM YIRGIXIA, 1857.
WILLIAM JACKSON.
William was about fifty years of age, of usual size, of good address, and
intelligent, lie was born the property of a slaveholder, by the name of
Daniel Miune, residing in Alexandria in Virginia. His master was about
eighty-four years of age, and was regarded as kind, though he had sold
some of his slaves and was in favor of slavery. He had two sons, Robert
and Albert, " both dissipated, would lay about the tippling taverns, and keep
low company, so much so that they were not calculated to do any business for
their father." William had to be a kind of a right hand man to his master.
The sons seeing that the " property " was trusted instead of themselves, very
naturally hated it, so the young men resolved that at the death of their
father, William should be sent as far south as possible. Knowing that
the old man could not stand it much longer, William saw that it was his
policy to get away as tast as he could. He was the husband of a free wife,
who had come on in advancv of him.
For thirty years William had been foreman on his old masters plantation,
and but for the apprehension caustxl bv the ill-will of his prospective
young masters, he would doubtless have remaintH.1 in servitude at least until
the death of the old man. But when William reflecte<.l, and saw what he
had been deprived of all his life bv being held in bondage, and when he
began to breathe free air, with the prospect of ending his days on free land,
he rejoiced that his eyes had been openai to see his danger, and that he
had been moved to make a start for liberty.
ARRIVAL FROM DELAWARE, 1857. 397
ARRIVAL FROM DELAWARE, 1857.
JOHN WRIGHT AND WIFE, ELIZABETH ANN, AND CHARLES CONNOR.
This party arrived from Sussex county. John was about thirty years of
age, ordinary size, full blaciv and clear-headed. In physical appearance he
would have readily passed for a superior laborer. The keenness of his eyes
and quickness of his perception, however, would doubtless have rendered
him an object of suspicion in some parts of the South. The truth was that
the love of liberty was clearly indicated in his expressive countenance.
William S. Phillips, a farmer, had been " sucking " John's blood, and keep-
ing him poor and ignorant for the last eight years at least; before that,
Phillips' fiither had defrauded him of his hire.
Under the father and son John had found plenty of hard work and bad
usage, severe and repeated floggings not excepted. Old master and mistress
and young master and mistress, including the entire family, belonged to
what was known as the " Farmer church," at Portsville. Outwardly they
were good Christians. " Occasionally," John said, " the old man would
have family prayers," and to use John's own words, " in company he would
try to moralize, but out of company was as great a rowdy as ever was." In
further describing his old master, he said that he was a large man, with a
red face and blunt nose, and was very quick and fiery in his temper; would
drink and swear — and even his wife, with all hands, would have to run
when he was " raised."
Of his young master he said: "He was quite along-bodied, thin-faced
man, weighing over one hundred and fifty pounds. In temper just like
his father, though he did not drink — that is all the good quality that I
can recommend in him." John said also that his master, on one occasion,
in a most terribly angry mood, threatened that he would " M'ade up to his
knees in his (John's) blood." It so happened that John's blood was up
pretty high just at that time; he gave his master to understand that he
would rather go South (be sold) than submit to the scourging which was
imminent. John's pluck probably had the effect of allaying the master's
fire ; at any rate the storm subsided after awhile, and until the day that he
took the Underground Rail Road car the servant managed to put up with
his master. As John's wife was on the eve of being sold he was prompted
to leave some time sooner than he otherwise would have done.
398 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD.
THE wife's statement.
She was thirty-two years of age, of good physical proportions, and a
promising-looking person, above the ordinary class of slaves belonging to
Delaware. She was owned by Jane Cooper, who lived near Laurel, in Sussex
county. She had been more accustomed to field labor than housc-M'ork ;
plougliing, fencing, driving team, grubbing, cutting wood, etc., were well
understood by her. During " feeding times " she had to assist in the house.
In this respect, she had harder times than the men. Her mistress was
also in the habit of hiring Elizabeth out by the day to wash. On these
occasions she was required to rise early enough to milk the cows, get break-
fast, and feed the hogs before sunrise, so that she might be at her day's
washing in good time.
It iS^lainly to be seen, that Elizabeth had not met with the " ease " and
kindness- which many claimed for the slave. Elizabeth was sensible of the
wrongs inflicted by her Delaware mistress, and painted her in very vivid
colors. Her mistress was a widow, "quite old," but "very frisky," and
" wore a wig to hide her gray hairs." At the death of her husband, the
slaves believed, from what they had heard their master say, that they would
be freed, each at the age of thirty. But no will was found, which caused
Elizabeth, asAvell as the rest of the slaves, to distrust the mistress more than
ever, as they suspected that she knew something of its disappearance.
Her mistress belonged to the Presbyterian Church, but would have "family
prayers only when the minister would stop ;" Elizabeth thought that she
took greater pains to please the minister than her Maker. Elizabeth had
no faith in such religion.
Both Elizabeth and her husband were members of the Methodist Church.
Neither had ever been permitted to learn to read or write, but they were
naturally very smart. John left his mother and one sister in bondau^e. One
of his brothers fled to Canada fifteen years before their escape. His name
v.'as Abraham.
Charles Connor, the third person in the party, was twenty-seven
years of age — fast color, and a tough-looking " article," who would have
brought twelve hundred dollars or more in the hands of a Baltimore
trader. The man from whom Charles fled was known by the name of John
Chipman, and was described as "a fleshy man, with rank beard and quick
temper, very hard — commonly kept full of liquor, though he would not get
so drunk that he could not go about." For a long time Charles had been
the main dependence on his master's place, as he only owned two other ']
slaves. Charles particularly remarked, that no weather was too bad for
them to be kept at work in the field. Charles was a fair specimen of the
" corn-field hand," but thought that he could take care of himself in Canada.
I
ARRIVAL FROM ALEXANDRIA, 1857. 399
AERIVAL FHOM ALEXANDRIA, 1857.
OSCAR D. BALL, AND MONTGOMERY GRAHAM.
Four Hundred Dollars Reward. — Ran away from the owner in
Alexandria, Va., on the night of the 13th inst., two young negro men, from
twenty to twenty-five years of age. Montgomery is a very bright mulatto,
aboutfive feet, six inches in height, of polite maimers, and smiles much when
speaking or spoken to. Oscar is of a tawny complexion, about six feet high,
_ sluggish in his appearance and movements, and of awkward manners.
ThieTuiidred dollars each will be paid for the delivery of the above slaves if taken in a
slave state, or two hundred dollars each if taken in a free state. One or more slaves
belonging to other owners, it is supposed, went in their company.
Address : John T. Gordon,
Alexandria, Va,
Although the name of John T. Gordon appears signed to the above adver-
tisement, he was not the owner of Montgomery and Oscar, According to
their own testimony they belonged to a maiden lady, by the name of Miss
Elizabeth Gordon, who probably thought that the business of advertising
for runaway negroes was rather beneath her.
Wliile both these passengers manifested great satisflxction in leaving their
mistress they did not give her a bad name. On the contrary they gave her
just such a character as the lady might have been pleased with in the main,
rhey described her thus : " Mistress was a spare woman, tolerably tall, and
v^ery kind, except when sick, she would not pay much attention then. She
^vas a member of the Southern JNIethodist Church, and was strict in her
religion."
Having a good degree of faith in his mistress, Oscar made bold one day
;o ask her how much she would take for him. She afjreed to take eiofht
lundred dollars. Oscar wishing to drive a pretty close bargain offered her
ieven hundred dollars, hoping that she would view the matter in a religious
ight, and would come down one hundred dollars. After reflection instead
)f making a reduction, she raised the amount to one thousand dollars,
ivhich Oscar concluded was too much for himself. It was not, however,
IS much as he was worth according to his mistress' estimate, for she declared
ihat she had often been offered fifteen hundred dollars for him. Miss Gor-
lon raised Oscar from a child and had treated him as a pet. When he was
little "shaver" seven or eight years of age, she made it a practice to have
lim sleep with her, showing that she had no prejudice.
Being rather of a rare type of slave-holders she is entitled to special credit.
Montgomery the companion of Oscar could scarcely be distinguished from
lie white folks. In speaking of his mistress, however, he did not express
iraselfin terms quite so complimentary as Oscar. With regard to giving
passes," he considered her narrow, to say the least. But he was in such
erfectly good humor with everybody, owing to the flict that he had suc-
3eded in getting his neck out of the yoke, that he evidently had no desire
) say hard things about her.
400 THE UXDERGROUXD RAIL ROAD.
Judging from his story he had been for a long time desiring his fieedom
and looking diligently for the Underground Kail Road, but he had had
many things to conteud with when looking the matter of escape in the face.
Arriving in Philadelphia, and finding himself breathing free air, receiving
aid and encouragement in a manner that he had never known before, he
was one of the happiest of creatures.
Oscar left his wife and one child, one brother and two sisters. Mont-
gomery left one sister, but no other near kin.
Instead of going to Canada, Oscar and his comrade pitched their tents in
Oswego, N. Y., where they changed their names, and instead of returning
themselves to their kind mistress they were wicked enough to be i)lotting
as to how some of their friends might get off on the Underground Rail
Road, as may be seen from the appended letters from Oscar, who was
thought to be sluggish, etc.
Oswego, Oct 25th, 1S57.
Dear Sir : — I take this opportunity of writing you these few lines to inform you that
I am well and hope these few lines will find you the same (and your 'family you must
excuse me for not writing to you before. I would have written to you before this but I
put away the card you gave me and could not find it until a few days sins. I did not go
to Canada for I got work in Oswego, but times are very dull here at present. I have been
out of employ about five weeks I would like to go to Australia. Do you know of any
gentleman that is going there or any other place, except south that wants a servant to go
there with him to wait on him or do any other work, 1 have a brother that wants to come
north. I received a letter from him a few days ago. Can you tell me of any plan that I
can fix to get him give my respects to Mrs. Still and all you family. Please let me know
if you hear of any berth of that kind. Nothing more at present I remain your obedient
servant, Oscar D. Ball
But my name is now John Delaney. Direct your letter to John Delaney Oswego N. Y.
care of R, Oliphant.
Oswego, Nov. 21st, 1857.
Mr. AVilltam Still, Esq. Dear Sir : — Your letter of the 19t.h came duly to hand I
am glad to hear that the Underground Rail Road is doing so well I know those three
well that you said come from alex I broke the ice and it seems as if they are going to keep
the track open, but I had to stand and beg of those two that started with me to come
and even give one of them money and then he did not want to come. I had a letter from
my brother a few days ago, and he says if he lives and nothing happens to him he will
make a start for the north and there is many others there that would start now but they
are afraid of getting frost bitten, there was two left alex about five or six weeks ago. ther
names are as follows Lawrence Thornton and Townsend Derrit. have they been to Phila-
delphia from what I can learn they will leave alex in mourning next spring in the last
letter I got from my brother he named a good many that wanted to come when he did
and the are all sound men and can be trusted, he reads and writes his own letters.
William Triplet and Thomas Harper passed through hear last summer from my old home
which way did those three that you spoke of go times are very dull here at present and I
can get nothing to do. but thank God have a good boarding house and will be sheltered
from the weather this winter give my respects to your family Montgomery sends his also
Nothing more at presant Yours truly John Delaney.
N. W. DEPEE.
JACOB C. WHITE.
CHARLES WISE,
TREASURER.
EDWIN H. COATES.
MEMBERS OF THE ACTING COMMITTEE.
^
>
ARRIVAL FROM UNIONVILLE, 1857. 401
ARRIVAL FROM UNIONVILLE, 1857.
CAROLINE ALDKIDGE AND JOHN WOOD.
Caroline was a stout, light-complexioned, healthy-looking young woman
of twenty-three years of age. She fled from Thornton Poole, of Unionville,
Md. She gave her master the character of being a " very mean man ;
with a wife meaner still." " I consider them mean in every respect," said
Caroline. No great while before she escaped, one of her brothers and a sister
had been sent to the Southern market. Recently she had been apprized
that herself and a younger brother would have to go the same dreadful
road. She therefore consulted with the brother and a particular young
friend, to whom she was " engaged," which resulted in the departure of all
three of them. Though the ordinary steps relative to marriage, as far as
slaves were allowed, had been complied with, nevertheless on the road to
Canada, they availed themselves of the more perfect way of having the
ceremony performed, and went on their way rejoicing.
Since the sale of Caroline's brother and sister, just referred to, her mother
and three children had made good their exit to Canada, having been
evidently prompted by said sale. Long before that time, however, three
other brothers fled on the Underground Rail Road. They were encouraged
to hope to meet each other in Canada.
John Wood. John was about twenty-eight years of age, of agreeable
manners, intelligent, and gave evidence of a strong appreciation of liberty.
Times with John had " not been very rough," until within the last year of
his bondage. By the removal of his old master by death, a change for the
worse followed. The executors of the estate — one of whom owed him an
old grudge — made him acquainted with the fact, that amongst certain others,
he would have to be sold. Judge Birch (one of the executors), "itching"
to see him "broke in," "took particular pains" to speak to a notorious
tyrant by the name of Boldin, to buy him. Accordingly on the day of sale,
Boldin was on hand and the successful bidder for John. Being familiar with
the customs of this terrible Boldin, — of the starving fare and cruel flogging
usual on his farm, John mustered courage to declare at the sale, that he
"would 7iot serve him." In the hearing of his new master, he said, "before
I will serve Mm I will CUT my throat T The master smiled, and simply
asked for a rope ; " had me tied and delivered into the hands of a con-
stable," to be sent over to the farm. Before reaching his destination, John
managed to untie his hands and feet and flee to the woods. For three days
he remained secreted. Once or twice he secretly managed to get an interview
with his mother and one of his sisters, by whom he was persuaded to
return to his master. Taking their advice, he commenced service under
circumstances, compared with which, the diet, labor and comforts of an
26
402 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD.
ordinary penitentiary would have been luxurious. The chief food allowed
the slaves on the plantation consisted of the pot liquor in which the pork was
boiled, with Indian-meal bread. The merest glance at what he experienced
during his brief stay on the plantation must suffice. In the field where John,
with a number of others was working, stood a hill, up which they were
repeatedly obliged to ascend, with loads on their backs, and the overseer at
their heels, with lash in hand, occasionally slashing at first one and then
another; to keep up, the utmost physical endurance was taxed. John,
though a stout young nian, and having never known any other condition than
that of servitude, nevertheless found himself quite unequal to the present
occasion. " I was surprised," said he, " to see the expertness with which all
flew up the hill." " One woman, quite lusty, unfit to be out of the house,
on RUNNING UP THE HILL, fell; in a moment she was up again with her
brush on her back, and an hour afterwards the overseer was whipping her."
" My turn came." " What is the reason you can't get up the hill faster?"
exclaimed the overseer, at the same time he struck me with a cowhide.
"I told him I would not stand it." ''Old Uncle George Washington never
failed to get a whipping every day."
So after serving at this only a few days, John made his last solemn vow
to be free or die ; and off he started for Canada. Though he had to con-
tend with countless difficulties he at last made the desired haven. He
hailed from one of the lower counties of Maryland.
John was not contented to enjoy the boon alone, but like a true lover of
freedom he remembered those in bonds as bound with them, and so was
scheming to make a hazardous "adventure" South, on the express errand
of delivering his " family," as the subjoined letter will show:
Glandfoed, August 15th, 1858.
Dear Sir : — I received your letter and was glad to hear that your wife and family was
all well and I hope it will continue so. I am glad to inform you that this leaves me well.
Also, Mr. Wm. Still, I want for you to send me your opinion respecting my circumstan-
ces. I have made up my mind to make an adventure after my family and I want to get
an answer from you and then I shall know how to act and then I will send to you all
particulars respecting my starting to come to your house. Mr. Still I should be glad to
know whare Abraham Harris is, as I should be as glad to see him as well as any of my
own brothers. His wife and my wife's mother is sisters. My wife belongs to Elson Bur-
del's estate. Abraham's wife belongs to Sam Adams. Mr. Still you must not think hard
of me for writing you these few lines as I cannot rest until I release my dear family. I
have not the least doubt but I can get through without the least trouble.
So no more at present from your humble servant,
John B. Woods.
ARRIVAL FROM NEW ORLEANS, 1857. 403
AERIVAL FROM NEW ORLEANS, 1857.
JAMES CONNER, SHOT IN DIFFERENT PARTS OF THE BODY.
James stated to the Committee that he was about forty-three years of
age, that he was born a skive in Nelson county, Ky., and that he was
first owned by a widow lady by the name of Ruth Head. "She (mistress)
was like a mother to me," said Jim. " I was about sixteen years old when
'she died; the estate was settled and I was sold South to a man named
Vincent Turner, a planter, and about the worst man, I expect, that ever
the sun shined on. His slaves he fairly murdered ; two hundred lashes were
merely a promise for him. He owned al)out three hundred slaves. I lived
with Turner until he died. After his death I still lived on the plautation
with his widow, Mrs. Virginia Turner." About twelve years ago (prior to
Jim's escape) slie was married to a Mr. Charles Parlange, ",a poor man, though
a very smart man, bad-hearted, and very barbarous."
Before her second marriage cotton had always been cultivated, but a few
years later sugar had taken the place of cotton, and had become the principal
thing raised in that part of the country. Under the change sugar was raised
land the slaves were made to experience harder times than ever ; they were
allowed to have only from three to three and a half pounds of pork a M'cek,
with a pock of meal ; nothing else was allowed. They commenced work in
the morning, just when they could barely see; they quit work in the even-
ing when they could not see to work longer.
Mistress was a large, portly woman, good-looking, and pretty well
liked by her slaves. The place where the plantation was located was at
Point Copee, on Falls River, about one hundred and fifty miles from New
Orleans. She also owned property and about twenty slaves in the city of
New Orleans.
" I lived there and hired my time for awhile. I saw some hard times on
the plantation. Many a time I have seen slaves whij^ped almost to death —
well, I tell you I have seen them whipped to death. A slave named Sam
was whipped to death tied to the ground. Joe, another slave, was whipped
to death by the overseer: running away was the crime.
"Four times I was shot. Once, before I would be taken, all hands, young
and old on the plantation were on the chase after me. I was strongly armed
with an axe, tomahawk, and butcher knife. I expected to be killed on the
spot, but I got to the woods and stayed two days. At night I went back
to the plantation and got something to eat. While going back to the woods
I was shot in the thigh, legs, back and head, was badly wounded, my mind
was to die rather than be taken. I ran a half mile after I was shot, but was
taken. I have shot in me now. Feel here on my head, feel my back, feel
404 THE UXDERG ROUND RAIL ROAD.
buck shot in nij tliigli. I shall carry shot in me to ray grave. I have been
shot four dilFerent times. I was shot twice by a fellow-servant; it was my
master's ortlers. Another time by the overseer. Shooting was no uncom-
mon thing in Louisiana. At one time I was allowed to raise hogs. I had
twenty-five taken from me without being allowed the first copper.
" My mistress promised me at another time forty dollars for gathering
honey, but when I went to her, she said, by and by, but the by and by never
came. In 1853 my freedom was promised; for five years before this time
I had been overseer; during four years of this time a visit was made to
France by my owners, but on their return my freedom was not given me.
Lly mistress thought I had made enough money to buy myself. They asked
eleven hundred and fifty dollars for me. I told them that I hadn't the
money. Then they said if I would go with them to Virginia after a num-
ber of slaves they wished to purchase, and would be a good boy, they would
give me my freedom on the return of the trip. We started on the 8th of
June, 1857. I made fair promises wishing to travel, and they placed all
confidence in me. I was to carry the slaves back from Virginia.
" They came as far as Baltimore, and they began to talk of coming farther
North, to Philadelphia. They talked very good to me, and told me that if
tiiey brought me with them to a free State that I must not leave them ;
talked a good deal about giving me my f)-ccdom, as had been promised
before starting, etc. I let on to them that I had no wish to go Xorth ; that
Baltimore was as far North as I wished to see, and that I had rather be
going home than going North. I told them that I was tired of this coun-
try. In speaking of coming North, they made mention of the Alleghany
mountains. I told them that I would like to see that, but nothing more.
They hated the North, and I made believe that I did too. Mistress said,
that if I behaved myself I could go with them to France, when they went
again, after they returned home — as they intended to go again.
"So they decided to take me with them to Piiiladclphia, for a short visit,
before going into Virginia to buy up their drove of slaves for Louisiana.
My heart leaped for joy when I found we were going to a free State ; but I
did not let my owners know my findings.
"We reached Philadelphia and went to the Girard Hotel, and there I
made up my mind that they should go back without me. I saAV a colored
man who talked witii me, and told me about the Committee. He brought
me to the anti-slavery office," etc., etc., etc.
The Conmiittee told Jim that he could go free immediately, without say-
ing a word to anylxjdy, as the simple fact of his master's bringing him into
the State was sufficient to establisli his freedom before the Courts. At the
same time the Conmiittee assured him if he Avere willing to have his master
arrested and brought before one of the Judges of the city to show cause why
he held him a slave in Pennsylvania, contrary to the laws of the State, that
i
ARRIVAL FROM NEW ORLEANS, 1857. 405
he should hick neither friends nor money to aid him iu tlie matter ; and,
moreover, his freedom would be publicly proclaimed.
Jim thought well of both ways, but preferred not to meet his " kind-
hearted " master and mistress in Court, as he was not quite sure that he
would have the courage to face them and stand by his charges.
This was not strange. Indeed not only slaves cowed before the eye of
slave-holders. Did not even Northern men, superior in education and wealth,
fear to say their souls were their own in the same presence?
Jim, therefore, concluded to throw himself upon the protection of the
Committee and take an Underground Rail Road ticket, and thereby spare
ihirnself and his master and mistress the disagreeableness of meeting under
such strange circumstances. The Committee arranged matters for him to
the satisfaction of all concerned, and gave him a passport for her British
majesty's possession, Canada.
The unvarnished facts, as they were then recorded substantially from the
lips of Jim, and as they are here reproduced, comprise only a very meagre
part of his sadly interesting story. At the time Jim left his master and
mistress so unceremoniously in Philadelphia, some excitement existed at the
attempt of his master to recover him through the Police of Philadelphia,
under the charge that he (Jim) had been stealing, as may be seen from the
following letter which appeared in the " National Anti-Slavery Standard :"
ANOTHER SLAVE HUNT IN PHILADELPHIA.
Philadelphia, Monday, July 27, 1857.
Yesterday afternoon a rumor was afloat that a negro man named Jim, who
had accompanied his master (Mr. Charles Parlange), from New Orleans to
this city, had left his master for the purpose of tasting the sweets of freedom.
It was alleged by Mr. Parlange that the said* " Jim " had taken with him
two tin boxes, one of which contained money. Mr. Parlange went, on his
way to New York, via the Camden and Amboy Railroad, and ujion his arri-
val at the Walnut street wharf, with two ladies, " Jim " was missing. ]Mr.
Parlange immediately made application to a Mr. Wallace, who is a Police
officer stationed at the Walnut street depot. Mr. Wallace got into a carriage
with Mr. Parlange and the two ladies, and, as Mr. Wallace stated, drove
back to the Girard House, where " Jim " had not been heard of since he had
left for the Walnut street wharf.
A story was then set afloat to the effect, that a negro of certain, but very
particular description (such as a Louisiana nigger-driver only can give), had
stolen two boxes as stated above. A notice signed " Clarke," was received
at the Police Telegraph Office by the operator (David Wunderly) containing
a full description of Jim, also offxiring a reward of $100 for his capture.
This notice was telegraphed to all the wards in every section. This morn-
ing Mr. Wunderly found fault with the reporters using the information, and.
406 THE UNDERGROUXD RAIL ROAD.
in presence of some four or five persons, said the notice signed " Clarke,"
■«as a private paper, and no reporter had a right to look at it; at the same
time asserting, that if he knew where the nigger was he would give him up,
as ^100 did not come along every day. The policeman, Wallace, expressed
the utmost fear lest the name of Mr. Parlange should transpire, and stated,
that he was an inthnate friend of his. It does not seem that the matter was
communicated to tlie wards by any official authority whatever, and who the
"Ckirke" is, whose name was signed to the notice, has not yet transpired.
Some of the papers noticed it briefly this morning, which has set several of
the officers on their tips. There is little doubt, tliat " Jim " has merely
exercised his own judgment about remaining with his master any longer, and
took this opportunity to betake himself to freedom. It is assumed, that he
was to precede his master to Walnut street wharf with the baggage ; but| j
singular enough to say, no complaint has been made about the baggage being
missed, simply the two tin boxes, and particularly the one containing money.
This is, doubtless, a ruse to engage the services of the Philadelphia police in
the interesting game of nigger hunting, Mr. Parlange, if he is sojourning
in your city, will doubtless be glad to learn that the matter of his man
" Jim" and the two tin boxes has received ample publicity. W. H.
Kev. Hiram Wilson, the Underground Rail Road agent at St. Catharines,
C. W., duly announced his safe arrival as follows:
Buffalo, Aug. 12th, 1857.
My Dear Fkiend — Wm. Still : — I take the liberty to inform you, that I had the
pleasure of seeing a man of sable brand at my house in St. C. yesterday, by name of James
Connor, lately from New Orleans, more recently from the city of Brotherly love, where he
took French leave of his French master. He desired me to inform you of his safe arrival
in the glorious land of Freedom, and to send his kind regards to you and to Mr. William-'
son ; also to another person, (the name I have forgotten). Poor Malinda Smith, with
her two little girls and joung babe is with us doing well.
Affectionately yours, Hiram Wilson.
ARRIVAL FROM WASHINGTON, D. C.
HARRISON GARY.
The passenger bearing this name who applied to the Committee for
assistance, was a mulatto of medium size, with a prepossessing countenance,
and a very smart talker. With only a moderate education he might have
raised himself to the " toji round of the ladder," as a representative of the
down-trodden slave. Seeking, as usual, to learn his history, the subjoined
questions and answers were the result of the interview :
Q. " How old are you ?"
A. "Twenty-eight years of age this coming March."
1
ABRIVAL FROM WASHINGTON, D. C. 407
Q. "To whom did you belong?"
A. " Mrs. Jane E. Ashley."
. Q. " What kind of a woman was she ?"
A. " She was a very clever woman ; never said anything out of the way."
Q. " How many servants had she ?"
A. " She had no other servants."
Q. " Did you live with her?"
A. "No. I hired my time for twenty-two dollars a month."
Q. "How could you make so much money?"
A. " I was a bricklayer by trade, and ranked among the first in the city."
As Harrison talked so intelligently, the member of the Committee who
was examining him, was anxious to know how he came to be so knowing,
the fact that he could read being very evident.
Harrison proceeded to explain how he was led to acquire the art both
of reading and writing: "Slaves caught out of an evening without passes
from their master or mistress, were invariably arrested, and if they were
unable to raise money to buy themselves off, they were taken and locked up
in a place known as the ' cage/ and in the morning the owner was notified,
and after paying the fine the unfortunate prisoner had to go to meet his fate
at the hands of his owner."
Often he or she found himself or herself sentenced to take thirty-nine or
more laslies before atonement could be made for the violated law, and the
fine sustained by the enraged owner.
Harrison having strong aversion to both of the " wholesome regulations "
of the peculiar institution above alluded to, saw that the only remedy that
he could avail himself of was to learn to write his own passes. In possess-
ing himself of this prize he knew that the law against slaves being taught,
would have to be broken, nevertheless he was so anxious to succeed, that
he was determined to run the risk. Consequently he grasped the boon with
but very little difficulty or assistance. Valuing his prize highly, he
improved more and more until he could write his own passes satisfactorily.
The "cage" he denounced as a perfect "hog hole," and added, "it was more
than I could bear."
He also spoke with equal warmth on the pass custom, " the idea of work-
ing hard all day and then being obliged to have a pass," etc., — his feelings
sternly revolted against. Yet he uttered not a disrespectful word against
the individual to whom he belonged. Once he had been sold, but for what
was not noted on the record book.
His mother had been sold several times. His brother, AYilliam Henry
Gary, escaped from Washington, D. C, when quite a youth. What became
of him it was not for Harrison to tell, but he supposed that he had made
his way to a free State, or Canada, and he hoped to find him. He had no
knowledge of any other relatives.
408 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD.
In further conversation with him, relative to his being a single man
he said, that he had resolved not to entangle himself with a family until
he had obtained his freedom.
He had found it pretty hard to meet his monthly hire, consequently he
was on the look-out to better his condition as soon as a favorable opportu-
nity might offer. Harrison's mistress had a son named John James Ashley,
who was then a minor. On arriving at majority, according to the will of this
lad's father, he was to have possession of Harrison as his portion. Harri-
son had no idea of having to work for his support — he thought that, if
John could not take care of himself when he grew up to be a man, there
was a place for all such in the poor-house.
Harrison was also moved by another consideration. His mistress' sister
had been trying to influence the mistress to sell him ; thus considering him-
self in danger, he made up his mind that the time had come for him to
change his habitation, so he resolved to try his fortune on the Underground
Rail Road.
ARRIVAL FROM VIRGINIA, 1857.
JOE ELLIS.
The subject of this sketch was one of two hundred slaves, owned by
Boiling Ellis, who possessed large plantations at Cabin Point, Surrey Co.,
Va. Joe pictured his master, overseers, and general treatment of slaves in
no favorable light.
The practice of punishing slaves by putting them in the stocks and by
flogging, was dwelt upon in a manner that left no room to doubt but that
Joe had been a very great sufferer under his master's iron rule. As he
described the brutal conduct of overseers in resorting to their habitual modes
of torturing men, women, and children, it was too painful to listen to
with composure, much more to write down.
Joe was about twenty-three years of age, full black, slender, and of
average intellect, considering the class which he represented. On four
occasions previous to the final one he had made fruitless efforts to escape
from his tormentors in consequence of brutal treatment. Although he at
last succeeded, the severe trials through which he had to pass in escaping,
came very near costing him his life. The effects he will always feel ;
prostration and sickness had already taken hold upon him in a serious
degree.
During Joe's sojourn under the care of the Committee, time would not
admit of the writinjr out of further details concerning: him.
ARRIVAL FROM MARYLAND. 409
A:&RiyAL FROM MARYLAND.
CHRISTOPHER GREEN AND WIFE, ANN MARIA, AND SON NATHAN.
Christopher had a heavy debt charged against Clayton Wright, a com-
mission merchant, of Baltimore, who claimed him as his property, and
was in the habit of hiring him out to farmers in the country, and of taking
all his hire except a single dollar, which was allotted him every holiday.
The last item in his charge against Wright, suggested certain questions :
"How have you been used?" was the first query. "Sometimes right smart,
and then again bad enough for it," said Christopher. Again he was asked,
"What kind of a man was your master?" "He was only tolerable, I can't
say much good for him. I got tired of working and they getting my labor
and I getting nothing for my labor." At the time of his escape, he was
employed in the service of a man by the name of Cook. Christopher
described him as " a dissatisfied man, who couldn't be pleased at nothing
and his wife was like him."
This passenger was quite black, medium size, and in point of intellect,
about on a par with ordinary field hands. His wife, Ann, in point of
go-ahead-ativeness, seemed in advance of him. Indeed, she first prompted
her husband to escape.
Ann bore witness against one James Pipper, a farmer, whom she had
served as a slave, and from whom she fled, saying that " he was as mean a
man as ever walked — a dark-compleeted old mm, with gray hair." With
great emphasis she thus continued her testimony : " He tried to work me to
death, and treated me as mean as he could, without killing me; he done so
much I couldn't tell to save my life. I wish I had as many dollars as he
has whipped me with sticks and other things. His wife will do tolerable."
" I left because he was going to sell me and my son to Georgia ; for years
he had been threatening ; since the boys ran away, last spring, he was
harder than ever. One was my brother. Perry, and the other was a young
man by the name of Jim." " David, my master, drank all he could get,
poured it down, and when drunk, would cuss, and tear, and rip, and beat.
He lives near the nine bridges, in Queen Ann county."
Ann was certainly a forcible narrator, and was in every way a wide-
awake woman, about thirty-seven years of age. Among other questions
they were asked if they could read, etc. "Read," said Ann. "I would like
to see anybody (slave) that could read our way ; to see you with a book in
your hand they would almost cut your throat."
Ann had one child only, a son, twenty years of age, who came in com-
pany with his parents. This son belonged to the said Pippor already
described. When they started from the land of bondage they had large
410 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD.
hopes, but not much knowleagc of the way ; however, they mauaged to get
safely on the Underground Rail Road track, and ^by perseverance they
reached the Committee and were aided in the usual manner.
ARRIVAL FROM GEORGETOWN CROSS-ROADS, 1857.
LEEDS WEIGHT AND ABBAM TILISOK.
For three years Leeds had been thirsting for his liberty ; his heart was
fixed on that one object. He got plenty to eat, drink, and wear, but was
nevertheless dissatisfied.
The name of his master was Rev. John Wesley Pearson, who was engaged
in school teaching and preaching, and belonged to the more moderate class
of slave-holders. Once when a boy Leeds had been sold, but being very
young, he did not think much about the matter.
Yov the last eight or ten years previous to his escape he had not seen his
relatives, his fiithcr (George Wright) having fled to Canada, and the remain-
der of the family lived some fifty miles distant, beyond the possibility of
intercourse; therefore, as he had no strong ties to break, he could look
to the time of leaving the land of bondage without regret.
Abram, the companion of Leeds, had been less comfortably situated.
His lot in Slavery had been cast under Samuel Jarman, by whom he had
been badly treated.
Abram described him as a "big, tall, old man, who drank and was a real
wicked man; he followed farming; had thirteen children. His wife was
different; she was a pretty fine woman, but the children were all bad; the
youno- masters followed playing cards." No chance at all had been allosved
them'to learn to read, although Abram and Leeds both coveted this know-
ledge. As they felt that they would never be able to do anything for their
improvement by remaining, they decided to follow the example of Abram s
father and others and go to Canada.
ARRIVAL FROM ALEXANDRIA.
WILLIAM TRIPLETT AND THOMAS HARPER.
Ran Away from the subscriber, on Saturday night, 22d instant, William
TiuPLETT, a dark mulatto, with whiskers and ranstache, 23 ^^ ^^ Xf^J' ''' f^^^o
lately had a burn on the instep of his right, foot, Vl^^P^j-'^.^f^jtlth summer
wear a boot or shoe. He took with him very excellent cloth mg, ^^^^^ /^^"J^^
and winter, consisting of a brown suit J^.^^lft^ summer cat.
cup, silk hat, &c. $50 reward will be paid if taken withm thuty rni cs ot Aitx
=.^=^^-^ amlria or in the State of Virginia, and $150 and necessary expenses ^t take.i^out
of the State and secured so that I get him again. He is the P™lf ^;iy ^'i^^^/,'-^^; iHends,
fax, of Alexan.lria. and is likely to make his way to Cincmnati, where he h^^^'^,^,^ '
named Hamilton and Hopes, now living. xtuiDi.. .
ARRIVAL FROM 3IARYLAND. 411
William, answering to the above description, arrived safely in company
with Thomas Harper, about six days after the date of their departure from
the house of bondage.
Mrs. A. B. Fairfax was the loser of this " article." William spoke rather
flivorably of her. He said he did not leave because he was treated badly
but simply because he wanted to own himself — to be free. He also said that
he wanted to be able to take care of his family if he should see fit to marry.
As to Slavery, he could see no justice in the system; he therefore made
up his mind no longer to yield submission thereto. Being a smart " chattel "
he reasoned well on the question of Slavery, and showed very conclusively
that even under the kindest mistress it had no charms for him — that at best
it was robbery and an outrage.
Thomas Harper, his comrade, fled from John Cowling, who also lived
near Alexandria. His great trouble was, that he had a wife and family, but
could do nothing for them. He thought that it was hard to see them in want
and abused when he was not at liberty to aid or protect them. He grew
very unhappy, but could see no remedy except in flight.
Cowling, his master, was an Englishman by birth, and followed black-
smithing for a living. He was a man in humble circumstances, trying to
increase his small fortune by slave-labor.
He allowed Thomas to hire himself 'for one hundred dollars a year, which
amount he was required to raise, sick or well. He did not complain, how-
ever, of having received any personal abuse from his blacksmith master. It
was the system which was daily grinding the life out of him, that caused him
to suffer, and likewise escape. By trade Thomas was also a blacksmith.
He left a wife and three children.
ARRIVAL FROM MARYLAND.
HARRY WISE.
^100 Reward. — Ran away, on the 11th inst., negro man, Harry Wise.
He is about 24 years of age, and 5 feet 4 inches high ; muscular, with broad
shoulders, and black or deep copper color; roundish, smooth face, and rather
lively expression. He came from Harford county, and is acquainted about
Belair market, Baltimore. I will pay $50 reward for him, if taken in thi§ or
Prince George's county, or $100 if arrested elsewhere,
on ...^ ELLIOTT BURWELL,
a^J-eoof^ ^egt j^iyer, Anne Arundel county.
Harry reached the station in Philadelphia, the latter part of August,
1857. His excuse for leaving and seeking a habitation in Canada, was as
follows :
" I was treated monstrous bad ; my master was a very cross, crabbed man,
and his M'ife was as cro.ss as he was. The day I left they had to tie me to
412 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD.
beat me, what about I could not tell ; this is what made me leave. I escaped
right out of his hands the day he had me ; he was going with me to the
barn to tie me across a hogshead, but I broke loose from him and ran. He
ran and got the gun to shoot me, but I soon got out of his reach, and I
have not seen him since."
Harry might never have found the Underground Rail Road, but for
this deadly onslaught upon him by his master. His mind was Avrought up
to a XQvy high state of earnestness, and he was deemed a very fitting subject
for Canada.
ARRIVAL FROM NORFOLK, YA.
ABRAM WOODERS.
Althouo-h slave-holders had spared no pains to keep Abram in the dark
and to make him love his yoke, he proved by his actions, that he had no
faith in their doctrines. Nor did he want for language in which to state
the reasons for his actions. He was just in the jirime of life, thirty-five
years of age, chestnut color, common size, with a scar over the left eye, and
another on the upper lip.
Like many others, he talked in a smple, earnest manner, and in answer to
queries as to how he had fared, the following is his statement:
"I was held as the property of the late Taylor Sewell, but wheu I
escaped I was in the service of W. C. Williams, a commission merchant.
My old master was a very severe man, but he Avas always very kind to me.
He had a great many more colored folks, was very severe amongst them,
would get mad and sell right away. He was a drinking man, dissipated
and a gambler, a real sportsman. He lived on Newell Creek, about twelve
miles from Norfolk. For the last eight years I was hired to W. C.
Williams, for $150 a year — if I had all that money, it might do me some
good. I left because I wanted to enjoy myself some. I felt if I staid and
got old no one would care for me, I wouldn't be of no account to nobody."
"But are not the old slaves well cared for by their masters?" a member
of the Committee here remarked. " Take care of them ! no.!" Abram
replied with much earnestness, and then went on to«explain how such
property was left to perish. Said Abram, " There was an old man named
Ike, who belonged to the same estate that I did, he was treated like a dog ;
after they could get no more work out of him, they said, 'let him die, he is
of no service; there is no use of getting a doctor for him.' Accordingly
there could be no other fate for the old man but to suffer and die with
creepers in his legs."
It was sickening to hear him narrate instances of similar suffering in the
case of old slaves. Abram left two sisters and one brother in bondage.
ARRIVAL FROM WASHINGTON, D. C. 413
ARRIVAL FROM WASHINGTON, D. C.
GEORGE JOHNSON, TPIOMAS AND ADAM SMITH.
$300 Reward. — Ran away from Kalorama, near Washington City, D. C,
on Saturday night, the 22d of August, 1857, negro man, George Johnson, aged
about 25 years. Height about six feet ; of dark copper color; bushy hair ; erect
m stature and polite in his address.
I will give the above reward if taken in a free State; $100 if taken within
the Disti-ict of Columbia, or $200 if taken in Maryland. In either case he must
be secured ao that I get him. Miss Eleanor J. Conway, Baltimore, Md.,
or Oliver Dufour, Washington City, D. C.
sl-eod 2w.
"Polite iu his address" as George was, he left his mistress, Eleanor
J. Conway, without bidding her good-bye, or asking for a pass. But he
did not leave his young mistress in this way without good reasons for so
doing.
In his interview with the Committee about five days after his departure
from his old home, he stated his grievances as follows: " I was born the slave
of a Mr. Conway, of Washington, D. C." Under this personage George
admitted that he had experienced slavery in rather a mild form until death
took the old man off, which event occurred when George was quite young.
He afterwards served the widow Conway until her death, and lastly he fell
into the hands of Miss Eleanor J. Conway, who resided in Baltimore, and
derived her support from the labor of slaves whom she kept hirccl out as was
George. Of the dead, George did not utter very hard things, but he spoke
of his young mistress as having a " very mean principle." Said George,
" She has sold one of my brothers and one of my cousins since last April, and
she was very much opposed to freedom."
Judging from the company that she kept she might before a great Avhile
change her relations iu life. George thought, however agreeable to her, it
might not be to him. So he made up his mind that his chances for free-
dom would not be likely to grow any better by remaining. In the neigh-
borhood from which he fled he left his father, mother and two sisters, each
having different owners. Two brothers had been sold South. Whether
they ever heard what had become of the runaway George is not known.
Thomas, the companion of George, was of a truly remarkable structure ;
physically and mentally he belonged to the highest order of the bond class.
His place of chains was in the city of Washington, and the name of the
man for whom he had been compelled to do unrequited labor was William
Rowe, a bricklayer, and a '• pretty clever fellow, — always used me well," said
Thomas. " Why did you leave then ?" asked a member of the Committee.
He replied, " I made a proposition to my master to buy myself for eight
aundred dollars, but he refused, and wanted a thousand, Tlien I made up my
aiind that I would make less do." Thomas had been hired out at the National
Hotel for thirty dollars a month.
414 THE UNDERGROimD RAIL ROAD.
Adam was well described in the following advertisement taken from tlie
Baltimore Sun:
$300 Reward. — Ran away from the subscriber, near Beltsville, Prince
George's county, Md., on Saturday night, the 22d of August, 1857, Negro Man,
Adam Smith, aged about 30. Height 5 feet 4 or 5 inches ; black bushy hair,
and well dressed. He has a mother living at Mr. Hamilton's, on Capitol Hill,
Washington, D. C.
I will give the above reward if taken in a free State ; $50 if taken in the Dis-
trict of Columbia or counties of Montgomery and Prince George's, or $100 if
taken elsewhere and secured so that I get him. Isa.ac Scaggs.
a27-6t*
With his fellow-passengers, George and Thomas, he greatly enjoyed the
hosijitalities of the Underground Rail Road in the city of Brotherly Love,
and had a very high idea of Canada, as he anticipated becoming a Briti.'^h
subject at an eai-ly day. The story which Adam related concerning his
master and his reasons for escaping ran thus :
" My master was a very easy man, l)ut would work you hard and never
allow you any chance niglit or day ; he was a farmer, about fifty, stout, full
face, a real country ruffian ; member of no church, a great drinker and
gambler; will sell a slave as quick as any other slave-holder. Pie had a
great deal of cash, but did not rank high in society. His wife was very
severe ; hated a colored man to have any comfort in the world. They had
eight adult and nine vouno; slaves."
Adam left because he "didn't like the ^treatment." Twice he had been
placed on the auction-block. He Avas a married man and left a wife and
one child.
FOUR ABLE-BODIED " ARTICLES " IN ONE ARRIVAL, 1857.
EDWARD, AND JOSEPH HAINES, THOMAS HARRIS, AND J.\MES SHELDON.
" Tills certainly is a likely-looking party," are the first words which greet
tlie eye, on turning to the record, under which their brief narratives were
entered at the Philadelphia station, September 7th, 18o7.
Edward was about forty-four years of age, of unmixed blood, and hi
point of natural ability he would rank among the most intelligent of the
opjires-sed class. Without owing thanks to any body he could read and
write pretty m'cII, having learned by his own exertions.
Tabby and Eliza Fortlock, sisters, and single women, had been deriving
years of leisure, comfort, and money from the sweat of Edward's l)roAV.
The maiden ladies owned about eighteen head of this kind of property, far
more than they understood how to treat justly or civilly. They bore the
name of being very hard to .satisfy. They were proverbially "stingy.'"'
They were members of the Christ Episcopal Church.
FOUR ABLE-BODIED "ARTICLES'' IN ONE ARRIVAL, 1857. 415
Edward, however, remembered very sensibly tliat his own brother liad been
sold South by these ladies ; and not only he, but others also, had been sent
to the auction-block, and there made merchandise of. Edward, therefore,
had no faith in these lambs of the flock, and left them because he thought
there was reason in all things. "Yearly my task had been increased and
made heavier and heavier, until I was pressed beyond what I could bear."
Under this pressure no hope, present or future, could be discerned, except
by escaping on the Underground Rail Koad.
Joseph was also one of the chattels belonging to the Misses Portlock.
A more active and wide-awake young man of twenty years of age, could not
easily be found among the enslaved ; he seemed to comprehend Slavcrv in
all its bearings. From a small boy he had been hired out, making money
for the " pious ladies " who owned him. His experience under these pro-
tectors had been similar to that of Edward given' above. Joseph was of a
light brown color, (some of his friends may be able to decide by this simple
fact whether he is a relative, etc.).
ToxM, a full-fliced, good-natui'ed-looking young man, was also of this
party. He was about twenty-seven years of age, and was said to be the
slave of John Hattcn, Esq., Cashier of the Virginia Bank of Portsmouth.
Tom admitted that he was treated very well by ]\Ir. Hatten and his family,
except that he was not allowed his freedom ; besides he felt a little tired of
having to pay twelve dollars a month for his hire, as he hired his time of
his master. Of course he was not insensible to the fact also that he was
liable to be sold any day.
In pondering over these slight drawbacks, Tom concluded that Slavery
was no place for a man who valued his freedom, it mattered not how kind
masters or mistresses might be. Under these considenitions he made
up his mind that he would have to let the cashier look out for himself,
and he would do the same. In this state of mind he joined the party for
Canada.
Jaisies was another associate passengci', and the best-looking " article " in
the party; few slaves showed a greater degree of intelligence and shrewdness.
He had acquired the art of reading and writing very well, and was also a
very ready talker. He was owned by Mrs. I\Iaria Hansford of New York.
When he was quite small he remembered seeing his mistress, but not since.
He was raised with her sister, who resided in Norfolk, the place of James'
servitude.
James confessed that he had been treated very kindly, and had been
aught to read by rnembers of the family. This was an exceptional case,
vorthy of especial note.
Notwithstanding all the kindness that James had received, he hated
slavery, and took a deep interest in the Underground Rail Road, and used
us mtelligence and shrewdness to good purpose in acting as an Under-
4jg THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD.
ground Rail Road agent for a time. James was a young man, about
twenty-five yeai-s of age, well made, and of a yellow complexion.
Althouoh none of this party experienced brutal treatment personally
they had "seen the " elephant " quite to their satisfaction in Norfolk and
vicinity.
ARRIVAL FROM ARLINGTON, Md. 1857.
JOHN ALEXAKDEB BUTLEB, WILLIAM HENRY HIPKINS. JOHN HENBY MOOBE AND
GEOBGE HILL.
This party made, at first sight, a favorable impression; they represented
the bone and sinew of theslave class of Arlington, and upon investigation
the Committee felt assured that they would carry with them to Canada in-
dustrv and determination such as would tell well for the race.
JoHX Alexander Butler was about twenty-nine years of age, well
made, dark color, and intelligent. He assured the Committee that he had
been hampered by Slavery from his birth, and that in conscciuence thereof
he had suffered serious hardships. He said that a man by the name of
^\m. Ford, belonging to the Methodist Church at Arlington, had de-
frauded him of his just rights, and had compelled him to work on his farm
for nothing; also had deprived him of an education, and had kept him in
poverty and ignorance all his life.
In .oing over the manner in which he had been treated, he added that
not only was his master a hard man, but that his wife and children partook
of the same evil spirit ; " they were all hard." True, they had but three
slaves to oppress, but these they spared not.
John was a married man, and spoke affectionately of his wife and chil-
dren, whom he had to leave behind at Cross-Roads.
Willi VM Henry, who was heart and soul in earnest with regard to
reaching Canada, and was one of this J)arty, was twenty-three years ot age,
and was a stout, yellow man with a remarkably large head, and looked as
if he was capable of enjoying Canada and caring for himself
In speaking of the fettered condition from which he had escaped, t.o name
of Ephraim Swart, "a gambler and spree'r" was mentioned as the indi-
vidual who had wronged him of his liberty most grievously.
A'-iinst Swart he expressed himself with much manly feeling, and judging
from'his manner he appeared to be a dangerous customer for master Swart
to encounter north of Mason and Dixon's line. . i i i
William comi.lained that Swart " would come home late at n.gl.t drun.,
and if he did not find us awake he would not attempt to wake "s, but wonh
bec^in cutting and slashing with a cowhide. He treated h.s wife very ba
ARRIVAL FROM ARLINGTON, MD., 1857. 417
too ; sometimes when she would stand up for the servants he would knuck
her down. Many times at michiiglit she would have to leave the house and
go to her mother's for safety ; she was a very niee woman, but he was the
very old Satan himself."
AVhile William Henry was debarred from learning letters under his brutal
overseer, he nevertheless learned how to plan ways and means by which to
escape his bondage. He lei't his old motiier and two brothers wholly igno-
rant of his movements.
JoHX Henry Moore, another one of the Arlington party, was about
twenty-four years of age, a dark, spare-built man. He named David
Mitchell, of Havre-de-Grace, as the individual above all others M'ho had
kept his foot on his neck. Without undertaking to give John Henry's
description of Mitchell in full, suffice it to give the following facts:
" Mitchell would go off and get drunk, aiid come home, and if the slaves
had not as much work done as he had tasked them with, he would go to
beating them with clubs or anything he could get in his hand. He was
a tall, spare-built man, with sandy hair. He had a wife and flimily, but
his wife was no better than he was." When charges or statements were made
by fugitives against those from whom they escaped, ]>articular pains were
taken to find out if such statements could be verified ; if the explanation
appeared valid, the facts as giveii were entered on the books.
John Henry could not read, but greatly desired to learn, and he looked
as though he had a good head for so doing. Before he left there had been
some talk of selling him South. This rumor had a marked effect upon
John Henry's nervous system ; it also expanded his idea touching traveling,
the Underground Rail Road, etc. As he had brothers and sisters who had
been sold to Georgia he made up his mind that his master was not to be
trusted for a single day; he was therefore one of the most willing-hearted
passengers in the party.
George Hill, also a fellow-passenger, was about twenty-four years of
age, quite black, medium size, and of fair, natural mother wit. In looking
back upon his days of bondage, his mind reverted to Dr. Savington, of Har-
, ford county, as the pers(^n who owed him for years of hard and unrequited
toil, and at the same time was his so called owner.
The Doctor, it seemed, had failed to treat George well, for he declared that
he had never received enough to eat the whole time that he was with him.
"The clothes I have on I got by overwork of nights. When I started I
hadn't a shoe on my foot, these Avere given to me. He was an old man, but
a very wicked man, and drank very hard."
George had been taught field Avork pretty thoroughly, but nothing in the
way of reading and writing.
George explained why he left as follows: "I left because I had got along
with him as well as I could. Last Saturday a week he was in a m-eat ratre
27 so
418 THE UXDERG ROUND RAIL ROAD.
and drunk. Ho shot at nio. He never went away but what lie would come
home drunk, and if any body made him angry out from home, he would
come home and take his spite out of his people."
He owned three grown men, two women and six children. Thus hating
Slavery heartily, George was enthusiastically in favor of Canada.
FIVE PxVSSEXGERS, 1857.
ELIZA JA^^: JOHXSON, HAKKIET STKWART, and her daughter MARY ELIZA,
WILLIAM COLE, AXD HANSON HALL.
Eliza Jane was a tall, dark, young woman, about twenty-three years of
age, and had been held to service by a widow woman, named Sally Sjnser,
who was "anything but a good woman." The place of her habitation was
in Delaware, between Concord and Georgetown.
Eliza Jane's excuse for leaving was this : She charged lier mistress with
trying to work her to death, and with unkind treatment generally. AYheu
times became so hard that she could not stand her old mistress "Sally" any
longer, she " took out."
PlArviiiET did not come in company with Eliza Jane, but by accident
they met at the station in Philadelphia. Harriet and daughter came from
Washington, D. C.
Harriet had treasured up a heavy account against a white man known by
the name of William A. Linton, whom she described as a large, red-faced
man, who had in former years largely invested in slave property, but latterly
he had been in the habit of selling off, until only seven remained, and
among them she and her child were numbered ; therefore, she regarded him
as one who had robbed her of her rights, and daily threatened her with sale.
Harriet M'as a very likely-looking woman, twenty-nine years of age,
medium size, and of a brown color, and far from being a stupid person.
Her daughter also was a smart, and interesting little girl of eight years of
age, and seemed much pleased to be getting out of the reach of slave-holders.
The mother and daughter, however, had not won their freedom thus far,
without great suffering, from the long and fatiguing^ distance which they
were obliged to walk. Sometimes the hardness of the road made them
feel as though they would be compelled to give up the journey, whether
or not ; but they added to their faith, patience, and thus finally succeeded.
Heavy rewards were offered through advertisenients in the Baltimore
Sun, but they availed naught. The Vigilance Committee received them
safely, fully cared for them, and safely sent them through to the land of
refuge. Harriet's daring undertaking obliged her to leave her husband,
ARRIVAL FROM HOWARD CO., 3fB., 1857. 419
John Stewart, behind ; ako one sister, a slave in Georgetown. One brother
had been sold South. Her mother she had laid away in a slave's grave :
but her lather she hoped to find in Canada, he having escajied thither when
she was a small girl ; at least it was supposed that he had gone there.
ARRIVAL FROM HOWARD CO., Md., 1857.
BILL COLE AND HANSOK.
$500 Reward. — Ran away on Saturday night, September 5th, Bill Cole,
aged about 37 years, of copper complexion, stout built, ordinary height, walks
very erect, earnest but squint look when spoken to.
Also, Hanson, copper complexion, well made, sickly look, medium height,
stoops when walking, quick when spoken to ; aged about 30 years.
Three hundred dollars will be paid for the apprehension and delivery of Bill,
if caught out of the State, and two hundred if in the State. Two hundred
dollars for Hanson if out of the State, and one hundred dollars if in the State.
W. Baker Dorset,
Hammond Dorset,
Savage P. 0., Howard county, Md.
Such notoriety as was given them by the above advertisement, did not in
the least damage Bill and Hanson in the estimation of the Committee. It
was rather pleasing to know that they were of so much account as to call
forth such a public expression from the Messrs. Dorsey. Besides it saved
the Committee the necessity of writing out a description of them, the only
fault found with the advertisement being in reference to their ages. Bill,
for instance, was put down ten years younger than he claimed to be. Which
was correct, Bill or his master? The Committee were inclined to believe Bill
in preference to his master, for the simj)le reason that he seemed to account
satisfactorily for his master's making him so young: he (the master) could
sell him for nnich more at thirty-seven than at forty-seven. Unscrupulous
horse-jockies and traders in their fellow-men were about on a par as to that
kind of sharp practice.
Hanson, instead of being only thirty, declared that he was thirty-seven
the fifteenth of February. These errors are noticed and corrected because
it is barely possible that Bill and Hanson may still be lost to their relatives,
who may be inquiring and hunting in every direction for them, and as
many others may tui-n to these records with hope, it is, therefore, doubly
important that these descriptions shall be as far as possible, correct, especially
as regards ages.
Hanson laughed heartily over the idea that he looked "sickly." While
3n the Underground Rail Road, he looked very far from sickly ; on the
3ontrary, a more healthy, fat, and stout-looking piece of property no one
420 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD.
need wish to behold, than was this same Hanson. He confessed, however,
that for some time previous to his departure, he had feigned sickness, — told
his master that he was " sick all over." '' Ten times a day Hanson said
they would ask him how he was, but was not ^villing to make his task
much lighter." The following description was given of his master, and his
reason for leaving him :
" My master was a red-faced farmer, severe temper, would curse, and
swear, and drink, and sell his slaves whenever he felt like it. My mistress
was a pretty cross, curious kind of a woman too, though she was a member
of the Protestant Church. They were rich, and had big farms and a good
many slaves. They didn't allow me any provisions hardly ; I had a wife,
but they did not allow me to go see her, only once in a great while."
Bill providentially escaped from a well-known cripple, whom he under-
took to describe as a " very sneaking-looking man, medium size, smooth
face ; a wealthy farmer, who owned eighteen or twenty head of slaves, and
was Judge of the Orphans' Court." " He sells slaves occasionally." " My
mistress was a very large, rough, Irish-looking woman, with a very bad dis-
position ; it appeared like as if she hated to see a ' nigger,' and she was
always wanting her husband to have some one whipped, and she was a
member of the Methodist Church. My master was a trustee in the Episco-
pal Church."
In consequence of the tribulation Bill had experienced under his Chris-
tian master and mistress, he had been led to disbelieve in the Protestant
faith altogether, and declared that he felt persuaded that it was all a " pre-
tense," and added that he "never went to Church; no place was provided in
church for 'niggers ' except a little pen for the coachmen and waiters."
Bill had been honored with the post of "head man on the place," but of
this office he was not proud.
ARRIVAL FROM PRINCE GEORGE'S COUNTY, MD.
"JIM BELLE."
SlOO Reward. — Ran away from the subscriber on Saturday night, Negro
Man JIM BELLE. Jim is about five feet ten inches high, black color, about
2G years of age : has a down look ; speaks slow when spoken to ; he has large,
thick lips, and a mustache. He was formerly owned by Edward Stansbury,
late of Baltimore county, and purchased by Edward Worthington, near Reis-
terstown, in Baltimore countv, at the late Stansbury's sale, who sold him to
B. M. and W. L. Campbell, of' Baltimore city, of whom I purchased Jim on the
L3th of June last. His wife lives with her mother, Ann Robertson, in Corn Alley, between
Lee and Hill streets, Baltimore city, where he has other relations, and where he is making
his way. I will give the above reward, no matter where taken, so he is brought home or
secured in jail so I get him again. Zachariah Berry, of W.,
j28-6t. near Upper Marlboro', Prince George's county, Md.
ARRIVAL FROM RAPPAHANNOCK COUNTY, 1857. 421
Mr. Zachariah Beny, who manifested so much interest in Jim, may be
until this hour in ignorance of the cause of his running off witliout asking
leave, etc. Jim stated, that he was once sold and flogged unmcrcifullj
simply for calling his master " Mr.," instead of master, and he alleged that
this was the secret of his eyes being opened and his mind nerved to take
advantage of the Underground Rail Road.
While it may not now do Zachariah Berry much good to learn this secret,
it may, nevertheless, be of some interest to those who were of near kin to
Jim to glean even so small a ray of light.
ARRIVAL FROM RAPPAHANNOCK COUNTY, 1857.
PASCAL QUANTENCE.
I Pascal fled from Virginia, and accused Bannon and Brady of doing
\ violence to his liberty. He had, however, been in their clutches only a short
l\ while before escaping, but that short while seemed almost an age, as he was
treated so meanly by them compared with the treatment which he had
experienced under his former master.
According to Pascal's story, which was evidently true, his previous master
was his own father (John Quantence), who had alwa3^s acknowledged Pascal
' as his child, whom he did not scruple to tell people he .should set free; that
he did not intend that he should serve anybody else. But, while out riding
one day, he was thrown from his horse and instantly killed. Naturally
enough, no will being found, his effects were all administered upon and
Pascal was sold with the firm. Bannon and Brady were the purchasers, at
least of Pascal. In their power, immediately the time of trouble began with
Pascal, and so continued until he could no longer endure it. " Hoggish-
ness," according to Pascal's phraseology, was the most predominant trait
in the character of his new masters. In his mournful situation and grief
he looked toward Canada and started with courage and hope, and thus suc-
ceeded. Such deliverances always afforded very great joy to the Com-
mittee.
422 THE UNDERGROUXD RAIL ROAD.
ARRIVAL FROM NORTH CAROLINA, 1857.
HARRT GEIMES, GEORGE UPSUER, AND EDWARD LEWIS.
FEET SLIT FOR RUNNING AWAY, FLOGGED, STABBED, STAYED IN THE HOLLOW OF
A BIG POPLAR TREE, VISITED BY A SNAKE, ABODE IN A CAVE.
The coming of the passengers here noticed was anuouiiced in the subjoined
letter from Thomas Garrett :
Wilmington, 11th Mo. 25tb, 1857.
Eespected Friend, William Still : — I write to inform thee, that Captain Fountain
has arrived this evening from the South with three men, one of which is nearly naked,
and very lousy. He has been in the swamps of Carolina for eighteen months past. One
of the others has been some time out. I would send them on to-night, but will have to
provide two of them with some clothes before they can be sent by rail road. 1 have for-
gotten the number of thy house. As most likely all are more or less lousy, having been
compelled to sleep together, I thought best to write thee so that thee may get a suitable
place to take them to, and meet them at Broad and Prime streets on the arrival of the
cars, about 11 o'clock to-morrow evening. I have engaged one of our men to take them
to his house, and go to Philadelphia with them to-morrow evening. Johnson who will
accompany them is a man in whom we can confide. Please send me the number of thy
house when thee writes. Thomas Garrett.
Tills epistle from the old friend of the fugitive, Thomas Garrett, excited
unusual interest. Preparation was innncdiately made to give the fugitives
a kind reception, and at the same time to destroy their plagues, root and
branch, without mercv.
They arrived according to appointment. The cleansing process was
carried into effect most thoroughly, and no vermin were left to tell the
tale of suffering they had caused. Straightway the passengers Mere made
comfortable in every way, and the spirit of freedom seemed to be burning
like " fire shut up in the bones." The appearance alone of these men indi-
cated their manhood, and wonderful natural ability. The examining Com-
mittee were very desirous of hearing their story without a moment's delay.
As Harry, from having suffered most, was the hero of this party, and
withal was an intelligent man, he Avas first called upon to make his state-
ment as to how times had been with him in the prison house, from his
youth up. He was about fortv-six rears of age, according to his reckoning,
full six feet high, and in muscular a])pearance was very rugged, and in his
countenance were evident marks of firmness. lie said that he was born a
slave in North Carolina, and had been sold three times. He was fir.st sold
when a child three years of age, the second time when he was thirteen years
old, and the third and last time he was sold to Jesse Moore, from Avhom he
fled. Prior to his coming into the hands of Moore he had not experienced
ARRIVAL FROM NORTH CAROLINA, 1857.
423
any very hard usage, at least nothing more severe than fell to the common
lot of slave-boys, therefore the period of his early youth was deemed of too
little interest to record in detail. In fact time only could be afforded for
noticing very briefly some of the more remarkable events of his bondage.
The examining Committee confined their interrogations to his last task-
master.
"How did Moore come by you?" was one of the inquiries. " He bought
me," said Harry, " of a man by the name of Taylor, nine or ten years ago ;
he was as bad as he could be, couldn't be any worse to be alive. He was
about fifty years of age, when I left him, a right red-looking man, big
bellied old fellow, weighs about two hundred and forty pounds. He drinks
hard, he is just like a rattlesnake, just as cross and crabbed when he speaks,
seems like he could go through you. He flogged liiclimond for not plough-
ing the corn good, that was what he pretended to whip him for. Kichmond
ran away, was away four months, as nigh as I can guess, then they cotched
him, then struck him a hundred lashes, and then they split both feet to the
bone, and split both his insteps, and then master took his knife and stuck it
into him in many places ; after he done him that way, he put him into the
barn to shucking corn. For a long time he was not able to work; when he
did partly I'ccover, he was set to work again."
We ceased to record anything further concerning Richmond, although
not a fourth part of what Harry narrated was put upon paper. The
account was too sickenino; and the
desire to hear Harry's account of -5^ ^i. %
himself too great to admit of fur-
ther delay ; so Harry confined him-
self to the sufferings and adventures
which had marked his own life.
Briefly he gave the following facts :
"I have been treated bad. One day
we were grubbing and master said
we didn't do work enough. ' How
came there was no more work done
that day ?' said master to me. I
told him I did work. In a more
stormy manner he 'peated the ques-
tion. I then spoke up and said :
'Massa, I don't know what to say.'
At once raassa plunged his knife into
my neck causing me to stagger.
Massa was drunk. He then drove
me down to the black folk's houses (cabins of the slaves). He then got
his gun, called the overseer, and told him to get some ropes. While he
>..v^
c
'l^^'l^i^/
424
THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD.
was gone I said, 'Massa, now you are going to tie me up and cut me
all to pieces for nothing. I would just as leave you would take your
gun and shoot me down as to tie mo u}) and cut me all to pieces for
nothing.' In a great rage he said 'go.' I jumjied, and he put up his
gun and snapped both barrels at me. lie tlien set his dogs on me, but as I
had been in the habit of making much of them, feeding them, etc.,
they would not folh)w me, and I kept on straight to the woods. My
master and the overseer cotched the horses and tried to run me down, but
as the doufs would not follow me thev couldn't make nothing: of it. It was
the last of August a year ago. The devil was into him, and he flogged and
beat four of the slaves, one man and three of the women, and said if he
could only get hold of me he wouldn't strike me, ' nary-a-lick/ but would
tie me to a tree and empty both barrels into me.
In the woods I lived on nothing,
d4\
-C) you may say, and something too. I
had bread, and roasting ears, and
'taters. I stayed in the hollow of a big
poplar tree for seven months ; the
other part of the time I stayed in a
cave. I suffered mighty bad with the
cold and for something lo eat. Once I
got rae some charcoal and made me
a fire in my tree to warm me, and it
liked to killed me, so I had to take
the fire out. One time a snake come
to the tree, poked its head in the hol-
low and was coming in, and I took
mv axe and chopped him in two. It
was a poplar leaf moccasin, the j)oison-
est kind of a snake we have. AVhilc
in the woods all my thoughts was
how to get away to a free country."
Subsequently, in going back over his past history, ho referred to the fiict,
that on an occasion long before the cave and tree existence, already noticed,
when suffering under this brutal master, he sought protection in tiie woods
and ai^ode twenty-seven months in a cave, before he surrendered himself, or
was captured. His offence, in this instance, was simply because he desu-ed
to see his wife, and "stole" away from his master's plantation and went a
distance of five miles, to where she lived, to see her. For this grave crime
his master threatened to give him a iiundred lashes, and to shoot h mi ;
in order to avoid this ]nnii.shment, he escaped to the woods, etc. The lapse
of a dozen years and recent struggles fi)r an existence, made him thmk
lightly of his former troubles and he would, doubtless, have failed to recall
ARRIVAL FROM NORTH CAROLINA, 1857.
425
his earlier conflicts hut for the desire manifested by the Committee to get
all the information out of him they could.
He was next asked, " Had yon a wife and fiimily ?" " Yes, sir,"
he answered, " I had a wife and eight children, belonged to the ^vidow
Slade." Harry gave the names of his wife and children as follows: Wife,
Susan, and children, Oliver, Sabey, Washington, Daniel, Jonas, Harriet,
Moses and Rosetta, the last named he had never seen. *' Between ray mis-
tress and my master there was not much difference.'^
Of his comrades time admitted of writing out only very brief sketches, as
follows :
EDWARD LEWIS.
$100
Reward. — Ran away from the subscriber, on the 7th of November,
negro slave, EDGAR. He is 36 years old, 6 feet high, of dark brown complex-
ion, very high forehead, is a little bald, and is inclined to stoop in the shoulders.
Edgar says he was raised in Norfolk county, has worked about Norfolk several
years. I bought him at the Auction house of Messrs. Pulliam & Davis, the
20th of July, 1856. The bill of sale was signed by W. Y. Miliner for Jas. A.
Bilisoly, administrator of G. W. Chambers, dec'd. He told one of my negroes
he was going to Norfolk to sell some plunder he had there, then go to Richmond, steal his
wife, get on board a boat about Norfolk, and go to a free State. He can read and write
well, and I have no doubt he has provided himself with papers of some kind. He may
have purchased the papers of some free negro. I will give the above reward of One Hun-
dred Dollars to any person who will arrest and confine him, so I can get him.
C. H. Gay.
My Post office is Laurel, N. C. no, 21.
The above advertisement, which was cut from a Southern paper, brought
light in regard to one of the passengers at least. It was not often that a
slave was so fortunate as to get such a long sketch of himself in a news-
paper. The description is so highly complimentary, that we simply endorse
426 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD.
it as it stands. The sketch as taken for the record book is here transcribed
as foHows :
"Edward reported liiinself from Franklin county, N. C, wliere, accord-
ing to statement, a common farmer by the name of Carter Gay owned him,
under whose oppression his life was rendered most unhapjiy, who stinted
him daily for food and barely allowed him clothing enough to cover
his nakedness, who neither showed justice nor mercy to any under his
control, the 'weaker vessels' not excepted; therefore Edward was con-
vinced that it was in vain to hope for comfort under such a master. IMore-
over, his appetite for liquor, combined with a high temper, rendered him a
being hard to please, but easy to excite to a terrible degree. Scarcely had
Edward lived two years with this man (Gay) Avhen he felt that he had lived
wnth him long enough. Two years previous to his coming into the hands
of Gay, he and his wife were both sold ; che wife one day and he 'the next.
She brought eleven hundred and twenty-five dollars, and he eiglit hundred
and thirty-five dollars ; thus they were sold and resold as a matter of specu-
lation, and husband and wife were parted.
After the fugitives had been well cared for by the Committee, they were
forwarded on North ; but for some reason they were led to stop short of
Canada, readily finding employment and going to work to take care of
themselves. How they were received and in what way they were situated,
the subjoined letter from Edward will explain :
Skaneateles, Dec. 17, 1857.
Dear Sir: — As I promised to let you hear from me as soon as I found a home, I will
now fulfill my promise to you and say that I am alive and well and have found a stopping
place for the winter.
When we arrived at Syracuse we found Mr. Loguen ready to receive us, and as times
are rather hard in Canada he thought best for us not to go there, so he sent us about twenty
miles west of Syracuse to Skaneateles, where George Upshur and myself soon found work.
Henry Grimes is at work in Garden about eight miles from this place.
If you should chance to hear any of my friends inquiring for me, please direct them to
Skaneateles, Onondaga county, N. Y.
If you can inform me of the whereabouts of Miss Alice Jones I shall be very much
obliged to you, until I can pay you better. I forgot to ask you about her when I was at
your house. She escaped about two years ago.
Please not to forget to inquire of my wife, Rachel Land, and if you should hear of her,
let me know immediately. George Upshur and myself send our best respects to you and
your family. Remember us to Mrs. Jackson and Miss Julia. I hope to meet you all
again, if not on earth may we so live that we shall meet in that happy land where tears
and partings are not known.
Let me hear from you soon. This from your friend and well wisher,
Edward Lewis,
formerly, but now William Brady.
ALFRED HOLLON, GEOBOE AND CHAS. N. RODGERS. 427
George Upsher. — The third in this arrival was also a full man.
Slavery had robbed him shamefully it is true; nevertheless he was a man
of superior natural parts, }>hysieally and intellectually. Despite the efforts
of slave-holders to keep him in the dark, he could read and write a little.
His escape in the manner that he did, implied a direct protest against
the conduct of Dr. Thomas W. Upsher, of Richmond, Va., whom, he
alleged, deprived him of iiis hire, and threatened him with immediate sale.
He had lived in North Carolina with the doctor about two years. As a
slave, his general treatment had been favorable, except for a few months
prior to his flight, which change on the part of his master led him to fear
that a day of sale was nigh at hand. In fact the seventh of July had been
atn-eed upon when he was to be in Richmond, to take his place with others
in the market on sale day ; his hasty and resolute move for freedom originated
from this circumstance. He was well-known in Norfolk, and had served
almost all his days in that city. These ]xvssengers averaged about six feet,
and were of uncommonly well-developed physical structure.
The pleasure of aiding such men from the horrors of Carolina Slavery
was great.
ALFRED HOLLON, GEORGE AND CHARLES N. RODGERS.
The loss of this party likewise fills on I^Iaryland. With all the efforts
exerted by slave-holders, they could not prevent the Underground Rail
Road from bringing away passengers.
Alfred was twenty-eight years of age, with sharp features, dark color,
and of medium size. He charged one Elijah J. Johnson, a commissioner of
Baltimore Co., with having deprived him of the fruits of his labor. He
had looked fully into his mastei-'s treatment of him, and had come to the
conclusion that it was wrong in every respect, for one man to make another
work and then take all his wages from him ; thus decided, Alfred, desiring
liberty, whereby he could do better for himself felt that he must "took out"
and make his way to Canada. Nevertheless, he admitted that he had been
''treated pretty well" compared with others. True, he had " not been fed
very well ;" Elijah, his master, was an old man with a white head, tall and
stout, and the owner of fifteen head of slaves. At the same time, a member
of St. John's church.
Alfred had treasured up the sad remembrance against him of the sale
of his mother from him when a little boy, only three years old. While he
was then too young to have retained her features in his memory, the fact
had always been a painful one to reflect upon.
428 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD.
George was twenty-six years of ago, stoat, long-faced, and of dark com-
plexion. He looked as thongli he might have eagerly grasped education if
the opportunity had been allowed him. He too belonged to Elijah J. John-
son, against whom he entertained much more serious objections than Alfred.
Indeed, George did not hesitate to say with emphasis, that he neither liked
his old master, mistress, nor any of the family. Without recording his
grievances in detail, a single instance will suffice of the kind of treatment
to which he objected, and which affordearently more
general intdligenco than either of his comj^anions. He was quite bright-
witted, a rcnuly talker, and with his ])rospects he was much satisfied.
He was twenty-two years of age, blat^k, good-looking, and possessed ver}'
good manners. He represented, tiiat his distinguished master died, leaving
thirteen head of slaves. His (Abe's) father, Tom's mother and the mother
of the Scotts were freed by McLane. Strong hopes were entertained that
PROPERTIES OF HON. L. McLANE AND WM. KNIGHT, Esq. 433
before the old man's death he would make provision in his will for the free-
dom of all the other slaves ; when he died, the contrary was found to be the
fact ; they were still left in chains. The immediate heirs consisted of six
sons and five daughters, who moved in the first circle, were " very wealthy
and aristocratic." Abe was conversant with the fact, that his master, the
" Hon. L. McLane, was once Secretary under President Jackson /' that he
had been " sent to England on a mission for the Government," and that he
had " served two terms in Congress." Some of the servants, Abe said, were
" treated pretty well, but some others could not say anything in the master's
favor." Upon the whole, however, it was manifest that the ]\IcLanc
slaves had not been among the number who had seen severe hardships.
They came from his plantation in Cecil county, Maryland, where they had
been reared.
In order to defend themselves on the Underground Rail Road, they were
strongly armed. Sam had a large horse pistol and a butcher knife ; Jack
had a revolver ; Abe had a double-barrelled pistol and a large knife ; Jim
had a single-barrelled pistol and counted on " blowing a man down if any
one touched " him. Bill also had a single-barrelled pistol, and when he
started resolved to ''come through or die."
Although this party was of the class said to be well fed, well clothed,
and not over-worked, yet to those who heard them declare their utter de-
testation of slavery and their determination to use their instruments of
death, even to the taking of life, rather than again be subjected to the
yoke, it was evident that even the mildest form of slavery was abhorrent.
They left neither old nor young masters, whom they desired to serve any
longer or look up to for care and support.
Jack, who was not of the McLane party, but who came with them, had
been kept in ignorance with regard to his age. He was apparently middle-
aged, medium size, dark color, and of average intelligence. He accused
William Knight, a farmer, of having enslaved him contrary to his will or
wishes, and averred that he fled from him because he used him badly
and kept mean overseers. Jack said that his master owned six farms and
kept three overseers to manage them. The slaves numbered twenty-one
head. The names of the overseers were given in the following order :
"Alfred King, Jimmy Allen, and Thomas Brockston." In speaking of their
habits, Jack said, that they were " very smart when the master was about,
but as soon as he was gone they would instantly drop back." "They were
all mean, but the old boss was meaner than them all," and "the overseers
were ' fraider ' of him than what I was," said Jack.
His master (Mr. Knight), had a wife and seven children, and was a
member of the Episcopal Church, in " good and regular standing." He
was rich, and, with his family, moved in good society. " His wife was too
28
434 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD.
stingy to live, and if she was to die, she would die holding on to something,"
said Jack. Jack had once had a wife and three children, but as they belonged
to a slave-holder ("Jim Price") Jack's rights were wholly ignored, and he
lost them.
ARRIVAL FROM HARFORD CO., 1857.
JOHN MYERS.
John fled from under the yoke of Dr. Joshua R. Nelson. Until within
two years of " Jack's " fliglit, the doctor " had been a very fine man," with
whom Jack found no fault. But suddenly his mode of treatment changed ;
he became very severe. Nothing that Jack could do, met the approval of
the doctor. Jack was constantly looked upon with suspicion.
The very day that Jack fled, four men approached him (the doctor one of
them), with line in hand ; that sign was well understood, and Jack resolved
that they should not get within tying distance of him. " I dodged them,"
said Jack. Never afterwards was Jack seen in that part of the country, at
least as long as a fetter remained.
The day that he " dodged " he also took the Underground Rail Road, and
although ignorant of letters, he battled his way out of Maryland, and suc-
ceeded in reaching Pennsylvania and the Committee. He was obliged to
leave four cliildren behind — John, Abraham, Jane and Ellen.
Jack's wife had been freed and had come to Philadelphia two years in
advance of him. His master evidently supposed that Jack would be mean
enough to wish to see his wife, even in a free State, and that no slave, witli
such an unnatural desire, could be tolerated or trusted, that the sooner such
"articles" were turned into cash the better. This in substance, was the way
Jack accounted for the sudden change which had come over his master. In
defense of his course, Jack referred to the treatment which he had received
while in servitude under his old master, in something like the following
words: "I served under my young master's father, thirty-five years, and
from him received kind treatment. I was his head man on the place, and
had everything to l»ok after."
ARRIVAL FROM ]\[ARYLAND, 1857.
WILLIAM LEE, SUSAN JATTE BOILE AND AMARIAN HXRETIA RISTER,
Although these three jiasscngers arrived in Philadelphia at the same time,
they did not come from Maryland together.
ARRIVAL FROM NORFOLK, VA., 1857. 435
William Lee found himself under the yoke on a farm in the possession
of Zechariah Merica, who, Wm. said, was a "low ignorant man, not above a
common wood-chopper, and owned no other slave property than William."
Against him, however, William brought no accusation of any very severe
treatment; on the contrary, his master talked sometimes "as though he
wanted to be good and get religion, but said he could not while he was try-
ing to be rich." Everything looked hopeless in William's eyes, so far as
the master's riches and his own freedom were concerned. He concluded that
he would leave him the " bag to hold alone." William therefore laid down
"the shovel and the hoe," and, without saying a word to his master, he took
his departure, under the privacy of the night, for Canada. William re[)re-
sented the white and colored races about equally; he was about twenty-seven
years of age, and looked well fitted for a full day's work on a farm.
SusAX Jane came from New Market, near Georgetown Cross-Roads,
where she had been held to unrequited labor by Hezekiah Masten, a farmer.
Although he was a man of fair pretensions, and a member of the Methodist
Church, he knew how to draw the cords very tightly, with regard to his
slaves, keeping his feet on their necks, to their sore grievance. Susan
endured his bad treatment as long as she could, then left, destitute and alone.
I Her mother and father were at the time living in Elkton, Md. Whether
they ever heard what became of their daughter is not known.
Amarian was twenty-one years of age, a person of light color, medium
size, with a prepossessing countenance and smart; she could read, write, and
play on the piano. From a child, Amarian had been owned by Mrs. Eliza-
beth Key Scott, who resided near Braceville, but at the time of her fliglit
she was living at Westminster, in the family of a man named ■'^ Boile," said
to be the clerk of the court. In reference to treatment, Amarian said : " I
ihave always been used very well ; have had it good all my life, etc." This
was a remarkable case, and, at first, somewhat staggered the fliith of the
Committee, but they could not dispute her testimony, consequently they
gave her the benefit of the doubt. She spoke of having a mother living
in Hagerstown, by the name of Amarian Ballad, also three sisters who
were slaves, and two who were free ; she also had a brother in chains in
Mississippi.
ARRIVAL FROM NORFOLK, VA. 1857.
WILLIAM CARNEY AND ANDREW ALLEN.
William was about fifty-one years of age, a man of unmixed blood.
Physically he was a superior man, and his mental abilities were quite above ^
the average of his class.
He belonged to the estate of the late Mrs. Sarah Twyne, who bore the
436 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD.
reputation of being a lady of wealth, and owned one hundral and twelve
slaves. INIost of her slave property was kept on her plantation not far from
Old Point Comfort. According to William's testimony " of times Mrs. Twyne
would meddle too freely with the cup, and when under its influence she was
very desperate, and acted as though she wanted to kill some of the slaves."
After the evil spirit left her and she had regained her wonted composure,
she would pretend that she loved her " negroes," and would make a great
fuss over them. Xot infrequently she would have very serious difficulty
with her overseers. Having license to do as they pleased, they would of
course carry their cruelties to the most extreme verge of punishment. If a
slave was maimed or killed under their correction, it was no loss of theirs.
" One of the overseers by the name of Bill Anderson once shot a young
slave man called Luke and wounded him so seriously that he was not
expected to live." " At another time one of the overseers beat and kicked
a slave to death." This barbarity caused the mistress to be very much
" stirred up," and she declared that she would not have any more white
overseers; condemned them for everything, and decided to change her policy
in future and to a])point her overseers from her own slaves, sotting the
property to watch the property. This system was organized and times were
somewhat better.
William had been hired out almost his entire life. For the last twelve
or fifteen years he had been accustomed to hire his time for one hundred and
thirty dollars per annum. In order to meet this demand he commonly re-
sorted to oystering. By the hardest toil he managed to maintain himself and
family in a humble way.
For the last twenty years (prior to his escape) the slaves had constantly
been encouraged by their mistress' promises to believe that at her death all
would be free, and transported to Liberia, where they would enjoy their
liberty and be happy the reuiainder of their days.
With full faith in her promises year by year the slaves awaited her demise
with as much patience as possible, and often prayed that her time might be
shortened for the general good of the oppressed. Fortunately, as the slaves
thought, she had no children or near relatives to deprive them of their just
and promised rights.
In November, previous to William's escape, her long lookcd-for dissolu-
tion took place. Every bondman who was old enough to realize the nature
and Import of the change felt a great anxiety to learn what the will of their
old mistress said, whether she had actually freed them or not. Alas ! when
the secret was disclosed, it was ascertained that not a fetter was broken, not
a bond nnloosod, and that no provision whatever had been made looking
towards freedom. In this sad case, the slaves could imagine no other
fate than soon to be torn asunder and scattered. The fact was soon made
known that the Hiffh Sheriff had administered on the estate of the late mis-
ARRIVAL FROM HOOPESVILLE. 437
tress; it was therefore obvious enough to William and the more intelligent
slaves that the auction block was near at hand.
The trader, the slave-pen, the auction-block, the coffle gang, the rice swamp
the cotton plantation, bloodhounds, and cruel overseers loomed up before
him, as they had never done before. Without stopping to consider the
danger, he immediately made up his mind that he would make a struggle,
cost what it miglit. He knew of no other way of escape than the Under-
ground Rail Road. He was shrewd enough to find an agent, who gave him
private instructions, and to whom he indicated a desire to travel North on
said road. On examination he was deemed reliable, and a mutual under-
standing was entered into between William and one of the accommodating
Captains running on the Richmond and Philadelphia Line, to the effect that
he, William, should have a first class Underground Rail Road berth, so
perfectly private that even the law-officers coidd not find him.
The first ties to be severed were those which bound him to his wife and
children, and next to the Baptist Church, to which he belonged. His
family were slaves, and bore the following names : his wife, Nancy, and
,children, Simon Henry, William, Sarah, Mary Ann, Elizabeth, Louis, and
Cornelius. It was no light matter to bid them farewell forever. The sepa-
ration from them was a trial such as rarely fidls to the lot of mortals;
but he nerved himself for the undertaking, and when the hour arrived his
strength was sufficient for the occasion.
, Thus in company with Andrew they embarked for an unknown shore,
their entire interests entrusted to a stranger who was to bring them through
difficulties and dangers seen and unseen.
Andrew was about twenty-four years of age, very tall, quite black, and
bore himself manfully. He too was of the same estate that William be-
longed to. He had served on the farm as a common fiirm laborer. He had
had it "sometimes rough and sometimes smooth," to use his own lano-uaire.
The fear of what awaited the slaves prompted Andrew to escape. He too
was entangled with a wife and one child, with whom he parted only as a
friend parts with a companion when death separates them. Catharine was
the name of Andrew's wife ; and Anna Clarissa the name of his child left in
chains.
ARRIVAL FROM HOOPESVILLE, Mi>., 1857.
JAMES CAIX, "general ANDREW JACKSON," AND AITNA PERRY.
These passengers came from the field where as slaves very few privileges
had been affi^rded them.
Jim was about thirty-five years of age, a dark brown skin with average
438 THE UNDERGROUND BAIL ROAD.
intellect for one in his condition. He had toiled under John Burnhara, iu
Dorchester county, from whom he had received hard treatment, but harder
still from his mistress. He averred that she was the cause of matters being
so hard with the slaves on the place. Jim contented himself under his
lot as well as he could uutil within a short time of his escape when he
learned that measures were on foot to sell him. The fear of this change
brought him directly to meditate upon a trip to Canada. Being a married
man he found it hard to leave his wife, Mary, but as she was also a slave,
and kept in the employment of her owners at some distance from where he
lived, he decided to say nothing to her of his plans, but to start when ready
and do the best he could to save himself, as he saw no chance of saving her.
"General Andrew Jackson." When the above " article " gave the
Committee his name they were amused and thought that he was simply
jesting, having done a smart thing in conquering his master by escaping;
but on a fuller investigation they found that he really bore the name, and
meant to retain it in Canada. It had been given him when a child,
and in Slavery he had been familiarly called "Andy," but since he had
achieved his freedom he felt bound to be called by his proi)er name.
General Andrew was about twenty-seven years of age, a full black, and a
man of extraordinary muscular powers, with coarse hard features, such as
showed signs that it would not be safe for his master to meddle with him
wdieu the General's blood was up.
He spoke freely of the man who claimed him as a slave, saying that his
name was Shepherd Houston, of Lewistown, Delaware, and that he owned
seven head of " God's poor," whom he compelled to labor on his farm with-
out a cent of pay, a day's schooling, or an hour's freedom ; furthermore, that
he was a member of the Ebenezer Methodist Church, a class-loader, and an
cxhorter, and in outward show passed for a good Christian. But in speakmg
of his practical dealings with his slaves. General said that he worked them
hard, stinted them shamefully for food, and kept them all the time digging.
Also when testifying with regard to the " weaker vessel," under whose
treatment he had suffered much, the General said that his master's wife had
a meaner disposition than he had ; she preteuded to belong to church too,
said General, but it was nothing but deceit.
This severe critic could not read, but he had very clear views on the ethics
of his master and mistress, agreeing with Scripture concerning whital
sepulchres, etc.
The question of Christian slave-holders, for a great while, seriously
puzzled the wise and learned, but for the slave it wa.s one of the easiest of
solution. All tlie slaves came to the same conclusion, notwithstanding
the teaching of slave-holders on the one idea, that " servants should obey
their masters," etc.
ARRIVAL FROM MARYLAND, \%b^. '439
General had a brother in Baltimore, known by the name of Josephus, also
two sisters Anna and Annie; his father was living at Cannon's Ferrv.
Anna Perry was the intended of General. She was about nineteen
years of age, of a dark brown color, and came from the same neig-liborhood.
According to law Anna was entitled to her freedom, but up to the time of
her escape she had not been permitted to enjoy the favor. She found that
if she would be free she would have to run for it.
John Smith. A better specimen of one who had been ill treated, and in
every way uncared for, could not be easily found. In speecii, manners,
and whole appearance he was extremely rude. He was about twenty
years of age, and in color was of a very dark hue.
That John had received only the poorest kind of " corn-field fare " was
clearly evidenced both by body and mind. Master George H. Morgan was
greatly blamed for John's deficiencies ; it was on his farms, under mean
overseers that John had been crushed and kept under the harrov/.
His mother, Mary Smith, he stated, his master had sold away to New
Orleans, some two years before his escape. The sad effect that this cruel
separation had upon him could only be appreciated by hearing him talk of
it in his own untutored tongue. Being himself threatened with the auction-
block, he was awakened to inquire how he could escape the danger, and
very soon learned that by following the old methods which had been used
by many before him, resolution and perseverance, he might gain the victory
over master and overseers. As green as he seemed he had succeeded admi-
rably in his undertaking.
ARRIVAL FROM MARYLAND, 1858.
GEORGE RUSSELL AND JAMES HENRY THOMPSON.
James, for convenience' sake, was supplied with two other names (Milton
Brown and John Johnson), not knowing exactly how many he would need
in freedom or which would be the best adapted to keep his whereabouts the
most completely veiled from his master.
George reported that he fled from Henry Harris, who lived near Balti-
more on the Peach Orchard Road, and that he had lived with said Harris
all his life. He spoke of him as being a " blustering man, who never liked
the slaves to make anything for themselves." George bore witness that the
usage which he had received had been hard ; evidently his intellev;t had been
seriously injured by what he had suffered under his task-master. George
was of a very dark hue, but not quite up to medium size.
James Henry Thompson did not accompany George, but met him at
the station in Philadelphia. He contrasted favorably with George, being
44d^ THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD.
about twenty-eight years of age, with a countenance indicative of intelligence
and spi*'"it. lie was of a chestnut color and of average size. He charged
one Denuis Mannard, of Johnson ville;^ with being his personal enemy as an
oppressor, \ and added that he could "say nothing good of him." He could
say, howev^er, that Mannard was bitterly opposed to a slave's learning how
to read, wo'ild not listen to the idea of giving them any privileges, and tried
to impress ^,^hem with the idea that they needed to know notiiing but simply
how to worV- hard for the benefit of their masters and mistresses ; in fulfill-
ing these c^mditions faithfully the end for which they had been designed
"would be acssed, nothing more
would have been needed Ibr a thrilling book than the facts and incidents
of slave life, as he had been conversant with it under the Johnsons in
Maryland.
«l
ARRIVAL FROM MARYLAND, nb^. 457
As the other two companions of John Wesley were advertised in the Bal-
timore Sun, we avail ourselves of the light thus publicly afforded:
$ 200 Reward. — Ran away from the subscriber, living on the York Turn-
pike, eight miles from Baltimore city, on Sunday, April 11th, ujy negro man,
JACOB, aged 20 years ; 5 feet 10 inches high ; chestnut color ; spare made ; good
features. I will give $50 reward if taken in Baltimore city or county, and $200
if taken out of the State and secured in jail so that 1 get him again'.
al3-3t*|| WM. J. B. PARLETT.
" Jacob," answering to the description in Mr. Wm. J. B. Parlett's adver-
tisement, gave his views of the man who had enslaved him. His state-
ment is here transferred from the record book : " My master," said Jacob,
" was a farmer, a very rough man, hard to satisfy. I never knew of but
one man who could ever please him. He worked me very hard ; he wanted
to be beating me all the time." This was a luxury which Jacob had no
appetite for, consequently he could not resist signifying his unwillingness
to yield, although resistance had to be made at some personal risk, as his
master had " no more regard for a colored man than he bad for a stone
under his feet." With him the following expression was common : " The
niggers are not worth a d-n." Nor was his wife any better, in Jacob's
opinion. "She was a cross woman, and as much of a boss as he was."
"She would take a club and with both hands would whack away as long
as you would stand it." " She was a large, homely woman ; they were
common white people, with no reputation in the community." Substantially
this was Jacob's unvarnished description of his master and mistress.
As to his age, and also the name of his master, Jacob's statement
varied somewhat from the advertisement. For instance, Jacob Taylor was
noticed on the record book as being twenty-three years of age, and the name
of his master was entered as " William Pollit ;" but as Jacob had never
been allowed to learn to read, be might have failed in giving a correct pro-
nunciation of the name.
When asked what first prompted him to seek his freedom, he replied,
"Oh my senses ! I always had it in my mind to leave, but I was 'jubns',
(dubious ?) of starting. I didn't know the way to come. I was afraid of
being overtaken on the way." He tied from near Baltimore, where he left
brothers and other relatives in chains.
$20 Reward. — Ran away at the same time and in company with the above
negro man, a bright mulatto boy named THOMAS SKINNER, about 18 years
old, 5 feet 8 inches high and tolerable stout made ; he only has a term of years to
serve. I will pay $ 20 reward if dehvered to me or lodged in jail so I can get
him again. GEO. H. CARMAN,
al3-3t*|]. Towsontown, Baltimore county, Md.
About the same time that this advertisement came to hand a certain young
aspirant for Canada was entered on the Underground Rail Road Book thus :
458 THE UNDERGEOUyD BAIL ROAD.
"Thomas Edward Skinner, a bright mulatto, age eighteen years, well
formed, good-looking, and wide awake ; says, that he fled from one G. H.
Carman, Esq., head Clerk of the County Court." He bore voluntary testi-
mony to Carman in the following words: "He was a very good man ; he
fed and clothed well and gave some money too occasionally." Yet Thomas
had no idea of remaining in Slavery under any circumstances. He hated
everything like Slavery, and as young as he was, he had already made
five attempts to escape. On this occasion, Avith older and wiser heads, he
succeeded.
AREIVAL FROM NEW MARKET, 1858.
ELIJAH SHAW.
This " article " reported himself as having been deprived of his liberty by
Dr. Ephraim Bell, of Baltimore County, Maryland. He had no fault to
find with the doctor, however ; on the contrary', he spoke of him as a " very
clever and nice man, as much so as anybody need to live with ;" but of his
wife he could not speak so favorably ; indeed, he described her as a most
tyrannical woman. Said Elijah, " she would make a practice of rapping the
broomstick around the heads of either men, \voraen, or children Avhen she
got raised, which was pretty often. But she never rapped me, for I wouldn't
stand it ; I shouldn't fared any better than the rest if I hadn't been resolute.
I declared over and over again to her that I would scald her with the tea
kettle if she ever took the broomstick to me, and I meant it. She took good
care to keep the broomstick from about my head. She was as mischievous
and stingy as she could live; wouldn't give enough to eat or wear. These
facts and many more were elicited from Elijah, when in a calm state of mind
and when feeling much elated with the idea that his efforts in casting off the
yoke were met with favor by the Committee, and that the accommodations
and privileges on the road were so much greater tlian he had ever dreamed
of. Such luck on the road was indeed a matter of wonder and delight to
passengers generally. They were delighted to find that the Committee
received them and forwarded them on " without money and without price."
Elijah was capable of realizing the worth of such friendship. He was a
young man twenty-tliree years of age, spare made, yellow complexion, of
quick motion and decidedly collected in his bearing. In short, he was a
man well adapted to make a good British subject.
I
ARRIVAL FROM VIRGINIA, 1858. 459
ARRIVAL FROM VIRGINIA, 1858.
MARY FRANCES MELVIN, ELIZA HENDERSON, AND NANCY GRANTHAM.
Mary Frances hailed from Norfolk ; she had been m servitude under
Mrs. Chapman, a widow lady, against whom she had no complaint to make ;
ndeed, she testified that her mistress was very kind, although fully allied to
slavery. She said that she left, not on account of bad treatment, but
imply because she wanted her freedom. Her calling as a slave had 'been
hat of a dress-maker and house servant. Mary Frances was about twenty-
hree years of age, of mixed blood, refined in her manners and somewhat
lultivated.
^ Eliza Henderson, who happened at the station at the same time that
^'ranees was on hand, escaped from Richmond. She was twenty-eight years
.f age, medium size, quite dark color, and of pleasant countenance. Eliza
Jleged that one William Waverton had been wronging her by keeping her
lown-trodden and withholding her hire. Also, that this same AYas^ertou
lad, on a late occasion, brought his heavy fist violently against her "jaws,"
diich visitation, however "kindly" intended by her chivalrous mastJr,
)roduced such an unfavorable impression on the mind of Eliza that she at
lice determined not to yield submission to him a day longer than she could
iud an Underground Rail Road conductor who would take her North.
The blow that she had thus received made her almost frantic; she had
lowever thought seriously on the question of her rights before this outrage.
In Waverton's household Eliza had become a fixture as it were, especiaUy
nth regard to his children; she had won their affections completely, and she
/as under the impression that in some instances their influence had saved
er from severe punishment; and for them she manifested kindly feelings,
n speaking of her mistress she said that she was " only tolerable."
It would be useless to attempt a description of the great satisfaction and
elight evinced by Eliza on reaching the Committee in Philadeli)hia.
Nancy Grantham also fled from near Richmond, and was fortunate in
lat she escaped from the prison-house at the age of nineteen. She pos-
sssed a countenance peculiarly mild, and was good-looking and interesting,
nd ^although evidently a slave her father belonged strictly to the white
lan's party, for she was fully half white. She was moved to escape simply
) shun her master's evil designs; his brutal purposes were only frustrated
y the utmost resolution. This chivalric gentleman was a husband, the
ither of nine children, and the owner of three hundred slaves. He bc-
)nged to a family bearing the name of Christian, and was said to be an
[. D. " He was an old man, but very cruel to all his slaves." It was said
>at Nancy's sister was the object of his lust, but she resisted, and the re-
lit was that she was sold to New Orleans. The auction-block was not the
460 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD.
only punishment she was called upon to endure for her fidelity to her
womanhood, for resistance to her master, but before being sold she was
cruelly scourged.
Nancy's sorrows first commenced in Alabama. Five years previous to
her escape she was brought from a cotton plantation in Alabama, where
she had been accustomed to toil in the cotton-field. In comparing and con-
trasting the usages of slave-holders in the two States in which she had
served, she said she had " seen more flogging under old Christian " than she
had been accustomed to see in Alabama ; yet she concluded, that she could
hardly tell which State was the worst; her cup had been full and very bitter
in both States.
Nancy said, " the very day before I escaped, I was required to go to his
(her master's) bed-chamber to keep the flies ofiF of him as he lay sick, or
pretended to be so. Notwithstanding, in talking with me, he said that he
was coming to my pallet that night, and with an oath he declared if I made
a noise he would cut my throat. I told him I would not be there. Accord-
ingly he did go to my room, but I had gone for shelter to another room. At
this his wrath waxed terrible. Next morning I was called to account for
getting out of his way, and I was beaten awfully." This outrage moved
Nancy to a death-struggle for her freedom, and she succeeded by dressing
herself in male attire.
After her harrowing story was told with so much earnestness and intel-
ligence, she was asked as to the treatment she had received at the hand of
Mrs. Christian (her mistress). In relation to her, Nancy said, " Mrs. Chris-
tian was afraid of him (master) ; if it hadn't been for that I think she
would have been clever; but I was often threatened by her, and once she
undertook to beat me, but I could not stand it. I had to resist, and she got
the worst of it that time."
All that may now be added, is, that the number of young slave girls
shamefully exposed to the base lusts of their masters, as Nancy was — truly
>vas legion. Nancy was but one of the number who resisted influences
apjiareutly overpowering. All honor is due her name and memory !
She was brought away secreted on a boat, but the record is silent as to
which one of the two or three Underground Rail Road captains (who at
that time occasionally brought passengers), helped her to escape. It was
hard to be definite concerning minor matters while absorbed in the painful
reflections that her tale of suffering had naturally awakened. If one liad
arisen from the dead the horrors of Slavery could scarcely have been more
vividly pictured ! But in the multitude of travelers coming under the
notice of the Committee, Nancy's story was soon forgotten, and new and
marvellous narratives were told of others who had shared the same bitter
cup, who had escaped from the same hell of Slavery, who had panted for
the same freedom and won the same prize.
ARRIVAL FROM RICHMOND, 1858. 461
AREIVAL FROM RICHMOND, 1858.
ORLANDO J. HUXT,
When Orlando escaped from Richmond the Underground Rail Road
business was not very brisk. A disaster on the road, resulting in the cap-
ture of one or two captains, tended to damp the ardor of some who wanted
to come, as well as that of symjiathizers. The road was not idle, however.
Orlando's coming was hailed with great satisfaction. He was twenty-nine
years of age, full black, possessed considerable intelligence, and was fluent
in speech ; fully qualified to give clear statements as to the condition of
Slavery in Richmond, etc. While the Committee listened to his narrations
with much interest, they only took note of how he had fared, and the cha-
racter of the master he was compelled to serve. On these points the sub-
stance of his narrations may be found annexed :
" I was owned by High Holser, a hide sorter, a man said to be rich, a
good Catholic, though very disagreeable ; he was not cruel, but was very
driving and abusive in his language towards colored people. I have been
held in bondage about eighteen years by Holser, but have failed, so far, to
find any good traits in his character. I purchased my mother for one
hundred dollars, when she was old and past labor, too old to earn her hire
and find herself; but she was taken away by death, before I had finished
paying for her ; twenty-five dollars only remained to be paid to finish the
agreement. Owing to her unexpected death, I got rid of that much, which
was of some consequence, as I was a slave myself, and had hard work to
raise the money to purchase her."
Thus, finding the usages of Slavery so cruel and outlandish, he resolved
to leave " old Virginny " and " took out," via the Underground Rail Road.
He appeared to be of a religious turn of mind, and felt that he had "a call
to preach."
After his arrival in Canada, the following letter was received from him:
St. Catharines, C. W., May 6th, 1858.
My Dear Friend : — Wm. Still : — Mr, Orlando J. Hunt, who has just arrived here
from Richmond, Va., desires me to address to you a line in his behalf. Mr. Hunt is
expecting his clothing to come from Richmond to your care, and if you have received
them, he desires you to forward them immediately to St. Catharines, in my care, in the
safest and most expeditious way in your power. Mr. Hunt is much pleased with this
land of freedom, and I hope he may do well for himself and much good to others. He
preached here in the Baptist church, last evening.
He sends his kind regards and sincere thanks to you and your family, and such friends
as have favored him on his way. Very respectfully yours,
Hiram Wilson, for Orlando Hunt.
i
462 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD.
ARRIVAL FROM NORFOLK, VA., 1858.
WILLIAM MACKEY.
"William made no complaint against his master of a serious nature
touchinsf himself. True, he said his " master was a frolicker, and fond of
drink," but he was not particularly unkind to him. His name was Tunis;
he was a military man, and young ; consequently William had not been in
his hands long. Prior to his being owned by the young master, he had
lived with old mistress Tunis. Concerning her the following is one of
William's statements :
" My sister about the first of this month, three weeks after her confine-
ment, had word sent to her by her mistress, Mrs. Tunis, that she thought it
was time for her to come out and go to work, as she had been laying by
long enough." In reply to this message, William said that "his sister sent
word to her mistress, that she was not well enough, and begged that her
mistress would please send her some tea and sugar, until she got well enough
to go to work. The mistress' answer was to the effect that she did not
intend to give her anything until she went to work, and at the same time
she sent word to her, that she had better take her baby down to the back of
the garden and throw it away, adding 'I will sell her, etc.' "
It was owing to the cruelty of Mrs. Tunis that William was moved to
flee. According to his statement, which looked reasonable and appeared
truthful, he had been willed free by his master, who died at the time that
the plague was raging in Norfolk. At the same time his mistress also had
the fever, and was dreadfully frightened, but recovered. Not long after this
event it was William's belief that the will was made away with through
the agency of a lawyer, and in consequence thereof the slaves were retained
in bondage.
ARRIVAL FROM NEAR BALTIMORE, 1858.
HENRY TUCKER.
Henry fled from Baltimore county ; disagreement between him ?vA his
so-called master was the cause of his flight. Elias Sneveley, a farmer, known
on the Arabella Creek Place as a " hard swearer," an " old bachelor," and a
common tormentor of all around him, was the name of the man that Harry
said he fled from. Not willing to be run over at the pleasure of Sneveley,
on two occasions just before his escape serious encounters had arisen between
master and slave.
Henry being spirited and hungering for freedom, while his master was
old and hardened in his habits, very grave results had well nigh happened ;
Jl
ARRIVAL FROM WASHINGTON, 1858. 463
it was evident, therefore, in Harry's opinion that the sooner he took liis
departure for Canada the better. His father's example was ever present to
encourage him, for he had escaped when Henry was a little boy ; (his name
was Benjamin Tucker). A still greater incentive, however, moved him,
which was that his mother had been sold South five years prior to his escape,
since which time he had heard of her but once, and that vaguely.
Although education was denied him, Henry had too much natural ability
to content himself under the heel of Slavery. He saw and understood the
extent of the wrongs under which he suffered, and resolved not to abide in
such a condition, if, by struggling and perseverance, he could avoid it. In
his resolute attempt he succeeded without any very severe suffering. He
was not large, rather below the ordinary size, of a brown color, and very
plucky.
ARRIVAL FROM VIRGINIA, 1858.
PETEK NELSON. (RESEMBLED AN IRISHMAN.)
The coming of this strange-looking individual caused much surprise^
representing, as he did, if not a full-blooded Irishman, a man of Irish
descent. He was sufficiently fair to pass for white anywhere, with his hat
on — with it off, his hair would have betrayed him; it was light, but quite
woolly. Nor was he likely to be called handsome; he was interesting,
nevertheless. It was evident, that the " white man's party " had damaged
him seriously. He represented that he had been in the bonds of one James
Ford, of Stafford county, Virginia, and that this " Ford was a right tough
jold fellow, who owned about two dozen head." " How does he treat them ?'^
he was asked. " He don't treat them well no way," replied the passenger.
''Why did you leave?" was the next question. "Because of his fighting^
knocking and carrying on so," was the prompt answer. The Committee
fully interviewed him, and perceived that he had really worn the fetters of
Slavery, and that he was justified in breaking his bonds and fleeing for
refuge to Canada, and was entitled to aid and sympathy. Peter was about
twenty-four years of age. He left nine brothers and sisters in bondage.
ARRIVAL FROM WASHINGTON, 1858.
MARY JONES AND STJSAN BELL,
These " weaker vessels " came from the seat of government. Mary con-
fessed that she had been held to service as the property of Mrs. Henry Hard-
ng, who resided at Rockville, some miles out of Washington. Both Mr.
464 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD.
and Mrs Harding she considered " bad enough," but added, " if it had not
been for tlie young set I could get along with them ; they can't be i)leased."
Yet Mary had not fared half so hard under the Hardings as many slaves
had under their claimants. Intellectually, she was quite above the average;
she was tall, and her appearance was such as to awaken sympathy. Through
the permission of her claimant she had been in the habit of hiring her time
for three dollars per month and find herself; she was also allowed to live
in Washington. Such privileges, with wages at so low a rate, were thought
to be extra, and could only be obtained in exceptional cases.
" In nine years," said Mary, " I have not even as much as received an
apron from them," (her owners). The meanness of the system under which
she had been required to live, hourly appeared clearer and clearer to her, as
she was brought into contact with sympathizing spirits such as she had
never known before.
Susan, who was in Mary's charge, was an invalid child of four years of
age, who never walked, and whose mother had escaped to Canada about
three years before under circumstances which obliged her to leave this child,
then only a year old.
Susan had been a great suiferer, and so had her mother, who had been a
long time anxiously looking and praying for her coming, as she had left her
in charge of friends who were to take care of her until the way might open
for her safe delivery to her mother. Many letters, fitted to awaken very
deep feelings came from the mother about this child. It was a satisfaction
to the Committee to feel that they could be the medium in aiding in the
reunion of mother and child.
ARRIVAL FROM VIRGINIA, 1858.
WILLIAM CARPENTER.
Escaped from the Father of the Fugitive Slave Law — Senator !Mason.
It was highly pleasing to have a visit from a ''chattel" belonging to the
leading advocate of the infamous Fugitive Slave Bill. He was hurriedlv
interviewed for the sake of reliable information.
That William possessed a fair knowledge of slave life under the Senatoi
there was no room to doubt, although incidents of extreme cruelty might noi
have been so common on Mason's place as on some others. While the verba
interchange of views was quite full, the hour for the starting of the Under
ground Rail Road train arrived too soon to admit of a full report for tli<
record book. From the original record, however, the following statement ii
taken as made by William, and believed to be strictly true. We give it a
ARRIVAL FROM THE OLD DOMINION. 4G5
it stands on the old Underground Rail Road book : " I belonged to Senator
Mason. The Senator was down on colored people. He owned about eighty
head — was very rich and a big man, rich enough to lose all of them. He
kept terrible overseers ; they would beat you with a stick the same as a dof^
The overseers were poor white trash ; he woukl give them about sixty dollars
a year."
The Fugitive Slave Law and its Father are both numbered with the
" Lost Cause," and the " Year of Jubilee has come."
ARRIVAL FROM THE OLD DOMINION.
NINE VERY FINE "ARTICLES." LEW JONES, OSCAR PAYNE, MOSE WOOD, DAVE
DIGGS, JACK, HEN, AND BILL DADE, AND JOE BALL.
The coming of this interesting party was as gratifying, as their departure
must have been disagreeable to those who had been enjoying the fruits of
their unpaid labor. Stockholders of the Underground Rail Road, con-
ductors, etc., about this time were well pleased with the wonderful success
of the road, especially as business was daily increasing.
Upon inquiry of these passengers individually, the following results were
obtained :
Lewis was about fifty-two years of age, a man of superior stature, six feet
high, with prominent features, and about one third of Anglo-Saxon blood in
his veins. The apparent solidity of the man both with respect to body and
mind was calculated to inspire the idea that he would be a first-rate man to
manage a farm in Canada.
Of his bondage and escape the following statement was obtained from
him : " I was owned by a man named Thomas Sydan, a Catholic, and a
farmer. He was not a very hard man, but was very much opposed to black
folks having their liberty. Pie owned six young slaves not grown up. It
was owing to Sydan's mother's estate that I came into his hands; before her
death I had hoped to be free for a long time as soon as she died. My old
mistress' name was Nancy Sydan; she was lame for twenty years, and
couldn't walk a step without crutches, and I was her main support. I was
foreman on the farm ; sometimes no body but me would work, and I was
looked up to for support. A good deal of the time I would have to attend
to her. If she was going to ride, I would have to pick her up in my arms
and put her in the carriage, and many times I would have to lift her in her
sick room. No body couldn't wait upon her but me. She had a husband,
and he had a master, and that was rum; he drank very hard, he killed him-
self drinking. He was poor support. When he died, fifteen years ago, he
left three sons, Thomas, James, and Stephen, they were all together then,
30
466 THE UNDERGROUXD RAIL ROAD.
only common livers. After his death about six years mistress died. I felt
sure then I would be free, but was very badly disappointed. I went to my
young masters and asked them about my freedom ; they laughed at me and
said, no such thought had entered their heads, that I was to be free. The
neighbors said it was a shame that th^ should keep me out of my freedom,
after I had been the making of the tamily, and had behaved myselt so
laithful. One gentleman asked master John what he would take for me,
and offered a thousand dollars; that was three months before I ran away, and
massa John said a thousand dollars wouldn't buy one leg. I hadn't any-
thing to hope for from them. I served them all my life, and they didn't
thank me for it. A short time before I come away my aunt died, all the
kin I had, and they wouldn't let me go to the funeral. They said ' the
time couldn't be spared.' " This was the last straw on the camel's back.
In Lewis' grief and disappointment he decided that he would run away
the first chance that he could get, and seek a home in Canada. He held
counsel with others in whom he could confide, and they fixed on a time to
start, and resolved that they would suffer anything else but Slavery. Lewis
was delighted that he had managed so cunningly to leave master Tom and
mistress Margaret, and their six children to work for their own living. He
had an idea that they would want Lew for many things ; the only regret
he felt was that he had served them so long, that they had received his sub-
stance and strength for half a century. Fortunately Lewis' wife escaped
three days in advance of him, in accordance with a mutual understanding.
They had no children. The suffering on the road co.st Lewis a little less
than death, but the joy of success came soon to chase away the effects of
the pain and hardship which had been endured.
Oscar, the next passenger, was advertised as follows :
|200 Reward. — Ran away from the service of the Rev. J. P. McGuire,
Episcopal High School, Fairfax countv,Va., on Saturday, 10th inst Noero Man,
Oscar Payne, aged 30 years, 5 feet 4 inches in height, square bnilt,. mulatto
color, thick, bushy suit of hair, round, full face, and when spoken to has a
pleasant manner— clothes not recollected.
I will give $200 for his recovery if taken out of the State, or $150 if taken in
the btate, and secured that I can get him.
T. D. Fendall. jyl7-6t.
Such announcements never friglitened the Underground Rail Rond Com-
mittee ; indeed, the Committee rather preferred sooinir \\\o. names of their
passengers in the papers, as, in that case, they could nil the move cautiously
provide agnin.^t Messrs. slave-hunters. O.'^car was a « prime, fir.-t-clnss arti-
cle," worth $1800. The above description of him is endorsed. His stoiy
ran thus :
" I have .served under ]Vriss :^^nry Dado, of Alexandria— IMiss Dade was
a very clever mi.stress , she hired mo out. When I left I was hired at the
Episcopal school— High School of Yirguiia. With rae times had been very
ARRIVAL FROM THE OLD DOMINION. 467
well. No privilege was allowed me to study books. I cannot say that I
left for any other cause than to get my freedom, as I believe I have been
used as well as any slave in the District. I left no relatives but two cousins;
ray two brothers ran away, Brooks and Lawrence, but where they went I
can't tell, but would be pleased to know. Three brothers and one sister
have been sold South, can't tell where they are." Such was Oscar's brief
narrative ; that he was truthful there was no room to doubt.
The next pa&senger was Moses or "Mose," who looked as though he had
been exceedingly well-cared for, being plump, fat, and extra-smart. He
declared that General Briscoe, of Georgetown, D. C., had been defrauding
hira out of thirteen dollars per month, this being the amount for which he
was hired, and, instead of being allowed to draw it for himself, the general
pocketed it. For this "kind treatment" he summed up what seemed to
be a true bill for ten years against the general. But he made another
charge of a still graver character : he said that the general professed to own
him. But as he (Moses) was thoroughly tired, and believed that Slavery
was no more justifiable than murder, he made up his mind to leave and join
the union party for Canada. He stated that the general owned a large
number of slaves, which he hired out principally. Moses had no special
fault to find with his master, except such as have been alluded to, but as
to mistress Briscoe, he said, that she was pretty rough. Moses left four
sisters in bondage.
David, the next member of this freedom-loving band, was an intelligent
man; his manners and movements were decidedly prepossessing. He was
about thirty-seven years of age, dark, tall, and rather of a slender stature,
possessing very large hopes. He charged Dr. Josiah Harding of Rockville,
Montgomery county, with having enslaved him contrary to his wish or will.
As a slave, David had been required at one time to work on a farm, and
at another time to drive carriage, of course, without pay. Again he had
been bound as a waiter on the no pay system, and again he had been called
into the kitchen to cook, all for the benefit of the Doctor — the hire going
into the Dr.'s pocket. This business David protested against in secret,
but when on the Underground Eail Road his protestations were " over and
above board."
Of the Doctor, David said, that " he was clever, but a Catholic ;" he also
said, that he thought his wife was "■ tolerable clever," although he had never
been placed under her where he would have had an opportunity of learning
her bad traits if she had any.
The Doctor had generously bargained with David, that he could have
himself by paying $1000; he had likewise figured up how the money might
be paid, and intimated what a nice thing it would be for "Dave " to wake
up some morning and find himself his own man. This was how it was to be
accomplished : Dave was to pay eighty-five dollars annually, and in about
468 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD.
twelve years he would have the thousand, and a little over, all made up.
On this principle and suggestion Dave had been digging faithfully and hard,
and with the aid of friends he had nearly succeeded. Just when he was within
sight of the grand prize, and just as the last payment was about to be made,
to Dave's utter surprise the Doctor got very angry one day about some
trifling matter (all pretension) and in his pretended rage he said there were
too many " free niggers " going about, and he thought that Dave would do
better as a slave, etc.
After that, all the satisfaction that he was able to get out of the Doctor,
was simply to the effect, that he had hired him to Mr, Morrison for one
hundred and fifty dollars a year. After his " lying and cheating " in this
way, David resolved that he would taiie his chances on the Underground
Rail Road. Not a spark of faith did he have in the Doctor. For a time,
however, before the opportunity to escape offered, he went to Mr, Morrison
as a waiter, where it was his province to wait on six of the Judges of the
Supreme Court of the United States. In the meantime his party matured
arrangements for their trip, so Dave " took out " and left the Judges without
a waiter. The more he reflected over the nature of the wrongs he had
suffered under, the less he thought of the Doctor.
Joe, who also came with this band, was half Anglo-Saxon ; an able-bodied
man, thirty-four years of age. He said, that " Miss Elizabeth Gordon, a
white woman living in Alexandria," claimed him. He did not find much
fault with her. She permitted him to hire his time, find his own clothing,
etc., by which regulation Joe got along smoothly. Neverthelei«s he declared,
that he was tired of wearing the yoke, and felt constrained to throw it off as
soon as possible. Miss Gordon was getting old, and Joe noticed that the
young tribe of nephews and nieces was multiplying in large numbers. This
he regarded as a very bad sign ; he therefore, gave the matter of the Under-
ground Rail Road his serious attention, and it was not long ere he was fully
persuaded that it would be wisdom for him to tarry no longer in the prison-
\ house. Joe had a M-ifc and four children, which were as heavy weights to
'' hold him in Virginia, but the spirit of liberty prevailed. Joe, also, left two
sisters, one free, the other a slave. His wife belonged to the widow Irwin.
She had assured hor slaves, that she had " provided for them in her will,"
and that at her death all would be freed. They were daily living on the
faith thus created, and obviously thought the sooner the Lord relieved the old
mistress of her earthly troubles the better.
Although Joe left his wife and children, he did not forget them, but had
strong faith they would be reunited. JkAfter going to Canada, he addressed
several letters to the Secretary of the Committee concerning his family, and
as will be seen by the following, he looked with ardent hopes for their
arrival :
ARRIVAL FROM THE OLD DOMINION. 469
Toronto, Nov. 7th, 1857.
Deak Me. Still :— As I must again send you a letter fealing myself oblidge to you for
all you have done and your kindness. Dear Sir my wife will be on to Philadelphia on the
8th 7th, and I would you to look out for her and get her an ticket and send her to me
Toronto. Her name are May Ball with five children. Please send her as soon as you can.
Yours very truly, Joseph Ball.
Will you please to telegrape to me, iSlo. 31 Dummer st.
Jake, another member of the company of nine, was twenty-two years of
age, of dark line, round-made, keen eyes, and apparently a man of superior
intelligence. Unfortunately his lot had been of such a nature that no
helping opportunity had been afforded for the cultivation of his mind.
He condemned in very strong terms a man by the name of Benjamin B.
Chambers, Avho lived near Elkton, but did not there require the services
of Jake, hiring Jake out just as he would have hired a horse, and likewi.se
keeping his pay. Jake thought that if justice could have been awarded him.
Chambers would either have had to restore that of which he had wrontred
him, or expiate the wrong in prison.
Jake, however, stood more in awe of a young master, who was soon likely
to come into power, than he did of the old master. This son had already
given Jake to understand that once in his hands it " wouldn't be long before
he would have him jingling in his pocket," signifying, that he would sell
him as soon as his father was gone.
The manner of the son stirred Jake's very blood to boiling heat it
seemed. His suffering, and the suffering of his fellow-bondsmen had never
before appeared so hard. The idea that he must work, and be sold at the
pleasure of another, made him decide to " pull up stakes," and seek refuge
elsewhere. Such a spirit as he possessed could not rest in servitude.
Mary Ann, the wife of Jake, who accompanied him, was a pleasant- look-
ing bride. She said that she was owned by " Elias Rhoads, a farmer, and a
pretty fair kind of a man." She had been treated very well.
John and Henry Dade, ages twenty and twenty-five years, were from
Washington. They belonged to the class of well-cared for slaves ; at least
they said that their mistress had not dealt severely with them, and they
never would have consented to pass through the severe sufferings encountered
on their journey, but for the strong desire they had to be free. From
Canada John wrote back as follows :
St. Catharines, Canada.
Mr. Still, Sir : — I ar rivd on Friday evenen bot I had rite smart troble for my mony
gave out at the bridge and I had to fot et to St. Catherin tho I went rite to worke at the
willard house for 8 dolor month bargend for to stae all the wentor bot I havent eny clouse
nor money please send my tronke if et has come. Derate et to St. Catharines to the
willard house to John Dade and if et ant come plice rite for et soon as posable deract your
letter to Rosenen Dade Washington send your deraction please tend to this rite a way for
I haf made ^^good start I think that I can gate a longe en this plase. If my brother as
470
THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD.
well send him on for I haf a plase for him ef he ant well please dont send him for this as
no plase for a sik possan. The way I got this plase I went to see a fran of myen from
Washington. L)an al well and he gave me werke. Pleas ancer this as soon as you gat et
you must excues this bad riting for my chance wars bot small to line this mouch,
John H. Dade.
If yon haf to send for my tronke to "Washington send the name of John Trowharte. Sir
please rite as soon as you gat this for et as euporten. John H. Dade.
ARRIVAL FROM DELAWARE, 1858.
GEORGE LAWS AND COMRADE— TIED AND HOISTED WITH BLOCK AND TACKLE, TO
BE COWHIDED. '
George represented the ordinary young slave men of Delaware. He
was of unmixed blood, medium size and of humble appearance. He was
destitute of the knowledge of spelling, to say nothing of reading. Slavery
had stamped him unmistakably for life. To be scantily fed and clothed^
and compelled to work without hire, George did not admire, but had to sub-
mit without murmuring ; indeed, he knew that his so-called master, whose
name was Denny, would not be likely to hear complaints from a slave ; he
therefore dragged his chain and yielded to his daily task.
One day, while hatiling dirt with
a fractious horse, the animal mani-
fested an unwillingness to perforin
his duty satisfactorily. At this pro-
cedure the master charged George
with provoking the beast to do wick-
edly, and in a rage he collared George
and bade him accompany him " up
stairs" (of the soap house). Not
daring to resist, George went along
with him. Ropes being tied around
both his wrists, the block and tackle
were flistened thereto, and George
soon found himself hoisted on tip-toe
with his feet almost clear of the floor.
The "kind-lieartod master" then
tore all the poor fellow's old shirt
off his back, and addressed him
thus : " You son of a b — h, I will
give you pouting around me; stay
there till I go up town for my cow-
hide."
AlilllVAL FROM DELAWARE, 1858. 47I
George begged piteously, but in vain. The fracas caused some excitement,
and it so happened tliat a show was to be exhibited that day in the town
which, as is usual in the country, brought a great many peoj^le from a dis-
tance; so, to his surprise, when the master returned with his cowliide, he
found tliat a large number of curiosity-seekers had been attracted to the
soap house to see Mr. Denny perform with his cowhide on George's back,
as he was stretched up by his hands. Many had evidently made up their
minds that it would be more amusing to see the cowhiding than the circus.
The spectators numbered about three hundred. This was a larger number
than Mr. Denny had been accustomed to perform before, consequently he
was seized with embarrassment ; looking confused he left the soap house and
went to his office, to await the dispersion of the crowd.
The tlirong finally retired, d,nd left George hanging in mortal agony.
Human nature here made a death-struggle ; the cords which bound his wrists
were unloosed, and George was then prepared to strike for freedom at the
mouth of the cannon or point of the bayonet. How Denny regarded the
matter when he found that George had not only cheated him out of the
antici])ated delight of cowhiding him, but had also cheated him out of him-
self is left for the imagination to picture.
George fled from Kent; he was accompanied by a comrade whose name
inadvertently was not recorded ; he, however, was described as a dark, round,
and full-faced, stout-built man, with bow legs, and bore the appearance of
having been used hard and kept down, afid in ignorance, &c. Hard usage
constrained him to flee from his sore oppression.
ARRIVAL FROM DELAWARE, 1858.
JOHN WEEMS, ALIAS JACK HERRING.
Although Jack was but twenty-three years of age, he had tasted the bitter
cup of Slavery pretty thoroughly under Kendall B. Herring, who was a
member of the Methodist Church, and in Jack's opinion a "mere pretender,
and a man of a very bad disposition." Jack thought that he had worked
full long enough for this Herring for nothing. When a boy twelve years
of age, his mother was sold South ; from that day, until the hour that he
fled he had not heard a word from her. In making up his mind to leave
Slavery, the outrage inflicted upon his mother only tended to increase
his resolution.
In speaking of his mistress, he said that "she was a right fine woman."
Notwithstanding all his sufferings in the Kendall family, he seemed willing
to do justice to his master and mistress individually. He left one sister free
and one brotJier in the hands of Herring. Jack was described as a man of
dark color, stout, and well-made.
472 THE UNDEBGROUKD BAIL ROAD.
ARRIVAL FROM MARYLAND, 1858.
RUTH HARPER, GEORGE ROBIXSON, PRISCILLA GARDENER, AND JOSHUA
JOHN ANDERSON.
Ruthie's course in seeking her freedom left John McPherson a woman
less to work for him, and to whip, sell, or degrade at his pleasure. It is due
to candor, however, to say that she admitted that she had not been used very
roughly by Mr. McPherson. Ruth was rather a nice-looking young woman,
tall, and polite in her manners. She came from Frederick, Maryland.
George Robinson stated that he came from a place about one and a half
miles from the Chesapeake Bay, one mile from Old town, and five miles
from Elkton, and was owned by Samuel Smith, a farmer, who was " pretty
cross and an ill man." George's excuse for withdrawing his valuable
services from Mr. Smith at the time that he did, was attributable to the fact,
that he entertained fears that they were about to sell him. Having cautious-
ness largely developed he determined to reach Canada and keep out of
danger. George was only twenty-one, passable-looking in api^earance, and
of a brown color, and when speaking, stammered considerably.
Priscilla Gardener fled from the widow Hilliard. Her master departed
to his long home not a great while before she left. Priscilla was a young
woman of about thirty years of age, ordinary size, and of a ginger-bread
color ; modest in demeanor. She first commenced her bondage in Rich-
mond, under the late Benjamin Hilliard, of whom she said that he was "a
very bad man, who could never be pleased by a servant," and was
constantly addicted to fighting not only with others, but also with herself.
So cruelly had Priscilla been treated, that when he died she did not
hesitate to say that she was glad. Soon after this event, sick of Slavery and
unwilling to serve the widow any longer, she determined to escape, and suc-
ceeded.
Joshua John Anderson fled from a farmer who was said to be a poor
man, by the name of Skelton Price, residing in Baltimore county, near
a little village called Alexandria, on the Harford county turn-pike road.
Price, not able to own a farm and slaves too, rented one, and was trying to
"get up in the world." Price had a wife and family, but in the way of
treatment, Joshua did not say anything very hard against him. As his
excuse for leaving them, he said, coolly, that he had made up his mind that
he could get along better in freedom than he could in Slavery, and that no
man had a right to his labor without paying him for it. He left his mother
and also three brothers and two sisters owned by Price. Joshua was
al)Out twenty-two years of age, of a coa*rse make, and a dark hue ; he had
evidently held but little intercourse with any class, save such as he found
in the corn-field and barn-yard.
AEIUVAL FROM NORTH CAROLINA AND DEL A WARE. 473
ARRIVAL FROM NORTH CAROLINA AND DELAWARE.
" DICK BEE3LY," MaKRAY YOUNG AND CHARLES ANDREW BOLDEN.
Physically, Dick was hardly up to the ordinary stiitnro of slaves, but
mentally he had the advantage of the masses; he was too sliarp to be kept
in Slavery. His hue was perfect, no sign of white about him, if that were
any advantage.
From Dick's story, it appeared that he had seen hard times in North
Carolina, under a man he designated by the name of Richard Smallwood.
He was a farmer, living near Wheldon. One of the faults that he found
with Smallwood was, that he was a "tough, drinking man" — he also
charged him with holding " two hundred and sixty slaves in bonds," the
most of whom he came in possession of through his wife. " She," Dick
thought " was pretty fair." He said that no slave had any reason to look
for any other than hard times under his master, according to what he had
seen and known since he had been in the " institution," and he fancied that
his chances for observation had been equally as good as the great majority
of slaves. Young as he was, Dick had been sold three times already, and
didn't know how much oftener he might have to submit to the same fate if
he remained ; so, in order to avoid further trouble, he applied his entire skill
to the grand idea of making his way to Canada.
Manfully did he wrestle with difficulty after difficulty, until he finally
happily triumphed and reached Philadelphia in a good condition — that is,
he was not sick, but he was without money — home — education or friends,
except as he found them among strangers. He was hopeful, neverthe-
less.
Murray Young was also of the unmixed-blood class, and only twenty-
one years of age. The spirit of liberty in him was pretty largely developed.
He entertained naught against Dr. Lober, of Newcastle, but rather against
the Doctor's wife. He said that he could get along pretty well with the
Doctor, but, he could not get along with Mrs. Lober. But the very idea
of Slavery was enough for him. He did not mean to work for any body
for nothing.
Andrew Bolden was still younger than Charles Murray, being only
eighteen years of age, but he was very well grown, and on the auction-block
he would, doubtless, have brought a large price. He fled from Newark.
His story contained nothing of marked importance.
474 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD.
ARRIVAL FROM MARYLAND.
JOHN JANXEY, TALBOT JOHXSOX, SAM GROSS, PETER GROSS, JAMES HENRY JACK-
SON, AND SAM SMITH.
$1,000 Reward. — Ran away from the subscriber, August 14th, two
meu, viz :
BILL HUTTON. ,
aged 48 or 50 years, dark brown, round face, 5 feet 7 or 8 inches hig" , rather
stout, has a waddhng walk, and small bald spot on the top of his head.
TALBOT JOHNSON,
aged about 35, is black, spare, and lean-visaged, about 5 feet 10 inches high, has lost some
of his front teeth, leans forward as he walks.
If taken in a slave State I will give $200 each for their recoverv. For their recovery
from a free State I will give cme-half their value. B. D, BOND, Port Republic, Md.
RAN AWAY at the same time and in company, negro man
SAM GROSS,
aged about 33, is 5 feet 8 or 9 inches high, black color, rather bad teeth. For his recovery,
if taken in a slave State, I will give $200. For his recoverv from a free State, I will give
half his value. GEO. IRELAND, Port Republic, Md.
RAN AWAY at the same time and in company, two negro men, viz :
PETER GROSS,
aged 33, is light-brown color, -5 feet 9 or 10 inches high, has a small scar over his right
eyebrow, usually wears a goatee, has a pleasant countenance.
JOHN JANNEY. aged 22, light-brown color, 5 feet 6 or seven inches high, broad
across the shoulders, has one of his front upper teeth broken, has a scar upon one of his
great toes from the cut of an axe. For their recovery, if taken in a slave State, I will
give $200 each. For their recovery from a free State t will give half their value.
JOS. GRIFFISS, St. Leonards, Calvert county, Md.
Refer to N. E. BERRY, No. 63 Pratt street, Baltimore.
So far as Messrs. Bond, Ireland, and Griffiss may be concerned (if they
are still living), they may not care to have the reward kept in view, or to liear
anything about the " ungrateful " fellows. It may be different, however,
with other parties concerned. This company, some of whom boie names
agreeing with tiiose in the above advertisement, are found described in the
record book as follows :
"Sept. 10th, 1858. Joiix Janney is a fine specimen of the peculiar in-
stitution; color brown, well-formed, self-possessed and intelligent. He says
that he fled from master Joseph Griffiss of Culbert county, Maryland ; that
he has been u.sed to " tight work," "allowed no chances," and but ''half
fed." His reason for leaving was partly "hard treatment," and partly
because he could " get along better in freedom than in slavery." He found
fault with his master for not permitting him to "learn to read," etc. He
referred to his master as a man of " fifty years of age, with a wife and
ARRIVAL FROM MARYLAND 475
three children." John said tliat " she was a large, portly woman, with an
evil disposition, always wanted to be quarreling and fighting, and was
stingy." He said, however, that his " master's children, Ann Rebecca,
Dori'as, and Joe were not allowed to meddle with the slaves on the farm."
Thirt' head of slaves belonged on the place.
Pet.^.e Gross says that he too was owned by Josei)h Griffiss. Peter is,
he thin :s, thirty-nine years of age, — tall, of a dark chestnut color, and in
intellect Mediocre. He left his wife and five children behind. He could
not bring^ them with him, therefore he did not tell them that he was about
to leave. He was much dissatisfied with Slavery and felt that he had been
badly dealt with, and that he could do better for himself in Canada.
Talbot Johnson, is thirty-five years of age, quite dark, and substan-
tially built. He says that he has been treated very badly, and tliat Duke
Bond was the name of the "tyrant" who held him. He pictured his
master as "a lean-faced man — not stout — of thirty-eight or thirty-nine years
jf age, a member of the Episcopal Church." "He had a wife and two
children; his last wife was right pleasant — he was a farmer, and was rich,
bad sold slaves, and was severe when he flogged." Talbot had been
promised a terrible beating on the return of his master from the Springs,
whither he had gone to recruit his health, " as he was poorly." This was the
Bole cause of Talbot's flight.
Sam Gross is about forty, a man /af apparent vigor physically, and wide
iwake mentally. He confesses that he fled from George Island, near Port
Republic, Md. He thought that times with him had been bad eiiough
all his life, and he would try to get away whc -e he could do better. In
referring to his master and mistress, he says that " they are both Ei)iscopa-
hans, hard to please, and had as bad dispositions as could be, — would try to
knock the slaves in the head' sometimes." This spirit Sam conden\ncd in
strong terms, and averred that it was on account of such treatment that he
was moved to seek out the Underground Rail Road. Sara left his wafe,
Mary Ann, and four children, all under bonds. His children, he said, were
treated horribly. They were owned by Joseph Griffiss spoken of above.
James Henry Jackson is seventeen years of age; he testifies that he fled
from Frederica, Delaware, where he had been owned by Joseph Brown.
Jim does not make any serious complaint against his master, except that he
bad him in the market for sale. To avert this fate, Jim was moved to flee.
His mother, Ann Jackson, lived nine miles from Milford, and was owned by
lim Loflin, and lived on his place. Of the going of her son she had no
knowledge.
These narratives have been copied from the book as they were hastily
'ecorded at the time. During their sojourn at the station, the subjoined
etter came to hand from Thomas Garrett, which may have caused anxiety
md haste :
476 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD.
Wilmington, 9th mo. 6th, 1858.
Esteemed Friends, J. M. McKim and Wm. Still :— I have a mixture of good and
bad news for you. Good in having passed five of God's poor safely to Jersey, and Chester !
county, last week ; and this day sent on four more, that have caused me much anxiety.
They were within twenty miles of here on sixth day last, and by agreement I had a man
out all seventh day night watching for them, to pilot them safely, as 1,000 dollars reward
was oflfered for four of the five ; and I went several miles yesterday in the country to try
to learn what had become of them, but could not hear of them. A man of tried integrity
just called to say that they arrived at his house last night, about midnight, and i employed
him to pilot them to a place of safety in Pennsylvania, to-night, after which I trust they will
be out of reach of their pursuers. Now for the bad news. That old scoundrel, who applied
to me some three weeks since, pretending that he wished me to assist him in getting his
seven slaves into a free state, to avoid the sheriff, and which I agreed to do, if he would
bring them here ; but positively refused to send for them. Ten days since I received
another letter fr.om him, saying that the sherifT had been there, and taken away two of the
children, which he wished me to raise money to purchase and set free, and then closed by
saying that his other slaves, a man, his wife, and three children had left the same evening
and he had no doubt I would find them at a colored man's house, he named, here, and
■wished me to ascertain at once and let him know. I at once was convinced he wished to
know so as to have them arrested and taken back. I found the man had arrived ; but the
woman and children had given out, and he left them with a colored family in Cecil. I
wrote him word the family had not got here, but said nothing of the man being here. On
seventh day evening I saw a colored woman from the neighborhood ; she told me that
the owner and sheriff were out hunting five days for them before they found them, and
says there is not a greater hypocrite in that part of the world. I wrote him a letter yes-
terday letting him know just what I thought of him. Your Friend, Thos. Gaerett.
ARRIVAL FROM MARYLAND.
BIRTH-DAY PRESENT FROM THOMAS GARRETT.
Wilmington, 8th mo. 21st, 1858.
Esteemed Friend : — William Still : — This is my 69th birth-day, and I do not know
any better way to celebrate it in a way to accord with my feelings, than to send to thee
two fugitives, man and wife; the man has been here a week waiting for his wife, who is
expected in time to leave at 9 this evening in the cars for thy house with a pilot, who knows
where thee lives, but I cannot help but feel some anxiety about the woman, as there is
great commotion just now in the neighborhood where she resides. There were 4 slaves
betrayed near the Maryland line by a colored man named Jesse Perry a few nights since.
One of tliem made a confidant of him, and he agreed to pilot them on their way, and bad
several white men secreted to take them as soon as they got in his house; he is the scoun-
drel that was to have charge of the 7 I wrote you about two weeks since ; their master
was to take or send them there, and he wanted me to send for them. I have since been
confirmed it was a trap set to catch one of our colored men and me likewise, but it was no
go. I suspected him from the first, but afterwards was fully confirmed in my suspicions.
We have found the two Rust boys, John and Elsey Bradley, who the villain of a Rust
took out of jail and pold to a trader of the name of Morris, who sold them to a trader
who took them to Richmond, Virginia, where they were sold at public sale two days be-
ARRIVAL FROM THE DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA. 477
fore we found them, for $2600, but fortunately the man had not paid for them ; our Attor-
ney had them by habeas corpus before a Judge, who detained them till we can prove their
identity and freedom; they are to have a hearing on 2d day next, when we hope to have
a person on there to prove tliem. In haste, thine, Tiios. Garrett.
Unfortunately all the notice that the record contains of the two passengers
referred to, is in the following words : " Two cases not written out for want
of time."
The "boys" alluded to as having been "found" &c., were free-born, but
had been kidnapped and carried south and sold.
Three days after the above letter, the watchful Grarrett furnished further
light touching the hair-breadth escape of the two that he had written about,
and at the same time gave an interesting account of the efforts which were
made to save the poor kidnapped boys, &c.
SECOND LETTER FROM THOMAS GARRETT.
Wilmington, 8th mo. 25th, 1858.
Esteemed Friend : — ■William Still: — Thine was received yesterday. Those two I
wrote about to be with thee last 7th day evening, I presume thee has seen before this.
A. Allen had charge of them ; he had them kept out of sight at the depot here till the
cars should be ready to start, in charge of a friend, while he kept a lookout and got a
ticket. When the Delaware cars arrived, who should step out but the master of both man
and woman, (as they had belonged to different persons) ; they knew him, and he knew
them. He left in a different direction from where they were secreted, and got round to
them and hurried them off to a place of safety, as he was afraid to take them home for
fear they would search the house. On 1st day morning the boat ran to Chester to take
our colored people to the camp at Media ; he had them •disguised, and got them in the
crowd and went with them ; when he got to Media, he placed them in care of a colored
man, who promised to hand them over to thee on 2d day last ; we expect 3 more next
7th day night, but how we shall dispose of them we have not yet determined ; it will de-
pend on circumstances. Judge Lay ton has been on with a friend to Richmond, Virginia,
and fully identified the two Bradley boys that were kidnapped by Clem Rust. He has
the assurance of the Judge there that they will be tried and their case decided by Dela-
ware Laws, by which they must be declared free and returned here. We hope to be able
to bring such proof against both Rust and the man he sold them to, who took them out
af the State, to teach them a lesson they will remember. Thy friend,
Thos. Garrett.
ARRIVAL FROM THE DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA, 1858.
REBECCA JACKSON AND DAUGHTER, AND ROBERT SHORTER.
The road to Washington was doing about this time a mnrvcllously large
Dusiness. "William Penu" and other friends in Washington were most
t'igilant, and knew where to find passengers who were daily thirsting for
leliverance.
Rebecca Jackson was a woman of about thirty-seven years of age, of a
mellow color, and of bright intellect, prepossessing in her manners. She
478 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD.
liad pined in bondage in Georgetown under Mrs. Margaret Dick, a lady
of wealtii and far advanced in life, a firm believer in slavery and the Pres-
byterian Church, of which she was a member.
Rebecca had been her chief attendant, knew all her whims and ways to
perfection. According to Rebecca's idea, " she was a peevish, fretful, ill-
natured, but kind-hearted creature." JJeing very tired of her old mistress
and heartily sick of bondage, and withal desiring to save her daughter, she
ascertained the doings of the Underground Rail Road, — was told about
Canada, etc. She therefore resolved to make a bold adventure. Mrs. Dick
had resided a long time in Georgetown, but owned three large plantations
in the country, over which she kept three overseers to look after the slaves.
Rebecca had a free husband, but she was not free to serve him, as she had
to be digging day and night for the " white people." Robert, a sou of the
mistress, lived with liis mother. While Rebecca regarded him as "a man
with a very evil disposition," she nevertheless believed that he had "sense
enough to see that the present generation of slaves would not bear so much
as slaves had been made to bear the generation past."
ARRIVAL FROM HONEY BROOK TOWNSHIP, 1858.
FRANK CAMPBELL.
Frank was a man of blunt features, rather stout, almost jet black, and
about medium height and weight. He w'as not certain about his age,
rather thought that he was between thirty and forty years. He had been
deprived of learning to read or write, but with hard treatment he had
been made fully acquainted under a man named Henry Campbell, who
called himself Frank's master, and without his consent managed to profit
by his daily sweat and toil. This Campbell was a farmer, and was said to
be the owner of about one hundred head of slaves, besides having large
investments in other directions. He did not hesitate to sell slaves if he
could get his price. Every now and then one and another would find it
his turn to be sold. Frank resolved to try and get out of danger before
times were worse. So he struck out resolutely for freedom and succeeidetl.
ARRIVAL FROM ALEXANDRL\, Va., 1858.
RICHARD BAYNE, CARTER DOAVLIXG AXn BENJAMIN TAYLOR,
Richard stated that a man named " Rudoljih Massey, a merchant tailor,
hard rum drinker, card player, etc." claimed to own him, and had held
him, up to the time of his escape, as with bands of brass.
ARRIVAL FROM ALEXANDRIA, VA., 1858." 479
I Richard said, " I was hired out for ten dollars a mouth, but I never suf-
fered like many — didn't leave because I have beeu abused, but simply to
keep from falling into the hands of some heirs that I had beeu willed to."
In case of a division, Richard did not see how he could be divided without
being converted into money. Now, as he could have no fore-knowledge as
to the place or person into whose hands he might be consigned by^the auc-
tioneer, he concluded that he could not venture to risk himself in the hands
of the young heirs. Richard began to consider what Slavery was, and
his eyes beheld chains, whips, hand-cuffs, auction-blocks, separations and
countless sufferings that had partially been overlooked before ; he felt the
injustice of having to toil hard to support a drunkard and gambler. At
the age of twenty-three Richard concluded to " lay down the shovel and the
hoe," and look out for himself. His mother was owned by Massey, but his
'father belonged to the "superior race" or claimed so to do, and if anything
could be proved by appearances it was evident that he was the son of a
white man. Richard was endowed with a good share of intelligence. He
not only left his mother but also one sister to clank their chains together.
Carter, who accompanied Richard, had just reached his majority. He
stated that he escaped from a " maiden lady " living in Alexandria, known
by the name of Miss Maria Fitchhugh, tlie owner of twenty-five slaves.
Opposed to Slavery as he was, he nevei'theiess found no fault with his
mistress, but on the contrary, said that she was a very respectable lady, and
a member of the Episcopal Church. She often spoke of freeing her
servants when she died; such talk was too uncertain for Carter, to pin his
faith to, and he resolved not to wait. Such slave-holders generally lived a
great while, and when they did die, they many times failed to keep their
promises. He concluded to heed the voice of reason, and at once leave
the house of bondage. His mother, father, five brothers and six sisters
all owned by Miss Fitchhugh, formed a strong tie to keep him from going;
he "conferred not with flesh and blood," but made a determined stroke
for freedom.
Benjamin, the third in this company, was only twenty' years of age,
'but a better-looking sjiecimen for the auction-block could hardly be found.
He fled from the Meed estate; his mistress had recently died leaving
her affairs, including the disposal of the slaves, to be settled at an
early date. He spoke of his mistress as "a very clever lady to her ser-
vants," but since her death he had realized the danger that he was in of
being run off south with a coffle gang. He explained the course frequently
resorted to by slave-holders under similar circumstances thus : " frequently
slaves would be snatched up, hand cuffed and hurried off south on the night
train without an hour's notice." Fearing that this might be his fite, he
deemed it prudent to take a northern train via the Underground Rail Road
without giving any notice.
480 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD.
He left no parents living, but six brothers and four sisters, all slaves with
the exception of one brother who had bought himself. In order to defend
themselves if molested on the road, the boys had provided themselves with
pistols and dirks, and declared that they were fully bent on using them
rather than be carried back to slavery.
ARRIVAL FROM THE SEAT OF GOVERNMENT.
HANSON WILLIAMS, NACE SHAW, GUSTA YOUNG, AND DANIEL M'NORTON SMITH.
^200 Rewakd. — Ran away from the subscriber, (Levi Pumphrey,) two
NEGRO MEN— one, named " Hanson," about forty years old, with one eye
out, about 5 feet 4 inches in height, full, bushy hair and whiskers and copper
color. "Gusta" ia about 21 years of 22 years of age, smooth face and thick
lips, and stoops in his walk ; black color, about 5 feet 5 or 6 inches in height;
took away sundry articKs of clothing.
I will give one hundred dollars for each of them, if sf-cured in jail so that I
can get them. LEVI PU M PHREY,
8l4-0t. Washington City, D. C.
These four fugitives were full of enthusiasm for Canada, although by no
means among the worst abused of their class.
Hanson was about forty years of age, with apparently a good degree of
intellect, and of staid j)rinciples.
In the above advertisement clipped from the Baltimore Sun, he is more
fully described by Mr. Levi Pumphrey ; it can now be taken for what it is
worth. But, as Hanson left home suddenly without ai)prising his owner, or
any of his owner's intimate white friends, of the circumstances which led
him to thus leave, his testimony and explanation, altliough late, may not be
wholly uninteresting to Mr. Levi Pumphrey and others who took an interest
in the missing " Hanson." "How have you had it in slavery?" he was
asked. " I have had it pretty rough," answered Hanson. " Who held you
in bondage, and how have you been treated ?" " I was owned by Levi
Pumphrey, an old man with one eye, a perfect savage; ho allowed no
privileges of any kind, Sunday or Monday."
GusTA, who was also described in Pumphrey's advertisement, was a rug-
ged-looking specimen, and his statement tended to strengthen Hanson's in
every particular. It was owing to the bad treatment of Pumphrey, that
Gusta left in the manner that he did.
After deciding to take his departure for Canada, he provided himself
with a Colt's revolver, and resolved that if any man should attempt to put
his hand on him while he was on the "King's highway," he would shoot
him down, not excepting his old master.
CROSSING THE BAY IN A SKIFF. 481
^150 ixEWARU. — Ran away from the subscriber, living near Upper Marl-
boro', Prince George's county, Md., on the 11th day of [September, 1858, a
negro man, " Nace," who calls himself " Nace Sliaw ;" is forty-five years of age,
about five feet 8 or 9 inches high, of a copper color, full suit of hair, except a
bald place upon the top of his head. He has a mother living in Washington
city, on South B street, No. 212 Island.
1 will pay the above reward no matter where taken, if secured in jail so that
I get hun again. SARAH ANN TALBURTT.
sl5-eotf.
Nace, advertised by Miss Sarah Ann Talburtt, was a remarkably good-
natured looking piece of merchandise. He gave a very interesting account
of his so called mistress, how he came to leave her, etc. Said Nace: "My
mistress was an old maid, and lived on a farm. I was her foreman on the
farm. She lived near Marlborough Forest, in Prince George's county, Md.,
about twelve miles from Washington ; she was a member of the Episcopal
Church. She fed well, and quarrelled a caution, from Monday morning till
Saturday night, not only with the slaves, but among the inmates of the big
house. My mistress had three sisters, all old maids living with her, and a
niece besides; their names were Rebecca, Rachel, Caroline, and Sarah Ann,
and a more disagreeable family of old maids could not be found in a year's
time. To arise in the morning before my mistress, Sarah Ann, was impos-
sible." Then, without making it appear that he or other of the slaves had
been badly treated under Miss Talburtt, he entered upon the cause of escape,
and said ; " I left simply because I wunted a chance for my life; I wanted
to die a free man if it pleased God to have it so." His wife and a grown-up
son he was obliged to leave, as no opportunity offered to bring them away
with him.
Dan was also of this party. He was well tinctured with Anglo-Saxon
blood. His bondage had been in Alexandria, with a mill-wright, known
by the name of James Garnett. Dan had not been in Garnett's hands a
great while. Mr. Garnett's ways and manners were not altogether pleasing
to him; besides, Dan stated that he was trying to sell him, and he made
up his mind that at an early opportunity, he would avail himself of a ticket
for Canada, via the Underground Rail Road. He left his mother and bro-
thers all scattered.
CROSSING THE BAY IN A SKIFF.
VILLIAM THOMAS COPE, JOHN BOICE GREY, HEjnRY BOICE AND ISAAC WHITE.
These young bondmen, whilst writhing under the tortures heaped
upon them, resolved, at the co.st of life, to make a desperate trial for free
land; to rid themselves o^' their fetters, at whatever peril they might
bave to encounter. The land route presented less encouragement than by
water; tboy knew but little, however, concerning either way. After much
31
.1
482
THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD.
anxious reflection, they finally decided to make their Underground Rail
Road exit by water. Having lived all their lives not far from the bay
they had some knowledge of small boats, skiffs in particular, but of course
they were not the possessoi-s of one. Feeling -that there was no time to lose
they concluded to borrow a skiflj though they should never return it. So
one Saturday evening, toward the latter j)art of January, the four young
slaves stood on the beach near Lewes, Delaware, and cast their longing
eyes in the direction of the Jersey shore. A fierce gale was blowing, and
the waves were running fearfully high ; not daunted, however, but as one
man they resolved to take their lives in their hands and make tlie bold
adventure.
With simple faith they entered the skiff; two of them took the oars, man-
fully to face uncertain dangers from the waves. But they remained steadfast,
oft as they felt that they were making the last stroke with their oars, on the
verge of being overwhelmed with the waves. At every new stage of
danger thoy summoned courage by remembering that they Avere escaping
for their lives.
Late on Sunday afternoon, the following day, they reached their much
desired haven, the Jersey shore. The relief and joy were unspeakably
great, yet they were strangers in a strange land. They knew not which way
to steer. True, they knew that New Jersey bore the name of being a Free
State ; but they had reason to fear that they were in danger. In this
dilemma they were discovered by the captain of an oyster boat whose
sense of humanity "'as so strongly appealed to by their appearance that lie
engaged to pilot them to Philadelphia. The following account of them was
recorded :
William Thomas was a yellow nun, twenty-four years of age, and
possessing a vigorous constitution. He accMised Shepherd P. Houston of
having restrained him of his liberty, and tostifi^'d that said Houston was a
very bad man. Plis vocation was that of a farmer, on a small scale ; as a
slave-holder he was numbered with the "small iVy." Both master and
i
CROSSING THE BA Y IN A SKIFF. 433
mistress were members of the Methodist Church. According to William
Thomas' testimony his mistress as well as iiis master was very hard on the
slaves in various ways, especially in the matter of food and clothing. It
would require a great deal of hard preaching to convince him that such
Christianity was other than spurious.
John stated that David Henry Houston, a farmer, took it upon himself
to exercise authority over him. Said John, " If you didn't do the work
' right, he got contrary, and wouldn't give you anything to eat for a whole
day at a time ; he said a ' nigger and a mule hadn't any feeling.' " He de-
scribed his stature and circumstances somewhat thus: "Houston is a
very small man ; for some time his affairs had been in a bad way ; he had
been broke, some say he had bad luck for killing my brother. My brother
was sick, but master said he wasn't sick, and he took a chunk, and beat
on him, and he died a few days after." John firmly believed that his
brother had been the victim of a monstrous outrage, and that he too was
liable to the same treatment.
John was only nineteen years of age, spare built, chestnut color, and
represented the rising mind of the slaves of the South.
Henry was what might be termed a very smart young man, considering
that he had been deprived of a knowledge of reading. He was a brother of
> John, and said that he also had been wrongfully enslaved by David Hous-
i ton, alluded to above. He fully corroborated the statement of his brother,
and declared, moreover, that his sister had not long since been sold South,
and that he had heard enough to fully convince him that he and his brother
were to be put up for sale soon.
Of their mistress John said that she was a " pretty easy kind of a woman,
only she didn't want to allow enough to eat, and wouldn't mend any clothes
for us."
Isaac was twenty-two, quite black, and belonged to the " rising " young
slaves of Delaware. He stated that he had been owned by a " blacksmith,
a very hard man, by the name of Thomas Carper." Isaac was disgusted
'■ with his master's ignorance, and criticised him, in his crude way, to a con-
siderable extent. Isaac had learned blacksmithing under Carper. Both
master and mistress were Methodists. Isaac said that he "could not recom-
mend his mistress, as she was given to bad })ractices," so much so that he
could hardly endure her. He also charged the blacksmith with being
' addicted to bad habits. Sometimes Isaac would be called upon to receive
correction from his master, which would generally be dealt out with a
"chunk of wood " over his ''no feeling" head. On a late occasion, when
Isaac was being c/iunZ'efZ beyond measure, he resisted, but the persistent black-
smith did not yield until he had so far disabled Isaac that he w^as rendei'ed
helpless for the next two weeks. While in this state he pledged himself
to freedom and Canada, and resolved to win the prize by crossing the Bay. ^
i
484 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD.
AVIiile tliese young passengers possessed brains and bravery of a rare
order, at the same time they brought with them an unusual amount of
the soil of Delaware; their persons and old worn-out clothing being full of
it. Their appearance called loudly for immediate cleansing. A room — free
■filter — free soap, and such other assistance as was necessary was tendered
them in order to render the work as thorough as possible. This healthy
process over, clean and comfortable clothing were furnished, and the change
in their appearance was so marked, that they might have passed as strangers,
if not in the immediate corn-fields of their masters, certainly among many
of their old acquaintances, unless subjected to the most careful inspection.
Raised in the country and on farms, their masters and mistresses had
nev'cr dreamed of encouraging them to conform to habits of cleanliness;
washing their persons and changing their garments were not common occur-
rences. The coarse garment once on would be clung to without change as
Ions: as it would hold together. The filthy cabins allotted for their habita-
tions were in themselves incentives to personal uncleanliness. In some
districts this was more apparent than in others. From some portions of
Maryland and Delaware, in particular, passengers brought lamentable
evidence of a want of knowledge and improvement in this direction.
But the master, not the slave, was blameworthy. The master, as has
been intimated, found but one suit for working (and sometimes none for
Sunday), consequently if Tom was set to ditching one day and became
muddy and dirty, and the next day he was required to haul manure,
his ditching suit had to be used, and if the next day he Avas called into the
harvest-field, he was still obliged to wear his barn -yard suit, and so on to
the end. Frequently have such passengers been thoroughly cleansed for the
first time in their lives at the Philadelphia station. Some needed prac-
tical lessons before they understood the thoroughness necessary to cleansing.
Before undertaking the operation, therefore, in order that they might be
made to feel the benefit to be derived therefrom, they would need to have
the matter brought home to thorn in a very gentle way, lest they might feign
to fear taking cold, not having been used to it, etc.
It was customary to say to thom : " We want to give you some clean
clothing, but you need washing before putting them on. It will make you
feel like a new man to have the dirt of slavery all washed oif. Nothing
that could be done for you would make you feel better after the fatigue
of travel than a thorough bath. Probably you have not been allowed
the opportunity of taking a good bath, and so have not enjoyed one
since your mother bathed you. Don't be afraid of the water or soap — the
harder you rub yourself the better you will feel. Shall we not wash your
back and neck for you ? "We want you to look well while traveling on the
Underground Rail Road, and not forget from this time fovt\\ to trv to take
care of yourself," &c., &c. By this course the reluctance where it existed
ARRIVAL FROM KENT COUNTY, MD., 1858. 485
would be overcome and the proposition would be readily acceded to, if the
water was not too cool ; on the other hand, if cool, a slight shudder might
be visible, sufficient to raise a hearty laugh. Yet, when through, the candi-
date always expressed a hearty sense of satisfaction, and was truly thankful
for this attention.
ARRIVAL FROM KENT COUNTY, Md., 1858.
ASBURY IRWIN, EPHRAIM ENNIS, AND LYDIA ANN JOHNS.
The party whose narratives are here given brought grave charges against
a backsliding meinber of the Society of Friends — a renegade Quaker.
Doubtless rare instances may be found where men of the Quaker persua-
sion, emigrating from free and settling in slave States and among slave-
holders, have deserted their freedom-loving principle and led captive by the
force of bad examples, have linked hands with the oppressor against the
oppressed. It is probable, however, that this is the only case that may turn
up in these records to the disgrace of this body of Christians in whom dwelt
in such a signal degree large sympathy for the slave and the fleeing bondman.
Many fugitives were indebted to Friends who aided them in a quiet way,
not allowing their left hand to know what their right hand did, and the
result was that Underground Rail Road operations were always pretty safe
and prosperous where the line of travel led through " Quaker settlements."
We can speak with great confidence on this point especially with regard to
Pennsylvania, where a goodly number might be named, if necessary, whose
hearts, houses, horses, and money were always found ready and willing to
assist the fugitive from the prison-house. It is with no little regret that we
feel that truth rerpiires us to connect the so-called owner of Asbury,
Ephraim, and Lydia wath the Quakers.
Asbury was first examined, and his story ran substantially thus : " I run
away because I was used bad ; three years ago I was knocked dead with an
axe by ray master; the blood run out of ray head as if it had been poured
out of a tumbler ; you can see the mark plain enough — look here," (with his
finger on the spot). I left Millington, at the head of Chester in Kent
County, Maryland, where I had been held by a farmer who called himself
Michael Newbold. He was originally from Mount Holly, New Jersey,
but had been living in Maryland over twenty years. He was called a
Hickory Quaker, and he had a real Quaker for a wife. Before he was in
Maryland five years he bought slaves, became a regular slave-holder, got to
drinking and racing horses, and was very bad — treated all hands bad, his
wife too, so that she had to leave him and go to Philadelphia to her knis-
folks. It was because he was so bad we all had to leave," &c.
486 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD.
Wliile Asbury's story appeared trntlifiil and simple, a portion of it was too
shocking to morality and damaging to hnmanity to be inserted in those pages.
Asbury was about forty years of age, a man of dark hue, size and height
about mediocrity, and mental ability quite above the average.
Epheaim was a fellow-servant and companion of Asbury. He was a
man of superior physical strength, and from all outward apjx^arance, he pos-
sessed qualities susceptible of ready improvement. He not only spoke of
Newbold in terms of strong condemnation but of slave-holders and slavery
everywhere. The lessons he had learned gave him ample opportunity to
speak from experience and from what he had observed in the daily practices
of slave-holders ; consequently, with his ordinary gifts, it was impossible for
him to utter his earnest feelings without making a deep impression.
Lydia also fled from Michael Newbold. She was a young married
woman, only twenty-two years of age, of a cliestnut color and a pleasant
countenance. Her flight for liberty cost her her husband, as she was obliged
to leave him behind. What understanding was entered into between them
prior to her departure we failed to note at the time. It was very clear that
she had decided never to wear the yoke again.
ARRIVAL FROM WASHINGTON, 1858.
JOSEPHINE EOBINSON.
Many reasons were given by Josephine for leaving the sunny South. She
had a mistress, but was not satisfied with her — hadn't a particle of love for
her; "she was all the time fussing and scolding, and never could be satis-
fied." She was very well off, and owned thirteen or fourteen head of slaves.
She was a member of the Methodist Church, was stingy and very mean
towards her slaves. Josephine having lived with her all her life, professed
to have a thorough knowledge of her ways and manners, and seemed dis-
posed to speak truthfully of her. The name of her mistress was Eliza Hara-
bleton, and she lived in Washington. Josephine had fully thought over the
matter of her rights, so much so, that she was prompted to escape. So hard
did she feel her lot to be, that she was compelled to resign her children,
uncle and aunt to the cruel nuTcy of slavery. AYliat became of the little
ones, David, Ogden and Isaiah, is a mystery.
ARRIVAL FROM CECIL COUNTY, 1858.
nOBERT JOHNS AND HIS WIFE " SCE ANN."
Fortunately, in this instance, man and wife succeeded in making their way
out of Slavery together. Robert was a man of small stature, and the farthest
ARBIVAL FROM GEORGETOWN, D. C, 1858. 487
shade from white. In appearance and intellect he represented the ordinary
Maryland slave, raised on a farm, surrounded with no refining influences
or sympathy. He stated that a man by the name of William Cassey had
claimed the right to his labor, and that he had been kept in bondage on
his farm.
For a year or more before setting out for freedom, Robert had watched his
master pretty closely, and came to the conclusion, that he was "a monstrous
blustery kind of a man; one of the old time fellows, very hard and rash — not
fit to own a dog." He owned twelve slaves ; Robert resolved that he would
make one less in a short while. He laid the matter before his wife, " Sue,"
who was said to be the property of Susan Flinthrew, wife of John Flin-
th re w, of Cecil county, Mary hind. "Sue" having suffered severely, .first
from one and then another, sometimes from floggings, and at other times
from hunger, and again from not being half clothed in cold weather, was pre-
pared to consider any scheme that looked in the direction of speedy
deliverance. The way that they were to travel, and the various points of
danger to be i)assed on the road were fully considered ; but Robert and
Sue were united and agreed that they could not fare much worse than they
had fared, should they be captured and carried back. In this state of mind,
as in the case of thousands of others, they set out for a free State, and in
due time reached Pennsylvania and the Vigilance Committee, to whom they
made known the facts here recorded, and received aid and comfort in return.
Sue was a young woman of twenty-three, of a browu color, and some-
what under medium size.
ARRIVAL FROM GEORGETOWN, D. C, 1858.
PERRY CLEXTOX, JIM BANKS AND CHARLES NOLE.
This party found no very serious obstacles in their travels, as their plans
were well arranged, and as they had at least natural ability suflicicnt for
ordinary emergencies.
Perry reported that he left "a man by the name of John ]M. Williams,
of Georgetown, D. C, who was in the wood business, and kept a wharf"
As to treatment, he said that he had not been used very hard, but had
been worked hard and allowed but few privileges. The paltry sum of
twenty-five cents a week, was all that was allowed him out of his hire.
With a wife and one child this might seem a small sum, but in reality it
was a liberal outlay compared with what many slaves were allowed. Perry
being a ready-witted article, thought that it was hardly fair that Mr. "W il-
liams should live by the sweat of his brow instead of his own; he was a
large, portly man, and able to work for himself in Perry's opinion. For
488 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD.
a length (3f time, the notion of leaving and going to Canada was uppermost
in lii.s heart; probably he would have acted with more promptue.ssi but
for the fact that his wife and child rested with great weight on his mind.
Finally the pressure became so great that he felt that he must leave at all
hazards, forsaking wile and child, master and chains. He was a young
man, of about twenty-five years of age, of a dark shade, ordinary build,
and full of grit. His wife was named Amelia ; whether she ever afterwards
heard from her husband is a question.
Jim, who accompaniotl Terry, brought the shoe-making art with him.
He had been held a slave under John J. Richards, although he was
quite as much a white man as he was black. He was a mulatto, twenty-
nine years of age, well-made, and bore a grum countenance, but a brave and
manly will to keep up his courage on the way. He said that he had
been used very well, had no fault to find with John J. Richards, who was
possibly a near relative of his. He foi*sook his mother, four brothers and
three sisters with no hope of ever seeing them again.
Charles bore strong testimony in favor of his master, Blooker W.
Hansborough, a farmer, a first-rate man to his servants, said Charles. "I
was used very well, can't complain." "Why did you not remain then?"
asked a member of the Committee. " I left," answered C, "because I was
not allowed to live with my wife. She with our six (;hil(lrcn, lived a long
distance from my master's place, and he would not hire me out where I
could live near my wife, so I made up my mind that I would try and do
better. I could see no enjoyment tliat way." As the secret of his master's
treatment is here brought to light, it is very evident that Charles, in speak-
ing so higldy in his favor, failed to take a just view of him, as no man
could really be first-rate to his servants, who would not allow a man to live
with his wife and childi'en, and who would persist in taking from another
what he had no right to take. Nevertheless, as Charles thought his master
" first-rate," he shall have the benefit of the opinion, but it was suspected
that Charles was not disposed to find fault with his kin, as it was very likely
that the old master claimed some of the white blood in his veins.
ARRIVAL FROM SUSSEX COUNTY, 1858.
JACOB BLOCKSON, GEORGE ALLIQOOD, JIM ALLIGOOD, AND GEORGE LEWIS.
The coming of Jacob and his companions was welcomed in the usual way.
The marks of Slavery upon them were evident; however they were sub-
jected to the usual critical examination, which they bore with composure,
and witliout the least damage. The following notes in the main were re-
corded from their statements :
\
ARRIVAL FROM SUSSEX COUNTY, 1858. 439
Jacob was a stout and healthy-looking man, about twenty-seven years of
age, with a countenance indicative of having no sympathy with Slavery.
Being invited to tell his own story, describe his master, etc., he unhesitatingly
relieved himself somewhat after this manner; "I escaped from a man by
the name of Jesse W. Paten ; he was a man of no business, except drinking
whiskey, and farming. He was a light complected man, tall large, and full-
faced, with a large nose. He was a widower. He belonged to no society
of any kind. He lived near Seaford, in Sussex county, Delaware."
" I left because I didn't want to stay with him any longer. ]\Iy master
was about to be sold out this Fall, and I made up my mind that I did not
want to be sold like a horse, the way they generally sold darkies then; so
when I started I resolved to die sooner than I would be taken back ; this
was my intention all the while.
"I left ray wife, and one child; the wife's name was Lear, and the child
was called Alexander. I want to get them on soon too. I made some ar-
rangements for their coming if I got oif safe to Canada."
George was next called upon to give his statement concerning where he
was from, etc. I "scaped" frotn Sussex too, from a man by the name of
George M. Davis, a large man, dark -complected, and about fifty years of
age; he belonged to the old side Methodist Church, was a man with a
family, and followed farming, or had farming done by me and others.
Besides he was a justice of the peace. I always believed that the Master
above had no wish for me to be hold in bondage all my days; but I thought
if I made up my mind to stay in Slavery, and not to make a desperate trial
for my freedom, I would never have any better times. I had heard that
ray old mistress had willed me to her children, and children's children. I
thought at this rate there was no use of holding on any longer for the good
time to come, so here I said, I am going, if I die a trying. I got me a
dagger, and made up my mind if they attempted to take me on the road, I
would have one man. As for my part, I have not had it so slavish as many,
but I have never had any privileges to learn to read, or to go about any-
where. Now and then they let me go to church. My master belonged to
church, and so did I.
For a young man, being only twenty-two years of age, who had been kept
from the light of freedom, as much as he had, his story was thought to be
exceedingly well told throughout.
James, a brother of George, said : " I came from Horse's Cross-Roads,
not far from where my brother George came from. William Gray, rail road
ticket agent at Bridgewater, professed to own me. He was a tolerable sized
man, with very large whiskers, and dark hair ; he was rather a steady kind
of a man, he had a wife, but no child. The reason I left, I thought I had
served Slavery long enough, as I had been treated none the best. I did not
believe in working my life out just to support some borivileges to his slaves.
RiciiAKD .Williams gave a full account of himself, but only a meagre
report was reeonhnl. lie said that he came from Richmond, and left be-
cause he was on the point of being sold by John A. Smith, who owned him.
He gave Smith credit for being a tolerable fair kind of a slave-holder, but
added, that '* his wife was a notoriously hard woman ;" siie had made a very
deep impression on Richard's mind by her treatment of him. In finding
\
ARRIVAL FROM RICHMOND, 1859. 493
himself on free ground, however, with cheering prospects ahead, lie did not
stop to brood over the ills that he had suffered, but rejoiced heartily. He
left his wife, Julia, who was free.
Sydney Hopkins and Henry Wheeler. These young men made their
way out of Slavery together. While Sydney lives he will forever regard
Jacob Hoag, of Havre- de-Grace, as the person who cheated him out of
himself, and prevented him from becoming enlightened and educated.
Henry, his companion, was also from Havre De Grace. He had had
trouble with a man by the name of Amos Barnes, or in other words Barnes
claiincid to own him, just as he owned a horse or a mule, and daily con-
trolled him in about the same manner that he would manage the animals
above alluded to. Henry could find no justification for such treatment.
He suffered greatly under the said Barnes, and finally his eyes were open
to see that there was an Underground Rail Road for the benefit of all such
slavery-sick souls as himself. So he got a ticket as soon as possible, and
came through without accident, leaving Amos Barnes to do the best he
could for a living. Tiiis candidate for Canada was twenty-one years of
age, and a likely-looking boy.
Joseph Henry Hill. The spirit of freedom in this passenger was
truly the "one idea" notion. At the age of twenty-eight his purpose to free
himself by escaping on the Underground Rail Road was successfully carried
into effect, although not without difficulty. Joseph was a fair specimen of
a man physically and mentally, could read and write, and thereby keep the
run of matters of interest on the Slavery question.
James Thomas, Jr., a tobacco merchant, in Ri(.'hmond, had Joe down in
his ledger as a marketable piece of property, or a handy machine to save
labor, and make money. To Joe's great joy he heard the sound of the
Underground Rail Road bell in Richmond, — had a satisfactory interview
with the conductor, — received a favorable response, and was soon a traveler
on his way to Canada. He left his mother, a free woman, and two sisters
in chains. He had been sold twice, but he never meant to be sold again.
ARRIVAL FROM RICHMOND, 1859.
CORNELIUS HENRY JOHNSON. FACE CANADA-WARD FOR YEARS.
Quite an agreeable interview took place between Cornelius and the Com-
mittee. He gave his experience of Slavery pretty fully, and the Committee
enlightened him as to the workings of the Underground Rail Road, the
value of freedom, and the safety of Canada as a refuge.
Cornelius was a single man, thirty-six years of age, full black, medium
size, and intelligent. He stated that he had had his face set toward Canada
494 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD.
for a long wliile. Three times he had made an effort to get out of the prison-
house. " Within the last four or five years, times have gone pretty hard
with me. My mistress, Mrs. Mary F. Priee, had lately put me in eharge of
her brother, Samuel M. Bailey, a tobacco merchant of Richmond. Both
believed in nothing as they did in Shivery ; they would sooner see a black
man dead than free. They were about second class in society. He and
his sister own well on to one hundred head, though within the last few
years he has been thinning off the number by sale. I was allowed one
dollar a week for my board ; one dollar is the usual allowance for slaves in
my situation. On Christmas week he allowed me no board money, but
made me a present of seventy-five cents ; my mistress added twenty-five
centij, whicl? was the extent of tlieir liberality. I was well cared for. When
the slaves goi sick he doctored them himself, he was too stingy to employ a
physician. If they did not get well as soon as he thouglit they siiould,
he woL'Id order them to their work, and if they did not go he would beat
them. My cousin was badly beat last year in the presence of his wife, and
he was rigiit sick. Mr. Bailey was a member of St. James' church, on Fifth
street, and my mistress was a communicant of the First Baptist churcii
on Broad Street. She let on to be very good."
" I am one of a family of sixteen ; my mother and eleven sisters and
brothers are now living; some have been sold to Alabama, and some to
Tennessee, the rest are held in Richmond. My mother is now old, but is
still in the service of Bailey. He promised to take care of her in her old
age, and not compel her to labor, so she is only required to cook and wash
for a dozen slaves. This they consider a great favor to the old ' grand-
mother.' It was only a year ■ ago he cursed her and threatened her witii a
flogging. I left for nothing else but because I was dissatisfied with Slavery.
The threats of my master caused me to reflect on the North and South. I
had an idea that I was not to die in Slavery. I believed that God would
assist me if I would try. I then made; uj) my mind to put my case in the
hands of God, and start for the Underground Rail Road. I bade good-bye
to the old tobacco factory on Seventh street, and the First African Baptist
church on Broad street (where he belonged), where I had so often heard the
minister preach 'servants obey your masters;' also to the slave pens, chain-
gangs, and a cruel master and mistress, all of which ' I hoped to leave
forever. But to bid good-bye to my old mother in chains, was no easy job,
and if my desire for freedom had not been as strong as my desire for life
itself, I could never have stood it; but I felt that I could do her no good;
could not help her if I staid. As I was often threatened by my master,
witli the auction-block, I felt I must give up all and escape for my life."
Such was sul)stautially the story of Cornelius Henry Johnson. He
talked for an hour as one inspired, and as none but fugitiv^e slaves could
talk.
ARRIVAL FROM DELAWARE, 1858.
495
ARRIVAL PROM DELAWARE, 1858.
THE0PHILU3 COLLINS, ANDREW JACKSON BOYCE, HANDY BUUTON AND ROBERT
JACKSON.
A DESPERATE, BLOODY STRUGGLE — GUN, KNIFE AND FIRE SHOVEL, USED BY AN
INFURIATED MASTER.
Judged from their outward appearance, as well as from the fact that they
were from the neighboring State of Delaware, no extraordinary revelations
were looked for from the above-named party. It was found, however, that
one of their number, at least, had a sad talc of outrage and cruelty to
relate. The facts stated are as follows :
Theopiiilus is twenty-f()ur years of age, dark, height and stature hardly
medium, with faculties only about average compared with ordinary fugitives
from Delaware and Maryland. His appearance is in no way remarkable.
His bearing is subdued and modest; yet he is not lacking in earnestness.
Says Theophilus, "I was in servitude under a man named Houston, near
Lewes, Delaware; he was a very mean man, he didn't allow you enough to
eat, nor enough clothes to wear. He never allowed a drop of tea, or coffee,
or sugar, and if you didn't eat your breakfast before day he wouldn't
allow you any, but would drive you out without any. He had a wife ; she
was mean, too, meaner than he was. Four years ago last Fall my master
cut my entrails out for going to meeting at Daniel Wesley's church one
Sabbath night. Before day, Monday morijing, he called me up to whij)
me; called me into his dining-room, locked the doors, then ordered
me to pull off my shirt. I told him no, sir, I Mouldn't ; right away
he went and got the cowhide, and gave me about twenty over my head
with the butt. He tore my shirt off, after I would not pull it off; he
O
H^
ordered me to cross my hands. I didn't do that. After I wouldn't do that
490 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD.
lie wont and f^ot his gun and broke the breech of that over my liead. He then
seized up the lire-tongs and struck me over the head ever so often. The
next tiling he took was the parlor sliovel and he beat on me with that till he
broke the handle ; then he took the blade and stove it at my head M-ith all
his might. I told him that I was bound 'to come out of that room. He
run up to the door and d rawed his knife and told me if I ventured to the
door he would stab me. J never made it any better or worse, but aimed
straight for the door ; but before I reached it he stabbed me, drawing the
knife (a common pocket knife) as hard as he could rip across my stomach;
right away he began stabbing me about my head," (marks were plainly to
be seen). After a desperate struggle, Theophilus succeeded in getting out of
the building.
" I started," said ho, " at once for Georgetown, carrying a ]>art of my
entrails in my hands for the whole journey, sixteen miles. I went to my
young masters, and they took mo to w\\ old colored woman, called Judah
Smith, and for five days and nights I was under treatment of Dr. ITonry
Moore, Dr. Charles Henry Richards, and Dr. "William Newall ; all those
attended mo. I was not expected to live for a long time, but the Doctors
cured me at last."
Andiiew reported that he fled from Dr.. David Houston. "J loft because
of my master's meanness to me; he was a very mean man to his servants,"
said Andrew, "and I got so tired of him T couldn't stand him any longer."
Andrew was about twenty-six years of age, ordinary size ; color, brown,
and Nvas entitled to his freedom, but know not how to secure it by law, so
resorted to the Undery-round Rail lload method.
Handy, another of this party, said that he loft because the man who
claimed to be his master "was so hard." The man by whom he had been
wronged was known wdiere he came from by the name of Shepherd Bur-
ton, and was in the farming business. " He was a churchman," said Handy,
" but ho never allowed me to go to church a half dozen times in my life."
Robert belonged to Mrs. Mary Hickman, at least she had him in her
possession and reaped the benefit of his hire and enjoyed the leisure and ease
thereof while he toiled. For some time prior to his leaving, this had been
a thorn in his side, hard to bear; so when»an opening presented itself by
which he thought he could better his condition, he W'as ready to try the
experiment. He, however, felt that, while she would not have him to look
to for sui)port, she would not be without sym])alhy, as she was a member
of the Episcopal Church; besides she was an old-looking woman and might
not need his help a great while longer.
ARRIVAL FROM RICHMOND, 1859. 497
ARRIVAL FROM RICHMOND, 1859.
STEPNEY BROWN.
Stepney was an extraordinary man, his countenance indicating great
goodness of heart, and his gratitude to his heavenly Father for his deliver-
,auee proved that he was fully aware of the fSource whence his help had
come. Being a man of excellent natural gifts, as well as of religious fer-
vor and devotion to a remarkable degree, he seemed admirably fitted to re-
present the slave in chains, looking up to God with an eye of faith, and
igain the fugitive in Canada triumphant and rejoicing with joy unspeakable
3ver his deliverance, yet not forgetting those in bonds, as bound with them.
Jhe beauty of an unshaken faith in the good Father above could scarcely
jtiave shone with a brighter lustre than was seen in this simple-hearted
aeliever.
Stepney was thirty-four years of age, tall, slender, and of a dark hue.
He readily confessed that he fled from Mrs. Julia A. Mitchell, of Rich-
iiond ; and testified that she was decidedly stingy and unkind, although
I member of St. Paul's church. Still he was wholly free from acrimony, and
iven in recounting his sufferings was filled with charity towards his op-
)ressors. He said, '' I was moved to leave because I believed that I had a
•ight to be a free man."
He was a member of the Second Baptist church, and entertained strong
"aith that certam infirmities, which had followed him through life up to
vithin seven years of the time of his escape, had all been removed through
he Spirit of the Lord. He had been an eye-witness to many outrages in-
licted on his fellow-men. But he spoke more of the sufferings of others
han his own.
His stay was brief, but interesting. After his arrival in Canada he
urncd his attention to indnstrial pursuits, and cherished his loved idea
hat the Lord was very good to him. Occasionally he would write to express
lis gratitude to God and man, and to inquire about friends in different
ocalities, especially those in bonds.
The following letters are specimens, and speak for themselves :
Clifton House, Niagara Falls, August the 27.
Dear Brother : — It is with pleasure i take my pen in hand to write a few lines to in-
;)rm you that i am well hopeping these few lines may fine you the same i am longing to
ear from you and your family i wish you would say to Julis Anderson that he must realy
xcuse me for not writing but i am in hopes that he is doing well, i have not heard no
ews from Virgina. plese to send me all the news say to Mrs. Hunt an you also forever
ray for me knowing that God is so good to us. i have not seen brother John Dungy for
months, but we have corresponded together but he is doing well in Brandford. i am
ow at the falls an have been on here some time an i shall with the help of the lord locate
lyself somewhere this winter an go to school excuse me for not annser your letter sooner
32
498 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD.
knowing that i cannot write well you please to send me one of the earliest papers send me
word if any of our friends have been passing through i know that you are very busy but
ask your little daughter if she will annser this letter for you i often feel that i cannot turn
god thanks enough for his blessings that he has bestoueth upon me. Say to brother sue!
that he must not forget what god has consighn to his hand, to do that he must pray in
his closet that god might teach him. say to mr. Anderson that i hope he have retrad an
has seeked the lord an found him precious to his own soul for he must do it in this world
for he cannot do it in the world to come, i often think about the morning that i left yoar
house it was such a sad feeling but still i have a hope iu crist do you think it is safe in
boston my love to all i remain your brother, Stepney Brown.
Brantfoed, March 3d, I860.
Mr. William Still, Dear Sir : — T now take the pleasure of writing to you a few lines
write soon hoping to find you enjoying perfect health, as I am the same.
My joy within is so great that I cannot find words to express it. When I met with
my friend brother Dungy who stopped at your house on his way to Canada after having
a long chase after me from Toronto to Hamilton he at last found me in the town of Brant-
ford Canada West and ought we not to retifrn Almighty God thanks for delivering as
from the many dangers and trials that beset our path in this wicked world we live in.
I have long been wanting to write to you but I entirely forgot the number of your
house Mr. Dungy luckily happened to have your directions with him.
Religion is good when welive right may God help you to pray often to him that he j
might receive you at the hour of your final departure. Yours most respectfully.
Stepney Brown, per Jas. A. Walk.
P. S. Write as soon as possible for I wish very much to hear from you. I understand j
that Mrs, Hunt has been to Richmond, Va. be so kind as to ask her if she heard anything j
about that money. Give ray love to all inquiring friends and to your family especially. !
I now thank God that I have not lost a day in sickness since I came to Canada. i
Kiss the baby for me. I know you are busy but I hope you will have time to write a
few lines to me to let me know how you and your family are getting on. No more at
present, but I am yours very truly, Stepney Brown, per Jas. A. Walkinshaw.
Brantford, Oct. 25, 'GO
Dear Sir :— I take the pleasure of dropping you a few lines, I am yet residing in
Brantford and I have been to work all this summer at the falls and I -have got along re-
markably well, surely God is good to those that put their trust in him I suppose you
have been wondering what has become of me but I am in the lands of living and long to
hear from you and your family. I would have wrote sooner, but the times has been such
in the states I have not but little news to send you and I'm going to school again this
winter and will you be pleased to send me word what has become of Julius Anderson and
the rest -of my friends and tell him I would write to him if I knew where to direct the
letter, please send me word whether any body has been along lately that knows me. 1
know that vou are busy but you must take time and answer this letter as I am anxious
to hear from yon, but nevertheless we must not forget our maker, so we cannot pray too
much to our lord so I hope that mr. Anderson has found peace with God for me myself j
really appreciate that hope that I have in Christ, for I often find myself in my slumber
with you and I hope we will meet some day. Mr. Dungy sends his love to you I suppose
vou are aware that he is married, he is luckier than I am or I must get a little foothold
before I do marry if I ever do. I am in a very comfortable room all fixed for the winter
and we have had one snow. May the lord be with you and all you and all your house-
hold. I remain forever your brother in Christ, Stepney Brown.
i
ARRIVAL FROM MARYLAND, 1859. 499
ARRIVAL FROM MARYLAND, 1859.
, JIM KELL, CHARLES HEATH, WILLIAM CARIJSLE, CHARLES RINGGOLD, THOMAS
MAXWELL, AND SAMUEL SMITH.
On the evening of the Fourth of July, while all was hilarity and rejoicing
he above named very interesting fugitives arrived from the troubled dis-
rict, the Eastern shore of Maryland, where so many conventions had been
leld the previous year to prevent escapes ; where the Rev. Samuel Green
lad been convicted and sent to the penitentiary for ten years for having a
',opy of Uncle Tom's Cabin in his humble home ; where so many parties, on
•scaping, had the good sense and courage to secure their flight by bringing
heir masters' horses and carriages a good way on their perilous journey.
Sam had been tied up and beat many times severely. William had been
stripped naked, and frequently and cruelly cowhided. Thomas had been
•lubbed over his head more times than a few. Jim had been whipped with
ilubs and switches times without number. Charles had had five men on
lim at one time, with cowhides, his master in the lead.
i Charles Heath had had his head cut shockingly, with a club, in the
lands of his master ; this well cared-for individual in referring to his kind
iiaster, said : " I can give his character right along, he was a perfect devil.
The night we left, he had a woman tied up — God knows what he done.
Te was always blustering, you could never do enough for him no how.
First thing in the morning and last thing at night, you would hear him
•ussing — he would cuss in bed. He was a large farmer, all the time drunk.
ie had a good deal of money but not much character. He was a savage,
)luff, red face-looking concern." Thus, in the most earnest, as well as in an
ntelligent manner, Charles described the man (Aquila Cain), who had
litherto held him under the yoke.
James left his mother, Nancy Kell, two brothers, Robert and Henry,
ind two sisters, Mary and Annie; all living in the neighborhood whence
le fled. Besides these, he had eight brothers and sisters living in Baltimore
.nd elsewhere, under the yoke. He was twenty-four years of age, of a jet
olor, but of a manly turn. He fled from Thomas Murphy, a farmer, and
egular slave-holder. Charles Heath was twenty-five years of age, medium
ize, full black, a very keen-looking individual.
William was also of unmixed blood, shrewd and wide-awake for his
rears, — had been ground down under the heel of Aquila Cain. He left
lis mother and two sisters.
Charles Ringgold was eighteen years of age ; no white blood showed
tself in the least in this individual. He fled from Dr. Jacob Preston, a
Qember of the Episcopal Church, and a practical farmer with twenty head
f slaves. "He was not so bad, but his wife was said to be a 'stinger."
Charles left his mother and father behind, also four sisters.
500 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD.
Thomas was of pure bloo, in Delaware. He
was only about eighteen years of age, but as tall as a man of ordinary
height ; — dark, with a pleasant countenance. He rejiortcd that he had had
trouble with a man known by the name of Thomas W. ]\I. McCracken, Avho
had treated him " bad;" as Thomas thought that such trouble and bad treat-
ment might be of frequent occurrence, he concluded that he had better go
516 THE UNDERGROUND RAILROAD.
away and let McCracken get somebody else to fill his place, if he did not
choose to fill it himself. So olF Thomas started, and as if by instinct, he
came direct to the Committee. lie passed a good examination and was
aided. •
AViLLiAM Oliver, a dark, well-made, young man with the best of
country manners, fled from Mrs. Marshall, a lady living in Prince George's
county, Maryland. William had recently been in the habit of hiring his
time at the rate of ten dollars per month, and find himself everything.
The privilege of living in Georgetown had been vouchsafed him, and he
preferred this locality to his country situation. Upon the whole he said
he had been treated pretty well. He was, nevertheless, afraid that times
were growing "very critical," and as he had a pretty good chance, he thought
he had better make use of it, and his arrangements were wisely made.
He had reached his twenty-sixth year, and was apparently well settled.
He left one child, Jane Oliver, owned by Mrs. Marshall.
ARRIVAL FROM DIFFERENT POINTS.
JACOB BROWN, JAMES HARRIS, BENJAMIN PINEY, JOHN SMITH, ANDREW JACKSON,
WILLIAM HUGHES, WE3CEY WILLIAMS, ROSANNA JOHNSON, JOHN SMALLWOOD,
AND HENRY TOWNSEND,
Jacob Brown was eating the bread of Slavery, in North Carolina. A
name-sake of his by the name of Lewis Brown, living in Washington,
according to the slave code of that city had Jacob in fetters, and was exercis-
ing about the same control over him that he exercised over cattle and horses.
While this might have been a pleasure for the master, it was painful for the
slave. The usage which Jacob had ordinarily received made him anything
but contented.
At the age of twenty, he resolved that he would run away if it cost him
his life. This purpose Avas made known to a cnj^tain, who was in the habit
of bringing passengers from the South to Philadelphia. With an unwa-
vering faith he took his apjiointod place in a private part of the vessel, and
as fist as wind and tide would bring the boat he was wafted on his way
Canada-ward. Jacob was a dark man, and about full size, with hope large.
James IIaruis escaped from Delaware. A white woman, Catharine
Odine by name, living near Middletown, claimed James as her man ; but
James did not care to work for her on the unrequited labor system. Pie
resolved to take the first train on the Underground Rail Road that might
pass that way. It was not a great while ere he was accommodated, and
w^as brought safely to Philadelphia. The regular examination was made
and he passed creditably. He was described in the book as a man of yellow
ARRIVAL FROM DIFFERENT POINTS. 517
complexion, good-looking, and intelligent. After due assistance, he was
regularly forwarded on to Canada. This was in the month of November,
1856. Afterwards nothing more was heard of him, until tiie receipt of the
following letter from Prof. L. D. Mansfield, showing that he had been re-
united to his wife, under amusing, as well as touching circumstances :
Auburn, Dec. 15th, '5G.
Dear Bro. Still : — A very pleasant circumstance has brought you to mind, and I am
always happy to be reminded of you, and of the vei-y agreeable, though brief acquaintance
which we made at Philadelphia two years since. Last Thursday evening, while at my
weekly prayer meeting, our exercises were interrupted by the appearance of Bro. Loguen,
of Syracuse, who had come on with Mrs. Harris in search of her husband, whom he had
sent to my care three weeks before. I told Bro. L. that no such man had been at piy
house, and I knew nothing of him. But I dismissed the meeting, and went with him
immediately to the African Church, where the colored brethren were holding a meeting.
Bro. L. looked through the door, and the first person whom he saw was Harris. He was
called out, when Loguen said, in a rather reproving and excited tone, "What are you
doing here; didn't I tell you to be off to Canada? Don't you know they are after
you? Come get your hat, and come with us, we'll take care of you." The poor fellow
was by this time thoroughly frightened, and really thought he had been pursued. We
conducted him nearly a mile, to the hotel where his wife was waiting for him, leaving him
still under the impression that he was pursued and that we were conducting him to a
place of safety, or were going to box him up to send him to Canada. Bro, L. opened the
door of the parlor, and introduced him ; but he was so frightened that he did not know
his wife at first, until she called him James, when they had a very joyful meeting. She
is now a servant in my family, and he has work, and doing well, and boards with her.
We shall do all we can for them, and teach them to read and write, and endeavor to place
them in a condition to take care of themselves. Loguen had a fine meeting in my Taber-
nacle last night, and made a good collection for the cause of the fugitives.
I should be happy to hear from you and your kind family, to whom remember me very
cordially. Believe me ever truly yours, L. D. jVIansfield.
Mr. and Mrs. Harris wish to be gratefully remembered to you and yours.
Benjamin Piney reported that he came from Baltimore county, Mary-
land, where he had been held in subjection to Mary Hawkins. He alleged
that he had very serious cause for grievance ; that she had ill-treated him
for a long time, and had of late, threatened to sell Iiira to Georgia. His
brothers and sisters had all been sold, but he meant not to be if he could
help himself. The sufferings that he had been called upon to endure had
opened his eyes, and he stood still to wait for the Underground Rail Road
car, as he anxiously wished to travel north, with all possible speed. He
waited but a little while, ere he was on the road, under difficulties it is
true, but he arrived safely and was joyfully received. He imagined his mis-
tress in a fit of perplexity, such as he might enjoy, could he peep at her
from Canada, or some safe place. He however did not wish her any evil,
but he was very decided that he did not want any more to do with lier.
Benjamin was twenty years of age, dark complexion, size ordinary, mental
capacity, good considering opportunities.
518 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD.
John Smith was a yellow boy, nineteeu years of age, stout build, with
marked intelligence. He held Dr. Abraham Street responsible for treating
liini as a slave. The doctor lived at Marshall District, Harford county,
Marvland. John frankly confessed, to the credit of the doctor, that he
got " a plenty to eat, drink and wear," yet he declared that he was not
willing to remain a slave, he had higher aims ; he wanted to be above that
condition. "I left," said he, " because I wanted to see the country. If he
had kept rae in a hogshead of sugar, I wouldn't stayed," said the bright-
minded slave youth. ''They told me anything — told me to obey my master,
but I didn't mind that. I am going off to see the Scriptures," said John.
Andrew Jackson " took out " from near Cecil, Delaware, where he had
been owned by a man calling himself Thomas Palmer, who owned seven
or eight others. His manners were by no means agreeable to Andrew;
he was quite too "blustery," and was dangerous when in one of his fits.
Although Andrew was but twenty-three years of age, he thought that
Palmer had already had much more of his valuable services than he was
entitled to, and he determined, that if he (the master), ever attem})ted to
capture him, he would make him remember him the longest day he lived.
William Hughes was an Eastern Shore "piece of property" belonging to
Daniel Cox. William had seen much of the dark doings of Slavery, and his
mind had been thoroughly set against the system. True, he had been but
twenty-t\yo years under the heel of his master, but that was sufficient.
Wesley Williams, on his arrival from Warrick, Maryland, testified
that he had been in the hands of a man known by the name of Ja(!k Jones,
from whom he had received almost daily floggings and scanty food. Jones
was his so-called owner. These continual scourgings stirred the spirit of
freedom in Wesley to that degree, that he was compelled to escape for his life.
He left his mother fa free woman), and one sister in Slavery.
RosANNA Johnson, alias Catharine Brice. The spot that Rosanna
looked upon with most dread and where she had suffered as a slave, under
a man called Doctor Street, was near the Rock of Deer Creek, in Harford
county, Maryland.
In the darkness in which Slavery ordinarily kept the fettered and "free
niggers," it was a considerable length of time ere Rosanna saw how bar-
barously she and her race were being wronged and ground down — driven
to do unrequited labor — deprived of an education, obliged to receive tlie
cuifs, kicks, and curses of old or young, who might happen to claim a title
to them. But when she did see her true condition, she was not content
until she found herself on the Underground Rail Road.
Rosanna was about thirty years of age, of a dark color, medium stature,
and intellivas open but the old route, which led " hard by " many dangers, and was
)nly accessible now and then through regions where friends were few and
ar between. Howbeit he possessed the faith requisite, and was victorious.
628
THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD.
Joseph was twenty-six years of age, of unmixed blood, ordinary size, and
had a commendable share of courage and intellect. He could recommend no
good traits as his master's.
Henry Dunmore had served as a slave up to the age of thirty-five, and
was then on the eve of being sold. As he had eudui'cd severe hardship
under his old master John Maldon he was unwilling to try another. While
he gave Maldon credit for being a member of the Methodist Church, he
charged him with treating himself in a most unchristian-like manner. He
testified that Maldon did not allow him half enough to eat ; and once he
kept him out in the cold until his toes were frozen off. Consequently it was
not in the heart of Henry to give his master any other than a bad name.
He lived about sixteen miles from Elkton, near Charleston, Maryland. He
was of a dark chestnut color, well-made, and active.
CROSSING THE BAY IN A BATTEAU.
SHARP CONTEST WITH PURSUERS ON WATER. FUGITIVES VICTORIOUS.
Thomas Sipple, and his wife, Mary Ann, Henry Burkett, and
Elizabeth, his wife, John Purnell, and Hale Burton. This party
were slaves, living near Kunkletown, in Worcester county, Maryland, and
had become restive in their fetters. Although they did not know a letter
CROSSING THE BA Y IN A BATTEA U. 529
of the alphabet, they were fully persuaded that they were entitled to their
freedom. In considering what way would he safest for them to adopt,
they concluded that the water would be less dangerous than any other route.
As the matter of freedom had been in their minds for a long time they
had frequently counted the cost, and had been laying by trifling sums of
money -which had fallen perchance into their hands. Among them all tliey
had about thirty dollars. As they could not go by water without a boat,
one of their number purchased an old batteau for the small sum of six
dollars. The Delaware Bay lay between them and the Jersey shore, which
they desired to reach. They did not calculate, however, thiat before leavino^
the Delaware shore they would have to contend with the enemy. That in
crossing, they would .lose siglit of the land they well understood. They
managed to find out tlic direction of the shore, and about the length of time
that it might take them to reach it. Undaunted by the perils before them
the party repaired to the bay, and at ten o'clock, P. M. embarked direct
for the other shore.
Near Kate's Hammock, on the Delaware shore, they were attacked by
five white men in a small boat. One of them seized the chain of the fugi-
tives' boat, and peremptorily claimed it. " This is not your boat, we bought
this boat and paid for it," spake one of the brave fugitives. " I am an
ofiicer, and must have it," said the white man, holding on to the chain.
Being armed, the white men threatened to shoot. Manfully did the black
men stand up for their rights, and declare that they did not mean to give
up their boat alive. The parties speedily came to blows. One of the white
men dealt a heavy blow with his oar upon the head of one of the black
men, which knocked him down, and broke the oar at the same time.
The blow was immediately returned by Thomas Sipple, and one of the
white men was laid flat on the bottom of the boat. The white men were
instantly seized M'ith a panic, and retreated ; after getting some yards off
they snapped their guns at the fugitives several times, and one load of small
shot was fired into them. John received two shot in the forehead, but was
not dangerously hurt. George received some in the arms. Hale Burton got
one about his temple, and Thomas got a few in one of his arms ; but the
shot being light, none of the fugitives were seriously damaged. Some of the
shot will remain in them as lono; as life lasts. The conflict lasted for
several minutes, but the victorious bondmen were only made all the more
courageous by seeing the foe retreat. They rowed M'ith a greater will than
ever, and landed on a small island. Where they were, or what to do they
could not tell. One whole night they passed in gloom on this sad spot.
Their hearts were greatly cast down ; the next morning they set out on
foot to see what they could see. The young women were very sick, and
the men were tried to the last extremity ; however, after walking about one
mile, they came across the caj)tain of an ovster boat. They perceived that
34
530 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD.
he spoke in a ' friendly way, and they at once asked directions with regard
to Phihidelphia. He gave tiiem the desired intbrniation, and es'en ottered
to bring tliem to the city if they would pay him for his services. They
had about twenty-five dollars in all. This they willingly gave him, and
he brought them according to agreement. When they found the captain
they were not far from Cape May light-house.
Taking into account the fact that it was night when they started, that
their little boat was weak, combined with their lack of knowledge in relation
to the imminent danger surrounding them, any intelligent man would have
been justified in predicting for them a watery grave, long before the bay was
half crossed. But they crossed safely. They greatly needed food, clothing,
rest, and money, which they freely received, and were afterwards forwarded
to John AV. Jones, Underground Rail Road agent, at Elmira. The sub-
joined letter giving an account of their arrival was duly received:
Elmiea, June 6th, 1860.
Friend Wm. Still : — All six came safe to this place. The two men came last night,
about twelve o'clock; the man and woman stopped at the depot, and went 'east on the
next train, about eighteen miles, and did not get back till to-night, so that the two men
went this morning, and the four went this evening.
0, old master don't cry for me.
For I am going to Canada where colored men are free.
P. S. What is the news in the city ? Will you tell me how many you have sent over to
Canada ? I would like to know. They all send their love to you. I have nothing new to
tell you. We are all in good health. I see there is a law passed in Maryland not to set any
slaves free. They had better get the consent of the Underground Rail Road before they
passed such a thing. Good night from your friend, John W. Jones.
ARRIVAL FROM DORCHESTER CO., 18G0.
HARRIET tubman's LAST " TRIP " TO MARYLAND.
Stephen Ennets and wife, Maria, with three children, whose names were
as follows : Harriet, aged six years ; Amanda, four years, and a babe
(in the arms of its mother), three months old.
The following letter from Thomas Garrett throws light upon this arrival :
Wilmington, 12th mo., 1st, 1800.
Kespected Friend :— William Still :— I write to let thee know that Harriet Tub-
man 13 again in these parts. She arrived last evening from one of her trips of mercy to
God's poor, bringing two men with hpr as far as New Castle. I agreed to pay a man last
evening, to pilot th^m on their way lo Chester county ; the wife of one of the men, with
two or three children, was left some thirty miles below, and I gave Harriet ten dollars, to
hire a man with carriage, to take them to Chester county. She said a man had offered for
that sum, to bring them on. I shall be very unea.sy about them, till I hear they are safe.
ARRIVAL FROM DORCHESTER CO., 18G0. 531
There is now much more risk on the road, till they arrive here, than there has been for
several months past, as we find that some poor, worthless wretches are constantl}^ on the
look out on two roads, that they cannot well avoid more especially with carriage, yet,
as it is Harriet who seems to have had a special angel to guard her on her journey of
mercy, I have hope. Thy Friend, THOMAS GARRETT.
N. B. We hope all will be in Chester county to-morrow.
These slaves from Maryland, were the last that Harriet Tubman piloted
oiit of the prison-house of bondage, and these "came through great tribu-
lation."
Stepiip:n, the husband, had been a slave of Jolin Kaiger, who would not
allow him to live with his wife (if there was such a thing as a slave's
owning a wife.) She lived eiglit miles distant, hired her time, maintained
herself, and took care of her eliildren (until they became of service to their
owner), and paid ten dollars a year for her hire. She was owned by Alo-ier
Pearey. Both mother and father desired to deliver their children from his
grasp. They had too much intelligence to bear the heavy burdens thus im-
posed without feeling the pressure a grievous one.
Harriet Tubman being well acquainted in their neighborhood, and know-
ing of their situation, and having confidence that they would prove true as
passengers on the Underground Hail Road, engaged to pilot them within
reach of Wilmington, at least to Thomas Garrett's. Thus the father and
mother, with their children and a young man named John, found aid and
comfort on their way, with Harriet for their " Moses." A poor woman
escaping from Baltimore in a delicate state, happened to meet Harriet's party
at the station, and was forwarded on with them. They were cheered with
clothing, food, and material aid, and sped on to Canada. Notes taken at
that time were very brief; it was evidently deemed prudent in those days,
not to keep as full rej^orts as had been the wont of the secretary, prior
to 1859. The capture of John Brown's papers and letters, with names and
plans in full, admonished us that such papers and correspondence as had
been preserved concerning the Underground Rail Road, migh't perchance
be captured by a pro-slavery mob. For a year or more after the Harper's
Ferry battle, as many will remember, the mob spirit of the times was very
violent in all the princij)al northern cities, as well as southern (" to save
the Union.") Even in Boston, Abolition meetings were fiercely assailed by
the mob. Dui-ing this period, the writer omitted some of the most im-
portant particulars in the escapes and narratives of fugitives. Books and
papers were sent away for a long time, and during this time the records were
kept simply on loose slips of paper.
532 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD.
ARRIVAL FROM MARYLAND, 1860.
JERRY MILLS, AND WIFE, DIAXA, SON, CORNKLIUS, AND TWO DAUGHTERS, MARGARET,
AND SUSAN.
The father of this family was sixty-five years of age, and his working days
were apparently well nigh completed. The mother was fifty-seven years
of age ; son twenty-seven ; daughters seventeen and fifteen years of age.
The old man was smart for his years, but bore evidence that much hard
labor had been wrung out of hira by Slavery. Diana said that she had been
the mother of twelve children ; five had escaped to Canada, three were in
their graves, and three accompanied her ; one was left in Maryland. They
had seen hard times, according to the testimony of the old -man and his
companion, especially under David Snively, who, however, had been " re-
moved by the Lord" a number of years prior to their escape; but the
change proved no advantage to them, as they found Slavery no better under
their mistress, the widow, than under their master. Mistress Snively was
said to be close and stingy, and always unfriendly to the slave. " She never
thought you were doing enough." For her hardness of heart they were
sure *she would repent some time, but not while she could hold slaves.
The belief was pretty generally entertained with the slaves that the slave-
holder would have to answer for his evil doings in another world.
TWELVE MONTHS IN THE WOODS, 1860.
HENRY COTTON.
As a slave, subjected to the whims and passions of his master, Henry
made up his mind tliat he could not stand it longer. The man who mas-
tered it over him was called Nathaniel Dixon, and lived in Somerset Co.,
near Newtown. This Dixon was not content with his right to flog and
abuse Henry as he saw fit, but he threatened to sell him, as he would sell
a hog.
At this time HcTiry was about twenty-four years of age, but a man of
more substantial parts physically -was rarely to be seen. Courage was one
of his prominent traits. This threat only served to arouse him com]iletely.
He had no friends save such as were in the same condition with himself,
nevertheless he determined not to be sold. How he should escape this fiite
did not at first present itself Every thing looked very gloomy ; Slavery
he considered as death to him ; and since his master had threatened him, he
looked upon him as his greatest enemy, and rather than continue a slave
he preferred living in the swamps with wild animals. Just one year prior
ARRIVAL FROM MARYLAND. 533
to the time that he made his way North, determined uot to be a slave any
longer, he fled to a swamp and made his way to the most secluded spot that
he could find, — to places that were almost impenetrable so dense were the
trees and undergrowth. This was all the better for Henry, he wanted to get
safety ; he did not wish company. He made known his plans to a dear
brother, who engaged to furnish him occasionally with food. Henry passed
twelve months in this way, beholding no human soul save his brother.
His brother faithfully took him food from time to time. The winter weather
of 1859 was very hard, but it was not so hard to bear as his master Na-
thaniel Dixon. The will of Henry's old master entitled him to his free-
dom, but the heirs had rendered said will null and void ; this act in addition
to the talk of selling had its effect in driving him to the woods. For a
time he hid in the hollow of a tree, which went very hard with him, yet he
was willing to suffer anything rather than go back to his so-called master.
He managed finally to make good his escape and came to the Committee for
aid and sympathy, which he received.
AERIVAL FROM MARYLAND.
WILLIAM PIERCE.
But few passengers expressed themselves in stronger terms in regard to
their so-called masters, than William Pierce, from Long Green. "I fled,"
said he, " from Jolm Hickol, a farmer, about fifty years old, grey-headed
and drinks whiskey very hard — was always a big devil — ill-grained. He
owned fifteen head ; he owns three of ray brothers. He has a wife, a big
devil, red head ; her servants, she wouldn't feed 'em none, excejit on corn
bread ; she would fight and swear too, when she got ready. She and her
husband would quarrel too. A slave man, a deceitful fellow, who had been
put up to watch on one occasion, when the rest of the slaves had helped
themselves to a chicken, and cooked and ate it about midnight, though he
was allowed to share a portion of the feast, was ready enough to betray
them by times next morning. This made master and mistress 'cuss' all
hands at a great rate, and master beat all hands except the one that told. I
was caned so badly that it laid me up for several weeks. I am a little lame
yet from the beating."
Such was William's story. He was twenty-three years of age, of a light
brown color, well-made. Judging from his expressions and apparent feelings
against his master and mistress, he would be willing to endure many years
of suffering in Canada snows, before he would apply to them for care and
protection.
534 THE UNDEBGEOUND BAIL ROAD.
A SLAVE CATCHER CAUGHT IN HIS OWN TRAP.
GEORCJE F. ALBERT! PERSONATED BY A MEMBER OF THE VIGILANCE COMMITTEE—
A LADY FRIGHTENED BY A PLACARD.
One afternoon, the quiet of tlie Anti-Slavery Office was suddenly agitated
by the contents of a letter, privately placed in the hands of J. Miller
McKiui by one of the clerks of the Philadelphia Ledger office. Said ^letter
it would seem, had been dropped into the box of the Ledger office, instead
of the U. S. box (one of which, was also in the Ledger office), through a
mistake, and seeing that it bore the name of a well-known slave-catcher,
Alberti, the clerk had a great desire to know its import. Whether it was or
was not sealed, the writer cannot^ say, it certainly was not sealed when it
reached the Anti-Slavery office. It stated that a lady from Maryland was
then in IMiiladelphia, stopping at a boarding-house on Arch Street, and that
she was very desirous of seeing the above-mentioned Alberti, Avith a view
of obtaining his services to Iielp catch an Underground Pail Road so-
journer, whom she claimed as her property. That she wrote the letter
could not be proved, but that it was sent by her consent, there was no
doubt. In order to save the poor fellow from Iiis impending doom, it
seemed that nothing would avail but a bold strategical movement. Mr.
McKiin proposed to find some one who would be willing to answer for
Alberti. Cyrus Whitson, a member of the Committee, in Mr. McKim's
judgment, could manage the matter successfully. At that time, C. Whitson
was engaged in the Free Labor store, at the corner of Fifth and Cherry
streets, near the Anti-Slavcay office. On being sent fur, he immediately
answered the summons, and Mr. Mt-Kim at once made known to him
his plan, which was to save a fellow-man from being dragged back to bond-
age, by visiting the lady, and ascertaining from her in conversation the
whereabouts of the fugitives, the names of the witnesses, and all the partic-
ulars. Nothing could have delighted the shrewd Whitson better; he saw
just how he could eflect the matter, without the slightest probable failure.
So off he started for the boarding-house.
Arriving, he rang the bell, and when the servant appeared, he asked
if Miss Wilson, from Maryland, was stopping there. "She is," was the
answer. " I wish to see her." "Walk in the parlor, sir." In Mcnt INIr.
W., with his big whiskers. Soon Miss AVilson entered tlie i)arlor, a tall,
and rather fine-looking well drc&sed lady. Mr. Whitson bowing, politely
addressed her, substantially thus :
" I have come to see you instead of Mr. Geo. F. Alberti, to whom you
addressed a note, this morning. Circumstances, over which Mr. A. had no
control, prevented his coming, so I have come, madam, to look after your
A SLAVE-CATCHER CAUGHT IN HIS OWN TRAPS. 535
business in his place. Now, madam, I wish it to be distinctly understood in
the outset, that wiiatever transpires between us, so far as this business is
concerned, giust be kept strictly confidential, by no means, must this matter
be allowed to leak out ; if* it does, the darned abolitionists (excuse me), may
ruin me ; at any rate v.'e should not be able to succeed in getting your slave.
I am particular on this point, remember.''
" You are perfectly right. Sir, indeed I am very glad that your plan is to
conduct this matter in this manner, for I do not want my name mixed up
with it in any way."
"■ Very well, madam, I think we understand each other pretty well ; now
please give me the name of the fugitive, his age, size, and color, and where
he may be found, how long he has been away, and the witness who can be
relied on to identify him after he is arrested."
Miss Wilson carefully communicated these important particulars, while
Mr. Whitson faithfully penciled down every word. At the close of the
interview he gave her to understand that the matter should be attended to
immediately, and that he thought there v/ould be no difficulty in securing
the fugitive. "You shall hear from me soon, madam, good afternoon."
In five minutes after this interview Wiiitson was back to the Anti-slavery
Office with all Miss Wilson's secrets. The first thing to be attended was to
«end a messenger to the place where the fugitive was at work, with a view
of securing his safety ; this was a success. The man was found, and,
frightened almost out of his wits, he dropped all and followed the messenger,
who bore him the warning. In the meanwhile Mr. McKim was preparing,
with great dispatch, the subjoined document for the enlightenment and
warning of all,
TO WHOM IT MAY CONCERN:
BEWARE OP SLAVE-CATCHERS.
Miss Wilson, of Georgetown Cro.«s Roads, Kent county, MJ., is now in the city in
pursuit of her alleged slave man, Botler. J. M. Cummings and John Wilson, of the
same place, are understood to be here on a similar errand, This is to caution Butler
and his friends to be on their guard. Let them keep clear of tho above-named individuals.
Also, let them have an eye on all persons known to be friends of Dr. High, of Georgetown
Cross Roads, and Mr. D. B. Cummings, who is not of Georgetown Cross Roads.
It is requested that all parties to whom a copy of this may be sent will post it in a
public place, and that the friends of Freedom and Humanity will have the lads herein
contained openly read in their respective churches.
" Hide the outcast ; bewray not him that wandereth." Isaiah xvi. 3.
"Thou shalt not deliver unto his master the servant that has escaped from his master
unto thee." Deut. xxiii. 15.
This document printed as a large poster, about three feet square, and
displayed in large numbers over the city, attracted much attention and
comment, which facts were quickly conveyed to Miss Wilson, at her board-
ing-house. At first, as it was understood, she was greatly shocked to find
536 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD.
herself iu everybody's mouth. She unhesitatingly took her baggage and
started for " My ^Maryland." Thus ended one of the most pleasant inter-
views that ever took place between a slave-hunter and the Vigilauce Com-
mittee of Philadelphia.
ARRIVAL FROM RICHMOND, 1858.
HEXRY LANGHORN alioS WM. SCOTT.
This " chattel " from Richmond, Virginia, was of a yellow complexion,
with some knowledge of the arts of reading and writing ; he was about
twenty-three years of age and considered himself in great danger of being
subjected to the auction-block by one Charles L. Hobson. Hobson and
Henry had grown up from boyhood together; for years they had even
occupied the same room, — Henry as a servant-boy and protector of his
prospective young master. Under these relations quite strong affinities
were cemented between them, and Plenry succeeded in gaining a knowledge
of the alphabet with an occasional lesson in spelling. Both reached their
majority. William was hired out at the American Hotel, and being a
"smart, likely-looking boy," commanded good wages for his young master's
benefit, who had commenced business as a tobacco merchant, with about
seven head of slaves in his possession. A year or two's experiment proved
that the young master was not succeeding as a merchant, and before the ex-
piration of three years he had sold all his slaves except Henry. From such
indications, Henry was fully persuaded that his time was well nigh at hand,
and great was his anxiety as he meditated over the auction-block. "In his
heart" he resolved time and again that he would never be sold. It be-
hooved him, therefore, to avert that ill fate. He at first resolved to buy
himself, but in counting the cost he found that he Avould by no means be
able to accumulate as much money as his master ^vould be likely to demand
for him ; he, therefore, abandoned this idea and turned his attention
straightway to the Underground Rail Road, by which route he had often
heard of slaves escaping. He felt the need of money and that he must
make and save an extra quarter whenever he could ; he soon learned to be
a very rigid economist, and being exceedingly accommodating in waiting
upon gentlemen at the hotel and at the springs, he found his little " pile"
increasing weekly. His object was to have enougli to pay for a private berth
on one of the Richmond steamers and also to have a little loft to fall back
on after landing in a strange land and among strangers. Ho saved about
two hundred dollars in cash ; ho Mas then ready to make a forward move,
and he arranged all his plans with an agent in Richmond to leave by one
of the steamers during the Christmas holidays. " You must come down
ARRIVAL FROM RICHMOND, 1858. 537
to the steamer about dark," said the agent "and if all is right you will see
the Underground Rail Koad agent come out with some ashes as a signal,
and by this you may know that all is ready."
" I will be there certain," said Henry. Christmas week he was confident
would be granted as usual as a holiday week ; a few days before Christmas
he went to his master and asked permission to spend said holiday with his
mother, in Cumberland county, adding that he would need some spend-
ing money, enough at least to pay his fare, etc. Young master freely
granted his request, wrote him a pass, and doled him out enough money
to pay his fare thence, but concluded that Henry could pay his way
back out of his extra change. Henry expressed his obligations, etc., and
returned to the American Hotel. The evening before the time appointed
for starting on his Underground Rail Road voyage, he had occasion to go
out to see the Underground Rail Road agent, and asked the clerk to give
him a pass. This favor was peremptorily refused. Henry, "not willing to
give it up so," sat down to write a pass for himself; he found it all that was
necessary, and was thus enabled to accomplish his business satisfactorily.
Next day his Christmas holiday commenced, but instead of his enjoying the
sight of his mother, he felt that he had seen her for the last time in the flesh.
It was a sad reflection. That evening at dark, he was at the wharf, accord-
ing to promise. The man with the ashes immediately appeared and signalled
him. In his three suits of clothing (all on his back), he walked on the boat,
and was conducted to the coal covering, where Egyptian darkness prevailed.
The appointed hour for the starting of the steamer, was ten o'clock the fol-
lowing morning. By the aid of prayer, he endured the suffering that night.
No sooner had the steamer got under way, than a heavy gale was encountered ;
for between three and four days the gale and fog combined, threatened the
steamer with a total loss. All the freight on deck, consisting of tobacco and
cotton, had to be thrown overboard, to save the passengers.
Henry, in his state of darkness, saw nothing, nor could he know the
imminent peril that his life was in. Fortunately he was not sea-sick, but
slept well and long on the voyage. The steamer was five days coming.
On landing at Philadelphia, Henry could scarcely see or walk ; the S])irit
of freedom, however, was burning brightly in the hidden man, and the free
gales of fresh air and a few hours on free soil soon enabled him to overcome
the difficulties which first presented themselves, and he was soon one of the
most joyful mortals living. He tarried two days with his friends in Phila-
delphia, and then hastened on to Boston. After being in Boston two months,
he was passing through the market one day, when, to his surprise, he espied
his young master, Charles L. Hobson. Henry was sure, however, that he
was not recognized, but suspected that he was hunted. Instantly, Henry
pulled up his coat collar, and Urew his hat over his face to disguise himself
as much as possible ; but he could not wholly recover from the shock he had
538 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD.
thus sustained. He turned aside from the market and soon met a friend
formerly from Richmond, who liad been in servitude in the tobacco factory
owned by his master. Henry tried to prevail on him to spot out said
Hobson, in the market, and see if there possibly could be any mistake. Not
a step would his friend take in that direction. He had been away for
several years, still he was a fugitive, and didn't like the idea of renewing
his acquaintance with old or new friends with a white skin from Virginia.
Henry, however, could not content himself until he had taken another good
look at Mr. Hobson. Disguising himself he again took a stroll through the
market, looking on the right and left as he passed along; presently he saw
him seated at a butcher's stall. He examined him to his satisfaction, and
then went speedily to headquarters (the Anti-Slavery Ofiice), made known
the fact of his discovery, and stated that he believed his master had no
other errand to Boston than to capture him. Measures were at once taken
to ascertain if such a man as Charles L. Hobson was booked at any of the
hotels in Boston.
On finding that this was really a fliet, Henry was offered and accepted
private quarters with the well-known philanthropist and friend of the fugi-
tive, Francis Jackson. His house as well as his purse was always ojicn to
the slave. AViiile under the roof of Mr. Jackson, as Hobson advertised
and described Henry so accurately, and offered a. reward of two hundred
and fifty dollars for him, Henry's friends thought that they would return
him the compliment by publishing him in the Boston papers quite as^
accurately if not with as high a reward for him ; they advertised him
after this manner: "Charles L. Hobson, twenty-two years of age, six feet
high, with a slouched hat on, mixed coat, black pants, with a goatee, is
stopping at the Tremont Hotel," &c., &c. This was as a bomb-shell to Mr.
Hobson, and he immediately took the hint, and with his trunks steered for
the sunny South. In a day or two afterwards Henry deemed it advisable
to visit Canada. After arriving there he wrote back to his young master,
to let him know where he Mas, and why he left, and what he was doing.
How his letter was received Henry was never informed. For five years.he
lived in Boston and ran on a boat trading to Canada East. He saved up
his money and took care of himself creditably. He Avas soon prepared to
go into some business that would ]Kiy him better than running on the boat.
Two of his young friends agreed with him that tlicy could do better in
Philadiphia than in Boston, so they came to the City of Brotherly Love
and opened a first-class dining-saloon near Third and Chestnut streets.
For a time they carried on the business with enterprise and commendable
credit, but one of the partners, disgusted with the prejudices of the city
passenger railway cars, felt that he could no longer live here. Henry,
known after leaving Slavery only by the name of Wm. Scott, quitted the
restaurant business and found employment as a messenger under Thomas A.
ARRIVAL FROM RICHMOND, 1859. 539
Scott, Esq., Vice-President of the Pennsylvania Central Rail Road, where
he has I'aithfully served for the last four years, and has the prospect of
filling the office for many years to come. He is an industrious, sober,
steady, upright, and intelligent young man, and takes care of his wife and
child in a comfortable three story brick house of his own.
ARRIVAL FROiAI RICHMOND, 1859.
Miles Robinson was the slave of Mrs. Roberts, a widow lady living in
York County, Virginia. He did not live with her, however, but was hired out
in the city of Richmond. He had been fortunate in falling into bauds that
' had not treated him harshly. He was not contented, however. Much of the
leisure falling incidentally to his lot from hours of duty, he devoted to the
banjo. As a player on this instrument he had become quite gifted, but music
in Richmond was not liberty. The latter he craved, and in thought was often
far beyond Mason and Dixon's line, enjoying that which was denied him in
Virginia. Although but twenty-two years of age. Miles was manly, and
determination and intelligence were traits strongly marked in his unusually
well-shaped visage. Hearing that he was to be sold, he conferred not with
his mother, brothers, or sisters, (for such he had living as slaves in Rich-
mond) but resolved to escape by the first convenience. Turning his attention
to the Underground Rail Road, he soon found an agent who communi-
cated his wishes to one of the colored women running as cook or cham-
: berraaid on one of the Philadelphia and Richmond steamers, and she was
' bold enough to take charge of him, and found him a safe berth in one of the
closets where the pots and other cooking utensils belonged. It was rather
rough and trying, but Miles felt that it was for liberty, and he must pass
through the ordeal Nvithout murmuring, wiiich he did, until success was
achieved and he found himself in Philadelphia. Boston being the haven
on which his hopes were fixed, after recruiting a short while in the city he
steered for said place. Finding liberty there as sweet as he had fondly
hoped to find it, he applied himself unceasingly to industrial pursuits, eco-
nomy, the improvement of his mind and the elevation of his race. Four
years he passed thus, under the shadow of Bunker Hill, at the end of which
time he invested the earnings, which he had saved, in a business with two
young friends in Philadelphia. All being first-class waiters and under-
standing catering, they decided to open a large dining-saloon. Miles was
one of the two friends mentioned in Wm. Scott's narrative, and as his
success and consequent fortunes have been already referred to, it will suffice
here to mention iiim simj>ly in connection with two contests that he sus-
tained with the prejudice that sought to drive colored people from the pas-
senger cars.
540 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD.
At the corner of Fourth and Wahiut streets Miles, in company with two
other young men, Wallace and Marshall, one evening in a most orderly
manner, entered the cars and took their seats. The conductor ordered them
on the front platform ; they did not budge. He stopped the car and ordered
them out; this did no good. He read rules, and was not a little embarrassed
by these polite and well-dressed young men. Finally he called for the police,
who arrested all three. Miles did not yield his seat without a struggle.
In being pulled out his resistance was such that several window lights were
broken in the car. The police being in strong force, however, succeeded in
marching their prisoners to the Mayor's police station at the corner of Fifth
and Chestnut streets where they were locked up to await further investiga-
tion. The prisoners thought they were back in " old Yirginny " again.
Miles gritted his teeth and felt very indignant, but what could he do ? The
infamous prejudice against which they had borne testimony was controlling
all the lines of city passenger, railways in Philadelphia. While Miles and
his friends were willing to suffer for a principle, the dirt, filth, cold, and dis-
agreeableness of the quarters that they most likely would be compelled to
occupy all night and the following day (Sunday) forbade submission. Added
to this Miles felt that his young wife would hardly be able to contain her-
self while he was locked up. They sent for the writer to intercede for
them.
At a late hour of the night, after going from the alderman's boarding-
house to a fire engine house and other places, where it was supposed that he
might probably be found, on going a third time to his hotel, a little before
midnight, he was discovered to be in bed, and it was then ascertained that
he had not been out all the evening. The night was very stormy. We
could not tell whether or not the fruitless chase on which we had been sent
in search of the alderman, was in keeping with the spirit that had lot'ked
the men up, designed to mislead us ; he condescended at last to appear, and
accepted our offer to go bail for all of them, and finally issued a discharge.
This was hastily delivered at the station, and the prisoners were released.
But ]\Iile3 was not satisfied ; he had breathed free air in Massachusetts
for four years, and being a man of high spirit he felt that he must further
test the prejudices of the cars. Consequently one very cold night, when a
deep snow covered the pavements, he was out with his M'ife, and thought
that he would ride; his wife being fair, he put her on the car at the
corner of Third and Pine streets, and walked to the corner of Fourth
and Pine streets, where he stepped into the car and took his scat. The
conductor straightway ordered him out, on the plea of color. God had
shaded him a little too much. " How is this, my wife is in this car," spake
Miles. All eyes gazed around to see who his wife was. By this time the
car had been stopped, and the wrath of the conductor was kindled prodi-
giously. He did not, however, lay violent hands upon Miles. A lat6
i
ARRIVAL FROM RICHMOND. 54I
decision in court nad taught the police that they had no right to interfere
except in cases where the peace was actually being broken; so in order to <»'et
irid of this troublesome customer, the car was run off the track, the shivering
passengers all leaving it, as though flying from a plague, with the exception
of Miles, his wife, and another colored gentleman, who got on with ]\Iiles.
The conductor then hoisted all the windows, took out the cushions and
unhitched the horses. But Miles and his party stood it bravely ; Miles
burning all the time with indignation at this exhibition of prejudice in the
city of Brotherly Love. The war was then raging fiercely, and as Miles
then felt, he was almost prepared to say, he didn't care which beat, as the
woman said, when she saw her husband and the bear wrestling. He was
compelled to admit that this prejudice was akin to slavery, and gave to
slavery its chief support.
The occupants of the horseless car, which was being aired so thoroughly,
remained in it for a length of time, until they had sufficiently borne their
testimony, and they too quietly forsook it.
Prior to this event, by his industry and hard-earned savings. Miles had
become the owner of a comfortable brick house, and had made up his mind
to remain a citizen of Philadelphia, but the spirit which prompted the afore-
said treatment called up within him reflections somewhat similar to those
iroused by Slavery, and it was not a great while before he offered his pro-
perty for sale, including his business stand, resolving to return to Boston.
He received an offer for his property, accepted it, pulled up stakes, and
igain hopefully turned his face thitherward. The ambitious Miles com-
nenced business in Chelsea, near Boston, where he purchased himself a
comfortable home; and he has ever since been successfully engaged in
ihe sale of kerosene oil. Instead of seeking pleasure in the banjo, as he was
ivont to do in Virginia, he now finds deligiit in the Baptist Church, Rev.
VIr. Grimes', of which he is a prominent member, and in other fields of use-
ulness tending to elevate and better the condition of society generally.
AERIVAL FROM RICHMOND.
JOHN "WILLIAM DUNGY. — BROUGHT A PASS FROM EX. GOV. GREGORY.
" He ought to be put in a cage and kept for a show," said Anna Brown,
laughter of the hero, John Brown, at the house of the writer, where she
lappened to meet the above named Underground Rail Road ])assenger. He
lad then just returned from Canada, after being a Refugee four years. In
he mean time through the war and the Proclamation of Father Abraham the
2tters had been torn from the limbs of the slave, and the M'ay to Rich-
542
THE UNDERGROUND HAIL ROAD.
mond was open to all. John
William on this occasion was
on his way thither to see how
his brethren together witli their
old oppressors looked lacing
each other as freemen. Miss
Anna Brown was en route to
Norfolk, where she designed
to teach a school of the un-
fettered bondmen. The return
of the liefugee was as un-
expected as it was gratifying.
Scarcely had the cordial greet-
ings of the writer and his
family ended and the daughter
of Brown been introduced be-
fore the writer was plying his
Refugee guest with a multiplicity of questions relative to his sojourn in
Canada, etc. " How have you been getting along in Canada ? Do you like
the country?" "First-rate," said Jolm William. "You look as though
you had neither been starved, nor frozen. Have you liad plenty of
work, made some money, and taken care of yourself? " " Yes." " When
you were on the Underground Rail Road on your way to Canada you
promised that you were going to keep from all bad habits ; how about
the 'crittur?' do you take a little sometimes?" " No, I have not drank a
drop since I left the South" re})lied John William with em})hasis. "Good!
"I suppose you smoke and chew at any rate?" "No, neither. I never
think of such a thing." "Now don't you keep late horn's at night and
swear occasionally ?" " No, Sir. All the leisure that I have of evenings
is spent over my books as a general thing; I have not fallen into the
fashionable customs of young men." Miss Brown, who had been an atten-
tive listener, remarked: "he ought to be put in a cage, etc."
He was twenty-seven years of age when he first landed in Philadelphia,
in the month of February, 1860, per steamer Pennsylvania, in which he
had been stowed away in a store-room containing a lot of rubbish and
furniture; in this way he reached City Point; here a family of Irish emi-
grants, very dirty, were taken on board, and orders were given that
accommodations should be made for them in the room occupied by J. W.
Here was trouble, but only for a moment. Those into whose charge he had
been consigned on the boat knew that the kettle and pot-closet had often
been used for Underground Rail Road purposes, and he was safely con-
ducted to quarters among the pots. The room was exceedingly limited,
but he stood it bravely. On landing he waa not able to stand. It re-
I
I
I
ARRIVAL FROM RICHMOND. 543
quired not only his personal efforts but the help of friends to get him in
a condition to walk. No sooner had he stepped on shore, however, than he
began to cry aloud for joy. " Thank God !" rang out sonorously from his
overiiowing soul. Alarmed at this indication of gratitude his friends im-
maliately told him that that would never do ; that all hands would be
betrayed ; that he was far from being safe in Philadelphia. He suppressed
his emotion. After being delivered into the hands of the Acting Committee,
where he was in more private quarters, he gave full vent to the joy he
experienced on reaching this city. He said that he had been trying earnestly
for five years to obtain his freedom. For this special object he had saved
up sixty-eight dollars and fifteen cents, all of which but the fifteen cents he
willingly paid for his passage on the boat. Fifteen cents, the balance of his
entire capital, was all that he had when he landed in Philadelphia.
Before leaving the South ho was hired in the family of Ex-Governor
Gregory. Of the Governor and his wife he spoke very highly, — said that
they were kind to him and would readily favor him whenever he solicited
them to do so. He stated that after making his arrangements to start, in
order that he might be away several days before being missed, he told Mrs.
Gregory that he would be glad to spend a week with his mother, (she lived
some distance in the country). As he was not feeling very -well she kindly
acceded to his request, and told him to ask the Governor for a pass and
some money. The Governor was busy writing, but he at once granted the
prayer, wrote him a pass, gave John five dollars, ad\n' •.u-ctrnWiv^ (o law I would liiivo Ixjcii hired
Old. or Hold, lull my mislrc.sM wmiiIciI |o keep nir to carry on the |»!ac(' lor licr
Hii|i|ior(. So I was k('|)r lor ,sc\ rii or ci;;!!! years all"!' Iiisdealli. 1 1 was
iiiidcrHlctod iM'lweeii my mislresM, and lier eliildren, and lier friends, who all
niel afler masler died, (hal. I was lo lalve <'are (A' mistress, and after iniHtross
died I Nlionid nol serve anylxxly else. I don<' my best to keep my mi.strcss
from snlVerin;;. After a few years they all beeanx' dissatislied, and moved
to Missouri. They Heallercd, and look up <.n)vernmeut laud. Without
means ihey lived as poor |»eople commonly li\c, on small farms in the wooilrt.
I slill livctl willi mv mislresH. Some of (he heirs <:;ot dissatislied, and HUed
lor iheii' rii'liH or a selllement; (hen I was sold wl(h my child, a hoy."
'i'hus AiMit Hannah reviewed her slave-life, showini^ ihal she had been in
(he hands of hi\ ililfcrcnl owiui:, and had seen <;i-«'a( (ribuIa(ioii under
«>aeh of (hem, exee|»( tin- las! ; that she had never known a mother's or a
father's care; (hat Slavery had i;i\en her one child, but no husband as a
pi-otcetor or a filher. Tlie hall' of what she passed (lirou^h in (lie way of
Huneriuj:; has seared \- been hinted a( in this sketch. I'ifly-seveu years were
passed in boudaj;<' belbre she reaclu'd IMiiladel|>hia. Huder ihen'ood Provi-
dence (hrou^h which .'he came in possession of her iVeedom, she found a
kind honu< with a family of Ab(»li(ionisls, (Mi\s. ( lillini;ham's\ w hos(^ hearts
had been in dee|» sympatln- with (he slave for many years. In (his silua-
(ion Aunt llannah remaincil several years, honest, t'aithlul, and olilining,
(akin;;- care of her earnin<.!,s, which wcic put ou( at int«'rest lor lit r by her
friends. llci' mind was dee|»lv ind)ucd with rcliL;it>us Icelini:;, and ail
unshaken eonliilcn<'t> in ( ioil as her only trust ; .^he connected hers(>lf with
(he A. M. Iv r.clliel CiiiHcli, of riiiiadclphia. wlua-c she has walked,
blameless an«l cxcmplaiy up to this day. I'robably (here is not a uu-ui-
b*M" ii\ (hat larL:,'(> c(Mii:;i'eii,a(io!. whose simple faith and whose walk and
conversalion are more connucuilable than Aunt llannah's. AlthoUL:,h she
has passed (hroui;h so many hanlships she is a woman ot" puul judgment
and more than avcrai'M' intellect; enjoys ^ood hcallh, viuor, .and |ieacc
of mind in her old da\s, with a small income iu>t sulliiieul (o mce( her
hund>lt> wan(s wi(hon( haviiiL:,' to li\(> at sta\ice. Allci' li\iu^ in IMiila-
• lelphia tor se\ ci-al vcars, sln> was mariicd to a man o{' about her ow n ai^c,
poHS(>ssint;' all lui' '.';ihH\ (pialitics; had s(M'\i'd a lite-lime in a hii!,hly
respectable (Quaker tamilv ol' this eitv, .and had so won (he estciau ol his
kind tMuploycr that at his death he left him a comtorlabic houst> t"t>r life, so
that he was nol uiuha" the necessity of stM'viii!:,' anotlua". I'hc name of the
rcci|)icnt ol" the !;ood (Quaker iVicud's bounl\ and Aunt llannah's coai-
panion, was Thomas Todd. Alter a few years ol" wcddctl lite. Aunt Han-
nah was called upon io be Icl'l alone a^ain in the woi'ld by tht> death of her
husband, whov(' |o>;s was n\onrucd bv manv iVicnds, both colored and white,
who knew and rcspccli>d him.
KIDXAPPIXG RACHEL AND ELIZABETH PARKER. 551
KIDXAPPIXG OF RACHEL AXD ELIZABETH PARKER-
MURDER OF JOSEPH C. MILLER IX ISol AXD 1852.
Those who were interested in the Anti-Slavery cause, and who kept
posted with reference to the frequent cases of kidnapping occurring in differ-
ent Free States, especially in Pennsylvania, during the twenty years previous
to emancipation, cannot fail to remember the kidnapping of Rachel and
Elizabeth Parker, and the murder of Joseph C. Miller, who resided in "West
Nottingham township, Chester county, Pennsylvania, in the latter part of
1851, and the beginning of 1852.
B(jth the kidnajjpiug and the murder at the time of the occurrence
shocked and excited the l>etter thinking and humane classes largely, not
only in Pennsylvania, but to a considerable extent over the Northern States.
It may be said, without contradiction, that Chester county, at least, was
never more aroused by any one single outrage that had taken place
within lu.T borders, than by these occurrences. For a long while the in-
terest was kept alive, and even as lately as the past year (1870), we find
the case still agitating the citizens of Chester county. Judge Benjamin I.
Passmore, of said county, in defence of truth in an exhaustive article
publi.lied in the ''Village Record," West Chester, Oct. 12th, 1870, gives
a reliable version of the matter, from beginning to end, which we feci con-
strained to give in full, as possessing great historical value, bearing on
kidnapping in general, especially in Pennsylvania.
TOM m'creaky.
Friend Evans: — I noticed in the "Village Record," a short time since,
an article taken from the Delaware " Transcript," an obituary notice of the
death of the noted cliaracter, whose name heads this article, in which false
statements wen; niadf, rfflative to tiie outrage he committed in kidnapping
Rachel and ElizafKjth I'arker, two colored girls who were then, 1851, resid-
ing in the southern j)ortion of Cliester county. In your paper of the 13th
ult., I also read an answer to the charges and insinuations made in the
" Traiiscrii)t," against Joseph C. Miller, (whose life was basely destroyed),
and other citizens of Chester county ; as the occurrence took place in my
immediate neighborhood, and I was familiar with all the facts and circum-
stances, I propose to give a truthful history of that vile and wicked transac-
tion.
In the winter of 1851, the said McCreary in some unexplained way, took
Elizabetli J*;irker, one of the said colored girls, from the house of one
Donally (not McDonald), in the townslii|) of East Nottingham, where she
was living; but little was said about it by Donally, or any one else. Soon
ifter, McCreary with two or three others of like proclivities, called at the
552 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD.
house of Joseph C. Miller, in West Nottingham, where Rachel was living;,
and seized her, gagged her, and placed her in a carriage and drove off. The
screams of Mrs. Miller and her children, soon brought the husband and
father to the rescue ; he pursued them on foot, and at a short distance over-
took them in a narrow private road, disputing with James Pollock, the
owner of the land, whose wagon prevented them from passing. They turned
and took another road, and came out at Stubb's INIill, making for the Mary-
land line with all possible speed; they arrived at Perryvillo befping in open day, in the name of the law, l)y professed Christians
in the city of Brotherly Love, and the home of William Penn.
February 6, 1851, Euphemia Williams, the mother of six children, the
youngest at the breast, was arrested in the upper part of the city (Phila-
delphia), and hurried before Edward D. Ingraham, a United States commis-
sioner, upon the charge of being a fugitive from labor. She was claimed by
William T. J. Purnell, of Worcester county, Maryland, who admitted that
she had been away from him for twenty-two years, or since 1829. Her off-
spring were born on the soil of Pennsylvania, and the eldest daughter was
seventeen years of age.
EuPiiEMiA was living in her own house, and had been a member of
church, in good and regular standing, for about seventeen years, and was
about forty years of age. When the arrest was made, Euphemia had just
risen from her bed, and was only partly dressed, when a little after daylight,
several persons entered her room, and arrested her. Murder ! murder ! was
cried lustily, and awakened the house. Her children screamed lamentably,
and her eldest daughter cried " They've got my mother ! they've got my
mother!" " For God's sake, save me," cried Euphemia, to a woman in the
second story, who was an eye-witness to this monstrous outrage. But
despite the piteous ai)peals of the mother and children, the poor woman was
hastened into a cab, and borne to the marshall's office.
Through the vigilance of J. M. McKim and Passmore Williamson, a
writ of habeas corpus returnable forthwith was obtained at about one o'clock.
The heart-broken motlier was surrounded by five of her children, three of
whom were infants. It was a dark and dreadful hour. When her children
wt^re brought into the room where she was detained, great drops of sweat
standing on her face plainly indicated her agony.
By mutual arrangement between the claimants and the prisoner's counsel
the hearing was fixed fi)r the next day, at the hour of three o'clock. Accord-
THE CASE OF EUPHEMIA WILLIAMS. 507
ing to said arrangement, at three o'clock Euphemia was brought face to face
with her claimant, William T. J. Purnell. The news had already gone
out that the trial would come off at the time fixed ; hence a multitude were
on hand to witness the proceedings in the case. The sympathy of anti-
slavery ladies was excited, and many were present in the court-room to
manifest their feelings in behalf of the stricken woman. The eloquent
David Paul Brown (tlie terror of slave-hunters) and William S. Pierce,
Esqrs., appeared for Euphemia, R. C. McMurtrie, Esq., for the claimant.
Mr. McMurtrie in the outset, arose and said, that it was with ext)-eme
regret that he saw an attempt to influence the decision of this case by
tumult and agitation. The sympathy shown by so many friendly ladies,
was not a favorable sign for the slave-holder. Notwithstanding, Mr.
McMurtrie said that he would "prove that Mahala, sometimes called
Mahala Purnell, was born and bred a slave of Dr. George W. Purnell, of
Worcester county, Maryland, who was in the habit of hiring her to the
neighbors, and while under a contract of hiring, she escaped with a boy,
with whom she had taken up, belonging to the person who hired her." The
present claimant claimed her as the administrator of Dr. George W.
Purnell.
In order to sustain this claim many witnesses and much positive swearing
were called forth. Robert F. Bowen, the first witness, swore that he knew
both Mahala and her master perfectly well, that he had worked as a car-
penter in helping to build a house for the latter, and also had hired the
former directly from her owner.
Definite time and circumstances were all harmoniously fixed by this lead-
ing witness. One of the important circumstances which afforded him
ground for being positive was, as he testified on cross-examination, that he
was from home at a camp-meeting (when she run away); "our camp-meet-
ings," said the witness, " are held in the last of August or the first of Sep-
tember ; the year I fix by founding it upon knowledge ; the year before she
ran away, I professed religion; I have something at home to fix the year;
she was with me a part of a year. I hired her for the year 1848 as a house
servant ; I hired her directly from Dr. George W. Purnell. When she ran
away I proceeded after her. I advertised, in Delware in written advertise-
ments, in Georgetown, Milford and Millsborough, and described her and the
boy ; her general features. I have not the advertisement and can't tell how
she was described ; Dr. George Purnell united with me in the advertisement.
I followed her to Delaware City ; that's all I have done since, about inquir-
ing after them. I came, after twenty-two years' absence, to seek my own
rigiits, and as an evidence for my friend. I have not seen her more than
once since she ran away, until she was arrested ; I saw her two or three
times in court. I saw her first in a wretched-looking room, at Fifth and
Germantown Road; it was yesterday morning ; it was the evening before at
568 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD.
Congress Hall ; I arrived here last Tuesday a week ; a man told me where
she was " — '* I beg the court/' — here INIr. McMurtrie interposed an objection
to his mentioning the person. The court, however, said the question could
be put.
Witness. — I was pledged not to tell the name; the person signed her name
Louisa Truit ; the information was got by letter ; the reason I did not tell,
because I thought she might be murdered ; I have not the letters, and can't
tell the contents ; the letter that I received required a pledge that I would
not tell : I was directed to send my letter to the post-office without any
definite place ; the representative of Louisa Truit was a man ; I saw him in
Market street between Third and Fourth, at Taylor and Paulding's store,
in the course of last week; I was brought into contact witii the representa-
tive of Louisa by appointment in the letter, to get the information ; I never
heard him tell his name; he was neither colored nor white; we call them
with us mixed blood ; (I should take you to be colored, said the witness to
Mr. Brown.) I suppose he lives somewhere up there; I saw him at my
room the next morning ; I did not learn from him who wrote the letter ; he
did not describe the person of the woman in the letter written to rae, only .
her general aj>pearance ; PurncU said he burnt the letter. )
Mr. Brown demanded the letter, or the proof of its destruction.
I never wrote myself, but my friend, Mr. Henry did ; he said so ; T never
received a letter ; it was written to Robert J. Henry ; part of the letter was
written to me, but not directed to me ; the Louisa Truit, who wrote, stated,
that for the information he wanted $100 for one of the fugitives; he was
referral to the store of Taylor & Paulding, and Mr. Henry would meet him
there ; when I got to the store, some of the concern let Mr. Henry know
that a man wanted to see him; I heard this at the store, the man was there;
he was a mulatto man, middle-aged, and middling tall ; he is not here, that I
know of^; can't tell when I last saw him. His name I understood to be
Gloucester.
Under the severe cross-examination that the witness had been subjected to
under D. P. Brown, he became very faint, and called for water. Large
drops of sweat stood upon his forehead, and he was obliged to sit down, lest
he should fall down. "Take a seat," said Mr. Brown tauntingly, "and
enjoy yourself, while I proceed with my interrogations." But the witness
was completely used up, and was allowed to withdraw to another room,
where frosh air was more plentiful. The cause of tlie poor slave woman
was greatly strengthened by this failure.
Another witness, named Zachariah Bowen, for the claimants, swore pos-
itively that he know the prisoner well, that she had been hired to his
brother for three years by Dr. Purnell, whose slave she was; also he swore
that he knew her parents, who were slaves to the said Doctor P. ; that he
last saw her in 1827, etc. On croas-examination he swore thus : " I last saw
THE CASE OF EUPHEMIA WILLIAMS. 5G9
her in 1827, she was about sixteen or seventeen; she was about an ordinary
size, not the smallest size, nor the largest ; she was neither tliiclc nor thin ;
there was nothing re^narkable in her more than is common ; nothing in her
speech ; she was about the same color as the woman here ; I never saw a
great deal of change in a nigger, from sixteen to thirty-five or forty, some-
times they grow fatter, and sometimes leaner. As to recognizing her in
Philadelphia, he had not the slightest difficulty. He went on to swear, that
he first saw her in a cab, in the city ; I knew her yesterday ; if you could
see the rest of the family you could pick her out yourself in thirty : I knew
her by her general favor, and have no particular mark ; I would not attempt
to describe features ; her favor is familiar to me ; I never saw any marks
upon her."
Here Mr. Brown said he would not examine this witness further until he
had concluded the examination of the witness, who had become sick. The
court then adjourned till nine o'clock the next morning.
The avenues to the court were filled with anxious persons, and in the
front and rear of the state house the crowd was very great.
The next morning, at an early hour, the court-room, and all the avenues
to it were densely crowded by people interested in behalf of the woman
whose case was under trial. A large number of respectable ladies formed a
part of the large gathering.
Robert F. Bowen, the witness, who became sick, was recalled.
Witness. — " I saw the colored person, who gave the information, the next
evening ; after I saw him in Market street, at Congress Hall, in our room ;
the gentleman who keeps the hotel we did not wish to place under any
responsibility, as he might be accused of cr.rrying on the business. (Of kid-
napping, suggested Mr. Brown.) No, said witness, that is what you call it;
the woman would have run away if it had gone out ; I heard his natne was
Gloucester, that gave the information ; I saw him three times ; once on the
street ; I have never been in his house ; I have been to a house where I
heard he lived ; I gave a pledge not to disclose the matter ; I made a per-
sonal pledge to Gloucester in our room last week at Congress Hall ; he said
he was afraid of being abused by the population of his own color for telling
that this girl run away from Dr. Purnell ; I understood that Louisa Truit
was Gloucester's wife.
Under this searching cross-examination, Mr. Brown constrained him not
only to tell all and more than he knew in favor of his friend, the claimant,
but wrung from him the secrets which he stood pledged never to disclose.
Witness. — I know no marks; she was in the condition of a married woman
when she left me ; it was the particular fiivor of her father and mother that
made me recognize her ; nothing else ; she was pretty well built for her
size."
While this witness remembered every thing so accurately occurring in re-
570 'THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD.
lation to the life and escape of the girl of sixteen, and was prepared to
swear to her identity simply *' by her lavor," as he termed it, he was found
sadly deficient in memory touching the owner, whom he had known much
longer, and more intimately than he had the girl, as will be seen irom the
following facts in this witness' testimony :
Witness. — "I don't know when Dr. P. died; I can't tell the year; I
should suppose about fourteen years ago ; I was at the funeral, and helped
to make his coffin ; it was in the fall, I think ; it was after the camp-meet-
ing I spoke of; at that time I went regularly, but not of late; I have no
certain recollection of the year he died; I kept a record of the event of my
conversion, and have referred to it often. It has been a reference every
year, and perhaps a thousand times a year; it was in the Bible, and I was
in the liabit of looking into it ; I was in the habit of turning over the leaves
of this precious book; I think it was eighteen years ago ; can't say I'm cer-
tain ; can't say it was more than twelve years ; Dr. P. left six children ; two
remain in our country, and one in Louisiana, and the one, who is here,
making four; I have no interest in the fugitive; I made no contract in
regard to this case; there was an oifer ; are you waiting for an answer? the
offer was this, that I was to come on after my fugitive, and if I did not get
him they were to pay my expenses; I hesitated about coming; it was a
long time before I made up my mind ; they said they would pay my
expenses if I didn't succeed in getting mine out of prison."
In this way the above witness completely darkened counsel, and added to
the weakness of his cause in a marked degree.
THE OVERSEER "IS NOAV EXAMINED.
Zachnriah Boioen recalled. — " I didn't come here on any terms ; I hardly
understand what you mean by terms ; I made no contract ; I came upon my
own hook; there was no contract; I have no expectations; I don't know
that Dr. P. ever manumitted any female slaves ; I never knew that she was
in the family way when she ran away; I heard of it about that time; she
ran off in the fall of 1828. Dr. P. told me so; in the fall of 1828 ; in 1825,
'26, '27, she lived with my brother; in 1825 I lived there; in 1827 and '28
I lived with Dr. P. I moved there and was overseer for him ; I was over-
seer for fifteen years for him ; two years at his house; I ceased to be his
overseer in 1841, I think; he was living in 1841; I am certain of that
year, I think ; Dr. Purnell died in 1844, I feel certain ; 1 said to Mr. Pur-
nell that I did not know what ailed the other Mr. Bowen, for the doctor
died in 1844 ; he died in the latter part of the Spring of 1844 ; Mr. Bowen
made a mistake in saying it w;is eighteen years ago; if you recall him he
will rectify the mistake, I think; several slaves escaped from Dr. Purnell;
a boy, that lived with my brother, ran away in 1827; the others were not
hired to my brother ; I don't know that I could tell the exact time, nor the
THE CASE OF EUPHEMIA WILLIAMS. 571
year ; the doctor used to say to us, there is another of my niggers ran away;
the reason that I can tell when Mahala ran away, is because she took a
husband and ran away; I was married that year; the reason I cannot tell
about tlie others is, because they went at different times in five years; the
first who ran away before Mahala, was named Grace ; she went in 1827 ; I
don't know when the last went, or who it was.
****** * *
Gloucester said they had raised a mob on him, on account of this case, and
he would have to leave the city ; the case of this woman or these proceed-
ings was not spoken of there ; he staid but a short time ; he said one of the
witnesses had betrayed him in court, yesterday, and they attacked him last
night ; I asked him how he escaped from so many ; he said very few were
in the city who could outrun him ; I asked him where he was going, he
replied he had a notion to put for Canada ; some of the gentlemen proposed
his going to Baltimore ; lie said that would not do, as the laws of Maryland
would catch him ; he was going to get a boat and go to New Jersey, and
then to New York ; Mr. Purnell gave him just thirty-five dollars last night;
he paused a while, and Mr. P. told him to hand it back ; he then took out
his money and put some more to it, and said : " Here is fifty dollars." Mr.
P. said that if he got the slave he would leave fifty dollars more with a per-
son in the city.
Question by the judge. — "You have spoken of a conversation in which
Mr. P. told you of certain letters or correspondence, and that they had
reference to this alleged fugitive. I want you to give me, to the best of
your recollection, everything he said the letters contained."
Witness. — Mr P. told me when he first mentioned it to me, he said that he
was going to mention something to me, that he did not want anything said,
in regard to some negroes that had run away from his father ; he said he
wanted me to come on here, and he did not want me to tell any person
before wc left our county ; that if the negroes heard of it, they could get
information to the parties before he could get here; I told him I would not
tell any person except my wife ; he then said he had correspondence with a
person here, for a month or two, and he had no doubt but that several of his
negroes were here, from what he had heard from his correspondent ; he
asked me if I could recognize the favor of this Mahala ? I told him I
didn't know ; he then said if anybody would know her, I would, as she had
lived with ray brother three years ; he then said that he would want to start
the next week, but he would see me again at that time ; that was all he said
at that time, only we turned into a hotel, and he said don't breathe this to
anybody ; on Saturday before we left home, he came to my house, and said :
well, I shall want you to start for Philadelphia, on Monday morning ; I
suppose you will go ? I told him I would rather not, if he could do with-
572 THE UNDERGROUXD RAILROAD,
out me; but as I told him before, I would go, if he still requested it. I
would go; that's all, sir, except that I said I would be along in the stage.
********
J. T. Hammond was then called, a young man who admitted he had
never seen the respondent till he came to the court-house, but was ready to
swear that he would have known her by her resemblance to Dr. Purnell's
set of negroes. "His whole set?" said Mr. Brown. "■ Yes, sir." (Derisive
laughter).
********
Mr. McMurtrie offered to prove, by persons who had known the two
witnesses who had testified in this case, from their youth, that thov were
respectable and worthy men. D. P. Brown, said that if the gentleman
found it necessary to sustain his witnesses' reputation, in consequence of the
peculiar dilemma they had got into, he would object, and if he suj)posed
that he was about to contradict them in some point in the defence, he
certainly was right, but as the case could not be concluded to-day, he would
like to have the matter adjourned over until Tuesday next.
Mr. McMurtrie objected, by saying, that his client was anxious to have
the matter disposed of as soon as possible, as he had been subjected to
numerous insults since the matter had been before the court.
Judge Kane intimated that no weight was to be attached to this consider-
ation, as the full power of the court was at his disposal for the purpose of
protecting his client from insult.
JNIr. McMurtrie replied that he did not know whether words spoken came
within the meaning of the act of Congress, in such matters.
The court took a recess until a quarter to three o'clock.
The court met again at a quarter to three o'clock.
Mr. McMurtrie asked that the witnesses for the defence be excluded from
the court room, except the one upon the stand.
This was obje(!ted to by INIr. Brown, as the witnesses for the prosecution
had not been required so to do ; but he afterwards withdrew his objections,
and notified Mr. ]\IcMurtric that he would require any witnesses he might
have in addition, should retire also; as he would object to any of them being
.heard if they remained.
The Defence. — Mr. Pierce opened i\\Q case by saying that the testimony for
the defence would be clear and conclusive; that the witnesses for the pro-
secution are mistaken in the identity of the alleged fugitive. That at
the time they allege her to hav^e been in Maryland, on the plantation of Dr.
Purnell, she was in Chester county, and in the year Lafayette visited this
country, she was in this city. He woidd confine the testimony exclusively
to these two counties, and show that she is not the alleged slave.
Henry C Cornish, sworn. I live in this city, and am a shoemaker ; I
came here in the year 1830 ; before that I lived in Chester county, East
THE CASE OF EUPHEMIA WILLIAMS. 573
Whitelaad township, with Win. Latta ; my father lived with Mr. Latta six
or eight years ; I lived there three years before that time, and was familiar
with the place for more than six years before 1830; I saw the alleged fugi-
tive some five years before 1830, at George Amos', in Uwchland township,
some eight or ten miles from our house; I fix the time from a meeting being
held on the Valley Hill by a minister, named Nathan D. Tierney ; that
must have been in 1825; I am positive it was before the beginning of the
year 1828 ; I have not the least doubt; I joined church about that time; it
was the first of my uniting with the church; it was in 1825; I joined the
Methodist Episcopal Church ; before they built a church they held meetings
alternately at people's houses ; I met her at Amos' house, I recollect my
father going to dig the foundation of the church : I saw her there before the
church was built ; I knew her before she was married ; and since I left
there I have met her at the annual meetings of the church; I have kept up
the acquaintance ever since ; I knew that she had two children, that were
buried as long as twenty-one or twenty-two years ago; if the boy had lived
he would have been twenty-three or twenty-four years old; he was the oldest;
she was not married when I first saw her in 1827 ; she did not a[)pear to be
anything but a girl, and was not married, and she of course could not bo in
the condition of a married woman; I was not at her wedding; if I had not
continued to know her, I would not now know her ; she was then a small
person ; age and flesh would change her a little ; her complexion has not
changed ; I think she worked for Mrs. Amos; a church record is now kept
very correct; but when I first went into the church, colored men could not
read and write ; I acted as the clerk of the church ; I united with the church
after I first saw her; I have seen her very often since I left Chester; five
hundred times to speak safely ; I worship down town and she up in Brown
street; to the best of my recollection they moved over Schuylkill about
twelve 3'ears ago; she has lived here about nine years; she has six children,
I have heard ; I have seen five ; the oldest is eighteen or nineteen ; the
youngest a sucking babe; I have visited her house since I have been here;
I was not sent for by my uncle, who was employed by Joseph Smith & Co.,
next to the Girard Bank ; I was with Edward Biddle for four years, until
he was elected President of the Morris Canal and Banking Company, and
then I went to learn shoemaking under instructions, since which time I have
been in business for myself; my father burnt limestone for Mr. Latta ; he
and his wife are dead ; I was there a day or two ago for witnesses to testify
in this case.
Cross-examined. — I was born in 1814, and am thirty-seven years of age;
when I first knew her I suppose she was fifteen years old ; she was married
about three years afterwards; her husband's name is Micajah Williams;
I heard he was in prison for stealing; her name before marriage was Phamie
Coates ; I didn't know her husband before they were married ; don't know
574 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD.
whether thev came from Maryhind ; I never knew of Mahala Richardson
before last evening in court ; the difference in her appearance is a natural
one, that every body is acquainted with ; I mean that a little boy is not a
man. and a growing girl is not a woman ; age and flesh and size make a
difference ; if I had not conversed with her during the twenty-one yeai-s, I
would not have known her ; I never changed a word with her about the
case, except to say I was sorry to see her here ; I knew her the moment
I saw her; her arrest could not have been in the newspapers of the morning
as she was not arrested until seven o'clock that day ; I went to Chester to
look for witnesses ; I came to the court because I am a vigilant man, and
mv principle is to save any person whose liberty is in danger; I had heard
that a woman was arrested ; her business is to get work wherever she can.
Deborah Ann Boyer, sworn. I was thirty-three last January ; I live
within one mile of West Chester ; I am a married woman ; I have lived
there since 1835. I went there with my mother; I can read; I have seen
the alleged fugitive before this; I first knew her at Downingtown, when she
came to my mother's house ; that was before I had gone to West Chester
with mv mother; you can tell how long it was, for it was in 1826 ; my
brother was born in that year ; I Avas quite small then ; don't know how
she came there ; she was with my mother during her confinement ; my
brother is dead ; it is written down in our Testament ; and I took an epitaph
from it to put on the tombstone; the last time I saw it was when the fellow
killed the school-mistress. I looked because about 1830, a man killed a
woman, and was hung, and I wanted to see how long ago it was. I have seen
her more or less ever since, until within two years. I don't remember when
she went from mother, but I saw her at Mr. Latta's afterwards. I have no
doubt she is the woman ; she was then a slim, tall girl, larger than myself;
she is not darker now, but heavier set every way.
*** * ****
Sarah Gayly affirmed. — I am between forty-seven and forty-eight years
of age. I live in the city at this time. I was raised in Chester county, in
1824, and have been here about five years. I lived in Downingtown nine or
ten years. I lived awhile in West Chester, and lived in Chester county
until about five years ago. I know the alleged fugitive. I first saw
her in the neighborhood of Downingtown, at a place they call Down-
ing's old stage office ; she worked in the house with me ; it was some-
where near 1824, just before Lafayette came about; she worked off
and on days' w'ork, to wash dishes; she was a small girl then, very thin,
and younger than me. I met with her, as near as I can tell you, down in
the valley, at a place called the Valley Inn. I used to see her off and on
at church, in 1826. 1 visited her at Mr. Latta's, after she lived at the
Valley Inn. I don't know when she left that county. I know the alleged
fugitive is the same person; she belonged to the same church, Ebenezer. I
THE CASE OF EUPHEMIA WILLIAMS. 575
know the brothers Cornish, and have whipped them many a time. I lived
with Latta myself, and the Cornish, who is now a minister, lived there ; he
lived there before I did, and so did the alleged fugitive. I was then
between twenty-three and twenty-five years old ; she was a strip of a girl ;
she was not in the family way when she came there.
Cross-examined. — I have not seen her since 1826, until I saw her here in
the court-room ; I recognized her when I first saw her here without any-
body pointing her out, and she recognized me ; I have reason to know her,
because she has the same sort of a scar on her forehead that I have ; we
used to make fun of each other about the marks ; she went by the name of
Fanny Coates. I know nothing about her husband ; she did not do the
work of a woman in 1826 ; she washed dishes, scrubbed, etc. I heard her
say her father and mother were dead, and that they lived somewhere in that
neighborhood ; she at that time made her home with a family named Amos.
The Judge asked to see the scar on the witness' forehead and that on the
forehead of the respondent. They were brought near the bench, and the
marks inspected, which were plainly seen on both. During this time the
infant of the respondent was entrusted to another colored woman. The
child, who, up to this time, had been quiet, raised a piteous cry aud would
not be pacified. The whole scene excited a great sensation.
Mr. Brown then rose in reply to the plaintiff's counsel, and said : If I
consulted my own views, I should not say one syllable, in answer to the
arguments of the learned counsel upon the other side, and relying as I do
upon the evidence, and out of respect to the convenience of your honor, I
shall say very little as it is. The views of the counsel it appears to me, are
most extraordinary indeed. He seems to take it for granted that every-
thing that is said on the part of the witnesses for the claimant is gospel, and
that what is said on the part of the witnesses for the respondent, is to be
considered matter of suspicion. Now I rate no man by his size, color, or
position, but I appeal to you in looking at the testimony that has been pro-
duced here, on the different sides of the question, and judging it by its
intrinsic worth, whether there is the slightest possible comparison between the
witnesses on the part of the plaintiff, and those of the defendant, either in
intelligence, memory, language, thought, or anything else. This is a fine
commentary upon the disparagement of color! Looking at the men as they
are, as you will, I say that the testimony exhibited on the part of the
respondent would outweigh a whole theatre of such men as are exhibited on
the part of the complainant. I say nothing here about their respectability.
It would have been proper for the learned counsel on the part of the ]ilain-
tiff, if he thought the witnesses on the part of the respondent unworthy of
belief, to have proved them so; but instead of that, he attempts to bolster
up men, who, whether respectable or otherwise, from their inconsistency,
576 THE UXDErMROUyD RAIL ROAD.
involutions and tcri^iversations in regard to this case, produce no possible
cH'ect upon the judicial mind, but that which is unfavorable to themselves.
Impartial men, are they? How do they appear before you? They appear
under cover from first to last; standing upon their right to resist inquiries
legitimately propounded to them ; burning up letters since they have
arrived, calculated to shed light upon this subject ; and before they come
here, corresponding with and deriving information from a man, an evident
kidnapper, who dare not sign his name and gets his wife to sign hers. This
is the character these men exliibit here before you ; clandestinely meeting
together at the tavern, and that to consult in regard to the identity of a
person about whom they know nothing. Can they refer to any marks by
which to identify this person? Nothing at all of the kind. Do they, with
the exception of the first witness examined, state even the time when she
left? Have they produced the letter written by this kidnapper, showing
how he described her? Why, let me ask, is not the full light allowed to
shine on this case? But even with the light they have shed upon it, I would
have been perfectly content to have rested it, relying upon their testimony
alone, for a just decision.
Now, what man among them, professes to have seen this woman for
twenty-one years ? Not one. The learned gentleman attem])ts to sustain
his case, because one of our witnesses, certainly not more than one, has not
seen this woman for about the same length of time : but don't you perceive,
that in this case they all lived in the same State, if not In the same county —
they had intercourse with persons mutually acquainted with her, and three
out of four of them, met her for several months at the same chuich ; and
one witness, who had long been in her society, and in close association with
her, knew she had a mark upon her forehead corresponding to the one she bore
on her own. And by dint of all these matters, this long continued acquain-
tance only reviving the impressions received in early life, they had no doubt
of the identity of the person. Was there ever a more perfect train of
evidence exhibited to prove the identity of a person, than on the present
occasion ?
**♦**♦**
We have called witnesses on this point alone, and have more than counter-
poised the evidence produced upon the opposite side. And we liu\e not
only made it manifest that she was a free woman, but we have confirmed
her charter by separate proof. What does the gentleman say further ? Do
I understand him to say we have no right to determine this matter judi-
cially? Now what is all this about? Why is it before you, taking your
time day after day ? According to this argument, you have nothing to do
but to give the master the flesh he claims. But you are to be satisfied that
you have sufficient reason to believe that these claims are well founded. And
4\
I
I
THE CASE OF EUPHEMIA WILLIAMS. ^'J'J
if you leave that matter in a state of doubt, it does not require a single wit-
ness to be called on the part of the respondent, to prove on the opposite side
of the question. But we have come in with a weight of evidence demolish-
ing the structure he has raised, restoring the woman to her original position
in the estimation of the law. " Well," says the gentleman, *' it is like the
case of a fugitive from justice." But it is not, and if it were, it would not
benefit his case. Tlie case of a fugitive from justice is one in which the
prisoner is remanded to the custody of the law, handed over for legal pur-
poses. The case of a fugitive from labor is a case in which the individual is
handed over sometimes to a merciless master, and very rarely to a charitable
one. Does the counsel mean to say that in the case of a fugitive from justice
he is not bound to satisfy the judge before whom the question is heard? He
should prove our witnesses unworthy of belief. As Judge Grier said, upon
a former occasion, '^ You can choose your own time ; you have full and
abundant opportunities on every side to prepare against any contingency."
Why don't they do so ? He is not to come here and force on a case, and
say, I suppose you take every thing for granted. He is to come prepared to
prove the justice of his claim before the tribunal who is to decide upon it.
That he has not done successfully, and I would, therefore, ask your Honor,
after the elaborate argument on the part of the plaintiif, to discharge this
woman: for after such an abundance of testimony unbroken and incontesta-
ble as that we have exhibited here, it would be a monstrous perversion of
reason to suppose that anything more could be required.
Mr. McMurtrie replied by reasserting his positions. It was a grave ques-
tion for the court to consider what evidence was required. He thought that
this decision might be the turning case to show whether the act of Congress
would be carried out or whether we were to return in fact to the state of
affairs under the old laws.
Judge Kane said, in reference to the remarks at the close of Mr. McMur-
trie's speech : So long as I retain my seat on this bench, I shall endeavor to
enforce this law without reference to my own sympathies, or the sympathies
and opinions of others. I do not think, in the cases under this act of
Congress, or a treaty, or constitutional, or legal provision for the extradition
of fugitives from justice, that it is possible to imagine that conclusive proof
of identity could be established by depositions. From the nature of the
case and the facts to be proved, proof cannot be made in anticipation of the
identity of the party. That being established, it is the office of the judge,
to determine whether a prima facie case indicates the identity of the party
charged, with the party before him.
********
On the other hand, the evidence of the claimant has been met, and
regarding the bearing of the witnesses for the respondent, met by witnesses
who testified, with apparent candor and great intelligence. If they are
37
578 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD.
believed, then the witnesses for the claimant are mistaken. The question is,
Avhother two witnesses for the claimant, who have not seen the respondent
for twenty-three, one for twenty-four years, are to be believed in preference
to four witnesses on the other side, three of whom have seen her frequently
since 1826, and known her as Eupheraia Williams, and the fourth, who has
not seen her for a quarter of a century, but testifies that when they were
children, they used to jest each other about scars, which they still bear upon
their persons ; I am bound to say that the proof by the four witnesses has
not been overthrown by the contrary evidence of the two who only recog-
nized her when they called on her with the raarshall. One says he called
her Mahala Purnell as soon as he saw her. He might be mistaken. He
inferred he would find her at the place to which he went. There were three
persons in the room, one was Mahala Richardson, whom he knew, a young
girl, and the prisoner. If she had been alone, his recognition would have
been of no avail. The fact is obvious to this court, that the respondent has
no peculiar physiognomy or gait. It has been shown she has no peculiarity
of voice ; I cannot but feel that the fact alleged by the claimant is very
doubtful, when the witnesses, without mark or peculiarity, testify that they
can readily recognize the girl of fifteen in the woman of forty. The prisoner
is therefore discharged.
A slight attemjit at applause in the court room was promptly suppressed.
The intelligence of the discharge of the woman, was quickly spread to those
without, who raised shouts of joy. The woman, with her children, were
hurried into a carriage, which was driven first to the Anti-slavery office and
then to the Philadelphia Institute, in Lombard Street above Seventh.
Here she was introduced to a large audience of colored people, who hailed
her appearance with lively joy ; several excited speeches were made, and
great enthusiasm was manifested in and outside of the building and the
adjacent streets. When Euphemia came out, the horses were taken out of
the carriage, and a long rope was attached, which was taken by as many
colored people as could get hold of it, and the woman and her children
thus conveyed to her home.
The procession was accompanied by several hundreds of men, women and
boys. They dragged the carriage past the residence of the counsel for the
respondent, cheering them by huzzas of the wildest kind, and then took the
vehicle and its contents to the residence of the woman, Germantown Koad
near Fifth street, beguiling the way with songs and shouts. The whole
scene was one of wild, ungovernable excitement, produced by exuberance
of joy-
The masterly management of abolitionists in connection with the counsel,
saved poor Eu]ihemia from being dragged from her children into hopeless
bondage. While the victory was a source of great momentary rejoicing on
the part of the friends of the slave it was nevertheless quite manifest that
THE CASE OF ErPHEMIA WILLIAMS. 579
[ she was only released by tlie "skin of her teeth." "A scar on her forehead"
saved her. llelative to tins imjwrtant uiaric, a few of Euphemia's friends
enjoyed a very pleasiiiii: aneedoto, wliicli, at tlie time, they were obliged to
withhold from the piiblic;; it is too good to be kept any longer. For a time,
Eujiliemia was kept iu durance vile, up in the dome of Independence Hall,
partly in the custody of Lieutenant Gouldy of the Mayor's police, (who was
t!ic right man in the right place), whose sympathies were secretly on the
siie of the slave. While his pitying eyes gazed on Euphemia's sad face,
lie observed a very large scar on her forehead, and was immediately struck
with the idea that that old scar might be used with damaging eflFect by the
witnesses and counsel against her. At once he decided that the scar must
be concealed, at least, until after the examination of the claimant's witnesses.
Accordingly a large turban was procured and placed on Euphemia's head in
such a manner as to hide the scar completely, without exciting the least
suspicion in the minds of any. So when the witnesses against her swore
that she had no particular mark, David Paul Brown made them clinch this
part of their testimony irrevocably. Now, when Sarah Gayly affirmed (on
the part of the prisoner) that " I have reason to know her because she has
the same sort of a scar on her forehead that I have, we used to make fun of
each other about the marks," etc., if it was not evident to all, it was to
some, that she had "stolen their thunder," as the "chop-fallen" countenances
of the slave-holder's witnesses indicated in a moment. Despair was depicted
on all faces sympathizing with the pursuers.
With heavy pecuniary losses, sad damage of character, and comfort-
less, the unhappy claimant and his witnesses were compelled to retnrn to
Maryland, wiser if not better men. The account of this interesting trial,
we have condensed from a very careful and elaborate report of it published
in the "Pennsylvania Freeman," January 13th, 1857.
Apparently, the vigilance of slave-hunters was not slackened by this
defeat, as the records show that many exciting cases took place in Philadel-
phia and Pennsylvania, and if the records of the old Abolitionist Society
could be published, as they should be, it would appear that many hard-
• fought battles have taken place between Freedom and Slavery on this soil.
Here in conclusion touching the Fugitive Slave Law, arrests under it, etc.,
as a fitting sequel we copy two extracts from high authority. The first is
from the able and graphic pen of James Miller McKim, who was well
known to stand in the front ranks of both the Anti-slavery Society and the
Underground Rail Road cause through all the long and trying contest,
during which the country was agitated by the question of immediate eman-
ci]iation, and shared the full confidence and respect of Abolitionists of all
classes throughout the United States and Great Britain.
The letter from which we have made this extract was written to Hon.
580 THE UNDERGROUND RAILROAD.
Georsre Thompson, the distinguished aboh'tionist of England, and speaks
for itself. The other (juotation is from the pen of a highly respeetable and
intelligent lady, belonging to the Society of Friends, or Quakers, and a most
devoted friend of the slave, whose statement obviously is literally true.
From Mr. McKiM to George Thompson, 1851.
" The accompanying parcel of extracts will give you a foil account of the
different slave cases tried in this city, under the new Fugitive Slave Law up
to this time. Full and accurate as these reports are, they will afford you
but a faint idea of the anguish and confusion that have been produced in
this part of the country by this infamous statute. It has turned South-
eastern Pennsylvania into another Guinea Coast, and caused a large portion
of the inhabitants to feel as insecure from the brutal violence and diabolical
acts of the kidnapper, as are the unhappy creatures who people the shores
of Africa. Ruffians from the other side of the Slave-line, aided by profes-
sional kidnappers on our own soil, a class of men whose 'occupation ' until
lately, had been 'gone/ are continually prowling through the community,
and every now and then seizing and carrying away their prey. As a speci-
men of the boldness, though fortunately, not of the success always with
which these wretches prosecute their nefarious trade, read the enclosed
article, which I cut from the Freeman, of January 2d, and bear in mind
that in no respect are the facts here mentioned over-stated.
This affair occurred in Chester county, one of the most orderly and intel-
ligent counties in the State, a county settled principally by Quakers. A
week or two after this occurrence, and not far from the same place, a farm-
house was entered by a band of armed ruffians, in the evening, and at a time
when all the able-bodied occupants, save one, were known to be absent.
This was a colored man, who was seated by the kitchen fire, and in the act
of taking off* his shoes. He was instantly knocked down and gagged ; but,
still resisting, he was beaten most unmercifully. There was a woman, and
also a feeble old man, in the house, who were attracted to the spot by the
scuffle ; but they could neither render any assistance, nor (the light being
put out), could they recognize the parties engaged in it. The unhappy
victim being fairly overcome, was dragged like a slain beast to a wagon,
which was about a hundred yards distant, waiting to receive him. In this
he was placed, and conveyed across the line, which was about twenty miles
further south ; and that was the last, so far as I know, that has ever been
heard of him. The alarm was given, of course, as soon as possible, and the
neighbors were quickly in pursuit ; but the kidnappers had got the start of
them. The next morning the trail between the house, and the place where
the wagon stood, was distinctly visible, and deeply marked with blood.
KIDNAPPING. 581
About a fortnight since, a letter was brought to our office, from a well-
known friend, the contents of which were in substance as follows : A case of
kidnapping had occurred in the vicinity of West Cain Township, Chester
county, at about half past one on Sunday morning, the 16th March. A
black man, by the name of Thomas Hall, an honest, sober, and industrious
individual, living in the midst of a settlement of farmers, had been stolen
by persons who knocked at his door, and told him that his nearest neighbor
wanted him to come to his house, one of his children being sick. Hall, not
immediately opening his door, it was burst in, and three men rushed into
his house ; Hall was felled by the bludgeons of the men. His wife received
several severe blows, and on making for the door was told, that if she at-
tempted to go out or halloo, she would have her brains blown out. She,
however, escaped through a back window, and gave the alarm ; but before
any person arrived upon the ground, they had fled with their victim. He
was taken without any clothing, except his night clothes. A six-barrelled
revolver, heavily loaded, was dropped in the scuffle, and left ; also a silk
handkerchief, and some old advertisement of a bear bait, that was to take
place in Emmittsburg, Maryland. In how many cases the persons stolen
are legally liable to capture, it is impossible to state. The law, you know,
authorizes arrests to be made, with or without process, and nothing is easier
under such circumstances than to kidnap persons who are free born.
The very same day that I received the above mentioned letter, and while
our hearts were still aching over its contents, another was brought us from
Thomas Garrett, of Wilmington, Delaware, announcing the abduction, a
night or two before, of a free colored man of that city. The outrage was
committed by an ex-policeman, who, pretending to be acting under the com-
mission which he had been known to hold, entered, near the hour of mid-
night, the house of the victim, and alleging against him some petty act of
disorder, seized him, handcuffed him in the presence of his dismayed family,
and carried him off to Maryland. The cheat that had been practised was
not discovered by the family until next evening; but it was too late, the
man was gone.
At the time Mr. Garrett's letter was handed to me, narrating the foregoing
case of man stealing, I was listening to the sad tales of two colored women,
who had come to the office for advice and assistance. One of them was an
elderly person, whose son had been pursued by the marslial's deputies, and
who had just escaped with ' the skin of his teeth.' She did not come on
her own account, however ; her heart was too full of joy for that. She came
to accompany the young woman who was with her. This young woman
was a remarkably intelligent, lady-like person, and her story made a strong
appeal to my feelings. She is a resident of Washington, and her errand
here was, to procure the liberation of a sister-in-law, who is confined in that
city, under very peculiar circumstances. The sister-in-law had absconded
582 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD.
from her mistress about nine months since, and was secreted in the room of
an acquaintance, who was cook in a distinguished slave-liohling family in
Washington; her intention being, there to wait until all search should be
over, and an opportunity oifer of escape to the North. But, as yet, no such
opportunity had presented itself; at least none that was available, and for
nine long months had that poor girl been confined in the narrow limits of
the cook's chamber, watched over day and night by that faithful friend with
a vigilance as sleepless as it was disinterested. The time had now come,
however, when something must be done. The family in whose house she is
hid is about to be broken up, and the house to be vacated, and the girl must
either be rescued from her peril, or she, and all her accomplices must be ex-
posed. What to do under these circumstances was the question which
brought this woman to Philadelphia. I advised her to the best of my
ability, and sent her away hopeful, if not rejoicing.
But in many of these cases we can render no aid whatever. All we can do
is to commend them to the God of the oppressed, and labor on for the day
of general deliverance. But, oh ! the horrors of this hell-born system, and
the havoc made by this, its last foul offspring, the Fugitive Slave law. The
anguish, the terror, the agony inflicted by this infjimous statute, must be wit-
nessed to be fully appreciated. You must hear the tale of the broken-hearted
mother, who has just received tidings that her son is in the hands of man-
thieves. You must listen to the impassioned appeal of the wife, wliose
husband's retreat has been discovered, and whose footsteps are dogged by
the blood-hounds of Slavery. You must hear the husband, as I did, a few
weeks ago, himself bound and helpless, beg you for God's sake to save his wife.
You must see such a woman as Hannah Dellam, with her noble-looking boy
at her side, pleading in vain before a pro-slavery judge, that she is of right
free; that her son is entitled to his freedom; and above all, that her babe,
about to be born, should be permitttKJ to open its eyes upon the light of
liberty. You must hear the judge's decision, remorselessly giving up i\\Q
woman with her children born and unborn, into the hands of their claim-
ants — by them to be carried to the slave prison, and thence to be sold to a
returnless distance from the remaining but scattered fragments of her once
happy family. These things you must see and hear for yourself before
you can form any adequate idea of the bitterness of this cup which the
unhapi)y children of oppression along this southern border are called upon
to drink. Manifestations like these have we been obliged either to witness
ourselves, or hear the recital of from others, almost daily, for weeks together.
Our aching hearts of late, have known but little respite. A shadow has
been cast over our home circles, and a check been given to the wonted cheer-
fuhiess of our families. One nifrht, the niect-
ing the best way to expend money for the aid of fugitives. Lest you may
not have received it, I write you again, though brietly.
A few of the Anti-slavery friends, mostly ladies, in our village have
formeil an Anti-slavery Society and sewing circle, the proc^eeds of which are
to go to aid needy or destitute fugitive slaves. They have appointoil me
corresponding secretary. In obedience to my instructions, and that I may
fulfill ray promises, I want to find out from you the desired iuformation.
We want to give the little money raised, in such a way that fugitives who
ai\' really ucihIv will be benefiteti by it. Write me :\s soon as |xissible, where
and to whom we should send the tunds when raiseil. I have thought that
you of the Yigilance Committee, iu Philadelphia had need of it. Or, if not,
HELPERS AND SYMPATHIZERS. 587
you can tell us where money is needed. Probably you know of some one in
Canada who acts for the needy there. So many impositions have been
pahned off upon charitable abolitionists, I am afraid to act in such a case
without the directions of one who knows all about these things. Is money
needed to help those escaping-? If so, should we send to New York, Phila-
delphia, or where else? When I was in New York last, a young man fro.n
Richmond, Va., assuming the name of Ri)bert Johnston, who had come by
steamboat to Philadelphia, and whom you had directed to the Anti-slavery
office in New York, had only one dollar in money. His fare had to be
paid by a friend there, the treasurer of the fund being absent. I know that
they nearly all need money, or clothing. We want to send our money
wherever it is most needed, to help the destitute, or those in danger, and
wdiere it will be faithfully applied. Write me fully, giving specific direc-
tions ; and I will read your letter to the society. And as I have been wait-
ing anxiously, for some two weeks or more, for an answer to my previous
letter, but am disappointed unless you have written very recently, I will
be much obliged if you will write on the reception of this. Any informa-
tion you may communicate, respecting the doing of your section of the
Underground Railway will be read before the society with much interest.
If you know the address of anyone in Canada, who would be a good
correspondent respecting this matter, please give me his name.
********
My dear brother, go on in your good work ; and the God of the oppressed
sustain and reward you, is my earnest prayer.
Yours, fraternally, in our common cause, N. R. Johnston.
ToPSiiAM, Vt., December 18th, 1856.
Wm. Still, Very Dear Friend : — I will be much pleased to hear from
you and our common cause in Pennsylvania. I am so far removed, away
here in Yankeedom, that I hear nothing from that quarter but by the public
prints. And as for the Underground Railway, of course, I hear nothing,
except now and then. I would be greatly pleased if you would write me
the state of its funds and progress. Whatever you write will be inter-
esting;.
The Topsham Sewing Circle has begun its feeble operations again. Owing
to much opposition, a very few attend, consequently little is made. The
ladies, however, have some articles on hand unsold, which will bring some
money ere long. I wish you would wTite me another long letter in detail of
interesting fugitives, etc., such as you wrote last winter, and I will have it
read before the circle. Your letter last winter was heard by the ladies with
great interest. You are probably not aware that fugitives are never seen
here. Indeed the one half of the people have never seen more than a half-
dozen of colored people. There are none in all this region.
588 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD.
I am lending Peter Still — the book — to my neighbors. It is devoured
with great interest. It does good. I think, however, if I had been writing
such a book, I woukl have wedged in mueh more testimony against slavery
and its horrid accompaniments and consequences.
I would be glad to hear iiow Peter and his family are prospering.
Do you see my friends, Mr. Orr and Rev. Willson, now-a-days ? Do they
help in the good cause ?
If the ladies here should make up fine shirts for men, or children's clothes
of various kinds, would they be of use at Philadelphia, or New York, to
fugitives? Or would it not be advisable to send them there? The ladies
here complain that they cannot sell what they make.
My dear brother, be not discouraged in your work, your labor of love.
The prospect before the poor slave is indeed dark, dark ! But the power
shall not always be on the side of the oppressor. God reigns. A day of
vengeance will come, and that soon.
Mrs. Stowe makes Dred utter many a truth. Would that God would
write it indelibly on the heart of the nation. But the people will not hear,
and the cup of iniquity will soon fill to overflowing; and whose ears will
not be made to tingle when the God of Sabaoth awakes to plead the cause
of the dumb ? Yours, very sincerely, N. R. Johnston.
P. S. When I was in New York last Fall, October, I was in the Anti-
Slavery office one day, when a friend in the office showed me a dispatch just
received from Philadelphia, signed W. S., which gave notice of "six parcels"
coming by the train, etc. And before I left the office the " parcels" came
in, each on two legs. Strange parcels, that would run away on legs.
My heart leaped for joy at seeing these rescued ones. O that God would
arise and break the yoke of oppression ! Let us labor on and ever, until our
work is done, until all are free.
Since the late Republican farce has closed I hope to get some more sub-
scribers for the Standard. Honest men's eyes will be o]iened after a while,
and the standard of right and expediency be elevated. Let us " hope on
and ever." Yours, for the right, N. R. J.
TopsHAM, Vt., April 3d, 1858.
Dear Friend Still : — I entreat you not to infer from my tardiness or
neglect, that I am forgetful of my dear friend in Philadelphia. For some
time past I have done injustice to many of my friends, in not paying ray
debts in epistolary correspondence. Some of my dearest friends have cause
to censure me. But you must pardon me. I have two letters of yours on
hand, unanswered. One of them I read to the Sewing Circle; and part of
the other. For them I most heartily thank you. You are far kinder to me
than I deserve. May God reward you.
I long to see you. My head and heart is full of the cause of the slave.
HELPERS AND S YMPA THIZERS. 589
I fear I give the subject too much relative importance. Is this possible?
I preach, lecture, and write for the slave continually. And yet I don't do
enough. Still I fear I neglect the great concerns of religion at home, in my
own heart, in ray congregation, and in the community.
I wish we were located near to each other. We are far separated. I am
almost isolated. You are surrounded by many friends of the cause. Still
we are laboring on the same wall, though far apart. Are we not near in
spirit?
You see by the papers that we have been trying to do something in our
Green Mountain State. The campaign has fairly begun. We will carry
the battle to the gate.
I see our friend, Miss Watkins, is still pleading for the dumb. Noble
girl ! I love her for her devotedness to a good cause. Oh, that her voice
could be heard by the millions ! I hope that we can have her again in Ver-
mont.
Give my kind regards to our mutual friend, Miller McKim. Will I not
see him and you at the anniversary in New York ?
Do you ever see Rev. Willson ? Is he doing anything for the cause ? I
wish I could peep into your house to-night, and see if there are any " pack-
ages" on hand. God bless you in your labors of love.
Yours, truly, for the slave,
N. R. Johnston.
While it was not in the power of Mr. Johnston and his coadjutors, to
render any great amount of material aid to the Committee, as they had not
been largely blessed with this world's goods, nevertheless, the sympathy
shown was as highly valued, as if they had given thousands of dollars.
Not unfrequently has the image of this singularly faithful minister entered
the writer's mind as he once appeared when visiting the Synod of his
church in Philadelphia. Having the Underground Rail Road cause at
heart, he brought with him — all the way from Vermont — his trunk well
filled with new shirts and under-clothing for the passengers on that Road.
It was characteristic of the man, and has ever since been remembered with
pleasure.
From another quarter, hundreds of miles from Philadelphia, similar
tokens of interest in the cause of the fleeing bondmen were manifested by a
Ladies' Anti-slavery Society, in Western New York, which we must here
record. As the proffered aid was wholly unsolicited, and as the Committee
had no previous knowledge whatever of the existence of the society, or
any of its members, and withal, as the favors conferred, came at times when
the cause was peculiarly in need (the Committee oft-times being destitute
of clothing or money), the idea that the Underground Rail Road was
providentially favored, in this respect, was irresistible.
590 THE UXDERGROUXD RAIL ROAD.
AVe tlieroforc take great pleasure in coniraeinorating tlie good deeds of the
society, by copying the following letters from its president, Mrs. Dr. Brooks:
Ellington, Nov. 21st, 1859.
Mr. William Still: — Dear Sir: — In the above-named place, some five
years since there was formed a Ladies' Anti-slavery Society, which has put
forth its feeble 'endeavors to aid the cause of " breaking every yoke and
letting the oppressed go free," and we trust, through our means, others have
been made glad of heart. Every year we have sent a box of clothing, bed-
ding, etc., to the aid of the fugitive, and wishing to send it where it would
be of the most service, we have it suggested to us, to send to you the box
we have at present. You would confer a favor upon the members of our
society, by writing us, giving a detail of that which would be the most
service to you, and whether or no it would be more advantageous to you
than some nearer station, and we will send or endeavor to, that which would
benefit you most.
William Wells Brown visited our place a short time since, recommending
us to send to you in preference to Syracuse, where we sent our last box.
Please write, letting me know what most is needed to aid you in your
glorious work, a work which will surely meet its reward. Direct, Ellington,
Chautauqua county, N. Y. Your sister, in the cause,
Mrs. M. Brooks.
Ellington, Chautauqua Co., N. Y., Dee. 7th, 1859.
Mr. Still: — Dear Sir: — Yours of the 29th, was duly and gratefully
received, although the greater portion of your epistle, of a necessity,
portrayed the darker side of the picture, yet we have great reason to be
tliankful for the growing interest there is for the cause througliout the free
States, for it certainly is on the increase, even in our own locality. There are
those who, five years since, were (ashamed, must I say it!) to bear the appel-
lation of " Anti-slavery,'' who can now manfully bear the one then still
more repellant of Abolitionist. All this we wish to feel thankful for, and
wish their number may never grow less.
The excitement relative to the heroic John Brown, now in his grave, has
affected the whole North, or at least every one who has a heart in his breast,
particularly this portion of the State, Avhich is so decidedly Anti-slavery.
At a meeting of our Society, to-day, at which your letter was read, it was
thought best that I should reply to it, a request with which I cheerfully
comply. AVe would like to hear from you, and learn the directions to be
given to our box, which will be ready to send as soon as we can hear from
you. Please give us all necessary information, and oblige our Society.
You have the kind wishes and prayers of all the members, that you may
be the instrument of doing much good to those in bonds, and may God
speed the time when every yoke shall be broken, and let the oppressed go
free. Yours, truly, Mrs. Dr. Brooks.
, HELPERS AND SYMPATHIZERS. 591
P. S. I have just learned that John Brown's body passed tlirough Du:]-
kirk, a few miles from this place, yesterday. A funeral sermon is to bo
preached in this place one week from next Sabbath, for the good old man.
Mrs. Dr. B.
Ellington, ^an. 2(1, 18G0.
William Still: — Dear Sir: — Enclosed are $2,00, to pay ireighlago on
the box of bedding, wearing apparel, etc., that has been sent to your adtlress.
It has been thought best to send you a schedule of the contents of said box.
Trusting it will be acceptable, and be the means of assisting the poor fugitive
on his j)crilous way, you have the prayers of our Society, that you may bo
prospered in your work of mercy, and you surely will meet with your
reward according to your merciful acts.
Two bed quilts, 32, $8,00; five bed qnilLs, 24, $15,00 ; one bed quilt, 28,
$3,50; two pairs cotton socks, 3, 75 cents; three pairs cotton stockings, 4,
$1,50; one pair woolen stockings, 6, 75 cents; one pair woolen stockings,
4, 50 cents; three pair woolen socks, 2, 75 cents; five pair woolen socks,
3, $1,88; eight chemise, 32, $4,50; thirteen men's shirts, QQ cents, $8,58 ;
one pair pants, 12, $1,50; six pair overall pants, 80 cents, $4,80; three pair
pillow cases, $1,00; three calico aprons, 2, 75 cents; three sun-bonnets, 2,
75 cents ; two small aprons, 1, 25 cents; one alpaca cape, 8, $1,00; two
capes, 1, 25 cents; one black shawl, 4, 50 cents. Total, $56,51.
The foregoing is a correct list of tlie articles and the apjjraisal of the same.
Please acknowledge the receipt of the letter and box, and oblige the Anti-
slavery Society of Ellington. Mrs. Dr. Brooks.
The road was doing a flourishing business during the short time tliat this
station received aid and sympathy from the Ladies' Anti-slavery Society of
Ellington, and little did we dream that its existence would so soon be ren-
dered null and void by the utter overthrow of Slavery.
We have great pleasure in stating that beyond our borders also, across the
ocean, there came help to a laudable degree in the hour of need. The num-
bers of those who aided in this special work, hov/ever, were very few and far
between, a hundred per cent, less (so far as the receipts of the Philadelphia
Committee were concerned), than was supposed by slave holders and their
sympathizers, judging from their oft repeated allegations on this subject.
It is true, that the American Anti-slavery Society and kindred associations,
received liberal contributions from a few warm-hearted and staunch aboli-
tionists abroad, to aid the great work of abolishing Slavery. In reference to
the Philadelphia Vigilance Committee, we are safe in saying, that, except
from a few sources, no direct aid came. How true this was of other stations,
we do not pretend to know or speak, but in the directions above alluded to,
we feel that the cause was placed under lasting obligations. The Webbs of
592 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD.
Dublin, and the Misses Wighams, of Scotland, representatives of the Edin-
burgh Ladies' Emancipation Society, were constantly in correspondence with
leading abolitionists in diiferent parts of the country, manifesting a deep
interest in the general cause, and were likewise special stockholders of the
Underground Hail Road of Philadelphia. In common with stockholders
at home, these trans-atlantic investors were willing to receive their shares of
dividends in the answer of a good conscience, or, in other words, from the
satisfaction and pleasure derivable from a consciousness of having done what
they could to alleviate the sufferings of the oppressed struggling to be free.
Having thus shown their faith by their works it would be unjust not to
make honorable mention of them.
Last, though not least, at the risk of wounding the feelings of one who
preferred not to let the left hand know what the right hand doeth, we may
contemplate the philanthropic labors of one, whose generosity and benevo-
lence knew no bounds ; whose friendship devotion and liberality, were felt
in all the principal stations of the Underground Rail Road; whose heart
went out al'tcr the millions in fetters, the fleeing fugitive, the free, proscribed,
the ignorant deprived of education; whose house was the home of the advo-
cate of the slave from the United States, especially if he wore a colored skin
or had been a slave. We would not venture to say how many of the
enslaved this kind hand helped to purchase (Frederick Douglass and many
others, being of the number.)
How many were assisted in procuring an education, how many who pined
in slave prisons were aided, how many fleeing over the perilous Under-
ground Rail Road were benefited, the All-seeing Eye alone knoweth;
nevertheless, we are happy to be able to give our readers some idea of
the unwearied labors of the friend to whom we allude. Here again we
are compelled to resort to private correspondence which took place when
Cotton was King, and the Slave-power of the South could boastingly say,
in the language of the apocalyptic woman, "I sit as a queen, and shall
see no sorrow," when that power was maddened to desperation, by the hero-
ism of the martyr, John Brown, and the fettered bondmeu were ever and
anon traveling over the Underground Rail Road. In this " darkest hour,
just before the break of day," the heart of the friend of whom we speak,
was greatly moved to consider the wants of the oppressed in various
directions.
How worthily and successfully her labors gave evidence of an earnest
devotion to freedom, the mode and measures adopted by her, to awaken
sympathy in the breast of the benevolent of her own countrymen, and how
noble her example, may be learned from a small pamphlet and explanatory
letters which, when written, were intended especially for private use, but
which we now feel constrained to copy from a sense of justice to disinterested
philanthropy.
PAMPHLET— TO THE FRIENDS OF THE SLA VE. 593
PAMPHLET, AND LETTERS
FROM MRS. ANNA H. RICHARDSON, OF NEWCASTLE, ENGLAND.
To THE Friends of the Slave.
Dear Friends — For some months past my dear husband and I have
wished very gratefully to thank you for having so kindly assisted us in vari-
ous Anti-Slavery efforts, and we now think it quite time to give an account
of our stewardship, and also to lay before you several items of interesting
intelligence received from different parts of the United States. We will
thank you to look upon this intelligence as private, and must request you to
guard against any portion of it being reprinted.
William S. Bailey. — We have had great pleasure in forwarding X222
to our valued correspondent, William S. Bailey, of Newport, Kentucky ;
<£160 of this sum in response to a circular issued at Newcastle in the sum-
mer of last year, and received by our friend, David Oliver, who acted as
treasurer, and the remainder chiefly collected by our dear young friends
in England and Ireland, after reading the account of his little daughter,
"Laura." This money has been very thankfully acknowledged, with the
exception of the last remittance jnst now on the road.
Most of our readers will be aware that W. S, Bailey's printing-office and
premises were again ruthlessly attacked after the Harper's Ferry outbreak,
on the unfounded assumption that he was meditating a similar proceeding,
and that it was unsafe for a free press to be any longer tolerated in Ken-
tucky. His forms and type were accordingly dragged through the streets of
Newport, and a considerable portion of them flung by a mob (of " gentle-
men ") into the Ohio lliver. A few extracts from his own letters will pretty
fully explain both his past and present position. The subscription list on
his behalf is still open, and any further assistance for this heroic man and his
noble-hearted family will be very gratefully received and forwarded.
"Newport, Kentucky, Nov. 19th, 1859.
" From my letter of the Tth inst. you will have learned the sad intelli-
gence that my printing-office has been destroyed by a brutal mob of Pro-
Slavery men. Through the money I received from you and other friends
in this country I was moving the cause of freedom in all parts of Kentucky.
The people seemed to grasp our platform with eagerness, and the slave-
holders became alarmed to see their wish to read and discuss its simple
truths. Hence they plotted together to devise a stratagem by which they
could destroy The Free South, and in the meantime the Harper's Ferry dif-
ficulty, by Mr. Brown, was seized upon to excite the people against me, and
the most extravagant lies were told about rae, as trying to excite slaves to
38
594 TEE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD.
rebellion; intending to seize the United States barracks at this place, arm the
negroes, and commence war npon slave-holders. All these lies were told as
profound secrets to the peoi)le by the tools of the slave-power. But these lies
have already exploded, and the people are resuming their common sense again.
" I tried your plan of non-resistance with all ray power. I pleaded with
all the earnestness of my soul, and so did my wife and daughters, but though
I am certain many were moved in conscience against the savage outrage,
and did their work with a stinging heart, yet they felt that they must stick
to their party, and complete the destruction. Slavery, indeed, makes the
most hardened savages the world ever knew. The savage war-whoop of the
Indian never equalled their dastardly cry of 'shoot him,' 'cut his throat,'
'stab him,' and such like words most maliciously spoken." * *
" Slavery is the cause of this devilish spirit in men ; but this outrage has
gained me many friends, and will do much towards putting down Slavery in
the state. It will also add many thousand votes to the republican presi-
dential candidate in 1860. God grant it may work out a great good!" *
* * * "I want to get started again as soon as I possibly can.
As soon as I can raise 1,000 dollars, I can make a beginning, and soon after
you wjll see The Free South again, and I trust a nmch handsomer sheet than
it was before."
NEwroRT, January 6th, 1860.
"Yours of 12mo. 17th, 1860, is received, containing a draft for £50, and
another of the ' Little Laura ' books, which, thank God, is doing some good
in Newport and Covington, in the hands of two Christian friends. The re-
newed obligations under which the good people of England, through your
instrumentality, place me and my abused people, call for expressions of grati-
tude from both me and them beyond my abilit}^ to pen. But you can
imagine how we ought to feel in our trials and wants to such kind friends
as you. Neither I nor my Anti-Slavery friends here can express our thank-
fulness in the elegant language your better educated countrymen may feel
we should use, but, by the Omnipotent Judge of all hearts, I trust our feeble
effort will be accepted, and you and yours be blessed and protected now and
for ever. Such encouragement strengthens me in the belief that the Spirit
of God is abroad in the hearts of the people, moving them to sympathize
with the poor, subjected slave." * * * * "I have the
promise of abler pens to aid me when I get started again ; and I am glad to
see that a poor working-man and his family have been the means of calling
the attention of men of letters to assist in raising from the dust a crushed
race of men ; and although the red clouds of war hover thick around us, and
vengeance lurks in secret places, I trust, through the guidance of an All-wise
Director, to steer safely through the angry tide that now so often ebbs and
flows around me; but should I fall, I trust, dear lady, that my dear wife
and family may be remembered by the good and true."
PAMPHLET— TO THE FBIENDS OF THE SLAVE. 595
"Newport, May 25tli, 18G0.
"I am glad to tell you that we feel it a great victory over the slave power
to be able to rise again from our ruins, and in the face of slave-owning
despots denounce their inhumanity and their sins. I trust that Almighty
God will continue to be with me and my dear family in this good work."
* * * "You cannot but see, I think, by the southern press, that
slave-holders begin to fear and tremble for the safety of their 'peculiar insti-
tution.' Tiie death of John Brown is yet to be atoned for, l)y the slave-
holding oligarchy. His undying spirit haunts them by day and by night,
and in the midst of their voluptuous enjoyments, the very thought of John
Brown chills their souls and poisons their pleasures. Their tarring and
feathering of good citizens; their riding them upon rails, and ducking them
in dirty ponds; their destruction of liberty presses, and the hanging of John
Brown and his friends, to intimidate men from the advocacy of freedom,
will all come tumbling upon their own heads as a just retribution for their
outrageous brutality. Only let us persevere, and oppressed humanity, bent
in timid silence throughout the south, will rise and throw off the yoke of
Slavery and rejoice in beholding itself //tc/"
"Newport, August 18.
"I send you three copies of my paper. Since receiving your letter, I and
my family have done all in our power to get it out, but we had to get old
type from the foundry and sort it, to make the sheet the size vou now see it.
We hate to be put down by the influence of tyranny, and you cannot
imagine our sorrow, anxiety, necessity and determination." * * *
"I have received, since the press was destroyed, 700 dollars in all, which
has been spent in repairing and roofing our dwelling house, and repairing
the breaches made upon the office, together with mending the presses and
procuring job type and some little for the paper, but nearly all the latter is
old type. Our kindest thanks to the liberty-loving people of your country,
Scotland, and Ireland, and tell them I shall never surrender the cause of
freedom. A little money from all my friends, woulil soon reinstate me, and
when they see my paper I trust it will cheer tlieir hopes, and cause a new fire
for liberty in Kentucky.
"I cannot but sometimes ask in my closet meditations: O God of mercy
uid love, why permittest Thou tliese things? But still I hope for a change
3f mind in my enemies, and shall press onward to accomplish the great task
seemingly allotted to me upon Kentucky soil."
The Persecuted Bereans. — There is another call connected with Ken-
uck}^, which we wish to bring before our friends. At a village in that State,
ailed Berea, (situated in Madison county), a little band of Christian men
tnd women, had been pursuing their useful labors for some years past.
596 THE UyDERGROUND RAIL ROAD.
They avowedly hekl Anti-slavery sentiments, but this was the beginning j
and end of their offending. They possessed a farm and saw-mill, etc., and '
had established a flourishing school. These good people were quietly fol-
lowing their usual employments, when, in the early part of last winter,
sixty-two armed Kentuckians rode upon horseback to their cottage doors,
and summarily informed them that they must leave the State in ten days'
time, or would be expelled from it forcibly. All pleading was" hopeless, and
any attempt at self-defence out of the question. They bowed before the
storm, and hastily gathering up their garments, in three days' time were on
their road to Ohio. Their three Christian pastors took the same course.
One of the latter has since returned to Kentucky, to bury his youngest little J
boy, in a grave-yard attached to one of the churches there. He was enabled /
to preach to the people who assembled ou the occasion, but was not allowed
to remain in his native State.
Another of the exiles ventured to go back to Berea, but this immediately
led to an outbreak of popular feeling, for his saw-mill was set on fire by the
mob, and presently destroyed. The exiles are consequently still in Ohio, or
wandering about in search of employment. We have been privileged in
receiving two letters respecting them, from one of their excellent pastors,
John G. Fee. This gentleman is himself, the son of a slave-holder, but
gave up his earthly patrimony many years since for conscience' sake,
and has since made it the business of his life to proclaim the gospel in its
purity, and to use every available means for directing all to Christ.
When speaking of Berea, Mr. Fee remarks: "The land was poor, but
the situation beautiful, with good water, and a favorable location, in some
respects. We could have had locations more fertile and more easy of access,
but more exposed to the slave-power. It was five miles from a turupike
road, M'ith quite a population around it for a slave State."
In one of Mr. Fee's letters he introduces a subject which we wish
especially to bring before our friends, feeling almost sure that many of them
will respond to its im})ortance:
" You ask, he says, if there are not noble-hearted young people in slave-
holding families? There is one whom I desire to commend to your special
prayer and regard, Elizabeth Rawliiigs, daughter of John H. Rawlings, of
Madison county, Kentucky. He v/as once a slave-holder, but has twice been a
delegate to our Free-soil National Conventions, and is a strong friend of
freedom. His daughter has had small o])j>ortiuiities for acquiring know-
ledge, but was in our school at Berea, and making rapid progress. Our
school was not only Anti-slavery, but avowedly Anti-caste. This made it
the more odious. When Mr. Rogers and others were about to be driven
away, she announced that she would continue the school on the same princi-
ples. Accordingly she went into the school-room after a few days, with a
little band of small scholars, and has perseveringly kept it up. This noble
PAMPHLET— TO THE FRIENDS OF THE SLAVE. 597
: and brave-hearted young woman is about twenty-two years of age ; has a
very vigorous mind; acquires knowledge very rapidly; is very modest; and
is, I trust, a true believer in Christ. I desire to see her fitted for the post
of teacher. One year's study would greatly benefit her. She has not gone
beyond gramiuar and arithmetic. I have not means or would at once give
her those advantages she needs. I once had a small patrimony, but
expended it in freedom's cause, and now live on the small salary of a [Home]
Missionary. I have a daughter of fifteen, a,s far advanced as Miss liawlings.
I want to train and educate them both for teaching, and had thought to
educate the latter, and suggest to some one to educate the other. I do not
urge, but simply suggest. This might be another cord binding the two con-
tinents. Lewis Tappan, of New York, would receive to transmit, and I
would report."
Now if we may lay before you, dear friends, our hearts' inquiry, it is this:
" Cannot we in England, raise =£50 or £Q0 for one year's schooling for these
two dear girls, Elizabeth Rawlings and J. G. Fee's daughter?" It seems to
us, that the one deserves it from l^r noble daring, the other as a little
tribute to her father's virtues. How delightful it would be if these two
young people could become able teachers of our own rearing, and in days to
come, be looked to as maintaining schools of an elevated character upon
their native soil ! We have laid the case before a few kind friends, -iind
already had the pleasure of forwarding <£8 to Mr. Fee's care, on behalf of
his valued young friend, Elizabeth Rawlings.
Cornelia Williams. — The next person to be referred to is Cornelia
Williams, a bright young niece of our friend, Henry H. Garnet's, whom
many of our friends kindly assisted- to redeem from Slavery, in North Caro-
lina, about three years since. We rejoice to say this dear girl is going on
very satisfactorily. She has been diligently pursuing her studies in a school
at Nantucket, and appears to be much esteemed by all who know her. She
kindly sends us a little letter now and then, again returning her glowing
thanks to all who assisted in procuring her freedom. Her mother, Dinah
Williams (also a slave a few years since, and redeemed in part by the sur-
plus of 'the Weims Ransom Fund),' has married an estimable Baptist
minister within the last year, and Cornelia resides under their roof.
Frederick Douglass. — It is known that our much-valued friend,
Frederick Douglass, left this country suddenly for America last si)ring,
chiefly on account of the decease of a most beloved little girl. Till quite
recently he was intending to return to England very soon, but this is for
the present delayed, on account of increasing and pressing engagements
in the United States. We take the liberty of quoting an extract from one
of his letters :
598 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD.
" Rochester, July 2d, 1860.
" You hold up before me the glorious promises contained in the sacred
Scriptures. These are needed by none more than by those who have })re-
sumed to put themselves to the work of accomplishing the abolition of
Slavery in this country. There is scarcely one single interest, social, moral,
religious, or physical, which is not in some way connected with this stupend-
ous evil. On the side of the oppressor there is power, now as in the earlier
days of the world. I find much comfort in the thought that I am but a
passenger on board of this ship of life. I have not the management com-
mitted to me. I am to obey orders, and leave the rest to the great Captain
whose wisdom is able to direct. I have only to go on in His fear and in His
spirit, uttering with pen and tongue the whole truth against Slavery, leav-
ing to Him the honor and the glory of destroying this mighty work of the
devil. I long for the end of my people's bondage, and would give all I
possess to witness the great jubilee; but God can wait, and surely I may.
If He, whose pure eyes cannot look upon sin with allowance, can permit
the day of freedom to be deferred, I certainly can work and wait. The
times are just now a little brighter; but I will walk by faith, not by sight,
for all grounds of hope founded on external appearance, have thus fur
signally failed and broken down under me. Twenty years ago. Slavery did
really seem to be rapidly hastening to its fall, but ten years ago, the Fugitive
Slave Bill, and the efforts to enforce it, changed the whole aj)pcarance of the
struggle. Anti-slavery in an abolition sense, has been ever since battling
against heavy odds, both in Church and State. Nevertheless, God reigns,
and we need not : — I st'iit E. ISI. (Esther Moore) forty-one dollars more by
hali'than I expected to whi-n 1 set about it. 1 expect that abolitionist.s there
arc all opposctl to buying slaves, and will not give anything. I dou't like
buying tluan, or giving iui)ncy to slave-holdere cither; but this seems to be a
peculiar casi', can lu' had so cheap, and so many young ones that would be
scparatctl from their [)arcuts ; slavery is ptvuliarly hard for children, that
cannot k\o anything to pri>tcct themselves, nor can their parents, and tiie old
ioo, it is hard tor them; but it is a terrible thing altogether. The case of
the ("ugitive thee mentioned was imleed truly atV(>cting; it makes one ashamed
as well as sad to reatl such things, that human beings, or any other beings
shoulil be so treated. I cannot but hope and believe that slavery will ere
long i-ease. 1 have a strong impression that the colored people and the
wonuai are to have a ilay of prixspcrity and triumph over their oppressors.
^^'e must parientlv wait and quietly hope ; but not keep too much Mn the
(pru't.' Shall have to work our deliviM-anec from bondage. * Who would
be tree, tluMuselvcs nuist strike the blow.'
" 1 n\!iret very nnich that 1 have not more clothing to send than the stock-
ings. 1 have not had time since 1 thought of it, to make anything ; am
jushame.l that I w;us so inconsiderate o'i the poor runaways. I will go to
work as soon as 1 have earned money to buy materials ; have managiHl so as
t«^ sjicnd my littii' annual allowance in nine months, and shall not be able
to givt> yon any monev for some months, but if more stix'kings are wanted
let me know, our benevolent soeictv have plenty on hand ; ami I have some
credit il' n«>t monev; tiiey will trust me till 1 have; they t'uruish work for
inK>r women and sell it. I get them f>r tit'ty cents a pair.
" My sister s;iys Lucretia (^Tott) toKl her that there was not much clothing
in the trunk, only a tew old things. 1 think she told me thei-e wjis nothing
in it, she meant, I supjxvsc, of any oonse(]uemv. * * ♦
*' 1 should like to know if the fu^jitives arc mostly large. I have an idea
they ai-e gt>nerally small in statm-e ; that slavery stunts the boily as well as
mind. 1 want to kiuuv in rc^-anl to the clothes that I intend making; it's
best to have them tit as well :vs ran be. I shall work pivtty much for
women. 1 hope and expin-t there are mauv friends of the rause who furnish
clothing In the city. Thev oui^ht to be fitted out tor Canada with strong,
warm clothing in o>ld weather, and their s;id fate alleviattxl as much as
can be.'' ♦***♦**
The forty-one dollars, n^fcrn.\l to iu the above letter, and sent to " E. M."
■^
ABIGAIL GOODWIN. 619
was to go especially towards buying an interesting family of ten slaves,
who were owned in North Carolina by a slave-holder, whose rare lilK'rality
was signalized by offering to take $1,000 for the lot, young and old. lu
this exceptional case, while opposed to buying slaves, in common with
abolitionists generally, she was too tender-hearted to resist the temptation so
long as " they could be bouglit so cheap."
To rid men of their yoke was her chief desire. Such was her habit of
making the sad lot of a slave a personal matter, that let her view him, in
any light whatever, whether in relation to young ones that would be sepa-
rated from their parents, or with regard to the old, the life of a slave was
"peculiarly hard," "a terrible thing" in her judgment.
The longer she lived, and the more faithfully she labored for the slave's
deliverance, the more firmly she became rooted in the soul-encouraging idea,
that " Slavery will ere long cease." "Whilst the great masses were either
blind, or indifferent, she was nerved by this faith to bear cheerfully all the
sacrifices she was called on to make. From another letter we copy as foUows:
January 25th, 1855.
Dear Friend : — ^The enclosed ten dollars I have made, earned in two
weeks, and of course it belongs to the slave. It may go for the fugitives, or
Carolina slaves, whichever needs it most. I am sorry the fugitives' trea-
sury is not better supplied, if money could flow into it as it does into the
Tract Fund ; but that is not to be expected. * * *
Thy answer in regard to impostors is quite satisfactory. No doubt you
take great pains to arrive at the truth, but cannot at all times avoid being
imposed on. Will that little boy of seven years have to travel on foot to
Canada? There will be no safety for him here. I hope his father will get
off. John Hill writes very well, considering his few advantages. If j)lenty
of good schools could be established in Canada for the benefit of fugitives,
many bright scholars and useful citizens would be added to society. 1 hope
these will be in process of time.
It takes the most energetic and intelligent to make their way out of
bondage from the most Southern States. It is rather a wonder to me that so
many can escape, the masters are so continually watching them. The poor
man that secreted himself so long, must, indeed, have suffered dreadfully,
and been exceedingly resolute to brave dangers so long. * * *
It was so characteristic of her to take an interest in everything that per-
tained to the Underground Kail Road, that even the deliverance of a little
nameless boy was not beneath her notice. To her mind, his freedom was
just as dear to him as if he had been the son of the President of the United
States.
How they got on in Canada, and the question of education, were matters
that concerned her deeply ; hence, occasional letters received from Canada,
n«j() '/'///•; rxD/'Ux'GRor.y/) ran. road.
ovinciii!:: m.ulvinl proijjroHs, mioh Jis the Ikm-d John 11. Hill wiis in llu' habit
of \vri(iii<;-, :il\\:lY^ ti;:lVO h(T nuich |)h':»siin' to p(M*llse.
Ill lh(« \\lu'('h>r slavc-i'Jisc, in which I'assmoro WilHiinison and othei-s
Mcro tMi!;ni;tMi, lu-i- inliTf^l was vtay i!;n'al. I'^roni a k'dor tlatcH.1 Salom,
ISi'ptiMnhcr \\ isr)r), wc ([UoU* \\w snhJoiniHl extract:
l>i;\u i''i;ii:M> : — 1 am truly rejoiced and thanldnl that the riirht has
trininphcd. Hut stran^iM" had it l>e(Mi o(herwis(>, in yonr intelligent cotn-
nuuiilN , wh(>rc it ninst l)t> apparent (o all who iii(|nire into it, that yon lind
ne nothini;" hnt what was dt>servin<:; ot' hii:;h eoininendation, instead of
hhune and pnnishinent ; and shaint> on the jnry wlu) wonld hrinL^ in the two
nuMi !;iiiitv ol" assault and haltery, 'Pluy onu;ht to havi> another trial ; per-
haps anoth(M" jnrv wonld he more jnst. It is well i'ov the eivdit of IMiiladel-
])hia, that there is oiu^ nj>ri'i;ht jndi^v, as Kelhy seems to he, and his sentoiico
will he a li«;ht om* it is presiuned, showinjjj he considered the charp;<.> a mere
pivtenci\
1 lu'p(» and trnst, that neitlua* thvst>lt' nor the other men will have much
if aii\ o[' tlu> c>xpenst» io hear; voiu" lawvi'rs will not ehariie anvthiiiir I
eiippivsc. and the i:[^ooK\ citizens will pav all t'lse. It seems there are hopes
ontertain»\l (hat I'assmore Williamson will soon he st>t at lilH-rty. It nnist
he a n'rcat eomtort io him and wife, in their trials, that it will eondnee to
the tnrilierance (>t" the i;o(ul cause.
It" riuladclphians are \\o{. aroused now alter this j^reat stretch of power,
io consider tluar salefy, they nuist he a stupid si>t oi' people, hnt it must ocr-
taiidy i\o i;ood. ♦ * * y^^j, ^^.jn (.,|.^> jr()i>d care o( Jam- .K)lmson,
I hope, and not K't her gc^t kidi\ai>pcd hai-k to Slavery. Is it s;ite for her to
nanain in your i'ity (u* anvwherc else in (>nr "free land?" I have some
donhts and teai-s tor her ; di> fry to impress hi>r with the necessity of being
very cautious aiul t'arcl'ul against ilcccivcrs, pretended tVieiuls. She had
better Ih> otV to Canada pretty soon.
Thy wite nnist not sit up washing ami ironing all night again. She
ought to have help in lua- syn\patliy and labors for the poor t'ngilives, and, I
should think there are many thta-e who wonKl willingly assist her.
1 iiUiMidcd to be t*arclnl o{' trt'sj)assing np(>n thv time, as thee nnist have
onongh to do ; the lugitivcs are still coming I expect. With kind regards,
also to thy wite, yonr triend,
A. G<.Hnnv IN.
In another letter, she suggvsts the idea o'i getting np a i-ominittee ol
>Yomen to provide clothing for fugitive touialos ; on this point she wrote
thns :
" S \MM, Sih 1110., 1st.
'* NVt^uld it ni>t he well to get up a eommittiv of women, to provide clothes
for fugitive Icmales — a dozen women sewing a ilay, or even half a day of
' ABIGAIL GOODWIN. C21
each week, irii^ht keep a supply always ready, they ral^^lit, I should think,
got tlie iii';n:hai)ts or some of them, to give cheap ruateriuls — ineuliou it to
thy wife, and see if she cannot get up a society. J will do wliat I can here
for it. I enelo:;e five dollars for the use of fugitives. It was a good while
that I heard nothing of your rail road concerns; 1 exj)ected thee had gone
to Canadri, or has the journey not been mude, or is it yet to be accomplished,
or given up ? I was in hopes thee would go and see with thy own eyes,
liow things go on in that region of fugitives, and if it's a goodly land to
live in.
"This is the first of August, and I suppose you arc celebrating it in Pliila-
delphla, or some of you are, though I believe you are not quite a.s zealous as
the Jiostonians are in doing it. 'When will our first of August come? oh,
that it might be soon, wtivy soon | * * * Jt's high time the 'reign
of oppression was over.' "
Ever alive to the work, she would appeal to such as were able among her
friends, to take 8t<>ck in the Underground Kail lioad, and would sometimes
succeed. In a letter dated July 30, 1850, she thus allu(k;s to her efforts:
"I have tried to beg something for them, but have not got much ; one of
our neighbors, S. W. Acton, gjlve me three dollars for them ; I added
enough to make ten, whicli thee will find inside. I shall owe (hree more,
to make my ten. I presume they are still coming every day almost, and I
fear it comes rather hard on tliee and wife to do for so many ; but you no
doubt feel it a satisfaction to do all yon cjin for the [joor sufferers."
February 10, 18o8, she forwarded her willing contribution, with the fol-
lowing interesting remarks:
Balem, February 10, 1858.
Dear Friend: — Thee will find enclosed, five dollars for the fugitives, a
little for so many to share it, but better than nothing; oh, that j)eople, rich
people, would remember tliem instead of spending so much on themselves;
and those tlic capacity, was as president of a Woman Suifrage meetina;,
in the City ilall, a few months ago, wiiicli was addressed by Julia Ward
Howe, Lucy Stone, and Henry B. Blackwell.
He lived to see the realization of his hojies for Universal Freedom, and in
April last on the occasion of the great parade of the colored people in this
eity, he was carried through our streets in an open barouche, surrounded by
the men in whose behalf he had labored so faithfully, and the guards around
his carriage carrying banners, with the inscription, " Our Moses."
A Moses he was to their race ; but unto him it was given to enter into
the promised land toward which he had set his face persistently and almost
alone for more than half a century.
lie was beloved almost to adoration by his dusky-hned friends, and in the
dark days of the beginning of the war, which every Wilmingtonian will
remember with a shudder, in those days of doubt, confusion, and suspicion,
without his knowledge or consent, Thomas Garrett's house was constantly
surrounded and watched by faithful black men, resolved that, come M'eal
come woe to them, no harm should o.ome to the benefactor of their race.
He was a hero in a life-time tight, an uj)right, honest man in his dealings
with men, a tender Iiusband, a loving father, and above all, a man who
loved his neighbor as himself, and righteousness and ti-iith better tlian ease,
safety, or worldly goods, a!id who never let any fear of harm to jierson or
property sway him IVom doing his whole duty to the uttermost.
He was faithful among the faithless, upright and just in the midst of a
wicked and perverse generation, and lived to see his labors rewarded and
approved in his own life-time, and then with joy that the Right had tri-
umphed by mightier means than his own; with thankf'uln«ss for the past,
and with calm trust for the iiiture, he passed to the reward of the just. He
has fought a good fight, he has finished his course, he ha-^ kept the fiiith.
From the same paper, of January 30th, 1871, we extract an account of
t the funeral obsequies which took place on Saturday, January 28th.
FUNEBAI. SERVICE 0>f SATURDAY.
The funeral of Thomas Garrett, which took place on Saturday, partook
almost of the character of a pt)pular ovation to the memory of the deceased,
(j2S THE UXDERGROUXD RAIL BO AD.
thouj^li it was conducted with the plainness of form which characterizes the
society of which he was a meiuber.
There was no display, no organization, nothing wliatever to distinguish
this from ordinary funerals, except the outpouring of pet)ple of ever}' creed,
condition, and color, to follow the remains to their last ro'jting-place.
There was for an hour or two before the procession started, a constant living
stream of humanity passing into the house, around the coffin, and out at
another door, to take a last look at the face of the deceased, the features of
which displayetl a sweetness and serenity which occasioned general remark.
A smile seemed to play upon the dead lips.
Shortly after three o'clock the funeral procession started, the plain coffin,
containing the remains, being earried by the stalwart arms of a delegation of
colored men, and the family and friends of the deceased following in car-
riages with a large procession on foot, while the sidewalks along tiie line,
from the house to the meeting-house, more than six sfjuares, were densely
crowded with spectators.
The Friends' Meeting House was ali-eady crowdctl, except the place re-
served for the relatives of the deceased, and, though probably fifteen hun-
dred people crowdal into the capacious building, a greater number still
were unable to gain admission.
The crowd inside was composed of all kinds and conditions of men, white
and black, all uniting to do honor to the character and works of the deceased.
Tiic coffin was laid in the open sj)ace in front of the gallery of ministers
and elders, and the lid removed from it, after which there was a period of
silence.
Presently the venerable Lucretia ^lott arose and said that, seeing the
gathering of the multitude there and thronging along the streets, as she had
passed on her way to the meeting-house, she had thought of the multitude
which gathered after the death of Jesus, and of the remark of the Centurion,
who, seeing the people, said : " Certainly this was a righteous man.'' Look-
ing at this multitude she would say surely this also was a righteous man.
She was not one of those wlio thmight it best always on occasions like this,
to speak in eulogy of the dead, but this was not an ordinary case, and seeing
the crowd that had gafhered, and amongst it the large numbers of a once
desj)i>cHl and persecuted race, for wiiich the deceastnl had done so much, she
felt that it was fit and proper that the good deeds of this man's life should
be remembered, for the encour.jircment of otlu'rs. She s|)oke of her long
acquaintance with him, of his cheerful and sunny disi)osition, and his firm
devotion to the truth as he saw it.
Aaron M. Powell, of New York, was the next speaker, and he sjx^kc at
length with great eanu^^tness of the life-long labor of his departed friend in
the abolition cause, of his cheerfulness, his courage, and his perfect consecra-
tion to his work.
THOMAS GARRETT. (JOQ
He alluded to the fact, that deceased was a member of tlie Society of
Friends, and held firmly to its faith that God leads and inspires men to do
the work He requires of them, that He speaks within the soul of every man,
and that all men are equally His children, subject to His guidance, and that
all should be free to follow wherever the Spirit might lead. It was Thomas
Garrett's recognition of this sentiment that made him an abolitionist, and
inspired him witli the courage to pursue his great work. He cared little fur
the minor details of Quakerism, l)ut he was a true Quaker in his devotion
to this great central idea which is the basis on which it rests. He urged
tlic Society to take a lesson from tlie deceased, and recognizing the respon-
sibilit}' of their position, to labor with earnestness, and to consecrate their
whole beings to the cause of right and reform. It is impossible for us to
give any fair abstract of Mr. Powell's earnest and eloquent tribute to his
friend, on whom he had looked, he said, as " a Father in Israel " from his
boyhood.
William Howard Day, then came forward, saying, he understood that it
would not be considered inappropriate for one of his race to say a ^qw words
on this occasion, and make some attempt to pay a fitting tribute to one to
whom they owed so much. He did not feel to-day like paying such a tribute,
ills grief was too fresh upon him, his heart too bowed down, and he could do
no more, than in behalf of his race, not only those here, but the host the
deceased has befriended, and of the whole four millions to whom he had
been so true a friend, cast a tribute of praise and thanks upon his grave.
Rev. Alfred Cookman, of Grace M. E. Church, next arose, and said that
he came there intending to say nothing, but the scene moved him to a few
words. He remembered once standing in front of St. Paul's Cathedral, in
London, and seeing therein the name of the architect, Sir Christopher Wren,
inscribed, and under it this inscription: "Stranger, if you would see his
monument look about you." And the thought came to him that if you
would see the monument of him who lies there, look about you and see it
built in stones of living hearts. He thanked God for the works of this man ;
he thanked Him especially for his noble character. He said that he felt
that that body had been the temple of a noble spirit, aye the temple of God
himself, and some day they would meet the spirit in the heavenly land be-
yond the grave
Lucretia Mott arose, and said she feared the claim might appear to be
made that Quakerism alone held the great central principle which dominated
this man's life; but she wished it understood that they recognized this
" voice within'' as leading and guiding all men, and they probably meant
by it much the same as those differing from them meant by the Third per-
son in their Trinity. She did not wish, even in appearance, to claim a
belief in this voice for her own sect alone.
T. Clarkson Taylor then said, that the time for closing the services had
G30 THE UNDERGROUXD It ML ROAD.
arrived, and in a very few words commended the lesson of his life to those
present, after which the meeting; dissolved, and the body wn.s carried to the
grave-yard in the rear of the meeting-house, and deposited in its last rest-
ing-place.
THE TRIAL OF THE CASES, 1S4S.
To the Editor of the Commorcial :
Yonr admirable and interesting sketch of the career of the late Thomas
Garrett contains one or two statements, which, according to my recollection
of the facts, are not entirely accurate, :uul are perhaps of sufficient import-
ance to be corrected.
The proceedings in the U. S. Circuit Court Avere not jniblic j^rosecutions
or indictments, but civil suits instituted by the owners of the naiaway slaves,
who employed and paid coimsel to conduct them. An act of Congress, then
in force, imposed a j)enalty of five hundred dolhifs on any person who
should knowingly harbor or conc^cal a fugitive from labor, to be recovered
by and for the benefit of the claimant of such fugitive, in any Court proper
to try the same; saving, moreover, to the claimant his right of action for or
on account of loss, etc. ; thus giving to the slave-owner two cases for action
for each fugitive, one of dt;bt for the penalty, and one of trespass for
damages.
There were in all seven slaves, only the husband and father of the family
being free, who escaped under the friendly help and guidance -of Mr. Gar-
rett, five of whom were claimed by E. N. Turner, and the remaining two by
C. T. Glanding, both claimants being I'csidents of Maryland.
In the suits for the penalties. Turner obtained judgment for twenty-five
hundred dollars, and Glanding, one for one thousand (htllai's. In these
cases the jury could give neither less nor more than the amount of the pciv-
alties, on the proper proof being made. Nor in the trespass case t or question, the anti-sLivcry men in the state
being like Virgil's ship-wrecked mariners, very few in number and scattered
over a vast space.
THOMAS GARRETT. G31
What most redonnfls to tlie hoiKir and praise of Mr. Garrett, in tliis trans-
action, as a noble and disinterested philanthropist is, that after the tUgitives
had been discharged from custody under the writ of habeas corpus, and
when he liad been advised by his lawyer, who was also his personal friend,
to keep his hands oifand let the party work their own passage to a haven of
freedom, not then far distant, or he might be involved in serious trouble, he
deliberately refaseing to weigh the
contingencies of individual gain or loss, that constitutes his best title to the
gratitude of those he scrvcs.
Thomas Garrett.''
In the next letter, an interesting anecdote is related of an encounter on
the Underground Hail Road, between the fugitives and several Irishmen,
and how one of the old countrymen was shot in the forehead, etc., which G.
thought would make such opponents to the Road " more Ciiutiouij."
Wilmington, lltli rao., 5th, 1857.
Esteemed Frie.vd, William Stili^ : — X have just written a note for the
bearer to William Murphy Chester, wh.o will direct him on to thj c^u'c; he
left his home about a week since. I hear in the lower part of this State, he
met with a friend to pilot him some twenty-five miles last night. We learn'
that one party of those last week were attacked with clubs by several Irish-
men, and that one of them was shot in the f )rehead. the ball entering to the
skull bone, and passing under the skin partly round the head. My informant
says he is likely to recover, but it will leave an ugly mark it is thought, as
long as he lives We have not been able to learn, whether the party was
on the look out for them, or whether they were rowdies out on a Hallow-eve
frolic; but be it which it may, I presume they will be more cautious here-
after, how they trille with such. Desiring thee prosperity and hajijiiness, I
remain thy friend, Thomas Garrett.
FOUR OF god's poor.
The following letter shows the fearless manner in which he attended to
the duties of his station :
Wilmington, 9th mo. Gth, 1S57.
Respected Friend, Wm. Still :— This evening I send to thy care four
of God's poor. Severn Johnson, a true man, will go with them to-night by
rail road to thy house. I have given Johnson five dollars, which will pay
all expenses, and leave each twenty-five cents. We are indebted to Captain
F-t-n for those. May success attend them in their eflPorts to maintain
640 THE USDEBGROUXB BAIL ROAD.
themselves. Please send word by Joliuson whether or no, those seven
arrived safe I wrote thee often davs since. My wife and self were at Lonir-
wood to-day, had a pleasant ride and good meeting.' We are, as ever, thy
friend, Thos. Garrett.
Quite a satisfactory account is given in the letter below of the " Irishman
who was shot in the forehead ;" also of one of the same kin, who in
meddling with Underground Rail Road passengers, got his arm broken in
two places, etc.
Wilmington, 11th mo. 14th, 1857.
Esteemed Fuiexd, Wm. Still : — Thy favor of a few days since came
to hand, giving quite a satisfactory account of the large company.
I find in the melee near this town, one of the Irishmen got his arm
broken in two places. The one shot in the forehead is badly marked, but
not datigerously injured. I learn to-day, that the carriage in that company,
owing to fast driving with such a heavy load, is badly broken, and the poor
horse was badly injured; it has not been able to do anything since.
Please say to my friend, Rebecca Hart, that I have heretofore kept clear
of persuading, or even advising slaves to leave their masters till they had
fully made up their minds to leave, knowing as I do there js great risk in so
doing, and if betrayed once would be a serious injury to the cause hereafter.
I had spoken to one colored man to try to see him, but he was not willing
to risk it. If he has any desire to get away, he can, during one night, be-
fore they miss him, get out of the reach of danger. Booth has moved into
New Castle, and left the two boys on the farm. If Rebecca Hart will write
to me, and give me the name of the boy, and the name of his mother, I will
make another effort. The man I spoke to lives in New Castle, and thinks
the mother of the boy alluded to lives between here and New Castle. The
young men's association here wants Wendell Phillips to deliver a lecture on
the lost arts, and some of the rest of us wish him to deliver a lecture on
Slavery. Where will a letter reach him soonest, as I wish to write him on
the subject. I thought he could perhaps deliver two lectures, two nigiits in
succession. If thee can give the above information, thee will much oblige —
Garrett^ & Son.
In his business-like transactions, without concealment, he places matters
in such a light that the wayfaring man, though a fool, need not err, as may
here be seen.
Wilmington, 11th mo. 25th, 1857.
Esteemed Friend, Wm. Still : — I now send Johnson, one of our
colored men, up with the three men I wrote thee about. Johnson has
undertook to have them well washed and cleaned during the day. And I
have provided them with some second-hand clothes, to make them comfort-
able, a new pair of shoes and stockings, and shall pay Johnson for taking
care of them. I mention this so that thee may know. Thee need not
i
THOMAS GARRETT. , 64X
advance him any funds. In the present case I shall furnish them with
money to pay their fare to Philadelpliia, and Johnson home again, nopiirj*
they will get on safe, I remain thy friend, Thos. Gakkett.
FOUR FEMALES ON BOARD.
The fearless Garrett communicated tlirough the mail, as usual, the follow '
ing intelligence :
Wilmington, 8th mo. 25lh, 1859.
Esteemed Friend, Wm. Still : — The brig Alvena, of Lewistown, is in
the Delaware opposite here, with four females on board. The colored man,
who has them in charge, was employed by the husband of one of them to
bring his wife up. When he arrived liere, he found the man had left. As
the vessel is bound to E.ed Biuk, I have advised him to take them there in
the vessel, and to-morrow take them in the steamboat to the city, and to the
;Anti-slavery office. He says they owe the captain one dollar and fifty cents
for board, and I gave him three dollars, to pay the captain and take them to
your office. I have a man here, to go on to-night, that was nearly naked;
shall rig him out pretty comfortably. Poor fellow, he has lost his left hand,
but he says he can take care of himself. In haste, thy friend,
Thos. Garrett.
While Father Abraham was using his utmost powers to put down the
rebellion, in 1864, a young man who had "been most unrighteously sold for
seven years," desirous of enlisting, sought advice from the wise and faithful
Underground E,ail Road manager, who gave him the following letter, whicii
may be looked upon in the light of a rare anecdote, as there is no doubt but
that the "professed non-resistant" in this instance, hoped to see the poor
fellow " snugly fixed in his regimentals^' doing service for "Father Abraham."
Wilmington, 1st mo. 23cl, 1864.
Respected Friend, William Still : — The bearer of this, Winlock
Clark, has lately been most unrighteously sold for seven years, and is desir-
ous of enlisting, and becoming one of Uncle Sam's boys; I have advised him
to call on thee so that no land sharks shall get any bounty for enlisting him;
be has a wife and sevei'al children, and whatever bounty the government or
:he State allows him, will be of use to his family. Please write me when
tie is snugly fixed in his regimentals, so that I may send word to his wife.
By so doing, thee will much oblige thy friend, and the friend of humanity,
Thomas Garrett.
N. B. Am I naughty, being a professed non-resistant, to advise this poor
'ellow to serve Father Abraham ? T. G.
We have given so many of these inimitable Underground Rail Road
etters from the pen of the sturdy old laborer, not only because they will be
lew to the readers of this work, but because they so fittingly illustrate his
)ractical devotion to the Slave, and his cheerfulness — in the face of danger
md difficulty — in a manner that other pens might labor in vain to describe.
41
642 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD.
DANIEL GIBBONS.
A life as uneventful as the one whose story we are about to tell, affords little
scope for the genius of the biographer or the historian, but being carefully
studied, it cannot fail to teach a lesson of devotion and self-sacrifice, which
should be learned and remembered by every succeeding age.
Daniel Gibbons, son of James and Deborah (Hoopes) Gibbons, was born
on the banks of ^lill Creek, in Lancaster county, Pennsylvania, on the 21st
day of the 12th montli (December), 1775. He was descended on his father's
side from an English ancestor, wliose name appears on the colonial records,
as far back as 1683. John Gibbons evidently came with or before
William Penn to this "goodly heritage of freedom." His earthly remains
lie at Concord Friends' burying-ground, Delaware county, near wIkm'c the
family lived for a generation or two. The grandfather of Daniel Giblmns,
who lived near where West Town boarding-school now is, in Chester county,
bought for seventy pounds, "one thousand acres of land and allowances," in
what is now Lancaster county, intending, as he ultimately did, to settle his
three sons upon it. This purchase was made about the year 1715. In pro-
cess of time, the eldest son, desiring to marry Deborah Hoopes, the
daughter of Daniel Hoopes, of a neighboring township in Chester county,
the young pc()j)le obtained the consent of parents and friends, but it was
a time of grief and mourning among young and old. The young Friends
assured the intended bride, that they would not marry the best man in the
Provinee and do what she was about to do ; and the elder dames, so far
relaxed the Puritanic rigidity of their rules, as to allow the invitation of an
unconunonly large company of guests to the wedding, in order that a long
and perhaps last farewell, might be said to the beloved daughter, who, with
her husl)and, was about to emigrate to the " far West." Loud and long
were the lamentations, and warm the embraces of these simple-minded
Christian rustics, companions of toil and dc{>rivation, as they parted from
two of their numl)er who were to leave their circle for the West; the West
being then thirty-six miles distant. This was on the sixth day of the fifth
month, 1750. More than a century has j)assed away; all the good pcojilc,
eighty-nine in nninl)er, who signed the wedding certificate as witnesses, have
passed away, and how vast is the change wrought in our midst since
that day !
Joseph Gibbons was so much pleased with the daring enterprise of his son
and (laiiglitcr-iii-law, that he gave them OJie hundred acres of land in liis
Western possessions more than he reserved i'ov his other and younger sons,
and to it they immediately emigrated, anfriend.
The tenderness and though tfulncss of his disposition are well shown in
LUCRETIA MOTT. 649
the following incident : Upon one oofiasion, his son recoivofl a kick from fi,
horse, which he was about to mount at tlie door. When ho had recovered
from the shock, and it was found that lie was not seriously injured, the
father still continued to look serious, and did not cease to shed tears. On
being asked why he grieved, his answer was : " I was just thinking how it
would have been with thee, had that stroke proved fatal." Such thoughts
were at once the notes of his own preparation and a warning to others to be
also ready.
A life consistent with his views, was a life of liumility and universal
benevolence, and such was his. It was a life, as it were in J leaven, while
yet on earth, for it soared above and beyond the conii[»t and slavish
influences of earthly passions.
His interest iji temperance never failed him. On lils death-bed he
would call persons to him, who needed such advice, and adnrinish
them on the subject of using strong drinks, and his last expression of
interest in any humanitarian movement, was an avowal of his belief in
the great good to arise from a prohibitory lirpior law.
To a friend, who entered his sick room, a few days before his death, he
said : " Well, E., thee is preparing to go to the West." The friend replied :
"Yes, and Daniel, I suppose thee is preparing to go to eternity." There
was an afFinnatlve reply, and E. inquired, "Mow does thee find it?" Daniel
said: "I don't find much to do, I find that I have not got a hard master to
deal with. Some few things which I have done, 1 find not entirely right."
He quitted the earthly service of the Master, on the 17th day of the eighth
month, 1852.
A young physician, son of one of his old friends, after attending his
funeral, wrote to a friend, as follows : " To quote the words of Webster,
' We turned and paused, and joined our voices with the voices of the air,
and bade him hail! and farewell !' Farewell, kind and brave old man!
The voices of the oppressed whom thou hast redeemed, welcome thee to the
Eternal City."
LUCRETIA MOTT.
Of all the women v.-ho served the Anti-slavery cause in its darkest days,
there is not one whose labors were more effective, who.se character is nobler,
and who is more universally resjjccted and beloved, than Lucretia Mott.
You cannot sj)cak of the slave without remembering her, who did so much
to make Slavery impos-siblc. You cannot speak of freedom, without recall-
ing that enfranchised spirit, which, free from all control, save that of
conscIe::f- and God, labored f )r absolute lilterty for the whole human race.
AVe cannot think of the partial trlumj)h of freedom In this country, witliout
rejoicing in the great part she took in the victory. Lucretia Mott is one of
650 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD.
the noblest representatives of ideal womanhood. Those who know hor, need
not be told this, but those who only love her in the spirit, may be sure that
they can have no faith too great in the beauty of her pure and Chris-
tian life.
This book would be incomplete without giving some account, however
brief, of Lucretia Mott's character and labors in the great work to
which her life has been devoted. To write it fully would require a
volume. She was born in 1793, in the island of Nantucket, and is
descended from the Coffins and Macys, on the father's side, and from the
Folgers, on the mother's side, and through them is related to Dr. Benjamin
Franklin. Her maiden name was Lucretia Coffin.
During the absence of her father on a long voyage, her mother was
engaged in mercantile business, purchasing goods in Boston, in exchange
for oil and candles, the staples of the island. Mrs. Mott says in reference
to this employment: "The exercise of women's talent in this line, as well
as the general care which devolved upon them in the absence of their hus-
bands, tended to develop their intellectual powers, and strengthened them
mentally and physically."
The family removed to Boston in 1804. Her parents belonged to the
religious Society of Friends, and carefully cultivated in their children, tlie
peculiarities as well as the principles of that sect. To this early training,
we may ascribe the rigid adherence of Mrs. Mott, to the beautiful but sober
costume of the Society.
When in London, in 1840, she visited the Zoological Gardens, and a
gentleman of the party, pointing out the splendid plumage of some tropical
birds, remarked : " You see, Mrs. Mott, our heavenly Father believes in
bright colors. How much it would take from our pleasure, if all the birds
were dressed in drab." "Yes;" she replied, "but immortal beings do not
depend ujjou feathers for their attractions. With the infinite variety of the
human fac-e and form, of thought, feeling and affi^ction, we do not need
gorgeous apparel to distinguish us. Moreover, if it is fitting that woman
should dress in every color of the rainbow, why not man also ? Clergymen,
with their black clothes and white cravats, are quite as monotonous as
the Quakers." Whatever may be the abstract merit of this argument, it is
certain that the simplicity of Lucretia Mott's nature, is beautifully expressed
by her habitual costume.
In giving the principal events of Lucretia INIott's life, we prefer to use her
own language whenever possible. In memoranda furnished by her to
Elizabeth Cady Stanton, she says: "My father had a desire to make his
daughters useful. At fourteen years of age, I was placed, with a younger
sister, at the Friends' Boarding School, in Dutchess county. State of ^^ew
York, and continued there for more than two years, without returning home.
At fifteen, one of the teachers leaving the school, I was chosen as an assist-
LUCRETIA MOTT. Gol
ant in her place. Pleased with the promotion, I strove hard to give
satisfaction, and was gratified, on leaving tiie school, to have an offer of a
situation as teacher if I was disposed to remain ; and informed that
my services should entitle another sister to her education, without charge.
My father was at that time, in successful business in Boston, but with his
views of the importance of training a woman to usefuhiess, he and my
mother gave their consent to another year being devoted to that institu-
tion." Here is another instance of the immeasurable value of wise parental
influence.
In 1809 Lucretia joined her family in Philadelphia, whither they had
removed. " At the early age of eighteen," she says, " I married James
Mott, of New York — an attachment formed while at the boardinir-school."
Mr. Mott entered into business with her fiithcr. Then followed commercial
depressions, the war of 1812, the deatli of her father, and the family
became involved in difficulties. Mrs. Mott was again obliged to resume
teaching. " These trials," she says, " in early life, were not without their
good elfcct in disciplining the mind, and leading it to set a just estimate on
worldly pleasures."
To this early training, to the example of a noble father and excellent
mother, to the trials which came so quickly in her life, the rapid develop-
ment of Mrs. Mott's intellect is no doubt greatly due. Thus the founda-
tion was laid, wliich has enabled her, for more than fifty years, to be one of
the great workers in the cause of suffering humanity. These are golden
words which we quote from her own modest notes : " I, however, always
loved the good, in childhood desired to do the right, and had no faith in the
generally received idea of human depravity." Yes, it was because she
believed in human virtue, that she was enabled to accomplish such a
wonderful work. She had the inspiration of faith, and entered her life-
battle against Slavery with a divine hope, and not with a gloomy despair.
The next great step in Lucretia Mott's career, was taken at the age of
twenty-five, when, " summoned by a little family and many cares, I felt
called to a more public life of devotion to duty, and engaged in the ministry
in our Society."
In 1827 when the Society was divided Mrs. Mott's convictions led her
"to adhere to the sufficiency of the light within us, resting on the truth as
authority, rather than ' taking authority for truth.' " We may find no bet-
ter place than this to refer to her relations to Christianity. There are many
people who do not believe in the progress of religion. They are right in one
respect. God's truth cannot be })rogressive because it is absolute, immutable
and eternal. But the human race is struggling up to a higher comprehen-
sion of its own destiny and of the mysterious purposes of God so far as they
are revealed to our finite intelligence. It is in this sense that religion is
progressive. The Christianity of this age ought to be more intelligent than
652 THE UXDERGEOUXD RAIL ROAD.
the Christianity of Calvin. "The popular doftrlne of human depravitj,"
says Mrs. Mott, " never commended itself to my reason or conscience. I
searched the Scriptures daily, finding a construction of the text wholly dif-
ferent from that which was pressed upon our acceptance. The highest
evidence of a sound faith being the practical life of the Christian, I have
felt a far greater interest m the moral movements of our ago than in any
theological discussion." Her life is a noble evidence of the sincerity of this
belief. She has translated Christian principles into daily deeds.
That spirit of benevolence which Mrs. Mott possesses in a degree far above
the average, of necessity had countless modes of expression. She was not so
much a champion of any particular cause as of all reforms. It was said of
Charles Lamb that he could not even hear the devil abused without trying
to say something in his favor, and with all Mrs. Mott's intense hatred of
Slavery we do not think she ever had one unkind feoling toward the slave-
holder. Her longest, and probably her noblest work, Avas done in the anti-
slavery cause. "The millions of down-trodden slaves in our land," she
says, " being the greatest sufferers, the most oppressed class, I have felt
bound to plead their cause, in season and out of season, to endeavor to put
my soul in their soul's stead, and to aid, all in my power, in every right
effort for their immediate emancipation." When in 1833, Wm. Lloyd
Garrison took the ground of immediate emancipation and urged the duty of
unconditional liberty without expatriation, Mrs. Mott took an active part in
the movement. She was one of the founders of the Philadelphia Female
Anti-Slavery Society in 1834. "Being actively associated in the efforts for
the slave's redemption," she says, " I have traveled thousands of miles in
this country, holding meetings in some of the slave states, have been in the
midst of mobs and violence, and have shared abundantly in the odium
attached to the name of an uncompromising modern abolitionist, as well as
partaken richly of the sweet return of peace attendant on those who would
' undo the heavy burdens and let the oppressed go free, and break every
yoke.'" In 1840 she attended the World's Anti-Slavery Convention in
London. Because she was a woman she was not admitted as a delegate.
All the female delegates, however, were treated with courtesy, though not
with justice. IVIrs. ]\[ott spoke frerpiently in the liberal churches of England,
and her influence outside of the Convention had great effect on the Anti-
Slavery movement in Great Britain.
But the value of Mrs. Mott's anti-slavery work is not limited to what she
individually did, great as that labor was. ITcr influence over others, and
especially the young, was extraordinary. She made many converts, who
went forth to spread the groat ideas of freedom throughout the land. No
one can of himself accomplish great good. He must labor through others,
he must inspire them, convince the unbelieving, kindle the fires of faith in
doubting souls, and in the unequal fight of Right with Wrong make Hope
LUCRETIA 310 TT.
653
take the p]ace of despair. This Lucretia Mott lias done. Her example wa.s
an inspiration.
In the Temperance reform Mrs. Mott took an early interest, and for many
years she has practiced total abstinence from intoxicating drinks In the
cause of Peace she has been ever active, believing in the "ultra non-resist-
ance ground, that no Christian can consistently uphold and actively eno-acre
in and support a government based on the sword." Yet this,- we believe
did not prevent her from taking a profound interest in the great war for the
Union ; though she deplored the means, her soul must have exulted in the
result. Through anguish and tears, blood and death America wrought out
her salvation. Do we not believe that the United States leads the cause of
human freedom? It follows then that the abolition of the gigantic svstem
of human slavery in this country is the grandest event in modoi-n history.
Mrs. Mott has also been earnestly engaged in aid of the working classes, and
has labored effectively for "a radical change in the system which makes the
rich richer, and the poor poorer." In the Woman's Rights question she was
early interested, and with Mrs. Elizabeth Cady Stanton, she oi'ganized, in
1848, a Woman's Rights' Convention at Seneca Falls, New York. At the
proceedings of this meeting, " the nation was convulsed with laughter." But
who laughs now at this irresistible reform ?
The public career of Lucretia Mott is in perfect harmony with licr private
life. " My life in the domestic sphere," she says, " has passed much as that
of other wives and mothers of this country. I have had six children. Not
accustomed to resigning them to the care of a nurse, I was much cnnfmed to
them during their infancy and childhood." Notwithstanding her devotion
to public matters her private duties were never neglectoil. i\Iany of our
readers will no doubt remember ]Mrs. IMott at Anti-slavery meetings, her
mind intently fixed upon the proceedings, while her hands were as busily
engaged in useful sewing or knitting. It is not our place to in(inire too
closely into this social circle, but we may say that Mrs. Mott's history is a
living proof that the highest public duties may be reconciled with perfect
fidelity to private responsibilities. It is so with men, why should it be dif-
ferent with women ?
In her marriage, Mrs. Mott was fortunate. James Mott was a worthy
partner for such a woman. He wiis born in June, 1788, in Long Island.
He was an anti-slavery man, almost before such a thing as anti-slavery was
known. In 1812 he refused to use any article which was produced by slave
labor. The directors of that greatest of all railway corporations, the
Underground Rail Road, will never forget his services. He died, Januaiy
26, 1868, having nearly completed his 80th year. " Not only in regjird to
Slavery," said the "Philadelphia Morning Post," at the time, "but in all
things was Mr. Mott a reformer, and a radical, and while his principles were
absolute, and his opinions uncompromising, his nature was singularly gener-
654 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD.
ous and humane. Charity was not to him a duty, but a delight ; and the
benevolence, which, in most good men, has some touch of vanity or selfish-
ness, always seemed in him pure, unconscious and disinterested. His life
was long and happy, and useful to his fellow-men. He had been married
for fiftv-seven years, and none of the many friends of James and Lucretia
Mott, need be told how much that union meant, nor what sorrow comes with
its end in this world." Mary Grew pronounced his fitting epitaph when she
said : " He was ever calm, steadfast, and strong in the fore front of the
conflict."
In her seventy-ninth year, the energy of Lucretia Mott is undiminished,
and her soul is as ardent in the cause to which her life has been devoted, as
when in her youth she placed tlie will of a true woman against the impo-
tence of prejudiced millions. With the abolition of Slavery, and the passage
of the Fifteenth Amendment, her greatest life-work ended. Since then, she
ha« given much of her time to the Female Suffrage movement, and so late
as November, 1871, she took an active part in the Annual Meeting of the
Pennsylvania Peace Society.
Since the great law was enacted, which made all men, black or white,
equal in political rights — as they were always equal in the sight of God —
Mrs. Mott has made it her business to visit every colored church in Phila-
delphia. This we may regard as the formal closing of fifty years of work
in behalf of a race which slie has seen raised from a position of abject ser-
vitude, to one higher than that of a monarch's throne. But though she
mav have ended this Anti-slavery work, which is but the foundation of the
destiny of the colored race in America, her influence is not ended — that
cannot die ; it must live and grow and deepen, and generations hence the
world will be happier and better that Lucretia Mott lived and labored for
the good of all mankind.
JAMES MILLER McKIM.
More vividly than it is possible for the pen to portray, the subject of this
sketch recalls the struggles of the worst years of Slavery, when the conflict
was most exciting and interesting, when more minds were aroused, and more
laborers were hard at work in the field ; when more anti-slavery spoeciics
were made, tracts, papers, and books, were written, printed and distributed ;
when more petitions were signed for the abolition of Slavery ; in a word,
when the barbarism of Slavery was more exposed and condemned than ever
before, in the same length of time. Abolitionists were then intensely in
earnest, and determined never to hold their peace or cease their warfare,
until immerliafr and unconrUtional emancipation was achieved.
On tlie other hand, during this same period, it is not venturing too
much to assert that the slave power was more oppressive than ever before ;
JAMES MILLER McKIM. 655
slave enactments more cruel ; the spirit of Slavery more intolerant ; the fetters
more tightly drawn ; perilous escapes more frequent ; slave captures and
slave hunts more appalling ; in short, the enslavers of the race had never
before so defiantly assumed that negro Slavery was sanctioned by the
Divine laws of God.
Thus, while these opposing agencies were hotly contesting the rights of
man, James Miller McKini, as one of the earliest, most faithful, and ablest
abolitionists in Pennsylvania, occupied a position of influence, labor and
usefulness, scarcely second to Mr. Garrison.
For at least fourteen of the eventful years referred to, it was the writer's
privilege to occupy a position in the Anti-slavery office with ]\Ir. Mfdvira,
and the best opportunity was thus afforded to observe him under all (;ir-
cumstances while battling for freedom. As a helper and friend of the fleeing
bondman, in numberless instances the writer has marked well his kind and
benevolent spirit, before and after the formation of the late Vigilance Com-
mittee. At all times when the funds were inadequate, his aid could be
counted upon for sure relief. He never failed the fugitive in the hour of
need. Whether on the Underground Rail Road bound for Canada, or
before a United States commissioner trying a fugitive case, the slave found
no truer friend than Mr. McKim.
If the records of the Pennsylvania Society for Promoting the Abolition
of Slavery, and the Pennsylvania Anti-slavery Society were examined and
written out by a pen, as competent as Mr. McKim's, two or three volumes
of a most thrilling, interesting, and valuable character could be fiu-nished to
posterity. But as his labors have been portrayed for these pages, by a hand
much more competent than the writer's, it only remains to present it as
follows:
The subject of this sketch was born in Carlisle, Pennsylvania, November
14, 1810, the oldest but one of eight children. On his father's side, he was
of Scotch Irish, on his mother^s (Miller) of German descent. He graduated
at Dickinson College in 1828 ; and entering upon the study of medicine,
attended one or more courses of lectures in the University of Pennsylvania.
Before he was ready to take his degree, his mind was powerfully turned
towards religion, and he relinquished medicine for the study of divinity,
entering the Theological Seminary at Princeton, in the fall of 18.")1, and a
year later, being matriculated at Andover. The death of his parents, however,
and subsequently that of his oldest brother, made his connection with both
these institutions a very brief one, and he was obliged, as the charge of the
family now devolved upon him, to continue his studies privately at home,
under the friendly direction of the late Dr. Duffield. An ardent and pro-
nounced disciple of the " New School " of Presbyterians, belonging to a
strongly Old School Presbytery ; he was able to secure license and ordina-
G56 THE UXDERG ROUND RAIL ROAD.
tiou only by transfer to anotlicr; and, in October, 1S35, lie accepted a pulpit
in Wonielsdorf, Berks County, Pu., Avhcre he j)reached for one year, t* a
Presbyterian congregation, to what purpose, and with what views, may be
learned from the following passage taken from one of his letters, written
more than twenty years afterwards, to the National Anti-Sktvery Standard.
" The first settled pastor of this little flo(;k was one sufficiently well-known
to such of your readers as will be interested in this, to make mention of his
name unnecessary. He had studied for the ministry with a strong desire,
and a half formed purpose to become a missionary in foreign lands. Before
lie had proceeded far in his studies, however, he became alive to the claims
of the * perishing heathen ' here at home. When he received his licensure,
his mind was divided between the still felt impulse of his first purpose and
the pressure of his later convictions. While yet unsettled on this point, the
case of the little church at Womelsdorf Av^as made known to him, followed
by an urgent request from the people and from the Home Missionary
Society to take charge of it. . He acceded to the request and remained there
one year, zealously performing the duties of his office to the best of his
knowledge and ability. The people, earnest and simple-hearted, desired the
'sincere milk of the Word,' and receiving it 'grew thereby.' All the mem-
bers of the church became avowed abolitionists. They showed their faith
by their works, contributing liberally to the funds of the Anti-slavery
Society. Many a seasonable donation has our Pennsylvania organization
received from that quarter. For though their anti-slavery minister had left
and had been followed by others of diiferent sentiments and though he had
withdrawn from the church with which they Avere in common connected,
and that on grounds which subjected him to the imputation and penalties af
heresy, these good peo])le did not feel called u])on to change their relations
of personal friendship, nor did they make it a pretext, as others haye done,
for abandoning the cause."
In October, 1836, he accepted a lecturing agency under the American
Anti-slavery Society, as one of the "seventy," gathered from all professions,
whom Theodore D. Weld had by his eloquence inspired to spread the gos-
pel of emancipation. Mr. McKim had long before this had his attention
drawn to the subject of slavery, in the summer of 1832 ; and the reading of
Garrison's "Thoughts on Colonization," at once made him an abolliionist.
He was an appointed delegate to the Convention which formed the Ameri-
can Anti-slavery Society, and enjoyed the distinction of being the youngest
member of that body.* Henceforth the object of the society, and of his
ministry became inseparable inliis mind.
« It may be a matter of some interest to state that the original draft of the Declaration of Senti-
ments adopted at this meeting, together witli the autographs of the signers, is now in the keeping of
the New York Ilistorical Society.
JAMES MILLER McKIM. 657
In the following summer, 1834, he delivered in Carlisle two addresses in
favor of immediate emancipation, which excited much discussion and bitter
feelino- in that border community, and gained him no little obloquy, which
was of course increased when, as a lecturer, on the regular stipend of eight
dollars a week and travelling expenses, ("pocket lined with British gold"
was the current charge), he traversed his native state, among a people in
the closest geographical, commercial, and social contact with the system of
slavery. His fate was not different from that of his colleagues, in respect
of interruptions of his meetings by mob violence, personal assaults with
stale eggs and other more dangerous missiles, and a public sentiment which
everywhere encouraged and protected the rioters.
Meantime, a radical change of opinion on theological questions, led Mr.
McKim formally to sever his connection with the Presbyterian Cinirch, and
ministry. Being now free to act without sectarian constraint, he Avas, in the
beginning of 1840, made Publishing Agent of the Pennsylvania Anti-slavery
Society, which caused him to settle in Philadelphia, where he was married,
in October, to Sarah A. Speakman, of Chester county. The chief duties of
his office at first, were the publication and management of the Pcnn.^j/Ivania
Freeman, including, for an interval after the retirement of John G. Whittier,
the editorial conduct of that paper. In course of time his functions were
enlarged, and under the title of Corresponding Secretary, he performed the
part of a fictotum and general manager, with a share in all the anti-slavery
work, local and national. After the consolidation of the Freeman with the
Standard, in 1854, he became the official correspondent of the latter paper,
his letters serving to some extent as a substitute for the discontinued Free-
man. . The operations of the Underground Rail Road came under his review
and partial control, as has already appeared in these pages, and the slave
cases which came before the courts claimed a large share of his attention.
After the passage of the Fugitive Slave Law, in 1851, his duties in this re-
spect were arduous and various, as may be inferred from one of Ids private
letters to an English friend, which found its way into print abroad, and
which will be found in another place. (See p. 581).
During the John Brown excitement Mr. McKim had the privilege of ac-
companying Mrs. Brown in her melancholy errand to Harper's Ferry, to
take her last leave of her husband before his execution, and to bring away
the body. His companions on that painful but memorable journey, were
his wife, and Hector Tyndale, Esq., afterwards honorably distinguished in
the war as General Tyndale. Returning with the body of the hero and
martyr, still in company with Mrs. Brown, Mr. INIcKim proceeded to North
Elba, where he and Wendell Phillips, who had joined him in New York
with a few other friends gathered from the neighborhood, assisted in the
final obsequies.
When the war broke out, Mr. McKim was one of the first to welcome it
42
G58 THE UXDEEGROUXD RAIL ROAD.
as the liarbinger of the slave's deliverance, and the country's redemption.
" A righteous war/' he said, " is better than a corrupt peace. i= * *
When war can only be averted by consenting to crime, then welcome war
with all its calamities," In the winter of 1862, after the capture of Port
Royal, he procured the calling of a public meeting of the citizens of Pliila-
delphia to consider and provide for the wants of the ten thousand slaves who
had been suddenly liberated. One of the results of this meeting was the
organization of the Philadelphia Port Royal Relief Committee. By request
he visited the Sea Islands, accompanied by his daughter, and on his return
made a report which served his associates as a basis of operations, and which
was republished extensively in this country and abroad.
After the proclamation of emancipation, he advocated an early dissolution
of the anti-slavery organization, and at the May Meeting of the American
Anti-slavery Society, in 1864, introduced a proposition looking to that
result. It was favorably received by Mr. Garrison and others, but no
action was taken upon it at that time. When the question came up the fol-
lowing year, the proposition to disband was earnestly supported by Mr. Gar-
rison, Mr. Quincy, Mr. May, Mr. Johnson, and others, but was strongly
opposed by Wendell Phillips and his friends, among whom from Philadel-
phia were Mrs. Mott, Miss Grew, and Robert Purvis, and was decided by
a vote in the negative.
Mr. McKim was an early advocate of colored enlistments, as a means of
lifting up the blacks and putting down the rebellion. In the spring of 1863,
he urged upon the Philadelphia Union League, of which he was a member,
the duty of recruiting colored soldiers ; as the result, on motion of Thomas
Webster, Esq., a movement was set on foot which led to the organization of
the Philadelphia Supervisory Committee, and the subsequent establishment
of Camp William Penn, with the addition to the national army, of eleven
colored regiments.
When, in November, 1863, the Port Royal Relief Committee was enlarged
into the Pennsylvania Freedman's Relief Association, Mr. INIcKim was
made its corresponding secretary. He had previously resigned his place in
the Anti-slavery Society, believing that that organization M'as near the end
of its usefulness.
In the freedmen's work, he traveled extensively, and work'cd hard, estab-
lishing schools at the South and organizing public sentiment in the free
States. In the P]M-ing of 1865, he was made corresponding secretary of the
American Freedman's Commission, which he had helped to establish, and
took up his residence in the city of New York. This association was after-
wards amplified, in name and scope, into the American Freedman's Union
Commission, and Mr. McKim continued with it as corresponding secretary,
laboring for reconstruction by means of Freedman's schools, and irn[)artial
popular education. On the 1st of July, 1869, the Commission, by umuu-
I
J. MILLER McKlM.
Sec p. 654.
KEV. WILLIAM II. FURNESS.
Sec p. 659
WILLIAM LLOVD (JAUKISOX.
Sec p. 6G5.
LEWIS TAPPAK.
rice l>. IJt
EMliNENT ANTI-SLAVERY MEN.
JAMES MILLER McEIM. 659
mous vote on his motion, disbanded, and handed over the funds in its
treasury to its constituent State associations. Mr. McKim retired from his
labors with impaired health, and has since taken no open part in public
affairs. He is one of the proprietors of the New York Nation, in the
establishment of which, he took an effective interest.
Mr. McKim's long and assiduous career in the anti-slavery cause, has
given evidence of a peculiar fitness in him for the functions he successively
discharged. His influence upon men and the times, has been less as a
speakei', than as a writer, and perhaps still less as a writer than as an organ-
izer, a contriver of ways and means ; fertile in invention, prepared to take
tlie initiative, and bringing to the conversion of others, an earnestness of
j)urpose and a force of language that seldom failed of success. In an
enterprise where theory and sentiment w^ere fully represented, and busi-
ness capacity, and what is called "practical sense," were comparatively rare,
his talents were most usefully employed ; while, in periods of excitement —
and when were such'wanting ? his caution, sound judgment, and mental
balance were qualities hardly less needed or less important.
WILLIAM H. FURNESS, D. D.
Among the Abolitionists of Pennsylvania no man stands higher than
Dr. Furness; and no anti-slavery minister enjoys more universal respect.
For more than thirty years he bore faithful witness for the black man ; in
season and out of season contending for his rights. AVhen others deserted the
cause he stood firm ; when associates in the ministry were silent he spoke out.
They defined their position by declaring themselves "as much opposed to
slavery as ever, but without sympathy for iho. abolitionists." He defined his
by showing himself more opposed to slavery than ever, and fraternizing
with the most hated and despised anti-slavery people.
Dr. Furness came into the cause when it was in its infancy, and had few
adherents. From that time till the day of its triumph he was one with it,
sharing in all its trials and vicissitudes. In the operations of the Vigilance
Committee he took the liveliest interest. Though not in form a member he
was one of its chief co-laborers. He brought it material aid continually,
and was one of its main reliances for outside support. His quick sympa-
thies were easily touched and wlien touched were sure to prompt him to
corresponding action. He would listen with moistened eyes to a tiile of
outrage, and go away saying never a word. But the story of wrong would
work ujion him ; and through him upon others. His own feelings were
communicated to his friends, and his friends would send gifts to the
Committee's treasury. A wider spread sympathy would manifest itself
in the community, and the general interests of the cause be visibly pro-
moted. It was in the latter respect, that of moral co-operation, that Dr.
CGO THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD.
Furness's services were most valuable. After hearing a harrowing recital,
whether he would or not, it became the burden of his next Sunday's
sermon. Abundant proof of this may be found in his printed discourses.
Take the following as an illustration. It is an extract from a sermon de-
livered on the 29th of May, 1854, a period when the slave oligarchy was
at the height of its power and was supported at tlie North by the most
violent demonstrations of sympathy. The text was, " Feed my Lambs : "
" And now brothers, sisters, children, give me your hearts, listen with a
will to what I have to say. As heaven is my witness, I would not utter one
■word save for the dear love of Christ and of God, and the salvation of your
own souls. Does it require any violent effort of the mind to suppose Christ
to address each one of us personally the same question that He put to Peter,
' Lovest thou me ?' * * * And at the hearing of His brief command,
' Feed my lambs,' so simple, so direct, so unqualified, are we prompted
like the teacher of the law who, when Christ bade him love his neighbor as
himself, asked, 'And who is my neighbor?' and in the parable of the good
Samaritan, received an answer that the Samaritans whom he despised, just
as we des])ise the African, was his neighbor, are we prompted in like manner
to ask, ' Who are the lambs of Christ ?' Who are His lambs ? Behold that
great multitude, more than three millions of men and feeble women and
children, wandering on our soil ; no not wandering, but chained down, not
allowed to stir a step at their own free will, crushed and hunted with all the
1)0 wer of one of the mightiest nations that the world has yet seen, wielded
to keep them down in the depths of the deepest degradation into which
human beings can be plunged. These, then that we despise, are our neigh-
bors, the poor, stricken lambs of Christ.
To cast one thought towards them, may well cause us to bow down our
heads in the very dust with shame. No wonder that professing to love
Christ and his religion, we do not like to hear them spoken of; for so far
from feeding the lambs of Christ, we are exciting the whole associated power
of this land, to keep them from being fed. * Feed my lambs.' We might
feed them Avith fraternal sympathy, with hope, with freedom, the imperisha-
ble bread of Heaven. We might lead them into green pastures and still
Avaters, into the glorious liberty wherewith Christ died to make all men free,
the liberty of the children of God. W^e might secure to them the exercise
of every sacred affection and faculty, wherewith the Creator has endowed
them. But we do none of those things. W^e suffer this great flock of the
Lord Jesus to be treated as chattels, bought and sold, like beasts of burden,
hunted and lacerated by dogs and wolves. I say we, we of these Free
Northern communities, because it is by our allowance, signified as effectually
by silence, as by active co-operation, that such things are. They could
continue so, scarcely an hour, were not the whole moral, religious and
physical power of the North pledged to their support. Are we not m
I WILLIAM H. FUBNESS, D.D. 661
closest league and imiou with those who claim and use the right to buy and
sell human beings, God's poor, the lambs of Christ, a union, which we
imagine brings us in as much silver and gold as compensates for the sacri-
fice of our humanity and manhood ? Nay, are we not under a law to do
the base work of bloodhounds, hunting the })anting fugitives for freedom ? I
utter no word of denunciation. Tliere is no need. For facts that have
occurred only within the last week, transcend all denunciation. Only a few
hours ago, there was a man with his two sons, hurried back into the
inhuman bondage, from which they had just escai>ed, and that man, the
brotiier, and those two sons, the nephews of a colored clergyman of New
York, of such eminence in the New School Presbyterian Church, that he
has received the honors of a European University, and has acted as Mode-
rator in one of the Presbyteries of the same Church, when held in the city
where he resides. Almost at the very moment tlie poor fugitive with his
children, were dragged through our city, the General Assembly of that very
branch of the Presbyterian Church, now in session here, after discussing for
days the validity of Roman Catholic baptism, threw out as inexpedient to
be discussed, tiie subject of that great wrong which was flinging back into
the agony of Slavery, a brother of one of their own ordained ministers, and
could not so much as breathe a word of condemnation against the false and
cruel deed which has just been consummated at the capitol of the nation.
When such facts are occurring in the midst of us, we cannot be guiltless
concerning the lambs of Christ. It is we, we who make up the public
opinion of the North, we who consent that these free States shall be the
hunting-ground, where these, our poor brothers and sisters, are the game;
it is we that withhold from them the bread of life, the inalienable rights of
man. As we withhold these blessings, so is it in our power to bestow them.
The sheep then that Christ commands us, as we love Him, to feed, are those
who are famishing for the lack of the food which it is in our power to
supply. And we can help to feed and relieve and liberate them, by giving
our hearty sympathy to the blessed cause of their emancipation, to the aboli-
tion of the crying injustice with which they are treated, by uttering our
earnest protest against the increasing and flagrant outrages of the oppressor,
by withholding all aid and countenance from the work of oppression."
To say that Dr. Furness, in his pleadings for the slave, was " instant in
season and out of season," is not to exaggerate. So palpably was tliis true,
that even some of his sympathizing friends intimated to him, that his zeal
carried him beyond proper bounds, and that his discourses were needlessly
reiterative. To these friends, — who, it is needless to say, did not fully com-
prehend the breadth and bearing of the question, — he would reply as he did
in the following extract from a sermon delivered soon after the one above
quoted :
"Again and again, I have had it said to me, with apparently the most
662 THE UNDERGROUXD RAIL ROAD.
perfect simplicity, 'Why do you keep saying so much about the slaves? Do
you imagine that there is one among your hearers who does not agree with
you? AYe all know that Slavery is veiy wrong. What is the use of harp-
ing upon this siil)jeet Sunday after Sunday? We all feel about it just as
you do.' 'Feel about it just as I do.' Very likely, my friends. It is very
possible that you all feel as much, and that many of you feel about it more
than I do. God knows that my regret always has been not that I feel so
much, but that I do not feel more. Would to Heaven that neither you nor
I could eat or sleep for pity, pity for our poor down-trodden brothers and
sisters. But the thing to which I implore your attention now, is, not what
we know and feel, but the delusion which we are nndcr, in confounding
hio%oing with doinr/, in fancying that we are working to aboli.sh Slavery
because we know that it is wrong. This is what I would have you now to
consider, the deception that we practise on ourselves, the dangerous error
into which we fall, when we pass off the knowledge of our duty for the per-
formance of it. These are two very distinct things. If you know what is
right, happy are ye if ye do it.
Observe, my friends, what it is to which I am now entreating your con-
sideration. It is not the wrongs nor the rights of the oppressed upon which
I am now discoursing. It is our own personal exposure to a most serious
mistake. It is a danger, which threatens our own souls, to which I would
that our eyes should be open and on the watch.
And here, by the way, let me say that one great reason why I refer as
often as I do, to that great topic of the day, which, in one shape or another,
is continually shaking the land and marking the age in which we live, is not
merely the righting of the wronged, but the instruction, the moral enlight-
enment, the religious edification of our own hearts, which this momentous
topic affords. To me this subject involves infinitely more than a mere ques-
tion of humanity. Its political bearing is the very least and most superficial
part of it, scarcely worth noticing in comparison with its moral and religious
relations. Once, deterred by its outside, political aspect, I shunned it as
many do still, but the more it has pressed itself on my attention, the more I
have considered it — the more and more manifest has it become to me, that
it is a subject full of light and of guidance, of warning and inspiration for
the individual soul. It is the most powerful means of grace and salvation
appointed in the providence of Heaven, for the present day and genenition,
more religious than churches and Sabbaths. It is full of sermons. It is a
perfect gospel, a whole Bible of mind-enlightening, heart-cleansing, soul-
saving truth. How much light has it thrown for me on the page of the
New Testament! What a profound significance has it disclosefl in the pre-
cepts and parables of Jesus Christ ! How do His words burst out with a
new meaning ! How does it help us to appreciate His trials and the God-
like spirit with which He bore them !"
WILLIAM H. FURNESS, D. D. 6G3
I The dark winter of 18G0 broke gloomily over all abolitionists; perhaps
upon none did it press more heavily, than upon the small band in Philadel-
phia. Situated as that city is, upon the very edge of Slavery, and socially
bound as it was, by ties of blood or affinity with the slave-holders of the
South, to all human foresight it would assuredly be the first theatre of
bloodshed in the coming deadly struggle. As Dr. Furness said in his
sermon on old Jolin Brown: "Out of the grim cloud that hangs over the
South, a bolt lias darted, and blood has flowed, and the place where the
lightning struck, is wild with fear." The return stroke we all felt nmst
soon follow, and Philadelphia, we feared, would be selected as the spot
where Slavery would make its first mortal onslaught, and the abolitionists
there, the first victims. Dr. Furness had taken part in the public meeting
held on the day of John Brown's execution, to offer prayers for the heroic
soul that was then passing away, and had gone with two or three others, to
the rail-road station, to receive the martyr's body, when it was brought from
the gallows by Mr. (afterwards General) Tyndale and Mr. McKim, and it
was generally feared that he and his church would receive the brunt of
Slavery's first blow. The air was thick with vague a{)prehension and rumor,
so much so, that some of Dr. Furness's devoted parishioners, who followed
his abolitionism but not his non-resistance, came armed to church, uncertain
what an hour might bring forth, or in what shape of mob violence or assas-
sination the blow would fall. Few of Dr. Furness's hearers will forget his
sermon of December 16, 1860, so full was it of prophetic warning, and
satMencd by the thought of the fite which might be in store for him and
his congregation. It was printed in the " Evening Bulletin," and made a
deep impression on the public outside of his own church, and was reprinted
in full, in the Boston " Atlas."
" But the trouble cannot be escaped. It must come. But we can put it
off. By annihilating free speech ; by forbidding the utterance of a word iu
the pulpit and by the press, for the rights of man ; by hurling back into the
jaws of oppression, the fugitive gasping for his sacred liberty ; by recog-
nizing the right of one man to buy and sell other men ; by spreading the
blasting curse of despotism over the whole soil of the nation, you may allay
the brutal frenzy of a handful of southern slave-masters; you may win back
the cotton States to cease from threatening you with secession, and to plant
their feet upon your necks, and so evade the trouble that now menaces us.
Then you may live on the few years that are left you, and perhaps — it is not
certain — we may be permitted to make a little more money and die in our
beds. But no, friends, I am mistaken. We cannot put the trouble off.
Or, we put it off in its present shape, only that it may take another and
more terrible form. If, to get rid of the present alarm, we concede all that
makes it worth while to live — and nothing less will avail — perhaps those
who can deliberately make such a concession, will not feel the degradation,
664 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD.
but, stripped of all honor and manhood, they may eat as heartily and sleep
as soundly as ever. But the degradation is not the less, but the greater, for
our unconsciousness of it. The trouble which we shall then bring upon our-
selves, is a trouble in comparison with which the loss of all things but honor
is a glorious gain, and a violent death for right's sake on the scaffold, or by
the hands of a mob, peace and joy and victory.
Since we are thus placed, and there is no alternative for us of the free
States, but to meet the trouble that is upon us, or by base concessions and
compromises to bring upon ourselves a far greater trouble, in the name of
• God, let us let all things go, and cleave to the right. Prepared to confront
the crisis like men, let us with all jiossible calmness endeavor to take the
measure of the calamity that we dread. God knows I have no desire to
make light of it. But I affirm, that never since the world began, was there
a grander cause for which to sjx'ak, to suffer and to die, than the cause of
these free States, as against that of the States now rushing upon Secession.
The great grievance of which they complain, is nothing more nor less than
this: that we endanger the right they claim to treat human beings as beasts
of burden. And they maintain this monstrous claim by measures inhu-
man and barbarous, listening not to the voice of reason or humanity, but
treating every man who goes amongst them, suspected of not favoring their
cause, or of the remotest connection with others who do not favor it, with a
most savage and fiendish cruelty. It is the conflict between barbarism and
civilization, between liberty and the most horrible despotism that ever cursed
this earth, in which we are called to take part.
And all that is great and noble in the past, all the patriots and martyrs
that have suffered in man's behalf, all the sacred instincts and hopes of the
human soul are on our side, and the welfare of untold generations of men.
Oh, if God, in his infinite bounty, grants us the grace to appreciate the tran-
scendent worth of the cause which is now at stake, there is no trouble that
can befall us, no, not the loss of property, of idolized parents or children, or
life itself, that we shall not count a blessed privilege. To serve this dear
cause of peace and liberty and love, we have no need to grasp the sword or
any instrument of violence and death. But we must bo ready without
flinching, to confront the utmost that men can do, and amidst all the uproar
and violence of human passions, still calmly to assert and to exercise our
sacred and inalienable liberties, let who will frown and forbid, assured that
no just and law-of God-abiding jxiople, will ever do otherwise than give us
their sympathy and their aid.
Deatii is the worst that can befall us, if so be that we are faithful to the
right. It is a solemn and a fearful thing to die, and mortidity shrinks from
facing that last great mystery. But wo must all die, my friends, and the
dying hour is not far distant from the youngest of us. To most of us it is
very near. To many, only a few brief years remain. And for the sake of
WILLIAM LLOYD GARRISON. 665
these few cand uncertain years, shall we push off this irresent trouble upon
our children, who have to stay here aJittlc longer? There is nothing that
can so sweeten the bitter cup of mortality when we shall be called to drink
it, nothing that can so cheer us in the prospect of parting from all we love,
nothing that can send such a blessed light on before us into the dark valley
which we must enter, as the consciousness of fidelity to man and to God.
And now in these times of great trouble which have come upon us, we have
a peculiar and special opportunity of testifying our fidelity, and of enjoying
a full experience of its power to support us. We may gather from this
trouble, a sweetness that shall take away from all suffering its bitterness.
We may kindle that light in our bosoms, which shall make death come to
us as a radiant angel."
Four months after the above M^as uttered, on the 28th of April, 18G1,
after the attack on Fort Sumter, and the whole North had burst into a
flame, people of all denominations flocked to Dr. Furncss's church, as to
that church which had shown that it was founded on a rock, and none can
ever forget the long-drawn breath with whicii the sermon began : " The
long agony is over !" It was the '' Te Deum" of a life-time.
Dr. Furncss's words and counsels were not wanting throughout the war,
and his sermons were constantly printed in the daily jn-ess and in separate
pamphlet form. And since its close he has continued his absorbing study
of the historical accounts of Jesus.
Dr. Furness was born in Boston, in April, 1802, and was graduated at
Harvard, in 1820, and five years later became the minister of the First
Congregational Unitarian Christians, in this city, and is consequently the
senior clergyman, here, on the score of length of pastorate.
Happy is the man, and enviable the gospel minister, who, looking back
upon his course in the great anti-slavery contest, can recall as the chief
charge brought against him, that of being over-zealous! That he spoke
too often and said too nuich in favor of the slave ! There are but few
men, and still fewer ministers, who have a right to take comfort from such
recollections ! and yet it is to this small class that the cause is most indebted
under God, for its triumph, and the country for its deliverance from Slavery.
WILLIAM LLOYD GARRISON.
The character and career of the leader of the movement for immediate
emancipation in this country, are too well known to be dwelt on here; nor,
in the space at our command, is it possible to give in full those facts of his
life which have already appeared in print. His earliest biographer was
Mary Howitt; and another even more famous authoress, Mrs. H. B. Stowe,
in "Men of Our Times," has stood in the same relation to him, while his
GGQ THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD.
life-long friend, OHvcr Johnson, has writen the best concise account of him
in "Appleton's New Amerieau Cyclopaedia."
Mr. Garrison (the Cyclopaedia is, on this point, in error) was born Decem-
ber 12, 1804, in Newburyport, Mass., his father, Abijah Garrison, being a
ship-captain, trading with the AVest Indies, and his mother, Fanny Lloyd, a
woman of remarkable beauty, as well as piety and force of character.
Intemperate habits led the husband and father from home to a solitary and
obscure end, leaving his family entirely dependent. William (or as he was
alwa^'s called, Lloyd), was the youngest but one of five children, and had
not done with his schooling before he began to contribute to his own sup-
port; at first in Lynn, Avhere he was set at shoemaking, at the age of eleven;
afterwards in Newbury[)ort, and finally, in 1818, at Haverhill, where he
was apprenticed to a cabinet maker. Not finding these trades suited to his
taste, the same year he was indentured to Ephraim W. Allen, editor of the
" Ncwhuryport Ilej-ald,'" and in the printing-ofSce he completed his educa-
tion, so far as he was to have any, with such early succeae, as soon to be an
acceptable contributor to his employer's paper, while the authorship of his
articles was still his own secret. As soon as his apprenticeship came to a close,
in 1826, he became proprietor of the "Free Press," in his native city, but the
paper failed of support. Seeking work as a journeyman, in Boston, he was
engaged in 1827 to edit, in the interest of "total abstinence," the "National
PJiUanthropist," the first paper of its kind ever published. On a change of
proprietors in 1828, he was induced to join a friend in Bennington, Vt., in
publishing the "Journal of the Times," which advocated the election of John
Quincy Adams for president, besides being devoted to peace, temperance, anti-
slavery and other reforms. In this town, Mr. Garrison began his agitation
of the subject of Slavery, " in consequence of which there was transmitted
to Congress an anti-slavery memorial, more numerously signed than any
similar paper previously submitted to that body." It was in Bennington,
too, that he received from Benjamin Lundy, who had met him the jn-evious
year at his boarding-house in Boston, an invitation to go to Baltimore, and
aid him in editing the " Genius of Universal Einanoipation."
Baltimore was no strange city to Mr. Garrison. Thither he had accom-
panied his mother, in 1815, serving as a chore-boy, and he had visited her
just before her death, in 1823. He took leave of Boston in the fall of 1829,
after having acted as the orator of the day, July 4tii, in Park Street church,
and surprised his hearers by the boldness of his utterances on the subject of
Slavery. The causes of his imprisonment at Baltimore scarcely need to Ije
repeated. For an alleged " gross and malicious libel " on a townsman
(of Newburyport) whose ship was engaged in the coastwise slave-trade,
and whom he accordingly denounced in the " Genius," he was tried and
convicted, and sentenced to pay a fine of $50 and costs. The cell in which
he was confined for forty-nine days, and from which he was liberated only
WILLIAM LLOYD GARRISON. 667
by the spontaneous liberality of Arthur Tappan, a perfect stranger to hini,
he had the satisfaction of rcseeking, after the close of the war, in company
with Judge Bond, bnt the prison had been removed.
Compelled to part company with Lundy, to whom he has ever owned his
moral indebtedness, Mr. Garrison at length started in Boston, in January
1831, his " ii6<3/'a^or," with little else besides his "dauntless spirit and a
press." The difficulties which beset the birth of this paper were never
entirely overcome, and its publication was attended, through all the thirty-
five years of its existence, with constant struggle and privation, and with
personal labor, at the printer's case, and over the forms, which only an iron
constitution could have endured. The " Liberator " was the organ of the
editor alone, and he gave room in it to the numerous reforms which were, in
his mind, only subordinate to abolition. In 1865 the last volume was
issued, Mr. Garrison having already, in May, withdrawn from the
American Anti-slavery Society, which he had helped to found, in lS.'3o,
and of which, as he drew up the Declaration of Sentiments, he may be sup-
posed to have known something of the original aims and proper duration.
In September, 1834, Mr. Garrison was married to Helen Eliza, daughter
of the venerable philanthropist, George Benson, of Providence, R. I., who
had, even in the previous century, been an active member of a combined
anti -slavery and freedmen's aid society in that city. In October, 1835,
occurred the Boston riot, led by "gentlemen of property and standing," in
which Mr. Garrison's life was imperilled, and which made him once more
familiar with the interior of a jail — this time, a place of refuge. In 1832,
he went to England, as an agent of the New England Anti-slavery Society,
to awaken English sympathy for the anti-slavery movement, and to unde-
ceive Clarkson and Wilberforce and their distinguished associates as to the
nature and object of the Colonization Society, as to which he had already
had occasion to undeceive himself. His mission was eminently successful in
both its aspects, and resulted in the subsequent visits of George Ti)ompsou
to this country, between whom and himself a strong personal attachment
had arisen and has ever since continued. A second visit to England he
made as a delegate to the World's Anti-slavery Convention, in which he
refused to sit after his female colleagues had been rejected. A third visit,
still in behalf of the cause, took place in 1846. Twenty years later — the
war over and Slavery abolished — he again went abroad, to repair his health
and renew old friendships, and for the first time passed over to the Conti-
nent. In England, he Avas greeted with cordial appreciation and hospitality
by all classes. Numerous public receptions of a most flattering character
were given to him, but without the effect of causing him to magnify his own
merits or to forget the honor due to his associates in the anti-slavery struggle.
At the London Breakfast, where John Bright presided, and John Stuart
Mill, the Duke of Argyll, and others spoke, he said, when called upon
(568 THE UXDERGROUND RAIL ROAD.
to reply : " I disclaim, with all the sincerity of my soul, any special praise
for anything I have clone. I have simply tried to maintain the integrity of
my soul before God, and to do my duty." In Edinburgh, the " freedom of
the city " was conferred upon him with impressive ceremonies — he being the
third American ever thus honored. In Paris he was also received with
distinction, his special mission to that city being to attend the International
Anti-slavery Convention, in the capacity of a delegate from the American
Freed man's Union Commission, of which he was first vice-president.
The justice of the war on the })art of the North, and its effect on the fate
of Slavery at the South, were never subjects of doubt in the mind of Mr.
Garrison, and he quickly recognized the force of events which had taken
from the abolitionists the helm of direction, and reunited them with their
countrvmen in the irresistible flood which no man's hand guided, and no
man's hand could stay. An agitator from conviction and not from choice,
he was only too glad to lay down the heavy burden of a life-time, and retire
to well-earned repose, after such a vision of faint hope realized as certainly
no other reformer was ever blessed with. He had lived to see the disunion
which he advocated on sacred principles, attempted by the South in the
name of the sura of all villanies ; the uprising of the North ; the grand
career of Lincoln ; the proclamation of emancipation ; the arming of \hQ
blacks — his own son among their officers ; the end of the rebellion ; and the
consummation of his prayers and labors for the salvation of his country.
He had taken part in the ceremonies at the recovery of Sumter, had walked
the streets of Charleston, and received floral tokens of the gratitude of the
emancipated. To him it seemed as if his work was done, and that he
might, without suspicion or accusation, cease to be conspicuous, or to occupy
the public attention in any way relating to the past and recalling his part
in the anti-slavery struggle. Notoriety, no longer a necessity, was eagerly
avoided; and the physical rest which was now enjoined upon him the libe-
rality of his friends having enabled him to secure, he settled down into tlie
quiet life of a private citizen, whoso great duty had become to him merely
one of the duties which every man owes his country and his race. His
sweet temper, his modesty, his unfailing cheerfulness, his rarely mistaken
judgment of men and measures; his blameless and happy domestic lite, and
his hospitality ; his warm sympathy with all forms of human sulfering —
these and other qualities which cannot be enumerated here, will doubtless
receive the just judgment of posterity.
As a fitting adjunct to the foregoing sketch, extracts from some of the
speeches made at the I^ondon brcnkl'ast so magnanimously extended to INIr.
Garrison in 1807, are here introduced. As presiding officer on the occasion,
John Bright, M. P. spoke as follows :
WILLIAM LLOYD GARRISON. (5(39
SPEECH OF MR. BRIGHT, M. P.
The position in which I am placed this morning is one very unusual for
me, and one that I find somewhat difficult: but I consider it a signal distinc-
tion to be })ermitted to take a prominent [>art in the proceedings of this day,
which are intended to commemorate one of the greatest of the great triumplis
of freedom, and to do honor to a most eminent instrument in the achiev^e-
ment of that freedom. (Fl-ar, hoar.) There may bo, perhaps, those who
ask what is this triumph of which I speak ? To put it briefly, and, indeed,
, only to put one part of it, I may say that it is a triumph which has had the
; effect of raising 4,000,000 of human beings from the very lowest depths of
social and political degradation to that lofty height which men have attained
when they possess equality of rights in the first country on the globe.
(Cheers.) More than this, it is a triumph which has pronounced the irre-
versible doom of slavery in all countries and for all time. (Renewed cheers.)
Another question suggests itself — how has this great matter been accom-
plished? The answer suggests itself in another question. How is it that
any great matter is accomplished? By love of justice, by constant devotion
to a great cause, and by an unfaltering faith that that which is right will in
the end succeed. (Hear, hear.)
Wlien I look at this hall, filled with such an assembly ; when I partake
of the sympathy which runs from heart to heart at this moment in welcome
to our guest of to-day, I cannot but contrast his present position Avith that
which, not so far back but that many of us can remember, he occupied in
his own country. It is not forty years ago, I believe about the year 1829,
when the guest whom we honor this morning was spending his solitary days
in a prison in the slave-owning city of Baltimore. I will not say that he
was languishing in prison, for that I do not believe; he was sustained by a
hope that did not yield to the persecution of those who thus maltreated him;
and to show that the effect of that imprisonment was of no avail to suppress
or extinguish his ardor, within two years after that he had the courage, the
audacity — T dare say many of his countrymen used even a stronger phrase
than that — he had the courage to commence the publication, in the city of
Boston, of a newspaper devoted mainly to the question of the abolition of
slavery. The first number of that paper, issued on the 1st January, 1831,
contained an address to the public, one passage of which I have often read
with the greatest interest, and it is a key to the future life of Mr. Garrison.
He had been complained of for having used hard language, which is a very
common complaint indeed, and he said in his first number : " I am aware
that many object to the severity of my language, but is there not cause for
such severity ? I will be as harsh as truth, and as uncompromising as
justice. I am in earnest, I will not equivocate, I will not excuse, I will not
(570 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD.
retract a single inch, and I will be heard." (Cheers.) And that, after all,
expresses to a great extent the future course of his life.
But what was at that time the temper of the people amongst whom he
lived, of the people who are glorying now, as they well may glory, in the
abolition of slavery throughout their country ? At that time it was very
little better in the North than it was in the South. I think it was in the
year 1835 that riots of the most serious character took place in some of the
northern cities ; during that time Mr. Grarrison's life was in the most immi-
nent peril ; and he has never ascertained to this day how it was that
he was left alive on the earth to carry on his great work. Turning to
the South, a State that has lately suffered from the ravages of armies, the
State of Georgia, by its legislature of House, Senate, and Governor, if my
memory does not deceive me, passed a bill, offering ten thousand dollars
reward, (Mr. Garrison here said five thousand) well, they seemed to think
there were people who would do it cheap, (laughter) offered five thousand
dollars, and zeal, doubtless, would make up the difference, for the capture of
Mr. Garrison, or for adequate proof of his death. Now, these were menaces
and perils such as we have not in our time been accustomed to in this
country in any of our political movements, (hear, hear) and we shall take a
very poor measure indeed of the conduct of the leaders of the emancipation
party in the United States if we estimate them by any of those who have
been concerned in political movements amongst us. But, notwithstanding
all drawbacks, the cause was gathering strength, and Mr. Garrison found
himself by and by surrounded by a small but increasing band of men and
women who were devoted to this cause, as he himself was. We have in this
country a very noble woman, who taught the English people much upon
this question, about tliirty years ago; I allude to Harriet Martincau.
(Cheers.) I recollect well the impression with which I read a most power-
ful and touching paper which she had written, and which was published in
the number of the Westmimter Review for December, 1838. It was entitled
" The Martyr Age of the United States.'' The paper introduced to the
English public the great names which were appearing on the scene in con-
nection with this cause in America. There was, of course I need not men-
tion, our eminent guest of to-day; there was Arthur Tappan, and Lewis
Tappan, and James G. Birney of Alabama, a planter and slave-owner, who
liberated his slaves and came north, and became, as I think, the first ]^rcsi-
dential candidate upon abolition principles in the United States. (Hear,
hear.) There were besides them. Dr. Channing, John Quincy Adams, a
statesman and President of the United States, and father of the eminent man
who is now Minister from that people amongst us. (Cheers.) Then there
was Wendell Phillips, admitted to be by all who know him perhaps the
most powerful orator who speaks the English language. (Hear, hear.)
I might refer to others, to Charles Sumner, the well-known statesman, and
WILLIAM LLOYD GARRISON. C71
Horace Greeley, I think the first of journalists in the United States, if not
the first of journalists in the world. (Hear, hear.) But besides these, there
were of noble women not a few. There was Lydia Maria ('hikl ; there were
the two sisters, Sarah and Angelina Grimke, ladies who came from South
.Carolina, who liberated their slaves, and devoted all they had to the service
'of this just cause ; and Maria Weston Chapman, of whom Miss Martineau
speaks in terms which, tliough I do not exactly recollect them, yet I know
described her as noble-minded, beautiful and good. It maybe that tiicre
are some of her family who are now within the sound of my voice. If it be
so, all I have to say is, that I hope they will feel, in addition to all they
have felt heretofore as to the character of their mother, that we who are here
can appreciate her services, and the services of all who were united with her
as co-operators in this great and worthy cause. But there was another whose
name must not be forgotten, a man whose name must live for ever in his-
tory, Elijah P. Lovejoy, who in the free State of Illinois laid down his life
for the cause. (Hear, hear.) When I read that article by Harriet ]Mar-
tineau, and the description of those men and women there given, I was led,
I know not how, to think of a very striking passage which I am sure must
be familiar to most here, because it is to be found in the Epistle to the He-
brews. After the writer of that epistle has described the great men and
fiithcrs of the nation, he says: "Time would fail me to tell of Gideon, of
Barak, of Samson, of Jeplitha, of David, of Samuel, and the Prophets, who
through faith subdued kingdoms, wrought righteousness, obtained promises,
stopped the mouths of lions, quenched the violence of fire, escaped the edge
of the sword, out of weakness were made strong, waxed valiant in fight,
turned to flight the armies of the aliens." I ask if this grand passage of the
inspired writer may not be applied to that heroic band Avho have nia;le
.America the perpetual home of freedom? (Enthusiastic cheering.)
I Thus, in spite of all that persecution could do, opinion grew in the Nortii
'in favor of freedom; but in the South, alas! in i'avor of that most devilish
delusion that slavery was a Divine institution. Tl«e moment that idea toolc
■possession of the South war was inevitable. Neither fact nor argument, nor
counsel, nor philosophy, nor religion, could by any possibility aifcct the dis-
cussion of the question when once the Church leaders of the South had
taught their people that slavery was a Divine institution ; for then they
'took their stand on other and different, and what they in their blir.dness
thought higher grounds, and they said, "Evil ! be thou my good ;" and so
they exchanged light for darkness, and fi-eedom for bondage, and good for
evil, and, if you like, heaven for hell. * * * *
There was a universal feeling in the North that every care should be
taken of those who had so recently and marvellously been enfranchised.
Immediately we found that the privileges of indepenpan y the coiiduetorH of tlie " Underground Itall Roiid,"
i'liriiig tliut they would not he justified in aiding slaves to escape from their
jiiiLsler.s ; hut rcllc<'tion ionvineed them that it was not only right to assist
men in eflbrts to obtain their liberty, when unjustly held in bondage, but a
DUTY.
Abolitionists, white and eolonsd, both in slave and free States, entered
iuto ext(!nsiv(! eorr(!spon(len(;e, set their wits at work to devise various expe-
dients for the relief from bondage and transmiasion to the free States and to
Canada, of n)any of the most enterprising bondmen and bondwomen. They
vied with eaeh other in devi.sing means for the accomplishment of this
obje(!t. Those who had money contributed it freely, and those who were
(h'stitute of uxiMwy, gave their time, saying with the Apostle: "Silver and
gold have J none ; but such as I have, give I thee."
" 1, T TOj\i)]\v.('i that one morning on reaching my office (that of the
Ircasiin-r of the Arneri<;an Missionary Association), my assistant told me
that in the inmtr room were eight me on board his vessc^l and conduet me safely to
New York-, if r would eomc^ to him in the evening. I did so, and was hid
and led by him, anballi-n(rh(iol moHtly composed of colored children and
iKl-ltn. Most of til- ((^Khir.s wcin wariii-li.iirtril iil.olKioiiiHtH, iinJ the whole number taught in thu
Doliuol durinij .his jieriul, wud «even or ciglit liiiiiiJred.
LEWIS TAPPAN.
Gsa
To my inquiry, have you parents living, and also brothors and sisters,
she replied : " There is no child but myself." " Were not your purents
kind to you, and did you not love them?" "Yes I love them very nuidi."
" How were you treated by your master and mistress?" "They treated
me very well." "How then," said I, "could you put yourself in the care of
that sailor, who was a stranger to you, and leave your parents ?" I shall
never forget her heart- felt reply : " He told mc I should be free !"
3. One Sunday morning, I received a letter, informing me that an officer
belonging to Savannah, Ga., had started for New York, in j)ursuit of two
young men, of nineteen or twenty, who had been slaves of one of the prin-
cipal physicians of the place, and who had escaped and were supposed to be
in New York. The letter requested me to find them and give them warn-
ing. As there was no time to be lost, I concluded to go over to New York,
notwithstanding the doubtfulness of attempting to find them in so large a
city. I wrote notices to be read in the colored churches and colored Sabbath-
schools, which I delivered in person. I then went to the colored school,
superintended by Rev. C. B. Bay. I stated my errand to him, with a
description of the young men. "Why," said he, "I must have one of them
in my school." He took me to a class where I found one of the young
men, to whom I gave the needful information.
He told me that his father was Dr. , of Savannah, and that he
had five children by the young man's mother, who was his slave. On his
marriage to a white woman, he sent his live colored children and their
mother to auction, to be sold for cash to the highest bidder. On being put
upon the auction-block, this young man addressed the bystanders, and told
them the circumstances of the case; that his mother had long lived in the
family of the doctor, that it was cruel to sell her and her children, and he
warned the people not to bid for him, for he would no longer be a slave to
any man, and if any one bought him, ho would lose his money. He added.
" r thought it right to say this." I then spoke to the crowd. "ISIy fither,"
said I, "has long been one of your first doctors, and do you think it right
for him to sell my mother and his children in this way?"
" I was sold, and my brother also, and the rest, although my brother said
to the crowd what I had said. We soon made our escaj^e, and are now both
in the city. I am a blacksmith, and have worked six months in one shop,
in New York, with white journeymen, not one of whom believes, I su])pose,
that I am a colored man."
It was not surprising, for so fair was his complexion, that with the aid of
a brown wig, after he had cut off his hair, he was completely disguised.
He soon notified his brother, who lived in another part of the city, and both
put themselves out of harm's way. They were remarkably fine young nuMi,
and it seemed a special Providence that I should find them in such a large
684 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD.
city, and direct them to escape from their pursuer, within one hour after f
left my house in Brooklyn. I felt it to be an answer to prayer.
4. One day, when I lived in New York City, a colored man came running
to my house, and in a hurried manner, said : " Is this Mr. Tappan ?" On
replying in the affirmative, he said : " I have driven my master from Balti-
more. He has just arrived, and the servants are taking off the baggage at
the Astor House. I inquired of a person passing by, where you lived. He
said, 80, White Street, and I have run here, to tell you that you may give
notice to a man who has escaped from my master, to this city, that the object
of this journey is to find him and take him back to Slavery."
The man hurried back, so that he need not be missed by his master, who
believed that this coachman, who had lived years with him, was his confi-
dential servant, and would be true to his interest.
I went immediately to the house of a colored friend, to describe the fugi-
tive and see if we could not concert measures to protect him. " I think,"
said he, " that I know the man, by your description, and that he boards in
this house. He will soon come in from South Street, where he has worked
to-day." While we were consulting together, sure enough, the man came
in, and was most glad to have the opportunity thus aflbrded, of secreting
himself.
I have not strength to dictate much more, although many other instances
occur to me of most remarkable providential occurrences, of the escape of
fugitives within my knowledge. I used to say that I was the owner of
half-a-horse that was -in active service, near the Susquehanna River. This
horse I owned jointly with another friend of the slave, dedicating the animal
to the service of the Underground Rail Road.
It was customary for the agent at Havre de Grace, bringing a fugitive to
the river, to kindle a fire (as it was generally in the night), to give notice to
a person living on the opposite side of the river. This person well under-
stood the signal, and would come across in his boat and receive the fugitive.
5. An aged colored couple, residing in Brooklyn, came over to my office,
in New York City, and said that they had just heard from Wilmington,
N. C, that their two sons (about twenty-five or twenty-six years of age),
who were slaves, were about to be sold, for one thousand dollars each ; and
they hoped I should be able and willing to assist them in raising the money.
I told them that I had scruples about putting money into the hands of
slave-holders, but I would give them something that might be of as much
value. I then pointed out a way by which their sons might reach the city.
In about three weeks, one of the young men came to my office. Give me,
paid I, some particulars of your cscaj)e. " I am," said he, " a builder, and
planned and erected the hotel at Wilmington, and some other houses. I
used to hire my time of my master, and was accustomed to ride about the
LEWIS TAPPAN.
685
country attending to ray business. I borrowed a pass from a man about my
size and complexion. I then went to the rail road office, and asked for a
ticket for Fredericksburg. From there I came on directly to Washino-ton.
I had not been questioned before ; but here, I was taken up and carried
before a magistrate. He examined me by the description in my pass ; com-
plexion, height, etc., then read ' and a sear under his left knee.' When I
heard that, my heart sank within me ; for I had no scar there that I knew.
'Pull up the boy's trowsers/ said the justice to the constable. He did so.
and said ' here's a scar !' ' All right,' said the justice, ' no mistake, let him
go.' Glad was I. I got a ticket for Baltimore, and there for another town,
and finally reached here."
You asked rae to give an account of the sums that I have expended for
the Underground Rail Road, etc. I must be excused from doing this, as if
I could now ascertain, I should not think it worth while to mention. I must
now conclude my narrative, by giving, with some additions, an account of
an interesting escape from Slavery, which was written by my wife, more
than fifteen years ago, for Frederic Douglass' paper.
[On page 177 the narrative of "The Fleeing Girl of Fifteen " is so fully
written out, that it precludes the necessity of reproducing a large portion of
this story.]
In the evening a friend arrived, bringing with him a bright, handsome
boy, whom he called Joe. Most heartily was " Joe " welcomed, and deep
was the thrill which Ave felt, as we looked upon him and thought of the
perils he had escaped. The next day was Thanksgiving-day, and my house
was thronged with guests. In an upper room, with a comfortable fire, and
the door locked, sat " Joe," still in boy's clothes, to be able to escaj^e at the
first intimation of danger, but with a smile and look of touching gratitude,
whenever any one of the family who was in the secret, left the festive group
to look in upon the interesting stranger. Not one of us can ever forget
the deep abhorrence of Slavery, and thanksgiving to Almighty God, that
we felt that day as we moved among the guests, who were wholly
ignorant of the occupant of that upper room. Some curiosity was indeed
excited among the little grandchildren, who saw slices of turkey and
plum pudding sent up stairs. It was " Joe's " first Thanksgiving dinner
in a free State.
As she brought nothing away with her, it was necessary, the next day, to
procure a complete wardrobe for a girl, which was carefully packed for her
to take with her.
The second day after "Joe's" arrival, the Rev. Mr. Freeman, pastor of
a colored church in Brooklyn, agreed to accompany her to her uncle Brown's
in Canada West, and we saw them depart, knowing the danger that would
beset both on the way. The following is part of a letter from Mr. F..
giving an account of their journey. After stating that they left New York,
686 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD.
in the cars at five o'clock, P. M., and through the providence of God, went
on their way safely and speedily, with none to molest or to make them
afraid, he says :
"On reaching Rochester, I began to ask myself 'how shall we get over
Niagara Falls?' I was not sure that the cars ran across the Suspension
Bridge; besides, I felt that we were in more danger here, than we had been
at any other jjlace. Knowing that there was a large reward offered for Joe's
ap])rehensi()n, I feared there might be some lurking spy ready to pounce
upon us. But when we arrived at the Bridge, the conductor said: 'Sit
still ; this car goes across.' You may judge of my joy and relief of mind,
w^hen I looked out and mms sure that we were over ! Thank God, I
exclaimed, we are safe in Canada !
Having now a few minutes before the cars would start again, I sat down
and hastily wrote a few lines, to inform friends at home of our safe arrival.
As soon as possible, I ran to the post-office wuth my letter, paid the postage,
and while I was w^aiting for my change, the car bell rang. I quickly
returned, and in a few minutes, we were on our way to Chatham (200 miles
West). That place we reached between seven and eight o'clock, Saturday
evening. When we got out, we met a gentleman who asked me if I wanted
a boarding-house. I said yes ; and he invited me to go with him. I asked
him if there was any way for us to get to Dresden that night. Pie answered,
' No, it is a dark night, and a muddy road, and no conveyance can be got to-
night.' I soon found that we must siay in Chatham until Monday morning.
On our way to the boarding-house, the gentleman said to me : ' Is this
your son with you ?' I answered, no ; and then I asked him, if he knew a
man living in D., by the name of Bradley. He replied that he was very
well acquainted with him, and then inquired if that young man was Mr.
Bradley's brother. I said, no — not exactly a brother. He must have
thought it strange that I did not give him a more definite answer to his
question.
When we reached the house, we found several boarders in the sitting-
room and a few neighbors. I had already told him my name, but with
regard to Joe, I had not yet had a chance to explain. I, of course, was
introduced to those who were in the room, but Joe — well, Joe took a seat,
and did not seem to be troubled about an introduction. As the landlord
was going out of the room, I asked permission to speak with him alone.
He took me into another room, and I said to him : ' That young man, as
vou call him, is a young woman, and has come dreased in this manner, all
the way from Washington City. She would be very glad no\v to be able to
change her clothes.'
He was greatlv surprised, and would hardly believe that it was so ; but
said, 'I will call my wife.' She came, and I guess all the women in the
house came with her. They soon disappeared, and Joe with them, who,
J
LEWIS TAPPAN.
G87
I
after being absent a while, returned, and was introduced as Miss Ann Maria
Weems. J'iie whole company were on their feet, shook hands, laughed, and
rejoiced , declaring that this beat all they had ever seen before, (.'hathaiu
contains, I was tohl, more than three thousand fugitives. The weather
there, is not colder than in New York.
The next morning was the Sabbath, but this I must pass and hasten to
D., the residence of Mr. Bradley. "We started early Monday mornino-. As
a part of the road was very bad, we did not reach there till a late hour. As
we were passing along, and getting near to the place, we met two colored
men who were talking together — one on horseback, and the other on foot.
I inquired of them, if they could tell me how far it was to Mr. Bradley's.
The man on horseback said it was about a mile further, and then proceeded
to give directions. After he had done this, he said : 'I reckon I am the one
that you want to find, my name is Bradley.' Well, I replied, probably you arc
the man. Just then Ann Maria turned her head around. As soon as he
saw her face, he exclaimed : 'My Lord ! Maria, is that you ? Is that you?
My child, is it you ? We never expected to see you again ! We had given
you up ; O, what will your aunt say ? It will kill her ! She will die ! It
will kill her.'
I told him, that as I was obliged to leave again soon, I must proceed.
'Well,' said he, 'you go on; I am just going over to M., and will be back in
a few minutes.' We started for his house, and he towards M., but we had
only gone a short distance, when he overtook us, exclaiming: 'I can't go to
M.,' and began talking to Ann Maria, asking her all about her friends and
relatives, whom they had left behind, and about his old master, and his
wife's master, from whom they had run away four years befoj'c. As we
approached the house, he said : ' I will go and open the gate, and have a
good fire to warm you.' When he came up to the gate, he met his Avifo,
who was returning from a store or neighbor's house, and he said to her,
"That's Ann Maria coming yonder.' She stopped until we came to the gate;
the tears were rolling from her eyes, and she exclaimed : 'Ann ^laria, is it
you ?' The girl leaped from the wagon, and they fell on each other's ncclcs,
weeping and rejoichig. Such a scene I never before witnessed. She, who
had been given up as lost, was now found ! She, who but a short time
before, had been, as they supposed, a slave for life, was now free.
We soon entered the house, and after the first gush of feeling had some-
what subsided, they both began a general inquiry about the friends tluy had
left behind. Every now and then, the aunt would breakout: ' My child,
you are here ! Thank God, you are free ! We were talking about you to-
day, and saying, we shall never see you again ; and now here you are
with us.' I remained about an hour and a half with them, took dinner,
and then started for home, rejoicing that I had been to a land where colored
men are free.
688 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD.
This Mr. Bradley, who ran away with himself and wife about four years
ago from the land of whips and chains, is the owner of two farms, and is
said to be worth three thousand dollars. Can slaves take care of them-
selves?"
You may well suppose that the receipt of this letter gave us great
pleasure, and called forth heartfelt thanksgiving to Him, who had watched
over this undertaking, and protected all concerned in it. A bright aud
promising girl had been rescued from the untold miseries of a slave woman's
life, and found a good home, where she would have an opportunity to
acquire an education and be trained for a useful and happy life. Mr.
Bradley intended to send for her parents, and hoped to prevail on them to
come and live with him. rp i «„ t m
iruly yours, Lewis Tappan.
ELIJAH F. PENNYPACKER,
Whose name belongs to the history of the Underground Rail Road, owed
his peculiarly fine nature to a mother of large physical proportions, and cor-
respondingly liberal mental and spiritual endowments. She was a natural
sovereign in the sphere in which she moved, and impressed her son with the
qualities which made his Anti-slavery life nothing but an expression of the
rules of conduct which governed him in all other particulars. Believing in
his inmost soul in principles of rectitude, all men believed in him, his
"yea," or " nay," passing current wherever he went. Tall, dignified, and
commanding, he had that in his face which inspired immediate confidence.
Said one who looked : " If that is not a good man, there is no use in the
Lord writing His signature on human countenances." Even in early youth,
honors which he never sought, were pressed upon him, as he gave assurance
of ability commensurate with his worth. He was sent to the Legislature of
Pennsylvania for five sessions, where he became the personal friend of the
Governor, Joseph Ritner, and also of Thaddeus Stevens. At the request
of the latter, he consented to occupy the position of Secretary to the Board
of Canal Commissioners, and two years after, by the wishes of Mr. Ritner,
took a seat in the Canal Board, becoming a co-worker with Thaddeus
Stevens. Here ripened a friendship, which afterward became of national
importance, for although a nature so positive as that of Thaddeus Stevens
could scarcely be said to be under the influence of any other mind, still, if
there were those who exercised a moral sway, sustaining this courageous
rei)ublican leader, at a higher level than he might otherwise have attained,
Elijah F. Pennypacker was surely amongst them. Almost antipodal as they
were in certain respects, each recognized the genuine ring of the other, and
admired and respected that which was most true and noble. The purity,
simplicity and high-minded honor which distinguished the younger, had its
II
ELIJAH F. PENNYPACKER. 689
effect on the elder, even while he smiled at the inflexibility which would not
swerve one hair's breadth from the line of right. The story is often told,
how, when this young man's conscience stood bolt upright in the way of
what was deemed a desirable arrangement, Stevens one day exclaimed : " It
don't do, Pennypacker, to be so d d honest." Pennypacker stood his
ground, and the life-long respect which Stevens ever after awarded, proved
that he at least, thought it did do.
When it became clear to his mind, that a great battle was to be fought
between Liberty and Slavery in America, Mr. Pennypacker felt it to be his
duty to turn aside from the sunny paths of political preferment, into tlie
shadows of obscure life, and ally himself with the misrepresented, despised
and outcast Abolitionists, ever after devoting himself assiduously to the pro-
motion of the cause of Freedom. Notwithstanding his natural modesty, here
as elsewhere, he took a conspicuous position. At home, iu the local Anti-
slavery Society of his neighborhood, he was for many years chosen president,
as he was also of the Chester county Anti-slavery Society, and of the Penn-
sylvania State Anti-slavery Society.
Soon after his retirement from public life, he united himself with the
Society of Friends, but was much too radical to be an acceptable addition.
For a long time he was endured rather than endorsed, and it was only when
such anti-slavery feelings as he cherished became generally diffused through-
out the Society, that he found the unity he desired and expected. Whatever
may have been his trials here or elsewhere, he found a rich reward for his
faithfulness in the intellectual and moral growth which he attained by asso-
ciation with the most advanced minds of the time, and he has often been
heard to say that no part of his life has been more fully and generously
compensated than that devoted to the Anti-slavery cause.
*^ His home, near Phoenixville, Chester county, Pa., was an important
station on the Underground Rail Poad, the majority of fugitives proceeding
through the southern rural districts of Eastern Pennsylvania, passing
through his hands. At all times he was deeply interested in their welfare,
md in his hospitality towards them, had the entire sympathy and co-opera-
don of his family, they, like himself, being earnest abolitionists, but his
uore important duty of influencing public sentiment in favor of freedom,
overshadowed his labors in this department. In steadfastness and integrity
le stood beside Findley Coates and Thomas Whitson, a trio who will long
je remembered in their native State.
So long as Dr. B. Fussell resided in the northern section of Chester
•ounty, he and Elijah F. Pennypacker, were companions in Anti-slavery and
)ther reform labors, as well as in business on the Underground Kail Road.
Differing widely in temperament and mental structure, these two men were
larmonious in spirit, and a close bond of sympathy and affection existed
)etween them. It was a mutual pleasure to work as brothers, and after-
44
690 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD.
ward to rejoice together in labor accomplished. One of the last visits
which roused the flickering animation of the dying physician, was from this
friend of more vigorous years, and the voice which gave fitting exjiression to
the worth of the departed, at his funeral, was that of Elijah F. Penny-
packer.
Like that of the highest grade of men everywhere, his appreciation of
woman has ever been keen and true, and demanding the full rio-hts of
humanity, he makes no distinction, either on account of sex or color. In
liis own family, he has always encouraged the pursuit of any occuj)ation
congenial to the person choosing it ; whether or not, it were a departure
from the routine of custom, and in educational advantages he has ever
demanded the widest possible culture for all. Wherever known, he is esti-
mated as a pillar in the temperance cause. Gentle, modest, courteous and
benignant, he combines, in a remarkable degree, strength and tenderness,
courage and sympathy. At one time, holding at bay the powers of evil and
baffling the most determined opponents by his manly adherence to right; at
another he may be found yielding to impressions bidding him to seek the
source ©f some hidden private sorrow, and with delicate touch, binding up a
flowing wound, or offering himself as the defender and protector of such as
may need his brotherly care. Obedient to these impressions, he rarely errs
in his ministrations, and whether his errand be to remonstrate with the evil
doer, setting his sins clearly and vividly before him, or to strengthen and
encourage suffering innocence, he is alike successful. Men, whom he has
warned in reproof when it cost the utmost bravery to do so, have become
his confidins: friends, and have been known afterward to entrust him with
heavy pecuniary responsibilities, and to point hitn out to their children as an
example worthy of imitation. Those whose griefs he has frequently soft-
•ened, have laid upon his head a crown of blessing whiter than tlic honors
which come with his silver hairs, and all with whom he comes in contact in
business, in duty, or in social intercourse, acknowledge the presence, the
wide usefulness and influence of the upright man.
The memories of the choice spirits he used to meet in the Anti-slavery
gatherings ; their mutual and kindly greetings ; the holy resolves which
animated them and made the time hours of exaltation, now serve to
brighten the pathway of his declining years, and to throw a halo around
the rostfulness of his home, as in peace of mind he looks abroad over his
beloved country, to see millions of enfranchised men beginning to avail
themselves of its pecuniary, educational and political advantages, and
beholds them starting on a career of material and spiritual prosperity, with
a rapidity commensurate with the expansive force of the repressed energies
of a race.
KUJAU F. PENNYPACKEK.
See p. ()88
WILLIAM WKIUHT.
I»R. BAKTrioM)>lK\V FL'SSELL.
See p. 695.
ROBERT PURVIS.
See p.
STATION MA8TKR8 ON TIIK fjOAD.
WILLIAM WEIGHT, ggj
WILLIAM WRIGHT.
MEMORIAL.
William Wright, a distinguislied abolitionist of Adams countv, Penn-
sylvania, was born on the 21st of December, 1788. Various eircnmstances
conspired to make this unassuming Quaker an earnest Abolitionist and
champion of the oppressed in every land and of every nationality and color.
His uncle, Benjamin Wright, and cousin, Samuel Ji. Wright, were active
members of the old Pennsylvania Abolition Society, and at the time of the
emancipation of the slaves in this state were often engaged in lawsuits with
slave-holders to compel them to release their bondmen, according to the
requirements of the law. William AVright grew up under the influence of
the teachings of these relatives. Joined to this, his location caused him to
take an extraordinary interest in Underground Rail Road affairs. He
lived near the foot of the southern slope of the South Mountain, a spur of
the Alleghenies which extends, under various names, to Chattanooga,
Tennessee. This mountain was followed in its course by hundreds of fugi-
tives until they got into Pennsylvania, and were directed to William
Wright's house.'
In November, 1817, William Wright married Phebe Wierman, (born on
the 8th of February, 1790,) daughter of a neighboring flirincr, and sister of
Hannah W. Gibbons, wife of Daniel Gibbons, a notice of whom appears
elsewhere in this work. Phebe Wright was the assistant of her husband in
every good work, and their married life of forty-eight years was a long
period of united and efficient labor in the cause of humanity. She still (1871)
survives him. William and Phebe Wright began their Underground Rail
Road labors about the year 1819. Hamilton Moore, who ran away from
Baltimore county, Maryland, was the first slave aided by them. His mas-
ter came for him, but William Wright and Joel Wierman, Phebe Wright's
brother, who lived in the neighborhood, rescued him and sent him to
Canada.
In the autumn of 182!^, as Phebe Wright, surrounded by her little
jchildren, came out upon her back j)orch in the performance of some house-
pold duty, she saw standing before her in the shade of the early November
morning, a colored man without hat, shoes, or coat. He asked if Mr.
Wright lived there, and upon receiving an affirmative reply, said that he
wanted work. The good woman, comprehending the situation at a glance,
told him to come into the house, get warm, and wait till her husi)and came
liome. He was shivering with cold and fright. When William M right
3ame home the fugitive told his story. He came from Hagerstown, Mary-
land, having been taught the blacksmith's trade there. In this lousiness
twas his duty to keep an account of all the work done by hi m.v which
692 THE UXDERO ROUND RAIL ROAD.
record ho sliowed to his master at the end of the week. Knowing no written
chariu'tin- hut the figure 5 he kept this account by means of a curious svstetn
of hicro«^lypliics in whicli straight marks meant horse shoes put on, circles,
cart-wheels fixed, etc. One day in happening to see his master's book he
noticed that wherever five and one were added the figure 6 was used.
Having practiced this till he could make it ho ever after used it in his ac-
counts. As his master was looking over these one day, lie noticed the new
figure and compelled the slave to tell how ho had learned it. He flow into a
rage, and saitl, " I'll teach you how to be learning new figures," and picking
uj) a liorse-shoe threw it at him, but fortunately for the audacious chattel,
missed his aim. Notwithstanding his ardent desire for liberty, the slave
considered it his duty to remain in bondage until he was twenty-one years
old in order to repay by his labor the trouble and expense which his master
had liahind the house and concealing himself in it for a
moment, ran and continued to run, he knew not Avhither, until he found
liimself at the toll gate near Petersburg, in Adams county. Before this he
had kept in the fields and forests, but now foun
speed to the house in which the colored people were collected, awaiting tlic
approach of their enemy. As he drew near, they were about coming out to
meet their assailants, highly excited by continued outrages, and determined
to defend themselves or die. At this unexpected moment, their protector
drew nigh ; he raised his voice aloud, and addressed the multitude. He
deprecated the idea of a resort to physical force, as being calculated to in-
crease their difficulties, and to plunge them into general distress, and entreated
them to retire from the hall. His voice was immediately recognized ; the
effect was electric; the whole throng knew him as their friend; their fierce
passions were calmed by the voice of reason and admonitimi. They could
not disregard his counsels; he had come among them, at the devd horn* of
night, in the midst of danger and trial, to raise his warning voice against a
course of measures they were about to pursue. They listened (o his remon-
strances, and retreated before the mob had reached the building. At this
juncture the Mayor and his officers assembled in front of the hall, and by
prompt and energetic action succeeded in dispersing the mob, and throuLj;h
the information received from Thomas Shipley, the ringleaders were secured
and lodged in prison.
The part which Thomas Shipley acted in the trying scenes so often pre-
sented in our courts, during this unhappy period, has invested his character
with a remarkable degree of interest. It is probable that his connection
with the Pennsylvania Abolition Society was the means of enlisting his
talents and exertions in this important service.
The energy and zeal of our friend in his efforts for the reli(;f of those
about to be deprived of their dearest rights, soon distinguishtvl him as the
most efficient member of the Society, in this department of its duties. So
intense was his interest in all cases where the liberty of his ftllow-mau was
at issue, that, during a period of many years, he was scarcely ever absent
from the side of the unhappy victim, as he sat bef )re our judicial tribunals,
trembling for his fate. The promptings of interest, the pleasures and allure-
ments of the world, the quiet enjoyment of a peaceful home, were all
cheerfully sacrificed, when his services were demanded in these distressing
cases. Often has he left the business, in which his pecuniary interests
were materially involved, to stand by the unhappy fugitive in the hour of
his extremity, with an alacrity and a spirit which could oidy be dis[)layed
by one animated by the loftiest principles and the purest philanthropy.
Who, that has ever witnessed one of these trying scenes, can forget his
manly and honest bearing, as he stood before the unrelenting and arrogant
claimant, watching with an eagle eye, every step of the process by which he
hoped to gain his victim ? Who has not been struck with his expressive
702 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD,
glances toward the judge, when a doubtful point arose in the investigation
of tlie case ? Who has not caught tiie lively expression of delight which
beamed from his countenance, when a fact was disclosed which had a favor-
able bearing on the liberty of the captive ? Who has not admired the
sagacity with which his inquiries were dictated, and the tact and acumen
with which he managed every part of his cause? His principle was
unhesitatingly to submit to existing laws, however unjust their decrees might
be, but to scan well the bearing of the facts and principles involved in each
case, and to see that nothing was wanting in the chain of evidence, or in the
legal points in question, fully to satisfy the requisitions of law. If a doubt-
ful point arose, he was unwearied in investigating it, and devoted hours,
days, and even weeks, in the collection of testimony which he thought would
have a favorable influence on the prisoner.
Through his untiring vigilance, many victims have escaped from the
hand of the oppressor, whose title to freedom, according to the laws of this
commonwealth, was undoubted, and many others, whose enslavement was at
least questionable.
The time and labor expended by Thomas Shipley in protecting the
intei'ests of his colored clients, would be almost incredible to those who
were not aware of his extraordinary devotion to the cause. The only notice
which can be found among his papers, of the various slave cases in which
he was engaged, is contained in a memorandum book, which he commenced
in the summer of 1835. In this book he has noted, in the order of their
occurrence, such instances of difficulty or distress as demanded his inter-
ference, almost without a comment. I find from this book, that his advice
and assistance were bestowed in twenty-five cases, from Seventh mo. lGth,to
EightJi mo. 24th, 1836, a period of little more than a month. A number of
these cases required the \vriting of letters to distant- places ; in some it was
necessary for him to visit the parties interested; and others demanded his
personal attendance at court. This perhaps, may be considered as a fair
average of the amount of labor which he constantly expended in this depart-
ment of his benevolent efforts; and when we consider the time occupied iu
the necessary duties of his ordinary avocations, it must be evident that he
j)ossossed not only extraordinary humanity, but uncommon activity and
energy, to have accomplished so much.
In the memorandum book referred to, under date of Twelfth mo., 1835, I
find the following note: Spent eighteen days in the trial of A. Hemsley,
and his wife Nancy, and her three children, arrested at Mount Holly, the
husband claimed by Goldsborough Price, executor of Isaac Boggs, of Queen
Ann's county, Maryland, and the wife and children by Richard D. Cooper,
of the same county. John Willoughby, agent for both claimants. B. R.
Brown and B. Clarke, attorneys for the claimant, and D. P. Brown, J. R*
Slack, E. B. Cannon, and G. W. Camblos, for defendants. After a full
THOMAS SHIPLEY. 703
argument, in which a manumission was produced for Nancy, from R. D.
Cooper's father, she and her children were discharged, but her husband was
remanded ; on which a certiorari was served on the judge, and a habeas corpus
placed in the sheriff's hands."
" Alexander was discharged by the Supreme Court, at Trenton, Third
mo. 5th. The circumstances of the case, were briefly the following : The
woman and children had been regularly manumitted in Delaware by the
father of the claimant, while the title of the father to freedom was less posi-
tive, though sufficiently clear to warrant a vigorous effort on his behalf
The first object of the counsel on the part of the alleged fugitive, was to
prove the manumission of the mother and children, and, as it was thought,
the necessary documents for that purpose were collected anil arranged. After
the trial had proceeded, however, for a short time, the attorney for the
defendants discovered a defect in the testimony on this i)oint; the necessary
papers, duly authenticated by the Governor or Chief Justice of Delaware,
were missing, and without them it was impossible to make out the case.
The fact was immediately communicated to Thomas Shipley — he saw that
the papers must be had, and that they could not be procured without a visit
to Dover, in Delaware. He at once determined to repair thither iu person,
and obtain them. Without the knowledge of the claimant's counsel, who
might have taken advantage of the omission, and hurried the case to a deci-
sion ; he started on the evening of the sixth day, and traveled as fast as
possible to Dover, in the midst of a season unusually cold and inclement.
On the next morning inquiries were made in all directions for friend
Shipley ; it was thought strange that he should desert his post in the midst
of so exciting and momentous a trial, and at a time when his presence
seemed to be particularly required. The counsel for the prisoners, who were
aware of his movements, proceeded with the examination of witnesses as
slowly as possible, in order to allow time for procuring this important link
in the chain of testimony, and thus to procrastinate the period when they
should be called upon to sum up the case.
Fortunately, on the evening of the day on which Thomas Shipley set out
upon his journey, it was proposed to adjourn, and farther proceedings
were postponed until Second day morning. At the meeting of the court,
in the morning, the expected messenger was not there, and the ingenuity ol
the counsel was taxed still farther to procrastinate the important period.
After three hours had been consumed in debate upon legal points, he, who
was so anxiously looked for, came hurrying through the crowd, making his
way toward the bench. His countenance and his movements soon convuiced
the wondering spectators that he was the bearer of gratifying news, and \i\
a few minutes, the mystery of his absence was revealed, by the production
of a document which was the fruit of his effort. The papers completely
established the legal title of the mother and children to their freedom, and
704 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD.
placed them out of the reach of further persecution. An attack of illness
was the result of the extreme exertion and fatigue endured by this devoted
man, in his earnest advocacy of the rights of these friendless beings.
, The freedom of the husband and father, was, however, still in jeopardy.
-'If the decision of the court should be against him, he would be torn from
the bosom of his now joyful and emancipated family, and consigned to a life
of bondage. To avert this calamity, the counsel for the prisoner suggested
an expedient as humane as it was ingenious. He proposed that a writ of
certiorari which would oblige the judge to remove the case to the Supreme
Court and a habeas corpus from the Chief Justice of the State, should both
be in readiness when the decision of the judge should be pronounced, in case
that if it should be unfavorable, the writs might be at once served, and the
prisoner remanded to the sheriff of the county, to be brought up before the
Supreme Court at Trenton for another trial.
To procure these writs, it was necessary to obtain the signature of the
chief justice of New Jersey, who resided at Newark, and again Thomas
Shipley was ready to enter with alacrity into the service. He saw the im-
portance of the measure, and that it would require prompt action, inasnuich
as the decision of the judge would probably be pronounced on the following
day. It fortunately ha})pened that a friend was just about leaving for
Newark, in his own conveyance, and feeling an interest in the case, he
kindly invited friend Shipley to accompany him. They left in the after-
noon, traveled all night, and arrived at Newark by daylight the following
morning. The weary traveler was unwilling, however, to retire to bed,
although the night was exceedingly cold and tempestuous, but he proceeded
at once to the house of the chief justice. He called the worthy judge from
his bed, offering the imjwrtance of his business, and the necessity of speedy
action, as an apology for so unseasonable a visit. Chief Justice Hornblower,
on being informed of the circumstances of the case, expressed his pleasure at
. having it in his power to accede to his wishes and treated him with a respect
and kindness which the disinterested benevolence of his mission was calcu-
lated to inspire.
Having obtained the necessary ])apers, he left at once for Mount Holly,
where he arrived on the following day, in time to place the writs in the
hands of the sheriff, just before the decision of Judge H. was pronoimced.
Had he consulted his ease or convenience, and deferred his visit to ISewark
a few hours, or had he, as most men, under similar circunlstances would
have done, reposed his weary limbs, after a cold and dreary ride of eighty
miles, in order to enable him to return with renewed strength, he would
have arrived too late to render this meritorious effort effectual. As it was,
he was there in time. The judge, according to the expectation of the friends
of the colored man, gave his decision in favor of the slave-holders, and
ordered poor Alexander to be given up to the tender mercies of the exaspe-
THOMAS SHIPLEY.
705
rated claimant. The decision sent a thrill of indignation through the
anxious and excited multitude, which perhaps, was never equalled amongst
the inhabitants of that quiet town. The friends of humanity had assembled
from all parts of the country to witness the proceedings in the case. ]Many
of them were personally acquainted with the prisoner ; they knew him to be
a man of intelligence and integrity ; he was an industrious and orderly
citizen, and was universally respected in the neighborhood. He was now
about to be made a slave, and was declared to be the property of another.
The father was about to be torn from his helpless children; the husband in
defiance of the Divine command, was to be wrested from the fond embrace
of his sorrowing wife, to spend his days in misery and toil. And this was
to be done before the eyes of those who had a just regard for human rights,
a hearty hatred of oppression. Is it wonderful, that under such circum-
stances, there should have been a deep abhorrence for the perpetrators of
tills outrage upon humanity, and a general sympathy for the innocent
captive ?
But it was decreed that those feelings of honest indignation should be
speedily supplanted by the warm outpouring of public gratitude and joy.
While the feeling of the spectators was in this state of intense interest and
excitement, the judge, stern and inflexible in his purposes, and the clan of
greedy claimants ready to seize upon their prey, the sheriff prorevious period. It was his constant desire
to diifuse the principles which had been so fearlessly proclaimed by the Con-
vention, and to encourage the formation of Anti-slavery societies throughout
the sphere of his influence. He was one of the most prominent members
of the Philadelphia Anti-slaver}' Society, which was formed through much
opposition, in 1835, and he steadily adhered to its meetings, notwithstand-
ing the threats which were so loudly made by the enemies of public order.
In the midst of the poj)uhir connnotions and tumults, which marked the
THOMAS SHIPLEY. 707
progress of Anti-slavery principles, he stood calm and nnnioved. Having
been long known as a firm friend of the rights of the colored man, and
being amongst the most efficient pnblic advocates of his cause, he \vas of
course subjected to the reviling;? which were so liberally heaped nixm tlie
Abolitionists at that time. His name was associated with that of Tappaii,
Birney, Green, Jay, Garrison, and other leading Abolitionists, who were
singled out by slave-holders and their abettors as fit subjects for the mcnri-
less attacks of excited mobs.
In several attempts which were made in this city to stir up the passions
of the ignorant against the advocates of human rights, his person and
property were openly threatened with assault. Such menaces failed, however,
to deter him from the steady performance of what he believed to be a solemn-
duty. Being fully satisfied of the truth of the principles which he had
espoused, he relied with unwavering confidence upon Divine power for their
ultimate triumph, and for the protection of those who advocated them.
When his friends expressed their anxiety for his safety, he always allayed
their apprehensions, and evinced by the firmness and benignity of his
manner that he was divested of the fear of man, and acted under the infiu-
ence of that spirit "which is from above.
The active part which Thomas Shipley took in Anti-slavery move-
ments, did not diminish his interest in the prosperity and usefulness of the
old Pennsylvania Society. He was a steady attendant on its meetings, and
exercised his wonted care on all subjects connected with its interests.
A short time previous to his death, his services were acknowledged by his
fellow-memljers, by his election to the office of president.
The incessant and fatifruino; labors in which he was ensjaored, had sensiblv
affected the vigor of a constitution naturally delicate, and rendered iiim
peculiarly liable to the inroads of disease. He was, seized in the autumn of
1836, with an attack of intermittent fever, which confined him to the house
for ten or twelve days, and very much reduced his strength ; while recover-
ing from this attack, he experienced an accession of disease which termi-
nated his life in less than twenty-four hours. But a few hours before his
death, he inquired of his physicians as to the probable issue of his case;
when informed of his critical condition, he received the intelligence with
composure, and immediately requested Dr. Atlee, who was by his side, to
take down some directions in regard to his affiiirs, on paper. In a few
minutes after this, he quietly lapsed into the sleep of death, in the morning,
on the 17th of Ninth month, 1836.
His last words were, " I die at peace with all mankind, and hope that my
t:-esp,isscs may be as freely forgiven, as I forgive those who have trespassed
agninst me."
To all wlio knew him well, of whatever class in the community, the
fdings of this unexpected event brought a personal sorrow. It was felt that
708 THE UNDERGROUND RAILROAD.
a man of rare probity and virtue had gone to liis reward. But to the
colored people the intelligence of his death was at once startling and con-
founding. Their whole community was bowed down in public lamentation,
for their warmest and most steadfast friend was gone.
They repaired in large numbers to the house of their benefactor to obtain
a last glance at his lifeless body. Parents brought their little ones to the
house of mourning, and as they gazed upon the features of the departed,
now inanimate in death, they taught their infant minds the impressive
lesson, that before them were the mortal remains of one who had devoted
his energies to the disenthral men t of their race, and whose memory they
should ever cherish with gratitude and reverence. When the day arrived
for committing his remains to the grave the evidence of deep and pervading
sorrow among these wronged and outraged people was strikingly apparent.
Thousands, whose serious deportment and dejected countenances evinced
that they were fully sensible of their loss, collected in the vicinity of his
dwelling, anxious to testify their respect for his memory. Theirs was not the
gaze of the indifferent crowd, which clusters around the abodes of fashion
and splendor, to witness the pomp and circumstance attendant on the interment
of the haughty or the rich. It was a solemn gathering, brought together by k
the impulse of feeling, to mingle their tears and lamentations at the grave "'
of one whom they had loved and revered as a protector and a friend.
When the hearse arrived at the quiet burial place in Arch street, where
the Friends for many generations have buried their dead, six colored men
carried the body to its last resting-place, and the silent tear of the son of
Africa over the grave of his zealous friend, was more expressive of real affec-
tion than all the parade which is sometimes brought so ostentatiously before
the public eye. In the expressive words of the leading newspaper of the
day, " Aaron Burr was lately buried with the honors of war. Thomas
Shipley was buried with the honors of peace. Let the reflecting mind pause
in the honorable contrast."
As a public speaker Thomas Shipley was clear, cogent, sometimes eloquent,
and always impressive. He never attempted oratorical effect, or studied
harangues. He generally spoke extemporaneously, on the spur of the occa-
sion, and what he said came warm from the heart. It was the simple and
unadorned expression of his sentiments and feelings. He was, however,
argumentative and even logical, when the occasion required it. ^\heu
intensely interested, his eye was full of deep and piercing expression.
Although his education had been limited, and his pursuits afforded him
b'lt little leisure time, yet ho indulged his fondness for reading, and exhibited
a refined literary taste in his selections. He has left amongst his books and
papers eight manuscript volumes of about one hundred and fifty pages each,
filled with selections, co])ied in his own handwriting, and culled from the
writings of many of the most gifted authors, both in poetry and prose.
THOMAS SHIPLEY. 709
These extracts are generally of a moral and religious caste, and include
scraps from Young, Milton, Addison, Burns, Cowper, Watts, Akenside,
Pope, Byron, Hemans, and many others.
In the domestic and social circle, his conversation was animated and in-
structive, and always tempered by that kindness and amenity of manners
which endeared him to his family and friends.
He was no bigot in religion. While a firm believer in the doctrines of
the Gospel as maintained by the orthodox Society of Friends, he yet held
that religion was an operative principle producing the fruits of righteousness
and peace, in all of whatever name, who are sincere followers of our Lord
Jesus Christ. In conclusion we may add, that more than most men he bore
about with him the sentiment of that old Roman, "Nihil humanum alienum
a me puto," while he added to it the higher thought of the Christian, that
he who loveth God loveth his brother also. We need not dwell upon the
life of such a man. To-day, after the lapse of more than a generation, his
memory is fresh and green in the hearts of those who knew him, and who
still survive to hand down to their children the story of the trials of that
eventful period in our history.
To the Memory of
THOMAS SHIPLEY,
President of the Pennsylvania Abolition Society,
Who died on the 17th of Ninth mo., 1836, a devoted Christian and Philanthropist.
BY JOHN G. WHITTIEB.
Gone to thy Heavenly Father's rest —
The flowers of Eden round thee blowing!
And, on thine ear, the murmurs blest
Of Shiloah's waters softly flowing !
Beneath that tree of life which gives
To all the earth its healing leaves —
In the white robe of angels clad,
And wandering by that sacred river.
Whose streams of holiness make glad
The city of our God forever I
Gentlest of spirits ! — not for thee
Our tears are shed, our sighs are given :
Why mourn to know thou art a free
Partaker of the joys of Heaven ?
Finished thy work, and kept thy faith
In Christian firmness unto death —
And beautiful as sky and earth,
When Autumn's sun is downward going,
The blessed memory of thy worth
Around thy place of slumber glowing I
'10 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD.
But, wo for U3 1 — who linger still
With feebler strength and hearts less lowly,
And minds less steadfast to the will
Of Him, whose every work is holy !
For not like thine, is crucified
The spirit of our human pride:
And at the bondman's tale of woe,
And for the outcast and forsaken,
Not warm like thine, but cold and slow,
Our weaker sympathies awaken I
Darkly upon our struggling way
The storm of human hate is sweeping;
Hunted and branded, and a prey,
Our watch amidst the darkness keeping !
Oh I for that hidden strength which can
Nerve unto death the inner man 1
Oh — for thy spirit tried and true
And constant in the hour of trial —
Prepared to suffer or to do
In meekness and in self-denial.
Oh, for that spirit meek and mild,
Derided, spurned, yet uncomplaining —
By man deserted and reviled.
Yet faithful to its trust remaining.
Still prompt and resolute to save
From scourge and chain the hunted slave !
Unwavering in the truth's defence
E'en where the fires of hate are burning,
The unquailing eye of innocence
Alone upon the oppressor turning 1
Oh, loved of thousands ! to thy grave.
Sorrowing of heart, thy brethren bore thee I
The poor man and the rescued slave
Wept as the broken earth closed o'er thee —
And grateful tears, like summer rain,
Quickened its dying grass again ! —
And there, as to some pilgrim shrine,
Shall come the outcast and the lowly,
Of gentle deeds and words of thine
Kecalling memories sweet and holy I
Oh, for the death the righteous die !
An end, like Autumn's day declining,
On human hearts, as on the sky,
With holier, tenderer beauty shining!
As to the parting soul were given
The radiance of an opening heaven I
As if that pure and blessed light
From off the eternal altar flowing,
Were bathing in its upward flight
The spirit to its worship going!
E OBER T PUR VIS. 7 1 1
ROBERT PURVIS
Was born in Charleston, S. C. on the 4th day of August, 1810. His
father, William Purvis, was a native of Ross county, in Northiiniberl:ui<],
England. His mother was a free-born woman, of Charleston. His mater-
nal grandmother was a Moor; and her father was an Israelite, named Kai-Dii
Judah. Robert Purvis and his two brothers were brou2;ht to the North h\
their parents in 1819. In Pennsylvania and New England he reeeived his
scholastic education, finishing it at Amherst College, Since that time his
home has been in Philadelphia, or in the vicinity of that eitv.
His interest in the Anti-slavery cause began in his childhood, inspiretl by
such books as " Sandford and Merton," and Dr. Toney's " Portraiture of
Slavery," wliich his father put into his hands. His father, though resident
in a slave state, was never a slaveholder; but was heartily an Abolitionist in
principle. It was Robert Purvis' good fortune, before he attained his
majority, to make the acquaintance of that earnest and self-sacrificing pio-
neer of freedom, Benjamin Lundy; and in conjunction Avith him, was an
early laborer in the anti-slavery field. He was a member of the Conven-
tion held in Philadelphia in 1833, which formed the American Anti-slavery
Society ; and among the signatures to its Declaration of Sentiments, the
name of Robert Purvis' is to be seen ; a record of which his posterity to the
latest generation may be justly proud. During the whole period of that
Society's existence he was a member of it; and was also an active member
and officer of The Pennsylvania Anti-slavery Society. To the cause of the
slave's freedom he gave with all his heart his money, his time, hfs talents.
Fervent in soul, eloquent in speech, most gracious in manner, he was a
favorite on the platform of Anti-slavery meetings. High-toned in moral
nature, keenly sensitive in all matters pertaining to justice and integrity, he
was a most valuable coadjutor with the leaders of an unpopular reform ; and
throughout the Anti-slavery conflict, he always received, as he always
deserved, the highest confidence and warm personal regard of his fellow-
laborers.
His faithful labors in aiding fugitive slaves cannot be recorded within the
limits of this sketch. Throughout that long period of peril to all who dared
to "remember those in bonds as bound with them," his house was a well-known
station on the Underground R lil Road ; his horses and carriages, and his
personal attendance, were ever at the service of the travelers upon that road.
In those perilous duties his family heartily sympathized with him, and cheer-
fully performed their share.
He has lived to witness the triumph of the great cause to which ho
devoted his youth and his manhood ; to join in the jubilee song of the
American slave ; and the thanksgiving of the Abolitionists ; and to testify
that the work of his life has been one " whose reward is in itself."
712 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD.
JOHN HUNN.
Almost within the lions' den, iu daily sight of the enemy, in the little
slave-holding State of Delaware, lived and labored the freedom-lovinr even near by, dwelt a fi'W well-
tried Abolitionists. Kzekiel Jenkins, Mifflin Warner, and one or two others,
JOHN EUNN. 713
whole-souled workers in the same cause with Ilutm ; he was therefore uot
forgotten in the hour of his extremity.
Wishing to produce a sketch worthy of this veteran, we addressed liim on
the subject, but failed to obtain all the desired material. His reasons,
however, for withholding the information which we desired were furnished,
and, in connection therewith, a few anecdotes touching Underground Uail
Road matters coming under his immediate notice, which we here take great
pleasure in transcribing.
Beaufort, S.C llth.mo. 7th, 1871.
Wm. Still, Dear Friend: — In thy first letter thee asked for my
photograph as well as for an opinion of the book about to be edited by thy-
self. 1 returned a favorable answer and sent likeness, as requested. I in-
cidentally mentioned that, probably some of my papers might be of service
to thee. The papers alluded to had no reference to myself; but consisted
of anecdotes and short histories of some of the fugitives from the hell of
American Slavery, who gave me a call, as engineer of the Underground
Rail Road in the State of Delaware, and received the benefit of my advice
and assistance.
I was twenty-seven years-old when I engaged in the Underground Rail
Road business^ and I continued therein diligently until the breaking up of
that business by the Great Rebellion I then came to South Carolina to
witness the uprising of a nation of slaves into the dignity and privileges of
mankind.
Nothing can possibly have the same interest to me. Therefore, I propose
to remain where this great problem is in the process of solution ; and to give
my best efforts to its successful accomplishment. In this matter the course
that I have pursued thus far thj'ough life has given me solid satisfaction. I
ask no other reward for any efforts made by me in the cause, than to feel
that I have been of use to my fellow-men.
No other course would have brought peace to my mind ; then why should
any credit be awarded to me ; or how can I count any circumstance that
may have occurred to me, in the light of a sacrifice? If a man pursues the
only course that will bring peace to his own mind, is he deserving of any
credit therefor ? Is not the reward worth striving for at any cost ? Indeed
it is, as I well know.
Would it be well for me, entertaining such sentiments, to sit down and
write an account of my sacrifices ? I think uot Therefore please hohl me
excused. I am anxious to see thy book, and will forward the price of one
as soon as I can ascertain what it is.
Please accept my thanks for thy kind remembrance of me. I am now
fifty-three years old, but I well remember thy face in the Anti-slavery Office
in Fifth street, when I called on business of the Underground Rail Road.
Our mutual friend, S. D. Burris, was the cause of much uneasiness to us lu
714 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD.
those times. It required much trouble, as well as expense to save him from
the slave-traders. I stood by him on the auction-block; and when I stepped
down, they thought they had him sure. Indeed he thought so himself for
a little while. But we outwitted them at last, to their great chagrin. Those
were stirring times, and the people of Dover, Delaware, will long remember
the time when S. D. Burris was sold at public sale for aiding slaves to
escape from their masters, and was bought by the Pennsylvania Anti-slavery
Society. I remain very truly thy friend, John Hunn.
THE CASE OP MOLLY, A SLAVE, BELONGING TO R B , OF SifYRKA, DELAWARE.
BY JOHN HUNN, ENGINEER OF THE UNDERGROUND BAIL ROAD.
Molly escaped from her master's farm, in Cecil county, Maryland, and
found a place of refuge in the house of my cousin, John Alston, near Mid-
dletown, Delaware. The man-hunters, headed by a constable with a search
warrant, took her thence and lodged her in New Castle Jail. This fact
was duly published in the county papers, and her master went after his
chattel, and having paid the expenses of her capture took immediate posses-
sion thereof.
She was hand-cuffed, and, her feet being tied together, she was placed in
the wagon. Before she left the jail, the wife of the sheriff gave her a piece
of bread and butter, which her master kicked out of hor hand, and swore that
bread and butter was too good for her. After this act her master took a
drink of brandy and drove off.
lie stopped at a tavern about four miles from New Castle and took
another drink of brandy. He then proceeded to Odessa, then called Cant-
wcU's Bridge, and got his dinner and more brandy, for the day was a cold
one. He had his horse fed, but gave no food to his human chattel, who
remained in the wagon cold and hungry. After sufficient rest for himself
and horse he started again. He was now twelve miles from home, on a
good road, his horse was gentle, and he himself in a genial mood at the
recovery of his bond-woman. lie yielded to the influence of the liquor he
had imbibed and fell into a sound sleep. Molly now determined to make
another effort for her freedom. She accordingly Avorkcd herself gradually
over the tail board of the wagon, and fell heavily upon the frozen ground.
The horse and wagon passed on, and she rolled into the bushes, and waited
for deliverance' from her bonds. This came from a colored man who was
passing that way. As he was neither a priest nor a Levite, he took the rope
from her feet and guided her to a cabin near at hand, where she was kindly
received. Her deliverer could not take the hand-cuffs off, but promised to
bring a person, during the evening, who couhl ]ierfbrm that operation. He
fulfilled his promise, and brought her that night to my house, which was in
sight of the one whence she had been taken to New Cttstle Jnil.
I had no fear for her safety, as I i)elieved that her master would not think
JOHN HUNN. 715
of looking for her so near to the place where she had been arrested.
Molly remained with us nearly a month; but, seeing fugitives coming and
going continually, she finally concluded to go further North. I wrote to
my friend, Thomas Garrett, desiring him to get a good home for Molly.
This he succeeded in doing, and a friend from Chester county, Pennsylvania,
came to my house and took Molly with him. She remained in his family
more than six months.
In the mean time the Fugitive Slave Law Wiis passed by Congress, and
several fugitives were arrested in Philadelphia and sent back to their masters.
Molly, hearing of these doings, became uneasy, and finally determined to "-o
to Canada. She arrived safely in the Queen's Dominions, and felt at last
that she had escaped from the hell of American Slavery.
Molly described her master as an indulgent one when sober, but when he
was on a "spree" he seemed to take great delight in tormenting her. lie
would have lier beaten unmercifully without cause, and then have her stripes
washed in salt water, then he would have her dragged through the horse
pond until she was nearly dead. This last operation seemed to afford him
much pleasure. When he became sober he would express regret at having
treated her so cruelly. I frequently saw this master of Molly's, and was
always treated respectfully by him. He would have his " sprees " after
Molly left him.
AN ACCOUNT OF THE ESCAPE FROM SLAVERY OF SAMUEL HAWKINS AND FAMILY,
OP QUEEN ANNE'S COUNTY, MARYLAND, ON THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD,
IN THE STATE OF DELAWARE. BY JOHN HUNN.
On the morning of the 27th of 12th month (December), 1845, as I was
washing my hands at the yard pump of my residence, near Middletown, New
Castle county, Delaware, I looked down the lane, and saw a covered wagon
slowly approaching my house. The sun had just risen, and was shining
brightly (after a stormy night) on the snow which covered the ground to the
depth of six inches. My house was situated three quarters of a mile from
the road leading from Middletown to Odessa, (then called CantwelTs Bridge.)
On a closer inspection I noticed several men walking beside the wagon.
This seemed rather an early hour for visitors, and I could not account for
the circumstance. AVhen they reached the yard fence I met them, and a
colored man handed me a letter addressed to Daniel Corbit, John Alston or
John Hunn ; I asked the man if he had presented the letter to either of the
others to whom it was addressed ; he said, no, that he had not been able to
see either of them. The letter was from my cousin, Ezekiel Jenkins, of
Camden, Delaware, and stated that the travelers were fugitive slaves, under
the direction of Samuel D. Burns (who handed me the note). The party
consisted of a man and his wife, with their six children, and four fine-look-
ing colored men, without counting the pilot, S. D. Burris, who was a free
man, from Kent county, Delaware.
716 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD.
This was the first time that I ever saw Burris, and also the first time that
I had ever been called upon to assist fugitives from the hell of American
Slaver}'. The wanderers were gladly welcomed, and made as comfortable
as possible until breakfast was ready for them. One man, in trying to pull
his boots off, found they were frozen to his feet ; he went to the pump and
filled them with water, thus he was able to get them off in a few minutes.
This increase of thirteen in the family was a little embarrassing, but after
breakfast they all retired to the barn to sleep on the hay, except the woman
and four children, who remained in the house. They were all very weary,
as they had traveled from Camden (twenty-seven miles), through a snow-
storm ; the woman and four children in the wagon with the driver, the
others walking all the way. Most of them were badly frost-bitten, before
they arrived at my house. In Camden, they were sheltered in the houses
of their colored friends. Although this was my first acquaintance with S.
D. Burris, it was not my last, as he afterwards piloted them himself, or was
instrumental in directing hundreds of fugitives to me for shelter.
About two o'clock of the day on which these fugitives arrived at ray
house, a neighbor drove up with his daughter in a sleigh, apparently on a
friendly visit. I noticed his restlessness and frequent looking out of the
window fronting the road ; but did not suppose, that he had come "to spy
out the land."
The wagon and the persons walking with it, had been observed from his
house, and he had reported the fact in Middletown. Accordingly, in half
an hour, another sleigh came up, containing a constable of Middletown,
"William Hardcastle, of Queen Ann's county, Maryland, and William
Chesnut, of the same neighborhood. I met them at the gate, and the con-
stable handed me an advertisement, wherein one thousand dollars reward
was offered for the recovery of three runaway slaves, therein described.
The constable asked me if they were in my house? 1 said they were not!
He then asked me if he might search the house? I declined to allow him
this privilege, unless he had a warrant for that purpose. While we stood
thus conversing, the husband of the woman with the six children, came out
of a house near the barn, and ran into the wootls. The constable and his
two companions immediately gave chase, with many halloos ! After running
more than a mile through the snow, the fugitive came toward the house; I
went to meet him, and found him with his back against the barn-yai-d fence,
with a butcher's knife in his hand. The man hunters soon came up, and the
constable asked me to get the knife from the fugitive. This I declined,
unless the constable should first give me his pistol, with which he was
threatening to shoot the man. He complied with my request, and the fugi-
tive handed me the knife. Then he produced a pass, properly authenticated,
and signed by a magistrate of Queen Ann's county. Maryland, certifying
that this man was free ! and that his name was Samuel Hawkins.
JOHN HUNK 717
"William Hardcastle now advanced, and said that he know the man to be
free; but that he was accused of running away with his wife and children
who were slaves. He also said, that this man had two boys with him, who
belonged to a neighbor of his, named Charles Wesley Glanding, and that
the four other children and mother belonged to Catharine Turner, of Queen
Ann's county, Maryland. Hardcastle further expressed his belief, that tiiis
man knew where his wdfe and children were at that time, and insisted that
he should go before a magistrate in Middletown, and be examined in re'^ard
thereto. He also expressed doubts as to the genuineness of this pass, and
wished the man to go to Middletown on that account also. As there was no
other course to pursue under the circumstances, I had my sleigh brought out,
and we all went to Middletown, before ray friend, William Streets, who was
then in commission as a magistrate. It was now after dark of this short
winter's day. Soon after our arrival at the office of William Streets, Hard-
castle j)ut his arm very lovingly around the neck of the colored man, Samuel
Hawkins, and drew him into another room. In a short time, Samuel came
out, and told me that Hardcastle had agreed, that if he, Hawkins, would
give up his two older boys, who belonged to Charles Wesley Glanding;
' then he might pursue his journey with his wife and four children. I asked
him if he believed Hardcastle would keep his promise? He replied: "Yes!
I do not think master William would cheat me." I assured him -that he
would cheat him, and that the offer was made for the purpose of not only
getting the two older boys (fourteen and sixteen years of age), but his wife
and other children to the office, when all of them would be taken together
to the jail, in New Castle. Samuel thought differently, and at his request,
I wrote to my wife for the delivery of the family of Samuel Hawkins to the
constable. They were soon forthcoming, and on their arrival at the office, a
commitment was made out for the whole party. Samuel and his two older
sons were hand-cuffed, amidst many tears and lamentations, and they all
went off under charge of the man-hunters, to New Castle jail, a distance of
eighteen miles.
William Streets committed the whole party as fugitives from Slavery,
while the husband (Samuel), was a free man. This was done on account of
the detestation of the wacked business, as much as on account of his friend-
ship for me.
On their arrival at the jail, about midnight, the sheriff was aroused, and
the commitment shown to him ; after reading it, he asked Samuel if he was
a slave? He said no, and showed his pass (which had been pronounced
genuine by the magistrate). The sheriff hereupon told them, that the com-
mitment was not legal, and would not hold them lawfully. It was now
lirst day (Sunday), and the man-hunters were in a quandary.
The constable finally agreed to go back and get another commitment, if
the sheriff would take the party into the jail until his return; Hardcastle
718 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD.
also urged the sheriff to adopt this plan. Accordingly they were taken into
the jail.
The sheriff's dauo:hter had heard her father's conversation with the con-
stable, accordingly she sent word on First-day morning, to my revered
friend, Thomas Garrett, of Wilmington, five miles distant, in regard to the
matter, inviting him to see the fugitives. Early on Second day morning
(Monday), Thomas went over with John Wales, attorney at law. The
latter soon obtained a writ of habeas corpus from Judge Booth of New
Castle, which was served upon the sheriff; who, therefore, brought the
whole party before Judge Booth, who discharged them at once, as being
illegally detained by the sheriff. Thomas Garrett,-with the consent of the
judge, then hired a carriage to take the woman and four children over to
AVilmington, Samuel and the two older boys walked, so they all escaped
from the man-hunters. They went from Wilmington to Byberry, and
settled near the farm of Kobert Purvis. Samuel Hawkins and wife have
since died, but their descendants still live in that neighborhood, under the
name of Hackett.
Soon after the departure of the fugitives from New Castle jail, the consta-
ble arrived with new commitments from William Streets, and presented
them in due form to the sheriff; who informed him that they had been
liberated by order of Judge Booth ! A few hours after, William Hardcastle
arrived from Philadelphia, expecting to take Samuel Hawkins and his
family to Queen Ann's county, Maryland. Judge of his disappointment at
finding they were beyond his control — absolutely gone! They returned to
Middletown in great anger, and threatened to prosecute William Streets for
his participation in the affair.
A.fter the departure of the Hawkins family from Middletown, I returned
home to see what had become of S. D. Burris and his four men. I found
them taking some solid refreshment, preparatory to taking a long walk in
the snow. They left about nine P. M., for Wilmington. I sent by S. D.
Burris a letter to Thomas Garrett, detailing the arrest and commitment of S.
Hawkins and family to New Castle jail. They all arrived safely in Wil-
mington before daylight next morning. Burris waited to hear the result of
the expedition to New Castle ; and actually had the pleasure of seeing S.
Hawkins and family arrive in Wilmington.
Samuel Burris returned to my house early on Third day morning, with a
letter from Thomas Garrett, giving me a description of the whole transac-
tion. My joy on this occa.sion was great ! and I returned thanks to God for
this wonderful escape of so many human beings from the charnel-house of
Slavery.
Of course, this circumstance excited the ire of many jiro-slavery editors
in Maryland. I had copies of several papers sent me, wherein I was
described as a man unfit to live in a civilized community, and calling upon
JOHN UUNN,
CHIEF ENGINEER OF THE SOUTHERN END. See p. ll'i
SAMUEL RIIOADS,
BTOCKHOLDER. See p. 719.
WILLIAM W lliri'i;i{,
CONDUCTOR .\T COLUMBIA. See J). 73y
SAMUKL U. IIIUKIS,
UONDUCTOR. See i>. "W.
OFFICERS OF THE ROAD.
SAMUEL RHOADS. 719
the inhabitants of Middletown to expel such a dangerous person from tiiat
neighborhood! They also told exactly where 1 lived, which enabled many
a poor fugitive esca[)ing from the house of bondage, to find a hearty welcome
and a resting place on the road to liberty. Thanks be to God ! for His
goodness to me in this respect.
The trial which ensued from the above, came off before Chief Justice
Taney, at New Castle. My revered friend, Thomas Garrett, and myself,
were there convicted of harboring fugitive slaves, and were fined accord-
ingly, to the extent of the law ; Judge Taney delivering the sentence. A
detailed account of said trial, will fully appear in the memoirs of our
deceased friend, Thomas Garrett.
SAMUEL RHOADS
Was born in Philadelphia, in 1806, and was through life a consistent
member of the Society of Friends. His parents were persons of great re-
spectability and integrity. The son early showed an ardent desire for
improvement, and was distinguished among his young companions for warm
affections, amiable disposition, and genial marmers, rare purity aud refine-
ment of feeling, and a taste for literary pursuits. Preferring as his associates
those tq whom he looked for instruction and example, and aiming at a high
standard, he won a position, both mentally and socially, superior to his
early surroundings. With a keen sense of justice and humanity, he could
not fail to share in the traditional opposition of his religious society to
slavery, and to be quickened to more intense feeling as the evils of the
system were more fully revealed in the Anti-slavery agitation which in his
early manhood began to stir the nation.
A visit to England, in 1834, brought him into connection and friendship
with many leading Friends in that country, who were actively engaged in the
Anti-slavery movement, and probably had much to do with directing his
attention specially to the subject. Once enlisted, he never wavered, but as
long as slavery existed by law in our country his influence, both publicly
and privately, was exerted against it. He\Viis strengthened in his course by
a warm friendship and frequent intercourse with the late Abraham L.
Pennock, a man whose unbending integrity and firm allegiance to duty were
equalled only by his active benevolence, broad charity, and rare clearness of
judgment. Samuel Rhoads, like him, while sympathizing with other phases
of the Anti-slavery movement, took especial interest in the subject of abstain-
ing from the use of articles produced by slave labor. Believing that the
purchase of such articles, by furnishing to the master the only possibility of
pecuniary profit from the labor of his slaves, sui)plicd one motive for hold-
ing them in bondage, and that the purchaser thus became, however unwitt-
720 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD.
ingly, a partaker in the guilt, he felt conscientiously bound to withhold his
individual support as far as practicable, and to recommend the same course
to others.
His practical action upon these views began about the year 1841, and was
persevered in, at no small expense and inconvenience, till slavery ceased in
this country to have a legal existence. About this time he united with the
American Free Produce Association, which had been formed in 1838, and
in 1845 took an active part in the formation of the Free Produce Associa-
tion of Friends of Philadelphia, Y. M. ; both associations having the object
of promoting the production by free labor of articles usually grown by slaves,
particularly of cotton. Agents were sent into the cotton States, to make
arrangements with small planters, who were growing cotton by the labor of
themselves and their families without the help of slaves, to obtain their
crops, which otherwise went into the general market, and could not be dis-
tinguished. A manufactory was established for Avorking this cotton, and a
limited variety of goods were thus furnished. In all these operations Samuel
Rhoads aided efficiently by counsel and money.
In 1846, "The Non-slave-holder," a monthly periodical, devoted mainly
to the advocacy of the Free Produce cause, was established in Philadelphia,
edited by A. L. Pennock, S. Rhoads, and George W. Taylor. It was con-
tinued five years, for the last two of which Samuel Rhoads conducted it
alone. He wrote also a pamphlet on the free labor question. From July,
1856 to January, 1867 he was Editor of the " Friends' Review," a weekly
paper, religious and literary, conducted in the interest of his own religious
society, and in this position he gave frequent proofs of interest in the slave,
keeping his readers well advised of events and movements bearing upon the
subject.
While thus awake to all forms of anti-slavery effort, his heart and hand
were ever open to the fugitive from bondage, who appealed to him, and none
such were ever sent away empty. Though not a member of the Vigilance
Committee, he rendered it frequent and most efficient aid, especially during
the dark ten years after the passage of the Fugitive Slave Law.
A second visit to England, in 1847, had enlarged his connection and cor-
respondence with anti-slav^ery friends there, and in addition to his own
contributions, very considerable sums of money were transmitted to him,
especially through A. H. Richardson, for the benefit of the fugitives. Often
when the treasury of the Committee ran low, he came opportunely to their
relief with fiinds sent by his English friends, while his sympathy and encourage-
ment never failed. The extent of his assistance in this direction was known
to but few, but by them its value was gratefully acknowLxlged. None
rejoiced more than he in the overthrow of American slavery, though its end
came in convulsion and bloodshed, at which his spirit revolted, not by the
peaceful means through which he with others had labored to bring it about
GEORGE CORSON. 721
He had some years before been active in preparing a memorial to Con-
gress, asking that body to make an effort to put an end to slavery in the
States, by offering from the national treasury, to any State or States which
would emancipate the slaves therein, and engage not to renew the system,
compensation for losses thus sustained. This proposition was made, not as
admitting any right of the mastei-s to compensation ; but on tlie ground that
the whole nation, having shared in the guilt of maintaining slavery, inii:;lit
justly share also in whatever pecuniary loss might follow its abandonment.
This memorial was sent to Congress, but elicited no response ; and in the
fulness of time, the nation paid even in money many times any ]>ossible
price that could have been demanded under this plan. Samuel Riioads
died in 1868.
GEORGE CORSON
Was born in Plymouth township, Montgomery county, Pennsylvania,
January 24th, 1803. He was the son of Joseph and Plannah Corson, He
was married January 24th, 1832, to Martha, daughter of Samuel and
Susanna Maulsby.
There were perhaps few more devoted men than George Corson to the
interests of the oppressed everywhere. The slave, fleeting from his master,
ever found a home with him, and felt while there that no slave-hunter would
get him away until every means of protection should fail. He was ever
ready to send his horse and carriage to convey them on the road to Canada,
or elsewhere towards freedom. His home was always open to entertain the
anti-slavery advocates, and being warmly supported in the cause by his ex-
cellent wife, everything which they could do to make their guests comfort-
able was done. The Burleighs, J. Miller McKim, Miss Mary Grew, F.
Douglass, and others will not soon forget that hospitable home. It is to be
regretted that he died before the emancipation of the slaves, which he had
so long labored for, arrived. In this connection it may not be improper to
state that simultaneously with his labors in the Anti-slavery cause, he was
also laboring with zeal in the cause of Temperance. Of his efforts in that
direction through nearly thirty years, our space will not allow us to speak.
His life and labors were a daily protest against the traffic of rum. There is
also another phase of his character which should be mentioned. Whenever
he Saw animals abused, horses beaten, he instantly interfered, often at great
risk of personal harm from the brutal drivers about the lime quarries and
iron ore diggings. So firm, so determined was he, that the cruellest ruffian
felt that he must yield or confront the law. Take him all for all, there
will rarely be found in one man more universal benevolence and justice than
was possessed by the subject of this notice.
Hiram Corson, brother of the subject of this sketch, and a faithful co-
46
722 THE UNDERGROUXD RAIL ROAD.
laborer in tlio cause, in response to a request that he would furnish a
reminiscence touching his brother's agency in assisting fugitives, wrote as
follows :
November \st, 1871.
Dear Robert: — Wm. Still wishes some account of the case of the negro
slave taken from our neighborhood some years ago, after an attempt by my
brother George to release him. (About thirty years ago.) George had been
on a visit to our brother Charles, living at the fork of the Skippack and Per-
kiomen Creeks, in this county, and on his return, late in the afternoon, while
coming along an obscure road, not the main direct road, he came up to a
man on horseback, who was followed at a distance of a few feet by a colored
man with a. rope tied around his neck, and the other end held by the person
on horseback.
George had had experience with those slave-drivers before, as in the case
of John and James Lewis, and withal had become deeply interested in the
Anti-slavery cause. He, therefore, inquired of the mounted man, what the
other had done that he was to be thus treated. He quietly remarked that
he was his slave and had run away. He then asked by what authority he
held him. He said by warrant from Esquire Vanderslice. Indignant at
this great outrage, my brother hurried on to Norristown, and waited his
arrival with a process to arrest him. The slave-master, confident in his
rights, bold in the country of those pretended freemen, who were ever ready
to kiss the rod of Slavery, came slowly riding into Norristown, just before
sunset, with the rope still fast to the slave's neck. He was immediately
taten before a Justice of the Peace, whose name I do not now remember.
The people gathered around ; anxious inquiries were made as to the person
who had the audacity to question the right of this quiet, peaceable man to
do with his slave as he pleased. Great scorn was expressed for the busy
Abolitionists. Much sympathy given to the abused slave owner. It was soon
decided, by the aid of a volunteer lawyer, whose sons have since fought the
battle for freedom, that the slave-owner had a right to take his slave whcrc-
ever, and in whatever w'ay he pleased, through the country, and not only
that, but at his call for help it was the bounden duty of every man, called
upon, to aid him ; and the person who had the audacity to stop him was
threatened with punishment.
But George's blood was up, so pained was he at the sight of a man, a poor
man, a helpless man, being dragged through from Pennsylvania with a
halter around his nock, that, amidst the jeers and insults of the debased
crowd, he denounced Slavery, its aiders and abettors, in tones of scorn and
loathing. But the man thief was left with his prey. Through the advice
of those who stood by the slave laws and who knelt before the slave power,
as personified by that hunter of slaves, the rope was taken from the neck.
CHARLES D. CLEVELAND. 723
and the man guarded while the master regaled himself. That night he dis-
appeared with his man.
I can also give a few particulars of the escape of the Gorsuch murderers,
from Norristown on their way to Canada. There should be a portrait of
Daniel Ross, and a history of his labors during twenty or more vears.
Hundreds were entertained in his humble home, and it was in his home that
the Gorsuch murderer was secreted. He must not be left out. I can also
get the whole history, escape, capture, trial, conviction and redemption of
James and John Lewis, and one other. They were captured here M'itliin
sight of our house. George Corson, Esq., published it all, about ten years
ago. Respectfully,
Robert R. Cobson. IHuam Coiison.
CHARLES D. CLEVELAND.
Mr. Still has asked me to record the part that my father bore in the Anti-
slavery enterprise, as it began tuid grew in this city. I comply, because
the history of that struggle would be very incomplete, if from it were
omitted the peculiar work which my father's position here shaped for him.
Yet I can only indicate his work, not portray it ; tell some of its elements,
and then leave them to the moral sympathies of the reader to upbuild. For,
first, his labor for the love of man was evenly distributed through the
mould and movements of his entire life ; and from a perpetual current of
nourishing blood, one cannot name those particular atoms that are busiest or
richest to sustain vitality. And, further, if I could hear his voice, it would
forbid any detailed account of what he accomplished and endured. It was
all done unobtrusively in his life; bravely, defiantly, in regard of the evil
to be met and mastered, but as unconsciously in regard of himself as every
conviction works, when it is as broad as the entire spiritual life of a man
and has his entire spiritual force to give it expression. I know, therefore,
that while I should be permitted to mention so much of his service as the
history of the conflict might demand, I should be forbidden all talc of sacrifice
and labor that mere personal narrative would include; and I ask now only
this : What peculiar influence did he exert for the furtherance of the cause
which So largely absorbed his labor and life ? Did he contribute anything
to it stamped with the signature of so clear an individuality that no other
man could have contributed quite the same? To this I maintain an affirma-
tive answer ; and in witness of its truth, I sketch the general course of his
life, that through it we may find those elements of his character which intui-
tively ranged him on the side of the slave.
When my father came to Philadelphia in 1834, his sentiments in regard
to Slavery were those held generally in the North — an easy-going wish to
avoid direct issue with the South on a question supposetl to be peculiarly
724 THE UXDERGROUND RAIL ROAD.
theirs. But the winds of Heaven owned to no decorous limit in Mason and
Dixon's line; and there were larger winds blowing than these — winds risino'
in the vast laboratories of the general human heart, and destined to sweep
into all the vast spaces of human want and woe. The South was finding,
through her blacks' perpetual defiance of torture and death for freedom, that
there was perhaps something, even in a negro, which most vexatiously
refused to be counted in with the figures of the auctioneer's bill of sale;
and now the North's lesson was coming to her — that the soul of a
century's civilization was still less purchasable than the soul of a slave.
A growing feeling of humanity was stirring through the northern States,
It was not the work, I think, of any man or body of men ; it was rather
itself a creative force, and made men and bodies of men the results of its
awakening influence. To such a power, my father's nature was quickly
responsive. Both his head and his heart recognized the terrible wrongs of
the enslaved, and the urgency with which they pressed for remedy ; but
where was the means? From the first, he felt that the movement which
bi'ought Freedom and Slavery fairly into the field and squarely against each
other, threw unnecessary obstacles in its own way by the violence with which
it was begun and prosecuted. If he were to work at all in the cause, he
determined to work \vithin the limits of recognized law. The Colonization
Society held out a good hope ; at least, he could see no other as close to the
true but closer to the feasible ; and, after connecting himself with it, he
seems to have been content for a while on the score of political matters, and
to have devoted himself to what he had adopted as his chief purpose in life.
This was, enlarging the sjihere of female education, and giving it a more
vigorous tone. To this he tasked all his abilities. His convictions on the
subject were very earnest ; his strength of character sufficient to bear them
out; so that, in a short time, he was able to establish his school so firmly in
the respect of this community, that, for twenty-five years, all the odium that
his activity in the Anti-slavery cause drew upon him did not for a moment
abate the public confidence accorded to his professional power.
It was in 1836, in one of his vacations, that his mind was violently
turned inwards to re-examine his status upon the Anti-slavery question. He
happened to be visiting his old college-friend, Salmon P. Chase, at Cincin-
nati, and, fortunately for the spiritual life of both men, it was at the time of
the terrible riots that broke up the press of John G. Birney. Both being
known as already favoring the caiise of the slave, they stood in much peril
for several days; but when the dark time was passed, the clearness that
defined their sentiments was seen to be worth all the personal danger that
had bought it. Self-delusion on the subject was no longer possible. The
deductions from the facts were as plain as the facts themselves. The two
friends took counsel together, and adopted the policy from which thencefor-
ward neither ever swerved. A great cloud was rolled from their eyes. In
CHARLES D. CLEVELAND. 725
all this turmoil of riot, they saw on the one side, indeed, a love of man o;rcat
in its devotion; but on the other, a moral deadness in the North so |)roiuiiiid
and determined that it threatened thus brutally any voice that would disturb
it Their duty, then, was evident: to fling all the forces of their lives, and
by all social and political means, right against this inertness, and shatter it
if they could. To Mr. Chase, the course of things gave the larger political
work ; to my father, the larger social. His diary records how amazed he
was, when he returned to Philadelphia, at his former blindness, and how
thankful to the spirit of love that had touched and cleansed his eyes that he
might see God's image erect. He knew now that his lot had been cast in
the very stronghold of apathy, the home of a lukewarm spirit, wliich, not con-
taining anything positive to keep it close to the right, let its sullen negative-
ness gi-avitate towards the wrong. It will be difficult to make coming
generations understand, not the flaming antagonism to humanity, but the
more brutal avoidance of it that ruled the political tone in this latitude, from
1836 to 1861. I have thought of the word bitterness, as expressing it; but
though that might convey somewhat of its recoil when disturbed, it pictures
nothing of its inhuman solicitude against all disturbance. Conservatism, it
was called ; and certainly it did conserve the devil admirably. At the
South, one race of men were so basclj wielding a greater physical j)ower
over another race of men, as to crush from them the attributes of self-resjKtn-
sible creatures ; Philadelphia, the city of the North nearest the wrong, made
no plea for humanity's claims. It went on, this monstrous abrogation of
everything that lends sanctity to man's relations on earth, till slaves were
beasts, with instincts annihilated, and masters demons, with instincts re-
versed ; Philadelphia made no plea for the violated rhythm of life on
either side. Even the Church betrayed its mission, and practically aided
in stamping out from millions the spirit that related them to the Divine;
still Philadelphia made no plea for God's love in his humanity. Utterly
insensible to the most piercing appeals that man can make to man, she loved
her hardness, clung to it ; and if, now and then, a voice from the North blew
down, warningly as a trumpet, the great city turned sluggishly in her bed
of spiritual and political torpor, and cried : Let be, let be ! a little more
slumber! a little more folding of the hands to my moral dcath-slee]) !
This souring of faith, this half-paralysis of the heart's beating, this
blurring of the intuitions that make manhood possible, were wliat my
father found here in that year of our Lord's grace, 1836. It will be worth
while to watch him move into the fight and bear his part in its thickest, just
to learn how largely history lays her humanitarian advances on a few will-
ing souls.
The means which lay readiest to his use for rousing the dormant sjunt
of the city was his social position. And yet how hard, one would tlimk,
it must have been to make this sacrifice. He came accredited by all
7v(j mil, uiMJrjriKjrJciuviyu xi^iiij jxujiu.
the claims of finished culture, a man consecrated to the scholar's life.* Then,
with the sensitiveness that springs from intellectual breeding, one will look
to see him shrink from conflict with the callous condition of feeling arouijd
him. The glamour of book-lore will spread over it, and hide it from his
sight.. He has a noble enough mission, at all events: to raise the standard
of educational culture in a city that hardly knows the meaning of the terra;
and if any glimpse should come to him of the lethargic inhumanity around'
him, he can afford to let it pass as a glimpse — his look being fixed on the
sacred heights which the scholar's feet must tread.
Ah, how his course, so difierent, proves to us that the true scholar is
alwavs a scholar of truth. No matter what element of the public sentiment
he met — the listlessness of pampered wealth ; the brutal i>rtj'udice of" some
voting savage ; the refined sneer of lettered dilettanteism ; the purposed
aversion of trade or pulpit fearing disturbed markets or pews ; — he beat
lustily and incessantly at all the parts of the iron image of wrong sitting
stolidly here with close-shut eyes. No matter when it Avas, on holiday or
working-day or Sabbath ; at home and abroad ; in the parlor, the street, the
counting-room ; in his school and in the Church ; — he bore down on this
apathy and its brood of scorns like a west wind that sweeps through a
city dving under weight of miasma. And the wind might as well cease
blowing yet not cease to be wind, as my father's influence stop and himself
live. It scattered the good seed everywhere. How often have I heard him
sav, " I know nothing of what the harvest will be ; I am responsible only
for the sowing." And bravely went the sowing on, with the broadcast lar-
gesse of love. There was no breeze of talk that did not (?arry the seeds; —
to the wayside, for from those that even chance upon the truth the fowls of
the air cannot take it all ; to thin soil and among thorns, for no heart so
feeble or choked that will not find in a single day's growth of truth germi-
nation for eternity ; to stony places, for no cranny in the ro(;ks that can hold
a seed but can be a home for riving roots; — "And other fell on good ground
and did bring forth fruit."
Thus it was primarily to rouse those of his own class that he labored, to
gall them into seeing (though they should turn again and rend him) that
moral supineness is moral decay, that the soul shrivels into nothingness
when wrong is acquiesceoror in the same sphere of work—"
Rev. W. II. Furncss; and it it is true of others whom 1 di'l not know, thc-n to th'-ir memory also I
bear this record of tho two whoso labors and characters it has been the dc-epcst privilege of my life to
know so well.
CHARLES D. CLEVELAND. 'i-2'j
that the pro-slavery spirit ruled with its bitterest stringency. Not i-iiltiircd:
let us unsay the word ; rather, with the gloss and hard polish which read-
ing and wealth and the finer appointments of living can throw over spiritual
arrest or decay. Culture is a holy word, and dare be used of intellectual
advance only when the moral sympathies have kept equal step. It inr-ludes
something beyond an amateur sentiment in favor of what we favor. If it
does not open the ear to every cry of humanity, struggling uj) or slipping
back, it is no culture properly so called, hut a sham, a mask of wax, a varnish
with cruel glitter; and what a double wrath will be pounsd on him who
cracks the wax and the varnish, not only because of the rude awakening,
but because the crack shows the sham.
It is impossible for us now to realize what revenge this class dealt to my
ftither for twenty-five years. Consider their power of revenge. They could
not force a loss of property or of life, it is true ; they made no open assault
in the street; their ^delicacy' held itself above common vituperation. But
they wielded a greater power than all these over a man whose eveiy accom-
plishment made him their equal, and they used it without stint. They
doomed him to the slow martyrdom of social scorn. They shut their doors
against him. They elbowed him from eveiy position to which he had a
wish or a right, except public respect, and they could not elbow him from
that unless they pushed his character from its poise. They cut him off from
every friendly regard which would else have been devotedly his, on that
level of educated life, and limited him to 'solitary confinement' Mithin
himself. They compelled him to walk as if under a ban or an anathema.
Had he been a leper in Syrian deserts, or a disciple of Jesus among Phari-
sees, he could not have been more utterly banished from the region of homes
and self-constituted piety. They showered ineffable contempt upon him in
every way consistent with their littleness and — refinement. Slight, sneer,
insult, all the myriad indignities that only 'good society' can devise, these
were what my father received in return for his love and his work in love.
How little personal relation all this obloquy bore to him, let this stand as
evidence: that he not only continued his work, but daily gave it more
caustic energy and wider scope. As I have hinted, he did not, in political
matters, give in his adherence to that class of abolitionists who, as he
thought, threw away their best chances of success in refusing to work within
constitutional provisions. He was prouder that this single community should
call him " abolitionist," tliough it spat the word at him, than if the whole
earth should hail him with the kingliest title; but he loved the name too
well not to make it stand for some practical fact, some feasible and organized
effort. He believed that our National Constitution did,, indeed, hold many
compromises with Slavery, but was framed, in the majority of its provisions
and certainly in the totality of its spirit, in the interests of freedom ; and
that it only needed enforcement by the choice of the ballot-box to bring the
728 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD.
South either to an amicable or a hostile settlement of the question. Which,
he did not ask or care. The duty of the present could not be mis-read; it
was written in the vote. •
With these views, he gave much time and work to organizing in this
State, " The National Liberty Party/' in 1840, and to securing from Penn-
sylvania some of the seven thousand votes that were cast for John G. Birney
in that year throughout the Union. By the time another election came, the
party had swelled its numbers to seventy thousand. To contribute his share
towards this success, tract after tract, address after address, were written and
sent broadcast; meetings were convened, committees formed, resolutions
framed, speeches made, petitions and remonstrances sent, public action
fearlessly sifted and criticised ; in short, because he held a steady faith in
men's humane promptings when ultimately reached, he 'cried aloud' to
them by every access, and 'spared not' to call them from their timidity and
time-serving to manly utterance through the ballot-box.
Of such appeals, his address of the " Liberty Party of Pennsylvania, to
the people of the State," issued in 1844, may stand as a sample. It is a
vivid portrayal of the slavp power's insidious encroachments, and of its
monopolized guidance of the Government. It gathers up the national statistics
into groups, shows how new meaning is reflected from them thus related, that
all unite to illustrate the single fact of the South's steady increase of power,
her tightening grasp about the throat of government, and her buffets of
threat to the North when a wcedling palm failed to palsy fast enough. It
warns northern voters of the undertow that is drawing them, and adjures
them, by every consideration of political common sense, not to cast their
ballots for either of the pro-slavery candidates presented. The couclusion
of this address is as follows :
OUR OBJECT.
"And now, fellow-citizens, you may ask, what ia our object in thus exhibiting to yon
the alarming influence of the slave power? Do we wish to excite in your bosoms feelings
of hatred against citizens of a common country? Do we wish to array the PVee ' states
against the Slave states in hostile strife? No, fellow-citizens. But we wish to show you
that, while the slave states are inferior to us in free population, having not even one half
of ours ; inferior in morals, being the region of bowie knives and duels, of assassinations
and lynch law ; inferior in mental attainments, having not one-fourth of the number that
can read and write; inferior in intelligence, having not one-fifth of the number of literary
and scientific periodicals; inferior in the products of agriculture and manufactures, of
mines, of fisheries, and of the forest ; inferior, in short, in everything that constitutes
the wealth, the honor, the dignity, the stal)ility, the happiness, the true greatness of a
nation, — it is wrong, it is unjust, it is absurd, that they should have an influence in all the
departments of government so entirely disproportionate to our own. We would arouse
you to your own true interests. We would have you, like men, firmly resolved to mam-
tain your own rights. We would have you say to the South, — if you choose to hug to your
bosom that system which is continually injuring and impoverishing you; that system
which reduces two millions and a half of native Americans m vour midst to the most
CHARLES D. CLEVELAND. 729
abject condition of ignorance and vice, withholding from them the very key of knowledge;
that system which is at war with every principle of justice, every feeling of humanity ;
that system which makes man the property of man, and perpetuates that relation from
one generation to another ; that system which tramples, continually, upon a majority of
the commandments of the Decalogue ; that system which could not live a day if it did not
give one party supreme control over the persons, the health, the liberty, the happiness,
the marriage relations, the parental authority and filial obligations of the other ; — if you
choose to cling to such a System, cling to it ; but you shall not cross our line ; you shall
not bring that foul thing here. We know, and we here repeat it for the thousandth time
to meet, for the thousandth time, the calumnies of our enemies, that while we may present
to you every consideration of duty, we have no right, as well as no power, to alter your
State laws. But remember, that slavery is the mere creature of local or statute law, and
cannot exist out of the region where such law has force. ' It is so odious/ says Lord
Mansfield, ' that nothing can be suffered to support it hni positive law.'
" We would, therefore, say to you again, in the strength of that Constitution under which
•we live, and which no where countenances slavery, you shall not bring that foul thing
here. You shall not force the corrupted and corrupting blood of that system into every
vein and artery of our body politic. You shall not have the controlling power in all the
departments of our government at home and abroad. You shall not so negotiate with
foreign powers, as to open markets for the products of slave labor alone. You shall not
so manage things at home, as every few years to bring bankruptcy upon our country.
You shall not, in the apportionment of public moneys, have what you call your ' pro-
perty ' represented, and thus get that which, by no right, belongs to you. You shall not
have the power to bring your slaves upon our free soil, and take them away at pleasure ;
nor to reclaim them, when they, panting for liberty, have been able to escape your grasp;
for we would have it said of us, as the eloquent Curran said of Britain, the moment the
slave touches our soil, ' The ground on which he stands is holy, and consecrated to the
Genius of Universal Emancipation.'
" Thus, fellow-citizens, we come to the great olject of the Liberty Party: Ab-solute
AND UNQUALIFIED DIVORCE OF THE GENERAL GOVERNMENT FROM ALL CONNECTION WITH
si-AVERY. We would employ every constitutional means to eradicate it from our entire
country, because it would be for the highest welfare of our entire country. We would
have liberty established in the District, and in all the Territories. * * We
would have liberty of speech and of the press, which the Constitution guarantees to us.
We would have the right of petition most sacredly regarded. We would secure to every
man what the Constitution secures, ' The right of trial by jury.' We would do what we
can for the encouragement and improvement of the colored race, and restore to them that
inestimable right of which they have been so meanly, as well as unjustly, deprived, the right
OF SUFFRAGE. We would look to the best interests of the country, and the whole country,
and not legislate for the good of an Oligarchy, the most arrogant that ever lorded it over
an insulted people. We would have our commercial treaties with foreign nations regard
the interests of the Free states. We would provide safe, adequate, and permanent mar-
kets for the produce of free labor. And, when reproached with slavery, we would be able
to say to the world, with an open front and a clear conscience, our General Government
has nothing to do with it, either to promote, to sustain, to defend, to sanction, or to ap-'
prove.
"Thus, fellow-citizens, you see our objects. You may now ask, by what mpans we hope
to attain them. We answer, by political action. What is political action? It ia
acting in a manner ap2:>ropriaie to those objects which we wish to secure through the agency
of the different departments of Government. * * The only way in which
-we ca,a act constitutionally, is to go to the ballot box, and there, silently and unostenta-
730 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD.
tiously, deposit a vote for such men as will do what they can to carry out those principles
which we have so much at heart. ******
" Come, then, men of Pennsylvania, come and join us in this good work. Join. us, to use
such moral means as to co: -ect public sentiment throughout the region where slavery
exists, and to impress upon the people of the Free states a manly sense of their own
rights. Join us, to place "just men" in all our public offices; men whose example a
whole people may safely imitate. Join us to free our General Government from the ig-
nomiuious reproach of slavery ; to restore to our country those principles which our fathers
so labored to establish ; and to hand these principles down afresh to successive genera-
tions. It is the cause of truth, of humanity, and of God, to which we invite your aid. It
is a cause of which you never need be ashamed. Living, you may be thankful, and dying,
you may be thankful, for having labored -in it. We have, as co-laborers with us, the
noblest allies that man can wish. Within, we have the deepest convictions of conscience,
the clearest deductions of reason ; and, all over the world, wherever man is found, the first,
the most ardent longings of the human soul. Without, we have the happiness of nearly
three millions of the human race ; the honor, as well as the best interests of our whole
pountry ; and the universal consent of all good men whose moral vision is not obscured by
the mist of a low, misguided selfishness : while we seem to hear, as it were, the voices of
the great and the good, the patriot and the philanthropist, of a past generation, calling to
us and cheering us on. But, above all these, and beyond all these, we have with us the
highest attributes of Ood, Justice and Mercy. With Buch allies, and in such a cause, who
can doubt on which side the. victory will ultimately rest.
" May He who guides the destinies of nations, and without whose aid ' they labor in
vain that build,' so incline your hearts to exert your whole influence to place in all our
public offices just and good men, that our country may be preserved, her best interests
advanced, and her institutions, free in reality as in name, handed down to the latest pos-
'terity."
Is not the love of God and man ingrained in every line of this Trriting?
Yet let us see how it was received by the most Christian (?) body in
this city.
I need hardly say that my father's mind had been largely impressed, from
earliest manhood, with the higliest subject human thought can touch. His
library records his wide religious reading; but he could not see an honest
path towards the profession of any definite views till 1836. The change
wrought in him then, can best be gathered from his own simple words
(under date, 1842) written in a fly-leaf of "The Unitarian Miscclhmy :"
"Though I humbly trust that God made my trials in 1836 the means of
bringing me to true repentance, yet I have kept these books as monuments
of what I once was, and to remind me how grateful I should be to Him
for having snatched me a§ a ' brand from the burning.' " Such a faith as
this, born of the spiritual travail of years, what a life it always has for the
heart that forms it ! It tells not of a persuasion, but of a conviction ; a
disproof of skepticism through the gathered forces of the soul ; a struggle,
through epochs of doubt and dismay, into an attitude of positive vital faith.
Its process is the only one that gives real right to ultimate peace. In
comparison with the method and measure of such a conviction, what
matters its specific form? Self-truth is the jx)int, — the fact for starting, the
CHARLES D. CLEVELAND. 7-M
line for guiding; and as for result, this lonely and solemn rally on the
deepest within us, as it is continuously unfolded, must lead to a <«-lad and
solemn union with the Highest without us. Who ean know luifailiur
inward energy except through this new birth ? It proved an ever-1'resh
spring of vigor to my fother, and because of it he was chosen, in 1839, i)resi-
dent of "The Philadelphia Bible tSoeiety." What changes were wrougjit in
the policy of the Society, what numerous plans were devised and executed
for multiplying its operations, how it was made a cordial alliance of all
denominations, will presently appear. This is now to be said: that, after
filling his office for five years, he found that his Anti-slavery testimony had
engendered in the managers a bitterness that would seize the address of 18-14
for pretext, and make retaliation in his sacrifice. Thankful, for the
thousandth time, to be a sacrifice for the cause he loved, he sent in his re^i^i--
nation in a letter full of Christian kindness and sorrow. A short extract will
show its tone :
" Oae whose great heart wishes the best for humanity calls to us from the West:
' When your Society propose to put a Bible into every family, and yet omit all reference
to the slaves ; and when, giving an account of the destitution of the land, they make no
mention of two and a half millions of people perishing in our midst without the Scriptures,
can we help feeling that something is dreadfully wrong?' This, brethren, is a most solemn
question. It is a question which I verily believe the American Bible Society, so far as
they may have yielded, directly or indirectly, openly or silently, to a corrupt public senti-
ment on this subject, will have to answer at the bar of Him who has declared, that, 'If
ye have respect to persons, ye commit sin ;' and that ' Inasmuch as ye did it not to one
of the least of these, ye did it not to me.' The spirit of Christianity is a spirit of universal
love and philanthropy. She looks down with pity, and, if she could, she would look
with scorn upon all the petty distinctions that exist among men. She casts her be-
nignant eye abroad over the earth, and, wherever she sees man, she sees him as man,
as a being made in the image of God, whether an Indian, an African, or a Caucasian
sun may shine upon him. She stoops from heaven to raise the fallen, to bind up the
broken-hearted, to release the oppressed, to give liberty to the captive, and to break the
fetters of those that are bound. She is marching onward with accelerated step, and,
•wherever she leaves the true impress of her heavenly influence, the moral wilderness is
changed into the garden of the Lord. May it never be ours to do what may seem to
be even the slightest obstacle to her universal sway. * *
" But I have already written more than I intended. In bringing this communication to
a close, allow me to express to you individually, and as a Board, my most sincere Chris-
tian attachment. Whatever course any members may have taken in relation to this
matter, I must believe that they have acted from what has seemed to them a sense of
duty. Far be it from me to impeach their motives. Time, the great test of truth, may
show them their course in a very different light from that in which they now view it. I
may, as a Christian, lament that their views of duty are not more in unison with my own.
I may, as a man, feel heart-sickened at the diseased, the deplorably diseased state of the
public mind, in relation to two and a half millions of my fellow-men in bondage. I may,
as a citizen of a Free state, blush at the humiliating fact, that not only the tyranny, but
the ubiquity of the slave power is everywhere so manifest ; that it has insinuated itself
into our free domain to such a degree that there seems to be as much mental Slavery in
the Free states, as there is personal in the Slave states. I may feel all this, but I must
not impeach the motives by which others have been governed."
732 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD.
There were twenty-one managers present at the reading of this letter, and,
at its conclusion, a noble friend of the slave moved that the resignation be
uot accepted ; the motion was lost by a vote of fourteen against seven. It
was then moved that it be accepted * with regret :' this was carried by the
same vote ! But 'with regret' was not an empty form for easing this action
to its recipient; how much it meant is seen in the resolution that was
added by .unanimous acceptance : " Resolved, — That this Board are mainly
indebted to Professor C. D. Cleveland for the prominent and influential
position it has attained in the regards of this Christian community, and that
they bear an earnest testimony to the sound judgment and unwearied zeal
which have ever characterized the discharge of his duties in his responsible
office." Let this tribute, coming from the bitterest personal opposition that
ever man encountered, measure the work that extorted it. Looking at it,
it will be difficult for the reader to believe that a sacrifice was made of
the man to w'hom it refers by a representative Christian body, and merely to
sate for a time the inhuman slave-greed ; yet it is only one fact out of many
that might be adduced, and I have brought it forward because it is, in my
father's words, " a fair exponent of the position of the Ciiristian Church at
that time upon the subject of Slavery." Henceforward, lie ceased not to
rain blows, not only at his own (the Presbyterian) denomination, but at all
the organized expressions of Christian purpose, — the Sunday-School Union,
the Tract Society, etc.
AVhile w^orking thus by voice and pen, he was incessantly busy in personal
rescue of the slave. Especially was this the case when it became the duty
of every lover of his kind to defy the Fugitive Slave Law. How eagerly
he then sprang to aid the escape of those against whom a law of the land
impotently tried to bar the law of our common humanity! During the
years that followed the passage "of this infamous bill, the position he had
attained here was of particular service. Recognized as one, who, being a
sort of standing sacrifice, might as well continue to battle in tlie front;
trusted implicitly even by his bitterest foes; with such a broad philanthropy
to back Ills appeals; pushing straight into every breach where work was
needed; blind to everything but his one light of moral instinct; — he
became an organ for the charities of those whose softer natures longingly
whisjiercd the cry, but could not do the cut and thrust work, of deliverance.
Dr. Furncss held the same j)osition, and others who, like him, refused to be
enrolled in tlie ' Underground Committee,' or in any definite Anti-Slavery
organization. These men knew that they were of greater service to tlie
cause by being its body-guard, by stinding between it and the public, by
making the appeals and taking the blows, and by affording access, pecuniary
and other, of each to each.
Thus the times moved on — growing hotter, more difficult and dangerous,
but always working these two results: redoubling the labors of this noble
CHARLES D. CLEVELAXD.. 733
band, and sliaking the city from letharo;y into ferment. Men were compelled
to take sides, and but one result could follow, (the result whi(.'h always follows
when human nature is stung and quickened to find its highest instincts,) the
Party of Right steadily moved to triumph.
For a lesson to us in courage, it is worth while to ask, how these
Apostles of Freedom stood the terrible strain put upon them for so many
years. I can answer for the two of whom I write, and do not doubt that
the answer is true of the rest : This self-forgetful ness was made easy by
a love that filled and overfilled all their moral energies — the simple love
of man, as God's highest creation, and of his natural rights, as God's best
gift. Their work was not a mere result of will, not an outcome of faculty,
not an unsupported impulse of heart. It was character living itself out, an
utterance of its entire unity, something drawn from the solemn depths of
those life-convictions which all the personal and impersonal powers of a
man, aglow and welded, unite in producing. Hence, their work was not
apart from them, even so far as to be called ahead of them ; nor parallel with
them; it was one with them by a necessary spiritual inclusion. Will and
Duty ceased to be separate powers ; they were transfused through the whole
breadth of their human sympathies, adding to their warmth a fixity of pur-
pose that bore them without a falter, through thirty years of such bitter
obloquy, as, in these latter days, only the early Anti-Slavery disciples have
had to endure. These men never said, in reference to the Anti-slavery cause,
I ought or I will, hecan^ie they never needed to say them. The sun shines
without them, and life expands without them ; and here were souls as
unconsciously beneficent as the one, as spontaneous in growth and shaping
as the other. Theirs was not a force that moved mechanically in right lines,
with limited objects before it. It did, indeed, sweep with arrowy swiftness
of assail on every point that offered; but when I remember that it more
often pleaded than stormod, that it penetrated into every secret recess that
mercy casually opened, and gently stirred into fuller life those roots of human
feeling that can be numbed by apathy but not killed even by hate, I know-
that it was persuasive, diffusive, inbreathing force, an influence vital in
others because an effluence vitalized from themselves.
So they stood, self-consecrated, envelope.'! by the love of God, permeated
by the love of man, — twin Perfect Loves that cast out all dream of fear.
And so they walked, calm as if a thousand stabs of personal insult never
brought them one of personal pain, passing through all as if nothing but
> the serenest skies were above them. And, as I have said, right there is one
I explanation of the anomaly ; there loere the serenest skies above them —
heaven's love perpetually shining. Why should it not shine? all the powers
of the men were dedicated to rescuino; the imai^e of God on this earth, —
734 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD.
not man as he suffered physically, but the moral instinct threatened with
annihilation. It was sacred to them, this soul so sacred to redeemino" love,
but too brutalized to find its way to it. Nor merely the slave. Their love
embraced, with yet more pitying fervor, the master compelling his spiritual
nature into death, and the northern apologist letting his die ; and this over-
mastering love of saving spiritual integrity, was one power that made them
and heart-ease hold unfailing friends through the obloquy of those days ;
the other must be found in the fact mentioned, — that neither resolve nor
impulse was their spur, but personal character moving from its depths.
From such a motive-power as this can come no parade of results. The
nature that works, proceeds from the necessary laws and forces of its being,
and is as simple and unconscious as any other natural law or force. Hence
there are no startling epochs to record in my father's history, no supreme
efforts ; in filling the measure of daily opportunity lay his chief work. I
cannot measure it by our ten fingers' counting. I can only show a life
unfolding, and, by the essential laws of its growth, embracing the noblest
cause of its time. But if action means vivifying public sentiment decaying
under insidious poison; if it includes the doing of this amid a storm of
odium that would quickly have shattered any soul irresolute for an instant;
if it means incessant toil quietly performed, vast sums collected and dis-
bursed, time sacrificed, strength spent ; if it means holding up a great
iniquity to loathing by a powerful ]:)en, and nailing moral cowardice where-
ever it showed ; if it be risking livelihood by introducing the cause of the
slave into every literary work, and by mingling the school-culture of fifty
future mothers, year by year, with hatred of the sin ; if it means one's life
in one's hand, friendships yielded, society defied, and position in it cheer-
fully renounced ; above all, if action means a M'calth of goodness overliving
all scorns, compelling respect from a community rebuked, fellowship from a
Church charged with ungodliness, and acknowledgment of unstained repute
from a public eager to blacken with scandal ; if to do thus, and bear thus,
and live thus, is action, then my father did act to the full purpose of life in
the struggle that freed the slave.
S. M. C.
^L.
WILLIAM WUIPFER. 70.-.
WILLIAM WHIPPER.
The locality of Columbia, where Mr. Whipper resided for many vears,
was, as is well-known, a place of ranch note as a station on the Under-
ground Rail Road. The firm of Smith and Wliipper (lumber merchants),
was likewise well-known throughout a wide range of country. AVlio,
indeed, amongst those familiar with the history of public matters connected
with the colored people of this country, has not heard of William Whipper?
For the last thirty years, as an able business man, it has been very generally
admitted, that he hardly had a superior.
Although an unassuming man, deeply engrossed with business — Anti-
slavery papers, conventions, and public movements having for their aim
the elevation of the colored man, have always commanded Mr. Wl!ii)per's
interest and patronage. In the more important conventions which liave
been held amongst the colored people for the last thirty years, perhaps no
other colored iiian has Been so often called on to draft resolutions and pre-
pare addresses, as the modest and earnest William Whi[)per. He has worked
effectively in a quiet way, although not as a public speaker. He is self-
made, and well read on the subject of the reforms of the day. Having been
highly successful in his business, he is now at the age of seventy, in posses-
sion of a handsome fortune ; the reward of long years of assiduous labor.
He is also cashier of the Freedman's Bank, in Philadelphia. For the lost
I few years he has resided at New Brunswick, New Jersey, although liis
property and business confine him mainly to his native State, Pennsylvania.
Owing to a late affliction in his family, compelling him to devote the most
of his time thereto, it has been impossible to obtain from him the material
for completing such a sketch as was desired. Prior to this affliction, in
answer to our request, he furnished some reminiscences of his labors as con-
ductor of the Underground Rail Road, and at the same time, promised other
facts relative to his life, but for the reason assigned, they were not worked
up, which is to be regretted.
New Brunswick, N. J., December 4, LS71.
Mr. William Still, Dear Sir: — I sincerely regret the absence of
statistics that would enable me to furnish you with many events, that would
assist you in describing the operations of the Underground Rail Road. I
never kept any record of those persons passing through my hands, nor did
I ever anticipate that the history of that perilous period would ever be
written. I can only refer to the ])art I took in it from memory, and if I
could delineate the actual facts as they occurred they would savor so much
of egotism that I should feel ashamed to make them public. I willingly
736 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD.
refer to a few incidents which you may select and use as you may think
proper.
You are perfectly cognizant of the fact, that after the decision in York,
Pa., of the celebrated Prigg case, Pennsylvania was regarded as free terri-
tory, which Canada afterwards j)rovcd to be, and that the Susquehanna river
was the recognized northern boundary of the slave-holding empire. The
borough of Columbia, situated on its eastern bank, in the county of Lancas-
ter, was the great depot where the fugitives from Virginia and Maryland
first landed. The long bridge connecting Wrightsville with Columbia, was
the only safe outlet by which they could successfully escape their pursuers.
When they had crossed this bridge they could look back over its broad
silvery stream on its western shore, and say to the slave power : " Thus far
shalt thou come, and no farther." Previous to that period, the line of fugi-
tive travel was from Baltimore, by the way of Havre de Grace to Philadel-
phia ; but the difficulty of a safe passage across the river, at that place
caused the route to be changed to York, Pa., a distance of fifty-eight miles,
the fare being forty dollars, and thence to Columbia, in the dead hour of
the night. My house was at the end of the bridge, and as I kept the
station, I was frequently called up in the night to take 'charge of the
passengers.
On their arrival they were generally hungry and penniless. I have
received hundreds in this condition ; fed and sheltered from one to seven-
teen at a time in a single night. At this point the road forked ; some I sent
west by boats, to Pittsburgh, and others to you in our cars to Philadelphia,
and the incidents of their trials form a portion of the history you have com-
piled. In a period of three years from 1847 to 1850, I passed hundreds to
the land of freedom, Avhile others, induced by high wages, and the feeling
that they were safe in Columbia, w^orked in the lumber and coal yards of
that place. I always persuaded them to go to Canada, as I had no faith in
their being able to elude the grasp of the slave-hunters. Indeed, the mer-
chants had the confidence of their security and desired them to remain ;
several of my friends told me that I was injuring the trade of the place by
persuading the laborers to leave. Indeed, many of the fugitives themselves
looked upon me with jealousy, and expressed their indignation at my efforts
to have them removed from peace and plenty to a laud that was cold and
barren, to starve to death.
It was a period of great prosperity in our borough, and everything passed
on favorably and successfully until the passage of the fugitive slave bill in
1850. At first the law was derided and condemned by our liberty-loving
citizens, and the fugitives did not fear its operations because they asserted
that they could protect themselves. This fatal dream was of short dura-
tion. A prominent man, by the name of Baker, was arrested and taken to
Philadelphia, and given up by the commissioner, and afterwards purchased
WILLIAM WHIPPER. 737
by our citizens; another, by the name of Smith, was shot dead in one of
our lumber yards, because he refused to surrender, and his pursuer permitted
to escape without arrest or triah Tliis produced not only a shock, but a
crisis in the affairs of our little borough. It made the stoutest hearts quail
before the unjust sovereignty of the law. The white citizens fearing the
danger of a successful resistance to the majesty of the law, began to talk of
the insecurity of these exiles. The fugitives themselves, whose fiiith and
hope had been buoyed up by the promises held up to them of ])rotection,
began to be apprehensive of danger, and talked of leaving, while otliers,
more bold, were ready to set the dangers that surrounded them at defuince,
and if necessary, die in the defence of their freedom and the homes they had
acquired.
At this juncture private meetings were held by the colored people, and
the discussions and resolves bore a peculiar resemblance in sentiment and
expression to the patriotic outbursts of the American revolution.
Some were in favor, if again attacked, of killing and slaying all within
their reach ; of setting their own houses on fire, and then going and burning
the town. It was the old spirit which animated the Russians at Moscow,
and the blacks of Hayti. At this point my self-interest mingled with my
sense of humanity, and I felt that I occupied a more responsil>le position
I than I shall ever attain to again. I, therefore, determined to make the most
of it. I exhorted them to peace and patience under their present difficulties,
and for their own sakes as well as the innocent sufferers, besought them to
leave as early as they could. If I had advocated a different course I
could have caused the burning of the town. The result of our meeting
produced a calm that lasted only for a few days, when it was ainiounced,
one evening, that the claimants of a Methodist preacher, by the name of
Dorsey, were in the borough, and that it was expected that they would
attempt to take him that night.
It was about nine o'clock in the evening when I went to his house, but
was refused admittance, until those inside ascertained who I was. There
were several men iu the house all armed with deadly weapons, awaiting the
approach of the intruders. Had they come the whole party would have
been massacred. I advised Dorsey to leave, but he very pointedly refused,
saying he had been taken up once before alive, but never would be again.
The men told him to stand his ground, and they would stand by him and
defend him, they had lived together, and w^ould die together. I told them
that they knew the strength of the pro-slavery feeling that surrounded
them, and that they would be overpowered, and perhaps many lives lost,
which might be saved by his changing his place of residence. He said,
he had no money, and would rather die with his family, than be killed
on the road. I said, how much money do you want to start with, and we
will send you more if you need it. Here is one hundred dollai-s iu gold.
47
738 THE UNDERGROUXD RAIL ROAD.
*' That is not enough." " Will two hundred dollars do ?" " Yes." I .shall
l)ring it to you to-morrow. I got the money the next morning, and when I
came with it, he said, he could not leave unless his family was taken care
of. I told him I would furnish his family with provisions for the next six
months. Then he said he had two small houses, worth four hundred and
seventy-five dollars. My reply was that I will sell them for you, and give
the money to your family. He then gave me a power of attorney to do so,
and attended to all his affairs. He left the next day, being the Sabbath,
and has never returned since, although he has lived in the City of Boston
ever since, except about six months in Canada.
I wish to notice this case a little further, as the only one out of many to
which I will refer. About the year 1831 or 1832, Mr. Joseph Purvis, a
younger brother of Robert Purvis, about nineteen or twenty years of age,
was visiting Mr. Stephen Smith, of Columbia, and while there the claimants
of Dorsey came and secured him, and had proceeded about two miles with
him on the way to Lancaster. Young Purvis heard of it, and his natural
and instinctive love of freedom fired up his warm southern blood at the very
recital. He was one of nature's noblemen. Fierce, fiery, and impulsive, he
was as quick to decide as to perform. He demanded an immediate rescue.
Though he was advised of the danger of such an attempt, his spirit and
determination made him invincible. He proceeded to a place where some
colored men were working. With a firm and determined look, and a her-
culean shout, he called out to them, " To arms, to arms ! boys, we must
rescue this man ; I shall lead if you will follow." " We will," was the
immediate response. And they went and overtook them, and dispersed his
claimants. They brought Dorsey back in triumph to Columbia.
He then gave Dorsey his pistol, with the injunction that he should use it
and die in defence of his liberty rather than again be taken into bondage.
He promised he would. I found him with this pistol on his table, the night
I called on him, and I have every reason to believe that the promise gave
to Mr. Purvis was one of the chief causes of his obstinacy. The lesson be
had taught him had not only become incorporated in his nature, but had
become a part of his religion.
The history of this brave and noble effort of young Purvis, in rescuing
a fello\v-being from the jaws of Slavery has been handed down, in Columbia,
to a generation that was born since that event has transpired. He always
exhibited the same devotion and manly daring in the cause of the flying
bondman that inspired his youthful ardor in behalf of freedom. The youngest
of a family distinguished for their devotion to freedom, he was without
superiors in the trying hour of battle. Like John Brown, he often dis-
carded theories, but was eminently practical. He has passed to another
sphere. Peace to his ashes ! I honor his name as a hero, and friend of man.
I loved him for the noble characteristics of his nature, and above all for his
WILLIAM WHIPPLE. 739
noble daring in defense of the right. As a friend I admired him, and owe his
memory this tribute to departed worth.
At this point a conscientious regard for truth dictates that I should state
that my disposition to make a sacrifice for tlie removal of Dorsey and some
other leading spirits was aided by my own desire for self-preservation.
I knew that it had been asserted, far down in the slave region, that
Smith &, Whipper, the negro lumber merchants, were engaged in secretin*'-
fugitive slaves. And on two occasions attempts had been made to set fire to
their yard for the purpose of punisliing them for such illegal acts. And I
felt that if a collision took place, we should not only bo made to suffer the
penalty, but the most valuable property in the village be destroyed, besides
a prodigal waste of human life be the consequence. In such an event I felt
that I should not only lose all I had ever earned, but peril the hopes and
property of others, so that I would have freely given one thousand dollars
to have been insured against the consequences of such a riot. I then bor-
rowed fourteen hundred dollars on my own individual account, and assisted
many others to go to a laud where the virgin soil was not polluted by the
foot-prints of a slave.
The colored population of the Borough of Columbia, in 1850, was nine
hundred and forty-three, about one-fifth the \ylii)le population, and in five
years they were reduced to four hundred and eighty-seven by emigration to
Canada.
In the summer of 1853, I visited Canada for the purpose of ascertaining
the actual condition of many of those I had assisted in reaching a land of
freedom ; and I was much gratified to find them contented, prosperous, and
happy. I was induced by the prospects of the new emigrants to purchase
lands on the Sydenham River, with the intention of making it my future
home.
In the spring of 1861, when I was preparing to leave, the war broke out,
and with its progress I began to realize the prospect of a new civilization,
and, therefore, concluded to remain and share the fortunes of my hitherto
ill-fated country.
I will say in conclusion that it would have been fortunate for us if
Columbia, being a port of entry for flying fugitives, had been also the seat
of great capitalists and freedom-loving inhabitants; but such was not the
case. There was but little Anti-slavery sentiment among the whites, yet
there were many strong and valiant friends among them who contributed
freely; the colored population were too poor to render much aid, except in
feeding and secreting strangers. I was doing a prosperous business at that
time and felt it my duty to contribute liberally out of my earnings. Mu.-ii
as I loved Anti-slavery meetings I did not feel that I could afford to attend
tliem, as my immediate duty was to the flying fugitive.
Now, my fr'end, I have extended this letter far beyond the limits in-
/
740 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD.
tended, not with the expectation tliat it will be published, but for your
own private use to select any matter that you might desire to use in your
history. I have to regret that I am compelled to refer so often to my own
exertions.
I know that I speak witliin bounds when I say that directly and indirectly
from 1847 to 1860, I have contributed from my earnings one thousand dol-
lars annually, and for the five years during the war a like amount to put
down the rebellion.
Now the slaves are emancipated, and we are all enfranchised, after strug-
gling for existence, freedom and manhood — I feel thankful for having had
the glorious privilege of laboring with others for the redemption of my race
from oppression and thraldom ; and I would prefer to-day to be penniless in
the streets, rather than to have withheld a single hour's labor or a dollar
from the sacred cause of liberty, justice, and humanity.
I remain yours in the sacred cause of liberty and equality,
W3I. Whipper.
ISAAC T. HOPPER.
The distinctive characteristics of this individual were so admirably por-
trayed in the newspapers and other periodicals published at the time of his
death, that we shall make free use of them without hesitation. He was
distinguished from his early life by his devotion to the relief of tlie oppressed
colored race. He was an active member of the old Pennsylvania Abolition
Society, and labored zealously with Dr. Banjamin Rush, Dr. Rogers, Dr.
Wistar, and other distinguished philanthropists of the time. No mm at
that day, not even eminent judges and advocates, was better acquainted with
the intricacies of law questions connected with slavery. His accurate legal
knowledge, his natural acuteness, his ready tact in avoiding dangerous cor-
ners and slipping through unseen loop-holes, often gave him the victory in
cases that seemed hopeless to other minds. In many of these cases, physical
courage was needed as much as moral firmness ; and he possessed these
qualities in a very unusual degree.
Being for many years an inspector of the public prisons, his practical
sagacity and benevolence were used with marked results. His enlarged
sympathies had always embraced the criminal and the imprisoned, as well
as the oppressed ; and the last years of his life were especially devoted to the
improvement of prisons and prisoners. In this department of benevolence
he manifested the same zealous kindness and untiring diligence that had so
long been exerted for the colored people, for whose welfire he labored to
the end of his days.
He possessed a wonderful wisdom in furnishing relief to all who were m
difficulty and embarrassment. This caused a very extensive demand upon
ISAAC T. HOPPER. 74 1
his time and talents, which were rarely withheld when honestly sought, and
seldom applied in vain.
Mrs. Kirkland prepared, under the title of "The Helping Hand," a small
volume, for the beuefit of " The Home " for discharged female convicts,
containing a brief description of the institution, and a detail of facts ilhis-
trating the happy results of its operation. Its closing chapter is appropri-
ately devoted to the following well-deserved tribute to the vetonin
philanthropist, to whose zeal and discretion that and so many other similar
institutions owe their existence, or to a large degree their prosperity.
" Not to inform the public what it knows very wx'U already, nor to fore-
stall the volume now preparing by Mrs. Child, a kindred spirit, but to
gratify my own feelings, and to give grace and sanctity to this little book, I
wish to say a few words of Mr. Hopper, the devoted friend of the prisoner
as of the slave ; one whose long life, and whose last thoughts, were given to
the care and succor of human weakness, error, and suffering. To make
even the most unpretending book for the benefit of ' The Home,' without
bringing forward the name of Isaac T. Hopper, and recognizing the part
he took in its affiiirs, from the earliest moment of its existence until the close
of his life, would be an unpardonable omission. A few words must be said
where a volume would scarcely suffice.
" ^ The rich and the poor meet together, and the Lord is the Father of
them all,' might stand for the motto of Mr. Hopper's life. That the most
remote of these two classes stood on the same level of benevolent interest in
his mind, his whole career made obvious; he was the last man to represent
as naturally opposite those whom God has always, even to the end of tlie
world, made mutually dependent. He told the simple truth to each witli
equal frankness; helped both with equal readiness. The palace owed him
no more than the hovel suggested thoughts of superiority. Nothing human,
however grand, or however degraded, was a stranger to him. In the light
that came to him from heaven, all stood alike children of the Great Father ;
earthly distinction disappearing the moment the sinking soul or the suffer-
ing body was in question. No amount of depravity could extinguish his
liOj)e of reform ; no recurrence of ingratitude could paralyze his efforts.
Early and late, supported or unsupported, praised or ridiculed, he went for-
ward in the great work of relief, looking neither to the right hand, nor to
the left ; and when the object was accomplished, he shrank back into modest
obscurity, only to wait till a new necessity called for his reap])earance. Who
can number the poor, aching, conscious, despairing hearts that have felt new
life come to them from his kind words, his benignant smile, his helping
hand. If the record of his long life could be fully written, which it can
never be, since every day and all day, in company, in the family circle, with
children, with prisoners, with the insane, S'irtue went out of him' that no
human observation could measure or describe, what touching interest would
742 THE UXDERGROUXD BAIL BO AD.
he atlded to the history of our poor and vicious popuhition for moi'o than
lialf a century j)ast; what new honor and blessing would surround the ven-
erated name of our departed friend and leader!
" But he desired nothing of this. Without claiming for him a position
above humanity, which alone would account for a willingness to be wholly
unrecognized as a friend of the afflicted, it is not too much to say that no
man was ever less desirous of public praise or outward honor. He was
even unwilling that any care should be taken to preserve the remembrance
of his features, sweet and beautiful as they -svere, though lie was brought
reluctantly to yield to the anxious wish of his children and friends that tlie
coimtenance on which every eye loved to dwell, should not be wholly lost
when the grave should close above it. He loved to talk of interesting cases
of reform and recovery, both because those things occupied his mind, and
because every one loved to hear him; but the hearer who made these dis-
closures the occasion for unmeaning compliment, as if he fancied a craving
vanity to have prompted them, soon found himself rebuked by the straight-
forward and plain-spoken patriarch. Precious indeed were those seasons of
outpouring, when one interesting recital suggested another, till the listener
seemed to see the whole mystery of prison-life and obscure wretchedness
laid open before him with the distinctness of a picture. For, strange as it
may seem, our friend had under his plain garb — unchanged in form since
the days of Franklin, to go no further back — a fine dramatic talent, and
could not relate the humblest incident without giving it a picturesque or
dramatic .turn, speaking now for one character, now for another, with a
variety and discrimination very remarkable. This made his company
greatly sought, and as his strongly social nature readily res|X)nded, his
acquaintance was very large. To every one that knew him personally, I
can appeal for the truth and moderation of these views of his character aud
manners.
" A few biographical items will close what I venture to offer here.
" Isaac T. Hopper was born December 3, 1771, in the township of Dept-
fonl, Gloucester county, New Jersey, but spent a large portion of his life in
Philadelj)hia, where he served his apprenticeship to the humble calling of a
tnilor. But neither the necessity for constant occupation nor the temptations
of youthful gaiety, prevented his commencing, even then, the devotion of a
portion of his time, to the care of the poor and needy. He had scarcely
reached man's estate when we find iiira an active member of a benevolent
association, and his volume of notes of cases, plans and efforts, date back to
that early period. To that time also, we are to refer the beginning of his
warm Anti-slavery sentiment, a feeling so prominent and effective through-
out his life, and the source of some of his noblest efforts and sacrifices. For
many years he served as inspector of prisons in Philadelphia, and tiius, by
I'jng and constant practical observation, was accumulated that knowledge oi
ISAAC T. HOPPER. 743
the human heart in its darkest windings, tluit often astonished the objects
of liis care, when they thought tliey had been able cunningly to blind his
eyes to their real character and intentions. After his removal to New York,
and when the occasion for his personal labors in the cause of the slave had
in some measure, ceaged or slackened, he threw his whole heart into the
Prison Association, whose aims and plans of action were entirely in accord-
ance with his views, and indeed, in a great degree, based on his experience
and advice. The intent of the Prison Association is threefold : first to pro-
tect and defend those who ai'e arrested, and who, as is well known, often
sulfer greatly from want of honest and intelligent counsel ; secondly, to
attend to the treatment and instruction of convicts while in prison ; and
thirdly, on their discharge to render them such practical aid as shall enable
the repentant to return to society by means of the pursuit of some honest
calling. The latter branch occupied Mr. Hopper's time and attention, and he
devoted himself to it with an affectionate and religious earnestness that
ceased only with his life. No disposition was too perverse for his efforts at
reform ; no heart was so black that he did not at least try the balm of heal-
ing upon it ; no relapses could tire out his patience, which, without weak
waste of means still apostolically went on * hoping all things,' while even a
dying spark of good feeling remained.
Up to February last did this venerable saint continue his abundant
labors; when a severe cold, co-operating with the decay of nature, brouglit
him his sentence of dismissal. He felt that it was on the way, and witii the
serious grace that marked everything he did, he began at once to gatlier his
earthly robes about him and prepare for the great change whic;h no one
could dread less. It was hard for those who saw his ruddy cheek and
sparkling eye, his soft brown hair, and sprightly movements to feel that the
time of his departure was drawing nigh : but he knew and felt it, with more
composure than his friends could summon. It might well be said of this
our beloved patriarch, that his eye was not dim, nor his natural force abated.
To the last of his daily journeyings through the city, for which he generally
used the rail road, he would never allow the drivers to stop for him to get
on or off the car, feeling, as he used smilingly to observe, ' very jealous on
-that point.' Few ever passed him in the street without asking who lie was;
for not only did his primitive dress, his broad-brimmed hat, and his antique
shoe buckles attract attention, but the beauty and benevolence of his face was
sure to fix the eye of ordinary discernment. He was a living temi)erance
lecture, and those who desire to preserve good looks could not ask a more
infallible receipt, than that sweet temjier and out-flowing benevolence which
made his countenance please every eye. Gay and cheerful as a boy, he had
ever some pleasant anecdote or amusing turn to relate, and in all ]ierhaps
not one without a moral bearing, not thrust forward, bnt left to be picked
out by the hearer at his leisure. He seemed born to show how great strict-
744 ^^^^' UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD.
ness in essentials could exist without the least asceticism in trifles. Anything
but a Simeon Stylites in his sainthood, he could *go among ' publicans and
sinners ' without the least fear of being mistaken by them for one of them-
selves. An influence radiated from him that made itself felt in every com-
pany, though he would very likely be the most modest man present. More
gentlemanly manners and address no court in Christendom need require ; his
resolute simplicity and candor, always under the guidance of a delicate taste,
never for a moment degenerated into coarseness or disregard even of the
prejudices of others. His life, even in these minute particulars, showed how
the whole man is harmonized by the sense of being
'Ever in the Great Taskmaster's eye.'
" Ho died on the 7th of May, 1852, in his eighty-first year, and a public
funeral in the Tabernacle brought together thousands desirous of showing
respect to his memory."
Mrs. Child has written a full, and in many respects, an exceedingly in-
teresting biography of the subject of this memoir, towards the close of which
she says :
"From the numerous notices in papers of all parties and sects, I will
merely quote the following. ' The New York Observer ' thus announces his
death :
" ' The venerable Isaac T. Hopper, whose 'placid, benevolent face has so
long irradiated almost every public meeting for doing good, and whose name,
influence, and labors, have been devoted with an apostolic simplicity and
constancy to humanity, died on Friday last, at an advanced age. He was a
Quaker of that early sort illustrated by such philanthropists as Anthony
Benezet, Thomas Clarkson, Mrs. Fry, and the like.
" 'He was a most self-denying, ])atient, loving friend of the poor, and the
suffering of every kind; and his life was an unbroken history of beneficence.
Thousands of hearts will feel a touch of grief at the news of his death; for
few men have so large a wealth in the blessings of the poor, and the grateful
remembrance of kindness and benevolence, as he.'
" ' The New York Times ' contained the following :
" ' Most of our readers will call to mind, in connection with the name of
Isaac T. Hopper, the compact, well-knit figure of a Quaker gentleman,
apparently about sixty years of age, dressed in drab or brown clothes of the
plainest cut, and bearing on his handsome, manly face the impress of that
benevolence with which his whole heart was filled.
"'He was twenty years older than he seemed. The fountain of benevo-
lence within freshened his old age with its continuous flow. The step of
the octogenarian was elastic as that of a boy, his form erect as a mountaui
pine.
" * His whole physique was a splendid sample of nature's handiwork. We
ISAAC 7! HOPPER. 745
see him now with our mind's eye, but with the eye of flesh we sliall see him
no more. Void of intentional oifence to God or man, his spirit has joined
its happy kindred in a worhl where there is neither sorrow nor perplexity.'
'' I sent the following communication to ' The New York Tribune ' :
" In this world of shadows, few things strengthen the soul like seeing the
calm and cheerful exit of a truly good man; and this has been my privilege
by the bedside of Isaac T. Hopper.
"He was a man of remarkable endowments, both of licad and heart. His
clear discrimination, his unconquerable will, his total unconsciousness of fear,
his extraordinary tact in circumventing plans he wished to frustrate, would
have made him illustrious as the general of an army ; and these qualities
might have become faults, if they had not been balanced by an unusual de-
gree of conscientiousness and benevolence. He battled courageously, not
from ambition, but from an inborn love of truth. He circumvented as
adroitly as the most practiced politician ; but it was always to defeat the
plans of those who oppressed God's poor; never to advance his own self-
interest.
" ' Few men have been more strongly attached to any religious society
than he was to the Society of Friends, which he joined in the days of its
purity, impelled by his own religious convictions. But when the time came
that he must either be faithless to duty in the cause of his enslaved brethren,
or part company with the Society to which he was bound by the strong and
sacred ties of early religious feeling, this sacrifice he also calmly laid on the
altar of humanity.
" ' During nine years that I lived in his household, my respect and affec-
tion for him continually increased. Never have I seen a man who so com-
pletely fulfilled the Scripture injunction, to forgive an erring brother, 'not
only seven times, but seventy times seven.' I have witnessed relapse after
relapse into vice, under circumstances which seemed like the most heartless
ingratitude to him ; but he joyfully hailed the first symptom of repentance,
and was always ready to grant a new probation.
" ' Farewell, thou brave and kind old Friend ! The prayers of ransomed
ones ascended to Heaven for thee, and a glorious company have welcomed
thee to the Eternal City.' "
746 THE UXDERGBOUXD RAIL ROAD.
SAMUEL D. BURRIS,
Referred to by John Hunn, was also a brave conductor on the Undcr-
gruund Rail Road leading down into Maryland (via Hunn's place). Mr.
Burris was a native of Delaware, but being a free man and possessing more
than usual intelligence, and withal an ardent love of liberty, he left "slavo-
doni " and moved with his family to Philadelphia. Here his abhorrence of
Slavery was greatly increased, especially after becoming acquainted with tiie
Anti-slavery Office and the Abolition doctrine. Under whose auspices or bv
what influence he was first induced to visit the South with a view of aiding
slaves to escape, the writer does not recollect; nevertheless, from personal
knowledge, prior to 1851, he well knew that Burris was an accredited agent
on the road above alluded to, and that he had been considered a safe, wise,
and useful man in his day and calling. Probably the simple conviction that
he would not otherwise be doing as he would be done by actuated him in
going down South occasionally to assist some of his suffering friends to get
the yokes off their necks, and with him escape to freedom. A number were
thus aided by Burris. But finally he found himself within the fatal *snare;
the slave-holders caught him at last, and Burris was made a prisoner in
Dover jail. His wife and children were thereby left without their protector
and head. The friends of the slave in Philadelphia and elsewhere deoj)ly
sympathized with him in this dreadful hour. Being able to use the
pen, although he could not write without having his letters inspected, he
kept up a constant correspondence with his friends both in Delaware and
Philadelphia. John Hunn and Thomas Garrett were as faithful to him as
brothers. After lying in prison for many months, his trial came on and
Slavery gained the victory. The court decided that he must be sold in or
out of the State to serve for seven years. No change, pardon or relief, could be
ex})ccted from the spirit and power that held sway over Delaware at that time.
The case was one of great interest to Mr. McKim, as indeed to the entire
Executive Committee of the Pennsylvania Anti-slavery Society, who felt
constrained to do all they could to save the poor man from his threatened fate,
although they had not advised or encouraged him in the act for which he was
condemned and about to suffer. In viewing his condition, but a faint ray of
hope was entertained from one single direction. It was this: to raise money
privately and have a man at the auction on the day of sale to ])urchase him.
John Hunt! and Thomas Garrett were too well known as Abolitionists to
undertake this mission. A friend indeed, was desirable, but none other
would do than such an one as would not be suspected. Mr. McKim thought
that a man who might be taken for a negro trader would be the right kind
of a man to send on this errand. Garrett and Hunn being consulted
heartily acquiesced in this plan, and after much reflection and inquiry, Isaac
S. Flint, an uncompromising abolitionist, living in Wilmington, Delaware,
SAMUEL D. BUREIS. 747
was elected to buy Burris at the sale, providing that he was not run up to a
fiirure exceedino- the amount in hand.
Flint's abhorrence of Slavery conibinorl with his fearlessness, cool bnarisiir
and perfect knowledge from what ho had read of the usa"-es of traders wt
slave sales, without question admirably fitted him to play the part ol" a
trader for the time being.
When the hour arrived, the doomed man was placed on the auction-bloclc.
Two traders from Baltimore were known to be present; how many others the
friends of Burris knew not. The usual opportunity was given to traders
and speculators to thoroughly examine the property on the block, and nu>4
skillfully was Burris examined from the soles of his feot to the crown of hi.s
head ; legs, arms and body, being handled as horse-jockies treat horses.
Flint watched the ways of the traders and followed for effect their example.
The auctioneer began and soon had a bid of five hundred dollars. A Baltimore
trader was now in the lead, when Flint, if we mistake not, bought off the
trader for one hundred dollars. The bids were thus suddenly checked, and
Burris was knocked down to Isaac S. Flint (a strange trader). Of course he
had left his abolition name at home and had adopted one suited to the occa-
sion. When the crier's hammer indicated the last bid, although liurris had
borne up heroically throughout the trying ordeal, he was not by any means
aware of the fact that he had fallen into the hands of friends, but, on the
contrary, evidently labored under the impression that his freedom was gone.
But a few moments were allowed to pass ere Flint had the bill of sale for
his property, and the joyful news was whispered in the ear of Burris that all
was right ; that he had been bought with abolition gold to save him from
going south. Once more Burris found himself in Philadelphia with his
wife and children and friends, a stronger opponent than ever of Slavery.
Having thus escaped by the skin of his teeth, he never again ventured South.
After remaining a year or two in Philadelphia, about the year 1852 he
went to California to seek more lucrative employment than he had hitherto
found. Becoming somewhat satisfactorily situated he sent for his family,
who joined him. In the meanwhile, his interest in the cause of freedom
did not falter ; he always kept posted on the subject of the Underground
Eail Road and Anti-slavery questions; and after the war, when appeals
were made on behalf of contrabands who flocked into Washington daily in
a state of utter destitution, Burris was among the first to present the matter
"to the colored churches of San Francisco, with a view of raising means to
aid in this good work, and as the result, a handsome collection was taken
up and forwarded to the proper committee ih Washington.
About three years ago, Samuel D. BuTris died, in the city of San Fran-
cisco, at about the age of sixty years. To the slave he had been a true
friend, and had labored faithfully for the improvement of his own mind as
well as the general elevation of his race.
748 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD.
MARIAXX, GRACE ANNA, AND ELIZABETH R. LEWIS.
Near Kimberton, in Cliester county, Pa., was the birth-place, and, till
within a few years, the home of three sisters, Mariann, Grace Anna and
Elizabeth R. Lewis, who were among the most faithful, devoted, and quietly
efficient workers in the Anti-slavery cause, including that department of it
which is the subject of this volume.
Birth-right members of the Society of Friends, they were born into more
than the traditional Anti-slavery faith and feeling of that Society. A deep
abhorrence of slavery, and an earnest will to put that feeling into act, as op-
portunitv should serve, were in the very life-blood which they drew from
father and mother both.
Left fatherless at an early age, they were taught by their mother to re-
member that their father, on his visits to their maternal grandfather, living
then in Maryland, was wont, as he expressed it, to feel the black shadow of
slavery over his spirit, from the time he entered, till he left, the State ; and
that, on his death-bed, he had regretted having let ill-health prevent his
meeting with, and joining one of the Anti-slavery Societies of that day. Of
the mother's share in the transmission of their hereditary feeling, it jis
enough, to all acquainted with the history of Anti-slavery work in Pennsyl-
vania, to say that she was sister, not by blood alone, but in heart and soul,
to that early, active, untiring abolitionist. Dr. Bartholomew Fussell.
It is easy to see that the children of such parents, growing up under the
influence of such a mother, needed no conversion, no sacrifices of prejudice
or hostile opinions, to make them Anti-slavery ; but were ready, simply as
a matter of course, to work for the good cause whenever any way apjieared
in which their work could serve it. What was called " modern abolition-
ism," as distinguished from the less aggressive form of opposition to slavery,
which preceded the movement pioneered by Garrison, they at once accepted,
as soon as it was set before them, through the agents of the American Anti-
Slavery»Society, in the campaign in Pennsylvania, begun in 1836. Regard-
ing it but as the next step forward in the way they had already entered,
they instinctively fell into line with the new movement, assisted in forming
a society auxiliary to it, in their own neighborhood, and were constant
to the end in working for its advancement.
Auxiliary to the influences already mentioned, was a very early recollection
of seeing a colored man, Henry, bound with ropes and carried off to slavery.
Grace Anna, not more than four or five years old at the time, declared that
the man's face of agony is before her now ; nor is it likely that her sisters
were impressed less deeply. Of natures keenly sensitive, they hated slavery,
from that hour, as only children of such natures can ; and — as yet too young
and immature for that charily to have been developed in them, which can
\
fJKAOE ANNK LEWIS.
Seu 11. 74.S.
MKS. FRANCl.S K. W. liAIU'KR.
Saa p. 7o$.
JOHN NKKDLKS
EARNEST IN THE CAUSE.
MARIANN, GRACE A., AND ELIZABETH E. LEWIS. 749
see a brother even in the evil-doer, and pity while condemning Jiim, they
even more intensely hated, while they feared, the actors in the oiitrao;o, and
despised the girl who had betrayed the victim. Ever after, any one of thcin
conld be trusted to be fliithful to the hunted fugitive, though tin army of kid-
nappers might surround her.
Another of their early recollections was of a white handkerchief which was
to be waved from a back window, as a signal of danger, to a colored man at
work in a wood near by. And, all tlie while, the feelings aroused by such
events were kept alive by little Anti-slavery poems, which they were wont to
learn by heart and recite in the evenings. Grace Anna, on her first visit to
Philadelphia, when nine years old, bought a copy of one of these, entitled
"Zambo's Story," pleased to recognize in it a favorite of her still earlier
childhood.
By means like these they were unconsciously preparing themselves for
the predestined tasks of their after-life ; and if there were danger that such
a strain upon their sympatliies, as they often underwent, might prove un-
healthful, it was fully counteracted by ball-playing, and all kinds of active
out-door amusements of childhood, so that it was never known to result in
harm.
'As time passed on, their home, always open to fugitives, became an im-
portant centre of Underground Rail Road operations for the region extending
from Wilmington, Del., into Adams cou^ity. Pa.; and they, grown to woman-
hood, had glided into the management of its very considerable business.
They received passengers from Thomas Garrett, and sometimes others, per-
haps, of Wilmington, when it was thought unsafe to send them thence directly
through Philadelphia; from Wm. and Phebe Wright, in Adams county, and
from friends, more than we have room to name, in York, Columbia, and the
southeun parts of Lancaster and Chester counties ; the several lines, from
Adams county to Wilmington, converging upon the house of John Vickers,
of Lionville, whose wagon, laden apparently with innocent-looking earthen
ware from his pottery, sometimes conveyed, unseen beneath the visible load,
a precious burden of Southern chattels, on their way to manhood.
[At a later period, the trains from Adams county generally took another
course, going to Harrisburg, and on to Canada, by way of the Susciuehanna
Valley ; though still, when pursuit that way was apprehended, the former
course was taken.]
••/These passengers, the Lewises forwarded in diverse ways ; usually, in the
earlier times, by wagon or carriage, to Richard Moore, of Qnakertown, in
Bucks county, about thirty miles distant; but later, when abolitionists were
more numerous, and easier stages could be safely made, either diroctly to
the writer, or to one or other of ten or twelve stations which had become
established at places less remote, in the counties of Chester and ^^ontgonlery.
During portions of the time, their married sister Rebecca, and her husband,
750 THE UXDERGROUXD RAILROAD.
E'.lwiu Fussel!, mici their uncle, Dr. B. Fussell, uaJ, after h\n\, his brother
William, lived on farms adjoining theirs, and were their active helpers in this
work.
The receiving and passing on of fugitives, was not all they had to do.
Often it was necessary to fit out whole families with clothing suitable for the
journey. In cases of emergency they would sometimes gather a sewing-
circle from such neighboring families as could be trusted; and, with its
help, accomplish rapidly the needed work. One instance is remembered,
of a woman, with her little boy, whom they put into girls' attire; and,
changing also the woman's dress, sent botli, by cars, to Canada, accom-
panied by a friend. In this kind of work, too, they had generous aid from
friends at neighboring stations. From Lawrenceville and Limerick, and
Pottstown and Pughtown, came contributions of clothing; at one time a
supply which filled compactly three three-bushel bags, and of which a small
remainder, still on hand when slavery was abolished, was sent South to the
freed men.
The prudence, skill, and watchful care with which the business was eon-
ducted, are well attested by the fact that, so far as can be remembered, during
all the many years of their connection with the Underground Rail Road, not
a plan miscarried, and not a slave that reached their station was retaken ;
although amous; their neifrhbors there were bitter adversaries of the Anti-
slavery cause, eager to find occasion for hostile acts against any abolitionist;
and, at times, especially vindictive against the noble sisters, because of their
effective co-operation with other friends of Temperance, in preventing the
licensing of a liquor-selling tavern in the neighborhood. On one occasion,
when, within a week, they had passed on to freedom no less than forty
fugitives, eleven of whom had been in the house at once, they were amused
at hearing a remark by some of their pro-slavery neighbors, to the effect
that "there used to be a pretty brisk trade of running off niggers, but there
was not much of it done now."
Thougii parties of four, five or six sometimes arrived in ojien day, they
seldom scut any away till about nightfall or later, and, whenever the danger
was greater than usual, the coming was also at night. The fugitives, in
attempting to capture whom, Gorsuch was killed, near Christiana, were
brought to them at midnight, by Dr. Fussell ; and in this case such caution
was observed, that not even the hired girl knew of the presence of persons not
of the family.
For one reason or another, — perhaps to let a hot pursuit go by; perhaps
to allow opportunity for recovering from fatigue and recruiting exhausted
strength, or for earning means to pursue the journey by the common rail-
roads, — it was often thought advisable that passengers should remain
Avitli them for a considerable ]ieriod; and numbers of those were, at different
times, employed as laborers in some capacity. Grace Anna testifies that some
I
MAIIIAKN, GRACE A., AND ELIZABETH 7?. LEWIS. 7^1
of the best assistants they ever had in tlie house or on the farm, were these
escaped slaves; that in general they were thrifty and eeonoinical, one man, for
instance, who spent several years witli them, having accumulated five hninhvd
dollars before he went on to Canada; and another, enough to furnish an ^M
coat with a full set of buttons, each of which was a goKlen haif-eacle covered
with cloth, and firmly sewed on, besides an amj)]e supply of good clothiu"-
for himself and his wife; and that, almost without exception, they were
honest and loyal to their benefactors, and only too happy to find opportuni-
ties of showing their gratitude. One man sent back to the sisters a letter of
thanks, through a gentleman in England, whither he had gone. And once,
when Grace Anna was passing an elegant mansion in Philadelphia, a colored
woman rushed out upon her with such an impetuous demonstration of alfec-
tion, joy, and thankfulness — all thought of fitness of time and place s\vei)t
away by the swell of strong emotion — as might well have amused, or slightly
astonished, the passers in the street, who knew not that in her arms the wo-
man's child had died. But it is no marvel that to her the memory of that
poor runaway slave-woman's true affection is more than could have been the
warmest welcome from her educated and refined mistress.
One case, of which the sisters for a time had charge, seems worthv of a
somewhat more extended mention. In the fiill of 1855 a slave named John-
son, who, in fleeing from bondage, had come as fi,ir as "Wilmington, thinking
he saw his master on the train by which he was journeying northward,
sprang from the car and hurt his foot severely. The Ivennett abolitionists
having taken him in hand, and fearing that suspicious eyes were on him in
their region, felt it necessary to send him onward without waiting for his
wound to heal. He was therefore taken to the Lewises, suffering very much
m liis removal, and arriving in a condition which required the most assidu-
ous care. For more than four months he remained with them, patient and
gentle in his helplessness and suffering, and very thankful for the ministra-
tions of kindness he received. He was nursed as tenderly as if his own si>-
ters had attended him, instead of strangers, and was so carefully concealed
that the nearest neighbors knew not of his being with them. Their cousin,
Morris Fussell, who lived near, being a physician, they had not to depend
for even medical advice upon the outside world.
As the sufferer's wound, in natural course, became offensive, the care cf it
could not but have been disagreeable as well as toilsome; and the fecMe
health of one of the sisters at that time must have made heavier the burden
to be borne. But it was borne with a cheerful constancy. In a letter whicji
Grace Anna wrote after she had attended for some time in person to the pa-
tient, with the care and sympathy which his condition demanded, and begun
to feel her strength unequal to the task, in addition to her household duties,
she asked a friend in Philadelphia to procure for her a trusty colored woman
fit to be a helper in the work, offering higher wages than were common iu
752 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD.
that region for the services required, and adding that, indeed, they eould not
stand upon the amount of pay, but must have help, if it could be obtained,
though not in a condition to bear undue expenditure. But, she said, the
man " is unable to be removed ; and if he were not, I know of no place
where the charge would not be equally severe." So, in perfect keeping with
her character, she just quietly regarded it as a matter of course that it should
still continue where it was. And there it did continue until spring, when the
man, now able to bear removal, was conveyed to the writer, and, after a
time, went thence to Boston. There his foot, pronounced incurable, was
amputated, and the abolitionists supplied him with a wooden limb. He
then returned and spent another winter with the Lewises, assisting in the
household work, and rendering services invaluable at a time when it was al-
most impossible to obtain female help. The next spring, hoping vainly to
recover in a warmer climate from the disease induced by the drain his
wounded foot had made upon his system, he went to Hayti, and there died ;
happy, we may well believe, to have escaped from slavery, though only to
have won scarely two years of freedom as an invalid and a cripple.
The sisters were so thoroughly united in their work, as well as in all the
experiences of life, that this brief sketch has not attempted what indeed it
could not have achieved — a separation of their spheres of beneficent activity.
Yet they had each her individual traits and adaptations to their common
task; " diversities of gifts, but the same spirit." Elizabeth, although for
many years shut out by feeble health from any part requiring much bodily
exertion, was ever a wise counsellor, as well as ready with such help as her
state of health would warrant. Though weak in body, in spirit she was
strong and calm and self-reliant, with a clear, discriminating intellect, a keen
sense of right, and a certain solidity and balanced symmetry of the spiritual
nature which made her an appreciable power wherever she was known. Of
Mariann, Grace Anna says, that if a flash of inspiration was required, it usu-
ally came from her. Taught by her love for others, and by a sensitiveness
almost preternaturally quick, "she always knew exactly the right thing to
do," and put all the poetry of a nature exquisitely fine into her efiPorts to
diffuse around her purity and peace and happiness. Her constant, utterly
unselfish endeavors to this end contributed in ample measure to the blessed-
ness of a delightful home, rich in the virtues, charities and graces which
make home blessed. Veiled by her modest and retiring disposition, to few
beyond the circle of her home were known the beauty and beneficence of her
noiseless life ; but those who did look in upon it testified her worth in terms
so strong as showed how deeply it impressed them. "Just the best woman
I ever knew," said a young man for whom she had long cared like a mother.
" I cannot remember," said another, " ever hearing from her one ungentle
word ;" and it may be safely doubted whether she was ever heard to utter
such. And one who "knew her every mood" cannot recall an instance of
CUNNINGHAM'S RACHE. 753
selfishness In her, even when a child. " The most womanly woman I ever
knew," declared a friend long closely intimate with her, "ami siicii as would
have been adored, if found by any man worthy of her."
The ideal element in her was chastened by sound sense and blended with
a quick sagacity ; but her shrinking sensitiveness, too keen to be quite healthy,
and an extreme of self-forgetfulness, amounting possibly to a defect in one
sojourning amid this world's diverse dispositions and experiences, rendered
her, on the whole, less balanced and complete than her younger sisters, and
not well fitted for rough encounter with life's trials. So it' became Grace
Anna's province, especially after their mother's death, to stand a shelter be-
tween her and whatever would unpleasantly affect her by its contact ; to be
in some sort as a brother to her, seeing there M'as no brother in the house.
But from this it must not be inferred that Grace Anna is less gifted with the
distinctive qualities of her sex. For the native fineness of her sj)iritual tex-
ture, her gentle dignity and feminine delicacy and grace, mark her as "every
inch" a true and noble woman. In her combine in happy union the calm
strength of soul and self-reliance of her younger, with the poetic ideality and
a just degree of the quick sensibility of her elder sister, with better health
than either, making her foremost of the three in that executive efficiency
which did so much to give their plans the uniform success already mentioned.
Kindness and warm affection, clearness of moral vision, and purity of heart,
with a lively relish for quiet intellectual pleasures, for society and books
adapted to refine, improve and elevate, were among the characteristics com-
mon to them all.
Mariann and Elizabeth, having lived to see the triumph of the Right, in
the Presidential Proclamation of Freedom to the slaves, have gone from
their earthly labors to their heavenly rest; which, we may well believe, is
that whereof the poet speaks :
"Eest in harmonious action like the stars,
Doing the deeds which make heaven musical,
The earth a heaven, and brothers of us all."
Grace Anna still continues here, working for human welfare in such fields
as still demand the laborer's toil; and finding mental profit and delight in
the pursuit of natural science.
CUNNINGHAM'S RACHE.
BY MISS GRACE A. LEWIS.
Among the many fugitives whose stories were full of interest, was that of
a woman named Rachel. She was tall, muscular, slight, with an extremely
sensitive nervous organization, a brain of large size, and an expression of
remarkable stigacity and quickness. She was living in West Chester,
Ohester county, Pa., when attempts were made to retake her to Slavery.
48
I
754 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD.
With wonderful swiftness and adroitness she eluded pursuit, and was soon
hurried away. Speedily reaching our house, she hid herself away during
the day, and in the evening, as a place of greater safety, she was transferred
to the house of our uncle. Dr. Fusscll, then residing on an adjoining farm.
As was his wont, this kind-hearted man soon entered into a conversation
with her, and in a few minutes discovered that she had once been a pupil of
his during his residence in Maryland many years before.
At the moment of recognition she sprang up, overwhelming him with her
manifestations of delight, crying : " You Dr. Fussell ? You Dr. Fussell ?
Don't you remember me? I'm Rache — Cunningham's Rache, down at Bush
River Neck." Then receding to view him better, "Lord bless de child!
how he is grown !"
Her tongue once loosened, she poured forth her whole history, expressing
in every lineament her concentrated abhorrence of her libertine master,
" Mort Cunningham." Over that story, it is needful to pass lightly, simply
saying, she endured all outraged nature could endure and survive. For the
sake of humanity we may trust there were few such fiends even among
southern masters as this monster in human shape. Cunningham finally sold
her to go further South, with a master whose name cannot now be recalled.
This man was in ill health, and after a time he and his wife started north-
ward, bringing Rache with them. On the voyage the master grew worse,
and one night when he was about to die, a fearful storm arose, which Rache
devoutly believed was sent from Heaven. In describing this scene, she
impersonated her surroundings with wonderful vividness and marvollons
power. At one moment she was the howling wind; at another the tumul-
tuous sea — then the lurching ship — the bellowing cow frightened by the
storm — the devil, who came to carry away her master's soul, and finally the
weak, dying man, as he passed to eternity.
They proceeded on their voyage and landed at their place of destination.
Hache sees the cow snuffing the land breeze and darting off through the
crowd. The captain of the vessel points to the cow and motions her to
follow its example. She needs nothing more. Again she is acting — she is
now the cow ; but human caution, shrewdness, purpose, arc lent to animal
instinct. She looks around her with wary eye — scents the air — a flash, and
she is hidden from the crowd which you see around her — she is free!
Making her way northward, she finally arrived at the house of Emraer
Kimber, Kimbcrton, Chester county, Pa., and proving a remarkably ca})able
woman, she remained a considerable time in his family, as a cook. She
finally married, and settled in West Chester, where the pair prospered and
were soon surrounded by the comforts of a neat home. After several years
of peaceful life there, she was one day alarmed, not by the heirs of her dead '
master, but by the loathed "Mort Cunningham," who, without the shadow
of legal right, had come to carry her back to Slavery. Fear lent her wings.
FRANCES ELLEN WATKINS HARPER. 755
She darted into a hatter's shop and out through the back buildings, springing
over a dye kettle in her way, and cleared a board fence at a bound. On her
way to a place of safety she looked back to see, with keen enjoyment, *' Mort
Cunningham " falling backward from the fence she had leaped. Secure in
a garret, she looked down into the streets below, to see his vacant, dazed
look as he sought, unable to find her. Her rendering of the expression of his
face at this time, was irresistibly ludicrous, as was that of his whole bcarini--
while searching for her. "Mort Cunningham " did not get her, but whether
or not she ever returned to the enjoyment of her happy home, in West
Chester, we never knew, as this sudden flight was the last we ever hoard of
her. She was one of the most wide-awake of human beings, and the world
certainly lost in the uneducated slave, au actor of great dramatic power.
FRANCES ELLEN WATKINS HARPER.
The narratives and labors of eminent colored men such as Banneker,
Douglass, Brown, Garnet, and others, have been written and sketched very
fully for the public, and doubtless with advantage to the cause of freedom.
But there is not to be found in any written work portraying the Anti-Slavery
struggle, (except in the form of narratives,) as we are aware of, a sketch of
the labors of any eminent colored woman. We feel, therefore, not only
glad of the opportunity to present a sketch not merely of the leading colored
poet in the United States, but also of one of the most liberal contributors,
as well as one of the ablest advocates of the Underground Rail Road and
of the slave.
No extravagant praise of any kind, — only simple facts are needed t% por-
i tray the noble deeds of this faithful worker.
The want of space forbids more than a brief reference to her early life.
Frances Ellen Watkins Harper (Watkins being her maiden name) was
•born in the City of Baltimore in 1825, not of slave parentage, but sub-
^ jected of course to the oppressive influence which bond and free alike cn--
dured under slave laws. Since reaching her majority, in loojcing back, the
following sentences from her own pen express the loneliness of her
childhood days. " Have I yearned for a mother's love? The grave was
my robber. Before three years had scattered their blight around my path,
death had won my mother from me. Would the strong arm of a brotlicr
have been welcome? I was my mother's only child." Thus she fell into
the hands of an aunt, M'ho watched over her during these early helpless years.
Rev. William Watkins, an uncle, taught a school in Baltimore for free co-
lored children, to which she was sent until she was about tliirtoeii yonrs of
age. After this period, she was put out to work to earn her own living.
75o THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD.
She had many trials to endure which she would fain forget; but in the midst
of them all she had an ardent thirst for knowledge and a remarkable talent
for composition, as she evinced at the age of fourteen in an article which
attracted the attention of the lady in whose family she was employed, and
others. In this situation she was taught sewing, took care of the chil-
dren, &c.; and at the same time, through tlie kindness of her employer, her
greed for books was satisfied so far as was possible from occasional half-hours
of leisure. She was noted for her industry, rarely trifling away time as
most girls are wont to do in similar circumstances. Scarcely had she
reached her majority ere she had written a number of prose and poetic
pieces which were deemed of sufficient merit to publish in a small volume
called " Forest Leaves." Some of her productions found their way into
newspapers and attracted attention. The ability exhibited in some of
her j)roductions was so remarkable that some doubted and others denied
tiieir originality. Of this character w'e here copy an extract from one of
her early prose productions:
CHKISTIANITT.
"Christianity is a system claiming God for its author, and the welfare of man for its
object. It is a system so uniform, exalted and pure, that the loftiest intellects have ac-
knowledged its influence, and acquiesced in the justness of its claims. Genius has bent
from his erratic course to gather fire from her altars, and pathos from the agony of Geth-
semane and the sufferings of Calvary. Philosophy and science have paused amid their
speculative researches and wondrous revelations to gain wisdom from her teachings and
knowledge from her precepts. Poetry has culled her fairest flowers and wreathed her
softest to bind her Author's ' bleeding brow.' Music has strung her sweetest lyrps and
breathed her noblest strains to celebrate his fame ; whilst Learning has bent from her
lofty heights to bow at the lowly cross. The constant friend of man, she has stood by
him in his hour of greatest need. She has cheered the prisoner in his cell, and strength-
ened the martyr at the stake. She has nerved the frtul and shrinking heart of woman for
high affd holy deeds. The worn and weary have rested their fainting heads upon her
bosom, and gathered strength from her words and courage from her counsels. She has
been the staff of decrepit age and the joy of manhood in its strength. She has bent over
the form of lovely childhood, and suffered it to have a place in the Redeemer's arms. She
has stood by the bed of the dying, and unveiled the glories of eternal hfe, gilding the
darkness of the tomb with the glory of the resurrection,"
Her mind being of a strictly religious caste, the effusions from her pen all
savor of a highly moral and elevating tone.
About the year 1851 she left Baltimore to seek a home in a Free State,
and for a short time resided in Ohio, where she was engaged in teaching.
Contrary to her expectations, her adopted home and calling not proving
satisfu-tory, she left that State and came to Pcnn.^ylvania as a last resort, •
and again engaged in teaching at IJttle York. Here she not only had to
encounter the trouble of dealing with imruly children, she was sorely
oppressed with the thought of the condition of her people in Maryland.
Not unfrequently she gave utterance to such expressions as the following:
FMANCES ELLEN WATKINS HAItPER. 757
"Not that we have not a right to breathe the air as freely as anybody
else here (in Baltimore), but we are treated worse than aliens among a people
whose language we speak, whose religion we profess, and whose bl(juJ
flows and mingles in our veins. * * * Homeless in the land of our
birth and worse off than strangers in the home of our nativity." Duriii"-
her stay in York she had frequent opportunities of seeing passengers on the
Underground Rail Road. In one of her letters she tiius alluded to a travel-
er: "1 saw a passenger 'per the Underground Rail Road yesterday; did Jie
arrive safely? Notwithstanding that abomination of the nineteenth century
— the Fugitive Slave Law — meu still determine to be free. Notwithstand-
ing all the darkness in which they keep the slaves, it seems that somehow
light is dawning upon their minds. * * These poor fugitives arc a
property that can walk. Just to think that from the rainbow-crowned Ni-
agara to the swollen waters of the Mexican Gulf, from the restless nnn-mur
of the Atlantic to the ceaseless roar of the Pacific, the poor, half-starved, fly-
ing fugitive has no resting-place for the sole of his foot!"
Whilst hesitating whether or not it would be best to continue teaching,
she wrote to a friend for advice as follows: "What would you do if you
were in my place? W^ould you give up and go back and work at your
trade (dress-making)? There are no people that need all the benefiLs re-
sulting from a well-directed education more than we do. The condition
of our people, the wants of our children, and the welfare of our race
demand the aid of every helping hand, the God-s2)eed of every Christian
heart. It is a work of time, a labor of patience, to become an effective
school teacher; and it should be a work of love in which they who engage
should not abate heart or hope until it is done. And after all, it is one of
woman's most sacred rights to have the privilege of forming the symmetry
and rightly adjusting the mental balance of an immortal mind." "I have
written a lecture on education, and I am also writing a small book."
Thus, whilst filling her vocation as a teacher in Little York, was she
dee))ly engrossed in thought as to how she could best j)romote the welfare
of her race. But as she was devoted to the work in hand, she soon found
that fifty-three untrained little urchins overtaxed her naturally delicate
physical powers; it also happened just about this time that she was further
moved to enter the Anti-Slavery field as a lecturer substantially by the
following circumstance: About the ypar 1853, Maryland, her native State,
had enacted a law forbidding free people of color from the North from coming
into the State on pain of being imprisoned and sold into slavery. A free
man, who had unwittingly violated this infamous statute, had recently been
sold to Georgia, and had escaped thence by secreting himself behind the
wheel-house of a boat bound northward ; but before he reached the desired
haven, he was discovered and remanded to slavery. It was reported that
he died soon after from the effects of exposure and suffering. In a letter to
758 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD.
a friend referring to this outrage, Mrs. Harper thus wrote: "Upon that
grave I pledged myself to the Anti-Slavery cause."
Having thus decided, she wrote in a subsequent letter, "It may be that
God himself has written upon both my heart and brain a commission to use
time, talent and energy in the cause of freedom." In this abiding faith she
came to Philadelphia, hoping that the way would open for usefulness,
and to publisli her little book (above referred to). She visited the Anti-
Slavery Office and read Anti-Slavery documents with great avidity; in the
mean time making her home at the station of the Underground Rail Road,
whei'e she frequently saw passengers and heard their melting tales of suffer-
ing and wrong, which intensely increased her sympathy in their behalf.
Although anxious to enter the Anti-Slavery field as a worker, her modesty
j)revented her from pressing her claims; consequently as she was but
little known, being a young and homeless maiden (an exile by law), no
especial encouragement was tendered her by Anti-Slavery friends in
Philadelphia.
During her stay in Philadelphia she published some verses entitled,
" Eliza Harris crossing the River on the Ice." It was deemed best to delay
the issuing of the book.
After spending some weeks in Philadelphia, she concluded to v^isit Boston.
Here she was treated with the kindness characteristic of the friends in the
Anti-Slavery Office whom she visited, but only made a brief stay, after
which she proceeded to New Bedford, the "hot-bed of the fugitives" in
Massachusetts, where by invitation she addressed a public meeting on the
subject of Education and the Elevation 'of the Colored Race.
The occasion and result of the commencement of her public career was
thus given by her own pen in a letter dated August, 1854 :
" Well, I am out lecturing, I have lectured every night this week ; besides addressed
a Sunday-school, and I shall speak, if nothing prevent, to-night. My lectures have met
wilh success. Last night I lectured in a white church in Providence. Mr. Gardener was
present, and made the estimate of about six hundred persons. Never, perhaps, was a
speaker, old or young, favored with a more attentive audience. * * * My voice is
not wanting in strength, as I am aware of, to reach pretty well over the house. The
church was the Roger Williams ; the pastor, a Mr. Furnell, who appeared to be a kind i
and Christian man. * * * My maiden lecture was Monday night in New Bedford on
the Elevation and Education of our People. Perhaps as intellectual a place as any I waa
ever at of its size."
Having thus won her way to a favorable position as a lectur(!i', the fol-
lowing month she was engaged by the State Anti-Slavery Society of !Maine,
with what success appears from one of her letters bearing date — Bucks-
town Centre, Sept. 28, 1854:
"The agent of the State Anti-Slavery Society of Maine travels with me, and she is a
pleasant, dear, sweet lady. I do like her so. We travel together, eat together, and sleep
FRANCES ELLEN WATKINS HARPER. 759
together. (She is a white woman.) In fact I have not been in one colored person's house
since I left Massachusetts; but I have a pleasant time. My life reminds me of a beauti-
ful dream. What a difference between this and York 1**1 have met with some of
the kindest treatment up here that I have ever received. * * I have lectured three
times this week. After I went from Limerick, I went to Springvale ; there I spoke on
Sunday night at an Anti-Slavery meeting. Some of the people are Anti-Slavery, Anti-
rum and Anti-Catholic ; and if you could see our Maine ladies,— some of them among the
noblest types of womanhood you have ever seen ! They are for putting men of Anti-Slavery
principles in office, * * to cleanse the corrupt fountains of our government by sending
men to Congress who will plead for our down-trodden and oppressed brethren, our crushed
and helpless sisters, whose tears and blood bedew our soil, whose chains are clanking 'neath
our proudest banners, whose cries and groans amid our loudest pseans rise."
Everywhere in this latitude doors opened before her, and her gifts were
universally recognized as a valuable acquisition to the cause. In the letter
above referred to she said : " I spoke in Boston on IMonday night. * * *
Well, I am but one, but can do something, and, God helping me, I will try.
Mr. Brister from Lowell addressed the meeting ; also Kev. . Howe.
We had a good demonstration."
Having read the narrative of Solomon Northrup (12 years a slave), she
•was led to embrace the Free Labor doctrine most thoroughly; and in a
letter dated at Temple, Maine, Oct. 20, 1854, after expressing the interest
she took in the annual meeting of the Anti-Slavery Society of that state,
she remarked :
"I spoke on Free Produce, and now by the way I believe in that kind of Abolition.
Oh, it does seem to strike at one of the principal roots of the matter, I have commenced
since I read Solomon Northrup. Oh, if Mts. Stowe has clothed American slavery in the
graceful garb of fiction, Solomon Northrup comes up from the dark habitation of Southern
cruelty where slavery fattens and feasts on human blood with such mournful revelations
that one might almost wish for the sake of humanity that the tales of horror which he re-
veals were not so. Oh, how can we pamper our appetites upon luxuries drawn from re-
luctant fingers? Oh, could slavery exist long if it did not sit on a commercial throne?
I have read somewhere, if I remember aright, of a Hindoo being loth to cut a tree be-
cause being a believer in the transmigration of souls, he thought the soul of his father had
passed into it. * * * Oh, friend, beneath the most delicate preparations of the cane
can you not see the stinging lash and clotted whip? I have reason to be thankful that
I am able to give a little more for a Free Labor dress, if it is coarser. I can thank God
that upon its warp and woof I see no stain of blood and tears ; that to procure a little
finer muslin for my limbs no crushed and broken heart went out in sighs, and that from
the field where it was raised went up no wild and startling cry unto the throne of God to
witness there in language deep and strong, that in demanding that cotton I was nerving
oppression's hand for deeds of guilt and crime. If the liberation of the slave demanded
it, I could consent to part with a portion of the blood from my own veins if that would do
him any good."
After having thus alluded to free labor, she gave a short journal of the
different places where she had recently lectured from the 5th of Sei)tembcr to
the 20th of October, which we mention here simply to show the per-
760 THE UNDERGROLND RAiL ROAD.
severance which characterized her as an advocate of her enslaved race, and
at the same time show how doors everywhere opened to her: Portland,
IVroumouth Centre, North Berwick, Limerick (two meetings), Springvale,
Portsmouth, Elliott, Waterborough (spoke four times), Lyman, Succaraj)po,
Moderation, Steep Falls (twice). North Buxton, Gorara, Gardner, Litchfield,
twice, Monmouth Ridge twice, Monmouth Centre three times, Litchfield sec-
ond time, AVest Waterville twice, Livermore Temple. Her ability and la-
bors were everywhere appreciated, and her meetings largely attended. In
a subsequent letter referring to the manner that she was received, she wrote,
" A short while ago when I was down this way I took breakfast with the
then Governor of Maine."
For a year and a half she continued in the Eastern States, speaking in most
or all of them with marked success; the papers meting out to her full com-
mendation for her efforts. The following extract clipped from the Portland
Daily Press, respecting a lecture that she was invited to deliver after the war
by the jNIayor (Mr. Washburne) and others, is a fair sample of notices from
this source :
" She spoke for nearly an hour and a half, her subject being * The Mission of the War,
and the Demands of the Colored Race in the Work of Reconstruction ;' and we have sel-
dom seen an audience more attentive, better pleased, or more enthusiastic. Mrs. Harper
has a splendid articulation, uses chaste, pure language, has a pleasant voice, and allows
no one to tire of hearing her. We shall attempt no abstract of her address; none that
we could make would do her justice. It was one of which any lecturer might feel proud,
and her reception by a Portland audience was all that could be desired. We have seen
no praises of her that were overdrawn. We have heard Miss Dickinson, and do not hesi-
tate to award the palm to her darker colored sister."
In 1856, desiring to see the fugitives in Canada, she visited the Upper
Province, and in a letter dated at Niagara Falls, Sept. 12th, she unfolded
her mind in the following language:
" Well, I have gazed for the first time upon Free Land, and, would you believe it, trars
sprang to my eyes, and I wept. Oh, it was a glorious sight to gaze for the first time on
a land where a poor slavp flying from our glorious land of liberty would in a moment find
his fetters broken, his shackles loosed, and whatever he was in the land of Washington,
• beneath the shadow of Bunker Hill Monument or even Plymouth Rock, here he becomes
a man and a brother. I have gazed on Harper's Ferry, or rather the rock at the Ferry ;
I have seen it towering up in simple grandeur, with the gentle Potomac gliding peacefully
at its feet, and felt that that was God's masonry, and my soul had expanded in gazing on
its sublimity. I have seen the ocean singing its wild chorus of sounding waves, and ec-
stacy has thrilled upon the living chords of my heart. I have since then seen the rainbow-
crowned Niagara chanting the choral hymn of Omnipotence, girdled with grandeur, and
robed with glory; but none of these things have melted me as the first sight of Free Land.
Towering mountains lifting their hoary summits to catch the first faint flush of day when
the sunbeams kiss the shadows from morning's drowsy face may expand and exalt your
soul. The first view of the ocean may fill you with strange delight. Niagara — the great,
the glorious Niagara — may hush your spirit with its ceaseless thunder ; iL may charm you
FRANCES ELLEN WATKINS HARPER. 7G1
with its robe of crested spray and rainbow crown; but the land of Freedom was a lesson
of deeper significance than foaming waves or towermg mounts."
While in Toronto she lectured, and was listened to with great interest-
but she made only a brief visit, thence returning to Philadelphia, her adopted
home.
With her newly acquired reputation as a lecturer, from 1856 to 1859 she
continued her labors in Pennsylvania, New Jersey, New York, Ohio, ttc.
In the meantime she often came in contact with Underground Kail lload
passengers, especially in Philadelphia. None sympathized with them more
sincerely or sliowed a greater willingness to render them material aid. She
contributed apparently with the same liberality as though tiicy were her
own near kin. Even when at a distance, so deep was her interest in the
success of the Road, she frequently made it her business to forward dona-
tions, and carefully inquire into the state of the treasury. The Chairman
of the Committee might pnblish -a volume of interesting letters from her
pen relating to the Underground Rail Road and kindred topics ; but a few
extracts must suffice. We here copy from a letter dated at Rushsylvania,
Ohio, Dec. I5th : " I send you to-day two dollars for the Underground
Rail Road. It is only a part of what I subscribed at your meeting. May
God speed the flight of the slave as he .speeds through our Republic to
gain his liberty in a monarchical land. I am still in the lecturing field,
though not very strong physically. * * * Send me word what I can
do for the fugitive."
From Tiffin, Ohio, March 31st, touching the news of a rescue in Phila-
delphia, she thus wrote :
" I see by the Cincinnati papers that you have had an attempted rescue and a failure.
That is sad ! Can you not give me the particulars ? and if there is anything that I can do
for them in money or words, call upon me. This is a common cause; and if there is any
burden to be borne in the Anti-Slavery cause — anything to be done to weaken our hateful
chains or assert our manhood and womanhood, I have a right to do my share of the work.
The humblest and feeblest of us can do something; and though I may be deficient in many
of the conventionalisms of city life, and be considered as a person ol good impulses, but un-
liuished, yet if there is common rough work to be done, call on me."
Mrs. Harper was not content to make speeches and receive plaudits, but
was ever willing to do the rough work and to givp material aitl wiicrcver
needed.
From another letter dated Lewis Centre, Ohio, we copy the following
characteristic extract :
" Yesterday I sent you thirty dollars. Take five of it for the rescuers (who were in
prison), and the rest pay away on the books. My offering is not large; but if you need
more, send me word. Also how comes on the Underground Rail Road? Do you need
anything for that? You have probably hejird of the shameful outrage of a colored man
or boy named Wagner, who was kidnapped in Ohio and carried across the river and sold
7G2 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD.
for a slave. * * * Ohio has become a kind of a negro hunting ground, a new Coi go's
coast and Guinea's shore. A man was kidnapped ahuost under the shadow of our capital.
Oil, was it not dreadful? * * * Oh, may the living God prepare me for an earnest
and faithful advocacy of the cause of justice and right!"
In those days the blows struck by the hero, John Brown, were agitating
the nation. Scarcely was it possible for a living soul to be more deeply
affected than this female advocate. Nor did her sympathies end in mere
words. She tendered material aid as well .as heartfelt commiseration.
To John Brown's wife * ghe sent through the writer the following letter :
LETTER TO JOHN BEOWN'S WIFE.
Farmer Centre, Ohio, Nov. 14th.
Mt dear Madam : — In an hour like this the common words of sympathy may seera
like idle words, and yet I want to say something to you, the noble wife of the hero of the
nineteenth century. Belonging to the race your dear husband reached forth his hand to
assist, I need not tell you that my sympathies are with you. I thank you for the brave
words you have spoken. A republic that produces such a wife and mother may hope for
better days. Our heart may grow more hopeful for humanity when it sees the subhme
sacrifice it is about to receive from his hands. Not in vain has your dear husband periled
all, if the martyrdom of one hero is worth more than the life of a million cowards. From
the prison comes forth a shout of triumph over that power whose ethics are robbery of
the feeble and oppression of the weak, the trophies of whose chivalry are a plundered cra-
dle and a scourged and bleeding woman. Dear sister, I thank you for the brave and no-
ble words that you have spoken. Enclosed I send you a few dollars as a token of my
gratitude, reverence and love.
Yours respectfully, Frances Ellen Watkins.
Post Office address : care of William Still, 107 Fifth St., Philadelphia, Penn.
May God, our own God, sustain you in the hour of trial. If there is one thing on earth
I can do for you or yours, let me be apprized. I am at your service.
Not forgetting Brown's comrades, who were then lying in prison under
sentence of death, true to tlie best impulses of her generous heart, she thus
wrote relative to these ill fated prisoners, from Montpelier, Dec. 12th:
" I thank you for complying with .my request. (She had previously ordered a box of
things to be forwarded to them.) And also that you wrote to them. You see Brown
towered up so bravely that these doomed and fated men may have been almost overlooked,
and just think that I am able to send one ray through the night around them. And as
their letters came too late to answer in time, I am better satisfied that you wrote. I hope
the things will reach them. Poor doomed and fated men! Why did you not send them
more things ? Please send me the bill of expense. * * Send me word what I can do
for the fugitives. Do you need any money ? Do I not owe you on the old bill (pledge)?
Look carefully and see if I Gave paid all. Along with this letter I send you one for Mr.
Stephens (one of Brown's men), and would ask you to send him a box of nice things every
week till he dies or is acquitted. I understand the balls have not been -extracted from him.
Has not this suffering been overshadowed by the' glory that gathered around the brave old
* Mrs. Il.arpcr passed two weeks with Mrs. Brown nl the house of the writer while she was await-
ing the execution of her husband, and symjiathized with her most deeply.
FBANCES ELLEN WATKINS HARPER. 7(33
man? * * * Spare no expense to make the last hours of his (Stephens') life as bri-ht
as possible with sympathy. * * * Now, my friend, fulfil this to the letter. Oh, is it
not a privilege, if you are sisterless and lonely, to be a sister to the human race, and to
place your heart where it may throb close to down-trodden humanity ?"
On another occasion in writing from tlie lecturing field hundreds of niilos
away from Philadelphia, the sympathy she felt for the fugitives found ex-
pression in the following language :
"How fared the girl who came robed in male attire? Do write me every time vou
write how many come to your house ; and, my dear friend, if you have that much in hand
of mine from my books, will you please pay the Vigilance Committee two or three dollars
fpr me to help carry on the glorious enterprise. Now, please do not write back that you
are not going to do any such thing. Let me explain a few matters to you. In the firit
place, I am able to give somethmg. In the second place, I am willing to do so. * * *
Oh, life is fading away, and we have but an hour of time! Should we not, therefore, en-
deavor to let its history gladden the earth? The nearer we ally ourselves to the wants
and woes of humanity in the spirit of Christ, the closer we get to the great heart of God ;
the nearer we stand by the beating of the pulse of universal love."
Doubtless it has not often been found necessary for persons desirous of
contributing to benevolent causes to first have to remove anticipated objec-
tions. Nevertheless in some cases it would seem necessary to admonish her
not to be quite so liberal ; to husband with a little more care her hurd-earned
income for a " rainy day," as her health was not strong.
" My health," she wrote. at that time, "is not very strong, and I may have to give up
before long. I may have to yield on account of my voice, which I thfnk, has become
somewhat affected. I might be so glad if it was only so that I could go home among my
own kindred and people, but slavery comes up like a dark shadow between me and the
home of my childhood. Well, perhaps it is my lot to die from home and be buried among
strangers ; and yet I do not regret that I have espoused this cause; perhaps 1 have been
of some service to the cause of human rights, and I hope the consciousness that I have
not lived in vain, will be a halo of peace around my dying bed; a heavenly sunshine light-
ing up the dark valley and shadow of death."
Notwithstanding this yearning for home, she was far from desiring at her
death, a burial in a Slave State, as the following clearly expressed views
show :
" I have Hved in the midst of oppression and wrong, and I am saddened by every
captured fugitive in the North ; a blow has been struck at my freedom, in every hunted
and down-trodden slave in the South ; North and South have both been guilty, and they
that sin must suffer."
Also, in harmony with the above sentiments, came a number of verses ap-
propriate to her desires in this respect, one of which we here give as a
sample :
" Make me a grave where'er you will.
In a lowly plain, or a lofty hill,
Make it among earth's humblest graves,
But not in a land where men are slaves."
764 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD.
In the Stole of Maine the papers bronglit to her notice the capture of
Margaret Garner, and the tragic and bloody deed connected therewith.
And she writes :
"Rome had her altars where the trembling critninal, and the worn and weary slave
might fly for an asylum — Judea her cities of refuge; but Ohio, with her Bibles and
churches, her baptisms and prayers, had not one temple so dedicated to human rights, one
altar so consecrated to human liberty, that trampled upon and down-trodden innocence
knew that it could find protection for a night, or shelter for a day."
In the fall of 1860, in the city of Cincinnati, Mrs. Harper was married to
Fenton Harper, a widower, and resident of Ohio. It seemed obvious that
this change would necessarily take her from the sphere of her former useful-
ness. The means she had saved from the sale of her books and from her
lectures, she invested in a small farm near Columbus, and in a short time
after her marriage slie entered upon house-keeping.
Xotwithstonding her family cares, consequent upon married life, she only
ceased from her literary and anti-slavery labors, when compelled to do so by
other duties.
On the 23d of May, 1864, death deprived her of her husband.
Whilst she could not give so much attention to writing as she could have
desired in her household days, she, nevertheless, did then produce some of
her best productions. Take the following for a sample, on the return
from Cleveland, Ohio, of a poor, ill-fated slave-girl, (under the Fugitive
Slave Law) : •
TO THE ITNIGN SAVERS OP CLEVELAND.
Men of Cleveland, had a vulture
Sought a timid dove for prey,
Would you not, with human pity,
Drive the gory bird away?
Had you seen a feeble lambkin,
Shrinking from a wolf so bold, .
Would ye not to shield the trembler,
In your arms have made its fold?
But when she, a hunted sister.
Stretched her hands that ye might save,
Colder far than Zembla's regions
Was the answer that ye gave.
On the Union's bloody altar,
Was your hapless victim laid ;
Mercy, truth and justice shuddered,
But your hands would give no aid.
And ye sent her back to torture,
Robbed of freedom and of right.
Thrust the wretched, captive stranger.
Back to slavery's gloomy night.
FRANCES ELLEN WATKINS HARPER. 7G5
Back where brutal men may trample,
On her honor and her fame ;
And unto her lips so dusky,
Press the cup of woe and shame.
There is blood upon your city,
Dark and dismal is the stain ;
And your handa would fail to cleanse it,
Though Lake Erie ye should dram.
There's a curse upon your Union,
Fearful sounds are in the air;
As if thunderbolts were framing,
Answers to the bondsman's prayer.
Ye may offer human victims,
Like the heathen priests of old;
And may barter manly honor
For the Union and for gold.
But ye can not stay the whirlwind,
When the storm begins to break;
And our God doth rise in judgment,
For the poor and needy's sake.
y
And, your sin -cursed, guilty Union,
Shall be shaken to its base,
Till ye learn that simple justice.
Is the right of every race.
Mrs. Harper took the deepest interest in the war, and looked witli extreme
anxiety for the results; and she never lost an opportunity to write, speak,
or serve the cause in any way that she tliought woidd hest promote the
freedom of the slave. On the proclamation of General Fremont, the
passages from her pen are worthy to be long remembered :
" Well, what think you of the war? To me one of the most interesting features is Fre-
mont's Proclamation freeing the slaves of the rebels. Is there no ray of hope in that? I
should not wonder if Edward M. Davis breathed that into his ear. His proclamation
looks like real earnestness ; no mincing the matter with the rebels. Death to the traitors
and contiscation of their slaves is no child's play. I hope that the boldness of his stand
will inspire others to look the real cause of the war in the face and inspire the government
with uncompromising earnestness to remove the festering curse. And yet I am not un-
easy about the result of this war. We may look upon it as God's controversy with the
nation; His arising to plead by fire and blood the cause of His poor and needy people.
Some time since Breckinridge, in writing to Sumner, asks, if I rightly remember. What is
the fate of a few negroes to me or mine? Bound up in one great bundle of humanity our
fates seem linked together, our destiny entwined with theirs, and our rights are interwo-
ven together."
Finally when the long-looked-for Emancipation Proclamation came, al-
though Mrs. Harper was not at that time very well, she accepted an invita-
76G THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD.
tion to afldress a public meeting in Columbus, Ohio, an allusion to which we
find in a letter dated at Grove City, O., which we copy with the feeling that
many who may read this volume will sympathize with every word uttered
relative to the Proclamation:
"I spoke in Columbus on the President's Proclamation. * * But was not such an
event worthy the awakening of every power — the congratulation of every faculty ? What
hath God wrought ! We may well exclaim how event after event has paved the way for
freedom. In the crucible of disaster and defeat God has stirred the nation, and permitted
no permanent victory to crown her banners v.'hile she kept her hand upon the trembling
slave and held him back from freedom. And even now the scale may still seem to oscil-
late between the contending parties, and some may say, Why does not God give us full
and quick victory ? My friend, do not despair if even deeper shadows gather around the
fate of the nation, that truth will not ultimately triumph, and the right be established
and vindicated; but the deadly gangrene has taken such deep and almost fatal hold upon
the nation that the very centres of its life seem to be involved in its eradication. Just
look, after all the trials deep and fiery through which the nation has waded, how mourn-
fully suggestive was the response the proclamation received from the democratic triumphs
which followed so close upon its footsteps. Well, thank God that the President did not
fail us, that the fierce rumbling of democratic thunder did not shake from his hand the
bolt he leveled against slavery. Oh, it would have been so sad if, after all the desolation
and carnage that have dyed our plains with blood and crimsoned our borders with war-
fare, the pale young corpses trodden down by the hoofs of war, the dim eyes that have
looked their last upon the loved and lost, had the arm of Executive power failed us in the
nation's fearful crisis! For how mournful it is when the unrighted wrongs and fearful
agonies of ages reach their culminating point, and events solemn, terrible and sublime
marshal themselves in dread array to mould the destiny of nations, the hands appointed
to hold the helm of affairs, instead of grasping the mighty occasions and stamping them
with the great seals of duty and right, permit them to float along the current of circum-
stances without comprehending the hour of visitation or the momentous day of opportuni-
ty. Yes, we may thank God that in the hour when the nation's life was convulsed, and
fearful gloom had shed its shadows over the land, the President reached out his hand
through the darkness to break the chains on which the rust of centuries had gathered.
Well, did you ever expect to see this day ? I know that all is not accomplished ; but we
may rejoice in what has been already wrought, — the wondrous change in so short a time.
Just a little while since the American flag to the flying bondman was an ensign of bond-
age; now it has become a symbol of protection and freedom. Once the slave was a de-
spised and trampled on pariah; now he has become a useful ally to the American govern-
ment. From the crimson sods of war springs the white flower of freedom, and songs of
deliverance mingle with the crash and roar of war. The shadow of the American array
becomes a covert for the slave, and beneath the American Eagle he grasps the key of know-
ledge and is lifted to a higher destiny."
This letter we had intended should complete the sketch of Mrs. Harper's
Anti-Slavery labors; but in turning to another epistle dated Boston, April
19th, on the Assassination of the President, we feel that a part of it is too
interesting to omit :
" Sorrow treads on the footsteps of the nation's joy. A few days since the telegraph
thrilled and throbbed with a nation's joy. To-day a nation sits down beneath the shadow
J I
FRANCES ELLEN WATKINS HARPER. 7^7
of its mournful grief Oh, what a terrible lesson does this event read to us ! A few years
since slavery tortured, burned, hung and outraged us, and the nation passed by and said,
they had nothing to do with slavery where it was, slavery would have something to do
with them where they were. Oh, how fearfully the judgments of Ichabod have pressed
upon the nation's life I Well, it may be in the providence of God this blow was needed
to intensify the nation's hatred of slavery, to show the utter fallacy of basing national re-
construction upon the votes of returned rebels, and rejecting loyal black men ; making
(after all the blood poured out like water, and wealth scattered like chaff) a return to the
old idea that a white rebel is better or of more account in the body politic than a loyal
black man. * * Moses, the meekest man on earth, led the children of Israel over the
Red Sea, but was not permitted to see them settled in Canaan, Mr. Lincoln has led up
through another Red Sea to the table land of triumphant victory, and God has seen fit to
summon for the new era another man. It is ours then to bow to the Chastener and let
our honored and loved chieftain go. Surely the everlasting arms that have hushed him
so strangely to sleep are able to guide the nation through its untrod future ; but in vain
should be this fearful baptism of blood if from the dark bosom of slavery springs such ter-
rible crimes. Let the whole nation resolve that the whole virus shall be eliminated from
its body ; that in the future slavery shall only be remembered as a thing of the past that
shall never have the faintest hope of a resurrection."
Up to this point, we have spoken of Mrs. Harper as a laborer, battling
for freedom under slavery and the war. She is equally earnest in laboring
for Equality before the law — education, and a higher manhood, especially
in the South, among the Freedraen.
For the best part of several years, since the war, she has traveled very
extensively through the Southern States, going on the plantations and
amongst the lowly, as well as to the cities and towns, addressing schools.
Churches, meetings in Court Houses, Legislative Plalls, &c., and, .sometimes,
under the most trying and hazardous circumstances; influenced in her
labor of love, wholly by the noble impuLses of her own heart, working her
way along unsustained by any Society. In this mission, she has come in
contact with all classes — the original slaveholders and the Freedmcn, before
and since the Fifteenth Amendment bill was enacted. Excepting two of
the Southern States (Texas and Arkan.sas), she has traveled largely overall
the others, and in no instance has she permitted herself, through fear, to dis-
appoint an audience, when engagements had been made for her to ,'^peak,
although frequently admonished that it would be dangerous to venture in
so doing.
We first quote from a letter dated Darlington, S. C, May 13, 18(37 :
" You will see by this that I am in the sunny South. * * * I here read and
see human nature under new lights and phases. I meet with a people eager to hear, ready
to listen, as if they felt that the slumber of the ages had been broken, and that they were
to sleep no more. * * * I am glad that the colored man gets his freedom and suffrage
together ; that he is not forced to go through the same condition of things here, that has
inclined him so much to apathy, isolation, and indiflerence, in the North. You, perhap.s,
wonder why I have been so slow in writing to you, but if you knew how busy I am, just
working up to or past the limit of my strength. Traveling, conversing, addressing day
and Sunday-schools (picking up scraps of information, takes up a large portion of my time),
768 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD.
besides -what I give to reading. For my andionces I have both white and colored. On the
cars, some find out that I am a lecturer, and then, again, I am drawn into conversation.
' What are you lecturing about?' the question comes up, and if I say, among other topics
politics, then I may look for an onset. There is a sensitiveness on this subject, a dread, it
may be, that some one will ' put the devil in the nigger's head/ or exert some influence in-
imi ;al to them ; still, I get along somewhat pleasantly. Last week I had a small congre-
gation of listeners in the cars, where I sat. I got in conversation with a former slave
dealer, and we had rather an exciting time. I was traveling alone, but it is not worth
while to show any signs of fear. * * * Last Saturday I spoke in Sumter ; a number
of white persons were present, and 1 had been invited to speak there by the Mayor and
editor of the paper. There had been some violence in the district, and some of my friends
did not wish me to go, but I had promised, and, of course, I went. * * * * I am in
Darlington, and spoke yesterday, but my congregation was so large, that I stood near the
door of the church, so that I might be heard both inside and out, for a large portion, per-
haps nearly half my congregation were on the outside ; and this, in Darlington, where, about
two years ago, a girl was hung for making a childish and indiscreet speech. Victory
was perched on our banners. Our army had been through, and this poor, ill-fated girl,
almost a child in years, about seventeen years of age, rejoiced over the event, and said
that she was going to marry a Yankee and set up housekeeping. She was reported as
having made an incendiary speech and arrested, cruelly scourged, and then brutally hung.
Poor child ! she had been a faithful servant — her master tried to save her, but the tide of
fury swept away his efforts. * * * Oh, friend, perhaps, sometimes your heart would
ache, if you were only here and heard of the wrongs and abuses to which these people
have been subjected. * * * Things, I believe, are a little more hopeful ; at least, I
believe, some of the colored people are getting better contracts, and, I understand, that
there's less murdering. While I am writing, a colored man stands here, with a tale of
wrong — he has worked a whole year, year before last, and now he has been put off with
fifteen bushels of corn and his food ; yesterday he went to see about getting his money, and
the person to whom he went, threatened to kick him off, and accused him of stealing. I
don't know how the colored man will vote, but perhaps many of them will be intimidated
at the polls."
From a letter dated Cheraw, June 17th, 18G7, the following remarks are
taken :
" Well, Carolina is an interesting place. There is not a state in the Union I prefer to
Carolina. Kinder, more hospitable, warmer-hearted people perhaps you will not find any-
where. I have been to Georgia ; but Carolina is my preference. * * The South is to
be a great theatre for the colored man's development and progress. There is brain-power
here. If any doubt it, let him come into our schools, or even converse with some of our
Freedmen either in their homes or by the way-side,"
A few days later she gave an account of a visit she liad just made in Flo-
rence, where our poor soldiers had been prisoners ; saw some of the huts where
they were exposed to rain and heat and cold with only the temporary slieltcr
they made for themselves, which was a sad sight. Then she visited the
grave-yards of some thousands of Union soldiers. Here in " eastern South
Carolina " she was in " one of the worst parts of the State " in the days of
Slavery ; but under the new order of things, in.stead of tlie lash, .she ,sa\v
.school books, and over tJie ruins of slavery, education and free speech spring-
ing u]), at which she was moved to exclaim, "Thank God for the wonderful
FRANCES ELLEN WATKINS HARPER. 7G9
change! I have lectured several ijights this M'eck, and the weather is quite
warm; but I do like South Carolina. No state in the Union as tar as co-
lored people are concerned, do I like better — the land of warm welcomes
and friendly hearts. God bless her and give her great peace !"
At a later period she visited Charleston and Columbia, and was well re-
ceived in both places. She spoke a number of times in the different Frced-
men schools and the colored churches in Charleston, once in the Legislative
Hall, and also in one of the colored churches in Columbia. She received
special encouragement and kindness from Hon. H. Cadoza, Secretary of
State, and his family, and regarded him as a wise and upriglit lender of his
race in that state.
The following are some stirring lines which she wrote upon the Fifteenth
Amendment :
FIFTEENTH AMENDMENT.
Beneath the burden of our joy
Tremble, wires, from East to West !
Fashion with words your tongues of fire,
To tell the nation's high behest.
Outstrip the winds, and leave behind
The murmur of the restless waves ;
Nor tarry with your glorious news,
Amid the ocean's coral caves.
Ring out ! ring out I your sweetest chimes,
Ye bells, that call to praise ;
Let every heart with gladness thrill,
And songs of joyful triumph raise.
Shake oflF the dust, rising race !
Crowned as a brother and a man ;
Justice to-day asserts her claim,
• And from thy brow fades out the ban.
With freedom's chrism upon thy head,
Her precious ensign in thy hand,
Go place thy once despised name
Amid the noblest of the land.
ransomed race ! give God the praise.
Who led thee through a crimson sea,
And 'mid the storm of fire and blood,
Turned out the war-cloud's light to thee.
Mrs. Harper, in writing from Kingstree, S. C, July 11th, 1867, in
midsummer (laboring almost without any pecuniary reward), gave an
account of a fearful catastrophe which had just occurred there in the
burning of the jail with a number of colored prisoners in it. " It was a very
sad affliir. There was only one white prisoner and he got out. I believe
49
770 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD.
there was some eflPort made to release some of the prisoners ; but the smoke
was such that the effort proved ineffectual. Well, for the credit of our com-
mon human nature we may hope that it was so. * * * Last night I
had some of the *rebs' to hear me (part of the time some of the white
folks come out). Our meetings are just as quiet' and as orderly on the whole
in Carolina as one might desire. * * I like General Sickles as a Mili-
tary Governor. 'Massa Daniel, he King of the Carolinas.' I like his Mas-
tership. Under him we ride in the City Cars, and get first-class passage on
the railroad." At this place a colored man was in prison under sentence of
death for " participating in a riot ;" and the next day (after the date of her
letter) was fixed for his execution. With some others, Mrs. Harper called
at General Sickles' Head Quarters, hoping to elicit his sympathies whereby
the poor fellow's life might be saved ; but he was not in. Hence they were
not able to do anything.
" Next week," continued Mrs. Harper, " I am to speak in a place where
one of our teachers was struck and a colored man shot, who, I believe, gave
offence by some words spoken at a public meeting. I do not feel any par-
ticular fear."
Her Philadelphia correspondent had jestingly suggested to her in one of
his letters, that she should be careful not to allow herself to be " bought by
the rebels." To which she replied :
" Now, in reference to being bought by rebels and becoming a Johnsonite I hold that
between the white people and the colored there 13 a community of interests, and the soon-
er they find it out, the better it will be for both parties; but that community of interests
does not consist in increasing the privileges of one class and curtailing the rights of the
other, but in getting every citizen interested in the welfare, progress and durability of the
state. I do not in lecturing confine myself to the political side of the question. While I
am in favor of Universal suffrage, yet I know that the colored man needs something more
than a vote in his hand : he needs to know the value of a home life ; to rightly appreciate
and value the marriage relation; to know how and to be incited to leave behind him the
old shards and shells of slavery and to rise in the scale of character, wealth and influenbe.
Like the Nautilus outgrowing his home to build for himself more ' stately temples ' of so-
cial condition. A man landless, ignorant and poor may use the vote against his interests;
but with intelligence and land he holds in his hand the basis of power and elements of
strength."
While contemplating the great demand for laborers, in a letter from Athens,
February 1st, 1870, after referring to some who had been " discouraged
from the field," she wisely added that it was "no time to be discouraged."
* * If those who can benefit our peo-
ple will hang around places where they are not needed, they may expect to be dis-
couraged. * * Here is ignorance to be instructed ; a race who needs to be helped up
to higher planes of thought and action ; and whether we are hindered or helped, we should
try to be true to the commission God has written upon our souls. As far as the colored
people are concerned, they are beginning to get homes for themselves and depositing
money in Bank. They have hundreds of homes in Kentucky. There is progress in
Tennessee, and even in this State while a number have been leaving, some who stay seem
to be getting along prosperously. In Augusta colored persons are m the Revenue Office
and Post Office. I have just been having some good meetings there. Some of ray meet-
FRANCES ELLEN WATKINS HARPER. 77 1
ings pay me poorly ; but I have a chance to instruct and visit among the people and tali;
to their Sunday-schools and day-schools also. Of course I do not pretend iliat all are
saving money or getting homes. I rather think from what I hear that the interest of
the grown-up people in getting education has somewhat subsided, owing, perhaps, in a
measure, to the novelty having worn oflf and the absorption or rather direction of the mind
to other matters. Still I don't think that I have visited scarcely a place since last Au"ust
where there was no desire for a teacher; and Mr. Fidler, who is a Captain or Colonel
thought some time since that there were more colored than white who were Icarnin" or
had learned to read. There has been quite an amount of violence and trouble in the State ■
but we have the military here, and if they can keep Georgia out of the Union about a
year or two longer, and the colored people continue to live as they have been doing, from
what I hear, perhaps these rebels will learn a little more sense. I have been in Atlanta
for some time, but did not stay until the Legislature was organized; but I was there
when colored members returned and took their seats. It was rather a stormy time in the
House; but no blood was shed. Since then there has been some 'sticking; ' but I don't
think any of the colored ones were in it."
In the neighborhood of Eufaula, Ala., in December, 1870, Mrs. Harper
did a good work, as may be seen from the following extract taken from a
letter, dated December 9th :
Last evening I visited one of the plantations, and had an interesting time. Oh, how
warm was the welcome ! I went out near dark, and between that time and attending my
lecture, I was out to supper in two homes. The people are living in the old cabins of
slavery; some of them have no windows, at all, that 1 see ; in fact, I don't remember of
having seen a pane of window-glass in the settlement. But, humble as their homes were,
I was kindly treated, and well received ; and what a chance one has for observation among
these people, if one takes with her a manner that unlocks other hearts. I. had quite a
little gathering, after less, perhaps, than a day's notice ; the minister did not know that 1
was coming, till he met me in the afternoon. There was no fire in the church, and so they
lit fires outside, and we gathered, or at least a number of us, around the fire. To-night I
am going over to Georgia to lecture. In consequence of the low price of cotton, the people
may not be able to pay much, and I am giving all my lectures free. You speak of things
looking dark in the South ; there is no trouble here that I know of — cotton is low, but the
people do not seem to be particularly depressed about it; this emigration question has been
on the carpet, and I do not wonder if some of them, with their limited knowledge, lose
hope in seeing full justice done to them, among their life-long oppressors ; Congress has
been agitating the St. Domingo question; a legitimate theme for discussion, and one that
comes nearer home, is how they can give more security and strength to the government
which we have established in the South — for there has been a miserable weakness in the
security to human life. The man with whom I stopped, had a son who married a wliite
woman, or girl, and was shot down, and there was, as I understand, no investigation by
the jury ; and a number of cases have occurred of murders, for which the punishment has
been very lax, or not at all, and, it may be, never will be ; however, I rather think things
are somewhat quieter. A few days ago a shameful outrage occurred at this place — some
men had been out fox hunting, and came to the door of a colored woman and demanded
entrance, making out they wanted fire ; she replied that she had none, and refused to open
the door; the miserable cowards broke open the door, and shamefully beat her. I am
going to see her this afternoon. It is remarkable, however, in spite of circumstances, how
some of these people are getting along. Here is. a woman who, with her husband, at the
surrender, had a single dollar ; and now they have a home of their own, and several acrr-H
attached — five altogether ; but, as that was rather small, her husband has contracted iV.r
two hundred and forty acres more, and has now gone out and commenced operations."
I IJ.
THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD.
From Columbiana, February 20th, she wrote concerning her work, and
presented the " lights and shades " of aflFairs as they came under her notice.
" I am almost constantly either traveling or speaking, I do not think that I have
missed more than one Sunday that I have not addressed some Sunday-school, and 1 have
not missed many day-schools either. And as I am giving all my lectures free the pro-
ceeds of the collections are not often very large ; still as ignorant as part of the people are
perhaps a number of them would not hear at all, and may be prejudice others if I charged
even ten cents, and so perhaps in the long run, even if my work is wearing, I may be of
some real benefit to my race. * * I don't know but that you would laugh
if you were to hear some of the remarks which my lectures call forth : ' She is a man,'
,again ' She is not colored, she is painted.' Both white and colored come. out to hear me,
and I have very fine meetings ; and then part of the time I am talking in between times,
and how tired I am some of the time. Still I am standing with my race on the thresh-
old of a new era, and though some be far past me in the learning of the schools, yet
to-day, with my limited and fragmentary knowledge, I may help the race forward a little.
Some of our people remind me of sheep without a shepherd."
PRIVATE LECTURES TO FREEDWOMEN.
Desiring to speak to women who have been the objects of so much wrong
and abuse under Slavery, and even since Emancipation, in a state of igno-
rance, not accessible always to those who would or could urge the proper
kind of education respecting their morals and general improvement, Mrs.
Harper has made it her business not to overlook this all important duty
to her poor sisters.
The following extract taken from a letter dated " Greenville, Georgia,
March 29th," will show what she was doing in this direction :
" But really my hands are almost constantly full of work ; sometimes I speak twice a
day. Part of my lectures are given privately to women, and for them I never make any
charge, or take up any collection. But this part of the country reminds me of heathen
ground, and though my work may not be recognized as part of it used to be in the North,
yet never perhaps were my services more needed ; and according to their intelligence and
means perhaps never better appreciated than here among these lowly people. I am now
going to have a private meeting with the women of this place if they will come out. I
am going to talk with them about their daughters, and about things connected with the
welfare of the race. Now is the time for our women to begin to try to lift up their
heads and plant the roots of progress nnder the hearthstone. Last night I spoke in a
school-house, where there was not, to my knowledge, a single window glass; to-day I
write to you in a lowly cabin, where the windows in the room are formed by two aper-
ttires in the wall. There is a wide-spread and almost universal appearance of poverty in
this State where I have been, but thus far I have seen no, or scarcely any, pauperism. I
am not sure that I have seen any. The climate is so fine, so little cold that poor people
can live off of less than they can in the North. Last night my table was [adorned with
rose<5. although I did not get one cent for my lecture. * * * *
"The political heavens are gettin? somewhat overcast. Some of this old rebel element,
I think, are in favor of taking away the colored man's vote, and if he loses it now it
mav be grenerations before he gets it again. Well, after all perhaps the colored man gen-
erally is not really developed enou^rh to value his vote and equality with other races, so
he gets enough to eat and drink, and be comfortable, perhaps the loss of his vote would
i
FRANCES ELLEN WATKINS HARPER. 773
not be a serious grievance to many ; but his children diilerently educated and trained by
circumstances might feel political inferiority rather a bitter cup."
" After all whether they encourage or discourage me, I belong to this race, and when it
is down I belong to a down race ; when it is up I belong to a risen race."
She writes thus from Montgomery, December 29th, 1870:
" Did you ever read a little poem commencing, I think, with these words :
A mother cried, Oh, give me joy,
For I have born a darling boy !
A darling boy ! why the world is full
Of the men who play at push and pull.
.Well, as full as the room was of beds and tenants, on the morning of the twenty-second,
there arose a wail upon the air, and this mundane sphere had another inhabitant, and my
room another occupant. I left after that, and when I came back the house was fuller than
it was before, and my hostess gave me to understand that she would rather I should be
somewhere else, and I left again. How did I fare? Well, I had been stopping with one
of our teachers and went back ; but the room in which I stopped was one of those southern
shells through which both light and cold enter at the same time ; it had one window and
perhaps more than half or one half the panes gone. I don't know that I was ever more
conquered by the cold than I had been at that house, and I have lived parts of winter
after winter amid the snows of New England ; but if it was cold out of doors, there was
warmth and light within doors ; but here, if you opened the door for light, the cold would
also enter, and so part of the time I sat by the fire, and that and the crevices in the house
supplied me with light in one room, and we had the deficient window-sash, or perhaps
it never had had any lights in it. You could put your finger through some of the aper-
tures in the house ; at least I could mine, and the water froze down to the bottom of the
tumbler. From another such domicile may kind fate save me. And then the man asked
me four dollars and a half a week board.
One of the nights there was no fire in the stove, and the next time we had fires, one
stove might have been a second-hand chamber stove. Now perhaps you think these peo-
ple very poor, but the man with whom J stopped has no family that 1 saw, but himself
and wife, and he would make two dollars and a half a day, and she worked out and kept
a boarder. And yet, except the beds and bed clothing, I wouldn't have given fifteen dol-
lars for all their house furniture. I should think that this has been one of the lowest
down States in the South, as far as civilization has been concerned. In the future, until
these people are educated, look out for Democratic victories, for here are two materials
with which Democracy can work, ignorance and poverty. Men talk about missionary
work among the heathen, but if any lover of Christ wants a field for civilizing work, here
is a field. Part of the time I am preaching against men ill-treating their wives. I have
heard though, that often during the war men hired out their wives and drew their pay.
**********
" And then there is another trouble, some of our Northern men have been down (his
way and by some means they have not made the best impression on every mind here.
One woman here has been expressing her mind very freely to me about some of our
Northerners, and we are not all considered here as saints and angels, and of course m
their minds I get associated with some or all the humbugs that have been before me.
But I am not discouraged, my race needs me, if I will only be faithful, and in spite of
suspicion and distrust, I will work on ; the deeper our degradation, the louder our call for
redemption. If they have little or no faith in goodness and earnestness, that is only one
reason why we should be more faithful and earnest, and so I shall probably stay here in
the Soutli all winter. I am not making much money, and perhaps will hardly clear ex-
774 TEE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD.
penses this winter; but after all what matters it when I am in my grave whether I have
been rich or poor, loved or hated, despised or respected, if Christ will only own me to His
Father, and I be permitted a place in one of the mansions of rest."
Col. J. W. Forney, editor of" The Press," published July 12, 1871, with
the brief editorial heading by his own hand, the document appended :
The following letter, written by Mrs. F. E. W. Harper, the well-known colored orator,
to a friend, Mr. Wm. Still, of Philadelphia, will be read with surprise and pleasure by all
classes ; especially supplemented as it is by an article from the Mobile (Alabama) Register,
referring to one of her addresses in that city. The Register is the organ of the fire-eaters
of the South, conducted by John Forsyth, heretofore one of the most intolerant of that
school. Mrs. Harper describes the manner in which the old plantation of Jefferson Davis
in Mississippi was cultivated by his brother's former slave, having been a guest in the
Davis mansion, now occupied by Mr. Montgomery, the aforesaid slave. She also draws
a graphic picture of her own marvellous advancement from utter obscurity to the plat-
form of a public lecturer, honored by her own race and applauded by their oppressors.
While we regret, as she says, that her experience and that of Mr. Montgomery is excep-
tional, it is easy to anticipate the harvest of such a sowing. The same culture — the same
courage on the part of the men and women who undertake to advocate Kepublican doc-
trines in the South — the same perseverance and intelligence on the part of those who are
earning their bread by the cultivation of the soil, will be crowned with the same success.
Violence, bloodshed, and murder cannot rule long in communities where these resistless
elements are allowed to work. No scene in the unparalleled tragedy of the rebellion, or
in ihe drama which succeeded that tragedy, can be compared to the picture outlined by
Mrs. Harper herself, and filled in by the ready pen of the rebel editor of the Mobile
Ret/isicr :
Mobile, July 5, 1871.
Mr Dear Friend : — It is said that truth is stranger than fiction; and if ten years since
some one had entered my humble log house and seen me kneading bread and making but-
ter, and said that in less than ten years you will be in the lecture field, you will be a wel-
come guest under the roof of the President of the Confederacy, though not by special invi-
tation from him, that you will see his brother's former slave a man of business and influ-
ence, that hundreds of colored men will congregate on the old baronial possessions, that a
school will spring up there like a well in the desert dust, that this former slave will be a
magistrate upon that plantation, that labor will be organized upon a new basis, and that
under the sole auspices and moulding hands of this man and his sons will be developed a
business whose transactions will be numbered in hundreds of thousands of dollars, would
you not have smiled incredulously ? And I have lived to see the day when the planta-
tion has passed into new hands, and these hands once wore the fetters of slavery. Mr.
Montgomery, the present proprietor by contract of between five and six thousand acres of
land, has one of the most interesting families that I have ever seen in the South. They
are building up a future which if exceptional now I hope will become more general here-
after. Every hand of his family is adding its quota to the success of this experiment of a
colored man both trading and farming on an extensive scale. Last year his wife took on
her hands about 130 acres of land, and with her force she raised about 107 bales of cotton.
She has a number of orphan children employed, and not only does she supervise their
labor, but she works herself. One daughter, an intelligent young lady, is postmistress
and I believe assistant book-keeper. One son attends to the planting interest, and
another daughter attends to one of the stores. The business of this firm of Montgomery
& ."^ons has amounted, I understand, to between three and four hundred thousand dollars
in a year. I stayed on the place several days and was hospitably entertained and kindly
FRANCES ELLEN WATKINS HARPER. 775
treated. When I come, if nothing prevents, I will tell you more about them. Now for
the next strange truth Enclosed 1 send you a notice from one of the leading and repre-
sentative papers of rebeldom. The editor has been, or is considered, one of the represen-
tative men of the South. I have given a lecture since this notice, which brought out
some of the most noted rebels, among whom was Admiral Serames. In my speech I re-
ferred to the Alabama sweeping away our comm -ce, and his son sat nnar liim and seemed
to receive it with much good humor. I don't know what the papers will say to-day ;
perhaps they will think that I dwelt upon the past too much. Oh, if you had seen the
rebs I had out last night, perhaps you would have felt a little nervous for me. However,
I lived through it, and gave them more gospel truth than perhaps some of them have
heard for some time.
A LECTtJEE.
We received a polite invitation from the trustees of the State-street African Methodist
Episcopal Zion Church to attend a lecture in that edifice on Thursday evening. Being
told that the discourse would be delivered by a female colored lecturer from Maryland,
curiosity, as well as an interest to see how the colored citizens were managing their own
institutions, led us at once to accept the invitation. We lound a very spacious church,
gas-light, and the balustrades of the galleries copiously hung with wreaths and festoons
of flowers, and a large audience of both sexes, which, both in appearance and behaviour,
was respectable and decorously observant of the proprieties of the place. The services
were opened, as usual, with prayer and a hymn, the latter inspired by powerful lungsi
and in which the musical ear at once caught the negro talent for melody. The lecturer
was then introduced as Mrs. F. E. W. Harper, from Maryland. Without a moment's
hesitation she started off in the flow of her discourse, which rolled smoothly and uninter-
ruptedly on for nearly two hours. It was very apparent that it was not a cut and dried
speech, for she was as fluent and as felicitous in her allusions to circumstances immedi-
ately around her as she was when she rose to a more exalted pitch of laudation of the
" Union," or of execration of the old slavery system. Her voice was remarkable — as sweet
as any woman's voice we ever heard, and so clear and distinct as to pass every syllable to
the most distant ear in the house.
Without any effort at attentive listening we followed the speaker to the end, not dis-
cerning a single grammatical inaccuracy of speech, or the slightest violation of good taste
in manner or matter. At times the current of thoughts flowed in eloquent and poetic
expression, and often her quaint humor would expose the ivory in half a thousand
mouths. We confess that we began to wonder, and we asked a fine-looking man before
us, " What is her color? Is she dark or light?" He answered, " She is mulatto ; what
they call a red mulatto." The ' red ' was new to us. Our neighbor asked, " How do you
like her ? " We replied, " She is giving your people the best kind and the very wisest of
advice." He rejoined, " I wish I had her education." To which we added, " That's
just what she tells you is your great duty and your need, and if you are too old to get it
yourselves, you must give it to your children."
The speaker left the impression on our mind that she was not only intelligent and edu-
cated, but— the great end of education— she was enlightened. She comprehends perfectly
the situation of her people, to whose interests she seems ardently devoted. The main
theme of her discourse, the one string to the harmony of which all the others were at-
tuned, was the grand opportunity that emancipation had afforded to the black race to lift
itself to the level of the duties and responsibilities enjoined by it. "You have muscle
power and brain power," she said ; " you must utilize them, or be content to remain for-
ever the inferior race. Get land, every one that can, and as fast as you can. A landless
people must be dependent upon the landed people. A few acres to till for food and a roof,
however humble, over your head, are the castle of your independence, and when you have
776 TUB UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD,
it you are fortified to act and vote independently whenever your interests are at stake."
That part of her lecture (and there was much of it) that dwelt on the moral duties and
domestic relations of the colored people was pitched on the highest key of sound morality.
She urged the cultivation of the " home life," the sanctity of the marriage state (a happy
contrast to her strong-minded, free-love, white sisters of the North), and the duties of
mothers to their daughters. " Why," said she in a voice of much surprise, " I have ac-
tually heard since I have been South that sometimes colored husbands positively beat
their wives ! I do not mean to insinuate for a moment that such things can possibly
happen in Mobile. The very appearance of this congregation forbids it; but I did hear of
one terrible husband defending himself for the unmanly practice with " Well, I have got
to whip her or leave her."
There were parts of the lecturer's discourse that grated a little on a white Southern ear,
but it was lost and forgiven in the genuine earnestness and profound good sense with
which the woman spoke to her kind in words of sound advice.
On the whole, we are very glad we accepted the Zion's invitation. It gave us much
food for new thought. It reminded us, perhaps, of neglected duties to these people, and
it impressed strongly on our minds that these people are getting along, getting onward,
and progress was a star becoming familiar to their gaze and their desires. Whatever the
negroes have done in the path of advancement, they have done largely without white
aid. But politics and white pride have kept the white people aloof from offering that
earnest and moral assistance which would be so useful to a people just starting from in-
fancy into a life of self-dependence.
In writing from Columbiana and Demopolis, Alabama, about the first of
March, 1871, Mrs. Harper painted the state of affairs in her usually graphic
manner, and diligently was she endeavoring to inspire the j)eople with hope
and encouragement.
" Oh, what a field there is here in this region I Let me give you a short account of this
week's work. Sunday I addressed a Sunday-school in Taladega: on Monday afternoon a
day-school. On Monday I rode several miles to a meeting; addressed it, and came back
the same night. Got back about or after twelve o'clock. The next day I had a meeting
of women and addressed them, and then lectured in the evening in the Court- House to
both colored and white. Last night I spoke again, about ten miles from where I am now
stopping, and returned the same night, and to-morrow evening probably I shall speak
again. I grow quite tired part of the time. * * * And now let n^e give you an
anecdote or two of some of our new citizens. While in Taladega I was entertained and
well entertained, at the house of one of our new citizens. He is living in the house of his
former master. • He is a brick-maker by trkde, and I rather think mason also. He was
worth to his o\.ner, it was reckoned, fifteen hundred or about that a year. He worked
with him seven years ; and in that seven years he remembers receiving from him fifty
cents. Now mark the contrast ! That man is now free, owns the home of his former
master, has I think more than sixty acres of land, and his master is in the poor house.
1 heard of another such case not long since: A woman was cruelly treated once, or more
than once. She escaped and ran naked into town. The villain in whose clutch she found
herself was trying to drag her downward to his own low level of impurity, and at last she
fell. She was poorly fed, so that she was tempted to sell her person. Even scraps thrown
to the dog .she was hunger-bitten enough to aim for. Poor thing, was there anything in
the future for her? Had not hunger and cruelty and prostitution done their work, and
left her an entire wreck for life ? It seems not. Freedom came, and with it dawned a
new era upon that poor, overshadowed, and sin-darkened life. Freedom brought oppor-
FRANCES ELLEN WATKINS HARPER. 777
tunity for work and wages combined. She went to work, and got ten dollars a month.
She has contrived to get some education, and has since been teaching school. While her
former mistress has been to her for help.
" Do not the mills of God grind exceedingly fine? And she has helped that mistress,
and so has the colored man given money, from what I heard, to his former master. After
all, friend, do we not belong to one of the best branches of the human race? And yet,
how have our people been murdered in the South, and their bones scattered at the grave's
mouth ! Oh, when will we have a government strong enough to make human life safe?
Only yesterday I heard of a murder committed on a man for an old grudge of several
years' standing. I had visited the place, but had just got away. Last summer a Mr.
Luke was hung, and several other men also, I heard."
While surrounded with this state of affairs, an appeal reached her throut^h
the columns of the National Standard, setting forth a state of very o-reat suf-
fering and want, especially on the part of the old, blind and decre})it Frecd-
men of the District of Columbia. After expressing deep pity for these un-
fortunates, she added : '' Please send ten dollars to Josephine Griffing for me
for the suffering poor of the District of Columbia. Just send it by mail,
and charge to my account."
Many more letters written by Mrs. Harper are before us, containing high-
ly interesting information from. Louisiana, Mississippi, Florida, North Caro-
lina, Virginia, Kentucky, Tennessee, Missouri, Maryland, and even poor
little Delaware. Through all these States she has traveled and labored ex-
tensively, as has been already stated ; but our space in this volume will
admit of only one more letter :
" I have been traveling the best part of the day. * * Can you spare a little time
from your book to just take a peep at some of our Alabama people? If you would see
some instances of apparent poverty and ignorance that I have seen perhaps you would not
wonder very much at the conservative voting in the State. A few days since I was about
to pay a woman a dollar and a quarter for some washing in ten cent (currency) notes,
when she informed me that she could not count it ; she must trust to my honesty — she
could count forty cents. Smce I left Eufaula I have seen something of plantation life.
The first plantation I visited was about five or six miles from Eufaula, and I should think
that the improvement in some of the cabins was not very much in advance of what it was
in Slavery. The cabins are made with doors, but not, to ray recollection, a single window
pane or speck of plastermg; and yet even in some of those lowly homes I met with hos-
pitality. A room to myself is a luxury that I do not always enjoy. Slill I live through
it, and find life rather interesting. The people have much to learn. ThcirCondition of the
women is not very enviable in some cases. They have had some of them a terribly hard
time in Slavery, and their subjection has not ceased in freedom. * * One man said of
some women, that a man must leave them or whip them. * * Let me introduce you
to another scene: here is a gathering; a large fire is burning out of doors, and here are
one or two boys with hats on. Here is a little girl with her bonnet on, and there a little
boy moves off and commences to climb a tree. Do you know what the gathering means?
It is a school, and the teacher, I believe, is paid from the school fund. He says he is
from New Hampshire. That may be. But to look at him and to hear him teach, you
would perhaps think him not very'lately from the North; at least I do not think he is a
model teacher. They have a church ; but somehow they have burnt a hole, I understand,
in the top, and so I lectured inside, and they gathered around the fire outside. Here is
778 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD.
another — what skall I call it? — meeting-place. It is a brush arbor. And what pray is
that ? Shall I call it an edifice or an improvised meeting-house ? Well, it is called a
brush arbor. It is a kind of brush house with seats, and a kind of covering made partly,
I rather think, of branches of trees, and an humble place for pulpit. I lectured in a place
where they seemed to have no other church ; but I spoke at a house. In Glenville, a lit-
tle out-of-the-way place, I spent part of a week. There they have two unfinished churches.
One has not a single pane of glass, and the same aperture that admits the light also gives
ingress to the air; and the other one, I rather think, is less finished than that. I spoke
in one, and then the white people gave me a hall, and quite a number attended. * * *
I am now at Union Springs, where I shall probably room with three women. But amid
all this roughing it in the bush, I find a field of work where kindness and hospitality have
thrown their sunshine around my way. And Oh what a field of work is here I How
much one needs the Spirit of our dear Master to make one's life a living, loving force to
help men to. higher planes of thought and action. I am giving all my lectures with free
admission; but still I get along, and the way has been opening for me almost ever since I
have been South. Oh, if some more of our young women would only consecrate their
lives to the work of upbuilding the race I Oh, if I could only see our young men and wo-
men aiming to build up a future for themselves which would grandly contrast with the past
— with its pain, ignorance and low social condition."
It may be well to add that Mrs. Harper's letters from which we have
copied were simply private, never intended for publication ; and while
they bear obvious marks of truthfulness, discrimination and impartiality,
it becomes us to say that a more strictly conscientious woman we have
never known.
Returning to Philadelphia after many months of hard labor in the South,
Mrs. Harper, instead of seeking needed rest and recreation, scarcely
allows a day to pass without seeking to aid in the reformation of the outcast
and degraded. The earnest advice which she gives on the subject of tem-
perance and moral reforms generally causes some to reflect, even among
adults, and induces a number of poor children to attend day and Sabbath-
schools. The condition of this class, she feels, appeals loudly for a
remedy to respectable and intelligent colored citizens; and whilst not
discouraged, she is often quite saddened at the supineness of the better
class. During the past summer when it was too warm to labor in the South
she spent several months in this field without a farthing's reward. She as-
sisted in organizing a Sabbath-school, and accepted the office of Assistant Su-
perintendent uuder the auspices of the Young Men's Christian Association.
Mrs. Harper reads the best magazines and ablest weeklies, as well as
more elaborate works, not excepting such authors as De Tocqueville, Mill,
Ruskin, Buckle, Guizot, &c. In espousing the cause of the oppressed as a
poet and lecturer, had she neglected to fortify her mind in the manner she
did, she would have been weighed and found wanting long since. Before
friends and foes, the learned and the unlearned. North and South, Mrs.
Harper has pleaded the cause of her race in a manner that has commanded
the greatest, respect; indeed, it is hardly too much to say, that during
FRANCES ELLEN WATKLNS HARPER. 779
seventeen years of public labor she has made thousands of speeches without
doing herself or people discredit iu a single instance, but has accomplished
a great deal in the way of removing prejudice. May we not hope that
the rising generation at least will take encouragement by her example and
find an argument of rare force in favor of mental and moral cqualitv, and
above all be awakened to see how prejudices and difficulties may be sur-
mounted by continual struggles, intelligence and a virtuous character?
Fifty thousand copies at least of her four small books have been sold to
those who have listened to her eloquent lectures. One of those productions
entitled " Moses " has been used to entertain audiences with evening readings
in various parts of the country. With what effect may be seen from the two
brief notices as follows :
"Mrs. F. E. W. Harper delivered a poem upon 'Moses' in Wilbraham to a large and
delighted audience. She is a woman of high moral tone, with superior native powers
highly cultivated, and a captivating eloquence that hold her audience in rapt attention
from the beginning to the close. She will delight any intelligent audience, and those who
wish first-class lecturers cannot do better than to secure her services." — Zlon's Herald,
Boston.
" Mrs. Frances E. W. Harper read her poem of ' Moses ' last evening at Rev. Mr. Har-
rison's church to a good audience. It deals with the story of the Hebrew Moses from his
finding in the wicker basket on the Nile to his death on Mount Nebo and his burial in an
unknown grave; following closely the Scripture account. It contains about 700 lines, be-
ginning with blank verse of the common measure, and changing to other measures, but
always without rhyme ; and is a pathetic and well-sustained piece. Mrs. Harper recited
it with good effect, and it was well received. She is a lady of much talent, and always
speaks well, particularly when her subject relates to the condition of her own people, in
whose welfare, before and since the war, she has taken the deepest interest. As a lecturer
Mrs. Harper is more effective than most of those who come before our lyceums; with a
natural eloquence that is very moving." — GalesLurgh Register, 111.
Grace Greenwood, in the Independent in noticing a Course of Lectures in
which Mrs. Harper spoke (in Philadelphia) pays this tribute to her :
" Next on the course was Mrs Harper, a colored woman ; about as colored as some of
the Cuban belles I have met with at Saratoga, She has a noble head, this bronze muse;
a strong face, with a shadowed glow upon it, indicative of thoughtful fervor, and of a na-
ture most femininely sensitive, but not in the least morbid. Her form is delicate, her
hands daintily small. She stands quietly beside her desk, and speaks without notes, with
gestures few and fitting. Her manner is marked by dignity and composure. She is
never assuming, never theatrical. In the first part of her lecture she was most impres-
sive in her pleading for the race with whom her lot is cast. There Avas something touch-
ing in her attitude as their representative. The woe of two hundred years sighed through
her tones. Every glance of her sad eyes was a mournful remonstrance against injustice
and wrong. Feeling on her soul, as she must have felt it, the chilling weight of caste,
she seemed to say :
'I lift my heavy heart up solemnly,
As once Electra her sepulchral urn.'
* * * As I listened to her, there swept over me, in a chill wave of horror, the reali-
780 THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD.
zation that this noble woman had she not been rescued from her mother's condition mi^ht
have been sold on the auction-block, to the highest bidder-her intellect, fancy, eloquence
the flashing wit, that might make the delight of a Parisian saloon, and her pur^ Christian
character all thrown in-the recollection that women like her could be dLged out of
public conveyances an our own city, or frowned out of fashionable churchefby Anglo-
oaxon saints. ' ^ -"-"giu
627 ^^,
THE END.
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