* MOB ? ^> ,=>?:»J> > a^> o > a > ~ .> ■ a> ->> >z: 5>> »|g> siSh ^LIBRARY OF CONGRESS.! ^ — / 5 | UNITED STATES OF AMERICA, t ?>^J>v> ->^> 2> 5^ ^ ?>^> » > ^ > > > >>v> > > ? > > 3 ^ > >> > > > > > > 3D ^> D3 3>:»;5~5fc> _>»•> "->■-•>:« ---? --» D53T > » Z*>^» > > 3 3 » >73SS » > z> > 2> > > > > s> > ^ c> > > ®> 3 :> m o ^>> >j> > 56> > fc 2gJ> > > > s» ■■ > , ■ >^> .1* .,j> » ^a> » 3 > > ^>i!>^ s ^* y> t> s> >z*> m >3V> J3> ESi T> .3 >^r^> >3» L» j> r > T * ■ > > > 2> S> 5>3>5 Interest and Duty of Colored Citizens in the Presidential Election, LETTER TO COLORED CITIZENS HON. CHARLES SUMNER, JULY 29, 1872. " I will say to the North, Give up ; and to the South, Keep not back."— Isaiah, chap, xliii, v. 6. WASHINGTON: P. & J. RIVES & GEO. A. BAILEY, REPORTERS AND PRINTERS OP THE DEBATES OP CONGRESS. 1872. Letter to Colored Citizens. Washington, D. C, July 11, 1872. Sir: We, the undersigned, citizens of color, regarding you as the purest and best friend of our race, admiring your consistent course in the United States Senate and else- where as the special advocate of our rights, and believing that your counsel at this critical juncture in the period of our citizenship would be free from personal feeling and parti- san prejudice, have ventured to request your opinion as to what action the colored voters of the nation should take in the presidential contest now pending. The choice of our people is now narrowed down to General Grant or Horace Greeley. Your long acquaintance with both and your observation have enabled you to arrive at a correct conclusion as to which of the candi- dates, judging from their antecedents as well as their present position, will, if elected, enforce the requirements of the Constitution and the laws respecting our civil and political rights with the most heartfelt sympathy and the greatest vigor. We hope and trust you will favor us with such reply as will serve to enlighten our minds upon this subject and impel our people to go forward in the right direction. Our con- fidence in your judgment is so firm that, in our opinion, thousands of the intelligent col- ored voters of the country will be guided in their action by your statement and advice. Hoping to receive a reply soon, we have the honor to be, with great respect, your obedient servants, A. T. AUGUSTA, M. D., DAVID FISHER, sr., JNO. H. SMITH, EDWARD CRUSER, WM. H. A. WORMLEY, WILLIAM P. WILSON, R. W. TOMPKINS, JOHN H. BROWN, HENRY LACY. W. H. BELL, J. L. N. BO WEN, M. D., JACOB DE WITTER, SAMUEL PROCTER, J. J. KETCH UM, CHAS. N. THOMAS, WM. H. SHORTER, HENRY HILL, TURMAN J. SHADD, GEO. D. JOHNSON, CHRIS. A. FLEETWOOD, CHAS. F. BRUCE, DAVID FISHER, jr., DAVID KING, WM. POLKENY. Hon. Charles Sumner. Washington, July 29, 1872. Gentlemen and Fellow-Citizens : If I have delayed answering your communi- cation of July 11, which was duly placed in my hands by your committee, it is not because the proper course for you seemed doubtful, but because I wished to reflect upon it and be aided by information which time might sup- ply. Since then I have carefully considered the inquiries addressed me and have listened to much on both sides, but my best judgment now is in harmony with my early conclusion. I am touched by the appeal you make. It is true that I am the friend of your race, and I am glad to be assured that in your opinion I have held a consistent course in the Senate and elsewhere as the special advocate of your rights. That course, by the blessing of God, I mean to hold so long as life lasts. I know your infinite wrongs, and feel for them as my own. You only do me simple justice when you add a belief that my counsel at this critical juncture of your citizenship would be free from personal feelings and partisan prejudice. In answeringyour inquiries I can have no senti- ment except for your good, which I most anx- iously seek ; nor can any disturbing influ- ence be allowed to interfere. The occasion is too solemn. Especially is there no room for personal feeling or for partisan prejudice. No man or party can expect power except for the general welfare. Therefore they must be brought to the standard of truth, which ia without feeling or prejudice. QUESTIONS proposed. You are right in saying that the choice for the Presidency is now " narrowed down" to Pres- ident Grantor Horace Greeley. One of these is to be taken, and, assuming my acquaintance with both and my observation of their lives, you invite myjudgment between them, asking me especially which of the two, judging from their antecedents as well as present position, would enforce the Constitution and laws secur- ing your civil and politicals rights with the most heartfelt sympathy and the greatest vigor. Here I remark that, in this inquiry, you naturally put your rights in the foreground. So do I ; — believing most sincerely that the best interests of the whole country are asso- ciated with the completest recognition of your rights, so that the two races shall live together in unbroken harmony. I also remark thai you call attention to two things, the " ante- cedents" of the candidates, and secondly their "present position." You wish to know from these which gives assurance of the most heartfelt sympathy and greatest vigor in the maintenance of your rights ; in other words, which, judging by the past, will be your truest friend. The communication with which you have honored me is not alone. Colored fellow- citizens in other parts of the country, I may say in nearly every State of the Union, have made a similar request, and some com- plain that I have thus far kept silent. I am not insensible to the trust reposed in me. But if my opinion is given, it must be candidly according to my conscience. In this spirit I answer jour inquiries, beginning with the ante- cedents of the two candidates. ANTECEDENTS OP THE CANDIDATES. I. Horace Greeley was born to poverty and educated himself in a printing office. Presi- dent Grant, fortunate in early patronage, became a cadet at West Point and was edu- cated at the public expense. One started with nothing but industry and character ; the other started with a military commission. One was trained as a civilian ; the other as a soldier. Horace Greeley stood forth as a Reformer and Abolitionist. President Grant enlisted as a pro-slavery Democrat, and, at the elec- tion of James Buchanan, fortified by his vote all the pretensions of slavery, including the Dred Scott decision. Horace Greeley from early life was earnest and constant against slavery, full of sympathy with the colored race, and always foremost in the great battle for their rights. President Grant, except as a soldier, summoned by the terrible accident of war, never did anything against slavery, nor has he at any time shown any sympathy with the colored race, but rather indifference if not aversion. Horace Greeley earnestly de- sired that colored citizens should vote, and ably championed impartial suffrage ; but Pres- ident Grant was on the other side. Beyond these contrasts, which are marked, it cannot be forgotten that Horace Greeley is a person of large heart and large understand- ing, trained to the support of Human Rights, always beneficent with the poor, always ready for any good cause, and never deterred by opposition or reproach, as when for long years he befriended your people. Add to these qualities, conspicuous in his life, untiring in- dustry, which leaves no moment without its fruit — abundant political knowledge — ac quaintance with history — the instinct and grasp of statesmanship — an amiable nature — a magnanimous soul, and above all an honesty which no suspicion has touched, and you have a brief portraiture where are antecedents of Horace Greeley. Few of these things appear in the President. His great success in war, and the honors he has noil) oannot change the record of his conduct toward your people, especially in contrast with the life time fidelity of his com- petitor, while there are unhappy "antece- dents" showing that in the prosecution of his plans he cares nothing for the colored race. The story is painful ; but. it must be told. grant's indignity to tub colored hack. I refer to the outrage he perpetrated upon Hayti with its eight hundred thousand blacks, engaged in the great experiment of Belf-gov - i tii incut. Here is a most, instructive " antece- dent] " revealing beyond question his true na- ture, and the whole is attested by documentary evidence, Conceiving the idea of annexing Dominica) which is the Spanish pari ot the island, and shrinking at nothing, he began by seizing the war powers of the Government, in Bagranl violation of the Constitution, and then, at great expenditure of money, sent several armed ships of the Navy, including monitors, to maintain the usurper Baez in power, that through him he might obtain the coveted prize. Not content with this audacious dic- tatorship, he proceeded to strike at the inde- pendence of the Black Republic by open menace of war, and all without the sanction of Congress, to which is committed the power to make war. Sailing into the harbor of Port au Prince with our most powerful moni- tor, the Dictator, properly named for this ser- vice, also the frigate Severn as consort and other monitors in their train, the Admiral, acting under instructions from Washington, proceeded to the Executive Mansion, accom- panied by officers of his squadron, and then, pointing to the great war ships in sight from the windows, dealt his unjust menace, threat- ening to sink or capture Haytien ships. The President was black, not white. The Admiral would have done no such thing to any white ruler, nor would our country have tolerated such menace from any Government in the world. Here was indignity not only to the Black Republic, with its population of eight hundred thousand, but to the African race everywhere, and especially in our own coun- try. Nor did it end here. For months the Navy of the United States was kept hovering on the coast, holding that insulted people in constant dread and anxiety, while President Grant was to them like a hawk sailing in the air ready to swoop upon his prey. S FALSE IMPRISONMENT OF AN AMERICAN CITIZEN. \ This heartless, cruel proceeding found a victim among our white fellow-citizens. An excellent merchant of Connecticut, praised by all who know him, was plunged into prison by Baez, where he was immured because it was feared that on his return to New York he would expose the frauds of the plotters, and this captivity was prolonged with the connivance of two agents of the Pres- ident, one of whom finds constant favor with him and is part of the military ring im- mediately about him. That such an outrage could go unpunished shows the little regard of the President for human rights, whether in white or black. lt\uii TO BEAR THESE or TU AGES. I confess my trials, as I was called to wit- ness these things. Always a supporter of the Administration) and sincerely desiring to labor with it, I hal never uttered a word with regard to it except in kindness. My early opposition to the Treaty of Annexion was reserved, SO that for some time my opinions were unknown. It was only when I saw I lie breach of all law, human and divine, that I was aroused, and then began the anger of the President and of his rings, military and senatorial. Devoted to the African race, I felt for them, besides being humbled that the Great Republic, acting t hough its President, COUld set such an example, where the national Constitution', International Law, and Humanity were all sacrificed. Espe- cially was 1 moved when 1 saw the indignity 5 to the colored race which was accomplished by trampling upon a fundamental principle of International Law, declaring the equality of nations, as our Declaration of Independence declares the equality of men. This terrible transaction, which nobody can defend, is among the " antecedents" of Presi- dent Grant, from which you can judge how much the colored race can rely upon his " heart-felt sympathies." Nor can it be for- gotten that shortly afterward, on the return of the Commission from this island, Hon. Fred- erick Douglass, the colored orator, accom- plished in manners as in eloquence, was thrust away from the company of the commissioners at the common table of the mail packet on the Potomac, almost within sight of the Executive Mansion, simply on account of his color; but the President, at whose invitation he had joined the Commission, never uttered a word in condemnation of this exclusion, and when entertaining the returned commissioners at dinner carefully omitted Mr. Douglass, who was in Washington at the time, and thus re- peated the indignity. OTHER ANTECEDENTS. Other things might be mentioned, show- ing the sympathies of the President; but I cannot forget the Civil Rights Bill, which is the cap-stone of that Equality before the Law to which all are entitled with- out distinction of color. President Grant, who could lobby so assiduously for his St. Do- mingo scheme, full of wrong to the colored race, could do nothing for this beneficent measure. During a long session of Congress it was discussed constantly, and the colored people everywhere hung upon the debate; but there was no word of "heart-felt sympathy" from the President. At last, just before the nominating convention, he addressed a letter to a meeting of colored fellow-citizens in Washington, called to advance this cause, where he avoided the question by declaring himself in favor of "the exercise of those rights to which every citizen should be justly entitled," leaving it uncertain whether colored people are justly entitled to the rights secured by the pending bill. I understand that Horace Greeley has been already assailed by an im- practicable Democrat as friendly to this bill; but nobody has lisped against President Grant on this account. Among "antecedents," I deem it my duty to mention the little capacity or industry of the President in protecting colored people and in a«suring peace at the South. Nobody can doubt that a small portion of the effort and earnest will, even without the lobbying 80 freely given to the St. Domingo scheme, would have averted those Ku Klux outrages which we deplore, thus superseding all Eretense for further legislation by Congress. lut he is disabled both by character and the drawback of his own conduct. After violating the Constitution and International Law to insult the Black Republic, and setting an example of insubordination, he is not in Condition to rebuke law-breakers. FRESENT POSITION OF CANDIDATES. II. Passing from "antecedents," I come now to the "present position" of the two candidates, which is the subject of your next inquiry. If in any formal particulars the two are on equality, yet in all substantial respects the obvious advantage is with Horace Greeley. NOMINATIONS OF THE TWO CANDIDATES. Each was nominated by a Republican con- vention, oue at Cincinnati and the other at Philadelphia, so that in this respect they may seem to be on equality. But it will not fail to be observed that the convention at Cincinnati was composed of able and acknowl- edged Republicans, many having acted with the party from its first, formation, who, without previous organization, came together volun- tarily for the sake of Reform and Purity in the Government; while, on the other hand, the convention at Philadelphia was composed of delegates chosen largely under the iufluence of officeholders who assem- bled to sustain what is known as Grantism, being the persoual government and personal pretensions of President Grant, involving nepo- tism, repayment of gifts by official patron- age, neglect of public duty, absenteeism, quar- reling, military rule, disregard of Constitution and law, with general unfitness and indignity to the colored race — all of which is so unre- publican as to make its support impossible / for true Republicans. Therefore, the conven- tion at Philadelphia, though calling itself Re- publican, was less Republican in reality than thatat Cincinnati. THE TWO PLATFORMS. The two platforms, so far as concerns es- pecially the colored race, are alike in sub- stance, but that of Cincinnati is expressed in terms most worthy of the equal rights it states and claims: " We recognize the equality of all men before the law and hold that it is the duty of Government in its dealings with the people to mete out equal and exact justice to all of whatever nativity, race, color or per- suasion, religious or political." In other re- spects the platform of Cincinnati is the most republican, inasmuch as it sets itself against those unrepublican abuses which have been nursed by the President into pernicious ac- tivity. SUPPORTERS OF THE TWO CANDIDATES. From the two nominations and two plat- forms I come to the supporters of the candi- dates ; and here I look, first, at those imme- diately about them, and, secondly, at the popular support behind. Horace Greeley has among his immediate supporters, in all parts of the country, devoted and consistent Republicans, always earnest for Reform and Parity in government on whose lives there is no shadow of suspicion — being a contrast in character to thorn; rings which play such a part in the present Admin- istration. The country knows too well the military Ring, the Senatorial Ring, andtheCus- tom-House Ring, through which the President 6 acts. Such supporters are a poor recom- mendation. DEMOCRATS TURNING REPUBLICANS. Looking at the popular support behind, the advantage is still with Horace Greeley. Presi- dent Grant has at his back the diversified army of officeholders, drilled to obey the word of command. The speeches praising him are by officeholders and members of rings. Horace Greeley finds flocking to his cause large num- bers of Republicans unwilling to continue the existing misrule, and as allies with them a regenerated party springing forward to unite in this liberal movement. Democrats in join- ing Horace Greeley have changed simply as President Grant changed when he joined the Republicans, except that he was rewarded at once with high office. The change is open. Adopting the Republican platform which places the Equal Rights of All under the safe- guard of irreversible guarantees and at the same time accepting the nomination of a life- time Abolitionist, who represents preeminently the sentiment of duty to the colored race, they have set their corporate seal to the sacred covenant. They may continue Democrats in name, but they are in reality Republicans, by the same title that those who sustain Repub- lican principlesare Republicans, or rather they are Democrats, according to the original sig- nification of that word, dedicated to the rights of the people. It is idle to say that Horace Greeley and the Republicans that nominated him are any less Republican because Democrats unite with them in support of cherished principles and the candidate who represents them. Con- versions are always welcome, and not less so, because the change is in a multitude rather than an individual. A political party cannot, if it would, and should not if it could, shut the door against converts, whether counted by the score, the hundred, or the thousand ; and so we find that the supporters of Presi- dent Grant announce with partisan triumph the adhesion of a single Democratic politician or a single Democratic newspaper. On equal reason and with higher pride may the support- ers of Horace Greeley announce the adhesion of the Democratic party, which, turning from the things that are behind, presses on to those that are before. OEBELBt'b blection the triumph of republican principles. It is also idle to say that the election of Horace Greeley as President with Gratz Brown as Vice President, both unchangeable Repub- licans, will be the return of the Democratic party to power. On the contrary it will be the inauguration of Republican principles, under the safeguard of a Republican Presi- dent and Republican Vice President, with Democrats as avowed supporters. In the organization of his Administration and in i ln- COnduct of affairs Horace I rreeley will naturally lean upon those who represent best the great promises of Equal Rights ami Reconcilia- tion made at Cincinnati. If Democrats are taken, it will be as Republicans in heart, recognizing the associate terms of the settle- ment as an immutable finality. The hardihood of political falsehood reaches its extreme point when it is asserted that un- der Horace Greeley thefreedmen will be reen- slaved, or that colored people will in any way suffer in their equal rights. On the contrary they have in his election not only the promises of the platform, but also the splendid example for a full generation, during which he has never wavered in the assertion of their rights. To suppose that Horace Greeley, when placed where he can do them the most good, will depart from the rule of his honest life is an insult to reason. It is none the less idle to suppose that Dem- ocrats supporting Horace Greeley expect or desire that he should depart from those prin- ciples which are the glory of his character. They have accepted the Cincinnati platform with its two-fold promises and intend in good faith to maintain it. Democrats cannot turn back, who at the convention adopting this platform, sang Greeley songs to the tune of "Old John Brown, his soul is marching on." Seeking especially the establishment of char- acter in the National Government, they will expect their President to be always true to himself. Therefore I put aside the partisan allegations, that Horace Greeley has gone to the Democrats, or that he will be controlled by Democrats. Each is without foundation or reason, accord- ing to my judgment. They are attempts to avoid what you recognize as the true issue, being the question between the two candidates, or, perhaps, they may be considered as scare- crows, to deter the timid. Nobody who votes for Horace Greeley will go to the Democrats, nor do I believe that when elected Horace Greeley will be under any influence except that enlightened conscience which will keep him ever true to the principles he represents. The conclusion from this comparison be- tween the two candidates is plain. Unques- tionably the surest trust of the colored people is in Horace Greeley. In everything for your protection and advancement he will show always the most heart-felt sympathy and the greatest vigor beyond what can be expected from President Grant. He is your truest friend. VOTE FOR GREELEY. Gentlemen, in thus answering your two in- quiries, I have shown why you, as colored fel- low citizens, and also all who would uphold your rights and save the colored race from in- dignity, should refuse to sanction the reelec- tion of the President, and put your trust in Horace Greeley. I ought to add that with him will be associated as Vice President Gratz Brown, whom I have known for years as a most determined Abolitionist. The two together will carry into the National Govern- ment an unswerving devotion to your rights, not to be disturbed by partisan dictation or sectional prejudice. Besides alt this, which may fitly guide you in determining between the two candidates, it is my duty to remind you, that, as citizens of the United States, and part of the country, your welfare is indissolubly associated with that of the whole country. Where all are prosperous you will be gainers. Therefore, while justly careful of your own rights, you cannot be indifferent to the blessings of good government. It is for you to consider, whether the time has not come for something better than the sword, and whether a character like Horace Greeley does not give stronger assur- ance of good government than can be found in the insulter of the colored race, already famous for the rings about him and his plain inapitude for civil life. The supporters of President Grant compel us to observe his offenses and short-comings. The painful con- trast with Horace Greeley becomes manifest. It will be for others in the present canvass to hold it before the American people. TOO MUCH OP A REPUBLICAN TO VOTE FOE GRANT. Speaking now for myself I have to say, that my vote will be given for Horace Greeley ; but, in giving it, I do not go to the Demo- cratic party, nor am I any less a Republican. On the contrary I am so much of a Repub- lican that I cannot support a candidate whose conduct in civil life shows an incapacity to appreciate Republican principles, and whose Administration is marked by acts of delin- quency, especially toward the colored race, by the side of which the allegations on the impeachment of Andrew Johnson were tech- nical and trivial. Unquestionably President Grant deserved impeachment for high crimes and misdemeanors, rather than a renomina- tion,and, on the trial, it would have been enough to exhibit his seizure of the war powers and his indignity to the Black Republic with its p opulation of 800,000, in violation of the national Constitution and of International Law. And here a contrast arises between him and Abraham Lincoln. The latter in his first annual message recommended the recognition of what he called the "independence and sover- eignty of Hayti ;" but it is at these that Pres- ident Grant has struck. One of Abraham Lincoln's earliest acts was to put the Black Republic on equality with other Powers ; one of President Grant's earliest acts was to degrade it. I am so much of a Republican, that I wish to seein the Presidential chair a life- time Abo- litionist. I also wish a President sincerely de- voted to Civil Service Reform beginning with the "One-Term Principle," which President Grant once accepted but now disowns. I also wish a President who sets the example of industry and unselfish dedication to the public good. And I wish to see a President through whom we may expect peace and harmony instead of discord. Strangely President Grant seems to delight in strife. If he finds no enemy, he falls upon his friends, as when he struck at the Black Republic, insulted Russia in his Annual Message, offended both France and Germany, and, then in personal relations, quarreled generally. PRINCIPLES ABOVE PARTY. My own personal experience teaches how futile is the charge that because Horace Gree- ley receives Democratic votes, therefore he becomes a Democrat, or lapses under Demo- cratic control. I was first chosen to the Sen- ate by a coalition of Free Soilers and Demo- crats. Democratic votes helped make me Senator from Massachusetts, as they also helped make my excellent friend, Mr. Chase, Senator from Ohio, and will help make Horace Greeley President. But neither Mr. Chase or myself was on this account less faithful as Free Soiler, and, answering for myself, I know that I never became a Democrat or lapsed under Democratic control. I do not doubt that Horace Greeley will be equally consistent. The charge to the contrary, so vehemently repeated, seems to reflect the character of those who make it, except that many repeat it by rote. There is a common saying, "Principles, not men," and on this ground an appeal is made for President Grant, feeling justly that, in any personal comparison with Horace Greeley, he must fail. But a better saying is "Principles and Men." I am for the princi- ples of the Republican Party in contradiction to Grantism, and I am for the man who truly represents them. By these principles I shall stand, for them I shall labor, and in their triumph I shall always rejoice. If any valued friend separates from me now, it will be because he places a man above principles. Early in public life I declared my little heed for party, and my indifference to the name by which I am called ; and now I confess my want of sympathy with those who would cling to the form after its spirit has fled. GREELEY'S NOMINATION A RESPONSE TO LONGING FOR PEACE. This answer would be incomplete if I did not call attention to another and controlling consideration, which cannot be neglected by the good citizen. Watching the remarkable movement, that has ended in the double nomination of Horace Greeley, it is easy to see that it did not proceed from politicians, whether at Cincinnati or Baltimore. Evi- dently it was the heart of the people, sorely wrung by war and the controversies it engen- dered, which found this expression. Sir Philip Sidney said of the uprising in the Netherlands, "It is the spirit of the Lord and is irresist- ible," and such a spirit is manifest now. I would not use the word lightly, but to my mind it is providential. Notwithstanding the coun- teracting influence of politicians, Republican and Democratic— in the face of persistent ridicule — and against the extravagance of unscrupulous opposition, the nomination at Cincinnati was triumphantly adopted at Bal- timore. Such an unprecedented victory with- out concert or propulsion of any kind can be explained only by supposing that it is in har- mony with a popular longing. That Demo- crats, and especially those of the South, should adopt a life-time Abolitionist for Pres- ident is an assurance of williuguesa to asso- 8 ciate the rights of their colored fellow-citizens with that reconciliation of which Horace Greeley was an early representative. In standing by Jefferson Davis at his trial and signing his bail-bond, he showed the same sentiment of humanity he so constantly dis- played in standing by the colored race through- out their prolonged trial, so that the two dis- cordant races find kindred hospitality in him, and he thus becomes a tie of union. In har- mony with this interesting circumstance is the assurance in his letter of acceptance, that if elected he will be "the President, not of a party, but of the whole people." RECONCILIATION. The nomination has been adopted by the Democrats in convention assembled. This was an event which the supporters of Presi- dent Grant declared impossible. I do not see how it can be regarded otherwise than as a peace-offering. As such it is of infinite value. The Past is rejected and a new Future is begun with the promise of concord. Here is no ordinary incident. It is a Revolution, and its success in pacifying the country will be in proportion to its acceptance by us. I dare not neglect the great opportunity, nor can I stand aloof. It is in harmony with my life which places Peace above all things except the Rights of -Man. Thus far, in constant efforts for the col- ored race, I have sincerely sought the good of all, which I was sure would be best obtained in fulfilling the promises of the Declaration of Independence, making all equal in rights. The spirit in which I acted appears in an early speech where 1 said : "Nothing in hate ; nothiug in vengeance." My object was secur- ity for Human Rights. Most anxiously I have looked for the time, which seems now at hand, when there should be reconciliation, not only between the North and South, but between the two races, so that the two sections and the two races may be lifted from the ruts and grooves in which they are now fastened, and instead of irritating antagonism without end, there shall be sympathetic cooperation. The existing differences ought to be ended. There is a time for all things, and we are admonished by a wide-spread popular uprising, bursting the bonds of party, that the time has come for estrangement to cease between peo- ple, who, by the ordinance of God, must live together. Gladly do I welcome the happy signs; nor can I observe without regret the the colored people in organized masses resist- ing the friendly overtures, even to the extent of intimidating those who are the other way. It is for thorn to consider carefully whether they should not take advantage of the unex- pected opening and recognize the " bail bond'' given at, Baltimore as the assurance of peace, and unite with me in holding the parties to the full performance of its conditions. Provided always that their rights are lixed, I am sure it cannot be best for the colored people to band together in a hostile camp, provoking antago- nism and keeping ulive the separation of races. Above all there must be no intimidation, but every voter must act freely without constraint from league or lodge. Much better will it be when the two political parties compete for your votes, each anxious foryour support. Only then will that citizenship, by which you are entitled to the equal rights of all, have its natural fruits. Only then will there be that harmony which is essential to a true civilization. The present position of the colored citizen is perilous. He is exposed to injurious pressure where he needs support ; but I see no early extrication except in the way now proposed. Let him cut adrift from managers who would wield him merely as a political force, with lit- tle regard to his own good, and bravely stand by the candidate who has stood by him. If Democrats unite with him, so much the bet- ter. The association once begun must nat- urally ripen in common friendship and trust. I am for peace in reality as in name. From the bottom of my heart I am for peace, and I welcome all that makes for peace. With deep-felt satisfaction I remember that no citizen who drew his sword against us has suffered by the hand of the executioner. In just associa- tion with this humanity will be the triumph of Equal Rights when the promises of the great Declaration are all fulfilled, and our people are united, as never before, in the enduring fellowship of a common citizenship. To this end there must be reconciliation, nor can I withhold my hand. Freely I accept the hand that is offered, and reach forth my own in friendly grasp. I am against the policy of hate ; I am against fanning ancient flames into continued life ; I am against raking the ashes of the Past for coals of fire yet burning. Pile up the ashes ; extinguish the flames ; abol- ish the hate. And now, turning to the Demo- cratic party, I hold it to all the covenants sol- emnly given in the adoption of a Republican Platform with Horace Greeley as candidate. There can be no backward step. WATCHWORD FOR TUE CANVASS. With no common sympathy I observe that Mr. Hendricks, a leading Democrat, whom I knew and esteemed in the Senate, has recently announced his acceptance of the Constitutional Amendments with their logi- cal results. He proposes, as a proper key- note to the popular movement now swelling to a sure triumph: "Just Laws and Public Virtue." This is a worthy aspiration, en- ure ly fit for the occasion. My watch- word is, "The Unity of the Republic, and the Equal Rights of All, with Reconciliation." Such is my heartfelt cry, and wherever my voice can reach, there do I insist upon all these, hum- bly invoking the blessings of Divine Provi- dence, which, I believe, must descend upon such a cause. Aecept my best wishes for yourselves per- sonally and for the people you represent, and believe me, gentlemen, your faithful friend, CHARLES SUMNER. To Dr. Augusta, William H.. A.. Wokmley, and others. ^ CTcrC ( = 3^c^ ilC 'C' C r £ £- C c«c_ « C CC V 'CC<*C- «- c ■ C <*C << - « €! ccc. CCXC i •• «rjL c c <: r cc cccc: r cc c<«c««c ■ - c^ ccc «l <3T