vVf,'»*-Vi'.' 
 

 <: < c 
 
 3C i C <C 
 
 « ■ 
 
 ■ ■*?■*: 
 
 '• ! C- 
 
 c - 
 
 < < c c < 
 
 < c c c < ; 
 
 t c C C c 
 
 c c c < nc« c 
 
 C C 'C 'i 
 
 
 *fe* 
 
 . c « 
 
 4B 
 
 :£ir~ d 
 
 ■ 
 
 LIBRARY OF CONGRESS, 
 
 Chap. Lmmt.-.ty? 
 
 Shelf A I £vP 
 
 < < «C< <«. .<."C o 
 
 • « «C<?£ <: -<: ■ 
 
 
 
 «cc 
 
 B 
 
 7 
 
 UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. | 
 
 • Hi 
 
 
 HBO 
 
 
 <: 
 
 or 
 
 iT<i< ci.c <: <■' C < 
 
 Cd < <^_ c C 
 
 re <c<<r 
 
 c.c" dec. CL-<C < 
 
 r (c c; ch: : d_ 
 " ci 6 ■ d' 
 
 
 
 c: <l 
 
 < < 
 
 7 <& <^ 
 
 
 
 < <^ 
 
 < c 
 
 
ccxc 
 
 cccc 
 
 x c 1 
 
 ' ■■;X&lt 
 
 ■■■-■'-■ < ■ 
 
 
 S cccc 
 cccc 
 
 
 c<xr Cccc 
 
 C-. ■■'--■<■ <r (. <■ "X : i^Y 
 f= r -■'■ <?'.-"' ' ( C-'c 
 
 .-£ \y « ' cL*-crx" 
 ' £-' "x ■ < " s x ; *x;*c" 
 
 Cj Xxx «X« <^c^£X 
 
 c_ cxx x x. c <r~ <<z 
 C CX «i. • c c CX <r 
 
 c C OX' X r c^ 
 
 : d-<xc<c •<' x 
 xc cjcsx, < x 
 
 -~X--' >Cl_<X C O X X c'.i,(f 
 
 *L£. < Cx<x <Jxx<C «3*tcc v c . 
 
 ^s-S=- c - «C i< c > r <XfX<^ <j*g|L.<£L- >.v^'- *«xx 
 >V^S^ r S' c <C..<;\c <««<3Xx ^ <xx 
 
 v= -..;;■■■■ ^^<-S^ <xxxcxx<; •■ ccc:c«v< ■/ .. ^x- 
 
 <.^y '■'■-- «XX< ss^.-ca-c Cr c c - . 
 
 
 
 <CL*x 
 
 ^ • >f, -^-^. <2co- «c<x:<r <r x * 
 
 ^ ( ^£$;^c2x: crccx'ccd 
 
 ( <XK^ -ccx^<2 **" 
 
 c^K c<3xx ^cr^^:<iicc 
 
 .^££--,%^ ^S^*^s< cxic:-<s;' x «: 
 
 <Z'-< <c 
 
 
 • ( ^:x-:d<i:i:c 7 c: 
 
 
 
 
 4<1 c?:v<_:vcsf:cfCJ.-^ovC 
 
 ■c ^J'cTC Cl ' <lx- < - d:x <^-^ ^ C ^ «— :<x ;;/- 
 

 
THE ABOLITIONIST. 
 
 VOL. L] 
 
 JANUARY, 1833. 
 
 [NO. I. 
 
 THE ABOLITIONIST. 
 
 The object of the Abolitionist, as its name 
 indicates, is to promote the abolition of sla- 
 very, and also to improve the condition of the 
 free people of color in the United States. 
 The work will be under the editorial super- 
 vision of a Committee of the New-England 
 Anti-Slavery Society. 
 
 * We believe that very unsound opinions and 
 unchristian feelings, in regard to slavery, pre- 
 vail throughout our country. Even in the 
 states in which slavery is not tolerated, the 
 great majority of the people are its apologists 
 and supporters. Many, while they acknowl- 
 edge that slavery is an evil, seem quite un- 
 conscious that to keep men in bondage is a 
 sin. They pity the unfortunate slaveholder, 
 but have no sympathy for the wretched slave. 
 While they lament that a large portion of our 
 country should have its morals corrupted, its 
 wealth and strength impaired, and its future 
 prospects shrouded in gloom, by the institu- 
 tion of slavery, they with the greatest incon- 
 sistency brand every one as an unprincipled 
 incendiary, who attempts to point out any 
 remedy for these present and future evils. 
 
 We contend that slavery is as proper a sub- 
 ject of discussion, as any other topic in which 
 large numbers of men are concerned ; and 
 no good reason can be shown for restraining 
 the liberty of the press on this subject, which 
 will not apply to many others. Bonaparte, 
 and other despotic rulers, have thought that 
 no measures of government ought to be freely 
 canvassed in the public prints. If it be once 
 admitted that there is any one topic in which 
 the public is concerned, on which the press 
 may not speak freely, there is no principle on 
 which the freedom of the press can be de- 
 fended. 
 
 While, however, we advocate the unre- 
 strained right of expressing opinion, we are 
 far from recommending the publication of any 
 thing designed to excite the slaves to insur- 
 rection. Pieces with such an object will find 
 VOL. I. 
 
 no admission in the Abolitionist, and will re- 
 ceive from it nothing but reprobation. 
 
 We shall address ourselves to the reason 
 and humanity of our countrymen. We see 
 among us a large proportion of our population 
 distinguished from the rest only in color and 
 features, who are yet, on account of this dis- 
 tinction, made the victims of an inveterate 
 and unchristian prejudice. Knowing that our 
 countrymen are men, and that the great ma- 
 jority of them are Christians, we shall endea- 
 vor to show that this prejudice is not sanction- 
 ed either by reason, religion, or humanity. 
 We shall, therefore, call on every individual, 
 who feels convinced of this truth, to exert 
 himself to impress it upon his neighbors. 
 Believing in a superintending Providence, we 
 cannot doubt that truth and justice wdl finally 
 prevail. 
 
 We shall advocate Immediate x\bolition. 
 Let not our readers startle at the words. We 
 shall show by abundant facts before the year 
 is out, that wherever the experiment of imme- 
 diate abolition has been tried, it has been suc- 
 cessful. Even the history of Hayti, which has 
 been so much misunderstood and misrepre- 
 sented, affords unanswerable evidence of this 
 truth. 
 
 We shall recommend the moral and intel- 
 lectual education of the people of color in 
 our country, both bond and free. Even cor- 
 poreal liberty is of little comparative value to 
 its possessors, while their minds remain en- 
 enslaved to ignorance, sloth and sensual- 
 ity. 
 
 We cannot, in the course of these brief in- 
 troductory remarks, present our readers with 
 all our opinions on the momentous subjects 
 which will be discussed in our publication. 
 All that we can promise is, hearts devoted to 
 the great cause in which we are engaged. If 
 our publication shall in some degree, however 
 small, promote it, our labors will not be in 
 vain. 
 
 1 
 
New-England Anti-Slavery Society. 
 
 NEW-ENGLAND ANTI-SLAVERY SO- 
 CIETY. 
 
 The Firsl Annua] M this Society 
 
 takes place "ii the second Wednesday of Jan- 
 uary, instant, on which occasion a general in- 
 vitation is given by its Managers to aJJ the 
 friends of the colored race in New-England to 
 be present. A particular account of the pro- 
 ceedings (which are expected to be of an in- 
 teresting character) will be given in the Abo- 
 litionist for February. 
 
 This Society was formed on the first of 
 January, L832. The second article of its 
 Constitution explains the purposes of its or- 
 ganization : 
 
 ' Article 2. The objects of the Society shall lie to en- 
 deavor, by all means sanctioned by law, humanity and 
 religion, to effect the abolition of slavery in the United 
 States, to improve the character anil condition of the 
 free people of color, to inform and correct public opin- 
 ion in relation to their situation and rights, and obtain 
 for them equal civil and political rights and privileges 
 with tin 1 u bites.' 
 
 We think it may be truly said, that no so- 
 ciety, commencing under such adverse cir- 
 cumstances and possessing such limited 
 means, has ever risen so rapidly in import- 
 ance, or so widely operated upon public sen- 
 timent, or at the expiration of its first year 
 given so much promise of usefulness, as the 
 Anti-Slavery Society. It is true, extraordi- 
 nary efforts have been made to crush it, by 
 the enemies of full and immediate restitution 
 to the slaves ; hideous caricatures of its fea- 
 tures have been held up to the public view; 
 its claims for the victims of southern oppres- 
 sion, although graduated by the lowest scale 
 of justice, have created in various quarters 
 alarming apprehensions, simply because they 
 have been misinterpreted by ignorance, or ex- 
 aggerated by prejudice:— but, in despite of 
 the opposition of a rival, well-disciplined and 
 powerful association, and of these various 
 hindrances, the Anti-Slavery Society has ac- 
 complished much for the cause of liberty and 
 justice, by a wide dissemination of its princi- 
 ples, and the employment of a zealous and 
 intelligent Agent. Probably, through its in- 
 strumentality, more public addresses on the 
 subject of slavery, and appeals in behalf of 
 the contemned free people of color, have been 
 made in New-England, during the past year, 
 than were elicited for forty years prior to its 
 organization. These efforts have excited a 
 spirit of inquiry, and a vigorous discussion in 
 the community; the hearts of multitudes have 
 been touched with a flame of sympathy ; light 
 
 has been Bhed where all was obscure, though 
 in some instances the darkness 'comprehend- 
 ed it not' 
 
 The Society commences its operations for 
 another year, h ith a rich accumulation of ex- 
 perience, hope and zeal. Cheered by the 
 promises of Him who cannot lie, relying upon 
 His gracious assistance, and warmed Jby a love 
 toward all classes of men which many waters 
 cannot quench, it resolves to persevere in its 
 benevolent enterprise, through evil as well as 
 good report, whether men will hear, or wheth- 
 er they will forbear. May all its measures 
 be such as to commend themselves to all who 
 sincerely desire the welfare of their fellow 
 men, and be acceptable in the sight of the 
 Most High God, ' who has made of one blood 
 all nations of men to dwell upon all the face 
 of the earth '—who regards the cries of the 
 prisoner, and has given us his word that he 
 ' will maintain the cause of the afflicted and 
 the right of the poor '! 
 
 Whatever differences of opinion may pre- 
 vail, respecting the best mode of attacking the 
 slave-system, there is one object cherished by 
 the Anti-Slavery Society, for the promotion 
 of which all parties and denominations should 
 coalesce— namely, ' to improve the character 
 and condition of the free people of color/ 
 How many more of this unfortunate class are 
 we determined to scorn, and proscribe, and 
 ruin ? Do we not owe them an immense debt, 
 for years of suffering, infamy and oppression? 
 —Public odium, like the atmosphere, sur- 
 rounds them. A sense of inferiority is made 
 to press upon them with a mighty weight 
 With what face can we, who are persecuting 
 our colored brethren here, assail southern op- 
 pressors ? If we are unwilling to do justly by 
 them, how shall we plead for justice toward 
 the slaves? If we refuse to educate their 
 children, and leave them in their degradation, 
 how shall we dare arraign the people of the 
 south for keeping their slaves in a similarly 
 ignorant condition ? Before New-England can 
 go forward boldly and efficiently in the cause 
 of emancipation, she must elevate her colored 
 population, and rank them with the rest of her 
 children. Reform, not partial but entire — 
 not in the letter but the spirit — must first 
 commence at home. Phila rrthropists and Chris- 
 tians ! come forth, then, to sustain by your con- 
 tributions the Anti-Slavery Society in this be- 
 nevolent work, and the blessings of many shall 
 rest upon your heads. 
 
American Colonization Society. 
 
 AMERICAN COLONIZATION SOCIETY. 
 
 Our reasons for vigorously opposing tins 
 mighty combination will be stated, from time 
 to time, in the pages of the Abolitionist. Some 
 of them are forcibly expressed in the follow- 
 ing extracts from a Circular, put forth in Eng- 
 land by Charles Stuart, Esq. a gentleman 
 who, by his zeal and activity, now occupies a 
 high rank among the philanthropists of that 
 country. 
 
 ' The American Colonization Society direct- 
 ly supports the false and cruel idea that the 
 native country of the colored people of the 
 United States is not their native country, and 
 that they never can be happy until they either 
 exile themselves, or are exiled ; and thus pow- 
 erfully conduces to extinguish in them all 
 those delightful hopes, and to prevent all that 
 glorious exertion, which would make them a 
 blessing to their country. In this particular, 
 the American Colonization Society takes up a 
 falsehood, as cruel to the colored people, as it 
 is disgraceful to themselves ; dwells upon it, 
 as if it were an irrefragable truth ; urges it, as 
 such, upon others ; and thus endeavors with 
 all its force, to make that practically true, 
 which is one of the greatest stains in the 
 American character ; which is one of the 
 greatest scourges that could possibly afflict 
 the free colored people ; and which, in itself, 
 is essentially and unalterably false. For be 
 the pertinacity of prejudice what it may, in 
 asserting that the blacks of America never 
 can be amalgamated, in all respects, in equal 
 brotherhood with the whites, it will not the 
 less remain an everlasting truth, that the wick- 
 edness which produced and perpetuates the 
 assertion, is the only ground of the difficulty, 
 and that all that is requisite to remove the 
 whole evil, is the relenting in love ofthe proud 
 and cruel spirit which produced it. Couldthe 
 American Colonization Society succeed in es- 
 tablishing their views on this subject, as being 
 really true ofthe people ofthe United States, 
 it would only prove that the people of the 
 United States were past repentance ; that they 
 were given over, through their obstinacy in 
 sin, finally to believe a lie ; to harden them- 
 selves, and to perish in their iniquity. But 
 they have not succeeded in establishing this 
 fearful fact against themselves ; and as long 
 as they continue capable of repentance, it 
 never can be true, that the proud and baneful 
 prejudices which now so cruelly alienate them 
 from their colored brethren, may not, will not, 
 must not, yield to the sword of the Spirit, to 
 the Word of God, to the blessed weapons of 
 truth and love.' 
 
 'The American Colonization Society looks 
 abroad over its own country, and it finds a 
 mass of its brethren, whom God has been 
 pleased to clothe with a darker skin. It finds 
 one portion of these free ; another enslaved ! 
 
 It finds a cruel prejudice, as dark and false as 
 sin can make it, reigning with a most tyran- 
 nous sway against both. It finds this preju- 
 dice respecting the free, declaring without a 
 blush, ' We are too wicked ever to love them 
 as God commands us to do — we are so reso- 
 lute in our wickedness as not even to desire 
 to do so — and we are so proud in our iniquity 
 that we will hate and revile whoever disturbs 
 us in it — We want, like the devils of old, to be 
 let alone in our sin — We are unalterably de- 
 termined, and neither God nor man shall move 
 us from this resolution, that our free colored 
 fellow subjects never shall be happy in their 
 native land.' The American Colonization So- 
 ciety, I say, finds this most base and cruel 
 prejudice, and lets it alone ; nay more, it di- 
 rectly and powerfully supports it. 
 
 ' The American Colonization Society finds 
 2,000,000 of its fellow subjects most iniqui- 
 tously enslaved — and it finds a resolution as 
 proud and wicked as the very spirit of the pit 
 can make it against obeying God and letting 
 them go free in their native land. It lets this 
 perfectly infernal resolution alone, nay more, it 
 powerfully supports it ; for it in fact says, as 
 a fond and feeble father might say to some 
 overgrown baby before whose obstinate wick- 
 edness he quailed, ' Never mind, my dear, I 
 don't want to prevent your beating and abu- 
 sing your brothers and sisters — let that be — 
 but here is a box of sugar plums — do pray 
 give them one or two now and then.' The 
 American Colonization Society says practical- 
 ly to the slaveholders and the slave party in 
 the United States, ' We don't want to prevent 
 your plundering 2,000,000 of our fellow sub- 
 jects of their liberty and of the fruits of their 
 toil ; although we know that by every princi- 
 ple of law which does not utterly disgrace us 
 by assimilating us to pirates, that they have 
 as good and as true a right to the equal pro- 
 tection of the law as we have ; and although 
 we ourselves stand prepared to die, rather than 
 submit even to a fragment of the intolerable 
 load of oppression to which we are subjecting 
 them — yet never mind — letthatbe — they have 
 grown old in suffering, and we in iniquity — 
 and we have nothing to do now but to speak 
 peace, peace, to one another in our sins. But 
 if any of their masters, whether from benevo- 
 lence, an awakened conscience, or political or 
 personal fear, should emancipate any, let us 
 send them to Liberia — that is, in fact, let us 
 give a sugar plum here and there to a few, 
 while the many are living and dying unredress- 
 ed — an d while we are thus countenancing the 
 atrocious iniquity beneath which they are per- 
 ishing.' In this aspect I find the American 
 Colonization Society declaring itself a substi- 
 tute for emancipation, and it is in this aspect 
 that I contend with it, and that I proclaim it, 
 as far as it has this character, no farther, a 
 bane to the colored people, whether enslaved or 
 free, and a snare and a disgrace to its country.' 
 
Prayer far Deliverance. — Eloquent Extract. 
 
 PRAYER FOR DELIVERANCE. 
 The heart of every good man, whose eye 
 meets this petition, will unite is its spiril and 
 attires. We find it at the close of an impres- 
 sive sermon on 'The guilt of forbearing to 
 deliver British Colonial Slaves,' by Daniel 
 Wilson, M. A. Vicar of Islington. 
 
 • Do Thou be pleased, O God of mercy, to 
 Look upon us as a nation! Do Thou move the 
 heart of the people as the heart of one man! 
 Do Thou touch us with compunction! Do 
 Thou permit us to repair tins mighty injustice, 
 before Thou Bmitest us for our refusal to do 
 so! Do Thou permit and enable us to break 
 the chains of bondage, ere Thou hurst them 
 in thine indignation! Do Thou assist us to 
 rise above all difficulties and to resist all temp- 
 tations to delay, and to set a pattern of justice 
 at Length to that world, which we have been 
 injuring by our example of selfishness and 
 cruelty! Do Thou enable us to make what 
 compensation we can to the oppressed negro 
 race, for the wrongs we have dene them ! 
 
 'Sutler us not to go on in our provocations 
 of thy divine Majesty! Give us not over, as 
 thou justly mightest, to hardness of heart. 
 Let is not refuse, dike Pharaoh of old, 
 to let the people go, till thy vengeance is 
 uplifted against us, till thou sendest confusion 
 into our councils, a blight upon all our pros- 
 perity, war in our borders, ruin in our national 
 concerns, despair and death in our land ! 
 
 ' Let us yet, — O let us, by thy mercy, be 
 still the people of Thy pasture ! Let truth and 
 righteousness abound among us! Let us set 
 the captives free, and nobly trust to Thee in 
 following the path of duty ! Let Thy gospel 
 yet flourish among us! 
 
 ' Let our nation be still the glory of the re- 
 formed countries, the herald of liberty and 
 peace and social order and religion, to the 
 neighboring states ; the messenger of grace 
 to the Jew and Gentile ; the dispenser of hap- 
 piness and salvation to mankind! And then to 
 thy name, thy mercy, thy long-suffering, thy 
 power, thy grace, shall be the praise for ever 
 and ever, through Jesus Christ our Lord.' 
 
 ELOQUENT EXTRACT. 
 
 As a specimen of the doctrines which are 
 advocated by the English abolitionists, and 
 the manner in which they are received by the 
 people, we present the following extract from 
 a powerful speech delivered at Edinburgh, 
 Oct. 19, 1830, by Andrew Thomson, D. D. 
 Of a truth, it contains 'thoughts that breathe 
 and words that burn.' 
 
 'I do not deny, Sir, notwithstanding what I 
 have now said, that the evils of practical sla- 
 very may be lessened. By parliamentary en- 
 actments, by colonial arrangements, by ap- 
 peals to the judgment and feelings of plant- 
 
 ers, and by various other means, a certain de- 
 jri e of melioration may be secured. But I 
 say, in the first place, that, with all that you 
 can ac( omplish, or reasonably expect, of miti- 
 gation, you cannot alter the nature of slavery 
 itself. With every improvement you have su- 
 perinduced upon it, von have not made it. less 
 debasing, less cruel, less destructive in LtS es- 
 sential character. The blackmail is still the 
 property ofthe white man. And that one cir- 
 cumstance not only implies in it the trans- 
 gression of inalienable right and everlasting 
 justice, but is the fruitful and necessary source 
 of numberless mischiefs, the very thought of 
 which harrows up the soul, and the infliction 
 of which no superintendence of any govern- 
 ment can either prevent or control. Mitigate 
 and keep down the evil as much as you can, 
 still it is there in all its native virulence, and 
 still it will do its malignant work in spite of 
 you. The improvements you have made are 
 merely superficial. You have not reached the 
 seat and vital spring of the mischief. You 
 have only concealed in some measure, and 
 for a time, its inherent enormity. Its essence 
 remains unchanged and untouched, and is 
 ready to unfold itself whenever a convenient 
 season arrives, notwithstanding all your pre- 
 caution, and all your vigilance, in those mani- 
 fold acts of injustice and inhumanity, which 
 arc its genuine and its invariable fruits. You 
 may white-wash the sepulchre — you may put 
 upon it every adornment that fancy can sug- 
 gest, — you may cover it over with all the 
 flowers and evergreens that the garden or the 
 lields can furnish, so that it will appear beau- 
 tiful outwardly unto men. But it is a sepul- 
 chre still, — full of dead men's bones and of all 
 uncleanness. (Great cheering.) Disguise sla- 
 very as you will, — put into the cup all the 
 pleasing and palatable ingredients which you 
 can discover in the wide range of nature and 
 of art, — still it is a bitter, bitter, bitter draught, 
 from which the understanding and the heart 
 of every man, in whom nature works unso- 
 phisticated and unbiassed, recoils with unut- 
 terable aversion and abhorrence. (Immense 
 rlu i ring.) Why, Sir, slavery is the very Upas 
 tree of the moral world, beneath whose pes- 
 tiferous shade all intellect languishes, and all 
 virtue dies. (Reiterated cheering.) And if you 
 would get quit of the evil, you must go more 
 thoroughly and effectually to work than you 
 can ever do by any or by all of those pallia- 
 tives, which are included under the term "mi- 
 tigation." The foul sepulchre must be taken 
 away. The cup of oppression must be dash- 
 ed to pieces on the ground. The pestifer- 
 ous tree must be cut down and eradicated ; 
 it must be, root and branch of it, cast into the 
 consuming lire, and its ashes scattered to the 
 four winds of heaven. (Load and long contin- 
 ued cheering.) It is thus that ypu must deal 
 with slavery. You must annihilate it, — anni- 
 hilate it now, — and annihilate it for ever.' 
 
Safety of Immediate Abolition. 
 
 IMMEDIATE EMANCIPATION. No. I. 
 
 The idea of the immediate emancipation ofthe skives 
 is invariably associated, in the minds of many individ- 
 uals, with rapine and slaughter. To a diseased imag- 
 ination, it appears a monster, huge and infuriate, who, 
 on breaking the chains that bind him, would rush 
 through the land, crushing beneath his feet the bodies 
 of men, women and children, and drinking their blood 
 like water. Nothing can be more ridiculous. Were 
 the proposition to liberate all the slaves, deprive them 
 of all employment and instruction, persecute them with 
 new rigor, and let them roam lawlessly about the coun- 
 try, surely these effects might naturally be supposed to 
 follow its adoption. But it neither means nor implies 
 ' any such thing ; but simply that the slaves who arc 
 without the protection of law shall have that protection 
 — that all property of man in man shalll instantly cease 
 — and that a fair recompense shall be given to the 
 slaves as free laborers. 
 
 We propose to show, in a series of numbers, taken 
 from a pamphlet recently published in England, (acts 
 proving the good conduct and prosperity of emanci- 
 pated slaves, and the entire safety of immediately abol- 
 ishing slavery in the United States. 
 
 ' Of the many persons who declare them- 
 selves averse to slavery and yet afraid to join 
 in measures for its abolition, some perhaps 
 have not paid much attention to the instances 
 of emancipation that have already taken place. 
 If any such will take the trouble to read the 
 following account of the effects of emancipa- 
 tion as far as it has hitherto been tried, they 
 will perhaps see that their fears on the subject 
 are not justified by experience. 
 
 ' The History of Hayti when separated from 
 the accidental circumstances attending it, fur- 
 nishes irrefragable evidence of the safety and 
 advantage of immediate emancipation. It is 
 true that much blood was shed there during 
 the French revolution ; but this was not ow- 
 ing to the emancipation of the slaves, but was 
 the consequence either of the * civil war 
 which preceded the act of emancipation ; or 
 of the atrocious attempt to restore slavery. 
 
 'In September, 1703, Polvirel, one of the 
 Commissioners sent to St. Domingo by the 
 National Convention, issued a proclamation 
 declaring the whole of the slaves in the island 
 free. Colonel Malenfant, a slave proprietor, 
 resident at the time in the island, thus de- 
 scribes the effects of this sudden measure.f 
 " After this public act of emancipation, the 
 Negroes remained quiet both in the south and 
 in the west, and they continued to work upon 
 all the plantations. There were estates which 
 had neither owners nor managers resident 
 upon them, yet upon these estates, though 
 abandoned, the negroes continued their labors 
 where there Avere any even inferior agents 
 to guide them, and on those estates where no 
 
 * See this point fully proved in Clarkson's Thoughts 
 on the necessity of improving the Condition of the 
 Slaves, &c. pp. 1!» to 29. — II ltchard. 
 
 t Memoire Historique et Politique des Colonies, &c. 
 p. 62. 
 
 white men were left to direct them, they be- 
 took themselves to the planting of provisions ; 
 but upon all the plantations where the whites 
 resided, the blacks continued to labor as qui- 
 etly as before." Colonel Malenfant says,* 
 that when many of his neighbors, proprietors 
 or managers, were in prison, the negroes of 
 their plantations came to him to beg him to di- 
 rect them in their work. "Iff you will take 
 care not to talk to them of the restoration of 
 slavery, but talk to them of freedom, you may 
 with this word chain them down to their la- 
 bor. How did Toussaint succeed ? — How did 
 I succeed before his time in the plain of the 
 ( !ulde-Sae on the plantation Gouraud, during 
 more than eight months after liberty had been 
 granted to the slaves ? Let those who knew 
 me at that time, let the blacks themselves, be 
 asked: they will all reply that not a single 
 negro upon that plantation, consisting of more 
 than four hundred and fifty laborers, refused 
 to work : and yet this plantation was thought 
 to be under the worst discipline and the slaves 
 the most idle of any in the plain. I inspired 
 the same activity into three other plantations 
 of which I had the management. If all the 
 neo-roes had come from Africa within six 
 months, if they had the love of independence 
 that the Indians have, I should own that force 
 must be employed ; but ninety-nine out of a 
 Hundred of the blacks are aware that without 
 labor they cannot procure the things that are 
 necessary for them ; that there is no other 
 method of satisfying their wants and their 
 tastes. They know that they must work, they 
 wish to do so, and they will do so." ~\ 
 
 ' Such was the conduct of the negroes for 
 the first nine months after their liberation, or 
 up to the middle of 1794. In the latter part 
 of 1706, Malenfant says, " The colony was 
 flourishing under Toussaint, the whites lived 
 happily and in peace upon their estates, and 
 the negroes continued to work for them." 
 General Lecroix who published his " Memoirs 
 for a History of St. Domingo" in 1819, says 
 that in 1797 the most wonderful progress had 
 been made in agriculture. " The Colony,'* 
 says he, " marched as by enchantment to- 
 wards its ancient splendor : cultivation pros- 
 pered ; every day produced perceptible proof 
 of its progress." General Vincent,:): who was 
 a general of brigade of artillery in St. Do- 
 mingo and a proprietor of estates in the island, 
 ivas sent by Toussaint to Paris in 1801 to lay 
 before the Directory the new constitution 
 which had been agreed upon in St. Domingo. 
 He arrived in France just at the moment of 
 the peace of Amiens, and found that Bona- 
 parte was preparing an armament for the pur- 
 pose of restoring slavery in St. Domingo. 
 He remonstrated against the expedition ; he 
 stated that it was totally unnecessary and 
 
 * Memoire p. 307. 
 t Memoire p. 125. 
 | Clarkson's Thoughts p. 2. 
 
Sitftly of Immediate Abolition. 
 
 therefore criminal, for thai ••very thing was 
 going on well in St Domingo. The proprie- 
 tors were in peaceable possession of their es- 
 cultivation was making rapid pro- 
 gress : the blacks n ere industrious and beyond 
 example happy. He conjured him, therefore, 
 doI ni reverse this beautiful state of tilings; 
 but his efforts were ineffectual, and the expe- 
 dition arrived upon the shores of St. Domin- 
 go. At Length, however, the French were 
 driven from the island. Till that time the 
 planters had retained their property, and then 
 it n as, and not till then, that they lost their all. 
 In 1804 Dessalines was proclaimed Emperor; 
 in process id' time a weal part of the black 
 troops were disbanded, and returned to culti- 
 vation again. From thai tune to this, there 
 has been no want of subordination or indus- 
 try among them. 
 
 'The following account of the character 
 and condition of the negroes of Hayti, at a 
 later period, is taken from "Sketches of Hay- 
 ti" by Mr. Harvey, who during the latter pari 
 of the reign of Christophe spent a considera- 
 ble time at Cape Francois, the capital of his 
 dominions. "The cultivators who formed the 
 great mass of the population, resided on or 
 near the plantations on which they were ap- j 
 pointed to labor. A great proportion of them 
 were engaged in cultivating the estates of 
 the king; if soldiers, they were fed and clothed 
 at his expense ; if regular cultivators, they re- 
 ceived such a share of the produce as was 
 fully adequate to yield them a competent 
 maintenance. Others were in the employ of 
 the nobles and officers, who received either 
 stated wages or such a portion of the article 
 tbey cultivated as was deemed a sufficient re- 
 ward for their industry, were equally supplied 
 with whatever could contribute to their com- 
 fort. And those who by their exertions and 
 economy were enabled to procure small spots 
 of land of their own or to hold the smaller 
 plantations at an annual rent, were diligently 
 engaged in cultivating coffee, sugar, and other 
 articles, which they disposed of to the inhab- 
 itants of the adjacent towns and villages. It 
 was an interesting sight to behold this (lass 
 of the Haytians, now in possession of their 
 freedom, coming in groups to the market near- 
 est which they resided, bringing the produce 
 of their industry for sale ; and afterwards re- 
 turning, carrying back the necessary articles 
 of living which the disposal of their commo- 
 dities had enabled them to purchase; all evi- 
 dently cheerful ami happy. Nor could it fail 
 to occur to the mind that their present condi- 
 tion furnished the most satisfactory answer to 
 that objection to the general emancipation of 
 slaves, founded on their alleged unfitness to 
 value and improve the benefits of liberty. 
 
 'Though of the same race and possessing 
 the same general traits of character as the 
 negroes of the other West India islands, they 
 are already distinguished from them by habits 
 
 of industry and activity such as slaves arc 1 
 seldom known to exhibit As they would not 
 suffer, so they do not require, the attendance 
 id' one acting in the capacity of a driver with 
 the instrument of punishment in his hand. As 
 far as I had an opportunity of ascertaining 
 from what fell under my own observation, and 
 from what I gathered from other European 
 residents, I am persuaded of one general fact 
 which on account of its importance I shall 
 state in the most explicit terms, viz.: that the 
 Haytians employed in cultivating the planta- 
 tions, as well as the rest of the population, per- 
 form as much work in a given time as they 
 were accustomed to do during their subjection 
 to the French. And if we may judge of their 
 future improvement by the change which has 
 been already effected, it may be reasonably 
 anticipated that Hayti will ere long contain a 
 population not inferior in their industry to that 
 id' any civilized nation in the world. 
 
 ' While the interior of the island was in 
 this improving state, and its inhabitants were 
 peaceful and industrious, Cape Francois and 
 other towns presented scenes of the utmost 
 order and activity : the great majority of the 
 inhabitants of Cape Francois consisted of 
 trades-people and mechanics, the fonner of 
 whom were supplied by the resident mer- 
 chants with cloths, linens, silks and other man- 
 ufactures, which they sold to the natives in 
 small quantities. Their business was seldom 
 so great as to enable them to amass fortunes, 
 but it afforded them ample means of support. 
 Towards strangers who entered their shops, 
 whether for the purpose of making purchases 
 or not, they were invariably and remarkably 
 civil ; a trait in the character of Christophe's 
 subjects which I believe to have been uni- 
 versal. The mechanics, though many of them 
 were deficient in skill from having been im- 
 perfectly instructed, were all enabled by their 
 industry to gain a competent maintenance. 
 On the whole, the scene which Cape Francois 
 presented was as interesting as it was in 
 many respects surprising. In few places of 
 commerce could there be seen greater regu- 
 laritv in the despatch of business, greater 
 diligence displayed by those engaged in it, or 
 more evident marks of a prosperous state of 
 things. Every man had some calling to occu- 
 py his attention ; instances of idleness or in- 
 temperance were of rare occurrence, the most 
 perfect subordination prevailed, and all ap- 
 peared contented and happy. A foreigner 
 would have found it difficult to persuade him- 
 self on his first entering the place, that the 
 people he now beheld so submissive, industri- 
 ous and contented, were the same people who 
 a few years before had escaped from the 
 shackles of slavery." 
 
 'A gentleman who had been for upwards of 
 twenty years past a general merchant in 
 Hayti, frequently crossing to Europe and 
 America, gave the following account of the 
 
Letters from James Cropper. 
 
 condition of the Haytians to Captain Stuart 
 at Belfast last winter. The present popula- 
 tion he supposes consists of at least seven 
 hundred thousand. He said that there was 
 very universal happiness amongst them, — 
 and that though their conduct was not unex- 
 ceptionable, yet there was a less proportion of 
 such crimes as disturb the public peace in 
 Hayti, and less distress, than in any other 
 country of his knowledge. That they ob- 
 tained abundance by their own labor. There 
 were no paupers except the decrepid and 
 aged : that the people were very charitable, 
 hospitable and kind, very respectful to Euro- 
 peans, temperate, grateful, faithful, orderly 
 and submissive, easily governable, lively and 
 contented, good mechanics, and that no cor- 
 poral punishments are allowed. 
 
 LETTERS FROM JAMES CROPPER. 
 In 1831, the American Colonization Society 
 deputed an Agent to England, to secure the 
 charities of her philanthropists for the promo- 
 tion of its Utopian scheme. As the Friends 
 in that country are numerous, affluent and in- 
 fluential, it was an artful stroke of policy, on 
 the part of the Society, in selecting an indi- 
 vidual for this agency belonging to this re- 
 spectable body, named Elliott Cresson. For 
 nearly two years he has been actively engag- 
 ed in England, and has succeeded in obtain- 
 ing a large amount of money. To those who 
 are familiar with the sentiments of our trans- 
 atlantic brethren on the subject of emancipa- 
 tion, it is well known that the Colonization 
 Society deprecates the prevalence of those 
 sentiments in this country as subversive of the 
 public peace and safety ; and that the princi- 
 ples of the Society, as promulgated among 
 us, are held in abhorrence by the British abo- 
 litionists. How, then, shall we account for 
 the success of Mr. Cresson ? The reason is 
 obvious — he has triumphed, it pains us to state, 
 by a bold deception! Many of the state- 
 ments which he has put fortli in England, are. 
 not true. Take, for example, his monstrous 
 fabrication, that the colony at Liberia con- 
 sisted of twenty-Jive thousand settlers, of 
 whom twenty-five hundred were emancipated 
 slaves ! and that, for every £7,10, contributed 
 to the Society, one slave would lose his fet- 
 ters ! He has represented the Colonization 
 Society as aiming directly at the overthrow 
 of slavery! Thus it is that he has found fa- 
 vor in the eyes of the noble-hearted aboli- 
 tionists of England. Relying on his decep- 
 tive assurances, they have manifested a spirit 
 of liberality worthy of those who hold no com- 
 promise with oppression. 
 
 In the fiftieth number of the Liberator, for 
 December 15th, 1832, the following interest- 
 ing and important Letters are published, from 
 James Cropper, of Liverpool, one of the most 
 distinguished Friends and Philanthropists in 
 Great Britain. His opinions are entitled to 
 great consideration, as expressed below. 
 
 BuxtoxX, 8 mo. 31, 1832. 
 William Lloyd Garrison: 
 
 Esteemed Friend — I have thy letter of the 
 7th May, which was highly acceptable. The 
 state of my health, which required that I 
 should abstain as much as possible from writ- 
 ing or thinking on deeply interesting subjects, 
 has induced me to be chiefly from home for 
 several months past, not only for the benefit 
 of the Waters, but also a change of air, and 
 also quiet, which I could not have had at 
 home ; and this thou wilt accept as my apolo- 
 gy for not writing sooner. 
 
 I have been aware of thy unwearied efforts 
 to promote the best interests of the African 
 race, and feel much obliged by the proofs af- 
 forded in the writings sent to me, with which I 
 agree in sentiment ; and I trust the time is fast 
 approaching,when the real friends of the Negro 
 race will be undeceived, and see, in its naked 
 defonnity, that most abominable attempt to per- 
 petuate slavery, under the title of the American 
 Colonization Society. The real good done by 
 an establishment of free civilized men on the 
 coast of Africa, has deceived many real friends 
 of humanity — whilst the real intention of the 
 plan was concealed. But men must be shal- 
 low indeed, who can much longer be deceived" 
 by such a scheme as the sending of your 
 whole black population to the coast of Africa. 
 It is quite plain to every man of discernment, 
 that to whatever extent the slave population- 
 might be reduced, it would render those who 
 remained more valuable. Slave owners know 
 that slavery can only exist where men are 
 scarce ; for it would be impossible, where they 
 are as plentiful as in Ireland, to establish sla- 
 very, even if allowed by law. In our Colo- 
 nies, this scarcity is kept up, by destroying 
 their lives by cruelty and oppression. In yours, 
 it is proposed to transport them. I trust thy 
 writings will contribute to arouse, more and 
 more, the energies of your free black popula- 
 tion to a due sense of their interests and du- 
 ties ; for, assuredly, slavery cannot last in the 
 United States, when their civilization and im- 
 provement are farther advanced. They feel 
 an attachment to their native land, and I trust 
 they will remain in it, in spite of the efforts of 
 these enemies of the human race, and prove 
 the best means of breaking asunder the chains 
 of their brethren in slavery. But on this sub- 
 ject, I enclose an extract of a letter I have 
 just written to Arnold Buffum. 
 
 All are coming round here to the simple and 
 plain ground of immediate abolition. Go 
 on, then, with your unwearied efforts, and you 
 
Litter to Thomas Clarkson. 
 
 will soon follow in our train : which is the sin- 
 cere and anient wish of 
 
 Thy friend, 
 
 JAMES CROPPER. 
 For some time past, the Anti-Slavery So- 
 ciety have had Agents delivering Lectures in 
 different parts of the country, preparatory to 
 our next Ele< tion, and greal success has at- 
 tended them. The West Indians are em- 
 ploying an Agenl to answer our Lecturer in 
 Liverpool and M mchester. All this is doing 
 good, by exciting an increased inl irest; and 
 when i> sople can 1);' broughl to hear, truth and 
 justice musl gain ground. j. c. 
 
 Extract of a letter from James Cropper to 
 . trnol I Buffum. 
 ' I did indeed feel it as a cordial to my heart 
 
 to see a Society established within the United 
 , advocating the immediate and entire 
 abolition of Shivery. I have for some time 
 deeply Lamented the chilling influence, on 
 the minds even of the real friends of the Ne- 
 gro, of the American Colonization Society. 
 An establishment on the coast of Africa of 
 those blacks who really go there from their 
 own tree choice, is what every friend of hu- 
 manity must approve, and must rejoice in its 
 success. This has served as a lure, and many 
 of the real friends of humanity have thereby 
 been led into the support of a scheme the 
 most diabolical that ever entered into the heart 
 of man to devise; but such delusions have 
 but their day, and I rejoice in believing that 
 its frightful iniquity is becoming evident, and 
 that the friends of humanity will soon has- 
 ten to disavow all connexion with it. Hap- 
 pily, however, the weakness and folly of the 
 shallow pretext, that it is to remove all the 
 African race to the soil of their ancestors, and 
 to give them freedom, cannot long deceive 
 any one. I am of opinion it would cost more 
 than £1.")0,000,000 sterling to purchase and 
 remove the whole black population, (even if 
 •done at once) — and it' delayed while they in- 
 crease, it would cost much more. But even 
 if this were done, let it never be forgotten 
 that if these cultivators of the soil were sent 
 away, the land they cultivate would be en- 
 tin 'lv worthless, and this would not be less 
 loss 'to the country than £100,000,000 more. 
 Was ever such an act of national suicide be- 
 fore proposed? The American people musl 
 iove from their mind - the unchristian preju^ 
 dices against the color of these their fellow men. 
 They must make them freeatonce: let them 
 then b scorn ■ their tenants and the independ- 
 ent cultivator- of the soil, and 1 feel qo quesr 
 tion thai the land rents from th° Blacks will 
 soon be far greater than their revenues from 
 the land and slaves together. Then they may 
 resl assured of the peace of their own homes, 
 resting on the solid foundation of the happi- 
 ness of their emancipated tenantry. In this 
 country, the wickedness and folly of the sys- 
 
 tem of slavery are becoming more and more 
 known and abhorred, and all seem to be rap- 
 idly coming round to advocate immediate abo- 
 lition; and 1 trust you will not be very long 
 behind us. 
 
 ' The proposal of gradual abolition, which 
 was but gradually returning to justice, had a 
 chilling influence on our exertions, so that 
 there was qo difference hut in degree between 
 the most inveterate advocate of slavery and 
 the gradual abolitionist, for all condemned 
 slavery in the abstract. But now this delu- 
 sion is gone, tins partnership in crime has 
 ended, and we are pursuing a direct, straight 
 forward course. 
 
 ' My mind has been turned to writing an ar- 
 ticle against the schemes of the Colonization 
 Society, and I should have done it before this 
 (probably) if my health had permitted — but I 
 rejoice in believing it will not be wanted. My 
 zealous and devoted friend Capt. Stuart has 
 published an excellent pamphlet, entitled 
 ' Remarks on the Colony of Liberia, and the 
 American Colonization Society,' which very 
 ably exposes this scheme.' 
 
 LETTER TO THOMAS CLARKSON. 
 Boston, (New-England,) 12 mo. 20, 1832. 
 
 My DEAR FRIEND : 
 
 A deep sense of duty to the cause in which 
 thou hast been so long, so ardently, and so 
 successfully engaged, prompts me to address 
 thee, in relation to thy letter of Dec. 1, 1831, 
 addressed to Elliott Cresson, on the subject of 
 the American Colonization Society. That 
 letter has been published in a garbled form in 
 the African Repository of last month. Those 
 parts in which thou expressest thy views ^)f 
 the designs of the Society, as represented to 
 thee by one, who, it seems, is a fit Agent for 
 a Society which can succeed only by strata- 
 gem and deception, are omitted, and the place 
 supplied by editorial statements, calculated to 
 produce the impression that thou approvest 
 the wicked devices of that institution; and 
 thus thy name is used in support of a scheme 
 for banishing three hundred thousand of the 
 free citizens of the United States to Africa, 
 who form the connecting link in the chain of 
 human society in this country, between the 
 free white citizens and the slaves, and serve 
 iis conductors to the minds of the slaves of the 
 spirit of freedom and the principles of human 
 rights. 
 
 In the first paragraph in thy letter, thou 
 hast stated that the object of the society seems 
 to be, 'first, to assist in the emancipation of all 
 the slaves now in the United States.' Taking 
 this view of the design of the Society, it is 
 not surprising that thou shouldest so far ap- 
 prove its objed as thou hast expressed in said 
 letter. Mut if this was really its design, why 
 did not the Secretary of the Colonization So- 
 ciety, when he published this letter, give thy 
 I views of it in thy own words ? Surely he 
 
Letter to Thomas Clarkson. 
 
 Could find no language more appropriate or 
 explicit; but this, it seems, would not answer 
 his purpose — this would have shown what were 
 the principles and measures which thou 
 wouldst approve, which are widely different 
 from the principles and measures of* that So- 
 ciety of slaveholders. The Editor of the Re- 
 pository has, therefore, substituted his own 
 views of the Society's design, and then given 
 such parts only of thy letter as suited his pur- 
 pose, to lead the public mind into a belief that 
 thou didst approve that design. 
 
 Omitting the first paragraph of thy letter, lie 
 has stated, in an editorial introduction, that 
 thou dost 'consider the object of the Society 
 two-fold ; first, to promote the voluntary emi- 
 gration to Africa of the colored population of 
 the United States.' Why is this deceptive 
 representation of a plan which thou wouldst 
 approve, now published in the African Repos- 
 itory, almost a year after the date of thy let- 
 ter? Is it not because the Editor has recently 
 learned that the persecuting spirit of that in- 
 stitution, and its design and tendency to 
 strengthen and perpetuate the slave system, 
 have been detected by that noble band of 
 Christian philanthropists, who, in your coun- 
 try, are engaged in pleading the cause of the 
 oppressed ? Had thy letter to E. Cresson been 
 judged favorable to the cause of colonization, 
 as understood and practised by the American 
 Colonization Society, is it not reasonable to 
 suppose that it would have been published en- 
 tire in the Repository when it first made its 
 appearance ? 
 
 It is perfectly evident to any one who un- 
 derstands the true character of that Society, 
 that thy letter gives no support to its princi- 
 ples and measures ; but, on the contrary, that 
 it breathes a spirit of Christian philanthropy 
 in behalf of the suffering slave, which enters 
 not into the designs of that institution. Be- 
 sides, the Editor of the Repository was un- 
 doubtedly well aware that it would not do to 
 publish, in this country, the other representa- 
 tions, which, it seems, had been made to thee, 
 in order to procure thy name for the promotion 
 of the unhallowed designs of the colonization 
 scheme. Thy statement, therefore, of the 
 representation, that for every £7,10, a slave 
 would receive his freedom, and be colonized, 
 is entirely omitted in the Repository — a rep- 
 resentation, which, for unblushing audacity, 
 has rarely been equalled by any man who had 
 any rpo-ard for his own reputation, and which 
 is sufficiently answered by a reference to the 
 Constitution' of the Society, which declares 
 that 'the object to which its attention shall be 
 exclusively directed shall be to promote a 
 plan for colonizing (with their consent) the 
 free people of color residing in this country, 
 on the coast of Africa, or at such other place 
 as Congress shall deem most expedient.' And 
 also by a reference to the fact, that with all 
 their resources up to the last Annual Report, 
 VOL. I. 
 
 only three hundred and eighty-eight persons, 
 who had ever been slaves, had been emanci- 
 pated and carried to Liberia ; and it is believ- 
 ed that but a very small part of these were 
 emancipated through the influence of the Col- 
 onization Society. It is no part of the plan 
 of the Society to promote emancipations : on 
 the contrary, 'they maintain that individual 
 freedom and individual happiness are properly 
 subordinate to the public good.' And again, 
 'that no slave ought to receive his freedom, 
 except on condition of being excluded, not 
 merely from the State which sets him loose, 
 but from the country.' Again, ' they regard 
 slavery as a legitimate system, which they 
 have neither inclination, interest, nor ability 
 to disturb.' The object of the Society is most 
 clearly set forth in the speech of the Hon. 
 Mr. Archer, of Virginia, as published in the 
 last Annual Report, which, he says, 'is to pro- 
 vide and keep open a drain for the excess of 
 increase beyond the occasions of profitable 
 employment' — to prevent the depreciation in 
 the value of the slaves, which must otherwise 
 inevitably follow their disproportionate multi- 
 plication, being, in the slave states, double 
 that of the whites. I feel the most perfect 
 confidence that no man in England, and es- 
 pecially that none of those who have so nobly 
 espoused the negro's cause, will give their 
 names in support of such a scheme. 
 
 When, too, we look at the simple facts in 
 relation to the progress of the colony in Libe- 
 ria, our hearts sicken at the thought that good 
 men have been deceived and led to contribute 
 to the establishment of a colony there for 
 supplying the natives with ardent spirits, and 
 for making war with them on the slightest 
 pretences, murdering the people, and burning 
 their towns. We cannot see, in such meas- 
 ures, any ground for hope that the cause of 
 civilization and Christianity will be thereby 
 promoted. Indeed, judging the future by the 
 past, we see no reason why the colonists them- 
 selves are not as likely as any other people on 
 the face of the earth to engage in the African 
 slave trade. When they see the most prom- 
 inent men in the Society which sent them 
 thither making a business of buying and sell- 
 ing men, women and children in the United 
 States, why should not they follow the exam- 
 ple, and supply the ships which visit that coast 
 for the purpose of obtaining slaves ? Is it ra- 
 tional to suppose that a Society, which de- 
 clares that it has no inclination to disturb a 
 system under which one sixth part of the peo- 
 ple of the American States are regarded as 
 property ; and as articles of commerce, are 
 bought and sold like dumb beasts, and are de- 
 nrived of every risfht and privilege which 
 Heaven in mercy designed for the children of 
 men, can have any desire from other than in- 
 terested motives to suppress the African slave 
 trade ? It is not known that an individual mem- 
 ber of the Colonization Society has ever 
 
10 
 
 Census of the Untied States. — Why and Because. 
 
 emancipated a Bingle slave to go to the colo- 
 ny, although it is somewhat extraordinary that 
 they have not done so lor the sake ol appear- 
 ances. 
 
 My object, in making this communication, 
 is, to obtain from thy hand a statemenl of thy 
 views of the colonization scheme, not as pre- 
 sented by interested agentej but as exhibited 
 in the authentic publications of the Society. 
 I would particularly refer to the two last Re- 
 ports of the Society, and to an article publish- 
 ed in the North American Review for July, 
 JS-'fJ — a copy of which I semi with this letti r 
 to our dear friend Tames < Iropper- 
 
 W ,; i th" best v. ! shea for the continuance 
 of thy useful lite, accompanied with the bless- 
 ing of health, ami that happiness w bich is the 
 reward of a life devoted to the cause of jus- 
 tice and humanity, I have the pleasure to sub- 
 scribe myself thy friend, and I hope a humble 
 coadjutor in the cause of emancipation. 
 
 ARNOLD BUFF CM. 
 
 CENSUS OF THE COLORED POPULA- 
 TION OF THE U. S. 
 
 
 SI '.U- 
 
 FllEE BJ w KS 
 
 Vermont, 
 
 
 
 88] 
 
 Massachusetts, 
 
 
 
 7,045 
 
 New-Hampshire, 
 
 
 
 602 
 
 Maine, 
 
 
 
 1,171 
 
 Ohio, 
 
 
 
 9,657 
 
 New- York, 
 
 00 
 
 44,869 
 
 Indiana, 
 
 4 
 
 3,629 
 
 Rhode Island, 
 
 14 
 
 3,564 
 
 Michigan Territory, 
 
 26] 
 
 Connecticut, 
 
 25 
 
 8,047 
 
 Illinois, 
 
 717 
 
 1,637 
 
 Pennsylvania, 
 
 403 
 
 37,930 
 
 New-jersey, 
 
 2,254 
 
 18,303 
 
 Delaware, 
 
 3,292 
 
 J 5,855 
 
 Arkansas Territory, 4,576 
 
 141 
 
 District of Columbia, 6,] 1!) 
 
 (5, 152 
 
 Florida Territory, 
 
 15,501 
 
 844 
 
 Missouri, 
 
 25,091 
 
 569 
 
 Mississippi, 
 
 65,659 
 
 519 
 
 Maryland, 
 
 102,994 
 
 52,938 
 
 Louisiana, 
 
 109,588 
 
 Hi.7l() 
 
 Alabama, 
 
 117,549 
 
 1,57-2 
 
 Tennessee, 
 
 1 11,603 
 
 4,555 
 
 Kentucky, 
 
 165,213 
 
 4,917 
 
 Georgia, 
 
 217.5:11 
 
 2,486 
 
 North Carolina, 
 
 245,60] 
 
 19,543 
 
 South Carolina, 
 
 315,401 
 
 7,! 12 1 
 
 Virginia, 
 
 469,757 
 
 47,348 
 
 2,010,(12!) 319,666 
 
 ft~p By tlio census of 1830, I slaves arc reported in 
 M husetts, 5 in New Hampshire, 6 in Maine, 6 
 
 in Ohio, and 76 in New York. Bui as np slaves 
 were reported in Massachusetts, New Hampshire, 
 Maine, and Ohio, by the census of 1820, ana it is 
 admitted on all hands that slaverj cannot legally exist 
 in any one of these states, we have thought it would be 
 a misrepresentation to report any slaves as existing 
 in them. In New-York it is well known that sin- 
 very was totally abolished since the census of 1820, 
 
 therefore there ran be no slave there now. The slaves 
 reported in Indiana. Illinois, and Michigan, are held 
 contrary to the laws of the United Slates, and are 
 therefore free. 
 
 
 
 CENSUS OF 
 
 1830. 
 
 
 
 FREE Willi r PERSONS. 
 
 Males«— unde 
 
 .; years of age, 
 
 972,194 
 
 ol 
 
 5 and under 10, 
 
 782,637 
 
 of 
 
 10 
 
 15, 
 
 671,688 
 
 of 
 
 15 
 
 " 20, 
 
 675,61 I 
 
 of 
 
 20 
 
 " 30, 
 
 951,902 
 
 of 
 
 30 
 
 40, 
 
 592,596 
 
 of 
 
 in 
 
 " 50, 
 
 369,370 
 
 of 
 
 50 
 
 '• 60. 
 
 230,500 
 
 of 
 
 60 
 
 70, 
 
 134,910 
 
 of 
 
 70 
 
 " 80, 
 
 58,136 
 
 of 
 
 80 
 
 90, 
 
 15,945 
 
 of 
 
 90 
 
 LOO, 
 
 1,993 
 
 of 
 
 100 f 
 
 nd upwards, 
 
 274 5,358,759 
 
 Females — tin 
 
 ler 5 years of aee 
 
 920,104 
 
 of 
 
 5 and under Id. 
 
 751,648 
 
 of 
 
 to 
 
 " 15; 
 
 639,063 
 
 of 
 
 15 
 
 " 20, 
 
 597,713 
 
 of 
 
 20 
 
 " 30, 
 
 915,662 
 
 of 
 
 30 
 
 " 40, 
 
 555,565 
 
 of 
 
 Id 
 
 " 50, 
 
 355,425 
 
 of 
 
 50 
 
 60, 
 
 225,928 
 
 of 
 
 60 
 
 " 70, 
 
 130,866 
 
 of 
 
 711 
 
 " 80, 
 
 58,034 
 
 of 
 
 80 
 
 '■' 90, 
 
 17,372 
 
 of 
 
 90 
 
 " 100, 
 
 2,484 
 
 of 
 
 100 and upwards 
 
 234 5,167,299 
 
 Total number of Free Whites 
 si. w es. 
 Male — under 10 years of age, 353,845 
 
 10,52(3,053 
 
 of Id and under 2 1, 
 
 of 24 " 36, 
 
 of 36 " 55, 
 
 of 55 " KM), 
 
 of 100 and itpw arc Is, 
 Females under 10 years, 
 
 of Id and under 21. 
 
 of 24 '• 36, 
 
 of 36 " 55, 
 
 of 55 " 100, 
 
 of 100 and upwards, 
 
 313,676 
 185,654 
 118,996 
 41,456 
 
 718- — 1,014,345 
 
 347,566 
 308,793 
 186,082 
 1 1 1 ,753 
 41,422 
 
 668 9962284 
 
 Total number of Slaves 2,010,629 
 
 FREE COLORED PERSONS. 
 
 Males— under Id years, 18,737 
 
 of 10 and under 24, 43,126 
 
 of 24 '• 36, 27,629 
 
 of 36 " 55, 22-262 
 
 of 55 " 100, 11,375 
 
 of 100 and upwards, 266 153,495 
 
 Females under Id years. 17..'' 17 
 
 of Id and under 24, 8,1 25 
 
 of 24 " 36, 32.501 
 
 of 36 " 55, 24,266 
 
 of 55 " 100, 13,369 
 
 of 100 and upwards, 361 [65,962 
 
 Total number of Free Colored Persons, 
 Total aggregate of the United States, 
 
 319,467 
 
 12,856,1 54 
 
 WHY AND BECAUSE, 
 
 Al'IM.Il'.n TO SOUTHERN SLAVERY. 
 
 The following little article is modified i'rom 
 a trans-atlantic publication : 
 
 Why is the condition of the Black popula- 
 tion at the South so much brought under the 
 i iew of the public at this time '- 
 
Plain Questions to Plaiji Men. — Letter to George Washington. 
 
 II 
 
 Because this Black population, 2,000,000 in 
 number, are equal in the eye of the Creator, 
 and in the eye of the law, with the White 
 population ot" our country. 
 
 Why is the condition of the Black popula- 
 tion in the south worse than that of the labor- 
 ing population in Europe ? 
 
 Because the Black is a slave. 
 
 The White is a freeman. 
 
 The Black works without pay, and is often 
 worked most when he is worst provided for. 
 
 The more the White is worked, the more 
 he is paid. 
 
 The Black is driven at his work with the 
 cart-whip. 
 
 The White can rest his limbs when he 
 likes. 
 
 The Black at crop or harvest time is made 
 to work not only all the day, but half the 
 night g.lso. 
 
 The White at harvest tune works harder, 
 and gets better paid. 
 
 The Black's master may flog him at pleas- 
 ure, for a fault or no fault. 
 
 The White's master dare not raise his hand 
 against him. 
 
 The Black may at any tune be sold like an 
 ox or an ass. 
 
 The White can sell his master as easily as 
 his master can him. 
 
 The Black's child is the absolute property 
 of his master, and may be torn from home for 
 ever to pay his master's debts. 
 
 The White man's home can never be in- 
 vaded. 
 
 Why are planters void of humanity towards 
 their slaves, while towards White people they 
 shew no want of courtesy ? 
 
 Because \\ir\ consider the Black as a thing, 
 and not ns a. human being. — He came into 
 their hands by violence and robber) : and be- 
 ing stowed on shipboard as goods, the planter 
 still believes lum to be such. 
 
 Can a slave attend either public or private 
 worship, without the risk of punishment, if his 
 master forbids him ? If so, quote the law. 
 
 These are plain questions, which every 
 slave-owner knows can only be truly answer- 
 ed in one way. 
 
 When then any individual gets up to tell 
 you how well the slaves are treated, or how 
 happy under such circumstances slaves may 
 be, tell him that he insults your understand- 
 ing, that he outrages your republican feeling, 
 and that he dishonors God. 
 
 A Husband and a Father. 
 
 A FEW PLAIN QUESTIONS TO 
 PLAIN MEN. 
 
 The following pithy questions, although pro- 
 pounded by the British abolitionists to the 
 people of Great Britain, are worthy of consid- 
 eration by the American people : 
 
 Can a slave marry without his owner'.- con- 
 sent? If so, quote the law : give chapter and 
 verse. 
 
 Can a slave prevent the sale of his wit' 1 if 
 the owner pleases? If so, quote the law. 
 
 Can a slave prevent the sale of his own 
 child, if his owner pleases ? If so, quote the 
 law. 
 
 Can a slave with impunity refuse to flog his 
 wife, with her person all exposed, if his own- 
 er pleases to command him ? If so, quote the 
 law. 
 
 Can a slave obtain redress if his master de- 
 prives him of his goods ? If so, quote the law. 
 
 EXPOSTULATORY LETTER TO GEO. 
 WASHINGTON. 
 
 ' The errors of great men,' says an eloquent 
 writer, ' are doubly enormous : enormous as 
 they contradict the tenor of their lives — and 
 enormous by the force of example and the 
 species of palliation which they afford to vul- 
 gar criminals, whose vices are unredeemed 
 by one single virtue.' 
 
 Unhappily, these errors, owing to a crim- 
 inal timidity or fear of plain dealing, are too 
 often suffered to pass without rebuke ; until 
 they become almost sacred as virtues in the 
 estimation of loose moralists, and so are in- 
 cluded among the privileges of human action. 
 He who imitates the prophet Nathan, in his 
 faithful conduct towards the erring David, and 
 tells the great transgressor ofhis crimes, sub- 
 jects himself to the charge of impudence, 
 malice, or slander. Nevertheless, 'fdthful 
 are the wounds of a friend, but the kisses of 
 an en i1 ul.' 
 
 The following Letter was written in 1796, 
 by an eminent philanthropist in Liverpool. 
 Although it was silently returned, may we not 
 hope that its pungent truths (associated, how- 
 ever, with the most liberal concessions) sunk 
 too deeply into the heart of the 'Father of his 
 Country ' to be eradicated, and induced him, 
 on his decease three years afterwards, to 
 manumit nearly all his slaves ? 
 
 In July last, the following Letter was trans- 
 mitted to the person to whom it was address- 
 ed, and a f^v weeks ago it was returned un- 
 der cover without a syllable in reply. As 
 children that, are crammed with confectionary, 
 have no relish for plain food ; so men in pow- 
 er, who arc seldom addressed but in the sweet 
 tones of adulation, are apt to be disgusted 
 with the plain and salutary language of truth. 
 To offend was not the intention of the wri- 
 ter ; yet the President has evidently been ir- 
 ritated : this, however, is not a bad symptom 
 — for irritation, causelessly excited, will fre- 
 
12 
 
 Letter to George Washington. 
 
 quently subside into shame : and to use the 
 language of the moralist, 'Where there is 
 yet shame, there may in time be virtue.' 
 Liverpool, February 'iO, 1 ?!>?. 
 
 l/ETTEB TO GEORGE WASHINGTON. 
 
 It will generally be admitted, Sir, and per- 
 haps with justice, that the great family oi 
 mankind were never more benefitted by the 
 military abilities of any individual, than by 
 those which you displayed during the memor- 
 able American contest 5four country was 
 injured, your services were called for, you im- 
 mediately arose, and after performing the most 
 conspicuous part in that blood-stained trage- 
 dy, you again became a private citizen, and 
 unambitiously retired to your farm. There 
 was more of true greatness in this procedure 
 than the modern world, at least, had ever be- 
 held ; and while public virtue is venerated by 
 your countrymen, a conduct so exalted will 
 not be forgotten. The effects which your re- 
 volution will have upon the world are incalcu- 
 lable. By the flame which you have kindled, 
 every oppressed nation will be enabled to per- 
 ceive its fetters ; and when man once knows 
 that he is enslaved, the business of emancipa- 
 tion is half performed. France has already 
 burst her shackles, neighboring nations will 
 in time prepare, and another half century may 
 behold the present besotted Europe without a 
 Peer, without a Hierarchy, and without a 
 Despot. If men were enlightened, revolutions 
 would be bloodless ; but how are men to be 
 enlightened, when it is the interest of gover- 
 nors to keep the governed in ignorance ? ' To 
 enlighten men,' says your old correspondent, 
 Arthur Young, 'is to make them bad subjects.' 
 Hurricanes spread devastation ; yet hurricanes 
 are not only transient, but give salubrity to 
 the torrid regions, and are quickly followed by 
 azure skies and calm sunshine. Revolutions, 
 too, for a time, may produce turbulence ; yet 
 revolutions clear the political atmosphere, and 
 contribute greatly to the comfort and happi- 
 ness of the human race. What you yourself 
 have lived to witness in the United States, is 
 sufficient to elucidate my position. In your 
 rides along the banks of your favorite Poto- 
 mac, in your frequent excursions through your 
 own extensive grounds, how gratifying must 
 be your sensations on beholding the animated 
 scenery around you, and how pleasurable 
 must be your feelings, on reflecting that your 
 country is now an asylum for mankind : that 
 her commerce, her agriculture, and her popu- 
 lation, are greater than at any former period : 
 and that this prosperity is the natural result of 
 those rights which you defended against an 
 abandoned cabinet, with all that ability which 
 men, who unsheathe the sword in the cause 
 of human nature, Avill, I trust, ever display. 
 Where Liberty is, there man walks erect, and 
 puts forth all his powers ; while Slavery, like a 
 torpedo, benumbs the finest, energies of the 
 
 soul. But it is not to the Commander in 
 Chief of the American forces, nor to the Pres- 
 ident of the I ; ut > (I States, that 1 have aught 
 
 to address ; my business is v. uh George Wash- 
 ington, of Mount Vernon, in Virginia, a man 
 who, notwithstanding ins hatred of oppres- 
 sion and his ardent love of liberty, holds at 
 this moment hundreds of his fellow beings in 
 a state of abject bondage. Yes, you, who 
 
 conquered under the banners of freedom — 
 you, who are now the first magistrate of a free 
 people, are (strange to relate) a slaveholder. 
 Thai a Liverpool merchant should endeavor 
 to enrich himself by such a business, is not a 
 matter of surprise ; but that you, an enlight- 
 ened character, strongly enamored of your 
 own freedom- — you, who, if the British forces 
 had succeeded in the Eastern States, would 
 have retired, with a feu congenial spirits, to 
 the rude fastnesses of the Western wilder? 
 ness, there to have enjoyed that blessing, with- 
 out which a Paradise would be disgusting, and 
 with which the most savage region is not with- 
 out its charms ; that you, I say, should con- 
 tinue a slaveholder, a proprietor of human 
 flesh and blood, creates in many of your Brit- 
 ish friends both astonishment and regret. You 
 are a republican, an advocate for the dissem- 
 ination of knowledge, and for universal jus- 
 tice : — where then are the arguments by which 
 this shameless dereliction of principle can be 
 supported? Your friend Jefferson has endeav- 
 ored to show that the negroes are an inferior 
 order of beings; but surely you will not have 
 recourse to such a subterfuge. Your slaves, 
 it may be urged, are well treated. That I 
 deny — man can never be well treated who is 
 deprived of his rights. They are well cloth- 
 ed, well lodged, &c. Feed me witli ambro- 
 sia, and wash it down with nectar; yet what 
 are these, if Liberty be wanting? You took 
 up arms in defence of the rights of man. Your 
 negroes are men: — where then are the rights 
 of your negroes? They have been inured to 
 slavery, and are not fit for freedom. Thns it 
 was said of the French ; but where is the 
 man of unbiassed common sense, who will as- 
 sert that the French republicans of the pres- 
 sent day are not fit for freedom ? It has been 
 said too by your apologists, that your feelings 
 are inimical to slavery, that you are induced 
 to acquiesce in it at present, merely from mo- 
 tives of policy. The only true policy is jus- 
 tice ; and he who regards the consequences 
 of an act, rather than (he justice of it, gives 
 no very exalted proof of the greatness of his 
 character. But if your feedings be actually 
 repugnant to slavery, then are you more cul- 
 pable than the callous-hearted planter, who 
 laughs at what he calls the pitiful whining of 
 the abolitionists, because he believes slavery 
 to be justifiable : while you persevere in a 
 system which your conscience tells you to be 
 wrong. If we call the man obdurate, who 
 cannot perceive the atrociousness of slavery, 
 
Letter to George Washington. 
 
 13 
 
 what epithets does he deserve, who, while he 
 does perceive its atrociousness, continues to 
 be a proprietor of slaves ? Nor is it likely 
 that your own unfortunate negroes are the 
 only sufferers by your adhering- to this nefa- 
 rious business ; consider the force of an ex- 
 ample like yours, consider how many of the 
 sable race may now be pining - in bondage, 
 merely, forsooth, because the President of the 
 United States, who has the character of a 
 wise and good man, does not see cause to dis- 
 continue the long established practice. Of all 
 the slaveholders under heaven, those of the 
 United States appear to me the most repre- 
 hensible ; for man is never so truly odious as 
 when he inflicts upon others that which he 
 himself abominates. 
 
 When the cup of Slavery was presented to 
 your countrymen, they rejected it with dis- 
 dain, and appealed to the world in justifica- 
 tion of their conduct ; yet such is the incon- 
 sistency of man, that thousands upon thous- 
 ands of those very people, with yourself a- 
 mongst the number, are now sedulously em- 
 ployed in holding the self-same bitter draught 
 to the lips of their sable brethren. From men 
 who are strongly attached to their own rights, 
 and who have suffered much in their defence, 
 one might have expected a scrupulous atten- 
 tion to the rights of others ; did not experi- 
 ence show, that when we ourselves are op- 
 pressed, %ve perceive it with a lynx's eye ; but 
 when we become the oppressors, no noon-tide 
 bats are blinder. Prosperity perhaps may 
 make nations as well as individuals forget the 
 distresses of other times ; yet surely the cit- 
 izens of America cannot so soon have forgot- 
 ten the variety and extent of their own suf- 
 ferings. When your country lay bruised by 
 the iron hand of despotism, and you were 
 compelled to retreat through the Jerseys with 
 a handful of half naked followers, — when the 
 bayonet of the mercenary glistened at your 
 back, and Liberty seemed about to expire, — 
 when your farms were laid waste, your towns 
 reduced to ashes, and your plains and woods 
 were strewed with the mangled bodies of your 
 brave defenders ; when these events were 
 taking place, every breast could feel, and 
 every tongue could execrate the sanguinary 
 proceedings of Britain ; yet what the British 
 were at that period, you are in a great degree 
 at this — you are boastful of your own rights 
 — you are violators of the rights of others, and 
 you are stimulated by an insatiable rapacity, 
 to a cruel and relentless oppression. If the 
 wrongs which you now inflict be not so se- 
 vere as those which were inflicted upon you, 
 it is not because you are less inhuman than 
 the British, but because the unhappy objects 
 of your tyranny have not the power of resist- 
 ance. In defending your own liberties, you 
 undoubtedly suffered much ; yet if your ne- 
 groes, emulating the spirited example of their 
 masters, were to throw off the galling yoke, 
 and, retiring peaceably to some uninhabited 
 
 part of the western region, were to resolve on 
 Liberty or Death, what would be the conduct 
 of southern planters on such an occasion? 
 Nay, what Avould be your conduct ? You who 
 were ' born in a land of liberty,' who ' early 
 learned its value,' you, who ' engaged in a 
 perilous conflict to defend it,' you who, ' in a 
 word, devoted the best years of your life to 
 secure its permanent establishment in your 
 own country, and whose anxious recollections, 
 whose sympathetic feelings, and whose best 
 wishes are irresistibly excited whensoever in 
 any country, you see an oppressed nation un- 
 furl the banners of freedom,'* possessed of 
 these energetic sentiments, what would be 
 your conduct ? Would you have the virtue to 
 applaud so just and animating a movement as 
 a revolt of your southern negroes ? No ! I 
 fear both you and your countrymen would 
 rather imitate the cold blooded British Cabi- 
 net, and to gratify your own sordid views, 
 would scatter among an unoffending people, 
 terror, desolation, and death. Harsh as this 
 conclusion may appear, it is warranted by your 
 present practice ; for the man who can boast 
 of his own rights, yet hold two or three hun- 
 dred of his fellow beings in slavery, would not 
 hesitate, in case of a revolt, to employ the 
 most sanguinary means in his power, rather 
 than forego that which the truly republican 
 laws of his country are pleased to call his 
 property. Shame ! shame ! that man should 
 be deemed the property of man, or that the 
 name of Washington should be found among 
 the list of such proprietors. Should these 
 strictures be deemed severe or unmerited on 
 your part, how comes it, that while in the 
 northern and middle states, the exertions of 
 the virtuous Quakers, and other philanthro- 
 pists, have produced such regulations as must 
 speedily eradicate every trace of slavery in 
 that quarter; how comes it, that from you 
 these humane efforts have never received the 
 least countenance ? If your mind have not 
 sufficient firmness to do away that which is 
 wrong the moment you perceive it to be such, 
 one might have expected that a plan for ame- 
 liorating the evil would have met with your 
 warmest support; but no such thing. The 
 just example of a majority of the States has 
 had no visible effect upon you ; and as to the 
 men of Maryland, of Virginia, of the two Ca- 
 rolinas, of Georgia, and of Kentucky, they 
 smile contemptuously at the idea of" negro 
 emancipation, and, with the State Constitu- 
 tions in one hand, and the cow-skin in the 
 other, exhibit to the world such a spectacle, 
 as every real friend to Liberty must from his 
 soul abominate. 
 
 ' Then what is man, and what man seeing this, 
 And having human feelings, does not blush 
 And haii"' his head to think himself a man ? ' 
 
 * See the answer of the President of the United 
 States to the address of the Minister Plenipotentiary 
 of the French Republic, on presenting the colors of 
 France to the United States. 
 
14 
 
 .1 Negro's Soliloquy on Ihc Ten Commandments. 
 
 Man does not readily perceive dej 
 what be baa been accustomed to venerate ; 
 hence it is that you have escaped those ani- 
 madversions which your slave proprietorship 
 has so long merited. For sev< 
 bravely foughl the battles of your country, 
 and contributed greatly to the i 
 of her liberties ; yet you are a slaveholder! 
 You have been raised by your fellow-citizens 
 to one of the mosl exalted situations upon 
 earth, the h'rsl magistrate of a free | 
 yet you area slaveholder! A majority of your 
 countrymen have recently discovered that sla- 
 very is injustice, and are gradually abolishing 
 the w ron g : yel yon continue to be a slave- 
 holder! — You are a firm believer, too, and 
 your letters and spee< hes te ti ith 
 
 pious reflections on the Divine Being, Provi- 
 dence, & c. : yet you are a slaveholder! Oh! 
 Washington, 'ages to come will read with 
 astonishment' that the man who was foremost 
 to wrench the rights of America from the ty- 
 rannical grasp oi Britain, Mas among the last 
 to relinquish his own oppressive hold of poor 
 and unoffending negroes. 
 
 In the name of justice, what can induce 
 you to tarnish your own well earned celebri- 
 ty, and to impair the fair features of Ameri- 
 can liberty with so foul and indelible a blot? 
 Avarice is said to be the vice of age. Your 
 slaves, old and young, male and female, father, 
 mother and child, might, in the estimation of a 
 Virginia planter, be worth from fifteen to 
 twenty thousand pounds. Now, Sir, are you 
 sure that the unwillingness which you have 
 shewn to liberate your negroes, does not pro- 
 ceed from some lurking pecuniary considera- 
 tions? If this be the case, and there are those 
 who firmly believe it is, then there is no llesh 
 left in your heart; and present reputation, 
 future fame, and all that is estimable among 
 the virtuous, are, for a few thousand pieces of 
 paltry yellow dirt, irremediably renouni 1. 
 EDWARD RUSHTON. 
 
 SLAVERY A VIOLATION OF ALL 
 THE COMMANDMENTS. 
 
 A more simple or affecting illustration of 
 the moral turpitude of slavery, by its violation 
 of all the Commandments, than is contained 
 in the following ' Soliloquy,' cannol be drawn. 
 We extract it from Saunder's News-!, 
 Oct. 30, 1832, printed at Dublin. Reader, 
 art thou indeed a Christian, and canst thou 
 apologize for a system like this, or believe 
 that its instant and utter abolition would be 
 injurious to the masters or to the slaves ? If 
 so, listen to 
 
 a negro's soliloquy on the ten com- 
 mandments. 
 
 What dis ? good preacher-man gave me 
 dis, — told mc learn it; massa no ever shew it 
 
 1 buckra-man say it God's words - , 
 
 be dese Ten Commandments? who 
 ( rod speak 'em to r perhaps only to white man. 
 Bad white man no mind what God say; per- 
 haps God speak 'em to poor black man; me 
 -,>■■ II 'em — me no aide read well. 
 
 ■ I am the Lord thy God, who brought thee out of the 
 
 land of Egj pi.' 
 
 Where Egypt? mc stolen from Africa, — 
 perhaps that ; — oh no! white man do that — 
 nol God. .Me now remember, good preacher 
 one time say, .\t<\\^ slaves in Egypt ; — good God 
 did bring "em out ; — me suppose white man den 
 master in Egypt ; — Jews like poor black man ; 
 — me slave here — me in Egypt Oh, Lord my 
 God, bnii" me out! Me den obey God. 
 
 I. ' Thou shall have none other gods, but inc.' 
 What that mean? Oh, Lord my God, how 
 
 glad poor negro be, he had no other God be- 
 fore thee ; but his massa no let him have you ; 
 — his massa make him work all day, den no 
 let teacher come at night to teach him — what 
 can poor negro do? massa no let him go. 
 Where shall poor negro find him's God? — 
 What can it mean? my massa make me too 
 much 'fraid; he tell me negro must 'bey him 
 first; — den he same like first God to me. But 
 God tell me, I must 'bey him first. What sal 
 I do ? God very good: perhaps He forgive 
 poor negro, if him obey his massa first; massa 
 no forgive me, if I 'bey God first Oh, Lord 
 my God, forgive me, I not first obey you : me 
 too much afraid my massa ; my massa no for- 
 give me, like you. Oh, Lord God, how good 
 eat be for poor negro, when he have no oder 
 < rod before dee. 
 
 II. ' Thou shah not make to thyself any graven im- 
 age, nor the likeness of any ihinir. thai is in Heaven 
 above, or in the earth beneath, or in the waterunder 
 the earth ; thou shalt not Urn down to them, nor wor- 
 ship them ; for I. the Lord thy God, am a jealous God, 
 and visit the sins of the fathers upon the children, unto 
 the third and fourth generation of them that hate me, 
 and shew mercy unto thousands of them that love me, 
 and keep m\ commandments. 1 
 
 Me no understand how dat; — in my own 
 country my priests make many Gods, some 
 stone, some wood, some gold; like men, like 
 beast, Like fish; my king worship all ; he kind 
 to me ; my priest kind to me too, — me happy 
 there; — black man live long there, with 
 old grandfather; — they no beat, me, — they let 
 rk tin myself; — here, white man say, 
 but one God, and he no see him, and he good 
 God; — but white massa no love him; — white 
 massa no love me ; — yel massja merry, massa 
 rich, massa happy; — me sad, — my child sad; 
 —black man always slave, — black child al- 
 ways slave; — why dat? perhaps no God! — 
 Bui good preacher man say, dere is one God 
 in Heaven; — he good man, — he love me, — he 
 speak truth; — me believe him; — God speak, 
 me believe him most 
 
 III. • Tin hi shalt nol take the name of the Lord thy 
 God in vain ; for the Lord will not hold him guiltless,, 
 that takcth His name in vain.' 
 
A Negro's Soliloquy on the Ten Commandments. 
 
 15 
 
 How can me learn dat? — my massa swear, 
 — my driver swear, — my mississ swear; — all 
 round me swear ; — Suppose I no swear, dey 
 all curse me. — Oil my Lord, tell my massa, 
 not swear so ; — tell my mississ not be so an- 
 gry ; — tell my driver not lick poor negro so 
 much ; — den me can stop swear ; — Oh Lord, 
 forgive poor negro, — how can he stop swear ? 
 dey all swear and curse poor negro so. 
 
 IV. 'Remember, that thou keep holy the Sabbath 
 day ; six days shah thou labor, ami do all that thou 
 hast to do ; but the seventh day is the Sabbath of the 
 Lord thy God, — in it thou shah do no manner of work ; 
 thou and thy son and thy daughter ; thy man-servant 
 and thy maid-servant ; thy cattle ; and' the stranger, 
 that is within thy gates ; for in six days the Lord made 
 heaven and earth, the sea and all that in them is, and 
 rested the seventh day, wherefore the Lord blessed the 
 seventh day and hallowed it.' 
 
 Oh massa God ! when will dey let me keep 
 holy de Sabbath day ? — But no rest for poor 
 negro, — all six days long him nms work for 
 his massa; — seven day him mus work for him- 
 self, or him's wife and him's pickaninny must 
 starve wid him ; massa no keep Sabbath day 
 holy; — massa go shoot; — massa go sleep, — 
 massa no go worship ; — driver angry, — driver 
 flog ; — oh Lord my God, tell my massa give 
 poor negro time, oder day, work for himself; 
 so him can rest on Sabbath day ; — tell massa, 
 not let driver flog poor negro so, make him 
 work on dy holy day. 
 
 V. ' Honor thy father and thy mother; thai thy 
 days may be long in the land, which the land thy God 
 giveih thee.' 
 
 Who dey be ? where negro's fader an mod- 
 er? how can him honor dem? — suppose him 
 see driver flog his fader, what can he do? — 
 suppose him see driver throw down his moder, 
 flog her, lick her ; — she cry — she bleed : — ne- 
 gro say one word, he too be throw down; — 
 driver curse him — driver lick him; — lie go tell 
 massa; — massa lick him 'gain; — he go tell 
 magistrate ; magistrate call him ' black rascal ;' 
 — send him to work-house, — order him be 
 flog; — then sendback to his massa ; — his mas- 
 sa flog him; — send him to driver; — driver flog 
 him; — put him in stocks, — drive him, — lick 
 him, — may be kill him ; — What for ? 'cause 
 negro tell him, not make his poor moder bleed 
 so: — Oh Lord, tell his massa, let poor negro 
 alone, to honor Ids fader and moder; — Oh 
 Lord my God, what land gave thou me ? gave 
 all land to massa ; — he live long, — me die 
 soon. 
 
 VI. ' Thou shalt do no murder.' 
 De good buckra man tell me, — Angry in 
 heart, tl.it same like murder ; — de bad buckra 
 man, he make me angry all de day ; — Oh u hat 
 sal I do? me believe good buckra man; den 
 me know, great God angry wid me ; — dat very 
 bad ; me no believe him, den me like kill de 
 bad buckra man : — he flog him so, — he so an- 
 gry, — he take him wife — him child; — he no 
 hear, — me say one word, he mad ; den no 
 
 body can help de poor negro: his massa same 
 like' devil to him ; — nobody can come between 
 'em ; — his massa do just what he like ; — King 
 forget poor negro — buckra man in England no 
 can help him ; — good misshunary man, no can 
 help him ; — all white men murder him. — Oh 
 Lord God, tell 'em no treat poor negro so bad, 
 — den he not so angry in his heart, — den he 
 no more can do so much murder. — Oh help de 
 good buckra man, come soon help him. 
 VII. ' Thou shalt not commit adultery.' 
 How can me help dat? They no let me 
 marry in church ; — me marry in house ; some- 
 times de wicked buckra massa, more time dri- 
 ver take away my wife ; take away my child ; 
 — den me ready to kill 'em ; — that same like 
 murder; — what good for me to marry? — sup- 
 pose I get preacher marry me ; den I commit 
 more murder, in my heart; den God more an- 
 v tv wid me ; — Oh Lord God, tell him massa 
 not take away negro's wife — not take away 
 negro's child, — no let oders take 'em away, — 
 not sell 'em, — not separate 'em from me ; — not 
 rioi; - 'em — let 'em stay home take care of ne- 
 gro's pickaninny; — den negro can have one 
 wife, — den negro can no commit adultery — 
 Oh den, negro work too much for such kind 
 
 VIII. -Thou shalt not steal.' 
 
 Lord my God ! dey steal me, — dey no let 
 me go; — they starve me, — I no get 'nough 
 eat;— my wife cry, — my pickaninny hungry, 
 — I look 'bout ; — no bread — no yam ; — no 
 nothing ; me go out, — me most mad, — me 
 'fraid : — den my poor little pickaninny cry 
 'gain; — den me no more tink 'bout any thing; 
 — onlv go get something for my child eat; — 
 how ran me help dat? Me must steal: — tell 
 my massa let me go ; — tell my massa pay me 
 fair ; — tell my massa no steal no more, my 
 time, my sweat, my work, my wages; — den 
 me no more steal his cane ; — den me get cane 
 my own ; — den me sa some my cane, 
 
 not leave him starve, not come steal it. 
 
 IX. • Thou shall not bear false witness against thy 
 neighbor.' 
 
 () Lord my God, dey bear false witness 
 'gainst me ; — they say I slave ; — Gqd say, I 
 no slave ; — I man ; — they say I steal from 
 them, — but dey steal great deal more from 
 me, and no shamed ; — they say king must pay 
 them, if king make us free; — but what for 
 king must pay them? King must pay me: — 
 we no owe massa any thing, massa owe us too 
 much; massa no buy us, do us good; massa 
 no buy us, do Kino- good ; massa buy us, same 
 like buy pig, do himself good; — so long v^e 
 work tin- massa,he eat all onrwork; — he drink 
 our sweat ; — he shed our blood ; — he bear too 
 much false witness against us: — how glad we 
 be, if massa at last tell truth about poor ne- 
 gro, and say same about him, as God say, he 
 van ; — and same as good buckra man says, he 
 have right be free, same any oder Englishman. 
 
16 
 
 •Song" of the Angels. — ChihPs Evening Hymn. — The Slave's Appeal. 
 
 X. ' Thou shall not covet thy neighbor's house ;— 
 thou shah Dot cove) U13 neighbors wile ; — nor his ser- 
 vant, nor In> maid, nor his OX, nor his ass ; — nor any 
 tiling that is his.' 
 
 My massa got Bible ; — what make him 
 covet my little hut, — my wife, — my child; — 
 
 is he no read ; — Oil how much In' 
 
 covet j t negro 5 — he covet negro's body; 
 
 — suppose poor negro got soul, he covet 
 's soul too; — he covet negro's time, — 
 he no give negro rest; — he no give negro 
 no time learn read Bible ; — he not care 
 'bout read Bible himself; so he tink perhaps 
 in" nol care too: — he covet negro's work; he 
 no lei negro work tor himself, — for his wife, 
 for his little pickaninny ; — he covet negro 
 wages; — he take all negro's money 'way, an 
 call it his own ; — Oh he be great thief, how he 
 steal from poor negro ; — he all covet; then 
 suppose poor negro too hungry ; — suppose 
 him wife, hiin child, too hungry; — he take bit 
 sugar cane, suck, give his child to suck — carry 
 to his wife say, here, see little bit sugar cane, 
 you suck that ; then you not be so hungry no 
 more; massa find out; he call negro thief; 
 that is lie: massa thief; massa great thief; 
 massa covet all negro got; massa steal all ne- 
 gro got; massa no let negro get any thing ; 
 then call poor negro thief; dat too bad ! — Oh 
 Lord, tell de buckra man not covet negro so 
 much, not covet negro's wife ; negro's child ; 
 negro's time ; negro's work; negro's wages; 
 negro's soul; negro's all; — so den negro can 
 learn too, not covet ; den negro can learn love 
 buckra man; negro now love de good buckra 
 man ; some time he see de good buckra man 
 cry for him, 'cause he no can help poor negro. 
 Oh Lord, bless de good buckra man; forgive 
 the bad buckra man ! Oh Lord, turn his 
 heart ; tell him not covet, not steal, not 'buse 
 poor negro so. Oh Lord, help poor negro 
 himself not covet. 
 
 Amen! amen! so may it be, and soon! oh 
 Lord ! 
 
 [For the Abolitionist.] 
 THE SONG OF THE ANGELS. 
 Hark ! the glad news the angels bring-, 
 And to the listening shepherds sing : 
 ' Peace on earth to man be given/ 
 And earth repeats the sound to heaven. 
 
 Scarce had the angels reached the skv. 
 
 When earth was heard to heave a sigh; 
 O'er Afric's sons a chain is cast, 
 And man now binds his brother fast. 
 
 The sun for years through heaven has shone, 
 And still poor A trie's left to groan ; 
 While all things else in earth and sea. 
 That feel his warmth, are bright and free. 
 
 To heaven, poor slave, address thy prayer, 
 And it shall find acceptance there; 
 For thou hast surely said, oh God, 
 That thou wilt break th' oppressor's rod. 
 
 Welcome the hour when war shall cease, 
 And man with man shall live in peace, 
 Then Ethiop's sons shall be restor'd, 
 And live the freemen of the Lord. 
 
 Then shall arrive that blessed time, 
 
 When all who dwell in Afric's clime, 
 Shall hear with joy those happy strains, 
 The angels sunn on Bethlehem's plains. 
 
 [From the Liberator.] 
 
 THE CHILD'S EVENING HYMN. 
 
 Father, while the daj light dies. 
 Hear our grateful \ oices rise ! 
 For the blessings that we share, 
 For thy kindness and thy care, 
 
 For the joy that tills our breast, 
 
 And the love that makes u> blest, 
 
 We thank tiiec, Father ! 
 
 For an earthly father's arm. 
 Shielding us from wrong and harm; 
 For a mother's watchful cares, 
 .Mingled with her many prayers; 
 For the happy kindred band. 
 Midst whose peaceful links we stand,— 
 
 We thank thee, Father ! 
 
 Vet, while 'neatli the evening skies, 
 Thus we bid our thanks arise, 
 Father ! still we think of those, 
 Who are bowed with many woes; 
 Whom no earthly parent's arm 
 Can protect from wrong and harm,— 
 
 The poor slaves, Father ! 
 
 Ah I while we arc richly blest, 
 They arc wretched and distrest ! 
 Outcasts in their native land, 
 Crush'd beneath oppression's hand, 
 Scarcely knowing even thee, 
 Mighty Lord of earth and sea ! 
 
 ( )h save them, Father ! 
 
 Touch the flinty hearts that long 
 Have remorseless done them wrong ; 
 Ope the eyes that long have been 
 Blinded to each guilty scene; 
 That the slave — a slave no more — 
 Grateful thanks to thee may pour, 
 
 And bless thee, Father! 
 
 [From the Genius of Universal Emancipation.] 
 THE SLAVE'S APPEAL. 
 
 Christian mother, when thy prayer 
 Trembles on the twilight air, 
 And thou askest God to keep, 
 In their waking and their sleep, 
 Those whose love is more to thee 
 Than the wealth of land or sea, 
 Think of those who wildly mourn 
 For the loved ones from them torn ! 
 
 Christian daughter, sister, wife ! 
 Ye who wear a guarded life — 
 Ye whose bliss hangs not, like mine, 
 On a tyrant's word or sign, 
 Will ye hear, with careless eye, 
 Of the wild despairing cry, 
 Rising up from human hearts, 
 As their latest bliss departs ? 
 
 Blest ones ! whom no hands on earth, 
 
 Dare to wrench from home and hearth, 
 
 Ye whose hearts arc 1 sheltered well 
 
 By affection's holy spell, 
 
 < >h forget not those, for whom 
 
 Life is nought but changeless gloom, 
 
 O'er whose days of cheerless sorrow, 
 
 Hope may paint no brighter morrow ! 
 
 Acnes. 
 
THE ABOLITIONIST. 
 
 VOL. I.] 
 
 FEBRUARY, 183 3. 
 
 [NO. II. 
 
 ANNUAL MEETING OF THE NEW-ENGLAND 
 ANTI-SLAVERY SOCIETY. 
 
 The Annual Meeting- of this Society was 
 held at Boylston Hall, in Boston, on Wednes- 
 day evening - , January ninth. A numerous au- 
 dience was assembled. 
 
 The meeting Avas opened with prayer by the 
 Rev. Tyler Thacher. 
 
 Mr. Buffum, President of the Society, made 
 a few remarks, in which he stated the plans 
 and objects of the Society. 
 
 Delegates from auxiliary societies having 
 been requested to present their credentials, 
 Mr. David T. Kimball, of the Andover Theo- 
 logical Seminary, produced a certificate of his 
 being a delegate from the Andover Auxiliary 
 Anti-Slavery Society, which was read by the 
 President. 
 
 Mr. Garrison, the Corresponding Secretary, 
 then read the Annual Report of the Managers. 
 This paper explained at some length the ob- 
 jects of the Society, and vindicated its princi- 
 ples from the unjust reproaches which have 
 been often heaped upon them. It strenuously 
 supported immediate abolition, by showing the 
 true nature of the measure, and its safety and 
 necessity. After exposing the principles of 
 the Colonization Society, and adverting to 
 some other topics, the Report set forth the 
 measures which the Society had adopted, and 
 the gratifying success which had so far at- 
 tended its exertions. We have given but a 
 brief outline of this paper, as it will bo pub- 
 lished in a separate form. 
 
 Mr. Robert B. Hall then moved the accep- 
 tance of the Report, and supported his motion 
 in a short address, in which he congratulated 
 the Society upon the encouraging prospects 
 before them. 
 
 The motion was seconded by Mr. Oliver 
 Johnson, and passed. 
 
 Samuel E. Sewall, Esq. then proposed the 
 following resolution : 
 
 Resolved, That slavery and the traffic in slaves in 
 the District of Columbia, ought to be abolished by the 
 government of the United States; and that every citi- 
 zen of every State in which slavery is not tolerated, is 
 VOL. I. 
 
 bound to use the same exertions to put an end to it in 
 that District, which he would be if it existed in his own 
 
 State. 
 
 Mr. Sewall spoke for a few minutes in sup- 
 port of his resolution. He adverted to the 
 history of the District of Columbia, the cessipn 
 of its two parts to the United States by Mary- 
 land and Virginia, for a seat of government, 
 by means of which it became subject to the 
 exclusive legislation of Congress. He alluded 
 to the wretched system of slave laws which 
 prevailed in the District, showed how negli- 
 gent Congress had been of the rights of slaves 
 and other persons of color there ; and stated 
 that this District had become one of the great- 
 est slave markets in the country — that slaves 
 were brought into it from the neighboring 
 States, chained in droves, then confined in the 
 public or private jaUs, and finally shipped to 
 the Southern ports. He pointed out some of 
 the cruel injuries to which free people of 
 color were subjected, by being kidnapped and 
 sold for slaves, in consequence of the tolera- 
 tion of the slave trade in the District; and 
 concluded by exhorting the audience to exert 
 themselves to put an end to the atrocious sys- 
 tem, tolerated by the American nation at the 
 seat of its government. 
 
 The Rev. E. M. P. Wells seconded the mo- 
 tion, and supported it by appropriate remarks. 
 He mentioned the general ignorance which 
 prevailed in this community of the state of 
 things which existed in the District of Colum- 
 bia. Many people, he said, among us were 
 not aware that slavery and the slave trade 
 were thus directly countenanced and support- 
 ed by the American government and people. 
 He afterwards spoke of the criminality of sla- 
 very, and laid doAvnthe following propositions : 
 
 1. Slavery is inconsistent with Christianity. — 
 
 2. It is inconsistent with humanity. — 3. It is 
 inconsistent with the principles of a republican 
 government : each of which propositions he 
 sustained by arguments. 
 
 David L. Child, Esq. next addressed the 
 meeting, in support of the resolution. He 
 
18 
 
 Annual Meeting of tht JVeio-England Anti-Slavm/ Society. 
 
 bore testimony to the truth of the statements 
 of the mover of the resolution. He tht n 
 ed oul how completely the slave in this coun- 
 try is unprotected by law from injury and op- 
 pression. He n 
 illustration i 
 
 The resolution then passed unanimously. 
 
 W. J. Snelling, Esq. then spoke for a kw 
 
 minutes, and related an anecdote which illus- 
 
 strikingly the remark of the last 
 
 speaker,-that slaves in this i were not 
 
 in any degree prol icted by I te law. 
 
 tion had been taken for the 
 Society, the mi I 
 ing adjourned, to meet again on Wednesday 
 evening, Jan. 16th. 
 
 January 1(j. The Society met, pursuant 
 to the adjournment. The spacious hall was 
 crowded with a highly respectable assemblage, 
 among which Mere a large number of mem- 
 bers of the Legislature, from various parts of 
 the Commonwealth. The meeting was open- 
 ed with prayer, by the Rev. Tyler Thacher. 
 Extracts of Letters from Rev. Samuel ] 
 of Brooklyn, Conn., Gen. Samuel Fessenden, 
 of Portland, Me., Arthur Tappan, Esq. of New 
 York, and Mr. Theodore D. Weld of Hartford, 
 Conn., were then read — as follows : 
 
 Brooklyn, Dec. 17. 
 
 My Dear Frit ml : 
 
 Yours of the 4ih is before me. I rejoice once more 
 to have, under your own hand, an assurance of your 
 health, success, untiring devotion to the cause you 
 have cspotis,. (I, and though las! no! least, your kind 
 regards for myself. Though I have written but Rule 
 on the subject of slavery, I have talked much about it 
 in the Lyceum, In stage coaches, in social circles — 
 and in my public prayers, in the house of God, his 
 oppressed children are never forgotten. Myheartis 
 with you — and I am not afraid an} where to avow 
 that my sentiments are in accordance with those bfthe 
 New-England Anti-Slavery Society. 
 
 [f possible, 1 shall be with you at the Anniversary — 
 and if I come, 1 shall beg leave to bring forward and 
 advocate this Resolution : 
 
 ' The principles of the Anti-Slavery Society do not 
 infringe the rights of any of our fellow citizens, nor en- 
 danger the peace and happiness of our country.' 
 
 But my engagements here are so numerous and 
 pressing, thai I fear I shall nol be allowed to lend you 
 the little assistance in my power on that occasion. 
 The cause of liberty is most dear to my heart — liberty 
 of body and of mind. I would have my fellow beings 
 from the highest to the lowest, fear nothing but to rjo 
 wrong; and J would have them fear this more than 
 death. * * * * 
 
 Yours, affectionately, 
 
 „, T SAMUEL J. MAY. 
 
 Wm. Lloyd Garrison, Cor. Sec. 
 
 Portland, Dec. 1 1. 1832. 
 Dear Sir • 
 
 Your favor under date of the 30th of Nov. was reg- 
 ularly received, .since which 1 have been casting a- 
 
 liont to see if it would he practicable for me to be 
 it the Annual Meeting of the New-England 
 Anti-Slavery Society, and to contribute my mite in 3 
 cause which 1 deem one of the holiest and most im- 
 portant in which mortal man i \ 
 
 1 l;i11 " are of such a 
 
 - to preclude me from i ■• n, y 0va 
 
 II is not necessary to enter on their detail ; 
 ure you the . as you would deem 
 
 i in this cause. I assure 
 you, however, that 1 am with you in h 
 ami to the full extent of all your' views. What 1 can 
 do, shall be done ■, and 1 have the pleasure of saying 
 to you that the . i which you are i 
 
 is rapidly gaining converts here ; and I trust before 
 the Spring opens, that we shall do something' that will 
 encoui r heart. 
 
 * * # # 
 
 ■ odier day, a 
 papei from Mississippi, containing the newConstitu- 
 tion of that State. The object of the person who sent 
 
 '■i was to let me see thai document. I find 
 that by the Constitution, the Legislature is prohibited 
 
 any lav for the emancipation of the slaves 
 
 um1k.ii! the consent of the owner I ! This must tie Up 
 the hands of that people until there shall be an altera- 
 tion of their Constitution. Thus we seehow theyin- 
 tend to perpetuate this curse. In the same paper arc 
 thirteen advertisements of colored men arrested and 
 committed to gaol on suspicion of being runaway ne- 
 
 Phese pei ons are minutely described, and in 
 nine of the thirteen cases it is stated thej are deeply 
 marked on various parts of the body, with sears the 
 effect ofthelash!! This is the humanity with which 
 
 re ov ited in the slave States, of which such 
 boast is made by slaveholders. 
 
 long, oh Lord! how long shall thy vengeance 
 sleep .' When shall thy soul be avenged on Mich a. 
 nation as this ] 
 
 Most truly your friend and servant, 
 
 SAMI T. I , FESSENDEN, 
 \\ m. Lloyd Garrison, Cor. Sec. 
 
 New-York, Dec. 7. 1832. 
 Dear Sir: 
 
 1 have your i f f the I ; >ih tilt, request- 
 
 ing, in behalf of the New-England Anti-Slaverj Soci- 
 ety, that I would attend the annual meeting of the So- 
 ciety in Boston, on the 2d Wednesday of January, 
 and deliver an address, [f j thought it would promote 
 the cause, I should che null v comply with the invita- 
 tion; but though I /: ,' the subject deeply, and will 
 express my feelings in a different, and perhaps not 
 le •' nphatic waj than the one you suggest, — lam 
 yet obliged to decline public speaking' o;i the subject. 
 With esteem, your friend, 
 
 ARTHUR TAPPAN. 
 
 \\ u. Lloyd Garrison, Cor. Sec. 
 
 Hartford, Jan. 1, 1833. 
 Dear Sir: 
 
 I have this moment received your letter of the 31st 
 Dec. containing the kind invitation of your Board of 
 Managers, which I am forced by circumstances re* 
 
 specttully to decline. 
 
 Though it has been my misfortune never to have 
 come m contacl with the published views, arguments 
 &c. ofthe Anti-Slavery Society, its expressivt name 
 is dear to my soul, from that I infer that the Societ3 
 
 is based upon that -real fundamental law of human 
 
 right, that nothing but crime can forfeit liberty— -that 
 
 no condition of birth, no shade of color, no mere mis- 
 fortune of circumstances, can annul that birthright 
 charter which God has bequeathed to everj being up- 
 on " i he has stamped his own image, by making 
 
 moral agent— and that he who roi.s his fef- 
 low man of this, tramples upon right— subverts justice 
 —outrages humanity— unsettles "the foundations of 
 
Annual Meeting of the New-England Anti-Slavery Society. 
 
 l!l 
 
 human safety — and sacrilegiously assumes the prerog- 
 ative of God: and further, that he who retains by 
 force, and refuses to surrender that which was origin- 
 ally obtained by violence or fraud, is joint partner in 
 the orispnal sin, becomes its apologist, and makes it 
 the business of every moment to perpetrate it afresh — 
 however he may lull his conscience by the vain plea 
 of expediency or necessity. 
 
 I subscribe myself, yours affectionately, 
 
 THEODORE D. WELD. 
 Wm. Lloyd Garrison, Cor. Sec. 
 
 David L. Child, Esq. then proposed the fol- 
 lowing resolution : 
 
 Resolved, That the free People of Color and Slaves 
 in this land of Liberty and Law, have less liberty, and 
 are less protected l>y law, than in any other part of the 
 world. 
 
 Mr. Child spoke at some length in support 
 of this resolution. He showed how much 
 more favorable the Civil Law was to slaves than 
 the laws of the Southern States ; and stated 
 that in the French, Spanish, and Portuguese 
 Colonies, tire slave codes being based on the 
 Civil Law, the slaves were far more protected 
 in their rights than they are in our Slave States 
 or the British West Indies. He then pointed 
 out the improvements which had been made 
 in the slave laws of the British Island-, t 
 cially in the Crown Colonies within a few 
 years, which rendered the legal condition of 
 the slaves in the "British Colonies far superior 
 to what it is in the Slave States. Mr. Child 
 introduced a great variety of topics into his 
 speech, and enforced his arguments by numer- 
 ous illustrations, which our limits will not per- 
 mit as to introduce in this place. 
 
 The resolution passed without opposition. 
 
 The Rev. Mr. Russell, of Watcrtown, offer- 
 ed the following resolution : 
 
 Resolved, That the plan of colonizing the blacks in 
 Africa, as explaiued by its friends, is preposterous in 
 the extreme, and every attempt to put its principles in- 
 to operation, is an unrighteous persecution, levelled a- 
 gainst the free people of color, to secure and perpetu- 
 ate slaverv in our country ; and. therefore, calls upon 
 us to counteract its operations by an open, free, and 
 fearless exposition 01 its ] effects. 
 
 Mr. Russell spoke for a few minutes in sup- 
 port of his resolution. He demonstrated that 
 the efforts of the Colonization Society could 
 never diminish slavery ; that while the Society 
 had removed less than 3000 persons from this 
 country, the slaves here had increased more 
 than 500,000 ; and showed that the true effect 
 of the Society was to perpetuate slavery, by 
 removing from the country a portion of the 
 free colored people who it was supposed might 
 sympathise with the slaves, and might assist 
 them in recovering freedom. 
 
 The resolution was adopted. 
 
 Amasa Walker, Esq. proposed the following 
 resolution : 
 
 Resolved, That the objects contemplated by the 
 New-England Anti-Slavery Society are in strict ac- 
 cordance with the plainest dictates of Religion, Phi- 
 lanthropy, and Patriotism. 
 
 Mr. Walker then addressed the meeting. 
 He adverted to the unfavorable circumstances 
 under which the Society had commenced its 
 operations. Public sentiment was against it. 
 Yet this, he said, did not prove that its princi- 
 ples or objects were wrong, for public senti- 
 ment is sometimes mistaken. He examined 
 the principles of the Society, and showed that 
 they were consistent with religion, philanthro- 
 py, and patriotism. He compared these prin- 
 ciples with those of the Colonization Society, 
 and demonstrated the criminality of the latter. 
 The one Society wishes to banish the people 
 of color, the other seeks to improve them here ; 
 the one declares that slaves are rightful prop- 
 erty, the other that they are men, and have all 
 the rights of men. He concluded nearly a3 
 follows. Every circumstance but one, is in 
 favor of the Colonization Society, and against 
 the Anti-Slavery Society. The former is sup- 
 ported by a formidable array of great names, 
 of judges, governors, and members of Con- 
 gress, and of course flourishes in wealth under 
 the smiles of public opinion. The latter has 
 nothing to support it, but truth and justice. 
 Yet these are worth all the rest, and must ul- 
 timately crown the labors of the Society with 
 glorious success. 
 
 The Rev. Moses Thacher offered the fol- 
 lowing resolution : 
 
 '. Thai the principles of expatriation, pur- 
 rs of the American Colonization 
 exert an influence in opposition to the highest 
 interests oft in this country. 
 
 The resolution was adopted, after having 
 been sustained by the mover in a brief but 
 highly animated and cogent speech.* 
 
 The following resolution was submitted by 
 Mr. Garrison without any remarks, in conse- 
 quence of the lateness of the hour: 
 
 Resolved, That the exertions made by the free peo- 
 ir ; n this country to improve their condition, 
 and to confer the benefits of education upon their 
 children— notwithstanding the obstacles which they 
 have to encounter from the laws and the prejudices of 
 community, — are highly meritori- 
 ous ; thai these exertions have already produced high- 
 ly beneficial results, and will, in our opinion, if perse- 
 vered in, produce others still more desirable. 
 
 Adopted. 
 
 very copious account of the Annual Meet- 
 ing, and 1 3 delivered on that occasion, wide 
 ' The Liberator/ Vol. III. Nos. 3. 4, and 5. 
 
20 
 
 Annual Meeting of the New-England Anti-Slavery Society, 
 
 The following communication from the Mas- 
 sachusetts Genera] Colored Association was 
 presented by Mr. Joshua Easton, and read : 
 
 Boston, Jan. 15, 
 To the Board of Managers of the New-England 
 Anti- Slavery Society. 
 The Massachusetts General Colored Association 
 cordially approving the objects and principles of the 
 New-England AnU-Slaverj Society, would respect- 
 fully communicate their desire t.> become auxiliary 
 thereto. They have accordingly chosen one of then 
 members to alien. I the Vnnual Heeling of the Society 
 as their delegate, (Mr Joshua Easton of North Bridge- 
 water,) and solicit his acceptance in that capacity. 
 THOM \s DALTON, President. 
 Willi \m. (I. Nell, Vice President. 
 James <i. Barbadoes, Secretary. 
 
 The proposition was accepted. 
 The meeting adjourned to Monday evening-, 
 Jan. 21st. 
 
 Monday Evening, Jan. 21, 1833. The 
 Society met, pursuant to adjournment, at Jef- 
 ferson Hall, the President, Mr. BufFum, in the 
 chair. 
 
 The Secretary being- absent, Mr. Oliver 
 Johnson was chosen Secretary pro tern. 
 
 The Committee appointed to revise the Con- 
 stitution made their report, which, after some 
 debate, was adopted. 
 
 The Society proceeded to ballot for officers 
 for the ensuing year, and the following- gen- 
 tlemen were elected. 
 
 PRES10ENT. 
 
 JOHN KENRICK, Newton. 
 
 VICE-PRESIDENTS. 
 
 Arnold Buffum, Boston. 
 
 Rev. E. M. P. Wells, Boston. 
 
 Rev. Simeon S. Jocelyn, New-Haven, Ct. 
 
 Rev. Samuel J. May, Brooklyn, Ct. 
 
 Ebenezer Dole, Hallowell, Me. 
 
 Rev. Moses Thacher, North Wrentham. 
 
 CORRESPONDING SECRETARY. 
 
 Samuel E. Sewall, Boston. 
 
 RECORDING SECRETARY. 
 
 Oliver Johnson, Boston. 
 
 TREASURER. 
 
 James C. Odiorne, Boston. 
 
 COUNSELLORS. 
 
 I to confer upon thai quarter of the world the blessings 
 of civilization and ( Ihristianity, 
 
 On motion of Mr. ISi ffum, it was 
 /• >lved,\Thai we contemplate, «iil> the highest 
 satisfaction, the untiring christian zeal and activity of 
 the friends of immediate and universal emancipation 
 ni England, and that we will co-operate with them tor 
 the promotion of the -real cause in which they are en- 
 gaged, while God shall bless us with the ability to do 
 so, or until every yoke of bondage and oppression 
 shall be broken. " 
 
 On motion of Mr. Garrison, it was 
 Resolved, Thai the formation of a National Anti- 
 Slavery Society is essentia] to the complete regenera- 
 «blic sentiment on the subject of slavery . and 
 to the speed) overthrow of that iniquitous system; 
 and that the Board of Managers be authorised to call 
 
 a nan d meeting of the friends of abolition, for the 
 
 purpose of organizing such a Society, at such time 
 and place as the} shall deem expedient. 
 
 Voted, 'flint the thanks of the Society be 
 presented to the President and Secretaries for 
 their services during the last year. 
 
 Adjourned sine die. 
 
 Rev. James D. Yates, 
 David L. Child, 
 Michael H. Simpson, 
 Isaac H. Appleton, M.D. 
 Rev. Samuel Snowdon, 
 
 Benjamin C. Bacon, 
 Ellis G. Loring, 
 Abner Forbes, 
 Frederick Hughes, 
 Isaac Knapp. 
 
 On motion of Mr. B. C. Bacon, it was 
 
 Resolved, That this Society contemplates the be- 
 nighted condition of Africa with feelings of christian 
 sympathy ; and although it is forced to protest against 
 tho measures and principles of the American Coloni- 
 zation Society, yet it approves every laudable effort 
 
 Extracts from the Annual Report. 
 The New-England Anti-Slavery Society 
 maintains that the slaves ought instantly to 
 be emancipated from their fetters. It ac- 
 knowledges no claims upon their persons by 
 their masters. It regards the holders of slaves 
 as guilty of a heinous sin. It reprobates the 
 language of those who say, 'we hold their 
 slaves, as we hold their other property, sacred? 
 It says to every individual — ' Let the principle 
 be clearly and firmly established in your mind 
 that there is, and can be, no such thing as prop- 
 erty in man, and you cannot, as a patriot, a phi- 
 lanthropist, or a disciple of Christ, oppose the 
 immediate liberation of the slaves — you cannot 
 but demand that liberation — you cannot be 
 satisfied with any thing short of an immediate 
 liberation.' It is not for men of christian in- 
 tegrity to calculate how far it is expedient to 
 do wrong. The slaves are either justly or un- 
 justly held in bondage. If justly, let the tratfic 
 in I heir bodies be pursued with fresh activity, 
 and all those laws be repealed which now make 
 the foreign slave trade piracy. If unjustly, 
 there is no alternative but to disobey God, or 
 let them immediately go free. 
 
 ' But. would it be safe to comply strictly with 
 the requisitions of justice, nowf If they were 
 not made to be obeyed, for what purpose were 
 they made ? Is it safe for a band of robbers to 
 cease from their robberies, at once J Is it safe 
 for the fraudulent to be honest, at once ? Is it 
 safe to abandon the practice of trading in the 
 bodies and souls of men, at once ? Is it safe 
 to obey the Most High, by breaking every yoke, 
 and letting the oppressed go free, at once? — 
 Strange questions from the mouths of a chris- 
 tian people ! 
 
 A very singular kind of logic prevails at the 
 present day. T concede,' says one, 'that sla- 
 very in the abstract is very wicked; but I am 
 opposed to immediate abolition.' Slavery in 
 
Extracts from the Annual Report. 
 
 21 
 
 the abstract ? What does the objector mean ? 
 Abstract slavery never did, and never can ex- 
 ist He means, perhaps — his language implies 
 nothing else — that it is most atrocious to think 
 of enslaving human being ; but, in fact, to buy, 
 or sell, or hold them in fetters, is by no means 
 sinful ! That is to say — if a man should mere- 
 ly meditate the destruction of the houses of his 
 fellow-citizens by fire, without any doubt he 
 ought to be hung; — but if he should actually 
 set them on fire, and run from street to street 
 with the burning brand in bis band, to destroy 
 others, why then he would not be guilty. It 
 would only be necessary for him to cry aloud 
 to the firemen — 'I am as much opposed to ar- 
 son, in the abstract, as you are ; but see ! the 
 houses are on fire ! — My abstract theory has 
 assumed a practical shape, and therefore I am 
 exonerated from blame. I am opposed to an 
 immediate extinguishment of the fire. Put it 
 out very gradually— a few drops of water may 
 now be thrown upon it — -some buckets full next 
 ■week — and at some future time, I cannot tell 
 when, you may give your engines full play !' 
 # # * * # 
 
 The cause of slave insurrections at the south 
 is the loss of liberty. If the cause be removed, 
 can the effect follow ? The slaves fight to ob- 
 tain their personal freedom. If they were 
 liberated, it is pretended, they would, destroy 
 their masters ! — in other words, they fight to 
 achieve their liberty, and when it is given to 
 them, they fight because they receive it! — 
 This is singular logic. They are so attached to 
 their drivers, it woidd seem — so pleased with 
 being bought and sold — so contented with their 
 peck of corn per week — so fond of having their 
 wives polluted, and their children driven away 
 to be sold — so hostile to independence — so un- 
 desirous of knowledge — that if they were set 
 free, they would be so angry in being employ- 
 ed as hired laborers, in possessing their own 
 wives and children, in losing their fetters, in 
 being placed beyond the reach «»f slave specu- 
 lators, in being protected in their persons and 
 earnings, in having an opportunity to get re- 
 ligious and secular instruction, that they would 
 cut the throats of their former masters, burn 
 their dwellings, and desolate the land ! 
 
 The Board of Managers are satisfied that 
 the doctrine of immediate abolition is opposed 
 by many, not because they really mean to jus- 
 tify crime, but simply through ignorance or a 
 misapprehension of its nature. It is associa- 
 ted in their minds witli something undefin- 
 able, yet dreadful — they see, in imagination, 
 cities and villages in flames, and blood flow- 
 ing in torrents, and hear the roll of drums, the 
 shouts of blood-thirsty savages, and the shrieks 
 of the dying — and thus, bringing upon them- 
 selves a strono- delusion, they naturally stand 
 aghast at the proposition. All this ruffling of 
 mind is indeed ridiculous; but as it originates 
 unwittingly in error, it merits a charitable al- 
 lowance rather than satire. 
 
 What, then, is meant by immediate aboli- 
 tion? 
 
 It means, in the first place, that all title of 
 property in the slaves shall instantly cease, be- 
 cause their Creator has never relinquished his 
 claim of ownership, and because none have a 
 right to sell their own bodies or buy those of 
 their own species as cattle. Is there any thing 
 terrific in this arrangement ? 
 
 It means, secondly, that every husband shall 
 have his own wife, and every wife her own hus- 
 band, both being united in wedlock according 
 to its proper forms, and placed under the pro- 
 tection of law. Is this unreasonable ? 
 
 It means, thirdly, that parents shall have the 
 control and government of their own children, 
 and that the children shall belong to their pa- 
 rents. What is there sanguinary in this con- 
 cession ? 
 
 It means, fourthly, that all trade in human 
 beings shall be regarded as felony, and enti- 
 titled to the highest punishment. Can this be 
 productive of evil ? 
 
 It means, fifthly, that the tremendous power 
 which is now vested in every slaveholder to 
 punish his slaves without trial, and to a savage 
 extent, shall be at once taken away. Is this 
 undesirable ? 
 
 It means, sixthly, that all those laws which 
 now prohibit the instruction of the slaves, shall 
 instantly be repealed, and others enacted, pro- 
 viding schools and instruction for their intel- 
 lectual illumination. Would this prove a ca- 
 lamity ? 
 
 It means, seventhly, that the planters shall 
 employ their slaves as free laborers, and pay 
 them just wages. Would this recompense in- 
 furiate them ? 
 
 It means, eighthly, that the slaves, instead 
 of being forced to labor for the exclusive ben- 
 efit of others by cruel drivers, and the applica- 
 tion of the lash upon their bodies, shall be en- 
 couraged to toil for the mutual profit of them- 
 selves and their employers, by the infusion of 
 new motives into their hearts, growing out of 
 their recognition and reward as men. Is this 
 diabolical ? 
 
 It means, finally, that right shall take the 
 supremacy over wrong, principle over brute 
 force, humanity over cruelty, honesty over 
 theft, purity over lust, honor over baseness, 
 love over hatred, and religion over heathen- 
 ism. Is this wrong ? 
 
 Tliis is our meaning of Immediate Aboli- 
 tion. 
 
 Having thus briefly defined the extent of 
 immediate abolition, it may be useful to state 
 some of its probable, nay, certain benefits. 
 
 It will remove the cause of bloodshed and 
 insurrection. No patrols at night, no standing 
 army, will be longer needed to keep the slaves 
 in nu e. The planters may dismiss their fears, 
 and sleep soundly ; for, by one act, they will 
 have transformed 'their enemies into grateful 
 friends and servants. 
 
22 
 
 Extracts from the Jhmual Repdrt. 
 
 It will cfivo protection to millions who arc 
 now at the mercy of a few irresponsible mas- 
 ters and drivers : every man and every Woman 
 may then find redress at law. 
 
 It will annihilate a system of licentiousness, 
 incest, blood and cruelty. 
 
 It will open an immense market to our me- 
 chanics and manufacturers ; for these two mil- 
 lions of free persons will need, and will make 
 every exertion to obtain, hats, bonnets, shoes, 
 clothes, houses, lands, iSjc. <K:c. of which they 
 •are now to a great extent, and while they re- 
 main in bondage must be destitute. 
 
 It will afford facilities for educating them in 
 morals, science and literature, which ran never 
 he granted to them as slaves. 
 
 It will permit us to supply everyone of them 
 with a Bible, and bring them into the house of 
 God. 
 
 It will extinguish the fires of division be- 
 tween the North and the South, and make the 
 bonds of our Union, (which is new held by a 
 hair, if that be not separated at this moment,) 
 stronger than chains of iron. 
 
 It will enable us to take the one hundred 
 thousand infants, who are annually born of 
 slave parents, and doomed to a life of igno- 
 rance and servitude, — place them in infant 
 schools, and transfer them into primary and 
 sabbath schools ; from these into high schools 
 and Bible classes ; and, by the assistance of 
 the Holy Spirit, from Bible classes into the 
 christian church. Thus they will become or- 
 naments to society — capable men, good citi- 
 zens, devoted christians — instead of mere an- 
 imals. 
 
 It will banish the poverty of the South, re- 
 claim her barren soil, and pour new blood into 
 all her veins and arteries. The transformation 
 of two millions of slaves into free laborers, 
 animated in view of a just recompense for 
 their voluntary toil, will renovate the whole 
 frame of society. There is not a slave State 
 but will exhibit the flush of returning health, 
 and feel a stronger pulse, and draw a freer 
 breath. It is, indeed, often urged that the 
 slaves, if freed, would not work. But they, 
 who cherish this belief, disregard the nature 
 of mind. The slaves, in their present condi- 
 tion, have surely no motives for exertion ; and 
 men without motives are mere machines, mere 
 animals, to be watched and driven by physical 
 force : the natural consequence is, they are as 
 indolent, as possible: knowing that, whether 
 they toil much or little, the fruits of their la- 
 bor will be enjoyed by their masters, they are 
 improvident and lazy. Then conies the whip 
 upon their bodies to make them industriovs, 
 every stroke of which puts vengeance into 
 their hearts, to be repaid, an eye for an eye, a 
 tooth for a tooth, and blow for blow . al the fin I 
 favorable moment. Compensate them fairly 
 for their labor, and every stone in the earth 
 would be a magnet to attract them. They 
 would have all the hopes, and desires, and feel- 
 
 in gs of men. And here it is proper to refer to 
 a wild notion which is prevalent in tins coun- 
 try. Many persons seem to be wonderfully 
 perplexed and appalled, in view of immediate 
 abolition. They talk as if the slaves, on be- 
 ing liberated, must be driven into the woods, 
 or become drones or vagabonds in society. 
 In the first place, this expulsion is physically 
 impracticable ; and, secondly, the planters are 
 unable to dispense with their labor. The lib- 
 erated slaves would be placed under whole- 
 some regulations, and encouraged to act well ; 
 there would, of necessity, be few changes of 
 masters, but every thing would go on as peace- 
 ably as in the case of the slaves in St. Domin- 
 go, who, for eight years after their liberation, 
 continued to work \\ ith untiring industry, main- 
 taining the utmost order, and were only roused 
 to deeds of violence by the attempt of Napo- 
 leon to reduce them again to servitude. The 
 labor of the blacks is invaluable — the south 
 cannot flourish without them ; — and their ex- 
 pulsion would bring great and everlasting re- 
 proach upon the American name. 
 
 The immediate abolition of slavery will pu- 
 rify the churches at the south, which are now 
 red with innocent blood, and 'filled with all 
 unrighteousness.' It is impossible that relig- 
 ion should prosper, where the pastors and 
 members of churches trade in the souls of 
 men. ' How is the gold become dim ! how is 
 the most fine gold changed ! The whole head 
 is sick, and the whole heart faint.' Now, abol- 
 ish slavery, and the gospel will have free 
 course, run, and be glorified; salvation will 
 flow in a current broad and deep; and for a 
 short time only can it be reproachfully said 
 that there exist two millions of slaves in a 
 christian land. 
 
 In fine, immediate abolition would save the 
 lives of the planters, enhance the value of their 
 lands, promote their temporal and eternal in- 
 terests, and secure for them the benignant 
 smiles of Heaven. It would destroy the mar- 
 ket for slaves, and, consequently, to a certain 
 extent, destroy the foreign slave trade ; for 
 when the Africans cannot be sold, they will 
 
 not be stolen. 
 
 * # # * 
 
 In closing their Report, the Managers would 
 earnestly and feelingly conjure abolitionists in 
 this country to maintain their ground, firmly 
 and confidently. The controversy is not, in 
 fact, between them and the oppressors of their 
 fellow men, but between these oppressors and 
 Jehovah. Their cause is based upon the im- 
 mutable principles of justice and righteous- 
 ness. It must prevail. Let full reliance be 
 plan d upon the promises' of Him who has said 
 that he will maintain the cause of the afflicted 
 and the right of the poor ; let every thing be 
 done that may and should be done; let the 
 heart be inspired but by one principle — love 
 to God and love to man ; let abolition societies 
 be established in every town and village in the 
 
Cultivation of Sugar by Free Labor. 
 
 23 
 
 free states ; and the speedy emancipation of 
 the slaves is sure. 
 
 The blood of the millions who have perish- 
 ed unredressed in this guilty land ; the suffer- 
 ings and lamentations of the millions who yet 
 remain in cruel servitude ; the groans and sup- 
 plications of bleeding Africa ; the cries of the 
 suffering victims in the holds of the slave-ships 
 now wafted upon the ocean; the threatenings 
 and judgments of the God of all flesh; all de- 
 mand the utter and immediate annihilation of 
 slavery. 
 
 And let all the people, from the Lakes to the 
 Atlantic, and from Maine to the shores of the 
 Pacifr, iii one mighty burst, thunder — ' AMEN, 
 a>-d AMEN ! ' 
 
 CULTIVATION OF SUGAR BY FREE LABOR. 
 
 It is often asserted by the apologists of sla- 
 very, that the cultivation of the cane is so la- 
 borious that no free person will undertake it; 
 and therefore it is urged that we must contin- 
 ue to have slaves to make sugar for us, if for 
 no other purpose. We do not perceive this 
 hard necessity. Admitting the fact to be as 
 supposed, we should think the just conclusion 
 would be, not that we ought to continue sla- 
 very that we may have sugar, but that, we 
 ought to give up sugar that we may abolish 
 slavery. But the supposed fact is not true. — 
 The cane is successfully raised by free labor 
 in various quarters of the world. One of the 
 most interesting accounts of this cultivation 
 which we recollect to have seen, is to be found 
 in an Official Report of Mr. Ward, a British 
 Envoy to Mexico, which we publish below, 
 from the Anti-Slavery Reporter for August, 
 1829. It was also published in the Genius of 
 Universal Emancipation a few years ago. 
 
 Mexico, March 13, 1826. 
 
 Sir, — The possibility of introducing a sys- 
 tem of free labor into the West India islands 
 having been so much discussed in England, 1 
 conceived that it might not be uninteresting 
 to his Majesty's Government to receive some 
 details respecting the result of the experi- 
 ment in this country, where it certainly has 
 had a fair trial. 
 
 I accordingly took advantage of Mr. Mo- 
 rier's prolonged stay here to visit the Valley 
 of Cuernavaca and Cuantla Amilpas, which 
 supplies a great part of the federation with 
 sugar and coffee, although not a single slave 
 is at present employed in their cultivation. 
 
 I have the honor to inclose a sketch of the 
 observations which I was enabled to make 
 upon this journey, together with such details 
 as I have thought best calculated to show both 
 the scale upon which these estates are work- 
 ed, and the complete success with which the 
 
 abolition of slavery has, in this instance, been 
 attended. 
 
 The valley which extends almost uninter- 
 ruptedly from Cuernavaca to Cuantla Amil- 
 pas, and Jyncar, ( covering a space of about 
 forty miles,) is situated on the road to Aca- 
 pulco, at the foot of the first range of moun- 
 tains by which the descent of the Table Land 
 towards the south-west commences, about 
 fifty miles from the capital. 
 
 It is about two thousand feet lower than the 
 Table Land of Mexico. The difference of 
 temperature is proportionably great, so that 
 two days are sufficient to transport the trav- 
 eller into the very midst of Tierra Caliente. 
 
 The vicinity to the capital was probably one 
 of the circumstances which induced the first 
 planters to establish themselves in this dis- 
 trict. The richness of the soil, and the abun- 
 dance of water which they found throughout 
 the plain, convinced them that they could not 
 have made a better choice. 
 
 It is believed that the sugar-cane was first 
 planted there about one hundred years ago ; 
 from that time the number of sugar-estates 
 has gone on increasing, until there is now 
 hardly an acre of ground on the whole plain 
 which is not turned to account. 
 
 The cultivation was originally earned on 
 entirely by slaves, who were purchased at 
 Vera Cruz, at from $300 to 8400 each. 
 
 It was found, however, that this system was 
 attended with considerable inconvenience, it 
 being impossible to secure a sufficient supply 
 of slaves during a war. The losses likewise,, 
 at all times, were great, as many of the slaves 
 were unable to support the fatigue and chan- 
 ges of temperature, to which they were ex- 
 posed on the journey from Vera Cruz to Cu- 
 ernavaca, and perished, either on the road, or 
 soon after their arrival. 
 
 Several of the great proprietors were in- 
 duced by these circumstances to give liberty 
 to a certain number of their slaves annually, 
 and by encouraging marriages between them 
 and the Indians ot the country, to propagate 
 a race of free laborers, who might be employ- 
 ed when a supply of slaves was no longer to 
 be obtained. 
 
 The plan proved so eminently successful, 
 that on some of the largest estates there was 
 nut a single slave in the year 1808. 
 
 The policy of the measure became still 
 more apparent on the breaking out of the 
 revolution in 1810. 
 
 The planters who had not adopted the sys- 
 tem of gradual emancipation before that pe- 
 riod, saw themselves abandoned, and were 
 forced, in many instances, to give up working 
 their estates, as their slaves took advantage 
 of the approach of the insurgents to join 
 them en masse ; while those who had provid- 
 ed themselves with a mixed caste of free la- 
 borers, retained even during the worst times, 
 a sufficient number of men to enable them to 
 
24 
 
 Cultivation of Sugar by Free Labor. 
 
 continue to cultivate their lamb, although 
 upon a smaller scale. 
 
 The insurrecti however, proved highly 
 
 injurious to the proprietors in general. Mos1 
 of them were Europeans, and as such, partic- 
 ularly obnoxious to the insurgents; and al- 
 though by coalescing amongsl themselves and 
 maintaining a considerable armed force 
 their defence, they prevented the enemy on 
 several occasions from entering the valley, 
 they found it impossible to secure their com- 
 munication with the capital, and were thus 
 often deprived of the only market for their 
 goods. In the year 1814, too, the siege of 
 Cuantla, which Monelos had occupied, and 
 winch he (! 
 
 against the il army under General 
 
 Calleja, spread destruction throughout the dis- 
 trict. 
 
 Several of the Haciendas have not yet even 
 recovered the losses which they then sustained, 
 and some, which were quite ruined, have never 
 been rebuilt in general, however, the last 
 eight years of comparative tranquillity have 
 been sufficient to restore things to their an- 
 cient state, and I could not learn that, the pro- 
 duce of the different estates about Cuernava- 
 ca had ever greatly exceeded that of the last 
 twelve months. 
 
 The scale upon which these estates are 
 worked is enormous. From a supposition that 
 the ground is exhausted by two successive 
 crops, the Mexican planters run into the con- 
 trary extreme, and divide their sugar-lands 
 into four eqal parts, one only of which is taken 
 annually into cultivation. The remaining three 
 are turned to no account, so that an idea may 
 be formed of the extent of an estate upon 
 which so enormous a quantity of land is al- 
 'ow ed to remain unemployed. 
 
 The largest Haciendas in the neighborhood 
 of Cuernavaca are those of Yemisco and San 
 Gabriel, (both of which belong to the family 
 of Don Gabriel Yermo, an old Spaniard, fa- 
 mous for the arrest of the viceroy Sturriga- 
 ray in 1808, with which the .Mexican revolu- 
 tion may be said to have commenced,) Trein- 
 ta Pesos, El Puente, Meacatlan, San Easpar, 
 and San Vicente Chicouquac. Each of these 
 estates produces annually, from 25,000 to 
 40,000 arrobas of sugar, of 25 lbs. weighl 
 each (about 5,250,000 lbs. taking 30,000 a no- 
 has as the average produce,) and to this at 
 least another million may be added, for a 
 number of other smaller estates not included 
 in this list. 
 
 The crops are usually most, abundant, the 
 cane being planted much thicker than is cus- 
 tomary in Jamaica, and the machinery, in the 
 opinion of Dr. Wilson, who accompanied me, 
 and who has been much in the West India 
 islands, is fully equal to any used in the Brit- 
 ish colonies. 
 
 The number of workmen generally em- 
 ployed upon an estate, capable of producing 
 
 40,000 arrobas of sugar, amounts to 150, with 
 occasional additions when the season is late, 
 or the work has been retarded by any acci- 
 dental cause. 
 
 The laborers are mostly paid by the piece, 
 and many of them can earn, if industrious, 
 from six to seven rials per diem, [3s3d. or 
 •'i.s-.'.i 1 -"2/. English money, reckoning the dol- 
 lar at isAd.) 
 
 Fifty men are employed in watering the 
 canes, twenty in cutting, ten in bringing the 
 cut canes |V,, in the field (each with six mules,) 
 twenty-five (mostly boys) in separating the 
 green tops, which they use for fodder, and 
 binding up the remainder for the muleteers. 
 Twenty men. divided into gangs of four each, 
 ling the engine day and night; fourteen 
 atti ml the boilers ; twelve keep up the fires; 
 four turn the cane in the sun, after the juice 
 has been expressed, and dry it for fuel ; and 
 ten are constantly at work in the warehouse 
 clarifying the sugar, and removing it after- 
 wards to the general store-room, from whence 
 it to the market. 
 
 The art of refining, though well understood, 
 is seldom or never carried beyond the first de- 
 gree of the process, there being no demand 
 for double-refined sugar in the market; and 
 the consequence is, that though abounding in 
 saccharine matter, the article is for the most, 
 part coarse in appearance, and of bad color. 
 
 The arroba of 25 lbs. sells in Mexico for 
 about three dollars, or two dollars and a half, 
 if not of the best quality. The great Haci- 
 endas expend in wages to the workmen and 
 other current charges, from sHOO to 81,200 
 a week. 
 
 It often happens, however, that in a good 
 year the sale of the molasses alone is suffi- 
 cient to defray the expense, so that the sugar 
 remains a clear profit 
 
 For every arroba of sugar an equal quan- 
 tity of molasses is produced, which sells, at 
 the door of the Hacienda, for live rials and a 
 half the arroba. It, is bought up by the pro- 
 prietors of the small distilleries, which abound 
 to such a degree, that in the neighborhood of 
 Cuernavaca alone from 25,000 to 30,000 bar- 
 rels of Chingarito (a sort of rum) are made 
 annually. 
 
 The distance from Cuernavaca to Cuantla 
 is about twenty-live miles ; and with the ex- 
 ception of a ridge of mountains which sepa- 
 rates the two valleys, tin 1 whole intervening 
 space is richly cultivated. 
 
 After passing through the village of Yan- 
 tepec, which lies at the foot of the mountain, 
 there is a constant succession of Haciendas, 
 most of which appear admirably kept up. 
 
 The most remarkable in the district of Cu- 
 antla are San Carlos, Pantitlan, Cocoyoc, Cal- 
 cleron, Casasano, Santa Ines, Cohahuistla, 
 Napastlan, and Vonestcpango, none of which 
 produce less than 30,000 arrobas of sugar an- 
 nually, while the annual produce of some 
 
Safety of Immediate Emancipation. 
 
 25 
 
 (Cohahuistla and Yenestepango) may be esti- 
 mated at from 40,000 to 50,000. 
 
 The Haciendas of Cocoyoc and Pantitlan 
 enjoy the additional advantage of being not 
 only sugar but coffee-estates. 
 
 Their owner, Don Antonio Velasco, intro- 
 duced, at a great expense, from Cordova, the 
 cultivation of this plant, which has succeeded 
 perfectly. He lias now upon his two estates 
 upwards of 500,000 plants, 50,000 of which 
 are already in full vigor. The produce of the 
 last year amounted to 5,000 arrobas, or 125,000 
 pounds of coffee, and as a great number of 
 the young plants will begin to bear this year, 
 it is supposed that the amount will be more 
 than doubled. 
 
 Coffee is now selling at seven dollars the 
 arroba in Mexico. Its cultivation would there- 
 fore prove indefinitely more advantageous than 
 that of the cane, if the demand were equally 
 great. But coffee is by no means in general use 
 in this country, nor is Cuantla the only place 
 from whence this demand can be supplied. 
 
 There are immense coffee plantations in the 
 vicinity of Cordova, and the whole of the 
 Eastern coast is of course supplied by the 
 nearest market. Were this not the case, the 
 speculation would prove a very lucrative one, 
 as a coffee-estate of 200,000 plants does nol 
 require the constant attendance of above 
 twenty men, (to weed and water,) and conse- 
 quently entails upon the proprietor but little 
 expense. 
 
 The average produce of each tree may be 
 estimated at two pounds and a half. 
 
 The young plants require great care and 
 attention, and must be protected from the sun 
 for two whole years. For this purpose a large 
 piece of ground is covered in, which is called 
 the semillero. The third year the young trees 
 are transplanted to the open field, where they 
 begin almost immediately to produce some- 
 thing, and the fourth they may be reckoned in 
 full vigor. They last from five and twenty to 
 thirty years. 
 
 I saw most of the Haciendas enumerated 
 in the preceding list; but was struck with none 
 so much as with Santa Ines, which is beauti- 
 fully kept up. It is almost the only estate 
 which possesses a large distillery, which pro- 
 duces from 4,000 to 5,000 barrels of Chinga- 
 rito yearly. 
 
 The barrel in Mexico is worth twenty-four 
 dollars, with duties and carriage deducted ; 
 an idea may be formed by this of the immense 
 annual value of the estate. 
 
 Cohahuistlan might be still more produc- 
 tive, as it is much more extensive, and com- 
 mands a greater supply of water, but it is not 
 done justice to. The estate belongs to the 
 convent of Dominican friars ; and as the ab- 
 bot is changed by the rules of the order every 
 three years, the overseers of the Hacienda 
 are usually changed with him, and they con- 
 sequently allow every thing to go to ruin. 
 VOL. I. 
 
 In general, the fertility of an estate depends 
 entirely upon the supply of water: the pro- 
 duce of those which have only enough for ir- 
 rigation, and are forced to work their wheels 
 by mules, will seldom be found, whatever may 
 be the quality of the soil, to amount t3 one 
 third of those which can command a sufficient 
 supply for botli purposes. 
 
 J n the quality of the soil there is but little 
 difference. 
 
 The average annual produce of all the es- 
 tates it would hardly be possible to compute. 
 
 The greatest part of it is sent to the capital, 
 from whence it is distributed to the different 
 provinces ; muleteers, however, often come 
 direct from the interior. 
 
 It is a curious fact, that an immense quan- 
 tity of sugar is yearly remitted to Vera Cruz, 
 not for exportation, but for the home con- 
 sumption of a province which might produce 
 sugar enough to supply all Europe, if it chose 
 to turn to account the advantages with which 
 nature has so richly endowed it. 
 
 The most remarkable circumstance, however, 
 is the total abolition of slavery in a district 
 where such a mass of colonial fruits is produc- 
 ed, and the success with which the introduction 
 of free labor has been attended ; it is this which 
 has induced me to lay these observations before 
 his .Majesty's (lorernment, and to hope that they 
 may be esteemed not wholly unworthy of atten- 
 tion. 
 
 (Signed) H. G. WARD. 
 
 Right Hon. G. Canning, &c. &c. 
 
 IMMEDIATE EMANCIPATION. No. II. 
 
 'Cayenne and Guadaloupe were the only 
 other French colonies in which the slaves 
 were emancipated. In Cayenne,* the sud- 
 den enfranchisement was attended with no ill 
 consequences; after their emancipation, the 
 negroes in general continued voluntarily upon 
 the plantations of their former masters, and 
 no irregularities whatever were committed by 
 those men who had thus suddenly obtained 
 their freedom. 
 
 'In Guadaloupe (where the disproportion 
 of blacks to whites is at least as great as in 
 our colonies) the conduct of the freed negroes 
 was equally satisfactory. The perfect subor- 
 dination which was established and the indus- 
 try which prevailed there, are proved by the 
 official Reports of "Victor Hughes, the Gov- 
 ernor of Guadaloupe, to the French govern- 
 ment. In 1793 liberty was proclaimed univer- 
 sally to the slaves in that island, and during 
 their ten years of freedom, their governors 
 bore testimony to their regular industry and 
 uninterrupted -submission to the laws. The 
 Reports of the Commissioners to the local 
 government also speak of the tranquillity 
 which reio-ned in the agricultural districts and 
 
 Voyage a la Guiane, <fcc. cap. ii. 
 4 
 
26 
 
 Safety of Immediate Emancipation. 
 
 on the plantations. In a letter addressed by the 
 
 Supremo Council of the Colony in Feb. 1802, 
 to the Commissary Valluet of the canton de 
 Deahays, it is said, " Continue^ Citizen Com- 
 missary, to maintain thai order in your canton 
 which now reigns universally throughout the 
 colony. We shall have the satisfaction of 
 having given an example which will prove 
 that all classes of people may live in perfect 
 harmony with each other, under an adminis- 
 tration which secure:- justice to all classes." 
 
 ' Within the last fifty years, many bodies of 
 West Indian and American slaves have been 
 emancipated without any of that edu 
 and religious instruction now said to be a ne- 
 cessary preliminary to freedom; and settled 
 at Sierra Leone. During the Brs1 American 
 war, a number of slaves ran away from their 
 North American masters and joined the Brit- 
 ish army. When peace came, it was deter- 
 mined to give them their liberty, and t< 
 them in Neva Scotia upon grant i of land as 
 British subjects and as free men-. Their num- 
 ber, comprehending men, women and children, 
 was two thousand and upwards. Some of 
 them worked upon little portions of land as 
 their own; others worked as carpenter 
 ers became fishermen ; and others worked for 
 hire in various ways. In time, having em- 
 braced Christianity, they raised places of wor- 
 ship of their own, and had ministers of their 
 own from their own body. They led a harm- 
 less life, and gained the character of an in- 
 dustrious and honest people from their white 
 neighbors. A t'ev,- years afterwards, the land 
 in Nova Scotia being found too poor to answer 
 and the climate too cold for their constitutions, 
 a number of them to the amount of between 
 1300 and 1400 volunteered to form a new col- 
 ony which was then first thought of at Sierra 
 Leone, to which place they were accordingly 
 conveyed. Many hundreds of the negroes 
 who had formed the West Indian black regi- 
 ments were removed in 1819 to Sierra Leone, 
 where they were set at liberty at once, and 
 founded the villages of Waterloo, Hastings 
 and others. Several hundred maroons (runa- 
 way slaves and their descendants) being ex- 
 iled from Jamaica, were removed in 1801 to 
 Sierra Leone, where they were landed with 
 no other property than the clothes which they 
 wore and the muskets which they carried in 
 their hands. A body of revolted slaves were 
 banished from Barbadoes in 1816, and sent also 
 to Sierra Leone. The rest of the population 
 of this colony consists almost entirely of ne- 
 groes who have been recaptured from slave 
 ships, and brought to Sierra Leone in the 
 lowest state of misery, debility and degrada- 
 tion: naked, diseased, destitute, wholly igno- 
 rant of the English language, in this wretched, 
 helpless condition they have been suddenly 
 made free, and pnt into possession at once of 
 the rights and privileges of British subjeel . 
 All these instances of sudden emancipation 
 
 have taken place in a colony where the dis- 
 proportion hot ween black and white is more 
 than a hundred to one ; being a far greater 
 disproportion than that in our slave colonies. 
 Yet tins mixed population of suddenly eman- 
 cipated slaves — runaway slaves — criminal 
 and degraded recaptured negroes, are 
 in their tree condition living in order, tranquil- 
 lity and comfort, and man) of them in afflu- 
 ence. This fact is amply proved by the Re- 
 ports of the Commissioners appointed in 1825, 
 to inquire into the state of the liberated cap- 
 ut Colonel Den- 
 ham, Genera] Superintendent of liberated Af- 
 ricans at Sierra Leone, and of Major Ricketts 
 on whom the task of reporting on their state 
 
 irds devolved, and by a great number of 
 other public and private accounts. In a re- 
 port printed for the house of commons, May 
 7th, L827, (No. 312) the Commissioners say, 
 "The genera] appearance of the Xova Scotia 
 settlers differs but little from that of the free 
 people of color in the West Indies. On Sun- 
 days their dress is neat and clean, and their 
 
 I deportment very respectable. This 
 remark is equally applicable to all the other 
 colored " hich compose the resident 
 
 population of Freetown, where great external 
 respect is paid to the Sabbath." 
 
 'Of the maroons they say, "They happened 
 to arrive at a time when their services were 
 much wanted to repel a hostile attack, on 
 which occasion they appear to have conducted 
 themselves well ; and they have since main- 
 tained pretty generally the good opinion then 
 formed of them. Several of them have been 
 successful in trade, by which they have ac- 
 quired a comfortable livelihood : and a few of 
 them who are most extensively engaged in 
 mercantile transactions are supposed to have 
 attained to considerable affluence, at the same 
 time that they have maintained a character of 
 great respectability. The dress and general 
 appearance of the Maroons is very respecta- 
 ble, particularly on Sundays when a peculiar 
 neatness is observable, and their deportment 
 not only in chapel, but as far as opportunities 
 have offered of observing it elsewhere during 
 that day, is very creditable." The slaves ban- 
 ished from Barbadoes were employed in pub- 
 lic works for two or three years. "At the 
 expiration of this time," say the commission- 
 ers, " they were permitted to employ them- 
 selves for their own benefit, and they have in 
 genera] shown themselves to be industrious 
 and useful." Of the black soldiers of the 
 African corps settled in the colony they say, 
 "Many of them appear industrious. They 
 have generally maintained a respectable char- 
 acter, and have by their exertions (aided by 
 some liberal residents) and under the zealous 
 superintendence of the Rev. Mr. Raban, erect- 
 ed a chapel in the distant part of the town 
 (Freetown) where they reside. That gentle- 
 man officiates there two days in the week to 
 
Safety of Immediate Emancipation. 
 
 e, congregation averaging perhaps one hun- 
 dred persons, whose appearance and deport- 
 ment are very creditable. 
 
 ' Speaking of the inhabitants generally, the 
 Commissioners observe, " The colored men 
 (under this term they include the blacks who 
 form the great bulk of the population, and who 
 in fact are the persons who sit on juries) whom 
 we-have had opportunities of observing on ju- 
 ries, appeared attentive and anxious to ascer- 
 tain the merits of the case, and as far as we 
 could judge from their verdict, seemed to be 
 possessed of sufficient intelligence to insure 
 the ends of justice. They are selected prin- 
 cipally from the older settlers (Nova Scotians 
 and Maroons) and in some tew instances from 
 the liberated Africans. The individual at 
 present holding the office of coroner at Free- 
 tow u is a Maroon. The present mayor is one 
 of the early Nova Scotia settlers ; the senior 
 alderman one of the early Maroon settlers." 
 
 ' A Report sent by Lieutenant Colonel Den- 
 ham, dated May 21, 1827, confirms the favor- 
 able account of the Commissioners, and af- 
 fords incontestible evidence of the willing in- 
 dustry of the negroes and their desire of im- 
 proving their condition. 
 
 ' " What the liberated Africans have felt 
 the most want of, is instruction, capital and 
 example. With the very little they have had 
 of either, conveyed in a manner likely to bene- 
 fit them generally, it is to me daily an increas- 
 ing subject of astonishment that the liberated 
 Africans settled here have done so much for 
 themselves as they have. I have not observed 
 any disinclination for voluntary labor ; it ap- 
 pears to be a system perfectly understood and 
 practised by them. Laborers' wages have va- 
 ried from one shilling to sixpence per day, vet 
 there has never been a deficiency of lib 
 Africans who were willing to labor lor hire. 
 On the naval stores now erecting are 
 two hundred Liberated African laborers, who 
 work well and steadily at twenty shillings per 
 month. Laborers in this colony work from 
 six in the morning till five in the afternoon 
 constantly, with the exception of the hour 
 which they are allowed for breakfast. An 
 anxious desire to obtain and enjoy the luxu- 
 ries of life is apparent in every village from 
 the oldest settler to the liberated African of 
 yesterday. European articles of dress are the 
 first objects of their desire, and for the means 
 of obtaining these both sexes will cheerfully 
 labor; and a gradual improvement has taken 
 place in their dwellings as they became pos- 
 sessed of the necessary means for that pur- 
 pose." 
 
 'Major Ricketts writes on the 27th March, 
 1829, " The liberated Africans appear happy ; 
 at Wellington they are building by subscrip- 
 tion among the inhabitants a gqod sized church 
 and market-house of store ; and a number of 
 private store buildings are springing up. The 
 manager at Hastings is endeavoring to erect 
 
 new bridges with the workmen and others of 
 the village who labor and furnish materials 
 gratis. Several of the liberated Africans who 
 have obtained lots of land in Freetown, have 
 built good houses. Many of them and of the 
 disbanded soldiers employ themselves in the 
 burning of lime, sawing of boajds, cutting 
 shingles and clapboards ; all of which are car- 
 ried for miles from the spot where they are 
 prepared to their villages, and from thence 
 either brought to Freetown by land, or by 
 water in canoes which are kept and hired out 
 for that purpose by the liberated Africans re- 
 siding in villages on the banks of the river or 
 on the sea coast. In return for these articles 
 they generally receive cash which is not kept 
 dormant ; for with that they purchase cattle 
 from the natives trading to the colony, and 
 taking them to the country villages, they are 
 fattened and afterwards sent to the market, 
 and a profit of nearly one hundred per cent. 
 is realised by this species of industry. Pigs 
 and poultry are raised in the villages, and the 
 market of Freetown receives from them an 
 ample supply daily of this kind of stock as 
 well as of eggs and vegetables. Some of the 
 persons supplying the market are known to 
 travel from Waterloo and Hastings, the former 
 being twenty-two and the latter sixteen miles 
 from Freetown, carrying their produce in bas- 
 kets on their heads ; this kind of industry 
 clearly manifests the desire the liberated Af- 
 ricans have to labor voluntarily to enable them 
 by honest means to become possessed of those 
 luxuries which they see their more wealthy 
 brethren enjoying. The police of the villages 
 is administered by the liberated Africans ; they 
 have given evident proof of their affection for 
 the laws as they are administered, by the in- 
 terest they show in implicitly obeying them ; 
 and when it has been found requisite to adopt 
 local regulations particularly affecting them, 
 they have cheerfully conformed to them. So 
 very useful are the liberated Africans found 
 in the rafting and cutting of timber, and saw- 
 ing boards, and scantling, that many of them 
 are receiving from four to five dollars per 
 month with food and clothing. The schools 
 for the admission of children born in the col- 
 on}- are still progressively improving, and the 
 parents evince an anxious desire to avail 
 themselves of the opportunity afforded them 
 of obtaining useful instruction for their chil- 
 dren.' 
 
 NOBLE SENTIMENTS. 
 'I am for speedy, immediate abolition. I 
 care not what caste, creed or color, slavery 
 may assume. I am for its total, its instant 
 abolition. Whether it be personal or political, 
 mental or corporeal, intellectual or spiritual, I 
 am for its immediate abolition. I enter into 
 no compromise with slavery; I am for justice, 
 in the name of humanity and according to the 
 law of the living God.'— O'Conneli. 
 
26 
 
 Meeting of the Vree People of Color in New-York. 
 
 MEETING OF THE FREE PEOPLE 
 OF COLOR. 
 
 Agreeably to public notice, a large and re- 
 spectable meeting of the free people of color, 
 called by the New-Yort Society, auxili 
 the Convention of the Free People of Color, 
 for their improvement in these United States, 
 assembled in the Abyssinean Baptist Church, 
 in Anthony Street, on Wednesday E 
 December 26, 1832: 
 
 When, on motion, Mr. Samuel Hard* 
 was elected Chairman, and Henry Sipkins ap- 
 pointed Secretary. 
 
 After some preliminary remarks by the 
 Chairman, at his request, I ig was 
 
 opened with an appropriate prayer, by the 
 Rev. Jas. Hayborn, (the pastor of the church.) 
 
 Mr. Thomas L. Jennings stated, thai among 
 the leading matters which would occupy the 
 attention dt' the meeting, were several impor- 
 tant documents lately received from Europe, 
 expressive of the sentiments thai a very con- 
 siderable portion of the people of the British 
 Empire entertained respecting the deplorable 
 situation of the colored people in the United 
 St Ltes. Having made some excellent remarks 
 on the conviction many of them entertained, 
 that the American Colonization Society was 
 the cause of a most cruel persecution of the 
 free people of color, as well as of its insuffi- 
 ciency, if not its want of inclination, to any 
 considerable extent, to lessen the intermina- 
 ble bondage of the slaves; he read the letter 
 of Mr. James Cropper, of England, to Mr. 
 Thomas Clarkson, (one of the most strenuous 
 abolitionists of that country) on the improprie- 
 ty of patronizing the Colonization Society. 
 
 Copious extracts were also read from various 
 other foreign documents, and listened to with 
 much attention. Particular interest was exci- 
 ted upon the reading of a part of the speech of 
 the Honorable Daniel O'Connell, delivered at 
 the Anniversary meeting of the London Anti- 
 Slavery Society held in Exeter Hall, May 12th, 
 1832. Some observations on the character of 
 Mr. O'Connell as a philanthropist, were made, 
 and the following resolutions offered and nnan- 
 imously adopted, viz : 
 
 Resolved, That we highly appreciate the un- 
 deviating exertions ofthe friend i of humanity 
 in these United States, and in Great Britain, 
 in the sacred cause of emancipation, and that 
 they are entitled to our greatest respect and 
 most sincere thanks. 
 
 Resolved, That we recognize in the Honora- 
 ble Daniel O'Connell, of Ireland, the champion 
 of religious liberty, the uncompromising advo- 
 cate of universal emancipation, the friend of 
 the oppressed Africans and their descendants, 
 and ofthe unadulterated rights of man. 
 
 Resolved, That we regrel thai we are unable 
 to make suitable returns for the disinterested 
 friendship that he has manifested towards the 
 cause of liberty and eqality, to the terror ofthe 
 traffickers in human flesh and blood; and that 
 
 we should consider ourselves unworthy the" 
 rals, and traitors to our 
 cause, if u e si Id withhold this public expres- 
 sion of our respectful gratitude. 
 
 Resolved, That we lender to the Hon. Dan- 
 n; i, ( >'('o\\r,i,i. our sincere thanks and respect 
 lor his j tions in the cause of the op- 
 
 1, — hoping that when his labors of be- 
 nevolence shall be finished on earth, — when 
 the oppressor shall cease from his oppression, 
 — he may receive the heavenly reward of Him 
 who holds in bis hands the destinies of 
 
 Resolved, That an address be prepared to 
 
 love resolution-', and that the 
 d to Mr. O'Connell with all 
 . Ltch. 
 
 Resolved, That the above resolutions be 
 published in as many of the papers friendly to 
 the can >e of emancipation as practicable, sign- 
 al by the Chairman and Secretary. 
 
 On motion, Messrs. Samuel Hardenburgh, 
 Thomas L. Jennings, and Henry Sipkins, were 
 appointed a committee to prepare the Address, 
 attend to the publication of the forego- 
 ing resolutions. 
 
 In the course ofthe evening, the proclama- 
 tion of General Jackson to the free people of 
 color, on the banks of the Mobile, during the 
 last war, was read ; several extracts from the 
 reports of the Colonization Society ; and the 
 - ofthe free people of color, held in the 
 Boyer Lodge Room, in the city of New York, 
 January 25th, 1831. 
 
 Throughout the meeting a very general dis- 
 like to tic proceedings ofthe Colonization So- 
 ciety manifested itself. The audience was 
 admonished, that the supportofthe convention 
 was among the means of counteracting the pol- 
 icy of that society. 
 
 A number became members of the Society 
 by which the meeting was called. 
 
 Samuel Uardf.nhurgh, Chairman 
 
 Henry Sipkins, Secretary. 
 
 In relation to the above proceedings, the 
 New- York Journal of Commerce says : 
 
 • We publish in another column, a series of 
 resolutions adopted by a meeting of free people 
 of color recently held in this city. It is a tact 
 which we are unable to explain on any satis- 
 factory principle, that the tree people of color 
 in the Northern States are. a- - a body, strong- 
 ly opposed to the objects ofthe American Col- 
 onization Society. Whether it be that thej 
 are afraid their influence will be weakened by 
 any deduction from their numbers, or whether 
 they suppose thai the Liberians are less pros- 
 perous, independent and happy than them 
 selves, we are unable to say.' 
 
 The people of color ares' opposed to the 
 Colonization Society because it slanders and 
 persecutes them, and perpetuates slavery, and be- 
 nnisr they lore America better than .Africa. 
 
Professor Green's Letter to Rev. Simeon S. Jocelyn. 
 
 29 
 
 LIGHT IN THE WEST ! 
 Extracts from a letter addressed to Rev. S. 
 S. Jocei/y:v, of New-Haven, Connecticut, by 
 Beriah Greex, Professor of Sacred Litera- 
 ture in Western Reserve College, dated — 
 
 Hudson, {Port. Co. O.) JVov. 5, 1832. 
 Rev. a.\d Dear Sir : 
 
 A great change has, within a few months, 
 been wrought in the views and movements of 
 some of the gentlemen connected with this 
 College, both as intructors and students, res- 
 pecting the ground occupied by the American 
 Colonization Society, and the tendency of the 
 principles avowed, and the course pursued, by 
 that institution. In a single word, the Presi- 
 dent of the College, Rev. Charles B. Storrs, 
 a gentleman well known and highly esteemed 
 on many accounts in New-England as well 
 as in Ohio, Elizur Wright, Jr. Professor of 
 Mathematics and Natural Philosophy, whose 
 reputation as a gentleman, a scholar, and a 
 christian, is elevated, if I mistake not, at Yale 
 College; Elizur Wright, Esq- of Tallmadge, 
 a Trustee of this College, and an early grad- 
 uate of Yale, whose reputation as a scholar 
 and a christian I need not describe, and some 
 others, have, upon examining the matter in 
 discussion between the abolitionists and anti- 
 abolitionists, yielded to the conviction that the 
 former occupy the only ground, which the r i\- 
 ble can justly be regarded as approving and 
 sustaining. These gentlemen have been 
 brought to this conviction, not without many 
 struggles and much reluctance. They had 
 been ardent friends and prompt patrons of the 
 American Colonization Society ; had labored 
 to sustain its claims to public patronage by 
 their authority, their eloquence, and their pur- 
 ses. They now feel, and feel very deeply 
 too, that they had been blinded by a strange 
 prejudice, which had the effect of infatuation 
 on their minds. They have opened their eyes 
 upon an object which has taken fast hold of 
 their whole souls. They feel themselves im- 
 pelled by motives which they cannot and 
 would not resist, to give ' arm and soul' to the 
 cause of African emancipation. They are 
 now making the inquiry with unwonted solici- 
 tude — ' Lord, what wilt thou have us to do ? ' 
 
 A good deal of interest has been awakened 
 in the College among the students, on the 
 subject of African emancipation. The matter 
 has, in different forms and on various occa- 
 sions, been pretty thoroughly discussed. A 
 number of the students take the ground main- 
 tained by the New-England Anti-Slavery So- 
 ciety. We hope the number may increase. 
 Mr. Storrs has been almost universally — per- 
 haps I need not qualify the expression by any 
 such word as almost — regarded as preeminent 
 for soundness of judgment, warmth of piety, 
 force of mind, and general attractiveness of 
 character. The posture which he has taken 
 
 on the subject of this letter cannot, we think, 
 fail of setting hundreds a-thinking. Professor 
 Wright has written a good many very able 
 columns for the Observer & Telegraph — the 
 religious paper of the Western Reserve ; and 
 would have continued to write, had he not been 
 denied the farther use of this medium of work- 
 ing on the public mind. He is an attractive, 
 powerful writer. His whole soul is engaged ; 
 and I think no human agency can beat him off 
 the ground which he has taken. We need 
 the sympathy and aid of the friends of this 
 good cause in New-England. We want facts 
 —facts — FACTS. 
 
 One copy of Mr. Garrison's ' Thoughts ' has 
 readied us, and we take a few copies of his 
 admirable paper. Charles Stuart's last pamph- 
 let on Colonial Slavery in the West Indies, 
 we have ; and the African Repository, and the 
 Colonization Society Reports and Speeches, 
 which we find may be made directly and pow- 
 erfully subservient to the cause of African 
 emancipation. Every fact on this subject will 
 be estimated here at its full worth. Will you, 
 as the friend of poor, persecuted, trodden down 
 Africa, help us ? We much wish to know the 
 history of the efforts which you have made in 
 the cause of wretched humanity in New-Haven 
 and elsewhere. 
 
 Your letter to Mr. Gurley I thank \ T ou for, 
 and wish I had 500 or 1,000 copies of it for 
 circulation. Things in Maine and Massachu- 
 setts, 1 should think, were assuming a brighter 
 aspect. Mr. Garrison's reception in Maine 
 could not but have been highly encouraging. 
 Our British brethren, too, the Lord Jesus bless 
 them. 
 
 We have here a great struggle to go through 
 with, if the Saviour will help us. The strength 
 of public prejudice, as such openly avowed! is 
 awaking. We have, however, a calm and deep 
 conviction that we are right, and that God 
 ■will help us. This hope we cling to as the 
 anchor of our souls. O, may we not forfeit its 
 high consolations — its sustaining, exhilarating 
 influence ! Wc hope before many days to 
 bring our little forces together in the form of 
 an Anti-Slavery Society. Pray for us, dear 
 brethren, as I hope we do for you — and for all 
 who are consecrated to the great and glorious 
 design, to which, ' after so long a time,' we are 
 beginning to awake. 
 
 Yours in the Lord Jesus, 
 
 BERIAH GREEN. 
 
 [We seize this opportunity to acknowledge 
 the pleasure we have felt, in perusing the mas- 
 terly essays of Professor Wright, published in 
 the Hudson Observer & Telegraph. As that 
 paper has most unfairly refused to insert any 
 more of his articles on African Colonization, 
 we earnestly entreat him to make 'The Abo- 
 eitiomst' the medium of his valuable com- 
 munications to the public : they will have a 
 wide circulation.! 
 
30 
 
 Constitution of the Anti-Slavery Society. — Slavery in the British Colonies. 
 
 CONSTITUTION OF THE NEW-ENGLAND 
 WTI-si.w ERY SOCIETY. 
 
 PRE \ MBLE. 
 n as, we believe lhal Slavery is contrary to the 
 precepts of Christianity, dangerous lo the liberties oi 
 the country, and ought immediately t<> l>e abolished; 
 and whereas, we believe lhal the citizens of New-Eng- 
 landnotonlj have the righl to protest against it, but 
 are under the highest ig i to seek iu removal by 
 moral influence; and whereas, we believe lhal the 
 free people of color are unrighteous^ oppressed, and 
 stand in need of our sympathy and benevolent co-ope- 
 ration; therefore, recognizing the inspired declaration 
 that God ■ hath made ol one blood all nations of men 
 Cor to dwell on all ihe face of the earth,' and in obe- 
 dience to our Saviour's golden rule,' all things whatso- 
 ever ye would thai men should do to you, do ye even 
 
 so to them,' we agree to for urselves into a Society, 
 
 and lo be governed by the following 
 
 CONSTITl TION. 
 Article I. This Society shall be called the New- 
 England Anti-Slavery Society. 
 
 Art. 2. The objects of the Society shall be, to en- 
 deavor, by all means sanctioned by law, humanity and 
 religion, to effect the abolition of slavery in the I nited 
 Stales ; to improve the character and condition of the 
 free people of color, to inform and correct public opin- 
 ion in relation to their situation and rights, and obtain 
 for them equal civil and political rights and privileges 
 with the whiles. 
 
 Art. 3. Any person by signing the Constitution, and 
 paying to the Treasurer fifteen dollars as a life sub- 
 scription, or two dollars annually, -hall be considered 
 a member of the Society, and entitled to a copy of all 
 its official publications. 
 
 ART. I. The officers of the Society shall be a Presi- 
 dent. Vice Presidents, a Corresponding Secretary, 
 a Recording Secretary, a Treasurer, and ten Counsel- 
 lors, who shall be elected annually, by ballot, on the 
 fourth Wednesday of January, or subsequently by ad- 
 journmenl. and shall hold their respective offices until 
 others are chosen. 
 
 Art. 5. The foregoing officers shall constitute a 
 Board of Managers, to whom shall be entrusted the 
 disposition of the funds, and the management of the 
 concerns of the Society. They shall have power to 
 make their own by-laws, to till any vacancy which may 
 occur in their Board, and to employ agents to promote 
 the objects of the Society. 
 
 Art. (i. There shall be a public meeting of the So- 
 ciety annually, on the third Wednesday of January, al 
 which the Board of Managers shall make a Report ol 
 their doings for the past year, and of the income, ex- 
 penditures, and funds ofthe Society. 
 
 Art. 7. The President shall preside at all meetings 
 ofthe Society and of the Hoard of Managers, or in his 
 
 absence one ofthe Vice Presidents, Or in their absence 
 a President pro tern. 
 
 Art. 8. The Corresponding Secretary shall receive 
 and keep all communications or publications directed 
 to the Society, and transmit those issued by them, and 
 shall correspond with the agents, or any other bodies 
 or indi\ iduals, according to ihe directions of the Socie- 
 ty or the Manag< i s. 
 
 Art. 9. The Recording Secretary shall notify all 
 meetings ofthe Society and of ihe Board of Managers, 
 and keep the records of Ihe same. 
 
 Art. Id. The Treasurer shall collect the subscrip- 
 tions and donations to the Society, hold all its funds, 
 and make payments according to the directions of the 
 Managers; and he shall keep a true account of the 
 same, and render a Statement, to accompany the An- 
 nual Report of the Society. 
 
 Art. II. Any Anti-Slavery Society, or any asso- 
 ciation founded' on kindred principles, may become 
 auxiliary to this Society, by contributing to its funds, 
 and may communicate with us by letter or delegation. 
 
 Art. 12. The Society shall hold meetings on the 
 last Monday of March, June and September, for the 
 transaction of any business which may be presented by 
 the Board of Managers, or for addresses, or tor discus- 
 sion ot any sublet t connected with the objects of the 
 Society. Special meetings ofthe Society may be call- 
 ed by ihe Board of Managers, or by the Recording 
 Secretary, on application from ten members of the So- 
 
 ciel\ . 
 
 \i;t. 13. Tins Constitution may be altered at the 
 Annual Meeting for the choice of officers, provided the 
 amendments proposed to be made, have been submit- 
 ted to the Board of Managers, in writing, one month 
 previous. 
 
 A STATEMENT OF THE FRIGHTFUL DECREASE 
 
 OF THE SLAVE POPULATION IN THE SUGAR 
 
 COLONIES OF GREAT BRITAIN. 
 
 [Drawn up from Official Returns by T. F. Buxton.] 
 
 Antigua 
 Berbice 
 
 Demerara 
 
 Grenada 
 
 Jamaica 
 
 Montserrat 
 
 Nevis 
 
 St. Christophers 
 
 St. Lucia 
 
 St. Vincent's 
 
 Tobago 
 
 Tortola 
 
 Trinidad 
 
 Decrease in the above thirteen Colonies, the average 
 being 11 1-13 years, 48,097 
 
 Mauritius Decrease in 10 3-4 years 10,767 
 
 ere as 
 
 3 in 11 
 
 years 
 
 868 
 
 do 
 
 9 
 
 do 
 
 1,844 
 
 do 
 
 12 
 
 do 
 
 12,037 
 
 do 
 
 12 
 
 do 
 
 2,597 
 
 do 
 
 12 
 
 do 
 
 18,024 
 
 do 
 
 11 
 
 do 
 
 131 
 
 do 
 
 11 
 
 do 
 
 192 
 
 do 
 
 10 
 
 do 
 
 1000 
 
 do 
 
 13 
 
 do 
 
 1,942 
 
 do 
 
 10 
 
 do 
 
 1,248 
 
 do 
 
 10 
 
 do 
 
 2,803 
 
 do 
 
 10 
 
 do 
 
 143 
 
 do 
 
 13 
 
 do 
 
 6,168 
 
 
 58,864 
 
 Deduct. Increase in the two following 
 
 Colonics, 
 
 viz : — 
 
 
 Dominica in 9 years 
 Barbadoes in 12 years 
 
 11 
 
 5.966 
 5,977 
 
 Total decrease in the Slave population in the Sugar 
 Colonies, on an average of eleven years, 52,887 
 
 LATEST RETURN OF THE SLAVE POPULATION 
 IN THE BRITISH COLONIES. 
 
 Colonies. 
 
 Years. 
 
 Men. 
 
 Women. 
 
 Totals. 
 
 Antigua 
 
 1828 
 
 14,066 
 
 15,773 
 
 29,839 
 
 Barbadoes 
 
 1829 
 
 37,691 
 
 44,211 
 
 81,902 
 
 Berbice 
 
 1828 
 
 11,284 
 
 10,035 
 
 21,319 
 
 Demerara 
 
 1829 
 
 37,141 
 
 M:Mu 
 
 69,467 
 
 Dominica 
 
 1826 
 
 7,362 
 
 8,030 
 
 15,392 
 
 < rrenada 
 
 1829 
 
 11,711 
 
 12,434 
 
 24,145 
 
 Jamaica 
 
 1829 
 
 158,254 
 
 164,167 
 
 322,421 
 
 Montserrat 
 
 18'28 
 
 2,867 
 
 .;.. ;>.>:> 
 
 6,262 
 
 Nevis 
 
 1826 
 
 4,57 1 
 
 4,685 
 
 9,259 
 
 St. Christopher's 
 
 1827 
 
 9,198 
 
 10.112 
 
 19,310 
 
 St. Lucia 
 
 1828 
 
 6,280 
 
 7,381 
 
 [3,661 
 
 St. Vincent's 
 
 1827 
 
 11,583 
 
 12,006 
 
 23,589 
 
 Tobago 
 
 183 
 
 5,872 
 
 6,684 
 
 12,556 
 
 Trinidad 
 
 l:;::; 
 
 13,141 
 
 10,865 
 
 24,006 
 
 Tortola 
 
 1828 
 
 2,510 
 
 2,889 
 
 5,399 
 
 
 333,534 
 
 344,993 
 
 678,527 
 
 Mauritius 
 
 1826 
 
 47,657 
 
 29,117 
 
 76,774 
 
 Totals 
 
 381,191 
 
 374,110 
 
 755,301 
 
White and Black Population of the Slave States. 
 
 31 
 
 [From the Western Luminary.] 
 Pursuant to the request of the Fayette 
 County Colonization Society, I furnish the 
 statistical tables used by me. In the cal- 
 culations there may be some very inconsider- 
 able inaccuracy ; they were made early last- 
 fall, and have not been since revised. If there 
 is any inaccuracy, it is too inconsiderable to 
 make a material difference in the result. 
 
 DANIEL MAYES. 
 
 TABLE shewing the relative increase oj 
 Blacks and Whites, from 1820 to 1830. 
 
 MARYLAND. 
 
 1820. 1830. 
 
 White 200,219 291,093=11 2-3 per cent. 
 
 Black 147,128 155,820=6 per cent. 
 
 Slaves decreased from 107,398 to 102,876. Free 
 Black increase from 39,730 to 52,942=33 1-3 per cent. 
 
 VIRGINIA. 
 
 White 603,074 694,445=15 per cent. 
 
 Black 462,042 516,817=12 3-4 per cent. 
 
 Free Black from 36,889 to 47,103=27 2-3 per cent. 
 
 GEORGIA. 
 
 White 189,566 296,614=56 1-2 per cent. 
 
 Black 151,419 219,890=45 3-4 per cent. 
 
 NORTH CAROLINA. 
 
 White 419,200 472,433=10 1-2 
 Black 219,629 266,037=21 
 
 Free Black, 35 per cent. 
 
 SOUTH CAROLINA. 
 
 White 237.410 257,875=8 1-2 
 
 Black 165,299 323,570=22 
 
 White increase 20,435. Black increase 58,571. 
 
 White 
 Black 
 
 White 
 Black 
 
 White 
 Black 
 
 White 
 Black 
 
 85,451 
 42,446 
 
 ALABAMA. 
 
 180,171=122 1-2 
 119,035=140 1-6 
 
 MISSISSIPPI. 
 
 42,176 70,618=67 1-3 
 
 33,272 66,188=99 
 
 LOUISIANA. 
 
 72,383 89,379=21 3-4— gain 15.996 
 
 79,510 126,412=59— gain 46,872 
 
 339,295 
 82,836 
 
 TENNESSEE. 
 
 537,930=58 1-3 
 146,898=78 1-3 
 
 KENTUCKY. 
 White 4.34,644 518,678=19 1-3 
 
 Black 129,451 170,166=39 
 
 Increase free Blacks from 2,759 to 4,816=75 per ct. 
 
 MISSOURI. 
 White 55,988 114,552=104 1-2 
 
 Black 10,569 25,532=132 
 
 ARKANSAS. 
 
 Free pop. B. and W. 14,273 30,383=200 
 Slaves 1,617 4,578=270 2-3 
 
 FLORIDA. 
 
 1830. Total, 34,723.— Slaves, 15,540. Nearly half 
 Slaves. 
 
 //. Table exhibiting the relative, average in- 
 crease of the different classes from 1 820 to 
 1830, in Maryland, Virginia, North Car- 
 olina, South Carolina, Georgia, Alabama, 
 
 1840 
 
 W. 
 
 1850 
 
 w. 
 
 I860 
 
 w. 
 
 1870 
 
 w. 
 
 1880 
 
 w. 
 
 1890 
 
 w. 
 
 1900 
 
 w. 
 
 !',. 
 
 3,011,1.56 
 
 B. 
 
 1,136,380 
 
 B. 
 
 6,625,476 
 
 rJ. 
 
 9,010,647 
 
 B. 
 
 12,4 .1,151 
 
 B. 
 
 16,910.853 
 
 B. 
 
 22,898,700 
 
 Mississippi, Louisiana, Tennessee, Ken- 
 tucky, Missouri. 
 
 1820. 1830. 
 
 Free White 2,741.166 3.533,788=28 1-2 per cent. 
 
 Black 1,624.069 2,236,365=36 1-2* 
 Free Black 117,178 158,719=35 1-2 
 
 III. Table shounng the relative strength of the 
 White and Black population, at the close oj 
 each successive tenyears, to the end of the pres- 
 ent century, supposing the rale of increase, to 
 continue in the same ratio as during the last 
 ten. 
 
 4,523,248 
 
 5,789,737 
 
 7,131,863 
 
 9,129,770 
 
 11,696,110 
 
 1 1,967,4 10 
 
 18,158,297 
 
 Blacks exceed Whites by 4,741,166. 
 
 IV. Table exhibiting the relative strength of 
 Black and White population in 1790 and 
 1830, in Maryland, Virginia, Kentucky, 
 North Carolina, South Carolina, Georgia. 
 
 1790. 1830. 
 While 1,777,357 2,531,138 1790 2 1-4 W. to IB. 
 Black 582,023 1,552,318 1830 1 1-4 W. to 1 B. 
 
 V. Table shoiving weight of population per 
 square mile in Maryland, Virginia, North 
 Carolina, South Carolina, Georgia, Alaba- 
 ma, Mississippi, Louisiana, Tennessee, Ken- 
 tucky, Missouri, and what it will be in 19C0, 
 if increase at the same ratio. 
 
 No. sq. ms. 501,333: pop. 1830. 5,770,153=11 1-2 pr. m. 
 
 pop. 1900.41,056,997=81 9-10 
 
 Black pop. 1900. 22,898,700=45 1-2 pr. m. 
 
 Exceeding the present rate of population of an}' 
 
 State in theTJnion but two, and = to that of Kentucky, 
 
 multiplied by 3 3-4. 
 
 VI. Table showing the comparative longevity 
 
 of Whites and Blacks. 
 According to the Census of 1830, there were upwards 
 of one hundred years old in the U. States — 
 White males 297 Females 234 
 
 Male slaves 717 Female 662 
 
 Male free B. 382 Female 359 
 
 Male Blacks 1090 Female 1021 
 
 Total— White, 531. Total— Black, 2120. 
 
 LIBERAL DONATION. 
 John Kenrick, Esq. of Newton, the vete- 
 ran advocate of universal emancipation, has 
 recently paid over to the New-England Anti- 
 Slavery Society the sum of One Hundred 
 Dollars, as a part of the fund about to be 
 raised by the Society for the establishment of 
 a Manual Labor School for the instruction of 
 Colored Youth. This esteemed friend, a few 
 months since, made a donation to the Society 
 of One Hundred and Fifty Dollars, to 
 promote its benevolent objects. 
 
 * While this sheet is going through the press, we 
 notice an error in this number, which affects the 3d ta- 
 ble, but have neither time nor space to correct it. 
 
3*2 Letter from an Infant Slave to the Child of its Mistress. — The Sugar- Plums. 
 
 [From the Liberator.] 
 LETTER 
 
 FROM AN IEFAKT 51 IVE T'> THE CHILII OF IT? 
 MISTRESS. BOT] ' !HE SAME DAT. 
 
 B 
 
 \ • linos coining from me. 
 
 Addressed to j 
 For babies black of three months old 
 II, as I 've been told. 
 ■ white ones do.* 
 
 There are some things I hear and see. 
 Which very much do puzzle me. 
 
 Pray don't 'hey you ! 
 For the same day our lives begun, 
 And all things here beneath die sun. 
 
 To both are new. 
 
 Bal>\ - I hear you cry. 
 
 And manv run to find out why. 
 
 cure the pain : 
 But when I cry from pi - - 
 I ere s no one round who seems to hear. 
 I cry in vain. 
 
 Fxeept it be when she is nig 
 Whose gentle love. I know not why. 
 
 Is all for me ; 
 Her tender care soothes all my pain. 
 Brings to my face those smiles again, 
 
 She smiles to see. 
 
 With hunger faint, with grief distre-- 
 I once my wretchedness 
 
 With urgent power : 
 Some by my eloquence annoyed. 
 To still my grief rough blows employed. — 
 Oh dreadful hour ! 
 
 When first thy father saw liis child. 
 With hope and love and joy he smiled. 
 
 Bright schemes he planned ; 
 Mine groaned, and said with sullen brow. 
 Another slave is added now 
 
 To diis free land. 
 
 Why am I thought so little worth. 
 You prized so highly from your birth? 
 
 Tell, if you know : 
 Why are my woes and joys as nought. 
 With careful love yours shunned or sought ? 
 
 Why is it so ? 
 
 My own dear mother, it is true. 
 Loves me as well as yours does you ; 
 
 But when she "s s 
 None else to me a care extends : 
 Oh why have you so many friends, 
 
 I only one ? 
 
 Why must that one be sent away. 
 Compelled for long, long hours to stav 
 
 Apart from me ! 
 I think as much as I she mourns. 
 And is as glad when she returns. 
 
 Her child so see. 
 
 One day I saw my mother weep. 
 A tear fell on me when asleep. 
 
 Anil made me wake ; 
 Not for herself that tear was shed. 
 Her own woes she could bear, she said, 
 
 But for my sake. 
 
 She could not bear, she said, to think 
 That I the cup of wo must drink, 
 Which she had drunk ; 
 
 That from my cradle to my grave, 
 1 - a wretched slave, 
 
 i I . >onk. 
 
 Her words I scarcely understood. 
 
 to speak of little good, 
 
 For coming 
 Hut joy with all my musings blends, 
 And infant thought not far extends 
 
 Its hopes and (i 
 
 I ponder much to comprehend 
 What sort of beings, gentle friend. 
 
 We 've got among; 
 Some dungs in my experience, 
 Do much confound my budding sense 
 
 I I right and wrong. 
 
 I ' .1 love you ; 't is not right 
 
 To love you less because you "re white ; 
 
 Then surely you 
 Will never learn to scorn or hate 
 \\ :i the same Maker did create 
 irker hue. 
 
 Beneath thy pale uncolored skin. 
 As warm a heart may beat widiin. 
 
 A- eats in me. 
 Uujusdy I will not for. 
 
 ire not colored white or jet. 
 
 In thee or me. 
 
 Your coming of the tyrant race, 
 I will not think in you disgrace. 
 
 Since not your choice ; 
 If you "re as just and kind to me. 
 Through all our lives why may not we 
 
 In love rejoice ? E. T. C. 
 
 * See in the Juvenile Miscellany, a letter from an 
 infant in Charleston, (S. C.) to her cousin in 
 chusetts. 
 
 [From the Genius of Universal Emancipation.] 
 THE SUGAR-PLUMS. 
 
 No. no. pretty sugar-plums ! stay where you are ! 
 Though my grandmother sent you to me from so far ; 
 You look very nice, you would taste very sweet. 
 And I love you right well, yet not one will I eat. 
 
 For the poor slaves have labored, far down in the south. 
 To make you so sweet, and so nice for my mouth; 
 But I want no slaves toiling for me in the sun. 
 Driven on with the whip, till the long day is done. 
 
 Perhaps some poor slave-child that hoed up the ground. 
 Round the cane in whose rich juice your sweetness was 
 
 found. 
 Was flogged till his mother cried sadly to see. 
 And I'm sure I want nobody beaten for me. 
 
 So grandma. I thank you for being so kind. 
 
 But your present to-day is not much to my mind ; 
 
 Tho' I love you so dearly. I choose not to eat 
 
 Ev'n what you have sent me. by slavery made sweet. 
 
 Thus said little Fanny, and skipped otTto play, 
 Leaving all her nice sugar-plums just where they lay ;, 
 As mcrrv as if they had gone in her mouth. 
 And she had not cared for die slaves of the south. 
 
 MARGARET. 
 
 \ry The Treasurer of the New-England Anti-Sla- 
 verv Societv acknowledges the receipt of Fifteen 
 Dollars from Mr. Prince Farmer of Salem, to 
 constitute him a Life Member of the Society. Also. 
 Thirty Four Dollars from Mr. Ebenezer Dole 
 — Fiftt Dollars from Mrs. Sarah H. 
 Wieslow, and Fifteen Dollars from Mrs. C. 
 W i >- sto W . both of Portland . 
 
THE ABOLITIONIST. 
 
 VOL. I.] 
 
 MARCH, 1833. 
 
 [NO. III. 
 
 CONTINUATION OF EXTRACTS FROM THE 
 ANNUAL REPORT. 
 
 The Board of Managers of the New En- 
 gland Anti-Slavery Society, in presenting to 
 the public their First Annual Report, deem it 
 proper to make a full developement of the mo- 
 tives which led to the formation of the Socie- 
 ty, — the principles which govern its actions, — 
 and the purposes which it aims to accomplish. 
 It is right that the people of this country, — 
 and especially of New-England, to whose 
 countenance and patronage the Society more 
 directly appeals, — should understand, fairly 
 and plainly, these motives, and principles, and 
 purposes. Self defence against the misrep- 
 resentations and assaults of ignorance, preju- 
 dice and malice, — the success of the cause of 
 truth and justice, — imperiously require such 
 an exposition at their hands. 
 
 The Managers, while they feel cheered in 
 view of what has been accomplished during the 
 past year, cannot withhold the expression of 
 their regret that there is, in this wide commu- 
 nity, such a general aversion to a close, candid 
 and zealous investigation of a subject, which 
 involves the temporal and everlasting welfare 
 of millions of the human family, and the per- 
 manency of the institutions of this country. 
 The ignorance which prevails among all clas- 
 ses respecting the nature, extent and wither- 
 ing tendency ofslavery,as it exists in the south- 
 ern states, is as surprising as it is deplorable. 
 Many persons, of good information on other 
 subjects, cannot even guess the number of 
 the slave population ; others are hardly able to 
 designatebetweenthe free and the slave states; 
 others seem not aware of the fact, that, in va- 
 rious portions of territory, slavery is maintain- 
 ed by the people and government of the Uni- 
 ted States ; others know so little of the physi- 
 cal sufferings and spiritual deprivations of the 
 slaves, as to receive with incredulity, if not 
 positive unbelief, the most well-authenticated 
 facts ; others possess merely a general statis- 
 tical knowledge, but have never traced the 
 pernicious effects of slavery upon the prosper- 
 ity and happiness of the slave States, or imag- 
 ined that it is, and must inevitably be, the 
 source of national division. 
 
 Hence, to this general ignorance may be 
 attributed the success of the colonization 
 scheme, which, having been received upon 
 trust, is still viewed by many benevolent indi- 
 viduals as providing a remedy for slavery. 
 VOL. I. 
 
 Hence, too, the facility with which false and 
 wicked accusations against the cause of abo- 
 lition, and its advocates, have been circulated 
 throughout the country ; and hence the ne- 
 cessity for the present defence. 
 
 The motives ivhich actuated the jounders of 
 the New-England Anti-Slavery Society ivere 
 not those of hostility to the interests or persons 
 of slave-owners. 
 
 From the statements and complaints of the 
 planters themselves — from the visible curse 
 which rested upon the slave-tilled soil — from 
 the natural unproductiveness of slave labor, 
 the slaves being robbed of all motives for 
 long-continued, well-directed exertions — from 
 the debasing and barbarous tendency of the 
 system — from the fears of insurrection, which 
 always harass the repose and embitter the cup 
 of oppressors — from the solemn lessons which 
 all history teaches, that tyranny cannot always 
 be exercised with impunity — and from the 
 many revolts, which, since the introduction of 
 slaves into this country, had taken place, grow- 
 ing more and more formidable, and ending with 
 the terrible massacre at Southampton, in Vir- 
 ginia — they were convinced that the abolition 
 of slavery was the only mode of preserving the 
 lives and increasing the wealth of their south- 
 ern fellow-citizens. They saw that custom 
 and education, as well as a mistaken policy, 
 had blinded the eyes of the planters to their 
 best interests ; and while they felt and ex- 
 pressed, as christians and philanthropists, the 
 strongest moral indignation, in view of the 
 conduct of the transgressors, they likewise 
 cherished the utmost benevolence of feeling 
 toward them. To deduct aught from the sum 
 of their happiness, in order to increase that of 
 their victims — or to depress them in proportion 
 to the elevation of the slaves — was not the 
 design of the founders of the Anti-Slavery 
 Society. It was because their good-will and 
 philanthropy were as broad as the earth, em- 
 bracing all men as members of one family, and 
 estimating the happiness and worth of all by 
 the same standard, that they were impelled, in 
 defiance of persecution and reproach, to put 
 forth every exertion for the overthrow of 
 slavery. 
 
 Nor ivere their motives those of a sectional 
 character. They associated together to main- 
 tain, not to destroy the Union, by endeavoring 
 to remove the cause of division. They be- 
 lieved, inasmuch as it is impracticable satisfac- 
 
»4 
 
 Annual Report of the Board of Managers. 
 
 torily to legislate for a portion of the people 
 as men, and another portion as catth 
 tliere could be no end to collisions until the 
 root of bitterness was taken away; and that 
 nearly all the troubles and excitements in the 
 land sprang from slavery. There wer ao 
 difficulties or heart-burnings between the free 
 States: they did not threaten each other, or 
 talk of a separation one from .mother. The 
 longer slavery was tolerated, the more proba- 
 ble, in their conviction, was a dism 
 of the Union. To s sek its utter annihilation, 
 
 then, hoc; them as wise men, as patriots, 
 
 as christians, as lovers of their country. Thejf 
 
 3, or vain, 
 that the formation of an anti-slavi 
 such as they contemplated, would e; 
 opposition ; or that they could go into a free 
 discussion of the question of slavery, 
 subjecting themsel - to greal n pn ach as 
 disorganize rs, madmen, and fanatic.-. All the 
 angry ebullitions which their exertion 
 elicited, both at the north and the south, they 
 were prepared to meet. They had n 
 native but to act the part oi - ite, and 
 
 steel their hearts and close their ears to the 
 cries of two millions of their fellow-cr< 
 or, like the good Samaritan, to compa 
 the bleeding victims, and seek their Ti 
 ance. However high the tempest of p 
 might rise, on the avowal of their sentiments 
 and designs, they were consoled to believe 
 that it woidd serve to purify a foul atmosphere 
 which was generating moral death. However 
 unkindly their expostulations, warnings, re- 
 bukes and efforts might at first be received by 
 the possessors of slaves, they could not doubt 
 their efficacy to produce, ultimately, a radical 
 reform. However cruelly the slaves might be 
 treated by the excited masters, inconsequence 
 of their benevolent interposition, they knew 
 that that aggravated cruelty would only serve 
 to make slavery more odious in the sight of 
 the people, and hasten its downfall. T 
 postulation of Moses with Pharaoh only har- 
 dened the heart of the tyrant, and induced him 
 to increase the burdens of the Israelites; for 
 he 'commanded tJu sameddif, the taskmasters 
 of the people, and their officers, saying, JTe 
 shall no more give the people straw to make 
 brick as heretofore: let them go and gather 
 straw for themselves.' Such a result was 
 peculiarly distressing to Moses: even his af- 
 flicted brethren upbraided him sharply for his 
 interference. 'And they met Moses and Aaron, 
 who stood in the way, as they came forth from 
 Pharaoh: and they said unto them, The Lord 
 look upon you, and judge ; because ye have 
 made our savour to be abhorred in the eyes of 
 his servants, to put a sword in their hand to 
 slay us.' History is full of instruction upon 
 this point: there is scarely an instance on re- 
 cord where the exertions of reformers to break 
 the fetters of tyranny were not; immediately 
 succeeded by new and gr^vous disabilities, 
 
 imposed by the angry oppressors upon their 
 vassals. The guilty Jews were cut to the 
 heart by the faithful preaching of Stephen: 
 
 ried out with a loud voice, and stopped 
 their ears, and ran upon hint with one accord, 
 and cast him out of die city, and stoned him.' 
 All such outrages, however, promote the cause 
 of truth, and defeat the object for which they 
 were perpetra 
 
 Let abolitionists derive consolation and 
 . Let them meek- 
 ly bear the taunts and r 3 of half-way 
 1 temporising gradualists, who ac- 
 cuse them of prov holders to treat 
 rigorously than ever. The 
 : doers. Upon the perpe- 
 trators of the ices must punish- 
 ment be executed by Heaven. Abolitionists 
 deeply regret to perceive no disposition, on 
 the part, of! he slaveholding States, to cease 
 from their oppression. Within the last two 
 years, the Legislatures of Maryland, Virginia, 
 South Carolina, Louisiana, Alabama and Ten- 
 
 . have pas: specting the free 
 
 colored and slave population of those States,. 
 
 which are in the highest degree atrocious. 
 
 The spirit of persi cution is abroad, with 
 
 mii.y; but its violence will 
 
 I lion. 
 
 The New-England Anti-Slavery Society 
 tolerates no compromise of principle. Its de- 
 mands upon the holders of slaves are as impe- 
 rative as those of the book of inspiration — 'to 
 loose the bands of wickedness, to undo the 
 heavy burdens, and to let the oppressed go 
 free.' To all the palliatives and excuses which 
 they and their apologists present for their op- 
 pressive conduct, it replies in the language of 
 Jehovah, 'Thou shalt not steal' — 'Thou shalt 
 not covet thy neighbor's house, thou shalt not 
 covet thy neighbor's wife, nor his man-servant, 
 nor his maid-servant, nor his ox, - nor his ass, 
 nor any thing that is thy neighbor's' — 'Behold 
 the hire of the laborers, which have reaped 
 down your fields, which is of you kept back 
 by fraud, crieth ; and the cries of them which 
 have reaped are entered into the ears of the 
 Lord of Sabaoth.' It regards with dismay and 
 horror the doctrine which is becoming popular 
 in this land, especially in regard to slavery, 
 that 'the end sanctifies the means 1 — that ex- 
 pediency is duty, but duty is not expediency 
 — that the guill of oppression belongs to past 
 generations, and repentance to posterity — that 
 the circumstances of the times, the laws ofthe 
 States, the preservation oi' life and property, 
 justify robbery and oppression, and a violation 
 of all the commandments — and that immediate 
 and universal obedience to the requirements 
 ofthe gospel, on the part of transgressors, will 
 produce worse results than continuance in sin, 
 or a gradual reformation. 
 
 * * * # # 
 
 Whatever ignorance or delusion may ad- 
 vance to the contrary, the guilt of slaveholding 
 
Address of William J. Snelling, Esq. 
 
 35 
 
 is national ; the evil is national ; and ' a com- 
 mon evil implies a common right to apply a 
 remedy.' We, of New-England, deeply par- 
 ticipate in the guilt of oppression, having 
 early commenced enslaving the natives of Af- 
 rica, and up to the last hour of the legality of 
 the traffic, actively prosecuted the foreign 
 slave trade. To the south Ave are now pledg- 
 ing our physical force, in case of insurrection, 
 and giving our co-operation, without which 
 they could not long retain their victims in ser- 
 vitude. To the slaves, therefore, we are bound 
 to make reparation ; and no pretext or device 
 can release us from our obligations. ' Whoso 
 stoppeth his ears at the cry of the poof, he 
 also shall cry himself, but shall not be heard.' 
 The Board of Managers would solemnly 
 protest against the doctrine, that slavery con- 
 cerns the south alone, and that the people of 
 the free States have no right to demand its 
 removal. They regard it as politically and 
 morally false, calculated to paralyze the con- 
 sciences and efforts of the people, and give 
 perpetuity to the system. It is true, the peo- 
 ple of New-England cannot legislate for the 
 southern States ; that the national compact 
 was so framed as to guarantee the legal pos- 
 session of slaves ; and that physical interfer- 
 ence would be a violation of christian princi- 
 ples. But, so long as slaves are hold in the 
 District of Columbia and in the Territories of 
 the United States ; so long as ours is a repre- 
 sentative government, subject to the will of 
 the people ; so long as no efforts are made to 
 modify or repeal the present compact, by those 
 who have both the right and the power thus to 
 do ; so long as the interests of the non-slave- 
 holding States are jeoparded by the twenty- 
 five slave votes in Congress : so long as mor- 
 al influence, widely and wisely disseminated, 
 is productive of beneficial results ; so long as 
 public opinion is the lever of national reform ; 
 so long as the people of New-England are lia- 
 ble to be called upon to put down slave insur- 
 rections ai, the south; so long as there is nei- 
 ther the liberty of speech nor of the press, on 
 the subject of oppression, in a large portion of 
 our country; so long as southern States deprive 
 the colored citizens of New-England, who may 
 visit them, of their liberty and the rights of cit- 
 izenship guaranteed to them by the Constitu- 
 tion of the United States; so long as slavery 
 mars the harmony, divides the policy, retards 
 the prosperity, and fearfully threatens the ex- 
 istence of the nation ; so lone;' as the commands 
 of Jesus remain binding upon all men, 'What- 
 soever ye would that men should do to you, 
 do ye even so to them' — ' Thou shalt love thy 
 neighbor as thyself ; so long as there remains 
 any flesh in our hearts, any physical or moral 
 affinity between us and our enslaved brethren, 
 any love to God or man in our souls ; it never 
 can be true that the people of New-England 
 are not bound to use their moral and political 
 power to overthrow slavery in the United 
 States. 
 
 EXTRACTS FROM AN ADDRESS, 
 
 DELIVERED BEFORE THE N. E. ANTI-SLAVERY 
 SOCIETY, BY WM. J. SNELLING, ES<J. 
 
 Friends and Felloiv Citizens : I come hither 
 to night at the request of the New-England 
 Anti-Slavery Society, to address you on an 
 old subject, but one that can never be urged 
 too often or too strongly on the attention of 
 every true lover of his country. I come to re- 
 mind you that more than two millions of our 
 fellow creatures are groaning in bondage, 
 that on this night, and on every night of the 
 year, millions of curses go up against us to the 
 judgment seat of Jehovah; and it cannot but 
 be obvious, that in so far as we have neglect- 
 ed to redress the wrongs of our brethren, hav- 
 ing the power to do so, we have deserved them. 
 
 I think that there is not much need of argu- 
 ment to prove, that to retain a fellow-creature 
 in thraldom, is wrong. Yet, if there be any 
 one here who thinks otherwise, I would refer 
 him to a single precept of Him who died for 
 all men, without distinction of color: 'As ye 
 would have others to do unto you, do ye even 
 so unto them.' In my view, this text is as 
 clear a prohibition of slavery, as inspiration it- 
 self could have uttered — and even those who 
 deny the Saviour, have never denied the ex- 
 cellence of 'this His precept. 
 
 I have often heard it said, and perhaps the 
 thought may occur to some who hear me, that 
 whatever the evils of negro slavery may be, 
 they are no affairs of ours. Every day we 
 hear those who are actively engaged in the 
 best and holiest cause that ever warmed the 
 heart of man, the abolition of slavery, called 
 by the reproachful names of fanatics, visiona- 
 ries and enthusiasts. We every day hear it 
 repeated that the crime of slavery is attributa- 
 ble only to our fathers, who entailed it upon 
 us ; that the laws have sanctioned it, and that 
 therefore we must submit to the national re- 
 proach with patience. It requires some pa- 
 tience to listen to such arguments. What ! 
 because we do not receive the immediate gains 
 of extorted labor — because we do not apply 
 the scourge with our own hands — is the op- 
 pression under which the slave suffers no af- 
 fair of ours? I hold that it concerns us as 
 nearly as it does the actual slaveholder. Do 
 we not offer the south a market for the pro- 
 duce of the toil of her slaves ? Could the sys- 
 tem of slavery subsist for a year, nay, for a 
 single day, were that market closed ? Every 
 one, who buys a pound of southern sugar, or a 
 yard of southern cotton, virtually approves and 
 sanctions an hour, or more, of slave labor. We 
 are yet farther interested in this momentous 
 matter. We have, by acceding to the Federal 
 Constitution, solemnly and as a people, guar- 
 anteed the continuance of slavery. We, that 
 is nil of us between eighteen and forty-five, are 
 liable to be called to suppress, what we should 
 call rebellion, but what all other nations will 
 call a glorious revolution. Judging from late 
 
3(1 
 
 Addnss of ff illiam J. SneUing, Esq. 
 
 events, it will be no cause of surprise if wc 
 are soon made sensibly to feel the inconve- 
 nience of this liability. Moreover, it is (un- 
 moral influence, the fear of our bayonets, that 
 prevents the slave from shaking nil' ins fetters. 
 If we have approved the sysl m, if we continue 
 to lend it our support, if we are pledged not 
 to sutler its summary abolition, can it be said 
 that, in speaking of it, we meddle with what 
 concerns us not ? Can it be said, while we 
 continue to do these things, that no blame is 
 to be attributed to us ? 
 
 it is true that our lathers committed a griev- 
 ous crime in bringing slaves to our slimes. 
 The original guilt was then-;, notours. If we 
 cannot rid ourselves of this curse, if the con- 
 sequences of their sin cannot be remedied, 
 then we are entirely guiltless; for in what is 
 necessary, there is neither crime nor reproach. 
 But if we ever could have effected the aboli- 
 tion of slavery, if we can still effect it, as I be- 
 lieve we can, and do not, our guilt is the same, 
 in kind, as theirs, and greater in degree, for 
 its victims are ten times more numerous. We 
 stand with them in the relation of receiver and 
 thief. 
 
 We are often told that the condition of the 
 slaves is a happy one ; preferable to that of 
 the laboring whites in the north. If it be so, 
 how comes it that so many masters and over- 
 seers are murdered by their negroes every 
 year ? How comes it that every southern pa- 
 per offers us rewards for the apprehension of 
 runaways ? and how is it that these runaways 
 are almost always identified by the scars of 
 the whip and other marks of the brutality of 
 their owners ? If the slaves be happy and 
 contented, whence the insurrection of South- 
 ampton, and why do southern gentlemen in- 
 form us in their public speeches that they never 
 open their doors at night when the stranger 
 knocks, without deadly weapons in their hands ? 
 Every slave is liable, in every slaveholding 
 state, to be beaten, as the caprice of any, the 
 meanest white, may dictate. In some states 
 his death is atoned by a slight fine. Every 
 slave is liable, at the death of his master, to be 
 sold, and torn from his parents, wife or tender 
 offspring, as the case may be. Such is the 
 law, and so, in slave states, must property ne- 
 cessarily be divided. No matter what suffer- 
 ing may be the consequence, no matter how 
 much the best and strongest feelings of nature 
 may be outraged, the heirs must divide the in- 
 heritance. I think I may venture to assert 
 that one slave, of every two in the United 
 States, has thus been, at some time of his life, 
 forcibly separated from those nearest and dear- 
 est to him. Women, I can say it, for I have 
 seen it, do not escape the lash. I call on all 
 who hear me to decide if such a state is a hap- 
 py one. If there be a father who would part 
 with his child to a stranger, forever, to be car- 
 ried he knows not whither, he Mill, perhaps, 
 say that it is. If there is a husband who would 
 
 stand quietly by and see his wife's body Iace- 
 i it' (1 In- the scourge, or perhaps subjected to 
 ::i talil ie ■■• hie i are until to be named, he 
 
 ide nrthe affirmative. Such things 1 
 have known to be done, as to describe would 
 make the flesh creep and the blond curdle. 
 
 .\ being who ran be content to labor every 
 day, from morning till night, tor the benefit of 
 another, « ho can submit to he beaten, who can 
 be contented under his liability to be sold like 
 
 n\' merchandize, and torn from those 
 appointed by God to make him happy, is not a 
 mini, lie is a bride, in nowise superior to his 
 
 fellow laborer, the horse, or ox. His f 
 cannot be called happy. Is there any free, 
 
 intelligent, man, who would change conditions 
 with such a being? Is the* state in which he 
 exists, for he cannot be said to live, compara- 
 ble even to that of the poorest and most 
 laborious native of New-England ? To say 
 that it is, would be an insult to my country- 
 men. 
 
 An idle school boy may think the suppres- 
 sion of schools an improvement in the state of 
 society, and so may a man, provided he be a 
 slaveholder. I hold it one of the greatest mis- 
 eries to which the slaves are subjected, that 
 they are not permitted to learn to read and 
 write. Such a prohibition abridges their com- 
 forts, lessens their chance of happiness, and 
 brings them nigher to the level of brutes. In 
 some states it is highly penal to teach a slave 
 to read. How wretched must that country be, 
 whose safety can only be assured by such 
 laws! laws which condemn half its inhabitants 
 to everlasting deg'radation ! Yet it is good 
 policy — learning and slavery can no more exist 
 together than fire and water. Teach the 
 slaves to read, and they are slaves no longer. 
 — If this want of intelligence is happiness, 
 why not yet further diminish the slave's means 
 of information ? Why not put out his eyes, 
 crack the drums of his ears, sew up his lips, 
 put plugs in his nostrils — why not, in short, 
 make an oyster of him ? According to the 
 reasoning of some philanthropists, he would 
 then be the happiest of mankind. He would 
 not, indeed, be able to raise sugar or cotton ; 
 but what man, what slaveholder is there, who 
 would not sacrifice a little sugar and cotton to 
 make a man happy ? 
 
 What will be the feelings of the sincere 
 christian, when he reflects that two millions 
 of his fellow heirs of immortal life are forbid- 
 den to know their Saviour, debarred from all 
 religious instruction ? Christ declared that he 
 died for all men — the legislatures of some 
 states have virtually contradicted him, and 
 said that whoso wear th a dark skin shall have 
 no portion in his blood. Yes, unrighteous and 
 oppressive as it may seem, in some states ne- 
 groes are forbidden to assemble to v 
 their maker. This too is good policy, for re- 
 ligion is as opposite to slavery as learning is. 
 Surely, no land ever treated its foreign bond- 
 
Safety of Immediate Abolition. 
 
 37 
 
 men with such severity as ours docs its own 
 children. The ancient Jews protected their 
 servants, and had their year of release — their 
 day of juhilee, so that, in fact, slavery with 
 them was but an apprenticeship. The laws 
 of Minus compelled the Cretan master to 
 change places with his servant once a year. 
 In Athens the slaves had freedom of speech, 
 and a temple to which they might fly for pro- 
 tection when abused. In Sparta, slaves were 
 the property of the state; not of individuals. 
 In no ancient nation were slaves forbidden to 
 learn, or to worship. Among the Mahometans 
 of our own day, every seventh year is a jubi- 
 lee for slaves. Here, among Christians, among 
 men who boast of their freedom, slavery is un- 
 mitigated and perpetual. I cannot conceive 
 of any slavery without crime and misery, but 
 no slavery of which I have read was any tiling 
 like ours. Here, no light is permitted to shine 
 on the bondman, no hope to cheer him. His 
 present is miserable, his future dark and com- 
 fortless. In such circumstances, can we won- 
 der at his degradation ? Can we wonder that, 
 when goaded to frenzy, he does burst the 
 bonds of his fear, he is as ferocious and san- 
 guinary as the great bear of our western 
 prairies ? 
 
 It must be admitted, that, in some parts of 
 the slave states, the blacks are permitted to 
 attend the same churches with their masters, 
 but tins fact does not invalidate what has been 
 said. They there hear sermons, preached by 
 educated men to educated hearers, which, ig- 
 norant as they are, are entirely above their 
 comprehension. 
 
 (To be continued.) 
 
 IMMEDIATE EMANCIPATION. No. III. 
 
 During the last American war, 774 slaves 
 escaped from their masters, and were at the 
 termination of the war settled in Trinidad as 
 free laborers, where they are earning their 
 own livelihood with industry and good con- 
 duct. The following extract of a letter, re- 
 ceived in 1829 from Trinidad by Mr. Pownall, 
 will show the usefulness and respectability of 
 these liberated negroes. ' A field negro brings 
 400 dollars, but most of the work is done by 
 free blacks and people from the main at a much 
 cheaper rate ; and as these are generally em- 
 ployed by foreigners, this accounts for their 
 succeeding better than our own countrymen, 
 who are principally from the old islands, and 
 are unaccustomed to any other management 
 than that of slaves ; however, they are coming 
 into it fast. In Trinidad, there are upwards 
 of fifteen thousand free people of color; there 
 7.9 not a single pauper amongst them ; they live 
 independently and comfortably, and nearly half 
 of the property of the island is said to be in 
 their hands. It is admitted that they are high- 
 ly respectable in character, and are rapidly 
 
 advancing in knowledge and refinement.' Mr. 
 Mitchell,^ sugar planter who had resided 27 
 years in Trinidad, and who is the superinten- 
 dent of the liberated negroes there, says he 
 knows of no instance of a manumitted slave 
 not maintaining himself. In a paper printed 
 by the House of Commons in 1827, (No. 479) 
 he says of the liberated blacks under his su- 
 perintendence, that each of them possessed an 
 allotment of land which he cultivated, and on 
 which he raised provisions and other articles 
 for himself and his family ; his wife and. chil- 
 dren aiding him in the work. A great part, 
 however, of the time of the men (the women 
 attending to the domestic menage) was freely 
 given to laboring on the neighboring plan- 
 tations, on which they worked not in general 
 by the day but by the piece. Mr Mitchell says 
 that their work is well executed, and that they 
 can earn as much as four shillings a day. If, 
 then, these men who have land on which they 
 can support themselves are yet willing to Avork 
 for hire, how is it possible to doubt that incase 
 of general emancipation,the freed negroes who 
 who would have no land of their own would 
 gladly work for wages ? 
 
 A i'ew years ago, about 150 negro slaves, at 
 different times, succeeded in making their es- 
 cape from Kentucky into Canada. Captain 
 Stnart, who lived in upper Canada from 1817 
 to 1822, was generally acquainted with them, 
 and employed several of them in various ways. 
 He found them as good and as trustworthy la- 
 borers in every respect as any emigrants from 
 the islands or from the United States, or as the 
 natives of the country. In 1828, he again vis- 
 ited that country, and found that their numbers 
 had increased by new refugees to about 300. 
 They had purchased a tract of woodland, a 
 few miles from Amherstburgh, and were set- 
 tled on it, had formed a little village, had a 
 minister of their own number, color and choice, 
 a good old man of some talent with whom Cap- 
 tain Stuart was well acquainted, and though 
 poor, were living soberly, honestly and indus- 
 triously, and were peacefully and usefully get 
 ting their own living. 
 
 In consequence of the Revolution in Colom- 
 bia, all the slaves who joined the Colombia ar- 
 mies,amounting to a considerable number,were 
 declared free. General Bolivar enfranchised 
 his own slaves to the amount of between 700 
 and 800, and many proprietors followed his 
 example. At that time Colombia was over- 
 run by hostile armies, and the masters were 
 often obliged to abandon their property. The 
 black population (including Indians) amounted 
 to ! 100,000 persons. Of these, a large number 
 was suddenly emancipated, and what has been 
 effect ? Where the opportunities of insurrec- 
 tion have been so frequent and so tempting, 
 what has been the effect ? M. Ravenga de- 
 clares that the effect has been a degree of do- 
 cility on the part of the blacks, and a degree of 
 security on the part of the ivhites, unknown in 
 
38 
 
 Safety of Immediate Abolition. 
 
 any preceding period of the history of Co- 
 lumbia. 
 
 On the L5th of September, L829, a decree 
 was issued bj the Mexican Government, de- 
 claring that 'Slavery is for ever abolis 
 the republic ; and that consequently all those 
 individuals, who, until this day, looked upon 
 themsi ;\ es, are free.' 
 
 If this most sudden emancipation had been 
 attended with any disturbance of the public 
 peace, would not some of the friends of slave- 
 ry have told us ofit? 
 
 Dr. Walsh ' states that in Brazil then' are 
 000,000 enfranchised persons, either Africans 
 or of African descent, who were eitherslaves 
 themselves or are cendants of slaves. 
 
 He says they are, generally speaking, 'well 
 conducted and. industrious pers >ns, who com- 
 pose indiscriminately different orders of the 
 community. Therearei m merchants, 
 
 fanners, doctors, lawyers, priests and officers 
 of different ranks. Every considerable town 
 in the interior has regiments composed of them.' 
 The b nefits arising from them, he adds, have 
 disposed the whites to think of making free the 
 whole negro population. 
 
 .Mr. Koster, an Englishman living in Brazil, 
 confirms Mr. Walsh's statement.! 'There 
 are black regiments,' he observes, 'composed 
 entirely and exclusively of black Creole sol- 
 diers, commanded by black Creole officers 
 .from the corporal to the colonel. I have seen the 
 several guard-houses of the town occupied by 
 these troops. Far from any apprehension be- 
 ing entertained on this score, it is well known 
 that the quietude of this country, and the feel- 
 ing of safety which every one possesses al- 
 though surrounded by slaves, proceed from 
 the contcntcdness of the free people.' 
 
 An experiment tried on a small scale in Tor- 
 tola (it must be owned with some peculiar ad- 
 vantages) has been completely successful. 
 .Samuel Nottingham, a quaker who became 
 possessed of a small estate in Tortola, to which 
 were attached twenty-five negroes, determin- 
 ed on manumitting them, and did so by a deed 
 executed on the 30th of June, 1776. 1 E< 
 them a plantation with every thing thereunto 
 belonging, and secured it to them and their 
 offspring. In the year 1822, this plantation 
 was visited several times by two highly respec- 
 table gentlemen, who give the following ac- 
 count of its proprietors. 'Of the original per- 
 sons liberated, nine are still alive ; besides 
 whom there are twenty-five of their children, 
 and nine grand children, making in all forty- 
 five persons. The whole of them reside on 
 the same plantation, which they ha. 
 since cultivated. Half ofit is chiefly in pro- 
 visions, and the rest is used as pasturage for 
 their stock, which consists of twenty-eighl 
 cows, thirteen goats and thirteen hogs. Jef- 
 
 *Walsh's Notes on Brazil, vol 
 
 t Amelioration of Slavery, published in No. 16 of the 
 Pamphleteer. 
 
 I'rey Nottingham, one of those originally 0- 
 mancipated, exclusive ofhis share in the plan- 
 tation ami stock, possesses five acres of land, 
 ■ in Spanish town, and a vessel of twen- 
 ty-three feel keel. Diana and Eve have each 
 a boat of seventeen and fourteen feet keel. 
 For some years, the seasons were so bad that 
 they found it difficult to get water for their 
 stock, and got little return for their labor ; but 
 still l hey had been able to support themselves, 
 and to acquire the property mentioned above, 
 while they increased in number from 25 to 43. 
 Not one of them is now in debt; and their 
 property is free from all incumbrance. During 
 the whole period since their emancipation, 
 i me of them have been sued in court, or 
 brought before a Magistrate to answer to any 
 complaint. They are a line healthy race, ail 
 black, and seem to dwell very happily togeth- 
 er/ 
 
 The account given in several Jamaica new s- 
 papersofthe condition of a little colony of 
 runaway slaves in Trelawny proves very de- 
 cidedly their fitness for freedom; yet there is 
 not the slightest reason to think that they were 
 better qualified to make a. good use ofit than 
 any other slaves in our colonies. These ac- 
 counts are '.\\ri\ by their enemies, who mix 
 with the description insults and wishes for 
 their destruction. About the year L812, a 
 dozen negroes who had escaped from slavery, 
 settled themselves in the back districts of Tre- 
 lawny, in the interior of Jamaica, where they 
 built a few houses and brought two hundred 
 acres of land into cultivation. The Montego 
 Bay Gazette of October 20th, 1824, gives the 
 following account of the state in which a par- 
 ty who went to seize the settlers as runaways, 
 found their town and lands. 'They had a- 
 abouttwo hundred acres of very fine provisions 
 in full bearing, with abundance of hogs and 
 poultry. The houses appear to be of consid- 
 erable magnitude, are well built, shingled and 
 floored; one of the buildings is seventy feet 
 long, another forty, and i'<^v under twenty-five. 
 We also understand that there are near the 
 town, from thirty to forty acres of beautiful 
 coffee and a. large Held of canes.' The Corn- 
 wall Courier, of November 3rd, gives nearly 
 me account, and adds, 'We understand 
 a runaway, who is taken, mentions there is a 
 track to the town from Windsor Pen, by which 
 the negroes of different estates have been in 
 the practice of going with asses to exchange 
 salt provisions with the runaways for their 
 ground provisions, and with which they have 
 added to the supply of the Sunday Market in 
 n.' The Cornwall Gazette of Novem- 
 ber 2nd, says. ' After our last publication, we 
 irculation to a bulletin briefly relating 
 the particulars of the now famous town, called 
 by its refined and polished inhabitants, 'We 
 en, you no come.' The party of militia 
 and maroons, under the command of Lieuten- 
 ant Colonel Scott, after a march ofeight hours, 
 
Letter from James Cropper to Thomas Clarksou. 
 
 3U 
 
 reached the first of their provision-grounds, 
 consisting of a cocoa piece nearly a mile from 
 the town. The party now having full posses- 
 sion of the town, quietly took up their quarters 
 in the houses where the former possessors had 
 been busily employed hi culinary affairs, and 
 the assailants became partakers of that cheer 
 which was intended for themselves.' The wri- 
 ter of the account adds, ' The Jamaica journ- 
 als, before-mentioned, contain no direct charge 
 against the inhabitants of this lilt!' 
 All the circumstances mentioned (and these 
 are given by their enemies) warrant us in con- 
 cluding that they kept themselves peaceably 
 at home, and that they did no injury to their 
 neighbors. Indeed, it appears that they were 
 useful to them, as through the medium of the 
 negroes who came to them with their asses, 
 they contributed to supply with ground provi- 
 sions the markets in one of the neighboring 
 towns. These facts enable us to confute those 
 calumnies which describe the negroes as insen- 
 sible to the blessings of freedom, and convince 
 us that they are able to manage their own 
 concerns, and that they would work, if emanci- 
 pated, willingly, and that they need no impulse 
 from the whip. No one can look back to what 
 these fugitives have done in the way of culti- 
 vation, and believe that negroes would not 
 work when emancipated, if a proper stimulus 
 were given them.' 
 
 A LETTER FROM JAMES CROPPER TO 
 THOMAS CLARKSON. 
 
 Liverpool, 10th month, 2d, 1832. 
 My Dear Friend : 
 
 It has caused me deep regret to see thy 
 name amongst those of many long tried friends 
 of humanity as supporters of the American 
 Colonization Society ; though lam notsurpris- 
 ed that many under the mask of a voluntary 
 and prosperous settlement of free blacks on the 
 coast of Africa — a measure in which every 
 friend of humanity must rejoice — have been 
 led to support a scheme, the nature and effects 
 of which are of a, very different character. 
 
 In judging of this scheme, we ought never 
 to lose sight of two facts with respect to the 
 enslaved Africans in the United States, in 
 which tlic enormities of that free country have 
 exceeded those of any other. The first is, 
 that slaves are regularly bred tor sale. The 
 second, that in many of the States, the laws 
 affecting free blacks are of so violently perse- 
 cuting a character as to compel those who ob- 
 tain their liberty to leave those States. From 
 the former of these causes, instances must 
 often occur, (from the state of morals in slave 
 countries.) of fathers selling their own chil- 
 dren ! ! From the latter has originated the 
 Colonization Society ; it arose out of these 
 prejudices against color, and is a direct attempt 
 to extend the same principle to transporta- 
 tion. 
 
 Why are slaveholders so anxious to send 
 away free people of color ? Because their 
 slave institutions would be endangered by the 
 competition of respectable free black laborers ; 
 and they dread still more their education and 
 advancement in science. If they were desir- 
 ous to serve the free blacks, they would in- 
 struct them at home, (not a. few of them, but 
 every one that they send,) and not send them 
 in ignorance to a barbarous country. 
 
 To this real scheme of transporting the peo- 
 ple of color a professed one is attached, for 
 the ultimate extinction of slavery, by the trans- 
 portation of the whole black population to the 
 coast of Africa ; and we are gravely told that 
 one hundred thousand slaves are ready to be 
 given up, if means can be found of sending 
 them to Africa! A most extraordinary state- 
 ment, and one for which I believe there is no 
 foundation, in either fact or probability. Can 
 it be believed that the slaveholders of the Uni- 
 ted States are ready to give up their property, 
 worth at least five millions sterling'} — a liber- 
 ality unheard of since the foundation of the 
 world. In all the rest of the United States, 
 enough to pay the expense of their emigration 
 cannot be raised, and hence it is sought for in 
 England. If there was any truth in this won- 
 derful statement, we must all of us have been 
 sadly deceived about the debasing effects of 
 slaveholding on the minds of those engaged 
 in it. No other occupation ever produced 
 such extraordinary liberality. 
 
 It would be interesting to know to what 
 class these men belong. Is it the practice 
 of selling their own children, which has pro- 
 duced this extraordinary effect? Or are 
 these men amongst the slave buyers, who 
 purchase them for no other purpose, than 
 them their freedom as soon as the 
 means of sending them to Liberia can be 
 found ? Is it not. strange indeed, that any 
 man can be bold enough to make assertions; 
 soobviou ly at variance with truth? To what- 
 ever extent this transportation of slaves was 
 carried, the slaveholders know that the price 
 of those slaves which remained would be en- 
 hanced, and their condition embittered, by the 
 removal of all hopes of liberty, so precious to 
 the human soul. The free colored people 
 being kept few and poor, will be prevented 
 from rising, by fair competition, to the equal 
 rank and honor to which that competition nat- 
 urally conducts, whim not marred in its pro- 
 gress by some such scheme as the American 
 Colonization Society. No wonder that, with 
 the exception of some who do not understand 
 the plan, the planters are friendly to the colo- 
 nization scheme. But the free people of color 
 are opposed to this scheme. They have com- 
 mitted no crime, and do not like to be transport- 
 ed and to suffer the highest penalty of the law 
 next to death. 
 
 To whatever extent the United States ex- 
 patriate their cotton cultivators, they destroy 
 
40 
 
 Letter from James Cropper to Thomas Clarkson. 
 
 one of the chief sinews of their own prosper- 
 ity,and inc iptation to otherstates 
 
 to renew th slave trade by fresh importations. 
 The of the United State 
 
 fully thirty years to come, would be required 
 to purchase th and to transport them 
 
 and th • !'i blacks to Africa. Such an idea 
 
 as t tion of slavery by me 
 
 Colonization Society can never have been se- 
 riously ci id. No! — Perpetuation, and 
 not extinction of slavery, is its object! 
 
 The first command ever given to man was, 
 'Be fruitful and multiply.' Who can doubt 
 that it is for his interest to obey this and every 
 other command of God ? But in no case is it 
 so manifest as when in a state of slavery. The 
 value of men, as of every other commodity, 
 is governed by their plenty or scarcity ; where 
 they are so abundant that parishes' are will- 
 ing to pay the exp mses of emigration to get 
 rid of them, there must be an end of shivery. 
 Every ii if numbers tends, whilst it is 
 
 a proof of better treatment, to promote the 
 mitigation and final extinction of slavery; and 
 it musl be admitted that the Americans evince 
 this proof of good treatment. 
 
 The slaves in the United States have rapidly 
 ed, and this increase has been highly 
 ill to the cause of humanity. It is' es- 
 timated that they have increased since 1808, 
 (the time of both our and their abolition of 
 the slave trade,) from 1,130,000 to 2,010,000, 
 and they have more than trebled the growth 
 of cotton since the peace of 1814, and have 
 reduced its price to one third of what it then 
 was, though the Brazils, with all their slave 
 trading, have only added one fourth part to 
 their growth of cotton in the same time. Hence 
 it is plain, that if there has been any increase 
 in the cotton cultivators of Brazils, few or no 
 slaves can have been imported for its cultiva- 
 tion. May avc not then say that the increase 
 of the slave population of the United States 
 has done more than all our enormous expen- 
 diture for the suppression of the African slave 
 trade ? 
 
 It cannot but be interesting to thee to know 
 what would have been the effect of a similar 
 increase in the English West Indian slaves. 
 Had they increased in the same proportion 
 as those of the United States (since the aboli- 
 tion of the slave trade) their numbers would 
 have been 728,317 more than they now are, 
 which, if employed in the cultivation of 
 would have been sufficient to have pn duced 
 an increase of 240,000 tons annually, whilst nil 
 the slave trading of the Brazils and Cuba and 
 the French colonies have only added 115,000 
 tons to their growth. Such an increase of 
 sugar would have greatly reduced its price, 
 and consequently the price of slaves, and 
 thereby have destroyed the slave trade for the 
 growth of sugar, as it has long since extin- 
 guished that for the cultivation of indigo, and 
 more recently for the growth of cotton. 
 
 The disguise is now removing, and the real 
 tendency of the society is becoming appar- 
 ent. A bill was reported to the House of 
 Delegates of Virginia for sending the free 
 blacks away by force; but though this com- 
 is rejected, it is added that 
 several other motions were made, and deci- 
 ded by majorities which amply proved the 
 determination of the House, to adopt some 
 measure for the removal of the free 1 
 
 legislators admit that the free blacks 
 will not leave the hind without some sort of 
 force ; which lute, or by 
 
 rendering their situation absolutely intolera- 
 ble. 
 
 Great injury has been done to the cause of 
 negro emancipation by the encouragement 
 which the agent of this most diabolical scheme 
 has received from the sanction of thy name. 
 The term diabolical is not too severe ; for 
 never did Satan, with more success, trans- 
 form himself into an angel of light, than in 
 the gloss which has covered its deform: 
 
 These persecuted free blacks view the 
 le plan witli the abhorrence which is just- 
 ly du id with which we should view a 
 plan of general transportation from the land 
 of our nativity. The slave-owners are its ad- 
 vocates and supporters. Surely the name of 
 Clarkson will be withdrawn from the ranks of 
 the oppressors, and will be found, as it has ever 
 yet been, amongst the friends of the oppress- 
 ed African race. 
 
 Let us repair the injury which has been 
 done on both sides of the water by this unholy 
 connection between slaveholders and philan- 
 thropists ; for since this scheme has been on 
 foot, its deadening influence on the energies 
 of the friends of humanity in the United States 
 has been most manifest. 
 
 Let there no longer be any doubt which 
 side is taken by the philanthropists of Eng- 
 land. Let them declare their deep feeling of 
 sympathy with these sorely persecuted and 
 oppressed people ; and such an example will 
 be followed in the United States, where the 
 friends of humanity will hasten to leave the 
 ranks of the oppressors, and the cause of jus- 
 tice will again flourish. 
 
 May i particularly request thy attentive pe- 
 rusal of the following twenty pages, written 
 nd Charles Stuart, one of the most 
 devoted Christians I have ever known, and 
 an unwearied advocate of the oppressed Af- 
 ricans. I am, with great regard, 
 Thy sincere friend, 
 
 JAMES CROPPER. 
 
 'Immortal souls'in slavery ! Subjects of the 
 Efrace of God, and the purchase of the pre- 
 cious blood of Christ, in slavery ! Beings ca- 
 pable of all the blessings of civil society, de- 
 prived of them all, to administer to the vices 
 and pleasure of others ! If this be mercy, what 
 is not ? Hail, ye sons of Benevolence ! ' 
 
Savage and Barbarous Customs of Different Nations. 
 
 41 
 
 [For the Abolitionist.] 
 SAVAGE AND BARBAROUS CUSTOMS OF 
 DIFFERENT NATIONS. 
 Henry. Father, what were that gentleman 
 and you talking about ? I thought it must be 
 something very interesting, and I hoped he 
 would come in, that we might hear him. 
 
 Father. That gentleman has been a great 
 traveller, and was telling of some very shock- 
 ing and cruel customs which he had seen 
 among barbarous nations in different parts of 
 the world.* 
 
 Henry. Will you tell us something about 
 them, Father? 
 
 Father. He told me he had once been 
 among a people who had been in the habit of 
 killing a great many of their little children, as 
 soon as they were born. 
 
 Mary. Oh! Father, how wicked ! 
 Henry. Who killed them, Father ? 
 Father. The fathers and mothers either 
 killed them themselves, or employed others to 
 do it. 'Mr. A. the gentleman who told me 
 about it, once met a man who told him he 
 had killed seven of his own children. These 
 poor ignorant people had sum" notions, which 
 made them think it was right to kill them. 
 But good people, called m 3, have 
 
 gone there from Christian countries to teach 
 them to be good, and have translated the bible, 
 or part of it, into their . and taught 
 
 them to read it; and since tint, they have al- 
 most all left off killing their children. 
 Miry. Oh, how glad I am! 
 Henry. What country was it, Father? 
 Father. It was at the Society Islands, in 
 the South Pacific ocean. You can find it on 
 the map of the world, and may shew it to your 
 little sister. Mr. A. afterwards went to anoth- 
 er place, where the people were very savage 
 and cruel ; but the most shocking thing among 
 them was that they sometimes ate human 
 beings, men, women and children. 
 
 Mary. Oh, Father, how dreadful! I did 
 not know any people did so. 
 
 Hairy. My geography says that the New 
 Zealanders are cannibals, that is, eaters of 
 human flesh. Was this at New Zealand, 
 Father ? 
 
 Father. Yes, it was. 
 
 Mary. Did they kill people on purpose to 
 eat them ? 
 
 Father. Yes — it was generally those whom 
 they had taken prisoners in war, that they 
 killed and ate. A little boy win* was in a ship 
 that went there, and who thought the New 
 Zealanders were going to kill him, asked his 
 Father if it would hurt him to be eaten after he 
 was killed. 
 
 Miry. It would not hurt him, would it ? 
 Father. No. But happily the poor child 
 
 * All tin 1 torts concerning the customs of d 
 countries, related in this dialogue, are believed to be 
 true, though they were probably never all seen by any 
 one traveller. 
 
 VOL. I. 
 
 was not killed, nor any of the people in the 
 vessel. 
 
 Mary. I think these New Zealanders are 
 very wicked. 
 
 Father. I do not think they know how 
 wicked it is. 
 
 Henry. Have any missionaries been sent 
 there ? 
 
 Father. Yes, and I hope they will soon 
 learn better. In another country, Mr. A. saw 
 a woman burned to death with the dead body 
 of her husband. She got on a- pile of wood 
 on which the body was burned, and one of 
 her relations then set it on fire. Widows 
 often did so in that country, because they im- 
 agined that it was a good action, and that they 
 should be happier for it after death. But there 
 have been laws made to forbid the burning of 
 any inure women. 
 
 Mary. I am very glad of that. 
 
 Henry. This country was Hindostan, was 
 it not? I have read about it before. 
 
 Father. You are right. At the next coun- 
 try he went to, he saw many strange things. 
 One day he saw a woman come out of a house, 
 and blow a sort of whistle which she had by 
 her side. At the sound of it, more than thirty 
 children, who had no clothes on, came running 
 up to a great trough, into which she poured a 
 parcel of wash, such as people here feed pigs 
 with. Then all the children stooped their 
 heads down, and ate out of the trough. 
 
 Mary. What ! without any spoons or plates ? 
 
 Father. Yes, they sucked it up with their 
 mouths, like so many little pigs. 
 
 Hairy. You know, Mary, there are many 
 savage nations who do not have such things 
 as spoons or plates ; but I never heard of any 
 who ate in this way before. 
 
 .Mary. Were the children as big as I ? 
 
 Father. They were from two to ten years old. 
 
 Mary. Was the woman their mother ? 
 
 Father. Oh no, she had bought them. 
 
 Henry. Bought them ! bought children ! 
 Was she going to cat them ? 
 
 Father. No, the people in that country are 
 not cannibals. 
 
 I fairy. What did she want of them, then? 
 
 Father. She was going to keep them till 
 they grew bigger, and then she expected to 
 sell them again for a good deal more than she 
 had given for them, to people who wanted 
 them to work for them. 
 
 Miry. Was she kind to them ? 
 
 Father. She did not seem to care any thing 
 about them, only to give them food that they 
 might grow larg-e enough to sell. 
 
 Mary. Did their fathers and mothers sell 
 them to the woman ? 
 
 Father. No. Other people took them from 
 their parents, and sold them. 
 
 Mary. Did they not cry? 
 
 Father. I dare say they did, poor little 
 things, and their parents too, who would very 
 likely never see their children again. 
 
42 
 
 .FVee People of Color. 
 
 Mary. Oh, I think these people are almost 
 as bad as those who killed their babies. 
 
 Henry. Oh no, .Mary, not so had as that 
 
 Mary. Why only think, Henry, how we 
 should feel to be taken away from our father 
 and mother, and sold to a wicked woman, who 
 would not care anything about us. 
 
 Henry. I do nut know but they are worse 
 than the New Zealanders, lor the people w bom 
 they kill and eat are those whom they think 
 their enemies, who would perhaps kill them 
 if they did not; but these poor little children 
 could not have' done any harm. 
 
 Father. .Mr. A. was told a story of a little 
 girl in the same country, who was suspect id oi 
 having set a house on lire. She said she had 
 not done it, but was not believed; ami was 
 shut up in a room, and told that she must stay 
 there without, any food, till she confessed that 
 she had. After she had been a good while 
 without food, she felt quite hungry, and weak, 
 and sick. 
 
 Mary. Poor little girl ! Father, if I felt so, 
 I am afraid I should be so naughty as to say I 
 had done the thing, even if I had not, so that 
 they might give me something to eat. 
 
 Father. At last she confessed that she had 
 set the house on fire. 
 
 Henry. Then I hope they forgave her. 
 
 Father. My dear children, the rest of the 
 story is almost too horrible to tell you. As 
 soon as she had eaten the food that was given 
 her, she said again that she did not burn the 
 house, and had only said she did because' she 
 was so hungry. But she was not believed, 
 and the people burned her to death as a pun- 
 ishment. 
 
 Henry. How dreadful ! Are all the people 
 so wicked ? 
 
 Father. I hope not, but the burning of this 
 poor child was done by the law of the coun- 
 try. They have very strange laws there, Mr. 
 A. said. He heard of some people who had 
 committed murder, and others who had com- 
 mitted other crimes, but were not punished, 
 because those who kneAv about Avhat had been 
 done were forbidden by law to tell what they 
 knew to the judges. So they would not be 
 afraid to do the same thing again. 
 
 Henry. It is the strangest country I ever 
 heard of. 
 
 Father. So the traveller thought At last 
 he found out that there were two distinct sets 
 or classes of people in the country. One class 
 were liable to have their children taken away 
 from them and sold, like those I told you 
 about; and indeed the men and women too, 
 as well as the children, wen 1 sold about anion" 1 
 the other set of people, who made them do all 
 their work. Those who bought and sold the 
 others were the largest number, and the most 
 powerful, and made all the laws. They made 
 laws permitting themselves to do pretty much 
 what they pleased to the other people. One 
 law was that theso last must never give infor- 
 
 mation to the judges of any crime committed 
 by one of the powerful class. And these poor 
 •and-sold people were punished much 
 mores:\ a the others were, if they 
 
 did any thinj 
 
 Henry. 1 think the others treat them very 
 sham fully, and cruelly, and unjustly; but I 
 suppose you will say that they are poor igno- 
 rant heathens, who do not have the bible, and 
 do not know any better. 
 
 Father. Once Mr. A. saw several of the 
 people, men and women, who had just been 
 sold. They had chains on to prevent their 
 running away, and were driven along by a man 
 with a greal whip, to the person's home who 
 had bought them. Some of them were very 
 unhappy, because th< y had just lefttheir chil- 
 dren, and their husbands or wives, and every 
 body whom they knew and loved behind them, 
 and were never to see them again. 
 
 .Mart/. Father, I hope some good mission- 
 aries will go then 1 , and carry them the bible, 
 and teach them to be good, and then they will 
 leave off doing such wicked things. 
 
 Father. I ought to tell you that these peo- 
 ple are not as ignorant as the New Zealanders, 
 andSocietv [slanders. Most of that part who 
 buy and sell the others can read, and, you will 
 be surprised to hear it, they have the bible 
 among them ; but they will not allow the others 
 to have it or to be taught to read. This is one 
 of their strange laws. 
 
 Henry. Oh, Father, I begin to think that I 
 am afraid I know the name of the country. 
 
 Father. My dear children, the people who 
 do these tilings are considered a civilized peo- 
 ple, and are called Christians, and the country 
 in which these things are done is the United 
 States of America ! T. E. 
 
 FREE PEOPLE OF COLOR. 
 
 It is often made a subject of reproach to the 
 people of color, that many of them are poor 
 and ignorant; and that a greater proportion of 
 them than of the whites are guilty of crimes. 
 Taking these facts for granted, and even ex- 
 aggerating them, a conclusion is drawn by too 
 many persons that their cruel prejudices against 
 the African race are justified, that all attempts 
 to elevate and improve them ought to be aban- 
 doned, and that they ought all to be driven 
 from among us as soon as possible. 
 
 But this mode of reasoning is as weak as it 
 is unjust. 
 
 Why is a larger proportion of the blacks 
 than of the whites, to be found amongst the 
 most indigent and depressed classes, — those 
 classes, of course, from which most crimes 
 proceed? The answer is obvious. They have 
 been slaves, or are the immediate descendants 
 
American Colonization Society. 
 
 43 
 
 of slaves. With but a few exceptions, there 
 were no free blacks in the country fifty years 
 ago. Is it strange, then, that they whose pa- 
 rents were so recently slaves, the most degra- 
 ded, despised, poor, and ignorant part of the 
 community, — should not have among them so 
 great a proportion of the great, the wise, the 
 rich and the learned, as they who are descend- 
 ed from more favored classes, especially when 
 we recollect that the prejudice which was al- 
 ways felt against negroes because they were 
 slaves, has descended like a curse upon their 
 free children ? 
 
 If an observer could for a moment make the 
 tide of time recede fifty years, and should se- 
 lect the one hundred thousand most ignorant, 
 poor, and abandoned white persons in the 
 United States, and should then advance to the 
 present time, and examine the survivors and 
 their descendants, what proportion of them 
 would he find enjoying the honors of wealth 
 or rank, learning or virtue ? Though he would 
 perhaps see that a few of the children had 
 emerged from the unfortunate condition of 
 their parents, and had become wealthy mer- 
 chants, sagacious statesmen, learned judges, 
 and pious ministers of the gospel, he would un- 
 doubtedly find that a very large part of the 
 whole number were still in the same deplora- 
 ble state in which he saw the fathers fifty 
 years ago. 
 
 Why should we expect people of color to 
 shake off in a moment the load of poverty and 
 ignorance which oppresses them, when no 
 reasonable man would expect white persons 
 to do it in the same situation ? 
 
 When I consider the difficulties under which 
 the free people of color have all along labored 
 in this country, — that they have always been 
 regarded by the mass of the whites with scorn 
 and contempt, — that in almost all the states 
 they have suffered from unequal and oppres- 
 sive laws directed against them by the preju- 
 dices of the whites, — that they have been de- 
 prived in a great measure of the usual means 
 of education by the operation of these bar- 
 barous prejudices, — and that in many places 
 they have been debarred as far as possible 
 from exercising, not only those employments 
 which lead to Avealth and reputation, but even 
 those which give a moderate competency — 
 when I consider these things, I am far from 
 being surprised that many of the free people 
 of color should be poor, vicious, and ignorant, 
 — but I am surprised to find that many of them 
 
 have risen up under all these disadvantages — 
 that some have shown ability in writing — that 
 some have displayed talents in the pulpit — 
 that some have acquired wealth by honest in- 
 dustry, and many of them moderate compe- 
 tencies — and that so many of them lead ex- 
 emplary moral and religious lives. The exer- 
 tions which the free people of color have made 
 and are making, to improve themselves, com- 
 mand my highest respect. When I see the 
 associations which they have lately formed for 
 this object, I see in these alone sufficient proof 
 that they are not so degraded as they have 
 been represented. 
 
 In view of the facts to which I have alluded, 
 what is the duty of every philanthropist and 
 Christian towards these American descendants 
 of Africa ? It is to aid and encourage all the 
 efforts which they are making to elevate them- 
 selves, — to banish from his own mind the un- 
 worthy feelings which would lead him to re- 
 gard any human being with contempt merely 
 on account of his color ; and to teach his neigh- 
 bors to follow his example. 
 
 To the free people of color I would say, 
 ' As you have been subjected to remarkable 
 persecution, let it render you examples of re- 
 markable virtue. Persevere in all your efforts 
 to improve yourselves and educate your chil- 
 dren ; and doubt not that in time you or your 
 descendants will live down all the bitter pre- 
 judices of your enemies.' P. H. 
 
 AMERICAN COLONIZATION SOCIETY. 
 
 The elements of discord which this Society 
 contains within itself are, at length, in conflict. 
 We venture to predict that the issue of this 
 collision will be the secession of many mem- 
 bers of the Society. The following account 
 of the annual meeting of the Society is taken 
 partly from the Boston Atlas, and partly from 
 the New- York Moral Advertiser. The cor- 
 respondents of both papers who give these 
 accounts are apparently friends of the Society. 
 
 •' The last annual meeting- of the Colonization Socie- 
 ty passed off, as usual, in a highly respectable manner, 
 with able speaking, addressed to a large, attentive and 
 dignified audience. Near the close of the meeting, the 
 Secretary presented to the chairman a list of names 
 for a committee to appoint the officers of the Society, 
 telling him at the time that he presented it on his own 
 responsibility. The committee were named according- 
 ly, and the Secretary among the number. They omit- 
 ted one of the old Managers, raised three or four more 
 to the Vice Presidency of the Society, among whom 
 were two or three of the most influential men in the 
 District. The officers were so elected; and a new 
 Constitution was also presented to the Society, which 
 had been drafted by the Secretary without the concur- 
 
44 
 
 American Colonization Society. 
 
 rence of the Board of Managers, and the consideration 
 of this was deferred to an adiourm 
 Society, In the interim, the ejected Manager, assist- 
 ed tt> an unknown extent by the \ ic ■ Presidents elect, 
 who were also dissatisfied, sm i getting up the 
 
 elements of a tempest. Ji was told that there was a 
 secret combination to let in the .North to overshadow 
 and blast the peace of the South through the channel 
 of the < 'oloni; iti i Soi i •■ ; and that the Sei i 
 and the fi ii i id new < lot 
 
 lion, were radical abolitionists, ready to seize on the 
 Society for the purpos rphosing it 
 
 i breaking the fetters of the sis 
 tion. The adjourned meeting was trulj 
 aiul was continued to aboul midnight, a ■ were both the 
 subsequent meetings. Scraping and brow-be 
 and railing to order prevailed throughout tin eve- 
 ning. 
 
 ' The next, or third meeting of the Soi iety . was \ ery 
 large, and verj stormy. The sofl and meli 
 voices of Messrs. FrelingliU3 sen and Mr. Everett, were 
 occasionally heard, assuasive as oil upon the raging 
 waves, with an evident, but a momentary effect. A 
 lunatic got up in the course of the evening, maintained 
 his footing, and made quite an amusing speech, pari of 
 which very aptly related to throwing coldwater. The 
 new Constitution was brought forward, very little 
 amended by a committee, of whom Mr. Frelinghuysen 
 was one; — and at the close of the meeting the whole 
 business was referre i to a most respectable committee, 
 almost wholly of the two gentlemen alreadj 
 named, and othi r eminent Mem 1 >ers of < !ongress.' 
 
 At the next meeting, the committee re- 
 ported — 
 
 ■ The honorable committee entirely exonerated from 
 blame all who had been instrumental in the changes 
 in the officers; but said, "thai suspicions had 
 been exte fsivelj circulated, the effect of which was to 
 throw odium on the Society at the South, by represent- 
 ing the change ol in effort to alt 
 of the Society, and make it an abolitionist Nee/,///, en- 
 tirely contrary to the constitution of the Society, which 
 limits the Society's operations to the removal, with 
 their consent, of the free people of color. The com- 
 mittee were, therefore, una unions In recommending to 
 the members recently elected, to re it .and 
 that the Hoard of Managers continue lies year as last." 
 The Secretary of the Society, who is a talented philan- 
 thropist, made amost touching appeal, shewing the 
 simplicity of his views and the correctness of his con- 
 duct. It must. [ think, have vibrated through every 
 heart. General .Mercer. Right Rev. Bishop V 
 of Virginia, and other gentli men. all deeply inteiested 
 in the cause of African Colonization, spoke feelingly 
 on the importance of persuing such a course a, should 
 continue to secure the confidence ofthe South, which 
 could by no means he done, if the Society had but the 
 least appearance of abolition. On tl othei hand, it 
 was strongly contended, that die founders ofthe So- 
 ciety had in the establishment ol' ii abolition as a re- 
 mote object ; — and that this object ought by no means 
 to be lost sijrht of, &,c. &c. 
 
 'lam persuaded that the Colonization Sorietv can 
 never succeed in reconciling these two opposite inter- 
 ests; for it cannot he disguised thai slaveholders, sav- 
 ing a few solitary philanthropic exceptions, regard the 
 Colonization Society as a means of ridding the country 
 of a troublesome class of blacks, and also a, affording 
 
 an opportunity for individuals so di ) id, to give 
 
 freedom to iheir sla\<"-. Nortlvern colonizatiomsts, 
 however, look on the Colonization Society as tending 
 indirectly to the utter ov rthrow of slavery in the Uni- 
 ted States. The good of Africa is, indeed, in their 
 estimation, one item in the account, and but one. 
 Northern men will never go far in advocating any So- 
 ciety, which in its tendencies only rivets stronger the 
 chains of slavery.' 
 
 It appears from the Atlas that the debate at 
 
 the last, meeting was as 'stormy as ever.' 
 
 • About midnight th i taken on the Report. 
 
 in a ion-, ■ ; , ,ai\ manner. Ii wa ; adopted by 
 
 a bare majority : and some who counted say it was 
 not adopted at all. notwithstanding the immense influ- 
 ence in its favor, aided in no small degree by Bishop 
 .Meade, appealing in hi- solemn manner to the con- 
 i all, and to the go pi I of p< ice. Thus the 
 ,iie, io public discussion, 
 red nil the next annual meeting of the Socie- 
 
 What the changes proposed in the constitu- 
 tion were do tr. The correspondent 
 of the Atlas states that the present ' constitu- 
 tion admits all the officers of auxiliary societies, 
 amounting in the North to about 1000, to vote 
 at all meetings both of tin' Society and Board 
 of Managers, and also every person paying a 
 dollar annually, amounting in the North to 20 
 or .'10,000, to vote at all meetings of the So- 
 ciety, embracing (lie change of the Constitu- 
 tion and tlit! id, ction of Officers ;' and that the 
 I Constitution makes some great 
 change in tins arrangem int. 
 
 Front the foregoing account, it appears very 
 clearly that there tire two classes of members 
 in the Colonization Society, whose views are 
 diametrically opposed to one another. One 
 party supports the Society because they be- 
 lieve its measures tent! to the final abolition 
 of slavery, and another, principally slavehold- 
 ers, because they think that the removal ofthe 
 free blacks will render their property in their 
 slaves more secure. These two parties have 
 alwny.-j existed in the S iciety, and an open 
 rupture between them has only been prevent- 
 ed by very cautious, we had almost, said cun- 
 ning, management on the part of its conduct- 
 ors, by holding up one view of its desirrn and 
 objects at the South, and another at the North. 
 We feel confident that the present crisis in 
 rs of tlic Society will lead conscientious 
 men to consider, not only what are its avowed 
 pretej ions, but the real character and tenden- 
 cy of its measures. To such men we propose 
 the following questions : 
 
 1. Would not the removal of a portion of 
 free laborers from any country, tend to raise 
 the price of labor there ? For instance, would 
 not the removal of ten thousand agricultural 
 laborers from Massachusetts, tend to raise the 
 price of agricultural labor in that State ? 
 
 2. Would not the removal of slaves from a 
 slave State tend to raise the price or value of 
 the remaining slaves? Thus, would not re- 
 moving ten thousand slaves from Louisiana, 
 increase the value of all who were left there ? 
 
Massachusetts Colonization Society. 
 
 45 
 
 Does not, in fact, the sale and removal of five 
 or six thousand slaves a year from Virginia to 
 other Southern States keep up the price of the 
 remaining slaves there ? 
 
 3. Does not raising- the value of slaves tend 
 to check their manumission ? 
 
 4. Ought a Society to be encouraged, whose 
 'operations tend to raise the price of slaves, 
 
 and thus to diminish manumissions, especially 
 when the more successful the Society is, the 
 stronger will be that tendency ? 
 
 5. Is not the African Repository the organ 
 of the Colonization Society? 
 
 6. Is not that book full of slanderous abuse 
 of the free people of color? 
 
 7. Does not such abuse tend to increase the 
 prejudices against the free people of color, 
 and thus to render their situation here more 
 uncomfortable ? 
 
 8. Is there one free person of color in a 
 hundred, in the United States, who does not 
 regard the Colonization Society as the great- 
 est enemy of his race ? 
 
 9. Has not the Colonization Society, in one 
 of its Annual Reports, applauded a proposed 
 compulsory deportation of the free people of 
 color. 
 
 10. Is it just to expel the free people of 
 color from this country ? 
 
 11. Can any conscientious man support a 
 Society, which approves of compelling the free 
 people of color to quit this country by force, 
 either moral or physical ? 
 
 12. Is it not one of the fundamental princi- 
 ples of the Colonization Society, thai property 
 in slaves is sacred, like other property ? Is it 
 not reiterated in its annual rep. leech- 
 es of its members an I "lucubra- 
 tions of its periodical ? 
 
 13. Does not the expression, that pi 
 is sacred, mean that its own* s ought no1 : 
 deprived of it by legislation, or any other 
 means ? and does it not imply that such prop- 
 erty is rightful ? 
 
 14. Does a Society deserve the patronage 
 of Christians, which holds that the legislatures 
 of the states have not a right to declare that 
 men shall cease to be held as property, with- 
 out paying a compensation to their owners ? 
 and which maintains that man may have a 
 rightful properly in man? 
 
 We wish that fair minded men who are in- 
 clined to favor the Society, would consider 
 these questions deliberately and candidly. Let 
 them take nothing for granted, but examine 
 
 for themselves the publications of the Society. 
 For ourselves, we feel compelled to declare, 
 that though we have the highest respect for 
 the character and motives of many of its m! rn- 
 hers, yet we hold the principles which it sup- 
 ports, and the measures which it pursues, in 
 utter abhorrence. And we cannot but feel 
 deep regret that such men should be so delu- 
 ded as to support such an institution. 
 
 MASSACHUSETTS COLONIZATION SOCIE- 
 TY. 
 
 The second annual meeting of this Society 
 
 was held in Park-street Church, in Boston, on 
 
 the 7th ultimo. Resolutions were offered and 
 
 sustained by the Hon. A. H. Everett, William 
 
 Ladd, Esq.", Rev. Mr. Stowe, and Rev. Mr. 
 
 Blagden, — all in support of the objects of the 
 
 Parent Society. From the speech of Mr. 
 
 Everett, we make a single extract : 
 
 'At first he was not so favorably impressed towards 
 the Colonization Society, as he had since become by 
 inquiring into its objects. Having understood its prin- 
 cipal object to be tiic removal of the blacks to Africa, 
 he had doubted the expediency of it ; and so far as the 
 effort to remove the blacks was concerned, he still en- 
 ti rtained those doubts. He did not see any probabil- 
 n\ ol making any great impression on the mass of the 
 black population, by the annual removals which this 
 Society could ever accomplish, [f we could remove 
 the prejudices which exist against the blacks, and se- 
 cure to them the advantages enjoyed by other classes, 
 there was nothing to prevent their becoming useful 
 citizens. We do not want to remove them from the 
 country because they are not wanted here, or because 
 our population is crowded. There is room and verge 
 enough for all the population we now have, and that 
 will be likely to come to us, from other countries, for 
 ,i c < ntury.' 
 
 The remarks of the Rev. Mr. Stowe had 
 little to do with the merits of the Colonization 
 Society — they were fanciful and discursive, 
 showing what Africa had been, what she now 
 is, and what she might be, by the influence of 
 the gospel and civilization. He concluded 
 with the strong assertion that 'whoever oppo- 
 sed the Colonization Society, so far opposed 
 Christianity ' ! ! ! 
 
 The Rev. Mr. Blagden's speech, in many 
 points, was highly reprehensible. He avowed 
 himself the enemy of immediate abolition. 
 
 The following singular resolution was offer- 
 ed by the Hon. Caleb Gushing. 
 
 Resolved. That every patriotic and peaceful citizen 
 of the United State , while he seeks by suitable means 
 to better the condition of our colored population, 
 hould mxiously abstain from acts inconsistent with 
 the text or spirit of the Federal Constitution, and 
 which have a tendency therefore to introduce into the 
 al evils of incalculable magnitude, and at 
 the same time defeat all the bi nevolent designs in be- 
 half of the blacks by subverting the union of the states. 
 
 Comment is unnecessary. 
 
46 
 
 Moral Effects of the Slave Si/stem. — Cost of the Jamaica Rebellion. 
 
 SLAVERY IN THE BRITISH WEST INDIES. 
 From the Anti-Slaver ' London 
 
 monthly publication, we receive much valua- 
 ble intelligence as to the state of slavery in 
 these Islands, and the progress of public opin- 
 ion in Great Britain on ion of aboli- 
 tion. From this ably conducted work we shall 
 time make such extracts as we 
 think will be im i our readers. 
 
 VfORAL EFFECTS OF THE SI.A\ E SYSTEM. 
 From the following return of the numbers 
 
 isms in the Island of Jamaica, it ap- 
 pears thai the uumber of legitimate children 
 baptised in that Island, is little more than one 
 third of the illegitimate. This account, taken 
 from the Registry in the Bishop's office in 
 Spanish town, is, as the Anti-Slavery Report- 
 er informs us, ' confined to the free, there being 
 no slave children that can be called legitimate.' 
 The genera] licentiousness of manners which 
 this table indicates has its origin in slavery. 
 
 Return of Baptisms in Jamaica, from the 1st 
 January to the 31st December, 1830. 
 
 Illes-itiinale. Legitimate. Total. 
 
 St. Catharine, 
 
 St. John, 
 
 St. Dorothy, 
 
 St. Thomas in the Vale, 
 
 < Ilarendon, 
 
 Vere. 
 
 Manchester, 
 
 St. Mary. 
 
 St. Ann's, 
 
 Kingston, 
 
 Port Royal, 
 
 St. Andrew, 
 
 Portland. 
 
 St. Thomas in the East, 
 
 St. David, 
 
 St. George, 
 
 St. Elizabeth, 
 
 Westmoreland, 
 
 Trelawny, 
 
 Hano-. i i . 
 
 St. James, 
 
 Total 
 
 78 
 
 7 
 
 5 
 
 8 
 
 23 
 
 7 
 
 53 
 
 15 
 
 37 
 
 174 
 
 25 
 
 37 
 40 
 33 
 9 
 13 
 
 116 
 !!! 
 ::i 
 21 
 
 112 
 
 958 
 
 34 
 
 112 
 
 5 
 
 12 
 
 2 
 
 7 
 
 6 
 
 14 
 
 9 
 
 .;.' 
 
 5 
 
 12 
 
 7 
 
 60 
 
 11 
 
 36 
 
 12 
 
 l:> 
 
 109 
 
 283 
 
 24 
 
 49 
 
 38 
 
 75 
 
 5 
 
 15 
 
 9 
 
 II 
 
 2 
 
 11 
 
 7 
 
 20 
 
 28 
 
 1 11 
 
 12 
 
 61 
 
 26 
 
 IK) 
 
 11 
 
 .;: 
 
 18 
 
 130 
 
 380 
 
 1338 
 
 LOSS OCCASIONED BY THE LATE REBEL- 
 LION IN' JAMAH' \. 
 
 The following extract is from a report of 
 a Committee of the House of Assembly of Ja- 
 maica. No commentary of ours could add to 
 the weight of such an argument for immediate 
 abolition. 
 
 'Your Committee further report that the 
 injury sustained by tire late rebellion, by the 
 slaves wilfully setting fire to buildings, grass 
 and cane fields destroyed, robbery and plun- 
 
 der of every description, damage done to the 
 eding crops, loss of the la- 
 bor of slaves, besides those killed in suppress- 
 ing such rebellion, and executed after trial, as 
 incendiaries, rebels and murderers, has been 
 ascertained by means of Commissioners ap- 
 pointed under an order of the House, and by 
 the detailed returns made to the Committee, 
 in conformity with such order, to amount to 
 I he follow inn- sums of money, viz. — 
 
 [n the parish of St. James, the sum of £606,260 
 In the parish of Hanover, the sum of 425,810 15 
 In the parish of Westmoreland, the sum of 17,092 
 In the parish ofSt. Elizabeth, the mum of 22,1 H'. 9 7 
 In the parish ofTrelawny, the 9um of l.'.'UO 7 6 
 Amount of injury sustained in the ■ 
 
 county of Cornwall 1,106,259 12 1 
 
 In the parish ofManchester, 
 
 tin sum of l',.J70 
 
 Amount of injur v sustained in the county 
 
 of Middlesex 46,270 
 
 In the parish of Portland, 
 
 the sum of 772 10 
 
 In the Parish of St. Thomas 
 
 in the East _ 1,280 
 
 Amount of injury sustained in the county 
 
 of Surrey 2,053 10 
 
 £1,154,583 2 1 
 
 'To which is to be added the sum of 
 £161,596. l!».s. 9d.-, being the expense incur- 
 red in suppressing the late rebellion, and a 
 further expense, not yet ascertained, which 
 has accrued since martial law ceased, being 
 the pay and rations of a portion of the Ma- 
 roons, as well as detachments of the island 
 militia employed in the pursuit of such of the 
 rebellious slaves who have not surrendered 
 themselves, but remain out, and are sheltered 
 amongst the almost inaccessible forests and 
 fastnesses in the interior districts of the island.' 
 
 COLORED LEGISLATORS. 
 Our readers will be gratified to find from 
 the following piece of intelligence the rapid 
 advance which the free colored people of Ja- 
 maica are making. Their success is a sure 
 omen of (lie speedy extinction of slavery in 
 that Island. 
 
 • One of the first fruits of the recent emancipation of 
 the free Macks and colored inhabitants of Jamaica, 
 from th: :i\il and political disabilities under which 
 they had groaned so long, has been the return, on the 
 occurrence of two vacancies in the House of Assem- 
 bly, of two gentlemen of color, namely, Mr. Price 
 Watkis, a barrister, for the city of Kingston, and .Mr. 
 Manderson, for the populous and wealthy Parish of 
 St. James. The first vote given by Air. Watkis was 
 in support of an unsuccessful motion to adopt a com- 
 pulsory manumission law for that island. He stood in 
 a small minority, it is true; but the battle of freedom 
 has boon ci nenced iii the very strongest hold of sla- 
 very ; ami its final triumph cannot be doubted.' 
 
 FREEDOM OF THE PRESS IN SLAVE COUN- 
 TRIES. 
 There is an act of the legislature of Jamaica 
 which declares that, ' if any person shall ma- 
 
Cause of the Rebellion in Jamaica. — The Dying Slave. 
 
 47 
 
 liciously and advisedly endeavor to excite, or 
 stir up, any free person or slave to commit any 
 act of insurrection or rebellion, lie shall be 
 deemed and adjudged to be guilty of felony, 
 and shall suffer death, without benefit of 
 clergy.' 
 
 Under this act Mr. Jordon, the Editor of the 
 Watchman, was on the 17th of April last tried 
 capitally, for having, in his paper of the 7th 
 of the same month, used the following lan- 
 guage : — 'Now that the member of West- 
 moreland (Mr. Beaumont) is on our side, we 
 shall be happy, with him and the other friends 
 of humanity, to give a long pull, a strong pull, 
 and a pull altogether, until we bring down 
 the system by the run, knock off the fetters, 
 and let the oppressed go free.' 
 
 He seems to have been saved from the mar- 
 tyrdom intended for him, as the enemy of sla- 
 very and the friend of missions and missiona- 
 ries, only by a. failure in the proof of editor- 
 ship on the day laid in the indictment. — Anti- 
 Slavery Reporter. 
 
 CAUSE OF THE REBELLION IN JAMAICA. 
 
 The cause of the recent rebellion in Jamaica 
 which the advocates of slavery have charged 
 upon the discussion of the question of abolition 
 in England, is satisfactorily pointed out by the 
 Anti-Slavery Reporter in the following ex- 
 tract from a Kingston (Ja.) paper. 
 
 ' We have endeavored to ascertain the causes which 
 led to the disturbances in St. James, and find that an 
 attempt to deprive the negroes of" two of their holidays, 
 is the principal, if not the only one. Christmas day 
 was Sunday. This latter is unquestionably the pro- 
 perty of the slave. Theywere therefore entitled to 
 Monday, Tuesday and Wednesday, and it was an at- 
 tempt to deprive them of the two last named, that led 
 to (he disagreeable results which all must lament.' — 
 This view of the jbject is borne out by the circum- 
 stances of Colonel Law son's letter being dated the 28th, 
 (Wednesday,) a circumstance, in itself, sufficient to 
 justify the conclusion, that attempts had been made on 
 the previous dav, (Tuesday,) to compel the negroes to 
 work. If our views l>e correct, it is easy to perceive 
 on whom the blame ousrht to rest.' 
 
 [From the Genius of Universal Emancipation.] 
 THE DYING SLAVE. 
 
 ' I was in the right mood for it, and so I gave full 
 scope to my imagination.' 
 
 He lay on a straw couch, with his face half 
 turned towards the sinking sun. The skin was 
 drawn tightly over his forehead, as though n 
 was parched and shrunken by extreme age ; 
 hut the restless and uneasy wanderings of his 
 eye told that he still claimed some compan- 
 ionship with earthly feelings. 
 
 He was a slave ; and for more than an hun- 
 dred years he had gone forth to the daily toil 
 of a bondman. It was said that in the ' father 
 land,' from which he had been torn by unprin- 
 cipled violence, he had been a prince among 
 his people. In the first days of his slavery, he 
 
 had been fierce and ungovernable, nor could 
 his haughty spirit ever be tamed into subjec- 
 tion until it had been subdued by gratitude. 
 Tito lather of his present master had in his 
 childhood, by interfering to save him from 
 punishment, received on his own body the 
 blows intended for the slave; and from that 
 moment he became to his youthful master a 
 devoted servant. The child had grown up to 
 manhood, flourished throughout his term of 
 years, and faded away into the grave, but still 
 the aged Afric lingered upon the earth ; and 
 it was for the son of that man that he now 
 waited, and, to use his own expression, 'held 
 back his breath,' until he should behold him. 
 
 At length the light of the low cabin door 
 was darkened, as the master stooped his tall 
 form to enter the dwelling of his slave. I have 
 come, said he, as he approached, what would 
 you with me ? 
 
 The negro raised himself up with a sudden 
 energy, and stretched out his withered hand. 
 Have I not borne you in my arms in your 
 helpless infancy, said he, and should I not 
 once more behold you before I die ? Heed 
 me, master! ere yon sun shall set, the last 
 breath will have passed my lips — its beams are 
 fast growing more aslant and yellower — tell 
 ini\ before I die, if Ihavenot servedyou faith- 
 fully ? 
 
 Von have ! 
 
 I have been honest and true — I have never 
 spoken to you a falsehood — I have never de- 
 served the lash ? 
 
 To my knowledge, never! said his master. 
 
 Then there is but one more boon that I 
 would crave of you ; — I am going home, — to 
 revisit the scenes of my youth — to mingle with 
 the spirits of my friends ! Suffer me not to 
 return to them a slave! My fathers were 
 proud chieftains among their native wilds — 
 they sought out the lion in the midst of his 
 secret recesses — they subdued the strength of 
 the savage tiger — they were conquerors in 
 battle — they never bowed to man — they would 
 spurn a bondman from their halls! Oh, tell 
 me, exclaimed he, seizing his master's hand in 
 the rising excitement of his feelings ; — oh, tell 
 me, while I may yet hear the sound, that I am 
 once more free ! 
 
 Your wish is granted, said his master ; you 
 are a freeman. 
 
 \ freeman ! repeated the negro, slowly sink- 
 ing back upon his couch, and clasping his 
 hands above his head with all his remaining 
 energy — write it for me, master! 
 
 The gentleman tore a leaf from his pocket 
 book, and pencilling a hasty certificate of his 
 freedom, handed it to the slave. The old man 
 lifted up his head once more as he received 
 it, and the last ray of sunlight streamed across 
 his countenance, as with a strange smile he 
 gazed upon the paper ; then falling suddenly 
 back, he once more repeated the name of" 
 freedom, and expired. ELA. 
 
IS 
 
 The White Infant's Reply. — The Lament. — Christian Love. 
 
 [From Ihe ' 
 THE WHITE INFANT'S REPLY 
 
 TO I II !. LITTLE -I \ \ E. 
 
 With man', a smile and tcai I 
 
 A smile to think you loved me so, 
 And lbr your gri< Is a tear. 
 
 My mother read your lelti 
 i fell from hei 
 
 hi ha\ e ]ki%\ rr to break 
 Sfour chains 
 
 As I lay thinking on her words, 
 
 And v, 
 
 i my eyelids down, 
 And nou *hl around was seen. 
 
 And as I slept I had a dream, 
 
 Which I will tell to you ; 
 I dreamed that I had grown a man, 
 
 \ud you a man were too. 
 
 1 thought \\ e he. ed i a< h other then, 
 
 As v. i II as we do now ; 
 But I thought that you looked very sad. 
 
 And wore a mournful brow. 
 
 There came an ugly, cruel man, 
 
 And put on you a chain. 
 And lashed you with a cruel whip, 
 
 And made \ oil suffer pain. 
 
 And then I tried to break that chain, 
 And earnest effi rts le ; 
 
 But the clean w a-- much too strong' for inc. 
 So 1 called aloud lor aid. 
 
 I thought because I was a man, 
 
 .My voice was \ cry loud ; 
 And all the countrj heard my call. 
 
 And 1 tell glad and proud. 
 
 Then all good people of tin land 
 
 To help me e; ■ u ilh speed ; 
 
 There was nol one of all the good, 
 But to my call gave heed. 
 
 That cruel whip we soon destroyed, 
 
 That hea\ \ chain we broke ; 
 The breaking made so loud a noise, 
 
 I started, and awoke. 
 
 And then I thought upon my dream. 
 
 And on that cruel chain. 
 And wondered it' I e'er should see 
 
 Such frightful things again. 
 
 And then I fixed it in my mind. 
 It' w hen we both are men, 
 
 .Such things should really come to pass, 
 
 1 'II do a- I did then. 
 
 My voice, it shall 1>" heard 
 Throughout this mighty land ; 
 
 For sun- I ,nn that all the good 
 Will help me heart, and hand. 
 
 Farewell, dear l..i! .\ . love me still 
 As well a- I |,, \ ( > you ; 
 
 I ever through my life shall be 
 
 Thy friend sincere and true. 
 
 C. T. E. 
 
 [From the Genius of I niversal Emancipation.] 
 LAMENT. 
 
 Wo for our country's guilt ! 
 The glory has departed Prom her brow, 
 
 And shame ami infam\ an- round her now: 
 The bipod her hand hath spill, 
 
 ( i ies out against her from the smoking plain, 
 Yet warm and reeking with the crimson slain, 
 
 i hame of broken faith, 
 
 en treaties turn'd to inofcKer-} . 
 And in A friendship made a lit 
 
 Vie! unreg ird< <l breath — 
 This blot i- resting on he: tainted name, 
 \ mildew to tl 
 
 Wo for her forest 
 
 Whom she |, -uh cast into their brothi r's hand. 
 To In thrust forth - o'er the land, 
 
 I'. 
 Their mothers ami their \ midst the wild. 
 
 To hear the thought how lair their lost home smiled 
 
 ' aned in their deep trust, 
 
 ier solemn vows, and Ii 1 too late, 
 
 1 theii most bitter fate, 
 
 I hi oaths were as die dusl ; 
 iler seeming friendship hut a mask to hide 
 I Ier ingrate perfidy, her guilty pi 
 
 Wo for the dark brow'd sla\ e I 
 Bow'd to the du9l 'neath her relentless hand, 
 \nd stamped with foul oppression's hateful brand. 
 
 I le passes lo ihe gia\ e. 
 
 il Seat of | i, ,m en to bear 
 The tale of all his wrongs and his despair. 
 
 Alas ! alas, for her I 
 lieu ean she hear t he searching eve of God, 
 Bent in its justice on her crimson sod — 
 
 She a vile murderer ! 
 Mow dare she lift her hand to Heaven to pray, 
 Till she hath i i ish'd sins aw aj I 
 
 Yet how with pealing shout. 
 And nn -' roar, and trump, and deep-voiced bells, 
 
 ( >f her ow a glorj to the w orhl -he tells ! 
 
 Ah I better would n -ml 
 Her cheek, instead of the proud flush it wears, 
 To be washed pale with penitential tears I 
 
 GF.RTRUDE, 
 
 CHRISTIAN LOVE. 
 
 Oh Father, when the soften'd heart 
 
 Is lifted up in prayer to Thee. 
 When earthly thoughts awhile depart. 
 
 And leave the mounting spirit free — 
 Then teach us that our love, like Thine, 
 
 ( )'er all the realms of earth should flow, 
 A shoreless stream, a flooddivine, 
 
 To bathe and heal the heart of wo. 
 
 Then Afric's son shall hear no more 
 
 The tyrant's, in the christian's name. 
 Nor tear- of wasting anguish pour, 
 
 I Inpitied o'er Ins life of shame. 
 I'm taught to love Thee, by the love 
 
 That bids his long-worn tetters break, 
 He too shall lilt his soul above. 
 
 And serve Thee for thy mercy's sake. 
 [Idem.] AG.XES. 
 
 Depreciatioh of Property is Jamaica. — 
 
 Sales have been attempted of the following estates . — 
 Temple Hall, with two hundred and forty slaves. 
 which cost a lew years since filly thousand pounds. 
 
 was bid in. eight thousand only having been offered 
 
 tor it ; Pleasant Hill, a coffee estate with two hundred 
 and sixty-nine slaves, which cost a few years since 
 one hundred thousand pounds, was bid in. only leu 
 
 thousand offered! — So much for ihe labors of aboli- 
 tionists in the mother country ! 
 
 O'The Treasurer of the New-England Anti-Slave- 
 ry Society acknowledges the receipt of $3,79 as a 
 contribution from die Rev. Philemon R. Russell's So- 
 ciety in Watertown, Mass. 
 
THE ABOLITIONIST. 
 
 VOL. I.] 
 
 APRIL, 1833. 
 
 [NO. IV. 
 
 PROGRESS OF PRINCIPLE. 
 
 It is very common to hear people say, 'Sla- 
 very is a great evil, but we can do nothing to 
 remedy it.' If all the world were of the same 
 opinion, the curse would probably be handed 
 down with undiminished strength to the re- 
 motest generations. Slavery exists only be- 
 cause it is tolerated by public opinion. When 
 the great majority of the Christian world shall 
 boldly proclaim that the system is iniquitous, 
 it must cease. The consciences of slavehold- 
 ers are seared, because too many of those who 
 do not hold slaves appear to countenance op- 
 pression either by silence or apologies. 
 
 The standards of morals in the different 
 parts of a nation like ours which have a con- 
 stant and familiar intercourse with one anoth- 
 er, are constantly assimilating. While the 
 people of the North are content to adopt the 
 feelings and cant of the South upon the sub- 
 ject of slavery, no improvement is to be ex- 
 pected in either quarter. But this ought not 
 to be the case. The inhabitants of the non- 
 slaveholding States are more favorably situated 
 than those of the slave States for forming an 
 unbiassed estimate of the moral qualities of 
 slavery. Those who have formed opinions on 
 the subject, ought to express them openly and 
 boldly. Thousands among us have come to 
 just conclusions on the subject, and yet refrain 
 from avowing them, because they see that the 
 men whom they are accustomed to follow are 
 not ready to take the lead. 
 
 This state of things cannot continue long. 
 The people are beginning to think on the 
 subject of slavery : and the 'shadows of com- 
 ing events ' which must produce its dissolution 
 are even now visible. 
 
 It may be encouraging to many who have 
 been accustomed to dwell on the miseries of 
 slavery, to consider for a moment the prognos- 
 tics from which we augur the termination of 
 the system at no distant day. 
 
 Slavery has already been abolished in Hayti, 
 Mexico, Colombia, and twelve States of this 
 nation. 
 
 VOL. I. 
 
 The change of opinion in Great Britain and 
 this country in regard to slavery, within the 
 last fifteen or twenty years, has been won- 
 derful. After the slave trade was abolished, 
 the enemies of slavery gazed on the system 
 almost in despair, as the knight in old roman- 
 ces is represented as gazing on some castle 
 made apparently impregnable by enchant- 
 ment. They knew not how to attack the in- 
 stitution with any prospect of success. Their 
 opinions as to the mode of removing the evil 
 were wavering and unsatisfactory, even to 
 themselves. But a few years ago, many of 
 the most devoted philanthropists thought only 
 of a remote and gradual abolition. 
 
 Now every thing is changed. The numbers 
 in favor of abolition in England are now over- 
 whelming. Far the greater part of them sup- 
 port immediate abolition. The whole system 
 of slavery has been surveyed, and specific 
 remedies pointed out for every evil. 
 
 This change in opinion has already produ- 
 ced most beneficial results. In some of the 
 British Colonies, the flogging of females is 
 entirely prohibited, and the flogging of men 
 in some degree regulated ; in some, the free 
 people of color are admitted to equal privi- 
 leges with the whites ; in some, slaves are ad- 
 mitted as witnesses in all cases like whites ; 
 and in some, the separation of near relations in 
 private or judicial sales is prohibited. The 
 most important improvements are in the crown 
 colonies. Besides this, all the slaves belong- 
 ing to the crown, amounting to a considerable 
 number, have been made free. 
 
 It cannot be doubted by any one who has 
 noted the progress of opinion in Great Britain, 
 that a law for abolishing slavery in the colonies 
 of the empire, will be passed within a feio years. 
 
 Though the people of the United States 
 have not yet denounced slavery so loudly as 
 those of Great Britain, yet while the mother 
 country has moved forward so rapidly, the 
 daughter has not been stationary. 
 
 Several publications devoted to the aboli- 
 tion of slavery are already established, in this 
 7 
 
50 
 
 The South Sea Islander. 
 
 country ; and within a year or two, a large 
 number of others have boldly attacked the 
 system. 
 
 Several anti-slavery societies have been es- 
 tablished within two years in various parts of 
 the States. 
 
 The doctrine of gradual emancipation is 
 falling into disrepute. Ahun Ir id persons are 
 now in favor ofirhme tion for every 
 
 one who supported it three years ago. 
 
 Slavery ha >re discussed within the 
 
 hist three years in print and conversation, than 
 it had been during twenty years befi , , 
 
 Maryland, • ia, and Kentucky have 
 
 lately exhibited a strong desire to obtain re- 
 lief from the disease under which they are 
 declining. Few of their politicians have come 
 to sound conclusions on the subject. But the 
 subject having been once touched, the people 
 of those States will never rest till no slave is 
 to be found upon their soil. 
 
 [For the Abolitionist.] 
 THE SOUTH SEA ISLANDER. 
 
 I was born on one of those remote Islands 
 in the Pacific ocean, which had escaped the 
 observation of the most adventurous voya 
 and though it was endeared to me, by many 
 agreeable associations, yet I could not but 
 perceive that the clouds of ignorance rested 
 upon it, and that it was disgraced by the prac- 
 tice of many vices; for I felt myself to b • one 
 of that small number, of which I believe no 
 spot of the earth is entirely destitute. who aspire 
 to something better, to whom the religion of 
 nature is not totally unknown, and who discov 
 er glimpses of a Deity through the objects of 
 beauty and grandeur which surround them. 
 This, at least, was my case ; for whether I 
 took up and examined the flower which grew 
 at my feet, or surveyed the majestic river or 
 lofty mountain, or above all the wonders of 
 my own frame, each and all proclaimed an in- 
 telligent author. Many hours were spent 
 every day in musing upon this subject, and in 
 endeavoring to give consistency and form to 
 my crude ideas. 
 
 I was one day roused from an un 
 deep revcry, by being told that the body of a 
 man had been cast upon our coast, whose ap- 
 pearance was altogether different from any 
 ever before seen, I hastened to the spot, 
 hoping by timely aid to restore it? animation ; 
 and after long and continued exertion, my 
 hopes were realized. The pleasure which I 
 experienced on this occasion, can be more 
 easily imagined than described. Never, in- 
 deed, was exertion more amply rewarded : for 
 I found in this fellow being a friend, an in- 
 structor, a guide. We soon bi c tm ■ almost 
 inseparable companions, and spent much of 
 
 our time in strolling about the surrounding 
 country, he in the hope that from some emi- 
 nence which gave a view of the sea he might 
 espy some vessel by whichhe might return to 
 his native country — and I, over eager to catch 
 the wisdom which fell from his lips, seldom 
 quitted his side. I had lost no time in acquir- 
 ing a knowledge of his language, such was 
 my zeal to learn every thing he could 
 communicate. He scarcely spoke, but some 
 new idea beamed upon my mind. From him 
 ed that one God made and governs all 
 : in addition to thai winch may be 
 tie had made 
 repeated revelations of his cl id will; 
 
 but more especially by a being of such pre- 
 eminence, that he styled him his beloved Son. 
 
 One d: '. him to tell me what was 
 
 the most prominent precept of his reli 
 'Love, love,' said he, with energy. 'God is 
 love — he sent his Son into the world on an er- 
 rand of love — and he has commanded us to 
 love him with all our hearts, and our neighbor 
 as ourselves.' I was charmed with these sen- 
 timents, and resolved that, should my new 
 friend ever leave our island, I would accom- 
 pany him to his favored home. 
 
 It was not long before this resolution was 
 put to th" tesl : tor a sort of moving house, or 
 what Philo (which was the stranger's name) 
 called a ship, was discovered by his anxious 
 and ever watchful eye ; by the aid of 
 we succeeded in arresting the attention of 
 those on board. I now mentioned the plan I 
 had formed of leaving my native island. Philo 
 was surprised, but said nothing to discourage 
 me; 'hut I advise you,' said he, 'to go well 
 id with gold, for I can a, you 
 
 will find it a useful possession where you are 
 going.' With this I readily complied, for it 
 was easily procured, though it had hitherto 
 been useless to me. Philo A\as overjoyed to 
 find that the vessel was bound to the very spot 
 most dear to him of all the earth, his own na- 
 tive city. We were soon in readiness ; and I 
 took an affectionate leave of my friends, not 
 without the fear that I should never again be- 
 hold them. 
 
 We now hastened on board the vessel, 
 which soon bore us far away on the wide ocean. 
 I was introduced to so new a scene, that it was 
 long before my curiosity was satisfied. After 
 some time, I observed that the sailors did not 
 look upon me with much complacency, and 
 paid little attention to my wants, till my friend, 
 who also observed it, whispered something in 
 their ears, which seemed to i | 
 charm — for ever iect and kindness 
 
 took the place of coldness and m 
 
 Philo soon brought me one of those sacred 
 books, called the word of God, from whence 
 he had obtained that religious knowledge 
 which he had communicated to me. With 
 his assistance, 1 was soon enabled to read it 
 with tolerable ease. Oh ! how can I express 
 
The South Sea Islander. 
 
 51 
 
 the pleasure I took in tracing, with my own 
 eyes the words of heavenly wisdom which 
 flowed from him, whom I now delighted to call 
 my Savior ! The precepts, of which my friend 
 had given me a few examples, filled me with 
 fresh admiration — and the parables were pecu- 
 liarly to my taste. How beautifully did that 
 of the good Samaritan illustrate the duty of 
 love to our neighbor— by giving a latitude to 
 the word neighbor which we are too apt to 
 forget belongs to it, and teaching that benevo- 
 lence should be extended to the whole human 
 race, without regard to any peculiarity in their 
 condition. The story of the rich man and 
 Lazarus was likewise strikingly in harmony 
 with the sentiment he expressed, when, lifting 
 up his eyes upon the multitude, he said, ' Bless- 
 ed are ye poor, for yours is the kingdom of 
 heaven.' I did not allow a day to pass, with- 
 out spending several hours in studying this 
 precious volume, so anxious was I to imbibe 
 in some measure the spirit of their religion, 
 before arriving in a land of Christians. 
 
 After a very prosperous voyage, we reached 
 the home of Philo. lie was hailed with rap- 
 ture by his friends, whom I found good and in- 
 telligent like himself, and no other recommen- 
 dation to their favor was necessary than to be 
 introduced as a stranger who had left his na- 
 tive country in the pursuit of knowledge. But 
 to some others, 1 found my friend was obliged 
 to whisper the talismanic words which had be- 
 fore wrought such a miracle in my behalf. It 
 now produced the sail- 
 ed to be more observing in ,' I 1 might 
 discover what was the nature of this wonder- 
 working spell. It was not long before an op- 
 portunity offered. We happened to fall in 
 company which seemed disposed to t; 
 with neglect, if not with 
 him about to pronounce these my 
 words, , 
 
 these—- ' ;v rich.' This is strange in- 
 
 deed, thought I : of what possible < 
 can it be to them, whether i 
 or not? am'. inn it have 
 
 upon m 
 
 Log? les e beauty 
 
 mot do: per- 
 haps they v 
 
 flatten e that — 
 
 i whom 
 I acquire so much I y being rich, 
 
 of wealth ti 
 
 me. It 
 puzzle 
 
 ts of their religion. I 
 had even thought, at first, of concealing my 
 wealth ; for judging from the bible, 1 ! 
 posed that riches would be despised, and pov- 
 erty rather sought than spurned — hut, on the 
 contrary, there scarcely was any pos 
 more coveted — so much so, that even those 
 who wore in reality poor, often affected riches, 
 either by a fine house, elegant furniture, or 
 
 costly dress. I cannot but here mention one 
 custom in use among the females of this coun- 
 try, because it so agreeably reminded me of 
 my own dear country-women: it is that of 
 suspending jewels in the ear by means of a 
 perforation of the fleshy part of its lower ex- 
 tremity. Still, though it pleased me, I confess 
 it no less surprised me ; for I had read in their 
 (1 book that the best ornament to a female 
 was a meek and quiet spirit, which in the sight 
 of God was of great price. 
 
 But I had still another subject of surprise, 
 when I found the houses devoted to the wor- 
 ship of this same bring, were often a scene of 
 the most brilliant display of finery. Indeed, I 
 tes heard little children of six years 
 ■uting about the comparative beauty or 
 fashion of their church-going dresses. How- 
 ever, these things, though evidently atvariar.ee 
 with the bible, I thought might be pardonable : 
 but as my intercourse with society increased, 
 I saw many things practised which excited 
 my grief and astonishment ; such as fraud, 
 cruelty, falsehood, intemperance, and many 
 other vices. At length, I unburdened my 
 heart to my friend, and entreated him to ex- 
 plain what I saw. ' Oh ! ' said he, 'I am not at 
 all surprised at the feeling you express ; but 
 I know you must soon learn that though Chris- 
 tianity is the religion here professed, which 
 you know to be a system replete with excel- 
 lence, yet many, very many fall lamentably 
 short of its requirements, and there are not a 
 few who, I fear, reject its restraints altogether. 
 But, come,' continued he, 'I want to introduce 
 you to my sister, whoso return you know I 
 have been so imp tiently expecting. Yester- 
 day, I had the p' asufe of again seeing my 
 dear Ellen: she has been absent more than a 
 year on a visit to a friend in a distant part of 
 our country.' I accepted his invitation, and 
 was introduced accordingly. I found her 
 htened, like her*brother. She 
 entertained us with ace 
 
 climate, and the almost tropical luxu- 
 
 riance of the pari of the country she had visit- 
 ed ; and we passed many pleasant, and to me 
 instructive hours together. 
 
 On one oc< I I en- 
 
 tered the room where his mother and sister 
 were sil i found them looking very 
 
 melancl me concern, in- 
 
 quired the cause. 
 
 ' Oh,' replied his sister, 'I was only telling 
 the story of poor Letty.' 
 
 uch affected 
 you ? ' 
 
 5 3,' said his mother, ' I think no one could 
 hear it unmoved.' 
 
 • And will you not,' said I to Ellen, 'repeat 
 
 the tale to us ? ' 
 
 She made no reply, but looked at he rbrother. 
 
 oe,' said he,"' now you have excited our 
 
 curiosity, you will surely not refuse to gratify 
 
 it.' 
 
52 
 
 The South Sea Islander. 
 
 'I had rather not, indeed — pray, brother, ex- 
 cuse me,' said Ellen. 
 
 Her brother inquired what could possibly he 
 her objection ? 
 
 'Because,' said she, 'I cannot bear the 
 thought that your friend, who has already seen 
 so much of the inconsistency of Christians, 
 should be made acquainted with a system which 
 makes every other deviation from the pure 
 precepts of Christianity shrink into insignifi- 
 cance.' 
 
 ' Alas ! ' said Philo, ' I now comprehend your 
 motive, and do not wonder at your reluctance : 
 but as our friend cannot long remain among 
 us without hearing of some of its baneful 
 effects, any secrecy on our part would be 
 unavailing. At any rate, he had better know 
 the truth, however mortifying it may be to us.' 
 
 ' Yes,' said I, ' I have no desire for the hap- 
 piness of ignorance.' 
 
 ' Well, then,' said Philo, ' it is the dreadful 
 system of Slavery which exists over the 
 greater part of this otherwise free and happy 
 country, of which I have the sorrow to inform 
 you.' 
 
 ' Oh ! I suppose,' said I, ' you still retain the 
 barbarous custom, practised by uncivilized na- 
 tions, of holding in bondage those of your ene- 
 mies whom the chance of war has thrown into 
 your hands.' 
 
 ' Alas ! ' said my friend, ' though that is wide- 
 ly opposed to the peaceful spirit of Christian- 
 ity, yet it falls very far short of the cruel in- 
 justice of which we are guilty. Know, then 
 — for why should I attempt to hide our shame ? 
 — that in this nominally free country, a sixth 
 part of the peaceful and unoffending natives 
 wear the insupportable yoke of slavery — are 
 kept in total ignorance of the word of God — 
 driven to their labor by the whip, the fruits of 
 which go to enrich their oppressors, while 
 they are scantily fed, and coarsely clothed.' 
 
 ' But,' said I, ' under what possible pretence 
 can this be done ? Do not those who practise 
 it offer some excuse for conduct which would 
 make a heathen blush ? ' 
 
 ' The only excuse,' said he, ' they pretend, 
 I believe, to offer, is, that as the ancestors of 
 these people were either stolen from their na- 
 tive country, or purchased perhaps for a few 
 glass beads, or some intoxicating liquor, of 
 some barbarous chief, and thus converted to 
 slaves, all their descendants must share the 
 same fate.' 
 
 1 A strange reason, indeed,' said I ; ' it seems 
 to be saying that a man born in misery mf.y 
 as well remain in it because he is accustomed 
 to it. But is this their only plea ?' 
 
 ' None other than that of the tyrant's, that 
 might gives right.' 
 
 'Ah! and is this the way that Christians 
 obey the commands of Him whom they pre- 
 tend to call their master ? Is this loving their 
 neighbor as themselves ? or doing toothers as 
 they would that others should do to them? ' 
 
 Philo, now again asked Ellen to tell us the 
 story. 'I suppose,' said he, 'Letty was a 
 slave.' 
 
 ' Yes,' said she, ' Letty and George, a young 
 married couple, were purchased by Dr. A. at 
 whose house you know I passed most of my 
 time during my absence. The woman was 
 good tempered, obliging and gentle in her 
 manners, and both capable and industrious. 
 Her husband was not vicious, but he was very 
 fond of music, and not very fond of work; of 
 course, he preferred playing a tune upon his 
 fiddle, to performing his allotted task. Mrs. 
 A., however, liked Letty so much that they 
 continued to keep them, though they did not 
 exactly answer their purpose — till Dr. A. hear- 
 ing of a neighboring planter who was in quest 
 of two such slaves, concluded to hire them out 
 to him. This was sad tidings to the young 
 couple — (for slaves always dread changing 
 their masters.) Poor Letty was overwhelmed 
 with sorrow, and entreated Dr. A., even upon 
 her knees, not to send them away ; but the 
 sighs and tears of slaves, avail but little, as 
 was the case on the present occasion ; for 
 though their grief excited some pity, yet, as 
 the agreement had been made, there seemed 
 no help for it, and they were obliged to go. 
 But Dr. A. wishing to soothe their trouble a 
 little, told George, that if either of them should 
 be sick, to send for him. With this poor con- 
 solation, they departed. Several weeks pass- 
 ed away, when I was one day sitting in the 
 parlor, engaged in conversation with a young 
 lady, when she suddenly exclaimed, ' Who 
 are those ? ' I turned my eyes towards the 
 window, and saw Letty approaching the house, 
 followed by a man on horseback. We ran 
 out into the piazza to see what was the mat- 
 ter, when she shot by us like an arrow, and 
 disappeared. It was the overseer of her pres- 
 ent employer, who was with her : he said she 
 had run away several days before — that be had 
 found her in a wood, and wished to take her 
 back — but she had insisted upon coming there. 
 Just as he concluded, I perceived Letty, from 
 behind the door, beckoned me lvith a wild and 
 disordered air. I followed her — and in a hur- 
 ried manner she led the way to my chamber, 
 when she immediately ran and hid herself be- 
 neath the bed, and burst into an agony of 
 grief, entreating me, as soon as her sobs would 
 permit, to conceal her, and save her from re- 
 turning to that dreadful place. ' I cannot, I 
 cannot, go back ! ' she exclaimed : ' they have 
 treated me cruelly when I tried to do every 
 thing to please them. And poor George ! 
 they have had no mercy upon him : not satis- 
 fied with beating him, they have knocked out 
 his front teeth, and ' 
 
 I begged of her to be more calm — for her 
 agitation was such, that it was impossible to 
 come at the cause of their having been treat- 
 ed with so much violence. However, she at 
 length told me, that on one occasion she being 
 
Extracts f ro7ii Mr. Snelling's Address. 
 
 53 
 
 Yather indisposed, George, in the simplicity of 
 his heart, recollecting the direction of Dr. A. 
 to send for him, if either of them were sick,and 
 not dreaming of its occasioning any expense, 
 (which certainly in this case was not intended 
 by Dr. A.) took the enormous liberty of send- 
 ing for the Dr. to see his wife. This was the 
 unpardonable offence of which poor George 
 had been guilty, and for which they had both 
 suffered such severe consequences. 
 
 At this sad recital, I mingled my tears with 
 hers — that she should suffer so innocently, 
 was truly affecting ; but what could I say to 
 console her? To offer her any protection, 
 was entirely out of my power. The most I 
 could do was to prevail on Mrs. A. to let her 
 remain with us a few weeks. She readily 
 consented, for she was fond of Letty, and 
 knew that she never required severity. Her 
 gratitude was evinced by her cheerfully per- 
 forming every duty ; and, indeed, if possible, 
 anticipating our wishes. 
 
 At the end of a fortnight, however, I had 
 the pain of seeing her reclaimed by her re- 
 lentless employer. I watched her slowly fol- 
 lowing him till she was out of sight. 'And 
 this,' thought I, ' is one of my own country- 
 women, possessing the same natural right to 
 freedom that I have, forced to drag out a mis- 
 erable existence, exposed to all the bitter ef- 
 fects of a state of slavery ! ' 
 
 (To be concluded.) 
 
 EXTRACTS FROM AN ADDRESS, 
 
 DELIVERED BEFORE THE N. E. ANTI-SLAVERY 
 SOCIETY, BY WM. J. SNELLING, ESQ. 
 
 (Continued.) 
 
 The master too is to be pitied. He lives in 
 continual fear. Accustomed to see his humors 
 watched and his frowns feared, he becomes 
 imperious and tyrannical. His children grow 
 up among the abject beings whom their fathers 
 have degraded. They are idle and use&ss on 
 the face'of the earth. The daughters, at least 
 a great many of them, are accustomed to view 
 human suffering with indifference ; even to 
 chastise their female slaves with their own 
 hands. But I will not dwell on such a state 
 of society. 
 
 Those whose exertions arc directed to the 
 removal of these evils are called visionaries 
 and fanatics. If to wish to relieve our coun- 
 trymen from what they all allow to be an evil 
 of the greatest magnitude, is to be a fanatic ; 
 if to wish to overthrow a system radically crim- 
 inal, oppressive, impolitic and dangerous, is to 
 be a fanatic ; if to wish to elevate those who 
 are now little above brutes to the dignity of 
 freemen and christians, is to be a fanatic ; — 
 then, we are fanatics; and I, for one, glory in 
 the title. If to believe that these things are 
 practicable, is to be visionary, then we are vis- 
 ionaries. In what, even if our opinions be 
 Avrong, are Ave reprehensible ? We wrong no 
 
 tn — we stir up no one to sedition — we break 
 no law. There is no law that forbids any free 
 man to think, and to express his opinion. The 
 Constitution of the United States, indeed, re- 
 cognizes slavery ; but our fathers, who framed 
 it, never said or thought that it would be crim- 
 inal to wish to amend it. If they had so thought, 
 they would not have inserted a provision for 
 its amendment. 
 
 It will, perhaps, be asked, how, since we 
 disclaim violence and insurrection, we do pro- 
 pose to act? We answer, by endeavoring to 
 affect public opinion. Prejudice and apathy 
 stand in our way, but we do not nevertheless 
 despair. We may not effect all we propose, 
 but still avc shall do something ; for he, Avhose 
 ambition is great, will never tail utterly. We 
 publish pamphlets, Ave hold debates, Ave deliv- 
 er discourses, and are sure that though Ave 
 may fail to convince an individual, all whom 
 we can bring to examine this subject and think 
 for themselves, will eventually embrace our 
 opinions. We hope in time, to direct the ear- 
 nest attention of the nation to the system of 
 slavery ; and if Ave can do this, Ave are confi- 
 dent that it must go down. In the meanwhile, 
 Ave persuade such" persons of color as are with- 
 in our influence, to live christian lives, to con- 
 tinue or become respectable citizens, as the 
 case may be, to teach their children trades, and 
 to send them to school. We aid them to put 
 these counsels into practice, as far as our 
 means Avill permit. 
 
 There are many among us Avho hold that 
 we should not take any measures concerning 
 the abolition of slavery, lest Ave should offend 
 and irritate our southern brethren. But admit 
 this principle, and there is an end of all reform 
 and improvement. On the same ground, Ave 
 may suffer a single State to reverse the laAv of 
 the land, and the decision ofthe Supreme Court, 
 without comment. We must not mention the 
 tariff, or express our wishes relative to the 
 choice of the executive officer, on the same 
 principle. I spurn such slavish doctrine. To 
 embrace it, would be to surrender freedom of 
 thought and speech. No subject of national 
 importance can be mentioned, no abuse expo- 
 sed, without offending some one. We shall 
 offend our southern brethren. Our fathers of- 
 fended their English brethren Avhen they threw 
 the tea into the dock, and irritated them still 
 more when, Avithin cannon-shot of this hall, 
 they taught their fellow subjects, that Amer- 
 icans would not submit to Avrong. We shall 
 offend our southern brethren. I cannot ex- 
 cuse them for retaining tAvo millions of their 
 fellow men in galling and ignominious thral- 
 dom. It may be that very many of them are 
 unconscious of wrong doing ; but the wrong is 
 not therefore the less evident, the less palpable. 
 The muscles do not the less quiver, nor does 
 the blood flow the less freely, because he who 
 holds the scourge thinks he is doing a praise- 
 worthy action. The tiger, when he springs 
 
Extracts from Mr. Snelling's Address. 
 
 upon his victim is conscious of no crime ; but 
 his prey ;' 
 
 retains his fellow man in 
 a wrong,' a grievous wrong- — all the sophistry 
 ofthi . it' 
 
 he does not know as much, we will tell him 
 so; and if it offends a let him be of- 
 
 fend. 
 
 of offending 
 our brethren, inquire who rsons best 
 
 entitled to that affectionat s appellation. Who 
 ifehern States ? Th i 
 blacks. Who subdued the soil, whose labor 
 furnishes us with cotton and sugar, and ena- 
 bles ; 
 
 ed tariff,' as it i.- ; emphatically called ? 
 have : . iplain of us, and 
 
 do u- i id? Who are the real working 
 
 ire the authors of all 
 the good we thence derive? Above all. who 
 are best entitled to claim our sympathies? — ■ 
 The blacks — the blacks — the blacks. By con- 
 senting to, and approving their bondage, we 
 have injured them, and we owe them repara- 
 tion. By setting them iV 
 
 their masti rs to the exact amount of their mar- 
 ket value, considering them, as these last do, 
 as mere merchantable cattle. At the same 
 time we should do right, and prevent the mis- 
 ery of unborn millions. Why should Ave be 
 less fearful of offending them than their mas- 
 ters ? They are formed alike in their maker's 
 
 /e, they constitute almost the v. h 
 and political importance of the slaveholding 
 States, and they respect us, which their op- 
 pressors do not. If justice, humanity, and 
 dictates of common inter* 
 quence to a clear view of this question, the 
 blacks are m itically our brethren. 
 
 It is advanced it confidence by 
 
 slaveholde \ sre we to set the s] 
 
 free, they would turn upon the whites, and 
 massacre them. They are, it is said, 
 ly ignorant and ferocious. Ignoranl 
 but I do not believe that they arc either I 
 cious or vindictive. My observation 
 me that the mild 
 
 and forgiving. Wasitnol 
 slaves now? [ndeed, [ ha 
 son to think that want of 3 the fault 
 
 of their character. Those who argue that 
 they cannot be set free with safety, confound 
 cause and effect. Ask any advocate of slave- 
 ry why the slaves revolted in Southampton, 
 and he will t - : ! you that it was in the hope of 
 obtaining freedom. Ask him i ars to 
 
 'one, and he will answer that it 
 is because the man is a slave. They would 
 fight, it is known, to obtain their liberty, and 
 th ; would also fight, it, is said, because it was 
 given them. This is strange logic ; and ] n 
 you to observe that I am ueither beggini 
 question, nor setting up a man of straw to 
 knock him down again. You know, every 
 man who hears me knows, that the positions I 
 
 have assumed are those most frequently in 
 the mouths of slaveholders. The slaves in 
 apton massacred women and children, 
 smarted under the sense of inju- 
 ry, and i ii y knew that had they spar- 
 udd have exercised the con- 
 trol of.... r them some day. Setting 
 them free, will take away the motive of revolt, 
 and, I think, all di svenge. it is not 
 ature of man to i ood with evil. 
 Some th ild return evil for 
 is to the genera] 
 rule — moral monsters, who are not to be taken 
 for specimens of their kind: and, as 1 have not 
 1 that the blacks are mure \ icious than 
 equally ignorant whites, I do not believe that 
 the black family would furnish more of these 
 -I the white one. I say again, and 
 rs to me as plain as the light of hea- 
 ven, that if you take away the motives to in- 
 surrection, no insurrection will take place. — 
 Suppose that there is danger, that the desire 
 will operate more strongly on the 
 slave than the sense of benefit received, is 
 there not danger now ? Set them free, and 
 ng of revenge will expire w ith the pre- 
 sent, generation. The next will have had no 
 ■ to revenge. Keep them in bondage, 
 and the danger will he perpetuated. We 
 ought certainly to take care of ourselves, but 
 we also owe something to posterity. 
 
 Again, some say that ignorance makes the 
 blacks ferocious. Others, and among them 
 their masters, judging from the acts of south- 
 ern legislation, think that knowledge is the 
 tliom- that makes them dangerous. Strange 
 that ignorance and knowledge should have one 
 and the same effect! 
 
 I have often been told that were the slaves 
 set free, they would not know how to take 
 care of themselves, but perish with literal 
 want. If this supposition be true, it infers 
 either some defect in the negro character, or 
 that long years of slavery have withered their 
 ■men nergies. 
 not learn from Benh i lapper- 
 
 o)ii, or any ol 
 
 ! I ribe of 
 -'. Our slave 
 
 ■ml others din the 
 
 lallowed occupation of hfng all 
 
 the year round, also. It will be stran 
 
 motive for exer- 
 tion, to wit, his own benefit, cannot lal 
 
 he, the profit of whose toil goes 
 and enrich am I 
 owner who holds I i i there are 
 
 many who do, propose I bonds- 
 
 man. I think the slave will take his risk at 
 starval 
 
 hundreds who fear the imagina- 
 
 above mentioned, and therefore op- 
 
 o immediate emancipation of the slaves, 
 
 who are yet willing to encourage n gradual 
 
 abolition. Gradual abolition, forsooth ! Fine 
 
Extracts from Mr. Snetting's Address. 
 
 words, to quiet guilty consciences. Since I 
 can remember any thing, and I am not a very 
 young man, I have heard of gradual abolition. 
 It is a sop to the Cerberus Conscience. I mar- 
 vel that no uneasy thief has thought of a grad- 
 ual repentance and retribution. What has 
 gradual abolition done, and what will it ever 
 do ? Are the slaves an inch nigher freedom 
 now than they were fifty years ago r On the 
 contrary, they are farther from it. The dan- 
 ger, if there was any, that would have result- 
 ed from it, has increased ; the bonds of iniqui- 
 ty — I mean the restrictive laws — have been 
 gradually drawn closer and closer around 
 them. Are there fewer slaves new in the U- 
 nited States, than there were when gradual 
 abolition was first devised ? On the contrary, 
 their number has doubled, as you all know. 
 Gradual abolition is like intended repentance, 
 it has been put off till the time for it has pass- 
 ed away. When I hear a man speak of grad- 
 ual abolition, I at once conclude that he is a 
 fool, a hypocrite, or that he has not studied 
 the subject. Those two words have done the 
 colored race more harm than all the speeches 
 that ever were made in favor of slavery. We, 
 that is the Society I have the honor to repre- 
 sent, say, tamper not with conscience. Obey 
 the dictates of religion, duty and humanity. 
 Shew mercy — do justice now — this very now, 
 and leave the consequences to God. The 
 worst that can happen cannot be more offen- 
 sive to Him who is all mercy, or more danger- 
 ous to yourselves than the present state of 
 things. 
 
 I have often been surprised to observe how 
 small is the difference between the opinions 
 of some gradual abolitionists and those of the 
 advocates of immediate emancipation. They 
 admit that slavery is wrong, that it is a nation- 
 al curse. They are willing to have th 
 immediately exempted from tin' hardships pe- 
 culiar to his condition, and from his liability 
 to be bought and sold. Vet the words imme- 
 diate emancipation frighten them. Th 
 agine that we wish to admit the slaves imme- 
 diately to our houses, our tables, to all the 
 privileges of fellowship, and to an equality of 
 political rights. We desire no such things. 
 We wish only for what every man, whose 
 moral sense has not been stifled by interest 
 or prejudice, will admit to he right. When we 
 call for immediate emancipation, we mean 
 that no man ought to hold property in man, 
 that no man ought to have the power to apply 
 the lash to his brother. We say that no man 
 should be sold, like a beast of burthen. We 
 say that the safety and honor of woman should 
 have some better guaranty than the doubtful 
 virtue of an absolute master. We insist that 
 every man should be permitted to learn and 
 to worship the Author of his being in the 
 way most agreeable to his conscience. We 
 say that he who has ploughed and sowed, 
 should reap and keep the harvest. These 
 
 things are what we understand by the words 
 immediate abolition, and who will say that we 
 ask any thing unreasonable ? Is there any 
 descendant of those who fled from Britain to 
 enjoy liberty of conscience in the wilderness 
 who will forbid the black to participate in that 
 right? Will any inhabitant of industrious 
 New-England rebuke us for affirming that the 
 laborer is worthy of his hire? We ask only 
 that our countrymen should give a practical 
 illustration of their own privileges, as avowed 
 in the first the Declaration of Inde- 
 
 pendence, viz. ' All men are born free and e- 
 qual.' 
 
 Where would he the mighty evil of such an 
 imme mcipation as this ? V." hat harm 
 
 did such an immediate emancipation do the 
 patriarchs of New-England ? Did their freed- 
 men massacre them- for their benevolence ? 
 Was there an individual attempt made at re- 
 venge for past injuries ? Have the free blacks 
 ever, in any degree, injured or retarded the 
 march of our prosperity ? I have often 1: i 
 told that, after hi been emancipated, 
 
 the southern blacks will acquire property, be- 
 come half owners of the soil, and have an 
 i voice in the government. What then ? 
 ry man has a right to acquire property. 
 Every man, who is properly qualified by edu- 
 cation and the payment of taxes, has a right 
 to share in the management of his own afi 
 The free blacks here'have long been permit- 
 ted to acquire property and to vote at the polls, 
 and what white man considers himself injured 
 thereby? These are rights which prejudice 
 alone disputes — reason cannot. 
 
 But, say the enemies of emancipation, how 
 are the whites to cultivate their lands, if de- 
 prived of their slaves ? Their climate will 
 not permit them to work. Then let them seek 
 a milder climate, or accept a subsistence from 
 their black brethren as alms, or starve. No pre- 
 cept is more just than this— 'He that will not 
 work, neither shall he eat.' How would the 
 working men here receive a proposal to sup- 
 port alf whom laziness or other causes have 
 rendered incapable of labor ? No, if a coun- 
 try be unfit for a portion of the inhabitants? 
 they have no business there. They should 
 seek another — not depend upon those of a. 
 better physical conformation. However, I do 
 not believe that there is any good cause for 
 tear on this head. 
 
 Another objection suggested by prejudice 
 against emancipation is, that it would be fol- 
 lowed by an amalgamation of the two parties 
 of our southern brethren. I acknowledge that 
 a very general prejudice acts strongly a- 
 g-ainst the negro. Few of us are without it. 
 Still it is but a prejudice. If a colored person 
 lias the manners, the education and the char- 
 acter of a gentleman and a christian, why 
 should any christian gentleman feel offended 
 at his approach ? Yet I would not unneces- 
 sarily irritate even prejudice. When the 
 
5U 
 
 Safety of Immediate Emancipation. 
 
 slaves shall have become free and shall have 
 made themselves respectable, it will be al the 
 option of every white to associate with them 
 or not. A T o man will be compelled to associ- 
 ate or intermarry with them. Let the two ra- 
 ces approximate toward an equality or not, 
 stion has not the least bearing upon a- 
 malgamation. Set the blacks tree, and they 
 
 will amalgamate with us— keep them in I d- 
 
 age, and .-till they will amalgamate. Halfthe 
 people of color now in the 1 oited Sta1 
 of mixed blood. Amalgamation could not have 
 proceeded faster, had the blacks been free 
 since their firsl introduction into the country. 
 
 (To be continued.) 
 
 IMMEDIATE EMANCIPATION. No. IV. 
 
 The actual condition of the hundred thous- 
 and emancipated blacks and persons of color 
 in the West India Colonies, certainly gives 
 no reason to apprehend that if a general eman- 
 cipation should take place, the newly freed 
 slaves would not be able and willing to sup- 
 port themselves. On this point the Returns 
 from fourteen of the Slave Colonies, laid be- 
 fore the House of Commons in 1826, give sat- 
 isfactory information : they include a period 
 of five years from January 1, 1821, to Decem- 
 ber 31, 1825, and give the following account 
 of the state of pauperism in each of these Col- 
 onies. 
 
 Bahamas. The only establishment in the 
 Colony for the relief of the poor appears to be 
 a hospital or poor-house. The number pass- 
 ing through the hospital annually was, on the 
 average, fifteen free black and colored persons 
 and thirteen whites. The number of free 
 black and colored persons is about double that 
 of the whites; so that the proportion of white 
 to that of colored paupers in the Bahamas, is 
 nearly two to one. 
 
 Barbadoes. The average annual number of 
 persons supported in the nine parishes, from 
 which Returns have been sent, is 998, all of 
 whom, with a single exception, are white. The 
 probable amount of white persons in the isl- 
 and is 14,500 — of free black and colored per- 
 sons 4,500. 
 
 Hi rhice. The white population appears to 
 amount to about GOO, the free black and color- 
 ed to 900. In L822, it appears that there were 
 17 white and 2 colored paupers. 
 
 Demerara. The free black and colored pop- 
 ulation, it is supposed, are twice the number 
 of the whites. The average number of white 
 pensioners on the poor fund appears to be 51, 
 that of colored pensioners 2<!. In occasional 
 relief, the white paupers receive about three 
 •times as much as the colored. 
 
 Dominica. The white population is esti- 
 mated at about 900 ; the five black and color- 
 ed population was ascertained, in 1825, to a- 
 mount to 3122. During the live years ending in 
 November, 1825, thirty of the former class had 
 
 received relief from the poor fund, and only 
 ten of the latter, making the proportion of 
 more than nine white paupers to one colored 
 one in the same number of persons. 
 
 Gn nada. This colony contained in 1825, 
 3486 free black and colored persons, and it 
 does nut appear that any relief whatever has 
 been given to them during the five years for 
 which returns have been sent. 
 
 Honduras. The free black and colored 
 population, in 1824, amounted to 1750. The 
 return of the Treasurer of the Colony is, 'that 
 are no funds raised for the support of the 
 poor, there beingso very few persons who are 
 literally in distress from poverty; but such 
 as are so are readily relieved from the public 
 funds. The number of free persons thus re- 
 lieved has varied from 6 to 8 during the five 
 years. 
 
 Jamaica is supposed to contain 20,000 
 whites, and double that number of free black 
 and colored persons. The returns of paupers 
 from the parishes which have sent returns ex- 
 hibits the average number of white paupers to 
 be 295, of black and colored paupers 148: the 
 proportion of white paupers to those of the 
 other class, according to the whole population, 
 being as four to one. 
 
 Nevis. The white population is estimated 
 at about 800, the free black and colored at a- 
 bout 1800. The number of white paupers re- 
 ceiving relief is stated to be 25 ; that of the 
 other class 2 ; being in the proportion of 28 to 1. 
 St. Christophers. The average number of 
 white paupers appears to be 115 ; that of the 
 other class 14 ; although there is no doubt that 
 the population of the latter class greatly out- 
 numbers that of the former. 
 
 St. Vincents. The white population in 1 825 
 was 1301 : the other class 2824. ' We have 
 never had,' says the Governor Sir C. Brisbanes, 
 ' any poor rate. The few paupers (always 
 white) who resort hither, are supported from 
 town funds.' 
 
 Tobago. The Governor, Sir F. P. Robin- 
 son, informs Lord Bathurst that ' there is no 
 fund for assisting paupers except that of the 
 Church (which does not amount to sixty dol- 
 lars per annum) as there are no other poor peo- 
 ple who require that kind of relief.' 
 
 Tortola. In 1825, the free black and color- 
 ed population amounted to (107. The whites 
 are estimated at about 300. The number of 
 white paupers relieved appears to be 29: of 
 the other class 4 : being in proportion of four- 
 teen to one. 
 
 Trinidad. The white population is about 
 3,500 ; the other class amounts to about 15,000. 
 No funds raised for the poor. 
 
 In short, in a population of free black and 
 colored persons amounting to from 80,000 to 
 90,000, only 229 persons have received any 
 relief whatever as paupers during the years 
 1821 to 1825, and these chiefly the concubines 
 and children of destitute whites : while of 
 
Safety of Immediate Emancipation. 
 
 57 
 
 about G5,000 whites, in the same time, 1075 
 received relief. The proportion, therefore, of 
 enfranchised persons receiving any kind of 
 aid as paupers in the West Indies, is about 
 one in 370: whereas the proportion among the 
 whites of the West Indies is about one in 
 forty ; and in England, generally one in twelve 
 or thirteen — in some counties, one in eight 
 or nine. 
 
 Can any one read these statements, made 
 by the Colonists themselves, and still think it 
 necessary to keep the negroes in slavery, lest 
 they should be unable to maintain themselves 
 if free ? There is clearly much more reason, 
 on this ground, for reducing the poor whites, 
 both in the West Indies and in England, to 
 slavery, than for retaining the negroes in that 
 state. 
 
 It is to be regretted that among the Parlia- 
 mentary papers there are no returns of the 
 comparative number of convicted criminals in 
 the enfranchised and the white population, ex- 
 cept one from Jamaica. As Jamaica, howev- 
 er, contains as large a population as that of 
 all the rest of the West India Colonies united ; 
 this one will probably afford a tolerably fair 
 estimate of the comparative quantity of crime 
 in the two classes throughout the West Indies. 
 The enfranchised inhabitants of Jamaica are 
 considerably more numerous than the whites : 
 and yet by a return from several of its parish- 
 es, ordered to be printed by the House of Com- 
 mons in 1815, (No. 478,) it appears that the 
 proportion of criminal convictions of whites 
 and of enfranchised persons was as twenty- 
 four of the former to eight of the latter. 
 
 Incontestable testimony, both public and 
 private, has been given to the good condui t of 
 the freed black and the colored people in many 
 of the colonies. Mr. Steele, a considerable 
 land and slave proprietor, in his answers to the 
 queries of Governor Parry, gives the following 
 account of the freed people in Barbadoes. ' It 
 is in general obvious to any person of observa- 
 tion, that free negroes and mulattoes must 
 apply themselves to some kind of industry, as 
 they are never seen begging, either males or 
 females ; whereas the Island in general is pos- 
 tered with white beggars of both sexes and of 
 all ages, covered only with filthy rags ; while 
 the free negroes and mulattoes. are well cloth- 
 ed, and appear to bo will fed. Many of the 
 men work at the various trades of smiths, car- 
 penters and masons ; and serve as militia ten- 
 ants, and cultivate their tenements industrious- 
 ly. Two free black tradesmen, a mason and 
 a carpenter, are militia tenants on the estate 
 of this respondent, and labor on their tenements 
 with their own hands, living with sobriety and 
 good order. Several others rentsmall parcels 
 of land in this neighborhood^ and some of them 
 by their industry have been able to purchase 
 little freeholds, and build good habitations on 
 them.' 
 
 Dr. Dickson, private Secretary to the late 
 
 Honorable Edward Hay, Governor of Barba- 
 does, says of the same people, 'Of one thing 
 I am as certain, as any man can be of a future 
 event; that the generally peaceable, sober, in- 
 dustrious, and even sensible people of the free 
 colored class in Barbadoes, about 5,000 in 
 number, (he is speaking both of free blacks 
 and mulattoes,) would thankfully receive and 
 endeavor to merit any privilege which might 
 be conferred on them. Above six-and-twen- 
 ty years ago, I publicly declared my good 
 opinion of them, which has since been corro- 
 borated by Mr. Steele and General Tottenham, 
 and still more by their own general good con- 
 duct.' 
 
 Mr. Bickell, a clergyman of the Church of 
 England, who lived six years in Jamaica, 
 says, 'I am well aware it has been asserted 
 that nothing but coercion can induce a negro 
 to labor more than barely to raise enough for 
 his subsistence. This is extremely erroneous: 
 witness the great number of free blacks in the 
 towns of Jamaica : in Kingston, they are most 
 of them good mechanics, and work as regular- 
 ly and as hard as white meninthis country (En- 
 gland.) They also conduct themselves as well, 
 can read and write many of them, and are more 
 respectably clad than white men of the same 
 class in England. In Port Royal, just the 
 same ; they are industrious and intelligent, and 
 several of them have more, much more reli- 
 gion, than the low white men there, who af- 
 fect to despise them. They are very anxious 
 to get their children educated, and in Kings- 
 ton, Spanish-Town, Port-Royal, and other 
 towns, most of the free children can read and 
 write. In Kingston, the church is thronged 
 every Sunday morning, principally by free 
 people of color and free blacks. There is but 
 one church: on this account, the dissenters 
 have four or five places of worship. The 
 means by which some of these chapels were 
 built, redound very much to the credit of the' 
 free people of color, free blacks and slaves of 
 Kingston ; for I was credibly informed that it 
 was principally through the donations and sub- 
 scriptions of these too much despised classes, 
 that two of these buildings were raised.'* 
 
 In 1823, the Assembly of Grenada passed a 
 resolution, declaring that the free colored in- 
 habitants of these colonies were a respectable, 
 well behaved class of the community, were 
 possessed of considerable property, and were 
 entitled to have their claims viewed with fa- 
 vor. 
 
 In 1824, when Jamaica had been disturbed 
 for months by unfounded alarms relating to 
 the slaves, a committee of the legislative as- 
 sembly declared that ' the conductofthe freed 
 people evinced not only zeal and alacrity, but 
 a warm interest in the welfare of the colony, 
 and every way identified them with those who 
 are the most zealous promoters of its internal 
 
 * West Indies as they are, page IS. 
 VOL. I. 
 
58 
 
 Safely of Immediate Emancipation. 
 
 security.' The assembly confirmed this favor- 
 able report a few months ago, by passing a 
 bill conferring on all free black and colored 
 
 person? the same privileges, civil I political, 
 
 with the white inhabitants. 
 
 In the Orders issued in 1823, by the British 
 Government, in St Lucia, placing all fre 
 of Afric i'i 1 isc ml upon I te footing of equal 
 rights with their white neighbors, the loyalty 
 and good conduct of thai class are distinctly 
 acknowledged, and they are declared ' to ins e 
 shown, bi1 i ;rl >, readini • 
 forward for the maintenance of order.' As 
 similar Orders have been issued for Trinidad, 
 Berbic s, and the Cape of Go : 
 be pt I tat the conduct ofthe free blacks 
 
 and colored persons in those Co) - ■ like- 
 
 wise given ion to Government. 
 
 In the S »uth African Commercial Adverti- 
 - rofthe9thof Feb. 1831, we are happy to 
 find recorded one mor • of the numerous proofs 
 which experience affords of the safety and 
 expediency of immediate abolition. 
 
 A gentleman, (Mr. Chase) friend of slave- 
 ry, asks this question: — 'Have the friends of 
 immediate emancipation marked the com 
 of the prize negroes in this colony, who have 
 suddenly acquired liberty?' The answer to 
 This question is promptly given as foil 
 'We speak advisedly: — three thousand Prize 
 Negroes have received their freedom, 40 
 one day ; but not theleasl difficulty or disorder 
 occurred : — servants fouri i — masters 
 
 hired servants : all gained homes, and at night 
 scarcely an idler was to he seen. In the last 
 month, 150 were liberated under precisely 
 similar circumstances, and with the same re- 
 sult. These facts are within our own obser- 
 vation: and to state that sudden and abrupt 
 emancipation would create disorder and dis- 
 tress to those you mean to serve, is not reason; 
 but the plea of any and all men who are adverse 
 to emancipation.' 
 
 To this it is added that to these events the 
 writer makes his appeal, and that they musl 
 i>e deemed satisfactory, until Air. Chase 'shall 
 have produced facts to establish the charge 
 against the Prize Negroes, so strongly implied 
 in the above quotation. Mr. Chase is respect- 
 fully challenged to produce such facts.' 
 
 No reply had appearedin any subsequent 
 journal ; and as the controversy was proceed- 
 ing actively, we conclude that none could be 
 given. 
 
 As far as it can be ascertained from the vari- 
 ous documents which have been cited, and from 
 others, which, from the fear of making this ac- 
 count too long, are not particularly referred to, 
 it appears that in e< s and time in which 
 emancipation has been tried, not one drop of 
 white blood lias been shed, or even endangered 
 f>ii if : that it has every whet reatly improv- 
 ed the condition of the blacks, and in most 
 places has rem ived them from a state of deg- 
 radation and suffering to one of respectability 
 
 and happiness. Can it, then, be justifiable on 
 account of any vague fears of we know not 
 what evils, to reject tins just, salutary and hith- 
 erto uninjuri i ire ; and I i 
 system which we know by certain experience 
 is producing crime, misery and death, during 
 every da; :e: [s it possible that 
 any persons can persi es that 
 ion, even u ben perfectly 
 and ut1 (rly unprepared for, ha 
 harmless and beneficial wher iver il has hit h- 
 ii tried ; yet that if it should be legally 
 established throughout the slave countrie . and 
 introduced into them with t! ■•fully 
 considered precautions^ it would be attended 
 with the h I ad the rein 
 of the blacks? Those who do come to 
 ble conclusion may, i 
 self-reproach, speak-, write or vote for meliora- 
 tion, in other Words for perpetual slavery, or 
 at least of slavery which will in all probability 
 continue till its victims are set i'ree either by 
 the frightful mortality which is so rapidly di- 
 minishing their numbers, or by the strength of 
 their own arm. 
 
 But what rational motive is there for prefer- 
 ring slavery to emancipation ? Slavery we 
 know kills many thousands annually in ourcol- 
 ist grievous sufferings on those 
 whom it di troy, creates and nourish- 
 
 es every bad passion in those by whom it is 
 administered, Emancipation, as far as we 
 know, has not destroyed any, has not indicted 
 on any, has not nourished bad pas- 
 sions in any ; and no reason has ever been ad- 
 vanced to make it appear probable that it 
 would ever cause any of these evils in futu 
 Why then should we prefer slavery to eman- 
 cipation'' I believemany shut their eyes, and 
 will not see that this is, in reality, all the choice 
 they have. They fear thai at- 
 
 tend emancipation, and under the influence of 
 this fear, they speak, write or resolve to vote 
 against it, without distinctly bringing the fact 
 to their minds that they are thus supporting 
 slavery. They resolve to vote againsl eman- 
 cipation, but flatter themselves that they ■" ill 
 be voting only for melioration : but the truth 
 is, that they will be voting for slavery. They 
 will be creating slavery for future years, as 
 really as if they were at that moment estab- 
 lishing it for the first time. They will be vot- 
 ing for murder ; only endeavoring to prevent 
 the number annually destroyed from amount- 
 ing to so many thousands as it does now. 
 They will be voting for the cultn ation of pride, 
 rage, hatred, ignorance, irreligion, licentious- 
 ness and misery : only endeavoring to prevent 
 their growth from being so luxuriant as it has 
 hitherto been. 
 
 There are many who see H of slav> 
 
 ery, but who either from a panic fear of im- 
 mediate emancipation, or from unwillingness 
 to give too much offence to some friend or 
 conncxion,endcavor to satisfy their consciences 
 
Appropriations to the Colonization Society. 
 
 59 
 
 by declaring for melioration. I wish it were 
 possible to induce such persons honestly to 
 ask themselves, what reason they have for 
 thinking that melioration will ever introduce 
 emancipation. Is there any reason to suppose 
 that the slaveholders will be more willing to 
 set their slaves free at some future period, be- 
 cause they will be a little better fed, a little 
 less worked, and a little less flogged than they 
 are now • ' Will Government or the people 
 be more desirous of procuring the freedom of 
 the slaves when these improvements have ta- 
 ken place ? Evidently the contrary : it is im- 
 possible that they should not be mere indiffer- 
 ent on the subject, when they believe their 
 sufferings to be lessened, than they are now. 
 The majority, it is probable, will be tolerably 
 satisfied with the improvements enacted, will 
 flatter themselves that all is going on well, 
 and that the slaves are gradually but steadily 
 advancing towards freedom, if, which is still 
 more probable, they do not altogether forget 
 them. And even those who are the most deep- 
 ly dissatisfied with such measures will almost 
 inevitably become less anxious on the subject 
 as time passes on: having failed in their ef- 
 forts, and seeing no chance that an early re- 
 petition of them could be of any avail, they 
 will be too ready to rest from their hi 
 labors: and then the case of the poor slaves 
 will indeed be desperate. 
 
 Let the advocates of this mode of proceed- 
 ing carefully and in real earnest consider, 
 whether ten or fifty years hence, the very same 
 reasons or fears may not bo urged against 
 emancipation, which they now think sufficient 
 to justify its rejection. They wish, no doubt, 
 that the meliorating measures may improve 
 the slaves so much a? to make ihat stop safe 
 and advisable which they now deprecate: but 
 wo are not at liberty to rut. on idle wishes 
 when the most essential interests of our fel- 
 low creatures are concerned. It is our duty 
 to examine the subject, to inquire by what 
 process, and with what degree of probabil- 
 ity, any or all of the suggested improve- 
 
 ments will ' fit the slave for freedom,' as 
 the phrase is. If, on such a careful examina- 
 tion, we find that there is no reason to believe 
 that they will produce this effect, let us speak 
 out, and either say, 'Then the slaves shall be 
 freed now,' or let us have the courage and sin- 
 cerity to say, ' Then we consent to their be- 
 ing slaves for ever.' 
 
 It seems too certain that melioration, so far 
 from being the harbinger of emancipation, is 
 the best friend and the most powerful ally of 
 slavery. It is indeed the only hope of slavery, 
 which must inevitably be soon destroyed now 
 that its enormities are brought to light, if the 
 timid, and the indolent, and the unthmking,_ 
 and the lukewarm, and the selfish friends of 
 the slaves, can be prevented from falling into 
 this fatal snare. 
 
 " Better taughl we may be certain the generality of 
 masters will lake care they shnil not he, if education is 
 to lead to emancipation. A hundred and thirty years 
 ago, a law was enacted in Jamaica, declaring that ev- 
 ery slave ought to 1m- educated and to receive instruc- 
 tion in the. christian religion ; and this very year it is 
 'I that die \<-t has never been carried into ex- 
 ecution. Can any one. who doe- not willingly blind 
 himselt'.|ielie\ ■ 
 
 bag to execute it when t! i ition as a 
 
 orj step to emancipation 1 If 
 
 ers on this point, let him listen to 
 
 , .a Mr. Trew, late Rector of St. Tl 
 
 i ! 1 : i I ca. 'Few masters.' he Says, 'in 
 
 Jamaica, will consent to have their sla . 
 all. and the instruction given in ninety-nine out of one 
 hundred cases is merely oral ; the simple boon of per- 
 mitting; them to learn to read is withheld by their supe- 
 riors.' He adds that any general attempt to teach the 
 slaves to read would be construed into an act little short 
 •of treason. 
 
 VIRGINIA LEGISLATURE 
 
 The Richmond Whig- gives the following- abstract of 
 the law recently enacted by the Legislature of Virgin- 
 ia, making appropriations for the removal of the free 
 people of color. 
 
 !t appropriates the sum of eighteen thousand dollars 
 annually for five years, to remove persons who are now 
 free, and born and residing within the State, or their 
 descendants, and who are willing to emigrate, to be 
 selected from the different counties and corporations of 
 the commonwealth, in proportion to the amount of rev- 
 enue paid into the public treasury by such county or 
 corporation ; and in case there be not sufficient in such 
 counties willing to emigrate, then the balance of the 
 appropriation unexpended may be equitably applied 
 moval of free persons of color from other coun- 
 ties. &,c. ; appoints the governor, lieutenant governor, 
 and first and second auditors, a board of commission- 
 ers to carrj the act into effect. The appropriation to 
 bi paid to the American Colonization Society, upon 
 the actual transportation to the col. my at Li- 
 beria from this State, of such free persons of color, pro 
 vided not more than thirty dollar- shall be allowed for 
 transporting each person above the age of ten years. 
 and not more than twenty dollars forea< h person under 
 
 that age. The commis ;rs to make an annual re- 
 
 their proceedings to the general assembly. 
 
 We view with great regret this manifestation of the 
 colonization spirit. We tear that it will lead to the 
 on of the free people of color in Virginia. 
 When it is known that the legislature has appropriated 
 funds, it will be in vain for colored men to refuse this 
 From what we have read of voluntary emi- 
 gration from Virginia, it will differ from compulsory 
 only in this respect : if the legislature had authorized 
 compulsory colonization, force would have been em- 
 ployed by authorized officers of the State; as it is, 
 the force will come from private citizens. 
 
 The Boston Recorder, in reference to the above 
 tion, says — 
 
 ' In one respect, however, if the above abstract is 
 correct, tiie Vit 'it far enough from doing any 
 
 honor to the wisdom, or justice, or philanthropy of its 
 trainer-. Its benefits are not to extend to those who 
 hereafter. It contains not one 
 word to encourage emancipation. If any choose to 
 give freedom to their slave-, the State gives them no 
 aid or countenance. Perhaps we ought not to expect 
 it ; bat the omission, we confess, adds greatly to the 
 strength of our fears respecting the general manage- 
 ment of the appropriation.' 
 
GO 
 
 Levying on Slaves. — Change of Sentiment. 
 
 LEVYING ON SLAVES. 
 The following account is extracted from 
 Bickell'a West Indies as they are. 
 
 'The distress and terror among a gang of 
 negroes, when the Marshal's Deputy, i 
 dogs, and other assistants, comes to levy in a 
 large way, cannot be conceived by those who, 
 happily for themselves, have never been spec- 
 tators of such scenes, and can scarcely be de- 
 scribed by those who have witnessed th< m.— 
 I was once on a coffee mountain (staj i 
 
 days with a brother Clergyman, who 
 had permission to resid a which were 
 
 about sev< oty or eighty aeg : I proprie- 
 tor was much in debt, and was a ware that one 
 or two of his largest creditors had fur some 
 time wished to make :i l< \\ on his s] . ; 
 pay themselves; — but by keeping his gates 
 locked, and tin,' fences round the dwelling- 
 house and negro-houses in good repair, he 
 had hitherto baffled the argus-eyed deputy 
 and his deputies. The night after I arrived 
 mi the property, how ever, ( was awaked about 
 an hour before day-light, by a great noise, as 
 of arms, with cries of women and children. — 
 I at firsl \ as : hut in a 
 
 few minutes a private servant came to my win- 
 dow, and informed me that it was the Marshal's 
 deputies making a levy on the negroes, ami 
 that the noise proceeded from the clashing of 
 weapons ; for some of the slaves, lie said, had 
 stoutly resisted. I then alarmed my friend, 
 being nearer the scene of action than he was, 
 and we determined to go out to see that no 
 improper use was made of the tremendous 
 power given to these Cerberuses. By the 
 time we arrived at the negro-houses, tin 1 re- 
 sistance had ceased; for the negroes being 
 divided, had been overcome by the myrmidons 
 of the law, they being eight or ten in number. 
 One poor fellow, however, was boiim- dragged 
 along like a thief, by a fierce and horrid look- 
 ing Irishman, who had been one of M'Gregor's 
 freebooters, and who, when we came near, 
 grasped his victim more tightly, and brandish- 
 ed his broad-sword over the poor creature, 
 with the grin and growl of a demon; as much. 
 as to say, ' You dog, I will annihilate you 
 and them too, if they attempt to interfere.*' 
 
 Many of the men escaped from the proper- 
 ty, and some few others secreted themselves 
 among the coffee trees, till the party had <_>ono 
 off with their prey. They secured, however, 
 tenor twelve men, and most of the women 
 and children, amounting, in the whole, to be- 
 tween thirty and forty, which were huddled 
 together on the outside of the principal fence, 
 and presented such a heart-rending scene, as 
 I never witnessed before, and should be very 
 sorry ever to witness again. Some of the chil- 
 dren had lost their mothers, and some of the 
 mothers had been torn away from a part of 
 their children; for some of the little urchins 
 also escaped. One woman, in particular, had 
 
 six or seven children : — two or three of them 
 ized, and the others escaped— but the 
 youngest, an infant, had been caught, and she 
 wepl aloud, and very bitterly for it, saying— 
 'That she must give herself up, if the child 
 were not gol back: for she could not live sep- 
 in it." There was many a bitter cry 
 and sad lament among the women and chil- 
 dren — for they hived their master, who was 
 kind, and had also exoellenl provision-gr 
 for them. 'Two or three of the poor fellows 
 ounded : and 1 was assured, by a free- 
 born man, who was looking 8 mperty 
 in the master's absence, that had the proprie- 
 tor been there, (here would have been sad 
 work, very likely murder; for it was an illegal 
 levy, and the resistance would have been (U^- 
 perate under their master's eye anil voice. — 
 They were tied together, or hand-cuffed, and 
 driven off the same morning to Spanish Town 
 gaol, a distance of twenty miles. 1 might hen' 
 remark, that the labor is much lighter on a 
 coffee mountain than on a sugar estate, and 
 that the negroes are not required to be up so 
 much a1 night, to pick and cure coffee, as they 
 are to make sugar; where, therefore, they have 
 good provision-grounds, as they had on this 
 mountain T have been speaking of, they are 
 much more comfortable and less harassed 
 than on a sugar estate.' 
 
 CHANGE OF SENTIMENT. 
 It is with great satisfaction that we insert 
 the following letter from an esteemed clergy- 
 man in an adjacent State. 
 
 , Feb. 20, 1833. 
 
 To the Editors of the ^'Ibolitionist. 
 
 Messrs. Eojtors: — Having recently pe- 
 rused the second No. of 'The Abolitionist,' 
 containing extracts from the Report of the; 
 New-England Anti-Slavery Society ; and also 
 a large pamphlet by Mr. Garrison, entitled 
 ' Thoughts on African Colonization,'' I have 
 been led into an entirely new series of reflec- 
 tions on the subject of slavery. 
 
 Although, for several years, I have sustain- 
 ed the Colonization Society, by membership, 
 publicly advocating its claims, and taking con- 
 tributions in its support; and although it is 
 yet sustained by so many of our philanthro- 
 pists of the north ; with my present views of 
 the subject, I can stand by it no longer. For 
 a while, I was led to believe that this Society 
 should be encouraged as a kind of senior 
 pastor, with its new colleague, the Abolition 
 or ' Anti-Slavery Society ;' but if not altogeth- 
 er misled, as to the natural results of the 
 Colonization Society, I am constrained to be- 
 lieve, that, although good maybe accomplish- 
 ed by it, in behalf of those who shall enjoy its 
 benefactions in the Colony at Liberia, it has 
 operated, and will continue to operate, if sup- 
 ported, directly against our colored popula- 
 
A Canterbury Tale. 
 
 lion, both free and bond, in rendering- the 
 emancipation of the one more difficult and im- 
 probable ; and the condition of the other, in 
 America, more degraded and deplorable. 
 
 The matters of fact, now before the public, 
 appear to me amply sufficient to produce con- 
 viction on the mind of every impartial and hu- 
 mane individual, who carefully surveys them, 
 that the above conclusion, concerning African 
 Colonization, is neither preposterous nor ab- 
 surd. 
 
 As a token of sincerity, in saying what I 
 have, and to evince my sympathies for that 
 long suffering and exceedingly abused peo- 
 ple, to whom the Almighty has given a skin 
 of darker hue than our own, I here enclose 
 $15, for the Treasury of the New-England 
 Anti-Slavery Society, hoping thus, at least, in 
 some degree, to expiate the injuries of my 
 former course, and liberate myself from an 
 apparent participation with slave dealers and 
 their abettors, in the unparalleled wickedness 
 of this traffic in the bodies and souls of our 
 brethren of the human race. My name is also 
 offered, if it may be accepted, as a life mem- 
 ber of the Society. 
 
 Another dollar I send you, for which you 
 will please send me a copy of your paper, 
 ' The Abolitionist? for one year. 
 
 Wishing you much of that wisdom which is 
 from above, and great success in your righteous 
 undertaking, 
 
 I am yours, truly, H. J. 
 
 A CANTERBURY TALE. 
 ■ Thou hast most traitorously corrupted the youth of 
 the realm by erecting a grammar school.' — Jack 
 Cade. 
 
 We scarcely know how to comment upon 
 the disgraceful proceedings in Canterbury, 
 which are recorded in the following letter of 
 Mr. Benson. It appears incredible that in a 
 Christian country, among a people who re- 
 gard themselves as enlightened, the inhabit- 
 ants of a single town should be found, who 
 are desirous of withholding from any class of 
 their fellow citizens the means of acquiring 
 religion and knowledge. We never, till we 
 read this letter, realized in its full measure 
 and extent the blind and frantic prejudice 
 against the people of color, which guides too 
 many of those who style themselves Chris- 
 tians. 
 
 The idea entertained by the people of Can- 
 terbury that the establishment of a school for 
 the education of twenty or thirty little girls 
 would bring ruin upon their town, would be 
 merely ludicrous if it had not produced such 
 melancholy results. It is perfectly obvious 
 that a flourishing boarding school must tend 
 to enrich the place in which it is situated. 
 
 Money must be spent there, for the support of 
 the scholars. The resort of their relations 
 and friends to the place to visit them must 
 a Is; ) bring money to it. Such a school could not 
 be successful without, benefitting the town. 
 
 We presume that the only serious objection 
 to the proposed institution in Canterbury, was 
 that its pupils were to be of the African race. 
 Is it then to be established as a principle, that 
 every person who has African blood in his 
 veins, is to be denied the common means of 
 education, by the people of New-England ? 
 If not, how is the course of these misguided 
 villagers to be justified ? For no reason can 
 be given why the people of color should not 
 be educated, which will not apply to every 
 other place in New-England as well as to 
 Canterbury. Do we believe that colored men 
 are to be made better by ignorance ? or that 
 the situation of the whites is to be improved by 
 shutting the light of knowledge from their 
 colored brethren ? If we admit that colored 
 people have the same right to be educated as 
 the whites, we must admit that they have a 
 right to be educated in some place. 
 
 Are the people of Canterbury afraid that 
 their village will be ruined, by twenty or thir- 
 ty young girls coming into it, because they 
 are colored? If these children were to be 
 paupers, we should not think the sensitiveness 
 of the Canterburians so strange. But they 
 will be the daughters of the richest and most 
 intelligent among the colored people. It is 
 absurd to suppose they will impose a burden 
 on the village. 
 
 We have endeavored, but in vain, to imag- 
 ine what specific evil the townsmen of Can- 
 terbury could anticipate. We can only ascribe 
 their conduct to the workings of a deep and 
 unrelenting prejudice against the colored peo- 
 ple, which views with jealousy every attempt 
 made to improve the African race among us, 
 and wishes to drive the objects of its hatred as 
 far as possible from its sight. 
 
 If we had found any thing deserving the 
 name of an argument in the report of the pro- 
 ceedings at the Canterbury town meeting, we 
 should have endeavored to answer it. As it 
 is, we are satisfied with copying a scene from 
 Shakspeare, in which the principal person- 
 ages in their dislike for education, appear to 
 have been animated with the same enlighten- 
 ed spirit as the leaders of Canterbury. The 
 judicial dignity of Cade, his patient hearing of 
 the case in hand, the fairness and candor with 
 
62 
 
 .1 Canterbury Tale. 
 
 which he weighed the arguments in favor of 
 
 his prisoner, and the just s< perity of his 
 
 tence, were all successfully imitated in the 
 
 deliberations of the Connecticut patri 
 
 •' Smith. The clerk of Chatham : he can read, and 
 write, and cast accompt. 
 rous ! 
 
 opies. 
 ! lere 's a villain. 
 .11 'as a book in his pocket with red loiters in it. 
 C le. N.i \ . then be is a con 
 Dick. Nay, he can make obligations, and write 
 conn band. 
 
 I am sorry for 't : tlie man is a proper man, 
 on mine honor ; unless I find him guilty, he shall nol 
 die. ' Dosl thou use to write thy i 
 
 or hast thou a mark to thyself like an hone 
 
 < Sir. I thank God, I ha\ e bet a so well 
 
 brought up tii, it i can write my name. 
 
 All. He hath confessed : away with him; he's a 
 villain ainl a traitor. 
 
 Cade. Lway with him, I say: hang him with his 
 pen and inkhorn about In- 
 
 [From the Liberator.] 
 Providence, R. I. March 12th, J 833. 
 Mr. II in. Lloyd Garrison. 
 
 Df.au Friend — You have, ere this, heard of 
 the excitement that prevailed at Canterbury, 
 when the intention of Miss Crandall to open 
 a school \'<>r the education of colored fem 
 was made known to the inhabitants; and yon 
 doubtless wish to hear the result of the Town 
 Meeting- that was warned to take place on 
 Saturday I 
 
 I arrived at C. from Providence, just at the 
 hour the freemen were assembling : and when 
 [ entered the meeting-house, found that a 
 moderator had been chosen, and the warrant 
 for the meeting read. On rapidly glancing 
 my eye over the assembled multitude, I was 
 ejoiced to recognise the faces of our friends 
 Messrs. Biift'tim and May, and one or two oth- 
 ers, who 1 knew were the decided friends of 
 our cause. But my attention was soon called 
 to a protest against the establishment of the 
 school, signed by many of the citizens, which 
 showed precisely the senl with which 
 
 they regardedit. A preamble, with two reso- 
 lutions annexed, was tin mi handed to the Town 
 Clerk by Rnfiis Adams, Esq. and read to 
 people. The preamble stated the intention of 
 Miss Crandall to establish a school in Canter- 
 bury, for the education of young colored fe- 
 males, and the resolutions amounted to this, 
 viz — That the unqualified disapprobation of 
 this meeting be expressed against tie' estab- 
 lishment of tin- above mentioned school — that 
 we will do all in our power to prevent it — and 
 that a committee he appointed to vi i1 Miss 
 Crandall to inform her of the proceed 
 resull of the meeting, to endeavor to con- 
 vince her of the injurious consequence 
 would inevitably result from the introduction 
 of colored children into the town, and to per- 
 suade her to relinquish her plans. 
 
 Many remarks were offered upon these res- 
 olutions by Andrew T. Judson, Esq. Rufus Ad- 
 ams, and < thers, o holly unworthy of aci\ ilized, 
 mi teh less of an enlightened, christian commu- 
 ijury that would accrue to the 
 town from the introdut tioii of colored children, 
 was rep hi by .Mr. Jud- 
 
 son. He said that I .mid be, 
 
 should such a school go into operation, pre- 
 i they now an in v -, where 
 
 there is scarcely, said he, a happy person — 
 that rlu ir sons and daughters would be forever 
 ruined, and property be no longer safe. For 
 Ins part, he was not willing, for the honor and 
 welfare of the town, that, even one corner of 
 it should be appri | i such a purpose. 
 
 i • example which New-Haven has set, 
 he continued, shall it be said thai we cannot, 
 
 We tell thes 
 gentlemen, said he, turning towards Messrs. 
 Buffum and May, that the laws shall be put in 
 force. I, for one, am happy to see the Rev. 
 Gentleman here, who has attempted to impose 
 upon me, and seekmy property, and rouse my 
 feelings — I am happy he is here to hear me. 
 
 The feeling expressed by the citizen- of 
 New-Haven, in regard to the establishment of 
 a College in that place for colored youth, was 
 represented by him to be a feeling common 
 throughout the State ; that it had been said 
 that there was one town in Connecticut thai 
 was willing that a. school of this kind should 
 be established, and that was Union. He said 
 there were about 75 voters in Union, and a 
 freeman of that town toldhim a few days since 
 that should Miss C. attempt to cross their line 
 for the purpose of establishing a negro school, 
 that ever)' one of these voters would am 
 themselves upon it, and if she gained admit- 
 tance, it would not be until they were no lon- 
 ger able to defend themselves. 
 
 Mr. Judson farther stated thai they had a 
 law which would prevent that school from 
 going into operation, the law that related to 
 the introduction of foreigners — that it had 
 been threatened that if they made use of that 
 law, the constitutionality of it should be tried 
 in the Supreme Court of the United State-. 
 iw citizens, let it be done. Are we to 
 be frightened because Arthur TappanofNew 
 York and some others are worth a li w mil- 
 lions of dollars, and are going to use it in op- 
 pressingus? No. I know voti will answer. 
 No. 
 
 Much more was said. Yes,mucb more was 
 said. Shame, sham itle- 
 
 men who had no more honor. The character, 
 the motives of Miss Crandall, were bas 
 misn ; >■ as there 
 
 no one to defend her? Yes, there was one, 
 one, who though he did nol ther 
 
 to approve of the school, had moral courage 
 enoughto defend her character againsl the 
 base insinuations, of those who had so much to 
 say about foreign influence and oppression 
 
jVeie Anti- Slavery Societies. 
 
 63 
 
 That man was Mr. G. S. White, a tanner. He 
 said the gentlemen were excited, and did not 
 rightly consider what they were about to do — 
 that the resolutions in themselves might be 
 well enough, but he thought it going too far 
 to bring up an old blue law to support them 
 — thatthatlaw never was intended, and never 
 could be brought to bear upon the school in 
 question. He did not believe that such a state 
 of things would exist as Mr. Judson had 
 represented, if colored children were admitted 
 into the town ; for, said he, Miss Crandall is a 
 Christian, and tiie evening and the morning 
 prayer will daily ascend to the Father of mer- 
 cies in their behalf, and he will vouchsafe his 
 blessing. 
 
 Mr. White was continually interrupted by 
 one Solomon Paine, who, whenever he at- 
 tempted to defend the character of Miss C. 
 desired the Moderator, Mr. Asahael Bacon, 
 to call him to order : and this was promptly 
 done. Indeed, sir, during the whole time that 
 Mr. White was speaking, the house was in the 
 utmost confusion : — and notwithstanding every 
 liberty was allowed Mr. Judson and Mr. Ad- 
 ams, none at all was allowed him. 
 
 Miss Crandall sent in two slips of paper, re- 
 questing that Messrs. Buffum and May might 
 be permitted to speak in her behalf. This 
 seemed at once to arouse the feelings of the 
 whole meeting, and Mr. Judson indignant- 
 ly replied that he would not see the laws thus 
 degraded and insulted; and if the Rev. 
 tieman and his associate attempted to say any 
 thing, the law should be immediately put in 
 force. Whether any vote was taken upon 
 this subject, I cannot say; certain it is, that 
 the gentlemen were not permitted to speak, 
 and defend the cause of her who could not 
 plead fir herself. One thing was allowed — 
 one thing was admitted — that the lady had 
 borne an irreproachable character up to the 
 fie first contemplated a school for color- 
 ed females. Hit unpardonable sin lay all >- 
 gether in her wish to elevate the moral and 
 intellectual condition of the blacks, and at- 
 tempting to carry her plans into operation, 
 without consulting tic i. 
 
 The votes upon the resolutions were unan- 
 imous. 
 
 Immediately after the meeting was dissolv- 
 ed, Mr. Judson told Mr. May to go home- 
 that he had no ri^ht to interfere — and he did 
 not want him there. Mr. May imme 
 requested to he heard — the meeting was over, 
 and he was violating no law. A greal 
 hereupon occurred; — some were for hearing 
 him — others declared they would not. In the 
 midst of tins confusion, the voice of Andrew 
 T. Judson, Esq. was heard at the door, order- 
 ing the people to leave the house. But lie 
 found his power was not absolute, Capt. Rich- 
 ard Fenner's assistance and aid notwithstand- 
 ing. 
 
 Mr. May was at last enabled to proceed, 
 
 and spoke with great energy ; and, I doubt 
 not, with some effect, to about one third of the 
 number first assembled. He soon gave way 
 to Mr. Buffum, who commenced witli defend- 
 ing .Miss Crandall; but the door soon flew 
 open, and about six men walked up the aisle, 
 (the Committee, 1 conclude, of the house,) 
 headed by Doctor Harris, a life number of the 
 Colonization Society, who requested Messrs. 
 Buffum and .May to leave the house. The 
 request was instantly complied with. 
 
 In short, such disgraceful proceedings I 
 never witnessed before, and little expected to 
 witness in the middle of the nineteenth cen- 
 tury. The present generation may hail them 
 as just, but the very next will execrate them. 
 The names of those who have been most ac- 
 tive in attempting the suppression of this 
 school, may be honored now, but future ages 
 will consign them to ignominy and shame. 
 
 I had hoped that, among the enlightened in- 
 habitants of Connecticut, such a school would 
 be hailed with joy. But I was deceived. Let 
 not the voice of remonstrance against South- 
 ern tyranny be raised by the people of that 
 State, for it will 'be a Gloucester at his devo- 
 tions ' — 'it will be the devil chiding sin.' 
 
 You will doubtless ask — How docs Miss 
 Crandall bear up under such a mighty opposi- 
 tion ? I reply — unmoved. Not a purpose of 
 her heart is shaken — not a fear awakened 
 within her bosom. Confident that she is pur- 
 r the path of duty, she is determined to 
 press on to the end. No persecution that can 
 assail her, will alter the steadfast purpose of 
 her soul. She has received that consolation 
 from above, which the world can neither give 
 nor take away. 
 
 In view of the great principles for which we 
 an 1 contending, T think every abolitionist will 
 feel pledged to adopt immediate measures, if 
 necessary, for bringing this case before the 
 proper tribunal. Your friend, 
 
 HENRY E. BENSON. 
 
 NEW ANTT-SLAYERY SOCIETIES. 
 We notice with pleasure the formation of an Anti- 
 Slavery Society at Bath in Maine, and of another a! 
 Reading in Massachusetts. They are both formed 
 upon kindred principles with the New-England Anti- 
 Slavery Society. The following are the officers of the 
 Bath Society: 
 
 Nathan Weld, President. 
 
 John Masters, Via President. 
 
 Nathaniel Sw isey, Secretary. 
 
 John Haydek, Treasurer. 
 
 Davis IF itch, ^ 
 
 Wm. V. Moses, j- Counsellors.. 
 
 Freeman H. Morse, ) 
 
 [£? The Treasurer of the New-England Anti-Slaverj 
 Society acknowledges the receipt of Fifteen Dol- 
 lars from the Rev. Henry Jones of < !abot, Vermont, 
 to constitute him a Life Member of the New-England 
 Anti-Slavery Society. 
 
G4 
 
 'an of Slavery in the British Colonics. — Poetry. 
 
 CHEERING NEWS ! 
 Abolition o] Slavery in the British Col- 
 onies. 'I'iir system pf oppression, which has so long 
 been tolerated in the British Colonies, appears to be 
 fast ■ its termination. Ii now scarcely ad- 
 mits of a question lhal the British ministry has deler- 
 mim a of slavery in the < !olo- 
 nies of the Empire. We have no room to express our 
 pi ct. The followingex- 
 tract is from the London Glol f January 29th. 
 
 The West-India interest were thrown into i 
 able alarm yesten tort that it w, 
 
 tion of Ministers to introduce a hill into the new Parlia- 
 
 diate emancipation of thi 
 \\ est Indies. It was stated that Ihe purport of the bill 
 was to limit the existence of slavery in the Colonies to 
 Lhal it was no! the intention of the gov- 
 ernment to offer any compensation to the planters or 
 j>rt >[>!!• 
 
 Jn con i umors, a deputation of gen- 
 
 tlemen connected with the West-] I upon 
 
 Lord Grey, ami I mi e of the noble Karl at 
 
 the Treasury, yesterday. They requested to be in- 
 formed whether it was true that 'it was tin- intention of 
 rnment to emancipate the slave popul ition ' — 
 The answer, v id, »,i. in the affirmative ;— 
 
 and that a bill tor that purpose would, on an earl} day, 
 besubmitted to tin- consideration of Parliament. It 
 was also intimated that three years would lie the peri- 
 od fixed for the extini tion of slavery — that emancipa- 
 tion of the negroes would be unconditional, and that 
 no compensation, except under special circum 
 would !"■ allowed. 
 
 Sir Alexander Grant, who Weaded the deputation. 
 inquired of the noble Premier whether it was the inten- 
 tion of Ministers to announce this important measure in 
 the spe< throne at the opening of the ses- 
 
 sion. Lord (ire;, replied that tin- measure h 
 formally decided upon, bul that he could not. without 
 departing from the rules of courtesy, give any intima- 
 tion of the sentiments which his Majesty would com- 
 municate in Ins address to both Houses of Parliami at. 
 Upon its being represented to the noble Earl tin- pro- 
 onsi queuce which mighl ensue in the colonies 
 Ihese measures were prematurely announced, 
 iiis Lordship intimated that the government were pre- 
 pared to meet the exigencies, and that an imposing 
 foree. consistingof 15,000 men. would forthwith be senl 
 lo the West-] 
 
 This is ■ the purport of the con- 
 
 which took place, after which the deputation withdn « . 
 : ind communicated the result to their friends in the city. 
 
 it to he understood that we make the i 
 meats upon the rumors which «ere generally circulated 
 in the city yesterday among the West-India circles. 
 This afternoon the business of the Colonial market 
 i i aided by the announcement that his Ma- 
 jesty's m e made slavery a cabinet qu tic 
 .ery will be abolished in thi 
 years, and thai no co will be given. This 
 annoum ement ha; i < ,,„, and 
 the West-India planters have withdrawn their 
 sugars from sale, to await the issue of thi 
 
 Jam rica.— \ new and general ferment has been oc- 
 casioned in the Island of Jamaica by the publication 
 of a royal Proclamation issued bj the king ofEngland 
 and accompanied by a circular 'from the Earl ofMul- 
 grave, the Govi , .,,,, or ac _ 
 
 tion of any soci le remo^ al from the 
 
 Island of the Dissen and Ministers of 
 
 R ,. His Maj tsty declares his j n t e 
 
 tain and defend the princip toleration 
 
 througliout all his dominions, and warns all persons not 
 to transgress the injunctions of his Proclamation at 
 their peril. 
 
 [ for the Abolitionist.] 
 
 Ml Wlln IN I'.ONDAGE PINE. 
 I. 
 
 ^ e who in bondage pine, 
 
 Shut out from lignl divine, 
 
 Bereft of hope ; 
 \\ hose limbs are worn with chains, 
 W hose tears hedew our plains, 
 ^\ hose blood OU1 glory stains, 
 
 In glouni who grope : — 
 
 II. 
 
 Shout ! for the hour draws nigh, 
 That gives you liberty ! 
 
 And from the dust, — 
 tg your \ he embrace, — 
 I rprising, take youi i 
 Among earth's noblest race, 
 
 Bj right, thefrst! 
 
 III. 
 
 '. lon£ 
 
 niarht 
 
 The nielli — the Ions 
 Of infamy and slight, 
 
 Shame and disgrace, 
 a\ erj . worse than e'er 
 Rome's serfs were doomed to bear. 
 Bloody beyond compare — 
 
 Recedes apace ! 
 
 IV. 
 
 See! in the EasI breaks forth. 
 Kindling the \\ esi and North, 
 
 The glorious dawn 
 Of Freedom's natal daw. 
 That shall your race repay 
 For years of misei v — 
 
 Ages of scorn. 
 
 V. 
 For every tear of wo 
 
 ^ e Ye shed — for every blow 
 
 By tyrants given : 
 For all your groans and sighs 
 \ our agonizing cries. 
 Piercing the tar off skies, 
 
 And moving Heaven : — 
 
 VI. 
 
 Impartial Providence 
 A splendid recompense 
 
 Will you insure : 
 For you. wealth, station, fame. 
 A proud and deathless name, 
 
 And tin- world's loud acclaim, 
 
 Time shall procure. 
 
 VII. 
 
 Lorn Africa once more, 
 As proudly as of J ere. 
 Shall yet be seen 
 
 Foremost of all the earth, 
 In learning, beauty, worth- 
 ily dignity of birth 
 \ pi erless queen ! 
 
 \ III. 
 
 Speed, speed the hour. O Lord ! 
 Speak, anil, at thy dread word, 
 
 Fetters shall fall 
 Ftom every limb — the strong 
 No more the weak shall w 
 
 But Liberty's sweet song 
 Be sung by all ! 
 Boston, March 20, 1833. 
 
 W. L. G. 
 
THE ABOLITIONIST. 
 
 VOL. I.] 
 
 MAY, 1833. 
 
 [NO. V. 
 
 QUARTERLY MEETING OF THE NEW-ENG- 
 LAND ANTI-SLAVERY SOCIETY. 
 
 The quarterly meeting' of the Society was 
 held at the Representatives' Hall, in the State 
 House, in Boston, on Monday the 26th ult. 
 The Rev. E. M. P. Wells, one of the Vice 
 Presidents, presided. 
 
 The meeting was opened with a prayer by 
 the Rev. Mr. Phelps of Boston. 
 
 The following resolution was then offered 
 
 by Mr. Oliver Johnson. 
 
 Resolved, That the principles and measures of the 
 New-England Anti-Slavery Society are consistent 
 with every duty which we owe to our country, and 
 that benevolence to the masters, not less than to the 
 slaves, requires us to advocate the doctrine of imme- 
 diate ABOLITION. 
 
 Mr. Johnson, Amasa Walker, Esq. and Mr. 
 David T. Kimball, President of the Andover 
 Auxiliary Anti-Slavery Society, spoke with 
 great ability in support of the resolution, which 
 was adopted unanimously. 
 
 Mr. Garrison offered the following resolu- 
 tion. 
 
 Resolved, That the American Colonization Society. 
 by its attempts to palliate the guilt of slaveholders, and 
 by representing slavery as an evil justified by ' neces- 
 sity,' hinders the progress of emancipation, and lends 
 to depress the free people of color. 
 
 The resolution was supported by Mr. Gar- 
 rison in an eloquent address, and passed with- 
 out opposition. 
 
 The Rev. James D. Yates then offered the 
 following resolution. 
 
 Resolved, That the American Colonization Society 
 is pledged not to oppose the system of Slavery. 
 
 2d. It apologizes for Slavery and Slaveholders, and 
 speaks peace to them in their sins. 
 
 3d. It regards Slaves as property. 
 
 4th. It increases the value of Slaves as Slaves. 
 
 5th. It is an enemy to the immediate substitution of 
 righteous and equal law, for the unrighteous authority 
 of the Slave-Masters. 
 
 6th. It is nourished by fear and selfishness. 
 
 7th. It pretends to aim at the utter expulsion of the 
 colored people ; that is, of about one sixth of the whole 
 population of the United States from this their native 
 country. 
 
 8th. It disparages, traduces and persecutes the free 
 people of color. 
 
 9th. It prevents the instruction of colored people. 
 
 10th. It deceives and misleads the nation. 
 
 11th. It makes a disgraceful and criminal peace be- 
 tween the advocates of the colored people and their 
 oppressors. 
 
 VOL. I. 
 
 12th, and last — though not the least — It originated 
 with Slaveholders ; and as like begets like, it is a le- 
 gitimate child, and carries the mark of its origin on its 
 lbrehead. 
 
 The hour being late, Mr. Yates was able to 
 make only a few but very appropriate remarks 
 in support of his resolution, which was then 
 adopted. 
 
 The Rev. Philemon R. Russell of Water- 
 town, offered the following resolution, which 
 was passed after a few animated remarks by 
 the mover. He was, like Mr. Yates, obliged 
 to cut short his address in consequence of the 
 the lateness of the hour. 
 
 Resolved, That it is highly important that literary 
 and religious instruction be communicated to our col- 
 ored population, in this country ; and that the conduct 
 of the citizens of Canterbury, Ct. towards Miss Cran- 
 dall, in threatening to ' use every means in their pow- 
 er, to prevent her from establishing ' and carrying 
 into successful operation, a Boarding School, in that 
 place, for colored Misses, is a solecism in a civilized 
 community, and merits the stern rebuke of the Chris- 
 tion world. 
 
 Mr. Horace P. Wakefield appeared as a 
 delegate from the Reading Anti-Slavery So- 
 ciety. 
 
 The meeting was very crowded, and the 
 addresses were received by the audience with 
 a deep and apparently favorable attention. 
 
 MISSION TO ENGLAND. 
 
 At a meeting of the Managers of the New- 
 England Anti-Slavery Society, March 16, 
 1833, it was voted to send Win. Lloyd Garri- 
 son, Esq. to England, on behalf of the Society, 
 for the purpose of soliciting aid for the propos- 
 ed Manual Labor School for Colored Youth, 
 from the philanthropists of that country, and 
 to present in their true light the schemes of 
 the Colonization Society. In consequence of 
 the low state of the funds of the Society, it 
 became necessary to call for contributions to 
 aid in this object. We are happy to say that 
 the friends of our cause have contributed lib- 
 erally. Mr. Garrison has already left Boston, 
 and will probably have sailed for England be- 
 fore our pages meet the eyes of our readers. 
 There can be no impropriety, since he has 
 left us, in saying, that we consider him emi- 
 
GG 
 
 . inti-Slavery Publications. 
 
 nently qualified to promote the objects for 
 which Iif is to visit England. I lis faithfulness 
 to the great cause to which he has devoted 
 himself, his anient feelings, his energy, and 
 his eloquence, can hardly fail to excite the 
 warmest sympathy of our British frien 
 
 AN n-SLAVERY PUBLICATIONS. 
 
 We are frequently receiving Anti-Slavery 
 publications from England. The activity and 
 perseverance of the abolitionists in Great 
 Britain is worthy of all praise. Among the 
 pamphlets lately received, the following are 
 particularly deserving of notice. 
 
 The Anti-Slavery Record. — This is a small 
 monthly publication intended to diffuse infor- 
 mation in a cheap form. 
 
 A Letter to Thomas Clarkson — By James 
 Cropper; and Prejudi Me; — or the 
 
 practicability of conquering prejudice by better 
 means than by shivery and exile ; in relation to 
 tin . Imerican Colonization Society — Bv C. 
 Stuart. 
 
 The arguments against the Colonization 
 Society are presented in this pamphlet in a 
 very powerful and convincing manner. .Mr. 
 Cropper's Letter and the greater part of Capt. 
 Stuart's remarks having appeared in the Lib- 
 erator, we do not think it necessary to give 
 any extracts from the valuable tract. 
 
 Three Lectures on British Colonial Slavery, 
 delivered in the Royal Amphitheatre, Liver- 
 pool, on the evenings of • lugust 'l^lh, 30th, and 
 Sept: iith, 1832.— By George Thompson. 
 
 In the months of August and Septem- 
 ber last, several public meetings were held 
 at the Royal Amphitheatre, in Liverpool. 
 According to an arrangement which had 
 been previously agreed upon, Mr. Thomp- 
 son delivered a lecture upon Slavery on 
 Tuesday evening, August 28. The next 
 evening Mr. . Borthwick, a champion of the 
 West India interest, delivered; a lecture in 
 answer to Mr. Thompson. Mr. Thompson 
 replied the next evening. On Friday evening 
 Mr. Borthwick rejoined, and Mr. Thompson 
 delivered a third lecture in answer on Thurs- 
 day, Sept. G. The room in which these lec- 
 tures were delivered, and which we believe 
 will contain three thousand persons, was well 
 filled on every evening. Mr. Thompson's 
 lectures are very animated, and at times elo- 
 quent. Mr. Borthwick, a sketch of whose lec- 
 tures we have seen, appears very feeble, in 
 comparison with such an antagonist. We 
 
 extract one or two passages from Mr. Thomp - 
 son's lectures. 
 
 The following extract on the claim of the 
 planters to compensation, is as applicable to 
 America, as it was in great Britain: — 
 
 • I ana very friendly to compensation, Ladies and 
 Gentlemen] I should like the negro to be compensa- 
 ted. (Applause.) I should like them to show how 
 much we owe the negro for his hitherto uncompensated 
 toil; whi we to Africa, where no wind for 
 
 gone over her plains, without gathering up 
 the sighs of bleeding, broken hearts; where there is 
 no sand that has not been steeped with tears or the 
 blood of captured victims. I should like to see what 
 compensation we owe to the negro : how much to that 
 aged man, tottering on the brink of the grave, whose 
 limbs are now growing fei ble, after years of unrequit- 
 ed toil; how much to that poor woman torn from her 
 infant, and set to labor in the field, if. indeed, a valua- 
 be put upon the natural feelings of a mother 
 towards the, offspring of her body; andthen I should 
 like to strike a balance between the compensation due 
 to the negro, and the compensation due to the planter. 
 Eloquent speeches and arguments are made on the 
 rights of the planter in the House of Commons, and 
 echoed in the major and minor pro-slavery periodicals 
 of the day. And at this moment, if Parliament were 
 sitting, some West Indian partizan might be making 
 an eloquent speech in favor of himself, and saying— 
 ' Take care of I i nly think of the melancholy 
 
 condition of the planter's wife if you reduce his income, 
 by not giving him power to raise large crops and dis- 
 pose of them. Give additional bounties to his sugar; 
 lay more prohibitory duties on free-grown produce. — 
 Mind that yon protect the planter.' Next morning, 
 some lady sipping her tea, and reading the Morning 
 Post, might say — ' Dear me, what an amiable speech ! 
 How he pities the planter ! Really. 1 feel inclined to 
 pity the planter, too.' (Lavglvter.) And thus all the 
 lady's sympathy would be on the side of the planter, 
 and she" would think nothing of the slave. But per- 
 haps some friend by her side might just whisper — 
 • This gentleman, whom you arc inclined to pity, is 
 not in the West indies, because he happens to be in 
 London; he is not a planter, because he happens to be 
 a member of the House of Commons ; he is a mortga- 
 gee, and has certain parchments deposited with Messrs. 
 Drummond & Co., giving him a claim on ten or fifteen 
 hundred slaves, and emancipation would be the anni- 
 hilation of the greater part of his sectiritics. This is 
 the source of his eloquence, consider this, and what re- 
 mains, but a piece of empty, heartless, hypocritical de- 
 clamation.' (Applause.) 1 am no enemy to compen- 
 sating the slave owners, provided we do not make it a 
 matter to be quibbled about, whilst 800,000 human be- 
 ings are living and dying in bondage. As Lord How- 
 ick said some twelve months ago- — ' \\ e ought not to 
 be haggling about a question of pounds, shillings, and 
 pence, while the victims of i are languishing 
 
 in misery. If the rights of the negro are as sacred as 
 those of the white man, we ought to set him at liberty. 
 and settle scores amongsl ourselves afterwards.' 1 
 have often heard that the moment we settle the ques- 
 tion of compensation there is an end to the danger of 
 emancipation; all the giants that are set up to frighten 
 us. shrink into pigmies, and the phantoms evoked to 
 deter us from proceeding, vanish into thin air. This 
 reminds me ot a gentleman «i ho wrote a pamphlet, and 
 said to a critical friend, who happened to be by—' Just 
 give me your opinion of the title-page of this work V 
 There happened to be one word there that the critic 
 did not like — • immediate' for instance. Says he — ' I 
 hope you will expunge that word, I don't relish it at 
 all.' The author taking a guinea out of his pocket, 
 placed it upon the obnoxious word, thus : said — ' How 
 do you like it now V ' Oh,' said the critic, (pocketing 
 the guinea,) ' I like it very well ;, indeed, it will do un- 
 
slavery at the Cape of Good Hope. 
 
 <>7 
 
 commonly well ; nothing can be better.' (Mr. Thomp- 
 son excited repeated peals of laughter by the humor- 
 ous manner in which he ' suited the action to the word ' 
 whilst making th-is illustration.) And thus if we put 
 gold upon the word ' emancipation ' all the danger \ ;in- 
 ishes, and we may emancipate the slaves as soon as 
 we please. " Put money in thy purse, Roderigo — put 
 money in thy purse." ' (Laughter and cheers. ) 
 
 SLAVERY AT THE CAPE OF GOOD HOPE. 
 
 A small volume with the above title, was 
 published in England, in 1831, by the Rev. 
 Wm. Wright. This work we have never seen. 
 But the Anti-Slavery Record for August, 
 1832, informs us that the author is ' a clergy- 
 man of the Church of England, and for ten 
 years in the service of the Society for the 
 propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts : ' 
 We copy from the Record the following inter- 
 esting account, taken from Mr Wright : 
 
 'The first case which presents itself on this 
 occasion, not so much from its peculiar atroci- 
 ty as from the feeling which it created, and 
 the consequences to which it seems to have 
 led, is that of Coenrad Hendrik Laubscher, 
 who was found guilty before the Supreme 
 Court of an assault committed on Lodewyk, 
 the slave of J. A. Truter, on the 3d of Janua- 
 ry, 1830, under the' following circumstances : ' 
 
 Case of Laubscher and Lodewyk. 
 
 In the year 1S27 the slave Lodewyk, at that 
 time the property of this same Laubscher, was 
 prosecuted before the Supreme Court at the 
 instance of his master, by the fiscal or attor- 
 nery-general of the colony. The indictment 
 was for a personal assault upon his master, 
 which, by the colonial slave law, was a capi- 
 tal offence. The Protector of Slaves, in his 
 official report of the trial, stal is that the 
 charge was, that 'Lodewyk had struck his 
 master several blows about the face and head, 
 either with his fist or some hard substance en- 
 closed within his hand, by which Laubscher 
 was severely cut and bruised.' 
 
 'The prisoner, having heard the charge, 
 stated that his master, having slept the whole 
 night in his wagon, which was outspanned 
 (unyoked, and the horses allowed to graze), at 
 the Drie Ponteinen, on getting up on a Fri- 
 day morning, called him to put on his shoes ; 
 and that, whilst he was so doing, his master 
 said that he hurt his foot, and thereupon kick- 
 ed him violently on his throat, and struck him 
 several blows ; and, on coming down from the 
 wagon, was reaching his gun, when he (pris- 
 oner) being apprehensive that his master in- 
 tended to shoot him, clasped him round the 
 body to prevent him, when he, Laubscher, in 
 consequence of the horses moving on, fell 
 against some of the iron- work of the wagon, 
 by which his face was much cut and bruised. 
 That he (the prisoner) seeing this, ran off to 
 get out of the reach of the gun, saying, at the 
 
 same time, that he did not intend to desert, 
 but that he knew where he would go, — mean- 
 ing that he would go to Cape Town to com- 
 plain of his master's ill usage ; showing, at 
 the same time, a wound on his head, which he 
 stated to have been inflicted by his master 
 with the thick end of the wagon- whip ; that 
 he accordingly did come to town for that pur- 
 pose, when Mr Servaas de Kock caused him 
 to be apprehended; the said Laubscher hav- 
 ing previously arrived in town and lodged his 
 complaint at the Landdrost's office.' 
 
 Laubscher, in his deposition, affirmed that 
 Lodewyk had struck him on the head and 
 face ; and alleged that he had struck Lodewyk 
 with the handle of his wagon-whip in self-de- 
 fence. Mentor, a slave boy (to whom Laub- 
 scher had promised his freedom just before the 
 trial) corroborated this statement. And upon 
 this evidence — for there was no other witness 
 present — the Court condemned Lodewyk to 
 death ! 
 
 From this iniquitous sentence, however, 
 poor Lodewyk was saved by an appeal to the 
 Lieutenant-Governor (the worthy and humane 
 Genera] Bourke) who, as Judge in the Court 
 of Appeals, reversed the sentence and acquit- 
 ted the prisoner. 
 
 General Bourke, however, it appears, could 
 not protect this unfortunate man from the im- 
 placable vengeance of Laubscher. Mr Wright 
 thus narrates the sequel of the story ; giving, 
 at the same time, in his Appendix, the whole 
 details of the legal evidence on the subse- 
 quent trial of Laubscher, from which his state- 
 ment is abridged : — 
 
 ' But another mode of punishment was in 
 reserve for the ill-fated Lodewyk, to which I 
 beg the readers particular attention. During 
 the period of his imprisonment, Laubscher had 
 sold Lodewyk to one Bester, his son-in-law, 
 under the express stipulation that he should 
 never be allowed to visit his wife and children, 
 who were still slaves of Laubscher. The chil- 
 dren were three in number, aged two, five, 
 and seven years. Bester subsequently sold 
 Lodewyk to Mr J. A. Truter, under the same 
 stipulation. But, 'so strong was good feeling 
 in the bosom of this faithful slave,' to use the 
 Avords of the attorney-general, that he braved 
 every personal danger to get a sight of his 
 wife and children. With this hope he often 
 wandered up and down near the place of 
 Laubscher, who, it appears, had some suspi- 
 cion of the unfortunate man's intention, and 
 set men privily to watch and seize him. Twice 
 within the three years he had succeeded in 
 communing with his afflicted wife and family. 
 A third time, too, he had almost succeeded, but 
 this attempt was doomed by the heard-hearted 
 Laubscher, to be cruelly interrupted. His wife 
 was then asleep with her little ones, but be- 
 fore Lodewyk had time to awaken her, he was 
 discovered by Laubscher's spies. He attempt- 
 ed to hide himself, but was detected. On be- 
 
Slavery at the Cape of Good Hope. 
 
 ing apprehended, lie said that there was no 
 occasion to bind him, but 'that he would go 
 and throw himself at his old master's feet, 
 and speak a good word to him.' One of those 
 who had seized him, Weise, Laubscher's 
 steward, rode forward to acquaint Laubscher 
 that Lodewyk was apprehended. It appears 
 that he had been meditating deep and fearful 
 vengeance. He was at the front door, with 
 his walking cane in his hand; it was between 
 eleven and twelve o'clock on Sunday night. 
 He asked if they had bound Lodewyk care- 
 fully ? The steward said tbat there was no 
 occasion, as he was coming quietly to entreat 
 his pardon. But mercy had no place in this 
 old man's bosom. He called for his gun, and 
 then ordered the steward to take hold of his 
 cane. When Lodewyk arrived, Laubscher 
 first told his steward to break his legs and 
 arms with the cane ; the steward refused ; 
 upon which he ordered the slaves to hold him 
 fast, with extended arms, and commenced the 
 attempt himself. After inflicting numerous 
 heavy blows upon the legs of his timid and 
 unresisting victim, he then commenced break- 
 ing his teeth, saying, ' You once broke my 
 mouth also.' He continued at these opera- 
 tions for half an hour. The cane was sworn 
 to be of the thickness of a good stout walking 
 stick. Wiese in the mean time put away the 
 gun. Laubscher then put him in the stocks, 
 in a sitting posture, and in that position, gave 
 him twenty stripes with his horse whip over 
 the shoulders. He then put him in handcuffs, 
 and beat him again until his whole arm was 
 as blue as his jacket, and all swelled and 
 bruised. Upon this Laubscher, exhausted, re- 
 tired to rest, leaving the unfortunate wretch 
 in torture scarcely conceivable, covered with 
 wounds and contusions, and screaming with 
 agony. ' The holes of the stocks in which his 
 legs were fastened, were narrow, and raised 
 about nine inches above the level of the floor, 
 obliging him to sit in a very uneasy posture, 
 which, added to the soreness of his knee and 
 arm, caused him to scream out; but, in the 
 words of his own affecting narrative, 'nobody 
 came to relieve him.' After about half an hour 
 Laubscher relented a little, or rather as he 
 himself expressed it, recollected himself, and 
 ordered the handcuffs to be taken off. ' 1 did 
 not sleep the whole night,' continued the 
 wretched slave, 'and cried for a long time, but 
 nobody came.' At length the morning sun 
 arose, but it was only to witness fresh deeds 
 of cruelty. Lodewyk was released from his 
 confinement, and, on his getting outside the 
 door of his prison, his pursuer was in wait for 
 him. He then ordered him to strip the upper 
 part of his person, and to place himself flat 
 •on the ground, and in that position he scourg- 
 ed him on the hack with a cat-o'-nine tails. 
 He thus received twenty-eight lashes. As 
 Koon as he was permitted to rise and put on 
 his jacket, Laubscher again resumed the cane, 
 
 and made Lodewyk walk several times back' 
 wards and forwards between him and the wall, 
 each time repeating his blow with that weap- 
 on. Sometimes he threw the stick at him, 
 when the poor creature was ordered to bring 
 it back, and then he would strike him again 
 with it. During all this time, to use the words 
 of the witness, Weise, who appears to have 
 been a humane man, he refused nothing that 
 he was ordered to do, nor did he use any ill 
 language — an instance of patience and for- 
 bearance almost inconceivable. At length Lo- 
 dewyk was unable to move, when Laubscher 
 ordered Weise to mount a horse, and drive 
 him on foot, handcuffed, to his master's place, 
 but Weise procured a horse for him. Upon 
 his arrival at his master's place, he was sick and 
 stiff, and was disabled for twenty-two days; and 
 it appeared that he had previously suffered so 
 much, that, even if he had not been fastened 
 in the stocks, he would not have been able to 
 have made his escape on the previous night 
 from Laubscher's. Laubscher ordered Weise, 
 if he made any resistance on the way, to beat 
 him with his sjamboc. In consequence of the 
 state of his right arm, he was unable to work 
 at his trade. He could walk a little, but slow- 
 ly, and with extreme pain. The whole partic- 
 ulars of this affecting trial, of which I have 
 given but an outline, will be found in the Ap- 
 pendix, to which I beg to refer my readers- 
 Suffice it here to say that, after an eloquent 
 address by the attorney-general, the prisoner's 
 advocate addressed the jury on behalf of his 
 client, when the chief justice delivered a most 
 impressive charge, and the jury, after retiring 
 for half an hour, returned a verdict of guilty, 
 accompanied with a recommendation to mer- 
 cy, on the ground of the prisoner's 'old age 
 and former feelings.' He was sentenced to 
 three months' imprisonment, and a fine of fif- 
 ty pounds to the king. 
 
 ' This sentence most men would have con- 
 sidered not too severe ; but those who under- 
 stand the nature of colonial feelings will not 
 be surprised at being informed that the whole 
 case excited a strong interest — not in favor of 
 the ill-fated Lodewyk, but of his cruel perse- 
 cutor. An attempt to purchase the freedom 
 of his wife and children by private subscrip- 
 tions made by a few individuals, of whom I 
 was so imprudent as to be one, together with 
 an anxiety evinced to have some remunera- 
 tion procured by law through the medium of 
 a civil action, for the disabled Lodewyk, call- 
 ed forth the vulgar calumnies of the most 
 scurrilous of newspapers. This same paper 
 which purports to express the sentiments of 
 the slave proprietors, passes the warmest eu- 
 logiums on Laubscher, describing him as 'one 
 of the most respectable, peaceful, and friendly 
 farmers in South Africa ' (which his treatment 
 of Lodewyk no doubt evinced!); and again, 
 ' an able, and, in every respect, a venerable 
 man ' ! while, at the same time, the poor suf- 
 
Slavery at the Cape of Good Hope. 
 
 m 
 
 ferer has epithets bestowed upon him as 'a 
 murderous scoundrel,' ' a villain who once at- 
 tempted to murder his master' (a crime of 
 which even Laubscher never thought of accu- 
 sing him), 'a rebellious slave, formerly his 
 (Laubscher's) property, who was condemned 
 to be hanged by the neck for having made 
 an attempt on the life of his late master,' &c. ; 
 whose cruel vengeance he softens down into 
 the milder name of a 'perhaps justly excited 
 Feeling,' and makes himself very witty on the 
 ' paradox ' of the chief justice, that ' he who 
 strikes another man's slave, strikes a freeman 
 with respect to him ; ' which surely is nothing 
 but the language of reason and common sense. 
 ' The editor of this paper [Zuid Afrikaan) 
 pursues the subject and endeavors to excite 
 hostility against Lodewyk by giving his histo- 
 ry. This article is prefaced by an open and 
 undisguised attack on the writer of the pres- 
 ent pamphlet, [Rev. W. Wright] whom he 
 has singled out for his editorial vengeance. 
 Among other inventions, he broadly states 
 that I had offered my aid to Lodewyk ; and, 
 after much vituperation, which I never thought 
 it necessary to notice, he concludes his attack 
 in these significant and unequivocal words : — 
 'Such is the wrong-headedness of the 
 
 JUNTA TO WHICH YOU BELONG, THAT THERE 
 IS NO TREE HIGH ENOUGH WITHIN THE VICIN- 
 ITY of Cape Town to hang your worthy 
 
 PROTEGE AND HIS BENEVOLENT ADVOCATES.' 
 
 'One of this editor's accusations against those 
 persons, is that they had united in an attempt 
 to purchase Lodewyk's freedom. Although I 
 should have been pleased to join in such an 
 act, it was his family, not himself, that it was 
 intended to manumit, and this only with the 
 voluntary consent of Laubscher ; from which 
 object I was diverted by being informed that 
 Laubscher had himself designed to make this 
 atonement to his victim and the public ; but, 
 if he ever intended to do so, he has not adher- 
 ed to his design.' 
 
 Our readers will perceive, from the above 
 affecting statement, that the Rev. author of 
 this little work, like every other man who in 
 a slave colony ventures to take a decided part 
 on the side of humanity and christian duty, 
 has suffered from calumny and persecution. 
 His book contains other valuable matter, to 
 which we may probably revert on an early 
 occasion.' 
 
 It is often asked why anti-slavery writers 
 are so fond of harrowing the feelings of their 
 readers by accounts of atrocious cruelties per- 
 petrated by slaveholders, since it cannot be 
 pretended that such enormities are more fre- 
 quent or of a more aggravated character than 
 those which occur in places where slavery is 
 not tolerated. We are not disposed to deny 
 that the acts of greatest inhumanity among 
 slaveholders have their parallels in the most 
 
 enlightened countries where slavery is pro- 
 hibited. But we totally deny that barbarous 
 cruelty is as common in places in other re- 
 spects of equal civilization where slavery is 
 prohibited, as in those places where it is tol- 
 erated. We publish such instances of cruel- 
 ty, then, because they are more common in 
 slave countries, and because they expose the 
 natural tendency of arbitrary power to abuse. 
 But we have another reason for calling the 
 attention of our readers to cases of this kind — 
 a reason which anti-slavery publications often 
 advert to, but the force of which the apologists 
 of slavery are very reluctant to perceive. It is 
 this. The feelings with which most white 
 persons in slaveholding communities regard 
 such horrible outrages as those committed by 
 Laubscher on Lodewyk — the want of com- 
 mon humanity which they exhibit where a 
 slave is the injured party — demonstrate the 
 thoroughly corrupting influence of slavery. 
 
 But the advocate of oppression still urges, 
 ' Why do you tell us what happened at the 
 Cape of Good Hope ? What has that to do 
 with the Southern States ? If southern slave- 
 ry is as bad, give us the facts.' We shall give 
 facts enough in due time, and those who feel 
 any doubt of the enormities practised by slave- 
 holders at the south, will find facts enough to 
 overwhelm them already on record, in the 
 Liberator, the Genius of Universal Emancipa- 
 tion, and other anti-slavery publications. 
 Though the extent and enormity of the op- 
 pression practised by slaveholders at the 
 South are studiously concealed from the peo- 
 ple of the North, and can only be visible to 
 the omnipotent eye, enough and more than 
 enough has appeared to make every unbiass- 
 ed mind look with horror on the system. So 
 far from doubting whether similar atrocities 
 to those which Laubscher committed, would 
 have been regarded in the Southern States as 
 they were at the Cape, we know that cruel- 
 ties equally revolting have occurred there, 
 and the offenders have escaped without even 
 an attempt made to bring them to justice. 
 
 Let us not be misunderstood. Our charge 
 is not that the great body of slaveholders are 
 cruel and bloodthirsty, but that many more of 
 them are guilty of acts of barbarity, than of 
 an equal number of citizens of the Northern 
 States, and that many who do not abuse their 
 own slaves, look with unconcern on acts of 
 brutal inhumanity committed by their neigh- 
 bors. 
 
70 
 
 ctsfrom Mr. Snetting's Address. 
 
 I.Vi u iCTS ! aOM US ADDRESS, 
 
 DELIVERED BEFOR1 rH] If. B. \ S I I -S I \ \ I ■>■ V 
 BOCIETI . li\" WM. .1. BNELLING, I 
 
 f Concluded.) 
 I would, briefly, call your attention to the 
 effects of prejudice upon the people of color 
 in the free states. Permit me to say that 
 
 they are not treated as free men and our po- 
 litical equals, should he treated. If thej are 
 not our equals in wealth and learning, if more 
 
 of then) in proportion to their number, maj be 
 found in our prisons than of whites, is it not 
 in a very considerable degree, our own fault? 
 No white mechanic takes a colored apprentice 
 ■ — the black has not the advantage of our 
 schools — he gains not a convenient, seat even 
 in God's temple. His opportunities being 
 less, his ignorance, and consequently his vice 
 is more than ours. By treating him like a 
 criminal we make him one, and we also make 
 ourselves responsible, in a great measure at 
 the judgment seat of God, for the crimes of 
 which his compelled ignorance is the occasion. 
 There are many who excuse their prejudice 
 by pretending that the blacks are a ra< e in- 
 tellectually inferior to ourseles. They say 
 that no one has ever arisen to eminence among 
 us. True, plants that are much trodden 
 upon seldom thrive. I would, however, beg 
 leave to refer those who hold this injurious 
 opinion to the pages of Denham, Lang and 
 Clapperton. I think that they will there find 
 no evidence of any natural inferiority on the 
 part of the black man. On the contrary they 
 will find honorable mention of curly haired 
 kings, sable skinned generals and thick-lipped 
 poets, whose strains the proudest bard that 
 ever sang in English might be proud to ac- 
 knowledge. But what need to go so far for 
 argument, to refute this calumny, when we 
 have them almost at our doors. Lookat ITayti ! 
 Thirty years ago, her now free inhabitants 
 were slaves, as miserable and degraded as any 
 that disgrace the soil of the continent. What 
 are they now ? They are not onlv free, but 
 more accomplished and better informed, as a 
 people, than many nations of Europe, Hayti 
 broke the bonds of her thraldom alone ; alone 
 she contended with success against the utmost 
 efforts of the most powerful empire of the 
 earth ; ay, she shared with England the honor 
 of having effectually resisted Napoleon Bona- 
 parte in the zenith of his military and political 
 omnipotence. Now she has her laws, her 
 schools, her orators, her statesmen. I may 
 say with safety that not even our own conn- 
 try has made so greal advances, consi 
 the difference of advantages. If 1 be asked 
 to shew- individual examples of intellectual 
 superiority, I name Boyer, Petion, Chrisl iphe, 
 and last, and greatest, the great, the noble. 
 the magnanimous, the unfortunate Tot 
 L'Ouverture. Whoever has read the life of 
 Toussaint will readily acknowledge, that no 
 
 revolutionary chief who ever existed, can be 
 compared with him in all that constitutes true 
 greatness, save our own immortal Washing- 
 ton. Ay, had Toussaint L'Ouverture been 
 blessed with a white skin, hundreds would 
 have gone in je to his untimely grave, 
 
 and watered the sod that covers it with their 
 tears. 
 
 I think, thai if the people of Ilayti may be 
 esteemed to represent the black race, that 
 race may justly assert a superiority over some 
 of the fairest ofthe Caucasian varieties. 
 
 Many are willing to emancipate the slaves, 
 provided they can be sent home, to their own 
 country; that is. to Africa. I should be glad 
 to hear it proved, that Africa is the country 
 of blacks born in America. I have always 
 thought that a man's allegiance is due to the 
 country in which he is born, and I am yet to 
 learn the contrary. Do the free blacks con- 
 sider Africa as their home ? Do they joyfully 
 accept the assistance of the American Colo- 
 nization Society to get home ? No, they are 
 almost universally opposed to the scheme. 
 They have lately held many conventions, and 
 passed many resolutions opposing it. This, 
 they hold, is their native land. They are re- 
 solved to remain in it, and to share its fortunes. 
 They are right — here they were born, here 
 their kindred abide, they speak its language, 
 they are governed by its laws, they contribute 
 their mite to its support — they know no other. 
 They love the land that despises and oppress- 
 es them, and would fain cast them forth as 
 aliens and outcasts. All the ill treatment they 
 have received, all the iniquitous laws that 
 have been been passed against them, have 
 not been able to alienate their love from Ame- 
 rica. There may be some among them will- 
 ing to emigrate, there may even be more than 
 the Colonization Society can find means to 
 transport, but, as a body, they are devotedly 
 attached to the soil that gave them birth. 
 We may wonder at their patriotism, but we 
 cannot deny its existence. The secret of it 
 lies in four words — this is their country. 
 
 If the American blacks are Africans, then 
 we, most of us are Englishmen. All of us are 
 Europeans. It is a bad rule that will not work 
 both ways. Let us suppose that the dreadful 
 and dreaded cholera should fall so heavily and 
 exclusively upon US whites, as to make us the 
 minority of the population. Suppose that 
 the majorit] b uld then insist upon sending 
 us to ok. 1 ' own country — what answer could we 
 make? It would only bi reA r ing the case. 
 
 Supposing it just arid practicable to expel 
 our coloi iughl we to desire their 
 
 removal, as a mat ter of policy ? The expulsion 
 of the Mi" ii mots from Prance, is universally 
 considered one ofthe most impolitic acl 
 performed by arbitrary power. Spain drove 
 out the Moors. .More than three centuries have 
 since elapsed, and she has not yet recovered 
 from the consequence of her own suicidal act. 
 
Extracts from Mr. Snclling's Address. 
 
 71 
 
 Can we spare two millions and a half of peo- 
 ple ? Let ns suppose that the labor of each 
 individual is worth four-pence half-penny a 
 day over and above the charges of his main- 
 tenance, which is certainly a very moderate 
 calculation. At this rate, their labor is worth 
 a hundred and fifty-six thousand two hundred 
 and fifty dollars per diem, or something ex- 
 ceeding fifty-seven millions annually. Can 
 we afford to lose so vast an amount ? Have 
 we, the people of the free states, especially, 
 any reason to desire the absence of the free 
 blacks ? They are almost all seamen or la- 
 borers. If they contribute more occupants to 
 our prisons than we do, in proportion to their 
 numbers, the same reproach will also apply 
 to the class of poor foreigners, which the Colo- 
 nization Society has not yet thought of re- 
 moving. They can perform as much labor as 
 so many whites. If their presence be a dis- 
 advantage to us, it is daily decreasing, for they 
 do not increase in the same ratio with us, and 
 their moral condition is daily improving. A 
 spirit of inquiry is abroad among them. They 
 have discovered that knowledge is power and 
 riches and honor. They can almost all write 
 and read. Many of them have property, pay 
 taxes arid are united with their white brethren 
 in church fellowship. Many are able writers, 
 as a reference to the journals of their conven- 
 tions will prove. Some of the reports of these 
 bodies are equal to the official papers of any 
 legislative body. I can produce composition 
 written by blacks which the best scholar in 
 the land need not be ashamed of. They are, 
 to my certain knowledge, endeavoring to es- 
 tablish schools, and to give their children 
 
 trades. Why should we wish to drive such 
 
 people into exile ? We certainly shall have 
 
 room for them, for a hundred years to come. 
 
 They are too few to take away the employ- 
 ment of white laborers. If they continue to 
 
 improve, their usefulness will increase, and if 
 
 they do not we shall be none the worse than 
 
 we are now. It seems to me that it is rather 
 
 our duty to aid those who are willing to help 
 
 themselves, than to drive them away from us. 
 It is susceptible of mathematical demonstra- 
 tion, that it is impossible to get rid of our black 
 
 population. There are two millions and a 
 
 half of them, and their annual increase is fifty 
 
 six thousand. Every individual whom the 
 
 Colonization Society has removed, has, ac- 
 cording to their own account, cost them thirty 
 
 dollars. At this rate, it will cost more than 
 
 two millions per annum, to remove the increase 
 
 alone, and to even diminish the evil, more than 
 
 the increase must be exported. It would cost, 
 
 according to the estimate of the Colonization 
 
 Society, ninety millions of dollars and take 
 
 thirty years to effect their entire removal. 
 
 And this supposes that owners would give up 
 
 their slaves without compensation. I leave 
 
 you to judge if such liberality can be expect- - 
 
 ed from them. If it cannot, the weight of | that the civilization of Africa has not advanc- 
 
 their flesh and bones in coined silver would 
 not suffice for the purpose. This is no dream, 
 no speculation, but the result of arithmetical 
 computation, from the data of these misguided 
 philanthropists. 
 
 What nation was ever depopulated by grad- 
 ual emigration ? Some countries of the north 
 of Europe, have sent their inhabitants forth 
 en masse, indeed, but we cannot send forth 
 our black population so. All the shipping of 
 the United States, would not suffice to do it. 
 We are ten millions, a mighty branch from 
 the parent trunk, but that trunk is as large and 
 as vigorous as ever. Ireland does not miss 
 the thousands, I might say millions, whom 
 she has given to the new world and the battle 
 field. 
 
 There is an old proverb, which, though 
 coarse, is expressive and true. The proof of 
 the pudding is in the eating thereof. The 
 American Colonization Society have been en- 
 gaged in the work of expatriation more than 
 fourteen years, and have exported, in that 
 time, as they say, twenty-five hundred per- 
 sons, some small trifle more than the increase 
 of a single fortnight. Truly this is baling a 
 cask with a wine glass, while another is filling 
 it with a bucket. When I believe that the 
 ocean can be emptied with a scoop, then I 
 will believe that they can effect their purpose. 
 
 I do not impeach the motives of this socie- 
 ty. On the contrary, I believe them to be good.. 
 They hope to colonize Africa. I hope they 
 will. They believe that the blacks can never 
 be happy here, and propose to place them 
 where they will be more happily situated.. 
 They hold out to the nation the prospect of 
 eventually getting rid of all its blacks, and to 
 the blacks they hold out a perspective para- 
 dise in Africa. I believe, that while they 
 imagine that they are doing good, they are 
 really doing evil to both whites and blacks. 
 
 I think, that whoever will take the trouble 
 to examine the subject will agree with me y 
 that a gradual abolition is hopeless — impossi- 
 ble. I think that nine of every ten who listen 
 to their reports are content to take what they 
 say on trust, being blinded, on this subject, by 
 prejudice. Many a man would feel alarmed^ 
 for his country, and bestir himself in behalf of 
 the slaves, but for the fallacious hope of a 
 gradual cure of the disease, which they hold 
 out to him. In this way they wrong the 
 whites much — the blacks more. 
 
 I believe, and I have good reason to be- 
 lieve, that the reports respecting the condition 
 of the colony of Liberia, which are monthly 
 and daily promulgated by the agents of this 
 society, are delusive. I believe, indeed, that 
 the soil of Africa is good, but I am also firmly 
 convinced that the climate is deadly, that half 
 the emigrants who reach Liberia die, that the 
 rest undergo a six months seasoning fever, 
 
72 
 
 Extracts from Mr. Snelling's Address. 
 
 ed a jot for the last five years, that the colo- 
 nists are subjected to an odious oligarchy, th;it 
 there are not so many of them as the agents 
 of the society have stated, and finally, that the 
 majont actually settled there would 
 
 return to America if they could. It is known 
 to all here, that people from all civilized parts 
 of the globe, seek America as aland of prom- 
 ise, but I have never heard that any have 
 sought Liberia as a refuge from poverty or 
 oppression, beautiful as it lias been represent- 
 ed. Bui 1 rest my b slief on more certain 
 grounds —on letters received by a friend from 
 a Liberian colonist, which certainly do not 
 agree with the statements of the African Re- 
 pository, or the reports of the Colonization 
 Society. 
 
 I believe, that the Colonization Society en- 
 hances the value of slaves, and thereby en- 
 courages the domestic slave trade, and induces 
 owners to tighten their grasp on their bond- 
 men. For, it is evident, that if a certain num- 
 ber of slaves be exported from any state, 
 Georgia, for example, the loss of their labor 
 is felt, those who remain become more valu- 
 able to their masters, and others are soon 
 brought from other States to fill the vacancy. 
 I know, that the Society, does in its reports, 
 brand all plans for the abolition of slavery, 
 with the opprobrious name of madness. I 
 know, that they do describe the free blacks as 
 the most wretched, degraded race that ever 
 polluted the earth, and insist that their con- 
 dition never can be improved here. Let him 
 who doubts, examine the African Repository 
 and the Society's official reports. These 
 statements and assumptions are echoed and 
 approved by all the enemies of the blacks, all 
 the gradual abolitionists, all the slaveholders, 
 and more than half the public prints in the 
 Union. They destroy the hopes of the free 
 black, who aims at improvement, for can it be 
 matter of wonder, that, hearing hundreds bet- 
 ter informed than himself say these things, he 
 should believe himself an outcast, from whom 
 no good can ever proceed ? They take away 
 his motives to virtuous exertion, and thus use 
 indirect compulsion to induce him to emigrate. 
 They encourage and foster an unholy preju- 
 dice, which crushes the black to the dust, 
 which they tell him that he is unworthy to 
 tread. But I need not dilate farther on this 
 head, since a week has scarcely elapsed, since 
 I heard a prominent member of the American 
 Colonization Society, publicly acknowledge, 
 that the value of slaves was enhanced, and 
 the degradation of all negroes, perpetuated by 
 the means I have mentioned. 
 
 It is cruel, absurd and unchristian, to tell 
 the negro, that he never can be happy or re- 
 spectable in the land of his birth. Give him, 
 at least, an opportunity of making the experi- 
 ment. If a black mechanic shall work cheap- 
 er and better than his neighbors, will you not 
 employ him ? If a black merchant shall deal 
 
 on better terms than his white competitor, 
 will you not buy of him ? When a black phy- 
 sician, shall have proved his skill superior to 
 that of others, will you not take his prescrip- 
 tion ? With him who will not, prejudice is 
 stronger than interest or reason, and it is no 
 matter how soon disease shall bring him to 
 his senses. Give the black a fair chance — 
 let him have the means of instruction — let all 
 trades and professions be open to him. The 
 laws do not forbid him to follow any honest 
 calling, and these cases are, therefore, possi- 
 ble. If, two hundred years hence, there shall 
 be no respectable or respected blacks in the 
 country, it will then be time enough, to agree 
 with the Colonization Society, that a dark skin 
 is a natural, and therefore, a just cause of of- 
 fence. 
 
 I believe that I do not condemn the Colo- 
 nization Society on light grounds, or without 
 a trial. They have tried themselves in the 
 balance, and have proved themselves wanting. 
 Fourteen years are enough to give to any ex- 
 periment. They have been at work that time, 
 and have utterly failed to effect each and eve- 
 ry one of the objects they undertook to accom- 
 plish. Their labors have not even made 
 themselves felt by any class but the free 
 blacks, whose misery they have, slightly, in- 
 creased. It is time to look for the cure of a 
 great national shame and scandal by other 
 means than theirs. 
 
 If then we cannot get rid of our slaves, shall 
 we do nothing ? Shall we suffer the evil to 
 grow from bad to worse ? Something, the 
 slaveholders themselves admit, must be done. 
 The case is a crying one. Remember South- 
 ampton. Shall we not endeavor to prevent 
 a repetition of the horrors of that massacre ? 
 The peace of the South is gone forever. — 
 Bloody retaliation and restrictive laws only 
 make the matter worse. The ignorance of 
 the slaves is no security, for it cannot last. — 
 They have at last committed to memory a 
 precept which their own masters have taught 
 them, on such days as this. No slaveholder 
 now feels his life safe. Will not our southern 
 brethren permit us to mention the abolition of 
 slavery ? Then they will one day hear free- 
 dom to mankind proclaimed in a voice that will 
 please them less than ours. Will they not 
 give their slaves instruction ? They will get 
 it in spite of them. Millions cannot be kept 
 in ignorance forever. Will they not give 
 them the blessings of religion ? Then some 
 dark Mahomet will one day give them a relig- 
 ion of their own. If they do not join with us 
 in some measures of abolition, their slaves will 
 at least try to set themselves free. Let us try 
 to discover some means to avert the bloody 
 day of reckoning, which, in all human proba- 
 bility, must arrive sooner or later. 
 
 As we cannot get rid of the blacks, it be- 
 hoves us to make their situation safe and tol- 
 erable to ourselves and them. Here they are. 
 
The South Sea Islander. 
 
 73 
 
 and here they will and must remain, unless we 
 exterminate them, whether we like it or not. 
 It is certainly better to have them our friends 
 than our enemies. If there is danger in im- 
 mediate emancipation, there is yet more in the 
 continuance of slavery. The massacre of 
 San Domingo and the late insurrection of Po- 
 land ought to be warnings to us. If we give 
 them freedom, we shall have a claim on th< ir 
 gratitude ; if we do not, they will have every 
 thing to hate and nothing to love us for. Had 
 we not better give with a good grace, what 
 we cannot safely hold a minul ? 
 
 I do not believe that there is danger in im- 
 mediate abolition, or that the interests of the 
 slaveholders would materially suffer by it. — 
 By abolition, 1 do not mean that any planter 
 should give up his house and plantation to his 
 slaves. The negroes are laborers now, and it 
 freed would be laborers still. The relations 
 between the two parties would not be much 
 changed. Besides thu whites would only re- 
 linquish what they have no right to keen, and 
 something is due to justice, as well as to in- 
 terest and expediency. 
 
 Something must be done, or we mus 
 tiently await an evil which is inevitable. — 
 Whatever we do must be brought about by 
 the force of public opinion. Let me say, that 
 what the slaves themselves think will ere long- 
 be no unimportant matter. They may rebel, 
 and they may be put down again. I have lit- 
 tle doubt that they would. But the game will 
 be repeated over and over again, for the march 
 of intellect is ever onward. In the mean while 
 what will be the condition of the south ? It 
 will be more just, more humane, and cheaper 
 to set the slaves free at once. Our southern 
 brethren may be surrounded, if they will, with 
 intelligent, grateful friends. If they will not, 
 thev must be surrounded with brutal and re- 
 vengeful enemies, and we must be called on 
 to protect them. A worm turns when tram- 
 pled on. It is our business. Justice, inte 
 humanity and reason demand our interference. 
 Many there are who decline to take any ac- 
 tive interest in the important question of the 
 abolition of slavery, because they say and 
 think that their individual exertions and influ- 
 ence can avail nothing, and that it is best to 
 watch the course of event- quietly. If all men 
 held this doctrine, no important measure could 
 ever be taken. If our lathers had all thought 
 so, the battle of Bunker's Hill would never 
 have been fought, our independence would 
 never have been achieved. Massachusetts 
 would now be a British colony. In ours, 
 as in all republics, the will, or in other 
 words, the opinion of the majority must rule. 
 and I doubt not that the majority will one day 
 soon be of opinion that the abolition of slave- 
 ry is indispensible. They would be of that 
 opinion now, could they but be prevailed on to 
 think on this subject. Evils seen in perspec- 
 tive are little regarded, but let one draft 
 
 VOL. I. 
 
 be made of the able bodied men of the free 
 states, and the attention of the whole commu- 
 nity will be rous 
 
 Every man lias some influence, and ought 
 to exert it in all matters that concern the wel- 
 fare of his fellows. The mere opinion of any 
 individual, if it do but excite the attention of 
 his neighbor, has some influence on the con- 
 duct of that neighbor. I do not aspire on this 
 occasion to convince, but I hope to induce 
 some to think, and therefore to convince them- 
 (S. So thoroughly am I convinced of the 
 holiness of the cause in which I am at this 
 moment ei and of the soundness of 
 
 the sentiments I have advanced, that I have 
 none, the smallest doubt, that whosoever will 
 examine, will embrace them, and make con- 
 verts, in his turn, in a similar manner. I do 
 not believe that a word spoken on this sub- 
 ject can be thrown away. I believe that no 
 two sensible men can converse on this topic 
 without coming eventually to a conviction of 
 the utter folly, injustice and impolicy of at- 
 tempting to expatriate our black population, of 
 the necessity of abolition, and of the futility 
 of the reasons which induce so many to op- 
 pose it. There can be no subject of more im- 
 portance to us all, and I do earnestly entreat 
 all who hear me, to think of it and talk of it. 
 will do this, you will also act on it. 
 The good work must and will go on, in spite 
 of all opposition. Let me be called zealot, 
 enthusiast, visionary, fanatic, what you will, 
 still I would sav, were it with my last breath, 
 FORWARD ! 
 
 [For the Abolitionist.] 
 THE SOUTH SEA ISLANDER. 
 
 (Concluded.) 
 
 After Ellen had concluded, I inquired if 
 nothing could be done by the friends of relig- 
 ion and humanity for this oppressed people ? 
 Philo replied that while the laws of the coun- 
 try were opposed to the laws of religion and 
 humanity, little could be done by individuals — 
 especially while a great proportion of the peo- 
 ple, from motives of self-interest, violently op- 
 posed any attempt to make a change in these 
 la 'vs. All they can do, at present, is to excite 
 a spirit of inquiry on the subject of slavery, 
 and endeavor to open the eyes of the comrau- 
 nitv to its true character. 
 
 From this time we had frequent discussions 
 upon this subject. One day when we were 
 thus engaged, Mr. B., a gentleman I had be- 
 fore seen, came in, and as we continued the 
 conversation, he remarked that people now-a- 
 davs seemed to be slavery mad : for his part, 
 he" saw no great harm in it: the slaves, he 
 thought, were quite as happy as others of the 
 laboring classes. 
 
 ' If that is the case,' said my friend, ' how 
 happens it that no person was ever found who 
 was willing to exchange conditions with them ?' 
 10 
 
74 
 
 The South Sea Islander. 
 
 'Why,' replied he, 'people do not always 
 know when they are well off.' 
 
 'Who is to be the judge, then?' said I — 
 'Surely uot those who are benefited by keep- 
 ing them in slavery ?' 
 
 '■No,' said Philo, 'the party concerned is 
 never allowed to sit as judge or jury in his 
 own ease. Now I aver,' continued he, 'that 
 shivery is not only a great evil, but a great 
 sin.' 
 
 ' That it may be an evil, I will admit,' said 
 Mr. B. ; ' but I do not see that it is a sin. It 
 was practised at the time our Saviour was 
 upon earth, and lie did not condemn it, but by 
 his Apostles, gave directions to servants to be 
 obedient to their masters.' 
 
 • 5 es,' said Philo, ' and the word of inspira- 
 tion has also said, "remember those in bonds ; 
 as bound yourselves." But what I would con- 
 tend tor is, that for one portion of the human 
 family to keep another portion of it in a state 
 slavery, is utterly opposed to the laws of God, 
 as revealed in the New Testament. It is true, 
 it did not appear to be the object of our Sa- 
 viour, while upon earth, to make any violent 
 changes in the existing state of things ; but in 
 laying down the principles of his religion, he 
 furnished rules for the conduct of all his fol- 
 lowers. If you can point out a single precept 
 of our Saviour which does not totally oppose 
 the system slavery, I will yield the point. — 
 No — the whole spirit of Christianity is in per- 
 fect accordance with the words of God, as de- 
 lineated by the prophet Isaiah : — ' Is not this 
 the part that I have chosen ? to loose the bands 
 of wickedness, to undo the heavy burdens, and 
 let the oppressed go free, and that ye break 
 every yoke ?' I can truly say I know of no 
 greater sin than that traffic which makes one 
 man the property of another. Indeed, strictly 
 speaking, this cannot be done — for man be- 
 longs alone to his Maker ; — but injustice and 
 oppression are great usurpers.' 
 
 Mr. B. now thought it, time to say some- 
 thing ; and ho observed that he could not view 
 it in tins light — for to him there appeared a 
 perfect congruity between slavery and the 
 general order of things — tint there seemed to 
 be a gradual descent from the first cause of 
 all things to the lowest animal, and that slaves 
 appeared to compose one step in this scale of 
 gradation — that the Africans were evidently 
 intended for this place, as they were inferior 
 both in their intellectual and moral powers. — 
 ' And you know,' said he, with much sang froid, 
 'there must be hewers of wood and drawers of 
 water.' 
 
 'Really, Mr. B.' said Philo, 'I should not 
 have suspected you of such old fashioned, not 
 to say unphilosophical notions. Why, you 
 would scarcely find among the slaveholders 
 themselves, one hardy enough to express such 
 a sentiment. So you would make Africans 
 the connecting link between men and brutes. 
 No, depend upon it, the line between human 
 
 beings and the inferior animals is too distinct 
 to be thus confounded. Without, however, 
 contending for the equality of the whole hu- 
 man race, 1 would inquire if, by the same rule, 
 we might not enslave all those who discover 
 any inferiority of intellect, or moral obliquity 
 among ourselves ? Would it not, besides be- 
 ing extremely cruel, be the ready way of per- 
 petuating this inferiority, and lead to the worst 
 of consequences ? No, sir, it is not the nature 
 but the condition of the slave, which gives him 
 this inferiority. Once place before him the 
 incentives to exertion which actuate other 
 id you will see him display the same 
 powers.' 
 
 ( Hoi happens it, then/ said Mr. B. 'that 
 we rind the free blacks always among the 
 most degraded part of our community ?' 
 
 'Why, that,' replied Philo, 'can very easily 
 be accounted for: having but recently emerg- 
 ed from slavery themselves, and marked by the 
 same color as those who remain in that state, 
 they have every prejudice to contend with ; 
 but, relieve the whole race from this deaden- 
 ing influence, and see if they would long re- 
 main the poor despicable wretches which they 
 are now presumed to be.' 
 
 'Perhaps,' said Mr. B. 'it would be well 
 
 enough to try the experiment, if they could be 
 
 illy emancipated; but to overrun the 
 
 country suddenly by such a savage horde, 
 
 would be a most dangerous project.' 
 
 'No such thing is thought of,' said Philo, 
 ' by those who contend for immediate aboli- 
 tion : their labor would be as much needed on 
 the plantations after, as before their freedom. 
 It would only be recognizing their rights as 
 men, instead of viewing them as things, to be 
 bought and sold at the caprice of their own- 
 ers. Their very masters would, I have not a 
 doubt, by the exchange, find grateful and at- 
 tached and active servants, instead of slothful, 
 sullen, or revengeful slaves.' 
 
 'But,' inquired Mr. B. 'what compensation 
 is the master to have for all this sacrifice of 
 property.' 
 
 ' Why, after all,' said Philo, 'what great sa- 
 crifice will he make ? He will have, as I ob- 
 served before, attached servants instead of 
 slaves. And suppose the wages he would be 
 obliged give them should amount to a little 
 more than the food and clothing he had before 
 supplied, it would probably be more than com- 
 pensated by the zeal and fidelity with which 
 he would be served. But supposing the case 
 of immediate abolition, how can you prove that 
 such would be the consequences? I can 
 prove it, first, upon the principle of human na- 
 ture, which is always softened by kindness, 
 and stimulated to exertion by the hope of re- 
 ward : and, secondly, by facts which you will 
 find with a little examination, abundantly prove 
 my position. I do not know of a single in- 
 stance of evil consequences arising to the 
 master from having liberated his slave.' 
 
The South Sea Islander. 
 
 75 
 
 Ellen now remarked that her own observa- 
 tion would enable her to confirm both of the 
 above assertions of her brother. 
 
 'Yes,' said she, 'during- my absence I be- 
 came well acquainted with a gentleman avIio, 
 though he was a slaveholder, such was his love 
 of justice, and his sense of religious obligation, 
 acting upon a naturally humane and tender 
 heart, that the system of slavery appeared to 
 him in all its native deformity, and he confes- 
 sed to me that not a day passed that his con- 
 science did not reproach him with his guilt in 
 this matter. ' And you,' he would say, ' who 
 are from the north, where this evil does not 
 exist, I know must be continually shocked at 
 witnessing it. But what can I do ? Heaven 
 knows, I would gladly be rid of it. But my 
 family ! — by freeing my slaves, I should leave 
 them in poverty. And this I cannot resolve 
 to do.' You may perceive that his moral 
 sense was still somewhat obscured by the re- 
 lations in which he stood, or he would not thus 
 have hesitated in the performance of his duty. 
 Though he was in health when these conver- 
 sations passed, before I left the place he died, 
 and by his will it was found that he had given 
 freedom to four of his most valuable slaves. — 
 And his widow, who related afterwards the 
 circumstances to me, said it was truly interest- 
 ing to observe the characteristic manner in 
 which they severally received this inestimable 
 boon, but all with expressions of the most 
 heart-felt joy: they were of one family, three 
 sisters and a brother — to the sisters, she was 
 herself the bearer of the glad tidings. One 
 danced and clapped her hands ; another burst 
 into tears, and sobbed out — Oh ! my dear mas- 
 ter, it was just like him; the third received it 
 with a modest dignity, as if she felt that she 
 had only been put in possession of her just 
 rights. They all, however, continued upon 
 the plantation in the regular discharge of their 
 accustomed employments, but with renewed 
 alacrity ; for the iron yoke of slavery no long- 
 er weighed heavily upon them. 
 
 ' Ah, Miss Ellen,' said Mr. B. ' that is a pleas- 
 ing picture, I allow ; but does it not owe some- 
 thing to your imagination.' 
 
 ' Nothing, sir, you may depend upon it. It 
 is but a simple statement of facts, without the 
 least embellishment. But I have still another 
 fact to relate, which will no less prove our 
 point. It is customary for the planters to allow 
 their slaves small patches of ground to culti- 
 vate, for their own profit, either to raise vege- 
 tables for their own use, or to sell if they pre- 
 fer it. This small privilege, I believe, is sel- 
 dom neglected, and by their zeal and industry 
 is often made productive of very considerable 
 gain. But the instance which I was going to 
 mention will show to what an extreme this is 
 sometimes carried. A gentleman, who had 
 made the usual allowance to his slaves, per- 
 ceived in the course of time, that a certain 
 slave, who had been one of his most robust 
 
 and active hands, discovered marks of feeble- 
 ness and exhaustion which surprised him, as 
 there was evidently no unwillingness to work, 
 and he did not seem to be affected by any spe- 
 cific disease. He determined, however, to 
 watch him and discover, if he could, the cause. 
 The mystery was soon unravelled : lie found 
 that he had long been in the habit of depriving 
 himself almost wholly of sleep to work upon 
 this little piece of ground — (ah ! what an effect- 
 ing picture does not this present!) But the 
 worst of it is not yet told: his master thought 
 that in justice to himself, and kindness to his 
 slave, he ought to deprive him of this engross- 
 ing employment ; and accordingly took away 
 from him altogether, his beloved and too much 
 cherished garden. Indeed, I afterwards learnt 
 that this was frequently done, when the slaves 
 overworked themselves in this way, which was 
 often the case.' 
 
 As Ellen concluded this recital, my blood 
 boiled in my veins ; and such was my indig- 
 nation, I could scarcely help breaking out into 
 some intemperate expressions. Even Mr. B. 
 seemed moved, but said that all these instan- 
 ces related to slaves naturally well disposed, 
 good characters ; but, in case of immediate 
 abolition, what, let me ask, is to be done with 
 the idle and vicious ? 
 
 ' Why,' replied my friend, ' let the refracto- 
 ry ones become amenable to the laws, and be 
 dealt with in the same way that other crimi- 
 nals are. I see no difficulty in it — it would 
 certainly relieve the master from a great deal 
 of trouble, to say the least.' 
 
 ' Then there are the children and the in- 
 firm — what is to become of them ? The mas- 
 ter, you know, would no longer be responsi- 
 ble for their maintenance.' 
 
 ' Certainly not, (though, in fact, they ought 
 to support the latter class at least, who have 
 spent their strength in their service,) but should 
 they, as probably would be the case, become 
 dependant on those to whom nature lias given 
 them a claim, if the laborer received his just 
 recompense, he would have no difficulty in 
 performing this duty. And what man is there, 
 who would not rather work a little harder, sup- 
 posing it were necessary, to support his child 
 or helpless parent, than to see them fed by the 
 miserable portion dealed out by the grudging 
 hand of his oppressor?' 
 
 ' Why, my dear sir,' said Mr. B. laughing, 
 'you seem to forget the low and degraded 
 character of the slaves, when you suppose 
 them capable of such honorable sentiments. 
 Now I admit that what you state might be the 
 case, if they should be first educated, and then 
 gradually emancipated.' 
 
 ' Allow me, Mr. B. to say,' continued my 
 friend, ' that you are in my opinion entirely 
 mistaken. You begin at the wrong end. No 
 —liberate first, and' then educate ; for knowl- 
 edge and slavery cannot exist together, any 
 more than light and darkness— for the first ray 
 
76 
 
 2Vie South Sea Islander. 
 
 that breaks in upon their minds, will reveal 
 to them their rights, and lead them to burst 
 their fetters at ai Igno- 
 
 rance and shivery are natural allies. A slave 
 is the most unteachable creature upon i arth, 
 and nothing can more plainly show the abomi- 
 nable nature of th a, than its incom- 
 patibility with education, all which can raise 
 aim; ; a brute.' 
 
 Mr. 13. evidently not wishing to pursue the 
 argument in a din . from the fear of a 
 
 defeat; for he appear- js loo much 
 
 judgment not to perceive that he was on the 
 wrong side, turned to Ellen and said, 
 
 'Now, Miss Ellen, I appeal to you : did not 
 most of the slaves appear to be very content- 
 ed and happy ? ' 
 
 ' They, many of them certainly did,' replied 
 she, ' and some of them seemed to think that 
 black people were made to serve white people, 
 and that it was impossible for them, to learn 
 to read and write.' 
 
 ' There,' said Mr. B. to Philo, ' what do you 
 think of that ? ' 
 
 ' Think of it ? ' said he, ' why, I think if I 
 were going to depict Slavery in its most ap- 
 palling colors, I should dwell with peculiar 
 emphasis upon this fact ; lor what can more 
 completely show its stupifying and besotting 
 nature, than its having the power to make hu- 
 man beings so insensible to their true inter- 
 ests, and so ignorant of their just rights ?' 
 
 'I would not,' said Ellen, 'be understood to 
 say, that all are contented and happy — far 
 from it ; for very many, perhaps the greater 
 part, suffer from feelings too keenly corroded 
 by a sense of their wrongs; and 1 have heard 
 of instances where the desire of liberty was 
 so strong as to occasion a hopeless despon- 
 dency, which death only could relieve. In- 
 deed, I have found, where I have been, that 
 great fear was entertained even of those who 
 appeared the most faithful, should any thing 
 like an insurrection occur ; and there are not 
 a few who betray, either by a sullen discon- 
 tent, or a disdainful indifference^ their perfect 
 readiness for open hostility.' 
 
 Though I had listened with intense interest 
 to this discussion, and had been successively 
 agitated by various emotions, 1 had not open- 
 ed my lips ; but I now ventured to inquire, 
 what was the labor in which the slave- \ 
 employed ? .My friend replied that the prin- 
 cipal part of it consisted in the cultivation of 
 sugar, cotton, coffee and rice. And are these 
 articles all consumed by the planters them- 
 selves? I inquired. 
 
 Mr. B. at this, seemed very much diverted, 
 and asked, if I supposed they acquired their 
 princely fortunes in that way ? 
 
 I felt mortified, though I could not see any 
 thing so very absurd in my question ; and, 
 turning to my friend, I asked, how then the 
 produce of their labor ivas disponed of? — for, 
 continued I, it surely cannot be purchased 
 
 and consumed by any but those who either 
 approve, or view Slavery with indifference; 
 and I should hope the number of such was 
 very small. At this, 1 observed Philo and his 
 aisl ir exchange glances, and for a i'ew mo- 
 - there was a total silence. At length 
 said Philo, 
 
 ' Your queries do not at all surprise mo, for 
 they are such as could not fail to be made by 
 every person who viewed the subject in its 
 proper light No, tin.' master would have but 
 little use for his slave, if it were only to fur- 
 , tence for hi id his family ; 
 
 n tli' contrary, most of tin its of 
 
 their labor are consumed by these very peo- 
 ple wiin profess to condemn the system, and 
 :t over it, and wish the evil could be re- 
 moved, without even for a moment seemingto 
 have the thought cross their mind, that they 
 are the ones who are the upholders and sup- 
 porters of it. But once let such a just spirit 
 of resistance prevail as to induce each and 
 'very one to make the generous resolution to 
 forego the use of any of these productions, 
 unless furnished by free labor, and we should 
 find it would possess a power to lift this dead- 
 ly weight, which now broods like an incubus 
 over that fair portion of our country ; for self- 
 interest would soon point out to the slave- 
 holder the only way in which he could make 
 the products of his soil profitable, would be to 
 liberate his slaves.' 
 
 Mr. B. now changed his mirth into anger, 
 and told my friend, with some warmth, that 
 he should not have expected such a wild pro- 
 position to proceed from him. ' Why, you do 
 not seem to take into account the immense 
 disorder, distress, and confusion, such a com- 
 bination as this would occasion, both in com- 
 merce and manufactories, to say nothing of in- 
 dividual privation and inconvenience.' 
 
 ' I am perfectly aware,' said Philo, 'that, for 
 a time, it might operate as you suppose; but 
 should any thino- be put in competition with 
 doing right? However, T have nothing to say 
 to any one, who, after having put it fairly to 
 his conscience, can say he sees no harm in 
 taking his portion of the labor of the slave.' 
 
 I agreed perfectly with my friend, and de- 
 termined thenceforth to use none of these ar- 
 ticles, without first inquiring from what source 
 they came. We now separated, and for my- 
 self, at least, occupied by a new train of 
 thought, my wealth now no longer seemed 
 useless to me; for gigantic schemes for the 
 release and benefit of Slaves filled my imagi- 
 nation. 
 
 JYote. It ought to be mentioned that the 
 story of George and Letty in the first part of 
 the South Sea Islander, and those of the 
 emancipated slaves, and of the slaves over- 
 working themselves on their own grounds, in 
 this part, are facts. 
 
Letter from Arthur Tappan, Esq. — Traffic in Human Flesh. 
 
 77 
 
 [From the Liberator.] 
 LETTER FROM ARTHUR TAPPAN, ESQ. 
 TheoL Seminary, March 29, 1833. 
 Mr. Garrison: — In the correspondence of 
 the Anti-Slavery Society, in this Seminary, 
 the following communication has been r 
 ed from a distinguished philanthropist, 
 it is presumed, will be read with interest by 
 the christian community. 
 
 New-York, March 2(3, 1833. 
 Mr. Lewis F. Laine, Secretary of the Anti- 
 Slavery Society, in the Theological Semi- 
 nary, at Andover. 
 
 Dear Sir — Your communication of the 8th 
 inst., has remained till now unanswered, in 
 consequence of a press of other cares. You 
 ask my opinion of the Colonization Society, 
 and suggest the inquiry, ' Whether, with its 
 present principles and character, it is worthy 
 of the patronage of the christian public ?' My 
 engagements do not admit of my giving an 
 elaborate answer to this inquiry, or explaii 
 at length my views of the Colonization project. 
 When this Society was organized, I was 
 one of its warmest friends, and anticipatad 
 great good from its influence, both in chris- 
 tianizing Africa and abolishing slavery in our 
 country. At one time, I had a plan for estab- 
 lishing a line of Packets, between this city 
 and the colony, and for opening a trade with 
 the interior of Africa. I also offered to pay 
 $1,000 to the Society, if the .100 individ 
 proposed in the plan of G. Smith, could be 
 found within one year. I mention these things 
 to show how heartily I entered into the 
 scheme. 
 
 The first thing that shook my confidence in 
 the Society, was the fact, that ardent spirits 
 were allowed to be sold at the colony, and, as 
 the Agents wrote me from Liberia, in giving 
 the assortment suitable to make up an im 
 were considered ' indispensable.' I used the 
 little influence I had, with the Society, to ob- 
 tain a prohibition to the admission of ardent 
 spirits into the colony, with what success may 
 be seen in the * fact, that no less than four- 
 teen HUNDREn barrels of the liquid poison, 
 have been sold there within a year. With 
 my feelings somewhat cooled by the knowl- 
 edge that ardent spirits, tobacco, powder and 
 balls, were leading articles of trade at the 
 colony, I read v care the arguments of 
 
 that distinguished and fearless philanthropist, 
 W. L. Garrison, in the Liberator, and was 
 soon led to ask myself whether this 'splendid 
 scheme of benevolence ' was not a device of 
 _ Satan, to rivet still closer the fetters of the 
 slaves, and to deepen the prejudice against the 
 free colored people. I now believe it is, and 
 that it had its origin in the single motive, to get 
 rid of the free colored people, that the slaves 
 
 may he held in greater safety.' Good men have 
 been drawn into it, under the delusive idea, 
 that it would break the chains of slavery and 
 evangelize Africa : but the day is not far dis- 
 tant, I believe, when the Society will be re- 
 garded in its true character, and deserted by 
 every one who wishes to see a speedy end 
 put to slavery, in this land of boasted freedom. 
 You are at liberty, to make what use you 
 please, of this expression of my sentiments. 
 I rejoice to witness the effort that is every 
 where making, to ' let the captive go free,' and 
 that the number is daily increasing of those 
 who are resolved not to cease their efforts in 
 every lawful way, to secure to our colored 
 fellow citizens, equal rights with others. That, 
 your Society may be eminently instrumental 
 in dissipating prejudice, and pouringlight upon 
 the intellect of the millions of our countrymen 
 who are held in bondage, is the earnest prayer 
 of your fellow laborer, 
 
 ARTHUR TAPPAN. 
 
 "This statement. I am assured is made on unques- 
 tionable authority, and it is not contradicted by the 
 Colonization Society. 
 
 TRAFFIC IN HUMAN FLESH. 
 
 The traffic in ' slaves and souls of men ' 
 forms the most extensive branch of American 
 commerce ! — As specimens of the manner in 
 which these unhappy, guiltless beings are of- 
 fered for sale, we copy the following adver- 
 tisements from southern newspapers. Well 
 may abolitionists be excused, in view of this 
 horrible spectacle, if they exhibit great indig- 
 nation and intense ardor. Blush, republicans ! 
 Mourn, christians ! 
 
 BY HENRY o'HARA. 
 
 To-morrow r , 28th inst. will be sold, at the north 
 side of the Custom House, at 11 o'clock, 
 CHLOE, a good Cook, Washer and Ironer, 
 
 and her Five Children, the eldest, a Boy 14, 
 
 Eliza 12, Thomas 10, Anny 8, and Mick 5 
 
 years old. 
 
 BINAH, a good Cook, Washer and Ironer, 
 
 and her 3 children, Cuffee, a boy 12, Hagar 9, 
 
 and Binah (i years old. 
 
 PATIENCE,a prime young Mulatto woman 
 
 20 years old, a first rate Servant, of warranted 
 
 character. 
 
 BY BEE & CARTER. 
 
 On Friday, 29th inst. will be sold, at the north 
 side of the Custom House, at 11 o'clock, 
 The balance of Negroes unsold, belonging 
 
 to an assigned Estate,by order of the Assignee. 
 
 CONSISTING OF 
 
 Six valuable Fellows, Ship Carpenters and 
 Caulkers, among whom are some of the best 
 workmen in the city. 
 
 Conditions — Approved endorsed Notes, pay- 
 able in 60 days, with interest from date, and 
 mortgage of property. Purchasers to pay for 
 papers. t2 Feb. 27. 
 
 BY BEE & CARTER. 
 
 On Tuesday, 5th March, will be sold, at the 
 north side of the Custom House, at 11 
 
73 
 
 of Emancipation. 
 
 o'clock, belonging to the Estate of Win. 
 McKinsie Parker, deceased. 
 
 A prime and <>r. -.■/ of 62 Negroes, 
 
 accustomed to the culture of Sea Island Cot- 
 ton, among whom are '-" l Workers, 3 half 
 Hand<, and 8 Boys and (lirls from 10 to 14 
 years old. 
 
 V,\ THOMAS N. GADSDEN. 
 
 To-morrow, !,-'t!i inst. will be sold at the north 
 of the Exchange, at. 11 o'clock, 
 
 THREE \ \!.i ilil.!'. \ EGROES. 
 
 A prim" young Wench, about 1? years old, 
 a complete House Servant, and good Seams- 
 "id a very likely Boy, between 13 and 
 I 1 year-' of age. 
 
 S'. 1!. These \ogroes are all of warranted 
 characters, and can be treated for at private 
 sale any time before the day of sale. 
 
 BY S. PHILBRICK. 
 
 A Negro Woman, about 35 years of age, a 
 good plain cook and washer, accustomed to 
 house-work and sewing. 
 
 Also, a Negro Fellow and bis wife and a 
 child, about 2 years old — good field hands. 
 
 BY J. B. HERHKRT & CO. 
 
 M Private Sale — A Negro Woman, 40 years 
 old, a good field hand, and her daughter 9 
 years old, a house servant. 
 
 Also, a Woman, 23 years old — an ahle house 
 servant or field hand, with her 2 children, both 
 Girls, 3 and 5 years old. Aug. 14. 
 
 BY S. PHILBRICK. 
 
 Jit Private Sale — A prime Negro Wench, 
 about 10 years of age, of good character. 
 
 Also, a Negro Woman, about 35 years of 
 age, a first rate cook, washer and ironer. 
 
 SAFETY OF EMANCIPATION. 
 We read with delight the subjoined article 
 from the Liverpool Times, of February 19. 
 Comment is unnecessary. It is time that the 
 slanderers of Ilayti and the revilers of the 
 free people of color, should make themselves 
 acquainted with the real character of the ob- 
 jects of their abuse. 
 
 FREE NEGROES AND SLAVES. 
 
 We subjoin from the report of the Com- 
 mons' Committee on Slavery a few extracts 
 from the important evidence of the Hon. 
 Charles Fleming, the Admiral on the West 
 India station, who has resided in Jamaica, and 
 has frequently visited Cuba, Ilayti, and the 
 Caraccas. These extracts prove that the ne- 
 groes will soon free themselves, if they are 
 not freed by the government, — that free ne- 
 groes are industrious, and will work regularly, 
 even in the cultivation of sugar, — that they 
 are competent to fulfil the duties of governors, 
 generals, and priests, — and that the \'vcc. blacks 
 of Cuba and Ilayti are incomparably better 
 fed, and happier than the slaves of Jamaica: — 
 
 • 2499. Were you much struck with tbe in- 
 creased knowledge of the slave population 
 when you last saw them, compared with what 
 you observed among them when you saw them 
 on a former occasion ? — Yes very much, and 
 I was confirmed by that in my opinion that 
 they are not inferior to the white people in 
 intellect 
 
 ' 2500. From what you saw and what you 
 hoard from persons on whose information you 
 ran rely, are you satisfied that reading and 
 listeningto works read is very prevalent among 
 the slaves in Jamaica ? — Yes, I know it of my 
 own knowledge, and I have been informed 
 that it is very prevalent ; I have seen one man 
 reading a Gazette to a gang of slaves.' 
 
 ' 2503. Are you of opinion that if the power 
 of reading becomes general among them, so 
 stimulated by their condition as slaves, that 
 the knowledge of what passes here upon the 
 subject, and the knowledge of what passes in 
 the Legislature of Jamaica upon the subject, 
 is consistent with the permanent endurance 
 on their part of the state of slavery ? — No, I 
 think it will put an end to slavery ; it will be 
 impossible to keep enlighted people slaves, 
 treated as they now are, as lias been proved 
 by their late insurrection.' 
 
 The Admiral says — 
 
 ' I am of opinion that the West Indies could 
 be cultivated by free labor, and I ground that 
 opinion upon my experience of what I have 
 seen in Hayti, in the Caraccas, particularly 
 where all are free, and in the islands of Trini- 
 dad and Cuba, and upon the industry of the 
 free negroes in the islands of the Bahamas.' 
 
 '2685. Was not one of the generals in the 
 Caraccas a black man ? Yes, General Pey- 
 anga was a perfectly black man, a complete 
 negro ; he was a very well informed man, a 
 very well educated person, and well read in 
 Spanish literature ; he was a very extraordi- 
 nary man. 
 
 '2686. Hid you happen to know whether 
 English officers served under him?— Many 
 were serving under him ; I knew many other 
 black officers, of very considerable acquire- 
 ments, in the Caraccas and in Cuba also. I 
 have known a black priest, a perfect negro, 
 born in the Cape de Verd Islands, a very well 
 informed person.' 
 
 Speaking of the black republic of Hayti, 
 Admiral Fleming says— 
 
 '2725. Are you aware that there is a pro- 
 hibition against all corporal punishment in 
 that country ? — Yes, I know there is. 
 
 '27"2i>. Did they appear to you to be living 
 comfortably? — Yes; the most happy, the rich- 
 est, the best fed, and the most comfortable ne- 
 groes that I saw in the West Indies were in 
 Hayti, even better than in the Carraccas. 
 
 '2727. Were they decidedly better than the 
 slaves in Jamaica ? — No comparison. 
 
 ' 2728. Do you happen to know whether the 
 population of Hayti has increased within the 
 
The Logic of Arithmetic. — Canterbury Again. 
 
 70 
 
 last twenty years ? — Of my own knowledge I 
 cannot know that ; neither are there any very 
 correct returns ; but I have every reason to 
 believe that, since the last time the French 
 retired from the island in 1804, the population 
 has trebled. 
 
 '2753. What were their victuals, compared 
 with the food of the slaves in Jamaica, — were 
 they superior or much the same ? — They were 
 fed on meat principally ; cattle is very cheap 
 in Hayti. 
 
 '2754. Is meat much cheaper in Hayti than 
 in Jamaica ? — Yes ; much cheaper ; it is 2d. a 
 pound, whilst the contract price in Jamaica is 
 12d. ; in both places these are the highest 
 prices.' 
 
 THE LOGIC OF ARITHMETIC. 
 
 The whites in the West Indies sometimes 
 threaten to throw off their allegiance to Great 
 Britain, in case of a compulsory enfranchise- 
 ment of the slaves. A correspondent of the 
 Jamaica Watchman, an anti-slavery paper, 
 published at Kingston, (Ja.) gives the follow- 
 ing statement, which in regard to that island 
 is an unanswerable argument to all the bully- 
 ing and vaporing of the slaveholders. 
 
 Aggregate strength of the free black 
 
 and brown population 75.000 
 
 Deduct those whom it is supposed 
 would be compelled to join the dis- 
 affected from the nature of their 
 employment 1,000 74,000 
 
 His Majesty's regular forces with part 
 
 of the marines 3,400 
 
 Maroons 1,400 
 
 Disbanded Wost India Regiment 300 
 
 Add two thousand loyal whites 
 
 Less white rebels 
 Deduct the loyal whites 
 
 79,100 
 2,000 
 
 25,000 
 
 81,100 
 2,000 23.000 
 
 58,100 
 [Slaves are meant of course] 350,000 
 
 408,100 
 
 Then add 
 
 Balance in favor of the King and his govern- 
 ment 
 
 Say ye rebellious dogs whether ye can transfer your 
 allegiance to any other power or much longer continue 
 to oppose yourselves to the laws and the Executive. 
 
 CANTERBURY AGAIN. 
 
 Another act of the Canterbury farce has 
 been performed, and we now hope we have 
 reached the end of the play. A manifesto 
 addressed to the American Colonization So- 
 ciety, and signed by nine persons as the Civil 
 Authority, and three of the same persons, and 
 two others as the Selectmen of Canterbury, has 
 appeared in the newspapers. This rather 
 anomalous document,is intended as a justifica- 
 tion of the proceedings of the Canterbury 
 town meeting. Why it is addressed to the 
 
 Colonization Society is not stated, but this 
 course, it is evident, was adopted because that 
 body was considered the sure patron of per- 
 secution and prejudice. We trust that this 
 motherly society will yield her protection to 
 the frightened chickens who are endeavoring 
 to shelter themselves under her wings. We 
 do not think it necessary to examine this docu- 
 ment, as it offers no good reason or even plau- 
 sible apology for the conduct of the Canter- 
 burians, and denies no material part of the 
 charge against them. 
 
 We think it the less necessary to examine 
 the Canterbury proclamation, because the 
 whole proceedings of the town, have already 
 been examined with great ability, in two let- 
 ters to Andrew T. Judson, Esq. by the Rev. 
 Samuel J. May, of Brooklyn, Conn, which have 
 recently appeared in a pamphlet form. Though 
 these letters represent the conduct of the Can- 
 terburians in its true light, they are yet 
 distinguished by Christian charity. This pro- 
 duction we recommend to all who believe 
 that the colored people, have the same right 
 to be educated as the whites. We have room 
 only for a single extract. 
 
 ■' The question between us is not simply whether 
 thirty or forty colored girls shall bo well educated at a 
 school to be kept in Canterbury ; but whether the peo- 
 ple in any part of oar land will recognize and gener- 
 ously protect the ' inalienable rights of man/ without 
 distinction of color 1 If this be not done, in Connecti- 
 cut, where else in our land can we expect it will be 
 done, at least in our day 1 That it cannot be done 
 even in this State without a struggle is now most 
 shamefully obvious. A year or two since, some be- 
 nevolent individuals proposed to erect an institution, at 
 New-Haven, for the education of colored young men. 
 The design was defeated by violent opposition. If the 
 citizens had opposed merely its location in that City, 
 they might have escaped condemnation, for such a 
 seminary there might have been ver}' prejudicial to 
 Yale College. But it was only too apparent, that 
 their hostility to the institution was peculiarly embit- 
 tered by their prejudices against the color of those, 
 who were to be educated at it. So too in the case at 
 Canterbury; no one pretends there would have been 
 any opposition to Miss Crandall's school, if her pupils 
 were to be white. The tincture of their skin then it is 
 which has called out all the men of influence in array 
 against her; and has even procured from the freemen 
 of the town an expression of their 'unqualified disap- 
 probation' of her plan. 
 
 ' Here then, in Connecticut, we have had two recent 
 instances of outrage committed upon 'the inalienable 
 rights of man.' Among these rights, to use the lan- 
 guage of the Declaration of Independence 'are life, 
 liberty .and the pursuit of happiness.' Now Education 
 has from the first, been regarded in this State highly 
 conducive to the private happiness, and the public 
 weal. Yet have our colored brethren been twice an- 
 grily denied permission to seek this blessing, to the 
 extent that they have desired. Will the_ people of 
 Connecticut generally, countenance these violations of 
 our civil and religious principles? If they will, let 
 them no longer claim to be a republican, much less a 
 christian people ! ' 
 
80 
 
 Dtatk of J. Kenrick, Est]. — Affecting Occurrence. — .1 .Yew Ballad, 
 
 DEATH OF JOHN KENRICK, ESQ. 
 At a meeting of the Board of M 
 
 , iv, Vpril I 
 following preamble and resolutions were unanimously 
 
 The Board of Managers of the New-] 
 Slaver) Society have heard wi,th deep 
 
 the death oftheir venerable President, Ihe late 
 5ohb Kenrick, Esq. His ardent and active philan- 
 thropy, which even age could nol cool, and especially 
 iuous ami long-continued i behall <>i 
 
 of color in this country ,com- 
 al a lime when theii little re- 
 
 garded, — merit bim oui wai 
 
 teem. His private virtues had endeared him 10 all 
 who knew him. His loss now seems to us irreparable. 
 S el we trust thai his example will not be lost upon the 
 members of our Society . bul anii renewed 
 
 exertions in the great cause of human liberty. Deem- 
 ing 11 proper to place upon our records and to commu- 
 amily our feelings u| on this oci 
 R olved, That we sympathize will, the surviving 
 relative- late Johh Kes ri< k, Esq. 
 
 in their feelings on the loss of a friend so much belov- 
 ed and r.\ ered. 
 
 '. That a copy of the foregoing preamble 
 and resolution be communicated by the Secretary to 
 i |y of Mr. Kenrick. 
 
 AFFECTING OCCURRENCE. 
 
 A few days ago, two colored men gave information 
 to some members of the Anti-Slavery Society, that a 
 I ive Horn one of the southern Slates was on 
 board a schooner in the harbor, that he was vers desir- 
 ous of- escaping, and that lie was watched foi fear ol 
 bis running away. 'Ihe name of the vessel, as 
 ward- asci rtained, was die Vienna, her master's Lo- 
 renzo Dow Morgan, and the slave's Burton Spicer. — 
 She is >anl lo be bound to New-York. A writ of ha- 
 beas corpus was. on the petition of one of the members 
 of the Society, immediately' obtained from the Supreme 
 Court, and served upon [he Captain; and Spicer was 
 shortly alter brought up lo die - 
 
 Helen- the Judges -a mid take cognizance of the 
 case, it became necessary lo -Ih.w dial Spicer was de- 
 tained against his will, lie .-..i ingly interro- 
 gated upon the subject by the counsel, and infoi 
 that he was free in Massachusetts, and that no doubt die 
 Court would 50 pronounce him, if the case was permit- 
 ted to proceed. TIk- poor allow seemed very much 
 agitated, and his whole frame trembled. He said he 
 should like io be free in Ins own country, where his re- 
 lations u " . He was urged i" make In- election, and 
 say whether he wished io be free an i here, i 
 he would be compelled to do, or to return lo Ins rela- 
 tions as n slave, lie concluded, alter a Strong and 
 visible conflict between hi- feelings, to go back — and 
 accordingly returned to the vessel. We are informed, 
 and have no doubt of the fact, that the Captain had 
 threatened in pul him in irons, ii he attempted to i -- 
 The N. lings of the sla r. He 
 was not insensible of ihe charms ol liberty, but he was 
 unwilling to desi rt his r< lations, e\ pn to obtain a bless- 
 ing which he so ardently desired. 
 
 The case leads us 'lo mention a principl 
 which is not so generally known among us as il 
 to be, viz : — that a slave, coming fi slave 
 
 States, by the consent of his master, into a frei 
 becomes'free. The only case in which the authorities 
 of a free State are bound lo deliver up a slave to his 
 owner, is the one provided for by Ihe Constitution ol 
 
 the United States, when- the -lave has n way; from 
 
 his master. In every other case, every person in die 
 free States, is free.— The Liberator, of Saturday, 
 April \2>th. 
 
 A NEW BALLAD* 
 
 I'll tell you a >iory merry. 
 
 Concerning the peo] ay,' t 
 
 About their town me< ling and speechifying, 
 To send all the blacks from ihe country llyuig. 
 
 1 dared to invite 
 Colored in!- in her school, that she'd teach them to 
 
 w rite. 
 And. lo die disgrace of the town and the nation, 
 In '.ended to give diem a good edui 
 
 When this new- reached the ears of the clerk of the 
 
 town, 
 lie lengthened his visi down, 
 
 Then swine by ihe shade ol Jai k < nde, no SUchschool 
 
 The \ ill a while he had the iule. 
 
 So die townsmen are summ In haste they appear 
 
 In their hall, all aghast, and all trembling with fear. 
 
 or rises, ' A vole let me read. 
 To declare to the universe some of our i 
 
 , ire not given, 
 !, road lo heaven, 
 'ml thai we will resist leaching any such creatures, 
 As rudely assailing a great law of nature's.' 
 
 ■ Can any one think.' he cries, • nature intended 
 
 Byti aching, th uls should everue mended, 
 
 m meet with us whiles, in debate. 
 Anil aid us in making the laws lor our Stale? 
 
 Can Connecticut men e'er become such vile asses 
 
 mit to this mixture of milk and molasses? 
 Oh ! save us, kind heaven, from Ihese foul disgraces, 
 And bless our descendants with unmixed white faces ! ' 
 
 When this manly r< olve this bold spi ech had sustained 
 Long and loud were ihe plaudits ihe orator gained. 
 Next spri clerk, but how vain is all verse, 
 
 His wisdom. Ins fancy, Ins wit to rehearse. 
 
 • I rise, fellow citizi I ! 
 
 < )ur good town is ruined, our rights are betrayed ! 
 ng us, what then? 
 Black females are ladies, and negroes are men. 
 
 We must meet diem at dinners, at parties, at prayers, 
 
 Our houses and lands Inn would soon become theirs. 
 
 What right have these woolly heads hither to come, 
 
 Let them go back to Africa — there is their home. 
 
 In vain did our forefathers cross the rough sea, 
 \ :■ us ihis land a- die home of the free; 
 in vain did oin bleed, in vain toil, 
 
 If we suffer these negroes to -hare in the soil. 
 
 Let us swear then together we never will yield 
 
 To the negro a house, or a school, or a held ; 
 
 But while Quim Ihrough our town, it shall 
 
 ii". er 
 Reflect a black face from its bosom forever.' 
 
 nd Ihe townsmen, with eager acclaim, 
 olve, whi< h saves them Irom the shame. 
 
 Th" cal ! '"'''■ 
 
 Oftreatmg I breth a the U'rii an race. 
 
 Oh! patriot sagi sof < tuinebaug river, 
 
 Your wisdom shall brighten the world forever. 
 
 And humanity, weeping o'er error and crime, 
 
 Shall be cheered by your vole to the last hour of time. 
 
 For a prose account of the transactions related in 
 this ballad, see the Abolitionist for April, p. 61. 
 
 t These two lines are borrowed from an old ballad 
 with the alteration of a single word. 
 
THE ABOLITIONIST. 
 
 VOL. I.] 
 
 JUNE, 1833. 
 
 [NO. VI. 
 
 THE LATE JOHN KENRICK, ESQ. 
 
 Our last number mentioned the death of 
 John Kenrick, Esq. of Newton, President 
 of the New-England Anti-Slavery Society. 
 We are happy to have it in our power to lay be- 
 fore our readers some few particulars respect- 
 ing the life of this venerable philanthropist. 
 
 He was born at Newton, Massachusetts, 
 Nov. 6, 1755, and consequently, at the time of 
 his death was in his seventy-ninth year. 
 
 ' He was,' in the words of one who was well 
 acquainted with him, ' characterised through 
 life, by industry, economy, punctuality, and in- 
 tegrity .' By the exercise of these virtues, he ac- 
 quired a handsome property, which he employ- 
 ed liberally in promoting benevolent objects. 
 
 Some years ago, he established a fund for 
 assisting and relieving the unfortunate and in- 
 dustrious poor of Newton. The trustees of 
 this fund, at present, distribute $60 a year, 
 from the income of the fund ; and after 1850, 
 will be able to distribute $200 a year. 
 
 He had for many years before his death 
 taken a deep interest in the abolition of sla- 
 very, and published a considerable number of 
 articles on the subject, in the newspapers at 
 different times. He was an ardent friend of 
 the Republic of Hayti. and published several 
 pieces in relation to it. 
 
 In the year 1816, he published a small vol- 
 ume compiled by himself, entitled the ' Horrors 
 of Slavery.' This work is in two parts, the 
 first chiefly composed of extracts from the 
 speeches of British statesmen; the second, 
 chiefly of extracts from American writers. 
 It contains also an introduction and concluding 
 remarks by the compiler. He printed 3,000 cop- 
 ies of the work at his own expense, which he 
 distributed chiefly among the members of Con- 
 gress, and of the State Legislatures, and other 
 persons in the Northern and Western States. 
 
 Mr. Kenrick sent a copy of this work to 
 Boyer, the President of the Haytian Republic. 
 The following is a translation of a letter from 
 President Boyer acknowledging the receipt 
 of the volume. 
 
 ' Republic of Hayti. 
 
 Jean Pierre Boyer, President of Hayti. 
 Port-au-Prince, June 9, 1818, 
 the 15th year of Independence. 
 
 Sir, — I have received the work which you 
 were kind enough to send me, entitled the 
 Horrors of Slavery, and am duly sensible of 
 your civility in presenting it to me. I have 
 read the volume with the liveliest interest, 
 and cannot but applaud the motives which in- 
 duced you to prepare it. I fondly cherish the 
 idea that the exertions of philanthropists, 
 among whom you are so honorably distinguish- 
 ed, will ere long be crowned with the most 
 brilliant success, and that humanity will no 
 longer groan under the barbarous laws which 
 still support in some countries the atrocious 
 system of slavery. It will be your glory and 
 consolation, Sir, and that of those who, like 
 you, consecrate their talents and leisure, in 
 pleading at the tribunal of reason the sacred 
 cause of the oppressed, to see the victims of a 
 detestable avarice, one day restored to the 
 dignity of men, and enjoying their right of re- 
 turned unceasing thanks to Heaven, in grati- 
 tude for what they owe you. 
 
 Continue, Sir, to execute the honorable de- 
 sign you have engaged in. Your philanthro- 
 pic devotedness, your ardent zeal to promote 
 the cause of justice and public morals, will 
 make you deserving of the esteem and vene- 
 ration of your cotemporaries and posterity. 
 For myself, I feel a real satisfaction i.n offer- 
 ing you the expression of these sentiments, 
 and in assuring you that I will do every thing 
 in my power to co-operate with you in the 
 holy work of regenerating those of our breth- 
 ren who have been robbed of their liberty. 
 
 I have the honor to salute you, &c. &c. 
 
 BOYER. 
 
 Mr. Kenrick took a deep interest in the 
 New-England Anti-Slavery Society, and was 
 from its commencement one of its most liberal 
 patrons and useful friends. He gave several 
 sums to the society, at different times, amount- 
 ing in the whole to six hundred dollars, be- 
 sides one hundred dollars specially devoted to 
 the Manual Labor School. He was chosen 
 President of the Society at its last annual 
 meeting, and continued to hold the office at 
 the time of his death. 
 11 
 
A Roman Death. — Letter to the Archbishop of Canterbury. 
 
 82 
 
 His character was held iu high and deser- 
 ved estimation among his neighbors. He 
 served in all the first military and civil offices 
 in Newton, his native place, was for many 
 years a magistrate, and from his 70th year, 
 represented the town for seven years succes- 
 sively, in the General Court of Massachusetts. 
 
 In regard to religion, we again adopt the 
 language of a friend, 'he believed it to con- 
 sist in " imitating the God who is worshipped" 
 — in doing justly, loving mercy, and walking 
 humbly, in obedience to the commands of God 
 — in visiting the fatherless and widows in their 
 affliction — in avoiding the spots, the vices, 
 and the vain customs of the world — in undo- 
 ing heavy burdens, and letting the oppressed 
 go free.' 
 
 ' He had a powerful mind in a powerful body. 
 He was distinguished for energy, decision, 
 independence and enterprise. His talents for 
 business, whether public or private, were of 
 the highest order. The most prominent fea- 
 ture of his intellectual character, appears to 
 have been, strong, thorough, practical good 
 sense. His stature, his size, his features, his 
 powerful voice, and his commanding address, 
 all betokened extraordinary physical and in- 
 tellectual force.' 
 
 A ROMAN DEATH. 
 
 Hypocrisy is the homage which vice pays to virtue. 
 Rochefoucauld. 
 
 The .following story is copied from the Rich- 
 mond Compiler : 
 
 A servaint of a very respectable gentleman of this 
 city had obtained forged papers for himself, wife and 
 her mother, and look iiis passage on Sunday morning 
 in the Patriik Henry, for Norfolk, intending' to go on 
 to New-York. In the course of the forenoon lie was 
 detected by Capt. Chapman ; and on meeting with the 
 Potomac on jher way up to Richmond, Capt, Chapman 
 put the wholi: party on board the Potomac, to I"- re- 
 turned to thehV masters. The servant was very much 
 depressed in tl ic course of the day, and staled that he 
 had no cause o f complaint against his master, of whom 
 he spoke in a Sectionate terms ; but that he never 
 could return to ,'iim after making an attempt to escape. 
 The Potomac w as late in getting up, and within a very 
 short distance of Itockctts. about half past 11 o'clock, 
 (on Sunday night .) the servant stepped over the side 
 of the steamboat, before the wheel, very close to some 
 of the passengers , who did not suspect his purpose. 
 Wood was immei liately thrown out to him, and the 
 boat lowered — but in vain. The wretched victim of 
 his own passions ha> 1 disappeared and sunk. 
 
 The act of this poor slave in putting an end 
 to his life, was cer tainly criminal when exam- 
 ined by the light t if Christianity. But had it 
 been done among the Romans, it would have 
 been celebrated as a deed of heroic virtue. 
 Poets and orators \> ould have recorded the 
 
 name of the man who preferred death to sla- 
 very, among those of their Brutuses and Catos. 
 Yet the Richmond Compiler sees in the au- 
 thor of this rash act nothing but the 'victim of 
 his own passions.'' He might have seen, if he 
 had reflected, the victim of a cruel system of 
 oppression. We wonder he had not reproach- 
 ed the poor slave for bis fraudulent conduct 
 in killing himself, and thus cheating his own- 
 er out of his value. 
 
 There are several particulars deserving no- 
 tice in the paragraph we have just copied. 
 They serve to show that even slave states are 
 ashamed of slavery. In the first place, neith- 
 er the name of the slave nor of his master are 
 given. Whence does this studied conceal- 
 ment arise, except from a consciousness that 
 there was something wrong in a system which 
 leads to such awful catastrophes? 
 
 Suppose an apprentice of a mechanic had 
 hung himself in a northern city, how different- 
 ly would the story have been told. ' We un- 
 derstand that James Tompkins, an apprentice 
 of John Smith, a carpenter, who boarded with 
 Mrs Adams at 90 Wendell-street, hung him- 
 self last night in his chamber,' &c. 
 
 Again. The Compiler thinks it necessary 
 to apologise for the owner of the slave, by 
 calling him a ' very respectable gentleman,' 
 and saying that the slave 'stated he had no 
 cause of complaint against his master, of 
 whom he spoke in affectionate terms.' 
 
 In the next place, the Compiler is so deli- 
 cate that he cannot use the word slave, but 
 very affectedly always calls him a servant. The 
 Virginians, it seems, are so much ashamed of 
 slavery, that they think it necessary to use 
 some less offensive term in its place. We re- 
 joice to see this affectation. We hope it may 
 prove a symptom of returning virtue, and wc 
 trust as they are now ashamed of the name of 
 slaves, they may soon become more ashamed 
 of the reality. 
 
 LETTER TO THE ARCIIIJISIIOP OF CAN- 
 TERBURY. 
 
 The following letter from Captain Charles 
 Stuart to the Archbishop of Canterbury, will, 
 we think, be read with interest by all who ac- 
 knowledge the rights of slaves to freedom. 
 Though written principally in reference to 
 the course pursued by the Society for 
 Propagating the Gospel, it applies with 
 great force to slaveholders in the United 
 States. 
 
Letter to the Archbishop of Canterbury. 
 
 83 
 
 LETTER. 
 Mr Lord: — 
 
 Will you permit an humble member of the 
 Church of Christ, to address you with affec- 
 tionate boldness, on a subject near his heart? 
 That subject is, Negro Slavery ! 
 Not long ago, I heard with grief the pro- 
 clamation read, which recommended the Soci- 
 ety for Propagating the Gospel, to public aid. 
 I heard it with grief, because that Society is a 
 Slaveholder ; and because the direct occasion, 
 had reference to its Slave estate. Turn not 
 now away, I beseech you ; for, my Lord, ' It 
 is an easy thing to wear a mitre and a cross ; 
 but an awful thing to give account of a bish- 
 opric, before the Judge of quick ' and dead ;' 
 and I find that I cannot be at rest without thus 
 addressing you, while I read the solemn words 
 of God, in Lev. xix. 17 — and again in James 
 ii. 10. 
 
 The Society has had the said estate with 
 Slaves, for upwards of 100 years. God, no 
 doubt put it into their power, that they might 
 obey Him, and let the ' oppressed go free.' — 
 Col. Codrington put it into their power, that 
 they might educate a certain number of white 
 youths, and give religious instruction to the 
 blacks. I need not tell your Lordship, how 
 poorly both of these objects have been an- 
 swered ; neither need I affirm which the So- 
 ciety ought to have obeyed. 
 
 But what lias the Society been doing since 
 1710, when the bequest was made them? 
 
 It has been preparing to obey God, as soon 
 as might be prudent or convenient, by first 
 preparing the Negroes for liberty. 
 
 Here are my poor, said God, they have been 
 oppressed — I put them into your hands. ' Let 
 them go, that they may serve me.' 
 
 We will, replied the Society, as soon as we 
 have fitted them for it. 
 
 So, thirty years rolled away, a generation 
 passed into eternity, and the next generation 
 was 6till enslaved, and still not fitted. 
 
 ' Let my people go,' said God, in 1740, ' that 
 
 they may serve me.' 
 
 They arc not ready yet, replied the Society. 
 
 A third generation rose in 1770, and again 
 
 God said—' Let my people go, that they may 
 
 serve me.' 
 
 We are getting them ready, replied the So- 
 ciety, as fast as we can. Do pray give us two 
 generations more, for to tell you the truth, we 
 want them to serve ourselves a little longer, 
 and to make money for us, that we may build 
 a college, and educate the white youths ; and 
 besides it would be running so sadly counter, 
 to the generous and cultivated Barbarians ! 
 
 Another generation passed into eternity un- 
 redressed; and then another; and still the 
 Society, instead of obeying, is only preparing 
 to obey. 
 
 My Lord, what brought down upon Algiers 
 the British thunder, but a similar procedure ? 
 
 What but a similar procedure, iny Lord, 
 awakened the midnight echoes of Egypt, with 
 the howl of the slaughter of the first born ? 
 
 My Lord, who is it that keeps in His bottle, 
 the tears of the afflicted ; or whose ear is it, 
 that is ever open to the cry of the poor, and 
 who forgets not their blood ? 
 
 Doth not He speak truly, who says, 1 Sam. 
 xv. 22 — ' Behold, to obey, is better than sacri- 
 fice, and to hearken, than the fat of rams,' &c. 
 
 Now, my Lord, the question which I wish 
 to place before you with affectionate boldness, 
 is: — 
 
 What is the real character of measures, 
 which consist in '■preparing to let the oppress- 
 ed go free,' instead of letting them go ; espe- 
 cially when the experience of 120 years calls 
 out shame upon the futility of such prepara- 
 tions ; for your Lordship no doubt is aware, 
 that the great body of Slaves on the estate in 
 question, are still living in open fornication 
 and adultery ? 
 
 What, then, is the real character of such 
 measures ? 
 
 Clearly, it is not obeying the letter of God's 
 Word. 
 
 But does the spirit differ from the letter ? 
 
 Your Lordship knows that the spirit is al- 
 ivays to be collected from the letter, except 
 where doing so would involve a palpable ab- 
 surdity. 
 
 Now, would abiding by the letter, in the case 
 before us, involve a palpable absurdity? — 
 Would it be palpably absurd to believe, that 
 infinite wisdom and goodness, commands the 
 oppressed to be immediately delivered ? Or 
 must we conclude, that infinite love, knowing 
 perfectly how very little men can be safely 
 trusted with despotic power, still wills that 
 the oppressed should remain in the hands of 
 their oppressors, until their oppressors at the 
 close of many generations, shall at length per- 
 haps think them fit for liberty ! 
 
 Let us look at the divine procedure, as re- 
 corded in the Bible. 
 
 Three thousand years ago, the Jews were 
 in bondage in Egypt. 
 
 Did God sanction Pharoah's keeping them 
 in bondage, until the Egyptian task masters 
 had prepared them for liberty ? No ! — He 
 commanded Pharoah to let His people go. 
 
 But perhaps they were prepared for liberty ! 
 
 Their bones scattered in the wilderness, 
 where they sinned, and the golden calf, mol- 
 ten and graved at the very foot of the Mount, 
 fearfully reply that they were not. 
 
 Chushan Rishathaim, the Mesopotamian, in 
 the 15th Century before Christ, reduced them 
 to slavery for their crimes. — Judges iii. 7, 8. 
 Did God permit him to keep them in bondage, 
 till he had prepared them for liberty ? No ! 
 God raised up Othniel, and delivered them, 
 though He hieio that they could soon again 
 reduce themselves by their crimes, to bondage. 
 
84 
 
 Letter to tha Archbishop of Canterbury. 
 
 Eglon, the King of Moab, not long after, 
 became their master, and his history supplies 
 a similar evidence : God delivi red them from 
 slavery, most unfit as they proved then 
 for freedom. 
 
 We have similar evidence, in Judges iv. <!, 
 8.— x. 11, &c. 
 
 But perhaps when long afterwards the Jews 
 •were delivered from the Babylonish Church, 
 they had learnt not to abuse their freedom ? 
 
 Who, then, crucified the Lord of Glory ! 
 
 I venture to affirm, my Lord, without re- 
 serve thai we have no instance in the Bible, 
 in which God sanctions one man, in keeping 
 another man, without a crime, in bondage, in 
 order to prepare him for liberty. The process 
 is totally unscriptural. But is it not also as 
 unphilosophical and irrational, as it is unscrip- 
 tural ? 
 
 Two things would be clearly indispensible, 
 in or to sanction it. 
 
 I. A right to do so, and 
 
 II. Right Agents — a sufficient number of 
 them — and a sufficient continuance, before- 
 hand secured. 
 
 1. This of course must be a right Right; 
 not merely a legal one, for legality may equal- 
 ly sanction Cannibalism, Suttees, or Negro 
 Slavery. But legality cannot alter the nature 
 of things, much less make that right amongst 
 Christians, which is criminal even among 
 heathens. 
 
 But there is no such right in the case be- 
 fore us. In the nature of God's holy Provi- 
 dence, it is unalterably a crime, for any pow- 
 er to subject any man to bondage, or to keep 
 him in bondage, except as a righteous pun- 
 ishment for his own crimes ; and until the Ne- 
 groes be fairly tried and found guilty of some 
 crime, which would warrant such a dreadful 
 penalty, there can be no right Right to keep 
 them in bondage, even for a moment. God 
 has already announced the judgment of those 
 who do evil, that good may come. Romans, 
 iii. 8. 
 
 2. These are of two classes. The author- 
 ities employing, and the agents employed. 
 
 The authorities ought to be perfectly wise, 
 disinterested and benevolent — they ought to 
 be on the spot, superintending in person — 
 they ought to be secure from the demoraliz- 
 ing influences of despotic power — and they 
 ought to be able to secure the uninterrupted 
 continuance of the process until perfected. 
 
 But where can such authorities be found ? 
 
 The agents ought to be equally wise, disin- 
 terested, and benevolent — they ought to be 
 secure from the same dangers — they ought to 
 be incapable of discouragement or fatigue, and 
 they ought to have a certainty of success. 
 
 Where shall we get such agents ? or, how 
 shall we secure them life ? or if they die pre- 
 maturely, how shall we get successors worthy 
 of them? or, if we cannot, how shall we en- 
 sure success ? or, if we cannot ensure success, 
 
 how shall we exculpate ourselves, for having 
 kept our guiltless brother in bondage, merely 
 because we feared that if we obeyed God, and 
 let him go free, he might have abused his lib- 
 erty ? Or which side of the dilemma should 
 Be chooser I st. — To keep our guiltless bro- 
 ther, with his innocent progeny, another gen- 
 eration or two in bondage, hecause we and our 
 agents have proved too wicked to prepare them 
 according to our views for liberty at an earlier 
 period : and because, &c. Or, 2d. — To aban- 
 don at length our rebellious wisdom, satisfied 
 with the tale of their wrongs carried against 
 us to the ears of Jehovah, by the four genera- 
 tions who have perished beneath our oppres- 
 sion, and at length to learn, that obedience is 
 the only true wisdom. 
 
 But "the Society for Propagating the Gos- 
 pel, might be more safely trusted than the 
 Egyptians ? 
 
 The history of Egypt and of Barbadoes will 
 not bear out the boast. 
 
 But perhaps there is something in the So- 
 ciety for Propagating the Gospel, which makes 
 it an exception to all general rules ? 
 
 Where is it? 
 
 Can we find it in any peculiar blessings 
 conferred on the Negroes by their Govern- 
 ment ? 
 
 So far from it, they have been surrounded, 
 with the safety and benefits of immediate 
 emancipation, under circumstances vastly less 
 favorable than theirs, * and still their Slaves 
 are Slaves untutored, adulterous Slaves, as 
 unfit for immediate liberty as ever! 
 
 Can we find it in any peculiar or unnatural 
 difficulties with which the Society has had to 
 contend ? 
 
 Not at all. But on the contrary, it has been 
 singularly and largely aided by the collections 
 repeatedly sanctioned for it by the highest au- 
 thorities, and it has received and acknowledg- 
 ed the most solemn and affectionate warnings. 
 
 And now, amidst all these facts, what is the 
 spectacle which it is exhibiting? 
 
 Why, that after a set of the most honorable 
 and accomplished men in the world, many of 
 them dignitaries and ministers of a Christian 
 Church, with every means which wealth, and 
 influence, and learning, and power could give 
 them, during a course of 120 years, in order 
 to prepare their poor unoffending Negro fel- 
 low subjects for liberty, have professedly done 
 all they could do for that purpose, the same 
 need of preparation as formerly is still insist- 
 ed upon, for continuing to keep them in bond- 
 age ! 
 °In short, my Lord, I look in vain for a ground 
 
 * See Cayenne from 1794 till 1802. Hayti from 
 1794 until the present day. Trinidad. TheNotting- 
 hams of Tortola. Sierra Leone. Tlio re-captured 
 Africans in the West. The Hottentots at the Cape of 
 Good Hope. Bolivar's 800 Slaves in Columbia. The 
 Crown Slaves lately freed, and the Runaways of Mar- 
 tinique, in St. T.ucia. 
 
The American Colonization Society. 
 
 85 
 
 on which to support the untenable position, 
 that the right way, in which to prepare a poor 
 ignorant man for liberty, is to keep him a 
 Slave ; especially when his preparation is con- 
 ducted in a land of slavery, and entrusted to 
 distant stipendiaries. 
 
 No, my Lord ; the position is not under the 
 ban of the Divine Law. The Scriptures al- 
 together repudiate it. — The whole character 
 of God is hostile to it. — The name of Christ 
 bleeds under it. — The Gospel is dishonored 
 by it. — It degrades the character, and endan- 
 gers the safety of our country. The poor 
 Neoro is dying unredressed at its horrible 
 mandate, and our own souls wither while we 
 hug the idol of our iniquity, and go on de- 
 mulely preparing for obedience, instead of 
 obeying; although the clamorous and indig- 
 nant tongue of a hundred years, is proclaim- 
 ing in facts which we do not even pretend to 
 deny, the criminal and ruinous absurdity of 
 our procedure. 
 
 My Lord, your predecessors had the oppor- 
 tunity — their account is with God ; and they 
 are gone to render it in that judgment, where 
 the Negro will be upon an equality with them. 
 I would not be in their place to meet the poor 
 Negroes' charge. 
 
 My Lord, you have the opportunity now. — 
 But you too are rapidly passing away, and 
 soon your place will know you no more. 
 
 My Lord, have you done all in your power 
 to obey God, in this particular, instead of pre- 
 paring to obey Him ! ! Have you done all you 
 could, immediately to restore to your Negro 
 fellow subject, his unforfeited rights ; to right 
 the actual sufferers — the present generation ; 
 instead of consigning them to death or slave- 
 ry, and contriving how their progeny perhaps 
 may hereafter be made free ? Have you, my 
 Lord, done all you could to absolve your own 
 soul from being found to-morrow, amongst 
 those who have wronged, or concurred in 
 wronging the poor, because they are poor ? — 
 And permit me, I pray, in thus earnestly urg- 
 ing these solemn questions, to notice, that the 
 man who has any agency in Negro Slavery, is 
 not only directly responsible for the few, who 
 might be more immediately dependant upon 
 his power, but is largely chargeable with the 
 whole crime, beneath which hundreds of thou- 
 sands are cruelly and iniquitously bound down ! 
 Here I refrain. Should the question arise, 
 but what can we do? The answer, though 
 comprehensive, is easy. I will not intrude it. 
 It is at your Lordship's command through a 
 thousand channels ; through me, for one, should 
 you be pleased to call upon me to lay it before 
 you, whether personally or in writing. Mean- 
 while, commending your Grace to the blessing 
 of Him who gave Himself alike for black and 
 white ; who has declared Himself the friend 
 of the poor, and the avenger of the oppressed; 
 whose name is Love, and who is not willing 
 
 that any should perish, but that all should come 
 to repentance, 1 am, my Lord, 
 Respectfully and affectionately, 
 
 Your Grace's obedient servant, 
 
 C. STUART. 
 London, Jan. 2, 1831. 
 
 Till: AMERICAN COLONIZATION SOCIETY. 
 
 The following article is a reply to a defence 
 of the Colonization Society in the Christian 
 Examiner. It was intended for publication in 
 that work, but the editors declining to admit 
 it, we very readily give it a place in our pages. 
 
 We, the writer of an article on this subject 
 in the 53d number of the Chistian Examiner, 
 find ourself called upon to notice a paper in 
 reply. We would have desired no stronger 
 conhrmation of our own views than this paper, 
 and had we alone been concerned, we should 
 have suffered it to remain unanswered. Any 
 man Avho will read the two articles, with a sole 
 view to a correct result, will see, that what- 
 ever the arguments in the first may be, the 
 last has not met, much less answered them. 
 The mass of readers, however, will not so ex- 
 amine. The current of popular feeling, we 
 should rather say prejudice, sets strongly 
 against our views, and in favor of those of our 
 opponent. He has joined the ranks of a pow- 
 erful and wealthy combination, whose motives 
 and operations many think it little less than 
 treason to examine. We take the field single 
 handed, without backers and with no other 
 advantages than strict truth and a righteous 
 cause. °Our opponent may shelter himself be- 
 hind the names and example of presidents and 
 governors. We, nevertheless, venture to at- 
 tack his opinions and theirs ; being fully per- 
 suaded that it is possible for great, good and 
 wise men to be sometimes in the wrong. It 
 will not, we think, be hard to prove the fallacy 
 of our writer's views, nor will the task require 
 many pages. 
 
 ' Thrice is he armed that hath his quarrel just.' 
 
 We shall confine ourselves, strictly, to our 
 text. In the outset the writer says, that no 
 charitable institution has ever found more op- 
 position than the American Colonization So- 
 ciety. We think he errs. We never heard 
 that the Society had met with any organized 
 opposition, till within the last year, and that 
 opposition has been conducted by those whom 
 one of its accredited agents, has scornfully de- 
 signated as < a hatter and a few hot-headed 
 young men.' It is certainly not for an avow- 
 ed advocate of the Society to complain of 
 such opposition. If the Society has met with 
 any other obstruction, we can truly say that 
 we know not of it. We thought that it had 
 ever been warmed by the noontide glare of 
 popular favor. 
 
 The writer says that our views are those of 
 a class called Abolitionists, who are pecu- 
 
80 
 
 The American Colonization Society. 
 
 liarly intolerant and who habitually designate 
 the Colonization Society as a set of ' men 
 stealers.' He says that we sometimes hint at 
 the - r pulsion of the colored population, and, 
 very courteously, excuses us 'on the score of 
 old habit and bad company.' We answer 
 that if any class call the Colonization Society, 
 men stealers, we have not done so. We nev- 
 er countenanced such perversion of the En- 
 glish language, and, in this matter, he has 
 travelled out of his way to attack us. We 
 say, too, that we keep no worse company than 
 Ins own; for we have been long on terms of 
 familiar intimacy with him, and knowing and 
 respecting him as we do, we are surely quali- 
 fied to judge in this particular. 
 
 The writer proceeds to complain that the 
 \ irw s of ignorant, ardent friends of the scheme 
 of African Colonization have been mistaken 
 for those of the Society itself. What he be- 
 lieves to be the real and sole object of the in- 
 stitution may be found, he says, in its consti- 
 tution, viz. ' the removal of such of our free 
 blacks as are desirous to leave this country 
 for a foreign one.' The society, has never, 
 as he thinks, ' undertaken to drain this country 
 of the slaves or of the free blacks, to suppress 
 the slave trade, or to civilize the African con- 
 tinent' That is, the literal words of the con- 
 stitution ought to be sufficient for us, and we 
 are not to gather the views of the Society 
 from their acts, their official organs, the speech 
 and writ of their agents, or the expressions of 
 their most influential members. Let us apply 
 this logic in another connexion. 
 
 The leading men of South Carolina, have 
 ever declared their attachment to the consti- 
 tution, and their love of peace and union. 
 They have never said that they would commit 
 treason. Above all, the constitution of the 
 State says nothing about nullification. There- 
 fore, to follow the argument of our friend to 
 its end, the South Carolinians, have not assu- 
 med an attitude of defiance, it is no proof of 
 hostile intentions on their part, that they have 
 organized their whole physical force. The 
 constitution indicates no such design, and 
 consequently, what they do is laudable. 
 
 We suppose Henry Clay and Charles Fen- 
 ton Mercer, are not among the ardent and ig- 
 norant members of the Colonization Society ; 
 yet they do not confine their views to the re- 
 moval of such free blacks as are willing to 
 emigrate. We are straightened for room, 
 or we would give their very words in proof of 
 what we say. We presume that those mem- 
 bers whose speeches arc published in connec- 
 tion with the annual reports, do not misappre- 
 hend the objects of the institution. Surely, 
 if they did, the managers would not sanction 
 their speeches with their approbation. Nine 
 out of ten of these orators, avow that they 
 aim at the removal of all our colored people, 
 bond and free, that they contemplate the abo- 
 lition of the slave trade, and in short, that they 
 
 hold all the opinions we have attributed to the 
 society. It is said, that in all free institutions, 
 the opinion of the majority must rule. Any 
 one who will take the pains to read the An- 
 nual Reports and the African Repository, 
 cannot fail to be convinced that the views 
 above mentioned, arc those of the very great 
 majority, who have therein expressed their 
 opinions. The tenor of the Reports and of 
 the editorial matter in the Repository, is alone, 
 sufficient proof, that the simple letter of the 
 constitution, is no exposition of the views of 
 the Society. There may be some few para- 
 graphs in the official organ, which coincide 
 with the letter of the constitution ; but in no 
 instance, we believe, does it assert that the 
 Society has not ulterior objects. 
 
 The writer says that we ' confound the di- 
 rect object of colonization with its possible 
 and probable results, and its plans of action 
 with the motives of those who encourage it.' 
 We deny the assertion, for as he offers no 
 proof, we are justified in calling it an asser- 
 tion. The Society, through its organs and 
 agents, never says to the public, ' Give us your 
 money and we will remove a hundred blacks 
 this year, a hundred more the next and so on, 
 we will exercise our very inconsiderable in- 
 fluence to put a stop to the slave trade, we 
 will encourage some two or three planters per 
 annum to liberate their slaves, we will try to 
 civilize the (exported) inhabitants of fifty 
 leagues of African shore, and we will rid you 
 of one black for every five hundred who shall 
 be born.' If these words, Avhich, it seems to 
 us might describe the effects of the Society's 
 labors thus far, were used, few and small in- 
 deed would be the contributions in aid of their 
 cause. They do say, if we are not deceived, 
 ' Give us your money and we will rid you of a 
 race accursed by God and man, we will grad- 
 ually destroy the system of slavery, we will 
 soon terminate the slave trade, we will save 
 you from the shame of negro amalgamation, 
 and we will send civilization and Christianity 
 to the remotest corners of benighted Africa.' 
 We appeal to such of our readers as have con- 
 tributed their mites to the funds of the Socie- 
 ty, for the truth of this assumption. We will 
 venture to say that ninety nine out of a hun- 
 dred of them, have been induced to stretch 
 forth their hands to the contribution box by 
 such promises, direct or implied, and made by 
 some agent or organ of the Colonization So- 
 ciety. We could bring proofs, but need not; 
 for every man who reads the above sentences 
 will find them in his own memory. It is idle 
 to appeal to constitutions — we are to judge 
 of the society's views by their acts, and by 
 the avowals of their agents and of the majority 
 of them, publicly made. If those agents do 
 hold out to the public, hopes which they know 
 can never be realized to any considerable ex- 
 tent, they are guilty of a base fraud, for which 
 their principal is responsible. We think bet- 
 
The American Colonization Society. 
 
 87 
 
 ter of them, but they are welcome to either 
 horn of the dilemma. 
 
 The great object of the Colonization Socie- 
 ty, says our friend is ' the education of the 
 free blacks themselves.' We do not believe 
 this ; the manner in which the Society ope- 
 rates is a strong argument against the assei - - 
 tion. Is there any thing in the climate of 
 Africa, which renders the mind more capable 
 of receiving instruction than in America? 
 Should we, to improve a race, begin with the 
 adults and neglect the children ? Should we 
 remove either to a place where the means of 
 instruction are and must be less and fewer 
 than they are at home ? 
 
 For every emigrant, transported thus far, 
 upwards of £54 have been expended, on the 
 Society's own showing. If the object of the 
 society be, indeed, what our friend states, let 
 the society give then funds to the despised 
 and reviled Abolitionists, and they will make 
 them go much farther. For $54, they will 
 pledge themselves to give, at least four color- 
 ed persons, as much instruction in the four 
 first great branches of education, per annum, 
 as can be had at our ordinary public schools. 
 They will agree to teach them trades, by which 
 they can gain a livelihood at home. (Query. 
 With the great object of education in view, 
 how many colored persons have the Coloni- 
 zation Society taught to read and write within 
 the last sixteen years ? We will acknowledge 
 an obligation to our friend, if he will inform us.) 
 
 ' No reader,' says our writer, ' who is famil- 
 iar with the proceedings or publications of the 
 Society, will suspect us of having misstated 
 their design.' He brings three short, imper- 
 fect quotations from the Repository, to prove 
 his assumption. The longest of them contains 
 but four lines and a half, and none of them 
 have any bearing upon the point. They are 
 the mere recitative of the society, and merit 
 about as much attention, as the protestation of 
 a shopkeeper's apprentice, that he sells his 
 goods cheaper than any one else. If the wri- 
 ter had consulted us, we could have furnished 
 him with many better common place exposi- 
 tions, in general terms of the benevolent in- 
 tentions of the Colonization Society, as by 
 them put forth. These and another longer 
 quotation, afterwards made for the same pur- 
 pose, amount to this and no more. 
 
 The society Avish to transfer the free blacks 
 to Africa and do them good there. 
 
 The motives of their wish are very fine, in- 
 deed. 
 
 The black man is degraded here and you 
 cannot make him otherwise. 
 
 It is otherwise in Africa. 
 
 Africa is a very fine place. 
 
 These sentences, we believe, comprise the 
 essence of our writer's quotations ; which he 
 adduces as proofs that the Colonization Socie- 
 ty, aim principally at the education of the free 
 blacke. Proofs, quotha! If any one doubts 
 
 the fidelity of our condensation, we entreat 
 him to refer to the article in question, which 
 will satisfy him perfectly. If any thing was 
 wanting to convince us of the hollowness of 
 colonization principles, the fact, that a man 
 of such abilities, as we know our friend pos- 
 sesses, can make out no better argument in 
 their favor, would be sufficient. 
 
 We are familiar, very familiar, with the 
 publications of the Colonization Society ; as 
 much so, indeed, as their usual dulness will 
 permit, and we do not suspect, but positively 
 assert, that the writer has misrepresented, we 
 do not say intentionally, their design. They 
 say in some places, that the free blacks are 
 degraded and never can rise here, in others that 
 they intend to secure the system of slavery, in 
 others, that they will ultimately remove all the 
 free blacks, and slaves also. Is this the way 
 to educate the objects of their mistaken char- 
 ity ? Does the education of nearly half a mil- 
 lion of people, depend on carrying a hundred 
 of them across the Atlantic per annum ? We 
 do not take the trouble to prove the positive 
 facts above alluded to here, because Ave have 
 fully proved them in our former article, and 
 though the writer brings abundance of words 
 to controvert our positions, they do not con- 
 vey one iota of argument; at least, if we un- 
 derstand them aright. 
 
 The writer indulges in self complacency, 
 on reviewing his quotations. These, says he, 
 are the passages ivhich the Abolitionists con- 
 strue into vilifying the free blacks. ' Man 
 stealing ' and ' expulsion,'' indeed ! 
 
 We pray him to observe, first, that we have 
 never used any ' foul language ' concerning 
 the Colonization Society, and that Ave Avish he 
 would follow our example in this particular; 
 2nd, that no one but an idiot, would or could 
 construe such passages as he quotes into vil- 
 ification ; 3rd, that he goes out of his way to 
 attack the Abolitionists, who have nothing to 
 do with our article ; 4th, that the last of his 
 quotations, (and which is much longer than the 
 three others put together,) is not the language 
 of the American, but of a state Colonization 
 Society ; 5th, that his quotations are nothing 
 to the purpose ; 6th, that they are not a fair 
 specimen of the tone and manner of the Af- 
 rican Repository ; and lastly, that he does not 
 meet the question at issue. The abuse of 
 Avhich Ave complained, is scattered throughout 
 the Repository, and the Annual Reports, as 
 any one, Avho will punish himself enough to 
 read them, Avill admit. We gave examples of 
 it in our former article, and as our friend evi- 
 dently dislikes this subject, we will give no 
 more here. 
 
 The Avriter proceeds to bring more evidence, 
 as he calls it, that we may have ' enough of it, 
 once for all.' There is enough of it, indeed 
 — we are sorry that it is no better. _ It 
 amounts to this— Dr. Fothergill and Granville 
 Sharpe thought it would be an excellent char- 
 
>- 
 
 Mr. Buxton's Letter. 
 
 ity, to 6end blacks to Africa, to be educatod 
 and improved. 3Jr. Finley, the founder of the 
 Colonization Society,entertained similar Views. 
 Therefore, because such was the design of 
 Mr. Finley, seventeen years ago, the Coloni- 
 zation Society have no other now ! We have 
 heard of the logic of the schools, and suppose 
 that this is an example of that of the Coloni- 
 zation School. 
 
 We said that we were 'willing to believe 
 that the emigrants have, at last, overcome the 
 worst difficulties ' of their situation, and this 
 our writer considers an important admission. 
 It seems to us, that it is no admission at all — 
 certainly we did not intend it for one. We 
 did not, and do not believe, that the emigrants 
 have overcome the worst difficulties — we have 
 evidence to the contrary — but we are willing 
 to believe ourself mistaken. We profess some 
 regard for the colonists in Liberia, and shall 
 be willing and glad too, to be convinced that 
 their situation is better than we think it is. 
 We think the authorities our friend brings 
 forward, are not worthy of credit. One of 
 them is a fancy sketch from an English annu- 
 al, Bishop Meade knew nothing about the mat- 
 ter, and the deputation of colored gentlemen, 
 (we are glad, at last, to see a colonizationist 
 admit, that a colored man may be a gentle- 
 man,) who went to Liberia for information, re- 
 mained there but three weeks. They went, 
 too, under the auspices of the Colonization 
 Society, who, no doubt, shewed every thing 
 in as favorable a light as possible. We know 
 that the Liberia press is not free. The fol- 
 lowing document, which was pulled down 
 from a public place in Monrovia, by a respect- 
 able ship-master of this state, shews this fact 
 conclusively, as well as that the colonists 
 have, or think they have, some grievances 
 which they arc not permitted to make public. 
 
 M M I ; 1 1 1 3 
 
 Liberty is the brilliant gift of Heaven — so says the 
 Herald. 
 Truth ; which, like the sun. is too brilliant for any 
 hut the eagle eyes of free men in look upon, will ever 
 be disliked and shunned by Tyrants ami Slaves. Ju- 
 nius would never have been driven to use these means 
 to expose the oppression under which we groan hail 
 dure here existed a free press— but as no such thing 
 exists in our colony ; we have no other way to expose 
 
 our wrongs — and IF THE DASTARD FINGERS OF THE 
 
 tools 01 pom ii: persist m destroying these memo- 
 rials of a suffering and injur, </ people they SHALL 
 be published in America and here read in a pamphlet 
 form. 
 
 I'.ui lo return to commerce — Let those who are op- 
 posed to free trade look around them, and let them 
 calmly ask themselves how our houses were built and 
 improvements made. Were they not reared upon the 
 capitals of our merchants and their correspondents ? 
 Who is it here, who ; any thing above the 
 
 common necessaries of lite, who does not owe his all 
 to commercial accommodation? Let us look back but 
 a few years, (nay, we may see the time again) when 
 this settlement was saved from starvation by the house 
 of W ; and annihilate the commerce of the colo- 
 ny to-morrow, and in six months those who now live 
 in luxury, will Kant the common necessaries of life. 
 
 Even now, hard treatment has driven many of ou 
 citizens to Cape Mount and other places at the Wind- 
 ward where there is no restriction, and if thing's are 
 not better managed here, that settlement wil] annihilate 
 the trade of this, and while they are living in comfort 
 we shall be delving ami ditching for our Task Masters. 
 In my next, my fellow citizens, I shall present you 
 with a tariff, on which s' WOO per an, una maybe raised 
 to pay our Vice Agent and other officers. The Colo- 
 nization Society, will of coarse, pay their own. But 
 the main thing is a Quarterly statement from the Co- 
 lonial governmriit, of the expenditure of oar money. 
 We arc not so blind, or foolish, or confiding, as to trust 
 altogether to others while we are capable of seeing 
 for ourselves. This statement is due to us — not to 
 give it is an insult and injury, and this statement we 
 must and WILL have. If we pretend to the rights of 
 Freemen, we must enjoj these rights. If we are 
 slaves we had better have remained in that situation 
 in the healthy climate of America, than to drag out a 
 miserable existence in this inhospitable clime. 
 
 JUNIUS. 
 (To he concluded.) 
 
 LETTER FROM MR. BUXTON. 
 Wm. Lloyd Garrison : 
 
 Mij Dear Sir — I am sorry I have so long 
 delayed replying to your interesting letter. 
 It has certainly not proceeded from any indif- 
 ference to its contents, and it is indeed with 
 the truest satisfaction that I hail the exertions 
 of such a fellow laborer as yourself. I am 
 much obliged to you, for the valuable parcel 
 of pamphlets, other copies of which I have 
 also received from other quarters. But it is 
 wholly unnecessary to set me, or any of the 
 true Anti-Slavery Party, in this Country, on 
 our guard against the delusive professions of 
 the Colonization Society or its Agent. We 
 are perfectly aware how much it takes its root 
 from the jealousy and dislike entertained to- 
 wards the free persons of color ; and though 
 Liberia may be, and no doubt is, in itself, a 
 useful and interesting undertaking, yet the 
 assumption of its being a means of extinguish- 
 ing Slavery within any reasonable time, is 
 perfectly ridiculous. We, I trust, are likely 
 to go a much nearer way to work. A crisis 
 seems evidently approaching, and I trust in- 
 deed I may say, that our Nation and Govern- 
 ment are awakened to the absolute duty and 
 necessity of some immediate steps towards 
 emancipation. I may be too sanguine, but I 
 am ready to hope that another year will find 
 our slave population in a very different state. 
 The feeling on this subject, in the country, is 
 become almost universal, and very strong ; 
 and it will, in all probability, show itself with 
 an overwhelming force in the first meeting of 
 a Reformed Parliament. Besides which, our 
 Governments are well disposed, and the evi- 
 dence given before the Committees of both 
 Houses of Parliament last year, has shown 
 them emphatically the fallacy of the objections 
 and oppositions which are urged against us. 
 
 I enclose a paper which will prove that you 
 need not be afraid of us with regard to Elliott 
 Cresson ; and wishing you every success in 
 
Patriotism and Benevolence of the Colonization Society. 
 
 89 
 
 your benevolent exertions to break the fetters 
 of the enslaved, 
 
 I am, Dear Sir, 
 
 Yours, very truly, 
 THO. FOWELL BUXTON. 
 Northrupp's Hall, Cromer, Nov. 12, 1832. 
 
 PATRIOTISM AND BENEVOLENCE OF THE 
 COLONIZATION SOCIETY. 
 
 One of the most serious charges against the 
 Colonization Society has always been, that its 
 principles and measures necessarily favored 
 the expulsion of the people of color from our 
 country by force. Until recently, however, Ave 
 had not supposed that the Society, as a body, 
 •would distinctly and openly approve of com- 
 pelling its victims to quit the country against 
 their will. We cannot regret that the veil is 
 now raised, and the features of the monster 
 are exposed in all their deformity. 
 
 At the last meeting of the Colonization So- 
 ciety, at a time when the public expressions 
 of disapprobation against it, and the feuds 
 which were known to exist among its mem- 
 bers, probably led to caution in the expression 
 of opinions, the following resolve was adopted 
 on the motion of the Hon. Mr. Chambers of 
 Maryland : 
 
 ' Resolved, That the Society view, with the highest 
 ition, the continued efforts of the State ol 'Ma- 
 ryland to accomplish her patriotic and benevolent sys- 
 tem in regard to her colored population, and that the 
 last appropriation by that State of two hundred thous- 
 and dollars, in aid of African Colonization, is hailed 
 by the friends of the system, as a bright example to 
 other States.' 
 
 This resolution naturally raises the ques- 
 tion, what is this 'patriotic and benevolent sys- 
 tem ' which affords so ' bright an example to 
 other States,' and which obtains for the State 
 of Maryland this sisterly embrace from the 
 Society ? The uninitiated would probably 
 suppose that it is a scheme of pure and angel- 
 ic philanthropy. But it is in fact a system to 
 compel every slave hereafter to be emancipat- 
 ed in Maryland to quit the State. We speak 
 with coolness when we say, that we would al- 
 most as soon be concerned in highway rob- 
 bery, piracy, or assassination, as aid the legis- 
 lature of Maryland in effecting its atrocious 
 objects. The disregard of human rights would 
 not be greater in the one case than the other. 
 The injury done by the attempts of a few law- 
 less individuals is trifling, compared with that 
 which is likely to fall upon thousands of inno- 
 cent men who are to be crushed by this bar- 
 barous legislation. 
 
 The law of Maryland, to which the resolu- 
 tion wo have quoted refers, was passed on 
 March 14th, 1832. This law was intended to 
 aid in colonizing the people of color in that 
 State. By this act a board of managers for 
 colonizing the blacks, is erected. The 2d. 
 section of this law, whenever a slave is eman- 
 cipated by deed or will, provides that it shall 
 be the duty of this board 'to notify the Amer- 
 ican Colonization Society, or the Maryland 
 State Colonization Society thereof, and to pro- 
 pose to such society that they shall engage, 
 at the expense of such society, to remove the 
 said slave or slaves so manumitted to Liberia ; 
 and if the said society shall so engage, then it 
 shall be the duty of the said board of mana- 
 gers to have the said slave or slaves delivered 
 to the agent of such society, at such place as 
 the said society shall appoint, for receiving 
 such slave or slaves for the purpose of such 
 removal, at such time as the said society shall 
 appoint ; and in case the said society shall re- 
 fuse to receive and remove the person or per- 
 sons so manumitted and offered, or in case the 
 said person or persons shall refuse to be so re- 
 moved, then it shall be the duty of the said 
 board of managers to remove the said person 
 or persons to such other place or places be- 
 yond the limits of this State, as the said Board 
 shall approve of, and the said person or per- 
 sons shall be willing to go to, and to provide for 
 their reception and support at such place or 
 places as the said board may think necessary, 
 until they shall be able to provide for them- 
 selves out of any money that may be earned 
 by their hire, or may be otherwise provided 
 for that purpose, and in case the said person 
 or persona shall refuse to be removed to any 
 place beyond the limits of this State, and shall 
 persist in remaining therein, then it shall be 
 the duty of said board to inform the sheriff of 
 the county wherein such person or persons 
 may be, of such refusal, and it shall thereup- 
 on be the duty of the said sheriff forthwith to 
 arrest or cause to be arrested the said person 
 or persons so refusing to emigrate from this 
 State, and transport the said person or persons 
 beyond the limits of this State ; and all slaves 
 shall be capable of receiving manumission, for 
 the purpose of removal as aforesaid, with their 
 consent, of whatever age, any law to the con- 
 trary notwithstanding.' 
 
 This is a part of the patriotic and bexevo- 
 lent system which Maryland adopts and the 
 Colonization Society approves. No slave can 
 12 
 
90 
 
 Patriotism and Benevolence of the Colonizedion Society, 
 
 be emancipated in Maryland, without being 
 driven from the State. 
 
 The 4th section of the same statute enacts, 
 'That in case any slave or slaves so manumit- 
 ted, cannot be removed without separating 
 Families, and the said slave or slaves unwil- 
 ling on that account to be removed, shall de- 
 sire to renounce the freedom so intended by 
 the said deed or will to be given, then it shall 
 and may be competent to such slave or slaves 
 so to renounce in open court the benefit of 
 said deed or will, and to continue a slave.' 
 
 The patriotism and benevolence of this sec- 
 tion surpasses, if possible, the preceding, it 
 gives the slave the option, either of being 
 colonized or remaining a slave. Truly 'the 
 tender mercies' of slaveholders 'are cruel.' 
 
 One farther provision in the act may be 
 considered as showing some relenting touch. 
 We therefore quote it, as we would not wish 
 to misrepresent it. The 5th section provides 
 'that it shall and may be competent for the 
 Orphan's Court of this State, and for Baltimore 
 City Court, to grant annually a permit to any 
 slave or slaves so manumitted as aforesaid to 
 remain as free in the said county, in cases 
 where the said courts may be satisfied by re- 
 spectable testimony that such slave or slaves 
 so manumitted deserve such permission on ac- 
 count of their extraordinary good conduct 
 and character.' 
 
 Believing as we do that every slave in 
 Maryland has an equal right to reside there 
 and be a freeman, as any white person in the 
 State, avc cannot but regard this refusal to 
 permit emancipation except on condition of 
 expulsion as cruel and tyrannical. We arc 
 not surprised that a slave State should forget 
 that colored men have any rights, but we are 
 surprised that Christians who are not concern- 
 ed in slaveholding should approve of so nefa- 
 rious a scheme. 
 
 We consider every member of the Coloni- 
 zation Society as an abettor of the compulsory 
 colonization proposed by .Maryland. We sec 
 no loop hole or cranny by which any one can 
 escape from this conclusion. Compulsory 
 colonization has been approved of by an ex- 
 press vote of the Society, and every man who 
 remains a member of the Society must be 
 considered as assenting to it. 
 
 It may, however, be urged by some con- 
 scientious colonizationists that thej lo no1 
 approve of the resolution passed by the So- 
 
 ciety, and therefore cannot be personally re- 
 sponsible for it. 
 
 It is true that societies often pass votes 
 which are not approved of by all their mem- 
 bers, and that i enting from the votes 
 are not considered as personally to blame for 
 them, however unwise they may appear. But 
 we think there is a great difference between 
 votes that are objectionable merely because 
 they arc impolitic and such as are positively 
 immoral. One may be a member of a society 
 which adopts a very injudicious measure for 
 effecting a particular object, yet if the mea- 
 sure be not immoral, he is not to blame for 
 continuing a member if he thinks the opera- 
 tions of the society are on the whole useful. 
 
 But, on the other hand, where a society 
 adopts a resolution that is immoral, however 
 useful any member may consider the associa- 
 tion to be on the whole, it seems to us that 
 he cannot conscientiously remain a member, 
 for if he does, lie must be morally responsible 
 for tire acts of the body. 
 
 Our argument will perhaps be better un- 
 derstood by examples. 
 
 Suppose that a temperance society should 
 pass a vote to have lectures on temperance 
 delivered once every week by members of the 
 society; one who thought such a measure 
 unnecessary and inexpedient and had voted 
 against it on that ground, might still with pro- 
 priety continue a member, as he would not 
 thereby be making any sacrifice of moral prin- 
 ciple. But suppose the society should pass a 
 vote that the lecture on every fourth week 
 should be against Christianity, against the in- 
 stitution of marriage, or in favor of licensing 
 lotteries, could a person who was opposed to 
 this vote on moral grounds, conscientiously 
 continue a member? If he did, might he not 
 be justly called an enemy of Christianity, and 
 a friend to prostitution and lotteries? 
 
 We shall be much obliged to any coloniza- 
 tionist who will answer us three questions by 
 a simple negative or affirmative. 
 
 1. Can a person conscientiously remain a 
 member of a voluntary association which pass- 
 es a vote expressing approbation of immoral 
 conduct or principles ? 
 
 '2. [s the statute of Maryland which we have 
 quoted consistent with the morality taught in 
 the gospel ? 
 
 3. Can any one who regards that statute as 
 immoral, conscientiously remain a member of 
 the Colonization Society, after the vote which 
 it passed in approbation of the statute ? 
 
Paxton's Letters on Slavery. 
 
 9] 
 
 PAXTON'S LETTERS ON SLAVERY. 
 
 Letters on Slavery addressed to the Cumberland 
 Congregation, Virginia, by J. D. Paxton, 
 their former Pastor. Lexington, Ky.: pub- 
 lished by .Abraham T. Skillman, 1833, 12 
 mo. pp. 207. 
 
 The author of this little volume was, as he 
 informs his readers, formerly pastor of the 
 Cumberland Congregation, in Virginia. By 
 marriage two families of slaves came into his 
 possession. He was conscientiously opposed 
 to slavery, and his wife's opinions on the sub- 
 ject coincided with his own. ' We both,' to 
 adopt his own language, ' felt it our duty to 
 free said slaves, as soon as it could be done 
 to their apparent advantage. We watched 
 the progress of the colony at Liberia for sev- 
 eral years ; and in the meantime used means 
 to prepare our slaves for freedom. As soon 
 as we were satisfied that they had better 
 prospects there of doing well for themselves, 
 than they could have with us, we encouraged 
 them to go ; gave them such an outfit as our 
 means afforded, and sent them to the colony.' 
 Mr. Paxton's conduct in emancipating his 
 slaves appears to have excited some animad- 
 version among his people. A few months 
 after he wrote an essay on Slavery, three num- 
 bers of which he published in the Family 
 Visitor, a religious paper. This essay, though 
 written with great mildness and forbearance, 
 gave so much offence that he felt it advisable 
 to resign the charge of his congregation. He 
 shortly after addressed to his congregation, 
 the letters that compose this volume, in which 
 he vindicates himself and discusses the gene- 
 ral subject of slavery. 
 
 These letters appear to have been written 
 several years ago, but the author did not think 
 it expedient to publish them at the time they 
 were written. 
 
 We regard these letters as particularly 
 valuable. They are the testimony of one who 
 has been a slaveholder, against a system which 
 he had himself witnessed. They are a testi- 
 mony against slavery, from one whose appa- 
 rent worldly interest must have led him to 
 support the institution. Besides this, they 
 are obviously the work of a highly cultivated, 
 intelligent, and benevolent mind : and though 
 they present the truth plainly and forcibly, 
 they do it with great kindness and charity for 
 the feelings and prejudices of opponents. 
 
 The subject of the work may be judged of 
 from the following table of Contents. 
 
 Introductory — Narrative of Facts, Sec. — Ministerial 
 Prudence in Regard to Slavery — Reasons lor discus- 
 sing' the Subject — Origin and Nature of Slavery in die 
 I uited Stales — Inconsistent with our free Institutions, 
 and the Natural Rights of Man — lis Inconsistency 
 with the Moral Teaching of Scriptun — The Servitude 
 tolerated by die Jewish Law not Slavery for Lite — 
 Examination of Leviticus xxv. II — Hi. — The Practice 
 of the Patriarchs, &c. — Examples of (iod's Judg- 
 ments for Slavery — The bearing of these things in die 
 Old Testament on the Teaching of the New respect- 
 ing Slavery — \ arious Evils of Slavery — Some Argu- 
 ments or Excuses considered — What must we do Willi 
 our Slaves — Several Plan., — Motives to immediate 
 Effort from die Doctrine of Divine Recompenses. 
 
 Appendix — The Article at which Offence was taken 
 — Tables of the Five Official Censuses of the United 
 States — Some Facts from Berard 'On the Effects of 
 Civilization on Longevity.' 
 
 The moral and scriptural arguments against 
 slavery are presented with great ability. We 
 are acquainted with no work in which the 
 teachings of the Old and New Testaments on 
 the subject, are examined in so thorough and 
 satisfactory a manner. Slaveholders, it is 
 well known, have often sought to sanction 
 their iniquity by an appeal to the Bible. Our 
 author proves, we think in an unanswerable 
 manner, that though a modified and temporary 
 slavery was tolerated among the Jews, yet 
 that the old testament shows clearly that hold- 
 ing slaves was always considered sinful in the 
 eye of heaven, and that it often specifics this 
 as one of the iniquities which drew down di- 
 vine punishment upon various nations. That 
 slavery is inconsistent with the great princi- 
 ples of Christianity few will dispute. The 
 reason why slaveholding was not more specifi- 
 cally denounced as criminal, in the new tes- 
 tament, our author conceives to be, that it was 
 unnecessary, as the old testament had point- 
 ed out its sinfulness in many instances ; that 
 the moral law of the Jewish dispensation was 
 not repealed but enforced by the gospel. 
 
 Though we do not coincide with our author 
 in all his views, particularly in regard to the 
 best mode of putting an end to slavery, yet 
 we think the work is calculated to do great 
 good in our country, and heartily recommend 
 it to our readers. 
 
 As specimens of the tone and spirit of Mr. 
 Paxton's work, we offer the following extracts. 
 They deserve serious attention in all parts of 
 our country. 
 
 'It is the undoubted right of those who be- 
 Lavery wrong, and the laws and policy 
 of the State inexpedient and unwise, to use 
 their influence to procure the requisite change. 
 Let them exert their influence to enlighten and 
 give a proper direction to the public mind. 
 They owe it to themselves, to the public, to 
 
92 
 
 Potion's Letters on Slavery. 
 
 human nature, as well as to the best interests 
 of the slave. We know that opinions govern 
 the world. There are many errors of a 
 tical kind which long govern the multitude, 
 after they have :ploded by the greal 
 
 mass of intelligent men. One reason of this 
 is, those intelligent men allow themselves 
 to practise with the multitude, their correct 
 opinions to the contrary notwithstanding. 
 T sir correct opinions, therefore, go for noth- 
 ing, because contradicted by their practice. 
 Tins is most lamentably the case withrespeel 
 to slavery. Few intelligent men among us 
 justify ii : and yet the great body of them 
 practise it. How are the unthinking multitude 
 to find out that it is wrong, while not only the 
 intelligent, but the moral and religious con- 
 tinue the practice ? 
 
 We insist, therefore, that we all owe to the 
 cause of freedom, not only a correct opinion, 
 but a consistent practice. 
 
 Were professors of religion and friends of 
 freedom — all who wish to remove the evil of 
 slavery, to come out and act consistently and 
 steadily, the good effects of it would soon be 
 seen and felt. Had the church, at the com- 
 mencement of African slavery in this country, 
 taken the proper course, it would in all proba- 
 bility have put a stop to it. Had the friends 
 of religion and morals united with the friends 
 of emancipation, at the close of the revolu- 
 tionary war, and abandoned slavery, the sys- 
 tem would before now have gone down. And 
 were the friends of religion and morals and 
 personal freedom now to abandon slavery, and 
 keep up before the public eye its moral and 
 political evils, the system could not stand long 
 before them. A practical standard of morals 
 and religion would be held up, which would 
 condemn slavery. Slavery would soon come 
 to be viewed as we now view polygamy, con- 
 cubinage, the slave trade, and massacre of 
 prisoners. Most persons have some sense of 
 religion, and wish to get to heaven. Slavery 
 would soon come to be viewed as incompati- 
 ble with getting there ; and one modification 
 after another would take place, until it passed 
 away. 
 
 This ought to be accompanied with a steady 
 and persevering effort to so change the laws 
 of the State as to put an end to the whole sys- 
 tem. Until a considerable change is made in 
 the laws, great difficulties will lie in the way of 
 accomplishing many things that at once ought 
 to be done. The shameful traffic in them 
 ought at once to be stopped ; their marriages 
 and family relations ought to be protected; 
 and all obstructions to educating them ought 
 to be removed. Many lament these evils, and 
 blame the State for permitting them, who ap- 
 pear to forget that a ' part of the law-making 
 power is in their hands. They have never 
 used their influence with their representatives 
 so to change the laws as to remove the evils. 
 They of course stand chargeable with a part 
 
 of the guilt. Our public men will do what 
 they know the people wish to have done. If 
 thej refuse, the people can till their place 
 with others who will carry into effect their 
 will.' — pp. I?."), 1?iJ. 
 
 ' It is a hateful feature of the present sys- 
 iavery, that it. gives no protection to 
 family connections — to the marriage relation. 
 or to female purity. The slave is heldas pro- 
 perty, and may be sold, or given away, or dis- 
 posed of by will ; and, life and limb excepted, 
 be treated as other prop 
 
 Occasionally, the husband and wife belong 
 to the same person, and live together; much 
 more frequently, however, >g to dif- 
 
 ferent owners, and sec each other more or less 
 frequently, according to their distance apart, 
 and the time allowed them for that purpose. 
 Their marriages are not recognized or protect- 
 ed by law. The reason no doubt is, that this 
 might interfere with the right of property in 
 the master. If the law protected the marriages, 
 it. might at times prevent sales and transfers 
 of slave property. 
 
 Some slaves have, indeed, a marriage cere- 
 mony performed. It is, however, usually done 
 by one of their own color, and of course is 
 not a legal transaction. And if done by a 
 person legally authorized to perform marriages, 
 still it would have no authority, because the 
 law does not recognize marriage among slaves, 
 so as to clothe it with the rights and immuni- 
 ties which it .wears among citizens. The 
 owner of either party might, the next day or 
 hour, break up the connection in any way he 
 pleased. In fact, their connections have no 
 protection, and are so often broken up by 
 sales and transfers and removals, that they are 
 by the slaves often called 'taking up togeth- 
 er.' The sense of marriage fidelity must be 
 greatly weakened, if not wholly destroyed, by 
 such a state of things. The effect is most 
 disastrous. 
 
 But there is another circumstance which de- 
 serves our notice. What effect is likely to be 
 produced on the morals of the whites, from 
 having about them, and under their absolute 
 authority, female slaves who are deprived of 
 the strongest motives to purity, and exposed 
 to peculiar temptations to opposite conduct! 
 The condition of female slaves is such, that 
 promises and threatenings and management 
 can hardly fail to conquer them. They are 
 entirely dependent on their master. They 
 have no way to make a shilling, to procure any 
 article they need. Like all poorpeople they 
 they are fond of finery, and wish to imitate 
 those who are above them. What, now, are 
 not presents and kind treatment, or the reverse, 
 if they are not complying, likely to effect on 
 such persons ? And the fact that their chil- 
 dren, should they have any through such in- 
 tercourse, may expect better treatment from 
 so near relations, may have its influence. 
 That the vice prevails to a most shameful ex- 
 
Slavery in South Carolina. 
 
 '.i: 
 
 tent is proved from the rapid increase of mu- 
 lattoes. Oh, how many have fallen hefore 
 this temptation : soman}', that it lias almost 
 ceased to be a shame to fall ! Oh, how many 
 parents may trace the impiety and licentious- 
 ness and shame of their prodigal sons, to the 
 temptations found in the female slaves of their 
 own households. Irregular habits are thus 
 formed, which often last through life. And 
 many a lovely and excellent woman, confiding 
 in vows of affection and fidelity, trusting to 
 her power over her devoted lover, has, after 
 uniting her fate with his, and giving him all 
 that a woman has to give, found when too late 
 how incorrigible are those habits of roving de- 
 sire, formed in youth, and kept alive by the 
 temptations and facilities of the slave system. 
 Now when we read the repeated declara- 
 tions that ' fornicators and adulterers shall not 
 inherit the kingdom of God ;' and call to mind 
 the teaching of our Lord, that all intercourse 
 between the sexes, except what takes place 
 between one man and one woman in marriage 
 faith, amounts to those crimes ; how can we, 
 as believers in Christianity, uphold a system 
 which presents this temptation both to the 
 bond and free, and yet escape a participation 
 in the guilt?'— pp.128, 129. 
 
 SLAVERY IN SOUTH CAROLINA. 
 
 The following extracts are from a work called 
 'Three Years in North America, by James 
 Stuart, Esq.' It is spoken of as a work of 
 great ability and candor. It is but seldom that 
 we have anything published in this country 
 in which the horrors and abominations of sla- 
 very are spoken of in the terms which they 
 ought to be. We trust that Mr. Stuart's work 
 will be soon republished in this country. We 
 have not seen the work itself, but copy from 
 the Anti-Slavery Record. 
 
 ■ M\ stopping place was on a rice plantation, so un- 
 favorably situated during the unhealthy season of the 
 year thai the planter and his family always leave it. 
 The slaves were numerous, and were. I had reason to 
 believe from whal I afterwards heard, as well treated 
 as they generally are in this country; but it did not 
 seem to me that their wanl of education, and the wan! 
 of ordinary comforts, place them in a situation much 
 removed from the brutes. They had little clothing, 
 all of one drab color, and not one of them had bed- 
 clothes. T had full leisure to talk with them, but of 
 course I was bound to do so with prudence. All of 
 them, however, with whom 1 had an opportunity of 
 conversing, declared themselves unhappy and miser- 
 able in their situation. A certain task is allotted to 
 each of them, and, if this is not done, they are ul ject- 
 ed to one of three punishments, whipping, wearing 
 irons, or putting in the stocks, f was told here, on 
 authority which seemed to be quite unquestionable 
 (thai of a wealury planter who lived in this neighbor- 
 hood,) that a planter, whose estate is at no great dis- 
 tance from the high road which I was travelling, v as 
 in the habit of punishing his slaves, when he thoughl 
 that they required severe discipline, by putting them 
 
 in cotlins, which were partly nailed down, and that this 
 punishment had again and again resulted in the death 
 
 of the slaves. The gentleman who communicated this 
 information to me spoke of it with horror; but upon 
 my asking him why such conduct was not punished, 
 since it was known in the neighborhood, by virtue of 
 the law, which declared the killing of a slave lo be 
 murder, he replied that his neighbor took very good 
 care of himself; (he punishment was inflicted only in 
 the presence of slaves, whose evidence was inadmis- 
 sible. He added, however, that the coffins had bee 
 es, who it was said had lost their 
 lives, had disappeared, and that n<> doubl was enter- 
 tained that their deaths had been occasioned by their 
 being shut up in coffins. The same person who has 
 recourse to this savage punishment works his sla 
 Sundays, though contrary to law, taking care that no 
 white man sees them.' — Vol. ii. pp. 118, 119. 
 
 ' I have seen enough to be satisfied that, generally 
 speaking, the slaves are brought up in sui h ignorance, 
 as well as in a way so repugnant to moral feeling, in 
 the earlier part of their life, that it is surprising to see 
 so many marks of civilization among them. Marriage 
 among "them is generally allowed ; but, where a young- 
 man has a tine family, the planter very often, with a 
 view to the increase of his stock, forces him to have 
 many wives : and in the same way married females 
 are often obliged to receive more husbands than one, 
 as the planter may order. In fact, the slaves are as 
 much obliged to obey the commands of their masters 
 in respect to sexual intercourse as any thing else, the 
 effects of which upon their morals may be' easily con- 
 ceived. Such a system is no doubt discouraged l>;> 
 many of the masters whose dispositions are huirtane ; 
 but that this evil docs exist to a great extent is unques- 
 tionably true.' — Vol. ii. p. 120. 
 
 The following is Mr. Stuart's account of a 
 
 conversation which he heard between ' a very 
 
 wealthy and well known planter' of South 
 
 Carolina, ' not by any means a young man,' 
 
 and a physician. 
 
 'The planter and the doctor seemed to be on inti- 
 mate terms, which rendered their conversation toler- 
 ably unreserved. The doctor asked the planter what 
 could have induced him to stay at such and such a 
 plantation during the unhealthy season. I shall never 
 forget the sang !'r<>i<l with which the question was an- 
 swered by his friend. He said he found that half a 
 dozen of the girls could not longer be trusted without 
 a husband, for one of them had been already seized 
 by the blacksmith at his gate, and that he thought it 
 was not only tor Ins interest, but that of the plantation 
 generally, that he should be the fust husband. This 
 answer, "of course, gave rise to a great deal of merri- 
 m, nt among the friends ; and the doctor, who gave us 
 accounts oi' his management of his own slaves of a 
 similar kind, of course admitted the validity of the 
 reason. In the course of the conversation which fol- 
 lowed, it turned out that this planter was frequently 
 wailed upon at table by his own children, and had ac- 
 tually sent some of Uiem to the public market to be 
 sold as slaves ! ' — Vol. ii. p. 127. 
 
 Passing over several passages descriptive 
 of the grievous oppression of the free people 
 of color, we find Mr. Stuart again adverting 
 to the treatment of the slaves in the following 
 terms : — 
 
 'I was placed in a situation at Charleston, which 
 uave me too frequent opportunities to witness the ef- 
 fects of slavery in its most aggravated state. Mrs. 
 Street (the mistress of the hotel) treated all the ser- 
 vants in the house in the most barbarous manner; and 
 this although she knew that Stuart, the hotel-keeper 
 here, had lately nearly lost his life by maltreating a 
 slave. He beat his cook, who was a stout fellow, until 
 
:>! 
 
 ry in South. Carolina. 
 
 he could no longer Eupport it. He rose uponli 
 i' r. and in his tun ig that it had 
 
 nearly cost him his life ; ihe cook immediately l< 
 house, ran i ards heard of,— it 
 
 was supposed thai he had drowned himself, 
 day, however, pas id without im hearing of Mrs. 
 ■ ■. her unfortu 
 
 On on casion, when one of the female slaves had 
 
 fie beat her until her own strength was 
 isted, and then insisted on the bar-keeper, Mr. 
 
 Ferguso i, (a S lolchroa i edin lo i 
 
 maiudei ol the punishment. Mrs. S 
 
 time took her place in tl 
 
 him lo lay on the whip severely in an adjoining room. 
 
 His nature was repugnant to the exei ution ol fie dut) 
 
 which was imposed on him. He gave a wink to the 
 
 girl, who undersl I it and bellowed lustily, while be 
 
 made the whip .'rack on the walk- of the room. Mrs. 
 Street expressed herself to be quite satisfied with the 
 way in which F ■ < icecuted 'uw • 
 
 but, unfortunately for him, his lenity to the girl bi 
 known, in the I cl of merriment, and 
 
 was one of the i I before 1 left 
 
 the house; — but I did not know of the most atrocious 
 of ail the pi of this cruel woman until the 
 
 very day that I quitted the house, [had put up my 
 clothes in my portmanteau, when 1 was about to set 
 out-, but, finding it was rather too lull. I had difficult} 
 in getting il c!< ed to allow me to lo •!--. it ; I il, i 
 told o boys to send me one of the stoutest of 
 
 the men lo assist me. How soon af- 
 
 terwards appeared, whom 1 found to be the cook, with 
 tears in his eyes ; — I asked him what was 
 He told me that, just at the time when the boy (ailed 
 for him, he harp a Mow on the cheek-bone 
 
 from this d i oats, as had unmanned h 
 
 the moment. I pon m] on for 
 
 him, he said he viewed this as nothing, I ul that he was 
 leading a life of terrible suffering; — that about two 
 
 years had elap -ed since he and his wife, with his two 
 
 children, had been exposed in the public market at 
 Charleston lor sale,— thai he had been purcha ed by 
 Mr. Street,— that his wife and children had been pur- 
 chased by a different person, and that, though he was 
 living in the same town with them, he never was al- 
 lowed to see them ; — he would be beaten within an aee 
 of his life if he ventured to go to iho corner of the 
 street. Wherever the least symptom of rebellion or 
 insubordination appears at Charleston on the part of 
 a 4wve. the master sends the slave to the goal, where 
 he is whipped or beaten as the master desires. The 
 Duke ofSaxe Weimar, in his travels, mentions that he 
 fisited this goal in December 1825; that the'black 
 
 pverseers go about everywhere ar i with cow hid.- ; 
 
 that in the basement tory there is an apparatus upon 
 which the Negroes, by order of the police, or at the 
 request of the masters, are flogged; thai the machine 
 •consists of a son of crane, on which a cord with two 
 nooses rum ovet pulleys; the nooses are made last to 
 the hands of the slave and drawn up, while the feet are 
 bound tight to a plank ; thai the body is stretched oul 
 as much as possible. — and thns the miserable creature 
 receives the exai I number of lashes as count, d off. — 
 The public sale of slaves in the market place at 
 Charleston, occurs frequently. 1 was present at two 
 sales where, especially at one of them, the mise 
 creatures w i on account of being separated 
 
 from their relations and friends. At one of them, a 
 young woman of sixteen or seventeen was separated 
 from her lather and mol |] her relations, and 
 
 every one she hail formerly known. This not 
 
 quently happens, although I was told and believe thai 
 there is a general wish to keep relatii , where 
 
 it can be done. 
 
 ' The follow ing tract i il r itleman 
 
 at Charleston idofhisal New- York, publish- 
 
 ed in the New-York newspapers while I w 
 contains oven a more shocking account of the public 
 sale of slaves here: — ' Curiosity sometimes 1 
 
 to the miction sales of the .Negroes. Afewdays since 
 
 I attended one which exhibited the beauties of slavery 
 deformity. The bodies of these 
 
 e placed upright on a table — . 
 their physical proportions examined — their defects and 
 beauties noted. ' A prime lot, here they go !' There 
 1 saw the father looking with sullen contempt on the 
 crowd, and e\ indignation in his counte- 
 
 ; and the mother, press- 
 ing lni intuits closer to her bosom with an involuntary 
 
 ..: nestness, 
 I down hei cheeks in quick suc- 
 cession — 'I can't leff my children! I won't loll' my 
 !' But on the hammer went, reckless alike 
 whether it united or sundered for ever. On another 
 stand I saw a man apparently as white as myself ex- 
 posed for sale. I turned awaj from the humiliating 
 spectacle. 
 
 • At another time I saw the concluding scene of this 
 infernal drama. It was on the wharf. A sine ship 
 for \ew-( til, -an- was lying in the -in on', and the poor 
 negroes handcuffed, and pinioned, wore hurried off ill 
 
 i .i time. Here I witnessed the last fare- 
 well — the heart-rending separation of every earthly 
 tic. The t agonizing embrace of the husband 
 
 and wife, and lh grasp of the mother and 
 
 child, who were alike torn asunder — for ever! It was 
 a living death — they never see or hear of each other 
 more. Tears flowed fast, and mine with the rest.' 
 
 • < 'lia ilest on has long been celebrated for the sever- 
 ity of its laws against the blacks, and the mildness of 
 iis punishments towards the whites for maltreating 
 them. Until the late law. there were about si 
 
 one crimes for which slaves were capitally punished, 
 and for which the highest punishment for whites was 
 imprisonment in the penitentiary. 
 
 ' \ dreadful case of murder occurred at Charleston 
 A planter, called John Slater, made an un- 
 ig, unresisting slave, be bound hand and foot, 
 and compelled his companion to chop off his head with 
 an axe, and to cast his body, convulsing with the ago- 
 nies of death, into the water. Judge Wild, who tried 
 him, on awarding a sentence of imprisonment against 
 this wretch, expressed his regret that the punishment 
 provided for the offence was insufficient to make the 
 law respected — that the delinquent too well knew that 
 the arm which he had stretched oul for the destruction 
 of Ins slave was thai to which he alone could look for 
 protection, disarmed as he was of the right of self de- 
 fence. Bui the most horrible butcherj of slaves which 
 has ever taken place in America was the execution of 
 thirty-five of them on the lines near ( Charleston, in the 
 month of July, 1822, on account of an alleged conspir- 
 acy against their masters. The whole proceedings 
 are monstrous. Sixty-seven persons were convicted 
 Court, consisting of a justice of the peace, and 
 
 freeholders, without a jury. The evidence of slaves 
 
 not upon oath was admitted against them, and alter all, 
 die proof was extremelj scanty. Perrault, a slave, 
 who had himself been brought from Africa, was the 
 chief witness. He had been lorn from his father, who 
 was \erv wealthy, and a considerable trader in tobac- 
 co and salt on the coast of Africa. I [e was taken pris- 
 oner, and was sold, and his purchaser would not give 
 
 lain up. although three slaves wore offered in his slead. 
 e's address, on pronouncing sentence of death 
 on this occasion, on persons sol, I to slavery and servi- 
 tude, and who. il' they were guilly, were only endea- 
 voring to get rid of it in the only way in their power, 
 seems monstrous. He told I IS )T\ a it w ho 
 
 was false to his master would be false to his God — that 
 Ihe precept of St. Paul w as " lo obej their masters in 
 all things." and of St. Peter, "to b.e subject to their 
 
 1 i 
 such doctrines, the) would not ha . . : - 
 
 death.' — \ ol. ii. pp. 1 1 1 — I 17. 
 
 Note. Since the foregoing article was preparsd,we 
 
 ■ I that Mr. Stuart's work lias been re- 
 publi bed in this Country. 
 
Anti-Slavery Societies.-— National Anti-Slavery Society.— Advantages of 1' a id Labor. 05 
 
 society, to which may be added the well 
 known facts that here the first abolition law 
 ever passed in this country originated, and the 
 first society for the express purpose of abolish- 
 ing slavery was formed. 
 
 But it may be asked, wherein would the 
 il society differ in its principles from 
 the Pennsylvania Abolition Society ? Are not 
 the objects contemplated by the former em- 
 braced by the latter ? In relation to the great 
 question of slavery, they would be one in prin- 
 ciple. The Pennsylvania society has been, 
 and still is very useful in the cause of anti- 
 slavery. Their funds and resources are prin- 
 cipally expended in the support of schools for 
 the education of colored children. I hop i the 
 society will long continue to direct its atten- 
 tion to this important object. But it is local 
 in its character. We want a national Anti- 
 Slavery Society, which would embrace a lar- 
 ger sphere, and enroll among its members, 
 many men of talents and influence, who do 
 not belong to the Pennsylvania Society, and 
 who, perhaps, might not incline to become 
 members. I hope the time is not distant, 
 when such a society will be organized in this 
 city.' 
 
 NEW ANTI-SLAVERY SOCIETIES. 
 
 It is with great satisfaction that we record 
 the formation of three new Anti-Slavery So- 
 cieties. They afford indisputable evidence of 
 the progress of correct principles. 
 
 An Anti-Slavery Society has been formed 
 
 in Portland, Me. with the following officers. 
 
 Hon. Prentiss Mellen, President; Samuel Fesseh- 
 dcii. Rev. Gershom F. Cox. Vice Presidents; P. II. 
 Greenleaf, Esq. Corresponding Secretary; Daniel C. 
 Colesworthy, Recording Secretary; John Winslow, 
 Treasurer ; Bezaleel Cushman, Jonathan Dow, James 
 B. Gaboon, Henry H. Boody, Seba Smith, Nathan 
 Winslow, Oliver B. Dorrance, Counsellors. 
 
 On April 10th, an Anti-Slavery Society 
 was formed at Tallmadge in Ohio, called the 
 Tallmadge Anti-Slavery Society. Its princi- 
 ples are the same as those of the New-Eng- 
 land Anti-Slavery Society. 
 
 The citizens of Fayette, Ross, and High- 
 land Counties, Ohio, have recently formed a 
 a Society called the Abolition Society of Paint 
 Valley Its officers are as follow. 
 
 Col. Thos. Rogers, President ;, Hon. Hugh Smart, 
 Vice-Pn sident ; "Joseph T. Irwin, Recording S^ creta- 
 ry ; Rev. Jas. H. Dickey, Corresponding Secretary ; 
 Mr Joseph Lawhead, Treasurer; Messrs Hugh Ghorm- 
 ly and Jas. McConnel, members of the executive 
 committee for Fayette county, Messrs Robert Braiden 
 and Geo. Brown for Ross county, and Messrs Samuel 
 Smith and Samuel McConnel for Highland county. 
 
 NATIONAL ANTI-SLAVERY SOCIETY. 
 
 We notice with great satisfaction some sug- 
 gestions in the Friend, in reference to a Na- 
 tional Anti-Slavery Society. The progress 
 of opinion in regard to slavery has been so 
 great during the last few years, that an insti- 
 tution of this kind seems to be required, in or- 
 der to give greater effect to individual efforts. 
 A great anxiety to form such a Society has 
 been often expressed by members of the N. 
 England Anti-Slavery Society. If our friends 
 at Philadelphia will call a public meeting in 
 that place at any time during the present sea- 
 son, for the purpose of organizing a National 
 Society, we promise them the attendance of 
 some delegates from this quarter. We hear- 
 tily assent to the remarks of 'The Friend,' 
 which follow: — 
 
 'We proposed a question in our last num- 
 ber, whether a national Anti-Slavery Society 
 could not be formed in Philadelphia, for the 
 purpose of calling the attention of our readers 
 to the subject. There are many consider- 
 ations that seem to indicate Philadelphia as 
 the proper location for such a society. Its 
 (■(-ntral position between the east and west — 
 the prevailing tone of the public mind is fitted 
 to impart strength and permanence to such a 
 
 ADVANTAGES OF PAID LABOR. 
 
 Reason and experience both teach that paid 
 labor is cheaper than compulsory. This truth 
 is strikingly illustrated in the facts stated in 
 the following letter addressed to the editor of 
 the Genius of Universal Emancipation, which 
 appeared in a recent number of that work. 
 
 TO THE EDITOR. 
 Dear Sir: — 
 
 Some time since, I sent you an account of 
 a mechanic who, by paying each of the slaves 
 whom he had hired, one dollar per week, ob- 
 tained more work from five, than he had been, 
 able to procure before from eleven of therm 
 To-day a circumstance has come tomyknowl- 
 . hich ought to speak volumes to those 
 who keep slaves. 
 
 A person who has been in the habit of tra- 
 ding to York River, for oysters, was in the 
 practice of hiring black men from their mas- 
 ters. These poor dispirited creatures work- 
 ed so slow, that it generally took about three 
 weeks to load his vessel. At last he hit upon 
 the experiment of giving them a reAvard of 
 fifty cents a day, (for themselves,) for each 
 good day's work. The consequence is, that 
 he now gets his vessel loaded in about five 
 days, at a much less expense. This shews 
 that voluntary labor is much superior to 
 that which is compulsory. 
 
 Let those who employ slaves, remember 
 that it would be better to hire even their own 
 slaves, or pay those whom they hire from oth- 
 ers, than undertake to compel them to work. 
 A Subscriber. 
 
16 
 
 Mr. Garrison. — To the Hibernia. — Epitaph on John Jack. — Ihnations. 
 
 MB GARRISON. 
 
 gentlernan .-ailed from New-.York for 
 id on thi first of May. He j 
 panied by the good wishes and prayers of all 
 the friends of abolition. The following lines 
 were written hy him on board the 
 sailing. 
 
 SONNET. 
 Unto the winds and waves I new commit 
 My body, subject to the will of Heaven; 
 
 lay be ibe vi atei v pit — 
 "I' 1 - l!i- alone to take who life has given. 
 But, Oye elements ! the deathless soul, 
 oaring time and space, 
 Irol, 
 Nor meanly dwells in any earthly pi 
 
 i ai ,; !i I'm nble, woi ms devour, 
 I lej on I identity . its wond'rous frame ; 
 Decay wilts aot the spiritual flower, 
 
 Nor a me : — 
 
 Thu> thy dread sting, O Death ! ] dan- to brave — 
 Thus do I take from thee the victory, O Gn \\ i: I 
 On bf Hibernia. ) 
 
 Mi 3 S 
 
 TO THE HIBERNIA. 
 O, speed thee! speed tl ! gallant bark, 
 
 Aeries the bounding wave ; 
 Thou bearest to old Britain's shores, 
 
 The Champion of the slave. 
 
 Propitious breezes waft thec on, 
 Safe o'er Atlantic's sea ; 
 
 For many a heart with fervor sends 
 ... son to thee. 
 
 And he who fears not to commit 
 
 J lis Ikm1\ to thy rare, 
 Fears not to brave the winds and waves, 
 
 Knowing that God is there. . 
 
 He goes to raise the standard high, 
 
 And freedom's flag unfurl, 
 \mi to proclaim the rallying cry 
 Of freedom to the world. 
 
 Then swift and steady be thy flight, 
 
 \< ross the briny wave ; 
 And safely bear, Oh noble bark, 
 The Champion of the slave. ADA. 
 
 Philadelphia, May. 1833. 
 
 EPITAPH ON JOHN JACK. 
 The following epitaph on a slave buried at 
 Concord, in Massachusetts, is, as we are in- 
 formed in Mr Willard's Address to the Wor- 
 cester Bar, ascribed to Daniel Bliss, Esq. an 
 ante-revolutionary lawyer. It may be found 
 in Alden's Collection of Epitaphs. 
 
 God wills us free ; 
 
 Man wills us slaves. 
 
 I will, as God wills ; 
 
 God's will be done. 
 
 Here lies ihe body of Johb Ja< k. 
 
 A native of Africa. 
 
 Who died March 1773, 
 
 A.ged about I A years. 
 
 Though bom in a land of slavery, 
 
 I te w .i • born free : 
 
 Though he lived in a land of liberty, 
 
 He lt\ed a slave ; 
 
 Till by his honest, though stolen labors, 
 
 He ai 'iinied the source of slavery, 
 
 Which gave him his freed 
 
 rhough not long before death, 
 
 The grand tyrant. 
 
 (lave him his final emancipation, 
 Lnd set him on a footing with kings. 
 
 i,i lave to i ice, 
 1 le practised those virtues, 
 Without which, kings are but slaves. 
 
 The Treasurer of the N \nti-Slavery 
 Socii ty acknowledges the receipt of the following do- 
 nations in .March. April and May, viz. 
 FOR I n I MISSION. 
 
 Ladies' Anti-Slaven Society of Reading 10 00 
 
 do. do. 18 00 
 
 John T. Hilton, being amount contributed at a 
 
 meeting of colored persons in Boston, on 19th 
 
 March, 25 00 
 
 A friend, by S. F. Sewall, Esq. 10 00 
 
 Nathan Winslow, Esq. Portland, Me. 20 00 
 
 W. R. Jones. Baltimore, Md. 5 00 
 
 Win. H. Morgan do. 5 00 
 
 E. F. I'.. Men 5 00 
 Colored Male citizens of Albany. N. Y. by Mr 
 
 W. P.Griffin ' G 00 
 
 Michael H. Simpson 20 00 
 
 S. E. Sewall. 10 00 
 
 Moses Kimball 5 oil 
 
 A Friend 20 00 
 
 John N. Harbour 5 00 
 
 Daniel Gregg 5 00 
 
 .'elm St 3 00 
 
 Ellis Grav Loring 5 00 
 
 John F. Fuller '" 3 00 
 
 5 00 
 
 Drurv Fairbanks 5 00 
 
 D. L. Child 3 00 
 
 F. M. P. Wells 5 00 
 Young T. a<lies (Colored) Albany, N. Y. 8 00 
 Rev. Simeon S. Jocelyn, New-Haven, Ct. 5 00 
 S. Philbrick 3 00 
 ."Miss Deane 3 00 
 
 Ladies of Rev. D. T. Kimball's Society in Ips- 
 wich, to constitute him a life member 15 00 
 A Friend by S. E. Sewall for the Manual 
 
 Labor School 10 00 
 
 Annual subscription of £2,00 each, from Her- 
 man Holmes. Robert Roberts, Joseph Pierce, 
 James G. Barbadoes, Samuel H. Colton, J. 
 Nichols, J. C.Smith, David II. Fla, Rev. 
 Phineas Crandall, Edward Johnson, Nathan- 
 iel Budd, Wm. Irvicr, Lewis Laws and Da- 
 vid Worthing 28 00 
 A Friend, by Rev. Henrv Jones 1 00 
 Ebenezer Dole, Hallowell, Me. 50 00 
 \ Friend 1 00 
 S. G. Shipley 2 00 
 
 £321. 00 
 
 For the Mission — Received by Mr. Garrison. 
 
 S. G. Shipley 2 00 
 
 A Friend 1 00 
 
 Dr Geo. Harris, Moor Town, I 'a. 5 00 
 
 C. Washington, Trenton, N. J. 3 00 
 
 .Mrs. R. Henson, do. do. 2 00 
 
 A colored Friend in Philadelphia 50 
 From the colored friends in Philadelphia. 
 
 through the hands of .Mr Joseph Cassey 100 00 
 
 Colored friends in Brooklyn, N. Y. 8 00 
 
 Colored friends in New- York city 121 (X) 
 
 do. Providence, R. I. 30 00 
 
 Colored ' Mutual Relief Society ' of do. 15 00 
 
 Colored 1'emale Literary Society' of do. 6 00 
 
 Colored • Female Tract Society ' of do. 4 00 
 
 $300 50 
 
THE ABOLITIONIST. 
 
 VOL. I.] 
 
 JULY, 1833, 
 
 [NO. VII. 
 
 PROGRESS OF PREJUDICE AND PERSECU- 
 TION. 
 
 A law, the substance of which we give be- 
 low, was passed by the legislature of Connec- 
 ticut at its late session and approved by the 
 governor May 24, 1833. This statute is en- 
 titled ' An Act in addition to an Act for the 
 Admission and Settlement of Inhabitants in 
 Towns? The preamble recites that ' attempts 
 have been made to establish literary institu- 
 tions in this State for the instruction of color- 
 ed persons belonging to other States and coun- 
 tries, which would tend to the great increase 
 of the colored population of the State, and 
 thereby to the injury of the people,' and there- 
 fore enacts in the first section ' that no person 
 shall establish in this State any school, or lit- 
 erary institution for the instruction or educa- 
 tion of colored persons, who are not inhabitants 
 of this State, nor instruct in any school, or 
 other literary institution whatsoever in this 
 State, or harbor or board for the purpose of 
 attending or being instructed in any such 
 school, or literary institution any colored per- 
 son who is not an inhabitant of any town in 
 this State, without the consent in writing first 
 obtained of a majority of the civil authority, 
 and also of the Selectmen of the town in which 
 such school, or literary institution is situated ; 
 and every person who shall knowingly do any 
 act forbidden as aforesaid, or shall be aiding 
 therein, shall, for the first offence, forfeit and 
 pay to the treasurer of this State a fine of one 
 hundred dollars, and for the second offence, 
 a fine of two hundred dollars, and so double 
 for every offence of which he or she shall be 
 convicted. 
 
 'Provided that nothing in this act shall ex- 
 tend to any district school established in any 
 school society under the laws of this State, 
 or to any school established by any school so- 
 ciety under the laws of this State, or to any 
 incorporated academy or incorporated school 
 for instruction in this State.' 
 
 The second section provides ' that any col- 
 ored person not an inhabitant of this State, 
 
 VOL. I. 
 
 who shall reside in any town therein for the 
 purpose of being instructed as aforesaid, may 
 be removed in the manner prescribed in the 
 sixth and sevenths sections of the act to which 
 this is an addition.' 
 
 The third section merely provides for per- 
 sons who are not inhabitants of the State, but 
 residents for the purpose of being instructed, 
 being witnesses in cases of prosecution under 
 the act. 
 
 The fourth section enacts, 'that so much of 
 the seventh section of the act to which this is 
 an addition, as may provide for the infliction 
 of corporeal punishment, be and the same is 
 hereby repealed.' 
 
 Our readers will at once perceive that this 
 statute was enacted as a sequel to the Can- 
 terbury farce. It is hardly necessary to men- 
 tion that Andrew T. Judson, the great Can- 
 terbury agitator was the prime mover of this 
 act. 
 
 We confess that we were surprised at the 
 passage of a statute so inhuman and so dis- 
 graceful to the State of Connecticut. It is 
 not, perhaps, to be regretted on account of the 
 colored people at whom it is aimed. The ex- 
 cess of its malice and violence must, we think, 
 render it impotent, and at the same time call 
 forth the feelings of many benevolent minds 
 in favor of the intended victims of this legis- 
 lation. 
 
 We could hardly credit our senses when 
 we read this barbarous statute. Can the le- 
 gislators of Connecticut seriously believe that 
 colored persons are made worse by instruc- 
 tion ? Or do they fear that all the institutions 
 of their State are to be swept away by an ir- 
 ruption of colored Vandals, if a school for 
 young colored girls be tolerated for a moment. 
 
 We rejoice in believing that this petty 
 ebullition of prejudice is likely to be totally 
 harmless as it regards the colored citizens of 
 the other States. The constitution of the 
 United States provides that 'the citizens of 
 each State shall be entitled to all the privileges 
 and immunities of citizens in the several 
 13 
 
98 
 
 Slavery in the. United States. 
 
 States. The meaning of this clause is suffi- 
 ciently clear ; and its application to the Con- 
 necticut statute very obvious. A colored citi- 
 zen of Massachusetts or any other State going 
 into Connecticut is entitled to all the privileges 
 and immunities of a citizen of Connecticut. If 
 then it is not a penal offence for a citizen of 
 Connecticut to reside in any town in that State 
 for the purpose of being instructed, it cannot 
 be made a penal offence for a citizen of Mas- 
 sachusetts to commit the same act. When 
 the legislature of Connecticut shall make it 
 criminal for her own citizens to be instructed, 
 it may also make it penal for the citizens of 
 other states coining within her borders, to re- 
 ceive instruction; and not before. 
 
 It gives us great pleasure to say that Miss 
 Crandall's school has not as yet been put down. 
 It appears from a communication from Mr. 
 George W. Benson, in the Liberator, of June 
 loth, that she has eighteen or twenty scholars. 
 We understand that she is prepared to contest 
 the constitutionality of the Connecticut statute, 
 whenever she has an opportunity. 
 
 SLAVERY IN THE UNITED STATES. 
 In our last number we gave some extracts 
 from Mr. Stuart's Three Years in America. 
 The following passages are from the same 
 work. Mr. Stuart's observations on slavery in 
 this country deserve attention, because he is 
 evidently a man of great fairness and candor. 
 If his work shows any marks of partiality, they 
 are in favor of the United States. What he 
 6ays upon this subject, therefore, must be re- 
 garded as the reproof of a friend, not as the 
 attack of an enemy. 
 
 'A pamphlet was lately published by a free 
 man of color, at Boston, named Walker, expa- 
 tiating on the cruelty of the treatment to which 
 men of color were subjected in many of the 
 States, which has excited great indignation 
 in the southern slaveholding states ; — and it so 
 happened that upon the very day on which I 
 attended the sitting of the legislature at Rich- 
 mond, a letter from the mayor of Boston, in 
 answer to a communication from the slave- 
 holding states, declaring his disapprobation of 
 the pamphlet, but at the same time expressing 
 his opinion, that the writer did not seem to 
 have violated the law, was laid before the 
 house. Mr. Otis, the mayor of Boston, while 
 in that letter he makes a declaration that the 
 pamphlet does not contravene any law, with 
 siniu'ar inconsistency adds, in his public let- 
 ter, thar he regards it with deep disapproba- 
 tion and abhorrence. This seemed a strange 
 communication from a magistrate in a non- 
 
 slaveholding state. A bill was immediately 
 brought into the House of Delegates here, 
 which from its title, ' To prevent the circula- 
 tion of seditious writings,' I should rather have 
 expected to be proposed in some other coun- 
 try than this. The fate of tins bill I never 
 Knew. 
 
 ' 1 was anxious to see the anti-slavery 
 pamphlet, which was making so much noise, 
 and went into a bookseller's store of the name 
 of Scaraway, or some such name, as I think, 
 but I found iiis prejudici a were as strong as 
 those of any of his countrymen. 'Any man 
 that would sell it should (he said) be gibbeted.' 
 
 ' The effects of slavery are nowhere more 
 visible than in Virginia; the population not 
 having increased like that of the free states 
 of the north. In 1790, Virginia contained in 
 her boundaries one-fifth part of the w hole po- 
 litical power of the American confederation, 
 was twice as large as New-York, and one- 
 third larger than Pennsylvania; — but times 
 are changed. Her political weight will be 
 just one-half of that of New-York in the Con- 
 gress under the new census, and one-third 
 less than that of Pennsylvania ; — she will have 
 to rank with Ohio, — a state that was not in 
 existence when she was in the zenith of her 
 prosperity.' — Vol. ii. pp. 54, 55. 
 
 'We were ferried over the Roanoke river 
 in a flat, drawing not six inches of water, by 
 slaves, without the horses being taken out of 
 the stage, and afterward stopped at Halifax to 
 change horses. While I was sitting in the 
 portico there, for the day was very hot, I was 
 accosted by a gentleman who requested me 
 to let him know what was the number of slaves 
 for sale at the court-house to-day. I explain- 
 ed his mistake to him, and I then asked him 
 some questions with respect to the slave-mar- 
 ket here. He said the price generally given 
 for a young man was 375 dollars, though for the 
 best hands 400 dollars are sometimes given; 
 that 250 dollars was the price for a fine young 
 woman, until after she had her first child, after 
 which she becomes more valuable, as she was 
 then more to be depended on for increasing 
 the stock. He never, he said, separated hus- 
 band and wife, but some people did separate 
 them, as well as children, and then they had 
 a crying scene, that was all.' — Vol. ii. p. 50. 
 
 ' I have already mentioned that all the wait- 
 ers in the hotels where I lodged were slaves, 
 hut they were not positively ill treated, like 
 the unfortunate creatures atCharleston. They 
 had no beds, however, to sleep upon, — all 
 lying, like doos, in the passages of the house. 
 Their punishment was committed by Mr. La- 
 vand to Mr. Smith, the clerk of the house, who 
 told me that no evening-, passed on which he 
 had not to gi\ e si ime of them stripes : and on 
 many occasions to such an extent, that he was 
 unable to perform the duty, and sent the un- 
 happy creatures to the prison, that they might 
 
Slavery in the United Stales. 
 
 99 
 
 fcavc their punishment inflicted there by the 
 jailor. Nothing- is more common, than for the 
 masters and mistresses of slaves, either male 
 or female, when they wish them to he punish- 
 ed, to send them to the prison, with a note to 
 the jailer specifying the number of lashes to 
 be inflicted. The slave must carry back a 
 note to his master, telling- him that the pun- 
 ishment has been inflicted. If the master so 
 orders it, the slave receives his whipping laid 
 flat upon his face upon the earth, with his hands 
 and feet bound to posts. In passing the prison 
 in the morning the cries of the poor creatures 
 are dreadful. I was anxious to get into the 
 inside of this place, but though a friend applied 
 for me, I did not succeed. Mr. Smith told me 
 that he was very desirous to leave his situa- 
 tion, merely because he felt it so very disa- 
 greeable a duty to be obliged to whip the 
 slaves. 
 
 'There were about 1000 slaves for .sale at 
 New-Orleans while I was there. Although I 
 did not myself witness, as I had done at 
 Charleston, the master or the mistress of the 
 house treating the slaves witli barbarity, yet I 
 heard enough to convince me that at New- 
 Orleans there are many Mrs. Streets. The 
 Duke of Saxe Weimar, who was at New-Or- 
 leans in 1826, and who lodged in the boarding 
 house of the well-known Madame Herries, one 
 of the best boarding-houses at New-Orleans, 
 has given a detailed account of the savage 
 conduct of this lady to one of her slaves, which 
 I transcribe in his own words : ' One particu- 
 lar scene, which roused my indignation in the 
 highest manner, on the 22d March, I cannot 
 suffer to pass in silence. There was a young 
 Virginian female slave in our boarding-house, 
 employed as a chambermaid, a cleanly, atten- 
 tive, quiet, and very regular individual. A 
 Frenchman residing in the house called in the 
 morning early for water to wash. As the 
 water was not instantly brought to him, he 
 went down the steps and encountered the poor 
 girl, who just then had some other occupation 
 in hand. He struck her immediately with the 
 fist in the face, so that the blood ran from her 
 forehead. The poor creature, roused by this 
 unmerited abuse, put herself on her defence, 
 and caught the Frenchman by the throat. He 
 screamed for help, but no one would interfere. 
 The fellow then ran to his room, gathered his 
 things together, and was about to leave the 
 house. But when our landlady, Madame Her- 
 ries, was informed of this, in order to satisfy 
 the wretch, she disgraced herself by having 
 twenty-six lashes inflicted upon the poor girl 
 with a cow-hide, and refined upon her cruelty 
 so much, that she forced the sweetheart of the 
 girl, a young negro slave who waited in the 
 house, to count off the lashes upon her. This 
 Frenchman, a merchant's clerk from Montpe- 
 lier, was not satisfied with this : he went to 
 the police, lodged a complaint against the srirl, 
 had her arrested bv two constables, and whip 
 
 ped again by them in his presence. I regret 
 that I did not take a note of this miscreant's 
 name, in order that I might give his disgrace- 
 ful conduct its merited publicity.' 
 
 ' The laws respecting slaves are as cruelly 
 strict and tyrannical here as at Charleston, or 
 in Georgia. The state Legislature have now, 
 on the 6th and J 7th days of March, passed two 
 acts, not many days before I reached New- 
 Orleans, containing most objectionable pro- 
 visions. 
 
 'The first act provides, 1st. That whosoever 
 shall write, print, publish, or distribute any 
 thing having a tendency to create discontent 
 among the free colored population of this 
 state, or insubordination among the slaves 
 therein, shall, at the discretion of the court, 
 suffer death, or imprisonment at hard labor for 
 life. 
 
 '2d. That whosoever shall use language in 
 any public discourse, from the bar, the bench, 
 the stage, the pulpit, or in any place, or in pri- 
 vate discourse or conversation, or shall make 
 use of signs or actions having a tendency to 
 produce disconteiit among the free colored pop- 
 ulation in this state, or to excite insubordina- 
 tion among the slaves therein, or whosoever 
 shall knowingly be instrumental in bringing 
 into this state any paper, pamphlet, or book, 
 having such tendency as aforesaid, shall, at 
 at the discretion of the court, suffer at hard 
 labor not less than three years, nor more than 
 twenty years, or death. 
 
 '3d. That all persons who shall teach, or 
 cause to be taught, any slave in this state to 
 read or write, shall be imprisoned not less than 
 one, nor more than twelve months. 
 
 'The second act provides, 1st. For the ex- 
 pulsion from the state of all free people of 
 color, who came into it subsequently to the 
 year 1807; and then confirms a former law, 
 prohibiting all free persons of color whatever 
 from entering the State of Louisiana. 
 
 '2d. It sentences to imprisonment, or hard 
 labor for life, all free persons of color, who, 
 having come into the state, disobey an order 
 for their departure. 
 
 ' 3d. It enacts, that if any white person shall 
 be convicted of being the author, printer, or 
 publisher of any written or printed paper 
 within the state, or shall use any language 
 with the intent within the state, or shall use 
 any language with the intent to disturb the 
 peace or security of the same, in relation to 
 the slaves or the people of this state, or to di- 
 minish that respect winch is commanded to free 
 people of color for the whites, such person shall 
 be fined in a sum not less than 300 dollars, 
 nor exceeding 1000 dollars, and imprisoned 
 for a term not less than six months, nor ex- 
 ceeding- three years ; and that, if any free per- 
 son of color shall be convicted of such offence, 
 he shall be sentenced to pay a fine not ex- 
 ceeding 1000 dollars, and imprisoned at hard 
 labor for a time not less than three years and 
 
100 
 
 Professor tf right. 
 
 not exceeding five years, and afWward ban- 
 ished for life. 
 
 ' And 4th. Il enacts, that in all cases it 
 shall be the duty of the attorney-general and 
 the several district attoxnies, under the penalty 
 of removal from office, to prosecute the said 
 free persons of color for violations of the act, 
 or, whenever they shall be required to prosecute 
 the said free persons of color by any citizen of 
 this state. 
 
 'These acts are signed by Mr. Roman, 
 Speaker of the House of Representatives ; by 
 Mr. Smith, President of the Senate; and by 
 Mr. Dupre, Governor of the State of Louisiana, 
 all in March, 1830. 
 
 ' Nothing can be more clear than that neith- 
 er the liberty of the press, nor the liberty of 
 speech, exists in a state or country where 
 such laws are to be found in the statute-book. 
 The following occurrence proves pretty con- 
 vincingly the truth of this observation. It took 
 place on one of the last days of March, while 
 I was at New-Orleans: — A slave was hung 
 for some trifling offence, but none of the news- 
 papers took the slightest notice of the execu- 
 tion ; the editors being naturally afraid that 
 their doing so might be construed into an of- 
 fence against the laws passed only a few days 
 previously. I only accidentally heard of the 
 execution some days after it happened, and 
 was told there were not thirty persons present 
 at it. 
 
 ' What makes the severity of those laws 
 even more galling is, that their retrospective 
 effect forces into banishment many citizens of 
 New-Orleans, — free men of color, — who were 
 among the most conspicuous defenders of the 
 state during the invasion of the British in 1814. 
 
 'The enactment against writings was in- 
 tended to be enforced against the only liberal 
 paper in New-Orleans, 'Le Liberal,' which 
 occasionally inserted articles favorable to the 
 black population. 
 
 'The publication of newspapers is not a 
 thriving speculation in the despotic states of 
 the Union. 1 view South Carolina, Georgia, 
 and Louisiana decidedly in that light, because 
 in those states the liberty of the press is de- 
 nied altogether to the colored, and, in a very 
 considerable degree, to the white population. 
 Compare the increase of newspapers in some 
 of the free states with their present condition 
 in the three slaveholding states to which I 
 have alluded, and the result will go far to es- 
 tablish my proposition. Sixty-six newspapers 
 were published in the State'of New-York in 
 the year 1810: 211 are now published. Sev- 
 enty-one newspapers were published in Penn- 
 sylvania in 1810: 185 are now published. 
 Fourteen newspapers were published in Ohio 
 in 1810: sixty-six are now published. But in 
 South Carolina ten newspapers were publish- 
 ed in 1810, and only sixteen now. Thirteen 
 n< wspapers were published in Georgia in 
 1810, and only the same number now. Ten 
 
 newspapers were published in Louisiana in 
 1810, and now only nine are published. Lou- 
 isiana is the only state in which the number 
 of newspapers has decreased during the last 
 twenty years, and yet during that period the 
 population has increased from 20,845 to 215,- 
 272, so that while the population is nine [ten] 
 times as great as in 1810, the effect of arbitrary 
 laws has been to render the number of news- 
 papers less for 215.000 inhabitants than for 
 20,000.— Vol. ii. pp. 132, 133, 134,135. 
 
 ' Every thing I saw in my perambulations 
 and rides in the neighborhood of New-Orleans 
 confirmed me in the belief that the slaves, es- 
 pecially the females, are in general cruelly 
 treated in respect to the tasks allotted to thorn, 
 and the stripes and degradation to which they 
 are subjected. In this warm climate they sel- 
 dom complain of want of clothing. In most 
 cases it is not so much with the quantity, as 
 with the quality, of their food that they find 
 fault.'— Vol. ii. p. 138. 
 
 PROFESSOR WRIGHT. 
 
 The abolitionists in Boston have been re- 
 cently favored by a visit from Professor Wright 
 of the Western Reserve College. During 
 his stay in this place, he delivered several lec- 
 tures on the subject of slavery, to crowded 
 auditories. We have every reason to believe 
 that these powerful and eloquent addresses 
 produced a very favorable impression for the 
 cause which he espoused. 
 
 Mr. Wright also had two public discussions 
 with Robert. S. Finley, Esq. the champion of 
 Colonization Society. The first was held at 
 Park-street Church on Thursday, May 30, on 
 the following propositions, maintained by Pro- 
 fessor Wright, and denied by Mr. Finley. 
 
 I. The operations and publications of die American 
 Colonization Society tend to increase the prejudice al- 
 seady existing against the people of color. 
 
 II. The influence of the colony, as it is at present 
 managed, is injurious to Africa. 
 
 The second discussion was held in Bowdoin 
 Street Church, on Friday, May 31, on the fol- 
 lowing propositions, of which Mr. Wright sup- 
 ported the affirmative, and Mr. Finley the neg- 
 ative. 
 
 I. The operations and publications of trie Society 
 tend to perpetuate slavery. 
 
 II. The only hope of abolishing slavery lies in pro- 
 mulgating- tin- doctrine of ui me III AT E EMANCIPATION. 
 
 Both discussions were very animated and 
 were listened to with deep interest. Mr. 
 Wright spoke with great earnestness and 
 maintained his positions by close and logical 
 arguments. Mr. Finley, on the other hand, as 
 we have been informed, for we had only an 
 opportunity of hearing a small part of these 
 
The American Colonization Society. 
 
 Id: 
 
 discussions, contented himself, for the most 
 part, with saying such thing's as would make 
 an agreeable impression on the audience, with- 
 out caring to defend the points which had 
 been assailed by his adversary. Mr. Finley 
 is apparently a practised speaker. His man- 
 ner is fluent and familiar, and well calculated 
 to interest a general audience. 
 
 The advocates of both parties, in these dis- 
 cussions, we believe claim the victory, for 
 their respective champions. But the friends 
 of slavery and colonization, can hardly deny 
 that some of the most weighty arguments ad- 
 vanced by Mr. Wright, were left unanswer- 
 ed by Mr. Finley. 
 
 THE AMERICAN COLONIZATION SOCIETY. 
 
 (Concluded.) 
 
 We affirm that our statement of the proba- 
 ble cost of transportation was not, as our 
 friend asserts 'flagrantly ex parte and extrava- 
 gant.' We did not borrow from Mr. Taze- 
 well's report, or adopt his views. This gen- 
 tleman may or may not be opposed to coloni- 
 zation — but what matters it, if his logic be 
 correct, whether lie be friend or foe ? Truth 
 is not less truth, because it is told by an ene- 
 my. However, we did not reckon from his 
 data, but from those of the Repository. We 
 made our calculation, and stated a much 
 smaller result than Mr. Tazewell did. We 
 said that colonization would cost fifty-four 
 dollars a man and the Repository confirms it. 
 Mr. Tazewell says it will cost a hundred dol- 
 lars a man. We quoted Mr. Tazewell's re- 
 port, merely to show that our estimate was not 
 extravagant, and this our moderation, the wri- 
 ter perverts and casts at us as a reproach. We 
 say again, what we proved in our former ar- 
 ticle, that the Colonization Society has re- 
 peatedly held up the deportation of slaves as 
 an inducement to add to their funds, and this 
 being a fact, it is fair to cast the market price 
 of the slaves into the estimate, for the expe- 
 rience of the Society has shewn exclusively 
 that very little is to be hoped from the liber- 
 ality of the masters. We have given our au- 
 thority, which is the official organ of the So- 
 ciety, and not Mr. Tazewell, and if the result 
 of our calculation does not please our friend, 
 he ought to complain of the Repository only. 
 
 'He divides the whole income of the Soci- 
 ety up to 1831, $145,000, by the number of 
 emigrants carried over, 2,500 : and so makes 
 it as clear as a sum in simple division, that 
 each man has cost over fifty dollars. This is 
 calculation again with a vengeance. It estab- 
 lishes — what ? — the cost of individual trans- 
 portation at this time ? By no means. &c. &c.' 
 
 It is, indeed, calculation with a veng-eance. 
 for neither our friend nor the Colonization So- 
 ciety will ever be able to get over it. It is 
 
 this, probably, which makes him so angry and 
 abusive. What would lie have clearer? 
 What! shall we say that indivividuals trans- 
 ported cost the people of the United States 
 no more than their passage money ? Shall 
 we not cast into the account the sums paid 
 for territory, for rum and gunpowder, to civil- 
 ize the natives, the salaries of we know not 
 how many agents and sub-agents, the pittance 
 of scribblers who pufl* the Society in maga- 
 zines and newspapers, the cost of transporting 
 many emigrants to the sea board, and the aid 
 they receive after they land in Liberia ? This 
 would be, to use our candid friend's own 
 words, calculation with a vengeance. We 
 suppose we shall be told next, that a company 
 on the peace establishment (of 50 men) costs 
 but .^"i.lO a month. Surely, — they receive but 
 five dollars each. The pay of the officers, the 
 cost of clothing, arms, equipments, ammuni- 
 tion, rations and barracks, ought doubtless to 
 be left out of the estimate. 
 
 We can assure the writer that when the 
 people shall know that they have expended 
 sl45,000 to export free blacks, and that but 
 2500 have been exported, all his logic will 
 not persuade them that they have not paid over 
 fifty dollars ahead— a great deal too dear for the 
 whistle. As such has been the aggregate re- 
 sult of many years' experience, we think it 
 is not very likely that the price of the coloni- 
 zation of a free christian black man will ever 
 materially diminish. We have neither time 
 nor inclination to follow our friend through 
 the former fluctuations of the market, nor is it 
 at all essential. We have proved all we un- 
 dertook to prove, and that is enough for our 
 humble ambition. As to what is said of the 
 probability that the emigrants will one day de- 
 fray their own expenses, it is mere specula- 
 tion, and we decline to notice it farther. 
 
 We doubt not that there are more colored 
 persons willing to emigrate than the Coloni- 
 zation Society have means to transport, — but 
 not from any part of the Union where they 
 have freedom of choice. The Society cannot 
 get a man from Massachusetts. Doubtless, in 
 States whence free men are forbidden to em- 
 igrate on pain of being sold into perpetual 
 slavery, where they may be apprehended on 
 the mere suspicion of any white vagrant, and 
 sold to pay their jail fees, there must be many 
 who are willing to leave a land where there is 
 neither peace nor justice for them. These, 
 we suppose, are the numerous applicants of 
 whom our friend speaks. We think an apol- 
 ogist for the Colonization Society ought to be 
 ashamed to avow the fact, since he must at 
 the same time acknowledge that if the insti- 
 tution does not use compulsion itself, it abets 
 the compulsion of others. Perhaps, too, we 
 might say that the oppressive laws to which 
 we have alluded would never have been made 
 but for the influence of the Colonization Soci- 
 ety. Such is the presumption, we may say, 
 
102 
 
 The American Colonization Society. 
 
 the conviction of many Bblid persons. Our 
 people, said the committee of the .Maryland 
 Legislature (in substance) shall tlol emanci- 
 pate unless they colonize also. Directly after, 
 a law was passed, which operates so hardly 
 on the free colored people, that it seems to 
 
 have I n intended to drive them into 
 
 anil- of the Colonization Society. 
 
 Society has abolished the slave trade, 
 says our friend, along two hundred and eighty 
 miles of sea coast, whence 5,000 slaves were 
 formerly taken annually. What then — the 
 slaves are still sold, though in another market 
 We shewed in our first paper that the Socie- 
 ty admit that the slave trade has increased 
 constantly ever since they have been in oper- 
 ation. After this, what need to speak of abol- 
 ishing the trade by the ministry of the Socie- 
 ty ? We shall here add the opinion of Capt. 
 Morrell, a recent voyager on the coast of Af- 
 rica, which is all that need farther be said on 
 the subject. 
 
 'flow.' says this very intelligent writer, 'is 
 this horrible traffic to be finally and totally 
 abolished. The root, the source, the foun- 
 dation of this evil is in the ignorance and su- 
 perstition of the negroes themselves. How- 
 ever severe the edicts which nations may pass 
 against the slave trade, they will never deter 
 from engaging in it a certain class of reckless 
 adventurers which are found in every coun- 
 try ; whose motto is ' neck or nothing.' They 
 are willing to run the risk of dying the death 
 of pirates in consideration of the immense 
 emolument which attends the successful issue 
 of the perilous enterprise. Like every species 
 of smuggled goods, slaves will always find a 
 ready market, and a price proportionably high 
 to the hazard of introducing them : and so 
 long as a door remains open for disposing of 
 human beings, the progress of reform in this 
 particular will be very slow. // is of but Utile 
 use to block up the mouth of the Senegal or any 
 other river in Africa while the whole extent oj 
 coast remains open and may be landed on at. 
 different seasons of the year. Nothing but a 
 total, unqualified prohibition of this soul-debas- 
 ing traffic by every power in both hemispheres, 
 particularly by those of South. America ran af- 
 ford any rational hope of its final abolition.'' 
 
 Capta ; n Morrell does, indeed, speak favora- 
 bly of Liberia and the Colonization Society a 
 little after, but as what he says is avowedly 
 taken from a newspaper extract, it cannot be 
 considered an offset against his own opinion 
 just above expressed. 
 
 Our friend goes on to show that the main 
 object of the Society is as he states by ex- 
 tracts from certain speeches and letters, 
 which go to shew that some good has been 
 done and that the removal of our entire color- 
 ed population is not contemplated. Ii seems 
 to us singular, however, that he should avail 
 himself of a kind of evidence which he will not 
 permit us to use. When we quote the works 
 
 of any eminent colonizationist as explanatory 
 of the views of the Society, they only express 
 the opinions of an individual; but when he 
 thinks fit to quote .Mr Blackford's speech and 
 Mr Early's letter, it is 'to shew that he has 
 not mistaken his own principles for the Soci- 
 ety's, lie ought to remember that what is sauce 
 - sauce for gander; that what is 
 not sufficient evidence for us is not sufficient 
 evidence for him. We think this unfair prac- 
 tice, though we do not impute an unfair inten- 
 tion to him. .Moreover, Mr Blackford is not 
 even a member of the Colonization Society. 
 We know not who Mr Early is. 
 
 We never imputed to all auxiliary societies 
 the principles of the parent Society, and we 
 believe mo have never quoted any thing 
 against the parent Society, which was not ex- 
 pressed by some of its members. If the Aux- 
 iliary Society of Fredericksburg do not aim at 
 the removal of the entire colored population, 
 it is to their credit, and proves that they may 
 justly claim an intellectual superiority to the 
 mother institution. 
 
 The last of the extracts is an avowal by the 
 National Society that they had done ' all" that 
 could reasonably be expected to be done by 
 their instrumentality.' We verily believe it. 
 They have done all that could reasonably have 
 been expected of persons of their principles; 
 but not all they contemplated or had repeat- 
 edly held up to the people as their design. 
 
 The writer shews, plainly, that the Coloni- 
 zation Society is opposed to slavery in the ab- 
 stract. They say, as we never denied, that 
 slavery is an evil, and that something ought 
 to be clone, in a hundred places. But they do 
 not say what shall be done. They say that 
 the question ought not to be agitated, that 
 they have no design to interfere with the 
 rights of slave owners to their property, that 
 'emancipation without emigration is dreamy 
 madness.' We shewed in our former paper 
 that they do unequivocally, in the most expli- 
 cit terms, express their disapprobation of 
 emancipation on any terms but emigration, 
 and of all efforts to remove what they ac- 
 knowledge to be a national curse. They nev- 
 er let slip an opportunity to abuse those who 
 think that the subject should be agitated, and 
 that speedier means than theirs should be em- 
 ployed. We have studied their documents 
 very attentively, and this seems to us to be 
 the synopsis of their doctrine. 'Slavery is a 
 great evil and a fruitful source of crime and 
 oppression. But it would be criminal to at- 
 tempt to remove it. It is a crime in one man 
 to keep another in bondage. But by ceasing 
 to sin, he would sin yet more. Circumstances 
 have made that which is essentially criminal 
 and vile, innocent and praiseworthy.' 
 
 If these are not the views of the Society 
 we are unable to comprehend our mother 
 tongue. Else why so many expressions of 
 disapprobation of slavery and of all attempts 
 
The American Colonization Society, 
 
 103 
 
 to remove it as arc found in all the matter 
 they have printed. The Society blows hot 
 and cold upon the idea of emancipation in the 
 same breath, but unless we are greatly mis- 
 taken, the cold greatly exceeds and prevails. 
 
 After all, the difference of opinion on this 
 subject between colonizationists and abolition- 
 ists (among which last we are proud to be 
 ranked) may be summed up in a few words. 
 The former look on the slaves as property : 
 we look upon them as men. They consider 
 only the rights of the masters ; we have re- 
 gard to the rights of both masters and slaves. 
 This is the true distinction in this matter, and 
 we should be sorry and ashamed if there were 
 not many more points of difference. 
 
 We said that the Colonization Society hab- 
 itually vilify the free blacks, and gave what 
 we thought and think sufficient proof of the 
 charge. Our friend denies it, saying that the 
 Society was and still is a charitable institu- 
 tion, whose prime object was the benefit of 
 the free blacks. At the same time he says 
 that the Society 'have not scrupled to de- 
 scribe the situation of that class in this coun- 
 try in its true light.' We deny that the So- 
 ciety do describe that class in its true light, 
 and whether it does or not, we say that our 
 friend knows nothing of the matter. We be- 
 lieve that he is not acquainted personally with 
 any negro in the world. How then docs he 
 pretend to know the moral condition of the 
 whole class ? We are better informed in this 
 particular. We know a great many blacks, 
 and consequently esteem many of them. If 
 our friend will take one of our arms, highly as 
 we esteem him, we will give the other to one 
 out of many of our colored friends, and walk 
 through Washington-street between them, 
 feeling equally honored with the company of 
 each. 
 
 If the object of the Colonization Society 
 be, as our friend states, for the benefit of the 
 free blacks, it seems to us that these last 
 should by this time have discovered and ap- 
 preciated the benevolence of the Society. It 
 is not so however. They consider themselves 
 wronged, oppressed and insulted by it, and 
 detest its very name. The name of a coloni- 
 zationist is to them as that of Benedict Arnold 
 is to their white brethren. They never go to 
 the Colonization Society for advice regarding 
 their affairs, they never ask them for the 
 means of instructing their children in letters 
 and the mechanic arts ; on the contrary, they 
 avoid them as they would a pestilence. They 
 apply, on occasion, to the abolitionists. Dogs 
 have the faculty of discovering their friends 
 and enemies. Have the colored race less in- 
 telligence than doos ? 
 
 The writer admits, and we thank him for 
 the admission, that the blacks themselves 
 ought to be the judges of the colonization pro- 
 ject. ' Let the blacks decide the matter for 
 themselves. If they can be comfortable here, 
 
 or think they can, let them remain, and Cod 
 help them to be so.' With this sentiment at 
 heart our friend should never have written a 
 syllable on the Colonization Society. The 
 blacks have decided on the question unequiv- 
 ocally. Their opinion, as expressed by their 
 representatives, is, that those who consent to 
 be colonized, are 'enemies and traitors.' We 
 are aware that our writer affirms that this is 
 but the sentiment of a party ; but can he 
 shew any proof that then' is a party any 
 where among the free blacks who hold a con- 
 trary opinion ? He cannot. There is no such 
 party in any place where freedom of choice is 
 permitted. Let the blacks themselves be the 
 judges, with all my heart. But let. their judg- 
 ment be free. Where they are liable to be 
 apprehended on the suspicion of the lowest 
 vagabond and sold into slavery, where they 
 are banished at a month's warning from- their 
 homes, where their lives are rendered' insup- 
 portable by the colonization and nullification 
 spirits, it cannot be said that they are free 
 agents, and the fact, that a thousand poor, 
 persecuted colored people have been compell- 
 ed to be willing to emigrate, is no proof that 
 any, even the most inconsiderable portion of 
 the colored population approve the principle? 
 of the Colonization Society. 
 
 One more point of our friend's argument re- 
 mains to be noticed. He treats the idea that 
 his beloved institution holds up contrary mo- 
 tives to the south and north in the same or- 
 gans, as supremely ridiculous. We cannot 
 see it in the same light. When the idea of 
 the ultimate termination of African slavery is 
 held up by the Society as a motive to contrib- 
 ute to their funds, is not this argument evi- 
 dently addressed to the north ? Would such; 
 discourse (alone, without qualification) be pal- 
 atable to the south ? When the Society prom-. 
 ise to secure the tenure of property by remov- 
 ing the free blacks, is it to the north that they 
 address themselves ? Surely the two promis- 
 es do not coincide with each other. It is the 
 Society, and not us, whom our friend ought to- 
 blame for this inconsistency, which, we take 
 it, is indicative of a mean, shuffling policy, 
 which dares to take no decided stand, and. 
 which, we trust, will never be imitated by the 
 abolitionists. 
 
 In answer to all the sneers cast by our 
 friend at the abolitionists, we say that we took 
 the field one year only since, twelve in num- 
 ber, with a 'quaker and hatter' at our head. 
 We are now a thousand, and everyday brings 
 recruits to our ranks. The Colonization So- 
 ciety is the main obstacle in our way, and its 
 course, we think, is and must be henceforth 
 downwards. We found the Leviathan wel- 
 tering in the sea of popularity, unconscious of 
 i foe, and despising him when he appeared. 
 We roused him from his torpor, and compelled 
 him to give proof of vitality. We have fixed, 
 the harpoon, and the monster begins to blow 
 
101 
 
 Slavery in 1'ennsylvania. 
 
 and bellow. We are now pulling upon the 
 line, and we shall soon, we trust, come to lanc- 
 ing. Above all, we have planted the banner 
 of Freedom to Mankind. Pluck it up who 
 
 can. 
 
 To conclude ; for we are in truth very 
 weary of trying to extract argument out of 
 that which contains none — our friend has not 
 disproved one of our positions by logical de- 
 duction. He has given us an exposition of the 
 views of the Colonization Society, drawn, not 
 from facts or past experience, but from the 
 stores of his own invention. It is perfectly 
 evident to us that he has not studied the sub- 
 ject, for he has given us his own crude specu- 
 lations instead of the truth. Were the Colo- 
 nization Society what he imagines it to bo 
 and no more, we would join it to-morrow ; but 
 ire know and have proved it to be a different 
 thing. When our friend can meet us fairly, 
 we shall ever be ready to splinter a lance with 
 him, but if he does not come into the lists bet- 
 ter armed, we shall henceforth think it beneath 
 our magnanimity to contend with on f> so ill 
 prepared. His views, if we understand (hem 
 right, are based not on what the Colonization 
 Society is and has been, but on what it may 
 be henceforth. It may, he says, rid the coun- 
 try of the blacks, it may extinguish the system 
 of slavery, it may give the slave taade a death 
 blow, and it may convert and civilize Africa. 
 Ay, it may — and the sky may fall, and we may 
 catch larks. The one proposition is as well 
 supported by experience and analogy as the 
 other. 
 
 SLAVERY IN PENNSYLVANIA. 
 
 The friends of freedom were somewhat 
 surprised and mortified, at seeing in the Cen- 
 sus of L830, the number of slaves belonging to 
 Pennsylvania set down at 386, when the Cen- 
 sus of 1820, had only shown 21 1 in the State. 
 This unexpected result very properly excited 
 •:he attention of the State; and at the last ses- 
 ~i< .u ofthe legislature a committee was appoint- 
 ed in the Senate, to investigate the cause of 
 this apparent increase. Mr. Breck, from the 
 committee, made a report in which the subject 
 is very fully and satisfactorily examined. 
 
 His npoil states that a law was passed in 
 L780, enacting 'that all persons, as well ne- 
 groes and mulattoes as others, who shall be 
 born within this state from and after the first 
 day of March, 1 780, shall not be deemed and 
 considered as servants for life, or slaves ; and 
 that all servitude for life, or slavery of children 
 in consequence ofthe slavery of their mothers, 
 in the case of all children born within this 
 state from and after the passing of this act, 
 shall be, and hereby is, utterly taken away, 
 
 extinguished, and forever abolished ; that eve- 
 ry negro and mulatto child, born within this 
 state after the passing of this act as aforesaid, 
 shall be deemed to be, and shall be, by virtue 
 of this act, the servant of such person, or his 
 or her assigns, who would, in such case, have 
 been entitled to the service of such child, un- 
 til such child shall attain unto the age of twen- 
 ty-eight years.' 
 
 The report then proceeds. 
 
 ' In consequence of this provision for their 
 gradual emancipation, we do not find, by the 
 census of lt<20, (forty years after the date of 
 the act,) any person reported to be held in 
 bondage in this commonwealth, under twenty- 
 six, and few under forty-five years of age ; 
 and all those who take an interest in the ex- 
 tinguishment of slavery here, very naturally 
 looked to the census of 1830, as the epoch 
 that was to put a period, or nearly so, to that 
 unhappy state of Things amongst our colored 
 population. What, then, must have been their 
 astonishment, when the tables ofthe marshals 
 of the two districts exhibited an increase, from 
 211 individuals returned in 1820, to 380 re- 
 turned in 1830 ! scattered, too, over twenty- 
 seven counties, and of ages under twenty-six, 
 and even under ten! By what process was 
 this brought about ? Unless founded in error, 
 it was manifestly a gross violation of the 
 statute of 1780. It is the principal duty of 
 your committee to explain this ; and in endea- 
 voring to do so, it will be necessary to advert 
 to a misconstruction of that law in Washing- 
 ton and other counties, by which the child of 
 a servant, until the age of twenty-eight years, 
 was held to servitude for the same period, and 
 on the same conditions as its mother, who was 
 the daughter of a registered slave. This error 
 was practised upon up to the year 1820, and 
 was the means of wrongfully keeping in bond- 
 age many individuals, for several years beyond 
 the legal period. At length the Supreme 
 court settled the point definitely, at Pittsburg, 
 on the 20th September, 1820, in the case of 
 Miller v. Dwilling, and decided that no child 
 can be held to servitude till the age of twenty- 
 eight years, but one whose mother was a ser- 
 vant for life, or a slave at the time of its birth. 
 
 There cannot now, then, be any pretence 
 for keeping children, born in this common- 
 wealth, at service beyond the age of twenty- 
 eight, nor would any such have appeared in 
 the columns ofthe census of 1830, had not the 
 two marshals, by their injudicious instructions 
 to their deputies, directed them to enter as 
 slaves, all colored people 1 of both sexes, who 
 were held to service for limited periods. These 
 deputies, as is apparent on the face of their 
 reports, have strictly followed those instruc- 
 tions, and returned as slaves, even children 
 under ten years of age, who could not legally 
 be held to service under 21. As well might 
 
Slavery in Pennsylvania. 
 
 105 
 
 those officers have directed their assistants to 
 register as slaves, all white children appren- 
 ticed to trades. 
 
 This irregularity on the part of the two of- 
 ficers, has been the cause of reporting in 27 
 counties : 
 
 53 Children under 10 years, 
 192 Individuals, aged from 10 to 24, 
 45 do from 24 to 30, 
 
 29 do from 36 to 55, 
 
 319 
 
 Making an aggregate of 319, of whom only 
 a very few of the last class could possibly be 
 legally held as slaves ; because the law of 
 March, 1780, which declares all the children 
 of slaves born in this commonwealth, after 
 that date, free at twenty-eight, could not allow 
 any person under fifty years of age to be held 
 in slavery in 1830. So that very few of the 
 class between thirty-six and fifty-five, which, 
 in that year, contained only twenty-nine indi- 
 viduals, could then be legally held in bondage. 
 
 The gradual decrease, at the four first pe- 
 riods at which the people of this nation were 
 numbered, shows that no such ill-judged in- 
 structions were then issued by the marshals to 
 their deputies ; for, 
 
 In 1790 3737 slaves are returned, 
 « 1800 1706 " " 
 
 " 1810 795 " 
 
 " 1820 211 " " 
 
 and had not this palpable mistake been com- 
 mitted in 1830, by which the return is increas- 
 ed one hundred and seventy-five in ten years, 
 we should have had for the true number, sixty- 
 seven, instead of three hundred and eighty- 
 six ; for these sixty-seven constitute the dif- 
 ference between the whole number returned 
 in the census, and the number reported under 
 fifty-years of age. And this we lind confirm- 
 ed by the return made in the septennial state 
 census, in 1828, when the official computation 
 was only seventy-six. 
 
 Your committee may. therefore, safely say, 
 that, at this day, being nearly three years after 
 the national census was taken, there cannot 
 be more than sixty persons held as slaves in 
 the whole commonwealth. 
 
 But are there not many colored individuals, 
 not born in Pennsylvania, and not of right 
 classed as slaves, who are held to service for 
 limited periods, even after the age of twenty- 
 eight ? In answer to the question, your com- 
 mittee will state such facts as have been com- 
 municated to them by persons well acquainted 
 with the subject. 
 
 Negroes of all ages are brought, in consid- 
 erable numbers, into the southwestern coun- 
 ties, bordering on Virginia, and emancipated 
 on condition of serving a certain number of 
 years, seldom exceeding seven, unless they 
 happen to be mere children. About half the 
 usual price of a slave is paid for this limited 
 
 assignment; at the expiration of which, the 
 individual obtains entire freedom, both for 
 himself, and such of his children as may be 
 born in Pennsylvania. 
 
 In this manner, many colored people, of 
 both sexes, are sent from the adjoining slave- 
 holding states, particularly from the state of 
 Delaware, and manumitted in this common- 
 wealth. Deprived of this privilege, so advan- 
 tageous, both to the benevolent master, and 
 unhappy bondsman, what alternative remains 
 for the poor slave ? None other than endless 
 servitude, either in the place of his nativity, or 
 among the cotton and sugar plantations of the 
 south. Endless servitude, not only for him- 
 self,, but for his children, from generation to 
 generation. 
 
 Asa proof that Delaware, and even Mary- 
 land, send their slaves here, it may be stated, 
 that in Delaware, the number of slaves has 
 decreased in the last ten years, 1204, and in 
 Maryland, 4520. 
 
 Nevertheless, a doubt has arisen, whether 
 it be proper to allow this state of things to 
 continue, or to provide by law against the in- 
 troduction amongst us of that species of popu- 
 lation. 
 
 On this subject, your committee beg to re- 
 mark, that by the last census, our colored in- 
 habitants amounted to about 36,000 ; of which, 
 30,000 inhabit the eastern district, and only 
 6,000 the western ; and this number, so small, 
 compared to the white population, is scattered 
 among fifteen hundred thousand of our own 
 color ; making one colored individual to forty- 
 two white. So few of these, it is believed, by 
 your committee, need not at present be an ob- 
 ject of uneasiness, and would not seem to re- 
 quire the enactment of any restrictive laws ; 
 more especially as they are, for the greater 
 part, industrious, peaceable, and useful people. 
 It is enough for us to take care that the chil- 
 dren born in our own commonwealth be pro- 
 tected against involuntary service, after the 
 age of twenty-one, without preventing the 
 humane or interested owners of slaves, born 
 elsewhere, from manumitting them on our soil ; 
 and thus, after a short service, giving liberty 
 to themselves, and those of their children wha 
 may be born among us ; and who, did not their 
 masters possess this facility, would be held, 
 they and their unhappy offspring in perpetual 
 slavery. 
 
 Such a course, then, as would shut the door 
 of philanthropic Pennsylvania to those who, 
 from motives of humanity or interest, may 
 wish to grant manumission to their slaves, 
 could not but be repugnant to the feelings of 
 every citizen within our borders. Believing 
 this, your committee cannot recommend, for 
 the adoption of the Senate, any measure that 
 may tend to disturb the present usage, or that 
 shall deprive a negro or mulatto, born a slave 
 out of Pennsylvania, of a chance of obtaining 
 his liberty by a commutation of hie personal 
 14 
 
JOG 
 
 British Opinions of the American Colonization Society. 
 
 services during a brief period in this common- 
 wealth, for those of perpetual bondage else- 
 when . 
 
 In drawing up this report, our object has 
 be< ii principally directed to tin' means neces- 
 sary for an explanation of the causes which 
 led to tin' erroneous returns of the marshals; 
 and we have, in making the investigation, as- 
 certained them to he, as we think, such as are 
 set forth in the preceding pages, and which 
 we \\ ill, in conclusion, briefly recapitulate. 
 
 First — The illegal manner in which the 
 grand children of the registered slaves of 
 1780, were held to service for twenty-eighl 
 year-, in som i parts of Pennsylvania, until the 
 i of th ■ Supreme court put a stop to it 
 in L826. 
 
 i II y — The practice, along our southern 
 borders, of buying slaves born out of the state, 
 from persons who manumit them in Pennsyl- 
 vania. 
 
 Thirdly — The mode in which the census 
 was taken, and which classes as slaves, chil- 
 dren and others who are only held to service 
 for a comparatively short period; after which 
 they and their offspring born in this state, be- 
 come free forever. 
 
 It will be gratifying to your committee, if 
 they shall have been at all instrumental in re- 
 moving the imputation to which Pennsylvania 
 seemed obnoxious, by the official act of the 
 two marshals, and thus exonerate her from the 
 stigma of fostering in her bosom, as it would 
 by the census, a nursery of slaves. It 
 is an opprobrium that nearly affects the char- 
 acter of the state, and is not the less injurious, 
 because it is undeserved. The honor of our 
 citizens, collectively and individually, is con- 
 cerned in having it wiped away; and your 
 committee flatter themselves, that by adopting 
 this their investigation, which they respect- 
 fully, and with great deference, submit to the 
 Senate, an official denial of the imputation 
 may be considered as flowing from that act of 
 approval and adoption. 
 
 The humane and liberal feeling exhibited 
 in this report is highly creditable to the state of 
 Pennsylvania. It presents a remarkable con- 
 trast to the proceedings of the Connecticut 
 legislature which we have just noticed. It is 
 gratifying to find one State which is not un- 
 willing to afford an asylum to the oppressed, 
 — one State which does not blindly adopt the 
 common cant of southern feeling and southern 
 prejudice. We recommend the statesman- 
 like views of the imagined danger to Penn- 
 sylvania from the/influx of colored people, to 
 the consideration of these Connecticut wise- 
 icres, who forescet.be impending ruin ofthe'ir 
 State in the establishment of a school for col- 
 ored females. 
 
 BRITISH OPINIONS OF THE AMERICAN 
 
 COLONIZATION SOCIETY. 
 A little pamphlet with the above title has 
 just been published by Messrs. Garrison &- 
 Knapp. The character of the publication may 
 be judged of from the following advertisement 
 which is prefixed to it. 
 
 ' During the past year the character of the 
 American Colonization Society has been a 
 subject of frequent discussion. The interest 
 taken in the question has created a great de- 
 mand for publications in relation to it. As a 
 proof of this, it may be mentioned that a large 
 edition of Garrison's Thoughts on Coloniza- 
 tion.' 2750 copies, was disposed ofin the course 
 of nine months. 
 
 The interest in the subject has not in any 
 degree abated at the present time. And those 
 who are opposed to the Society have for a 
 long time felt the want of some tract, in which 
 the arguments against the institution should 
 be presented in a form sufficiently cheap to 
 lit it for general circulation. To supply this 
 want is the object of the present publication. 
 A number of pieces have lately appeared in 
 Great Britain in which the pretensions of the 
 Colonization Society are discussed with great, 
 candor and ability. The whole of one pamph- 
 let on this subject and parts of others are cm- 
 braced in the following pages. 
 
 Much has been recently written in this 
 country as well as Great Britain, in relation 
 to the Colonization Society, and with great 
 ability. We have chosen to confine our re- 
 publication to British articles, for several rea- 
 sons. First, the British pieces have not, and 
 cannot, without re-publication, enjoy so great 
 a circulation among us as the American have 
 already done : and secondly, the Englishmen 
 who write upon this subject, are at a distance 
 from the sources of American prejudices; 
 their opinions, therefore, deserve respect as 
 those of impartial spectators. 
 
 We do not offer any remarks in favor of the 
 articles contained in this pamphlet. They 
 will recommend themselves to all who will 
 read them. 
 
 The articles now offered to the American 
 public are as follow : 
 
 1. The whole of a pamphlet with the follow- 
 ing title, l A Letter to Thomas Clarkson by 
 .In in is Cropper; and Prejudice Vincible, or the 
 practicability of conquering Prejudice by better 
 means than by Slavery ami il.rile ; in relation 
 to the American Colonization Society. Bv C. 
 Stuart.' 
 
 2. Extracts from a pamphlet entitled, 'Facts 
 ili isigm ' d in exhibit tin- real character and ten- 
 dency of the American Colonization Society. 
 By Ci<erici s.' 
 
 3. Extracts from the Anti-Slavery Reporter. 
 1. Extract from the Liverpool Mercury.'' 
 
Colored People in Philadelphia.— Abolition of Slavery in the British Colonies. 107 
 
 We heartily recommend this pamphlet to 
 all who are desirous of judging fairly of the 
 American Colonization Society. 
 
 This tract is published cheap for the purpose 
 of general circulation, being sold at 10 cents 
 single, and $5 a hundred. 
 
 [From the Genius of Universal Emancipation.] 
 COLORED PEOPLE IN PHILADELPHIA. 
 'The colored population of Philadelphia 
 have, for a few years past, progressed in the 
 melioration of their moral and physical condi- 
 tion with a rapidity which cannot but be grat- 
 ifying to the philanthropic. Several libraries 
 have been established, reading rooms opened, 
 and debating societies organized. We have 
 been informed by a gentleman present at the 
 regular meeting of one of their debating clubs, 
 that the discussions were conducted with a 
 degree of spirit and propriety, and displayed 
 a cogency and acuteness of reasoning and an 
 elevation and elegance of language for which 
 he was little prepared. The subjects of dis- 
 cussion generally relate to their own rights 
 and interests, and frequently result in decis- 
 ions from which the prejudiced mind of the 
 ■white man would startle with apprehension. 
 A change is rapidly coming over this people. 
 They are now numerous, united, and bitterly 
 conscious of their degradation and their pow- 
 er. To this let the pride, the independence, 
 and ambition which science ever imparts, be 
 added, and the consequences, though beyond 
 the reach of conjecture, would doubtless be 
 such as to involve the character and condition 
 of the whole country.' 
 
 ABOLITION OF SLAVERY IN THE BRITISH 
 COLONIES. 
 
 Mutato nomine de te narratur. 
 
 It has for some time past been obvious to 
 all careful observers?, that British Colonial 
 Slavery was rapidly approaching its termina- 
 tion. Every day's intelligence received from 
 Britain affords fresh proof that Parliament will 
 soon adopt some decisive measure in relation 
 to this great subject. 
 
 On the 24th of May, 1832, a select commit- 
 tee of the House of Commons was ' appointed 
 to consider and report upon the measures 
 which it might be expedient to adopt for the 
 purpose of effecting the extinction of slavery 
 throughout the British Dominions at the ear- 
 liest period compatible with the safety of all 
 classes in the colonies, and in conformity with 
 the resolutions of this House, of the 15th of 
 May, 1823.' 
 
 In pursuance of this resolution, a committee 
 of twenty-five persons was appointed, embra- 
 
 cing some of the most distinguished members 
 of the House. 
 
 The committee, as we learn from the Anti- 
 Slavery Reporter, commenced its sittings on 
 the 6th of June, and closed them on the 11th 
 of August, on which day they made a report 
 to the House, embracing the minutes of the 
 evidence taken before them. These minutes 
 extend to 655 closely printed folio pages, and 
 are contained in a volume which'was ordered 
 to be printed, August 11, 1832. 
 
 The account of this interesting report, will 
 be borrowed entirely from the Anti-Slavery 
 Reporter, for we have not seen the report it- 
 self. 
 
 In their report the Committee say. 
 
 ' In the consideration of a question involving 
 so many difficulties of a conflicting nature, and 
 branching into subjects so various and com- 
 plicated, it appeared necessary to your Com- 
 mittee, by agreement, to limit their direct 
 enquiries to certain heads. 
 
 'It was therefore settled that two main 
 points arising out of the terms of reference 
 should be first investigated, and these were 
 embraced in the two following propositions : — 
 
 ' 1st. That the slaves, if emancipated, would 
 maintain themselves, would be industrious, 
 and disposed to acquire property by labor. 
 
 '2d. That the dangers of convulsion are 
 greater from freedom withheld, than from 
 freedom granted to the slaves. 
 
 ' Evidence was first called to prove the affir- 
 mative of these propositions, and had been 
 carried on, in this direction, to a considerable 
 extent ; and was not exhausted, when it was 
 evident the session was drawing to a close ; 
 and that this most important and extensive 
 enquiry could not be satisfactorily finished. 
 At the same time your Committee was unwil- 
 ling to take an ex parte view of the case. It 
 was therefore decided to let in evidence of an 
 opposite nature, intended to disprove the two 
 propositions, and to rebut the testimony ad- 
 duced in their support. Even this limited ex- 
 amination has not been fully accomplished, 
 and your Committee is compelled to close its 
 labors in an abrupt and unfinished state.' 
 
 'On the affirmative side of the question, as 
 to the expediency of an immediate or early 
 extinction of slavery,' we learn from the Anti- 
 Slavery Reporter, that twelve witnesses were 
 examined, and on the other side twenty-one. 
 The Anti-Slavery Reporter says, 
 ' It will appear from the report of the Com- 
 mittee that the main points of their enquiry 
 were embraced by the two following proposi- 
 tions, including, in fact, all that Mr. Buxton, 
 in moving for that Committee, had pledged 
 himself, or even thought it necessary to at- 
 tempt to prove, viz : — 
 
108 
 
 .Ibolilion of Slavery in the British Colonies. 
 
 '1. That the slaves, if emancipated, 
 will adequately maintain themselves 
 by their own labor ; and 2nd. That the 
 DANGER of WITHHOLDING FREEDOM FROM 
 THE SLAVES IS GREATER THAN THAT OF 
 GRANTING IT. 
 
 ' These two propositions, we conceive, the 
 evidence before us has most irrefragably and 
 triumphantly established ; and the controversy, 
 therefore, as respects the expediency of an 
 early emancipation, may be considered as de- 
 cided. The justice and humanity of such a 
 measure has long ceased to be a question.' 
 
 We shall extract some of the evidence as 
 it appears in the Reporter. The following 
 passages are from the evidence of Wm. Tay- 
 lor, Esq., a gentleman who had resided 13 
 years in Jamaica. 
 
 ' The younger Negroes on Mr. Wildman's 
 estates had never received any instruction 
 prior to his visiting Jamaica for the first time 
 in 1826. This was done in consequence of 
 the express injunctions of Mr. Wildman him- 
 self. The adults now receive no education 
 whatever. As to the capacity of the slaves 
 for receiving instruction, they were much like 
 other human beings ; some were apt, and oth- 
 ers very stupid, and some remarkably acute. 
 He could not say they were equally apt with 
 the Scottish peasantry ; but their circumstances 
 were disadvantageous in a peculiar degree, 
 and in spite of these he had seen, in a multi- 
 tude of instances, a wonderful aptness for in- 
 struction. There appeared in them no natural 
 incapacity whatever for instruction. He had 
 been struck with the retentiveness and mi- 
 nuteness of their memories, and especially in 
 the children. 
 
 ' With respect to the provident or improvi- 
 dent use of money, he thought them pretty 
 much like the peasantry of other countries, 
 but considerably less given to intoxication 
 than the peasantry of Scotland, and infinitely 
 less than the soldiery who go out to the colo- 
 nies, the mortality among whom is attributed 
 to their fondness for spirits. There were on 
 the estates some Negroes who would not touch 
 spirits, while others were incorrigible drunk- 
 ards. Any money he paid the Negroes at any 
 time for wages was generally expended in the 
 purchase of food.' 
 
 ' He had never known an instance of a free 
 black taking the hoe, and working in the field 
 with the gang, or in the boiling house ; but he 
 had known slaves to work for wages in their 
 extra time on sugar estates. Soon after he 
 took charge of Papine, a long line of fence 
 was to be made between that and the Duke 
 of Buckingham's estate, formed by a trench of 
 four feet deep, with a mound thrown up. It 
 is usual to do such labor by task work, at so 
 many feet a day. The laborers complained 
 that they could not perform it in the usual 
 
 hours of labor. The overseer on the other 
 hand atlirmed that, they were imposing upon 
 me, and it was solely owing to sloth that they 
 did not easily get through their task. The 
 overseer wished of course to get as much work 
 as he could, and they had naturally an indis- 
 position to do more than they could help. They 
 were told to resume their work the following 
 morning, and, if they performed it within the 
 time, they should be paid for every minute's 
 or hour's additional work they might perform. 
 They began the task at five in the morning, 
 and had finished it by half-past one, and the 
 very slaves who had before complained, re- 
 ceived pay for four hours' extra labor.' 
 
 ' Mr. Taylor, being asked whether the stim- 
 ulus of the whip, at present the only stimulus, 
 being withdrawn, and the Negro made free, 
 he thought he would be likely to work indus- 
 triously for adequate wages, replied that, if 
 the Negro is placed in a situation where he 
 must starve or work, he would work. If in 
 the present state of things he were to be told, 
 Keep your provision ground, and keep your 
 house, and come and work for a shilling or 
 other Bum a day, he would say, I will not do 
 it ; for I can make more by working my 
 grounds. But if the grounds were taken away, 
 and he must understand that he must starve 
 or work, he would work. The consideration 
 by which in the case of freemen the matter 
 would be governed would be this, whether it 
 were most profitable to receive wages, or to 
 rent land and raise produce upon it. If put 
 into a situation where the fear of want would 
 bear upon him, and the inducement to work 
 was plain, then he would work. He drew 
 this opinion partly from his knowledge of 
 emancipated slaves, but chiefly from his know- 
 ledge of the slaves under his own care, among 
 whom the good preponderated far above the 
 bad. He found them like the Scottish peas- 
 antry, fulfilling all the relations of life. He 
 found them revering the ordinance of marriage. 
 He found them, particularly on the Vere es- 
 tate, an orderly and industrious people ; and 
 he was strongly impressed with the opinion 
 that, if placed in the circumstances of the En- 
 glish and Scottish peasantry, they would act 
 similarly. They were, generally speaking, 
 very industrious in laboring on their provision 
 "•rounds. It was a frequent practice to work 
 for one another for hire, the hire being 20J. 
 currency a day (14r/. sterling,) and a breakfast. 
 Mr. Wildman indulged his Negroes with fifty- 
 two Saturdays in the year, instead of twenty- 
 six, the number allowed them by law, that 
 they might be able to attend divine service, 
 and have no excuse for continuing to work on 
 Sunday. This gave them additional time ; 
 and as Mr. T. had a large garden, and was 
 very unwilling to draw from the labor of the 
 estate to keep it in order, he was frequently 
 in the habit of hiring them to work there. 
 Some would come and offer their services, for 
 
Abolition of Slavery in the British Colonies, 
 
 100 
 
 which he gave them their breakfast and 2s. 1 Id. 
 a day currency, being 2,?. Id. sterling. He 
 was decidedly of opinion that, when an offer 
 was made to pay Negroes for their labor, they 
 were always ready to work. He had known 
 them, even when digging cane-holes, perform 
 the task of 120 cane-holes, and, on being of- 
 fered pay, dig 20 and 40 cane-holes, after 
 having finished their task. But, by the ordi- 
 nary method, the same quantity would not 
 have been dug except by tremendous whip- 
 ping. Ninety cane-holes indeed on unplough- 
 ed land was the general task ; but 120 if the 
 land had previously been loosened by the 
 plough. The farther exertion, however, pro- 
 duced by the stimulus of wages was such that 
 the driver said it was too much for them, and 
 begged Mr. Taylor to interdict their doing so 
 much. At the end of the week almost every 
 slave had done so much extra work as to re- 
 ceive 35. Ad., which he paid them, according 
 to agreement. If they had worked in the 
 usual way under the whip they might have 
 finished 120 holes in the course of the day, 
 barely completing it at the end of the day ; 
 but if told that, if they did the same work, 
 they might as soon as it was done go away, 
 they would, by abridging their intervals of 
 rest, finish it before three o'clock in the after- 
 noon, beginning at five in the morning.' 
 
 'In general he found them willing to work 
 in their extra time, for hire •, he spoke only of 
 Mr. Wildman's slaves. Task work indeed 
 was very generally resorted to, planters think- 
 ing that in that way the Negro did his work 
 in a much shorter time. At the same time he 
 was convinced that a mixed system of slavery 
 with its unavoidable expences, and free labor 
 with its wages, would not answer in the long 
 ran. He conscientiously believed that if sla- 
 very were put an end to, and the slaves eman- 
 cipated, it would answer to the proprietor. 
 He admitted that if a herald were at once to 
 proclaim freedom in Spanish Town, in unqual- 
 ified terms, to all slaves, anarchy and confusion 
 might be the result. But, by proceeding cau- 
 tiously, and previously providing the means of 
 restraint, and, above all, by making it known 
 to the slave that it was the King's pleasure 
 that he should still labor when he became free, 
 and if the planters concurred in using this 
 language, so as to remove all idea that the 
 King and his master were at variance, the 
 freedom of the slaves might be safely, and 
 easily, and even profitably accomplished.' 
 
 'The desire of freedom was very prevalent 
 among domestics as well as field slaves. He 
 had known pprsons, especially in sickness and 
 old ajje, indifferent to freedom, and the head 
 man on an estate may be indifferent to it, but 
 that is not the case generally. He could point 
 out a head-driver, living on an estate where 
 his privileges and means of acquiring property 
 were great, and who, considering freedom as 
 the being turned out upon the open Savan- 
 
 nah, said he would rather forego his freedom. 
 Most of the cases of manumission he had known 
 were among domestic slaves, and among them 
 also most of the applications for manumission 
 occurred ; but he does not know that this is 
 owing to a more intense desire of, but simply 
 to greater facilities of acquiring, freedom ; 
 they therefore aim at it ; but generally through- 
 out the island, the slaves of all classes are 
 anxious to obtain their liberty.' 
 
 'He could not even call to mind one in- 
 stance of a slave having had his freedom offer- 
 ed and refusing it, but he could call to mind 
 almost hundreds of instances where pressing 
 applications had been made for freedom by 
 slaves, with applications to himself for money 
 to enable them to buy it.' 
 
 'Whenever they could contrive by task- 
 work, or other arrangements, to obtain any 
 extra time, their grounds were crowded with 
 them, laboring for their own benefit. They 
 cannot, therefore, be said to be an indolent 
 race, or incapable of being actuated by the 
 motives by which labor is generally prompted. 
 His own experience assured him of the con- 
 trary. He admitted that the propensity of the 
 Negro, as of all men in warm climates, was to 
 indolence; but, whenever the hope of pecu- 
 niary advantage could be brought to bear on 
 this indolence, it was powerfully counteracted. 
 He was well acquainted with the inhabitants 
 of Scotland, and he had never known an in- 
 telligent and well-instructed Scotchman who 
 would work hard without an inducement ; but, 
 for the same motive of personal advantage, 
 the Negro might most decidedly be induced 
 to work to an immense extent. Having tried 
 the experiment of voluntary labor for wages in 
 his own garden, the man who most frequently 
 applied for employment was the most idle and 
 worthless man on the estate. The steady 
 Negroes were far less willing to work in his 
 garden, having large and well cultivated 
 grounds of their own; while this fellow had 
 neglected his ground and had therefore no 
 temptation to go to it, and was glad therefore 
 to be employed in the garden, or he would 
 collect a little fruit, or procure some billets of 
 wood, and carry them to Kingston market, 
 converting them into cash. This man, more 
 frequently than any other, came to work in 
 the garden the whole day till four o'clock, and 
 he then took his 2s. lid. of hire and proceeded 
 to Kingston to convert the money into com- 
 forts ; while the other Negroes were unwilling 
 to do so, it being more profitable to goto their 
 own grounds — thus decidedly showing their 
 judgment in discriminating as to the kind of 
 labor that would reward them best and select- 
 ing that. In fact the negroes are far from 
 being the rude uncultivated barbarians they 
 are sometimes represented to be. The esti- 
 mate in this country of their character is a 
 great deal too low. He himself had no notion 
 of it till he was called to manage those es- 
 
110 
 
 Abolition of Slavery in the British Colonies. 
 
 tates ; and he had been ten years in tin' island 
 and was still in great ignorance of the agri- 
 cultural laborers in Jamaica ; and lie then 
 found that far too Low an opinion had been 
 formed (and this he declared to many in Ja- 
 maica) of their state of civilization. The Ne- 
 groes who worked in bis garden worked dili- 
 gently, because he discharged them it" they 
 did not. The idle man, who was the chief 
 laborer, was well watched by the gardener, 
 and if slothful was sent away. The fear of 
 this operated to produce application as the 
 fear of the whip did in the field. Working in 
 his garden was however less hard than digging 
 cane-holes.' 
 
 Mr. Taylor's views in regard to emancipa- 
 tion, appear in a paper which he wrote some 
 years ago for the information, and which was 
 exhibited to him during his examination, it 
 is as follows: 
 
 ' First let emancipation, and strict police 
 arrangements, be contemporaneous. Ample 
 materials would be found for a police cm'] is in 
 the colored class, whose services could be had 
 at a low rate of charge. Avoid paying the 
 emancipated Negroes by means of allotments 
 of land, as those would detach them from 
 regular daily labor ; but pay them in money. 
 At first there would be difficulties, but gradu- 
 ally the equitable price of labor would be as- 
 certained, and act as the produce of regular 
 labor. A stipendiary magistracy would be 
 necessary, because the peculiar prejudices of 
 the present magistracy generally unfit them 
 for the office. The island would have to be 
 divided into districts, each possessing a certain 
 portion of the constabulary force, with a sti- 
 pendiary magistrate, and a house of correction 
 or other penitentiary. Were the island thus 
 divided, and the police and magistrates prop- 
 erly organized, I firmly believe that emancipa- 
 tion might take place with perfect security. 
 Of course there would be difficulties, obstacles, 
 and disappointments, in carrying into effect 
 the detail of the system of emancipation ; but 
 if Government would address themselves .ac- 
 tually to the work, telling the planters on the 
 one hand that such is their determination, and 
 the Negroes on the other that while they aim 
 at instituting equal laws, and securing them 
 their civil and religious liberty, they by no 
 means design that idleness should be at their 
 option, — I am convinced that the result would 
 be as beneficial, in a pecuniary way, to the 
 planter, as it would be elevating and human- 
 izing morally to the present degraded slave. 
 The present system is incurable; it will not 
 modify : it must be utterly destroyed. My 
 experience, as a planter, assures me that to 
 attempt to ingraft religion and humanity upon 
 slavery, with the hope of profitable results, is 
 a vain and fruitless endeavor. A religious 
 man is a most unfit person to manage a slave 
 estate. The fact is, cruelty is the main spring 
 
 of the present system. As long as slavery ex- 
 ists, and the whip is the compeller of labor, it 
 is folly to talk of humanity. Legitimate mo- 
 tives are taken away, and coercion becomes 
 the spring of industry : and in proportion to 
 the application of this, that is, coercion, is the 
 effect on labor. The Negro character has 
 been much underrated, even, I think, by the 
 Negro's friends. When justice is done to 
 him, even in his present degraded circumstan- 
 ces, he shows a sagacity and shrewdness, and 
 a disposition to a regular social life, winch 
 emphatically prove that he only requires free- 
 dom secured to him by law to make him a 
 useful, and, in his situation, an honorable mem- 
 ber of the human family.'' Mr. Taylor added 
 that he firmly believed all that he had stated 
 in this paper to be true. It had been private- 
 ly written, and lie never expected to see it 
 again, but he perfectly agreed now in every 
 sentiment it contained.' 
 
 We regret that our limits will not permit us 
 to make any farther extracts from this inter- 
 esting report. 
 
 The proceedings of the British government 
 have recently exhibited a fixed determination 
 to bring the system of colonial slavery to a 
 termination. 
 
 The following is an outline of a bill which 
 the ministry have laid before Parliament. We 
 copy from the Boston Daily Advertiser. 
 
 ' The plan devised by the British ministry for 
 the abolition of slavery in the West Indies is 
 ofiven in the London Courier of the 11th. The 
 following is a view of the leading features. — 
 Every slave is to be at liberty to claim to be 
 registered as an apprenticed laborer. Accord- 
 ing to the terms of this apprenticeship, the 
 power of corporeal punishment is to be trans- 
 ferred from the master to a magistrate. In 
 consideration of food and clothing, and other 
 usual allowances, the laborer is to work for 
 the master three fourths of his time, and may 
 claim employment from him, at a fixed rate of 
 wages, for the remaining fourth, or may em- 
 ploy himself elsewhere. At the time of the 
 apprenticeship, a price is to be fixed upon the 
 laborer, and the wages are to bear such a pro- 
 portion to that price, that the laborer, if his 
 whole spare time be given to his master, will 
 receive one twelfth part of that price annually, 
 and in the same proportion for a smaller term. 
 On becoming an apprentice, the negro is to be 
 entitled to a weekly money payment, if he 
 shall prefer it, instead of food and clothing. 
 Each of them is required to pay half yearly a 
 portion of his wages, the rate of which is to be 
 fixed, to an officer appointed by the King: 
 and in default of such payment, the master is 
 to be liable, and may in return, exact an equiv- 
 alent amount of labor without payment in the 
 succeeding half year. On payment of the 
 price fixed, each apprenticed negro is to be 
 
Tlie Slave Trade at Richmond.— Whittier on Slavery. 
 
 Ill 
 
 absolutely free. He may borrow the sum re 
 quired for this payment, and bind himself as 
 an apprentice to the lender for a limited pe- 
 riod. A loan, to the amount of £15,000,000 
 sterling, is to be granted to the proprietors of 
 West Indian estates and slaves, to be distrib- 
 uted among the different colonies according 
 to the number of their slaves, and the amount 
 of their exports. The half yearly payments 
 abovementioned are to be applied in liquida- 
 tion of the debt thus contracted by the planter 
 to the public. All children, under the age of 
 six years at the time of the passing of the act, 
 are to be free, and are to be maintained by 
 their parents : but, on failure of such mainten- 
 ance, may be apprenticed without receiving 
 wages to the master of the parents, the males 
 till the age of 24, and the females till the age 
 of 20, when they and their children are to be 
 absolutely free. The bill farther provides, 
 that nothing contained in it shall prevent the 
 King from assenting to such acts as may be 
 passed by the Colonial Legislatures for the 
 promotion of industry or the prevention of va- 
 grancy, applicable to all classes ; and that, on 
 the recommendation of these Legislatures, aid 
 may be granted out of the revenue of Great 
 Britain, for the purpose of justice, police and 
 education.' 
 
 The details of the foregoing plan are not 
 all of them quite intelligible. As far as we 
 can understand them, though the proposed 
 measure is far from doing complete justice to 
 the slave, it is yet immeasurably in advance 
 of the present system, and will be hailed with 
 joy by all the friends of emancipation. 
 
 ' THE SLAVE TRADE AT RICHMOND.' 
 It is perhaps not an uncommon thing for 
 the Richmond Enquirer to publish such ad- 
 vertisements as that which follows, and which 
 is taken, as will be seen by its date, from a 
 recent number of that paper. It so happens, 
 however, that our eye has not before been 
 caught by any such ; nor even now, but for 
 the words at the head of this paragraph, which 
 form the pith of the advertisement, would it 
 probably have attracted attention. But when 
 all parties and all right thinking individuals in 
 this country, and the law of the land, agree 
 in considering the foreign slave trade as felo- 
 ny of the worst sort, it does startle one not a 
 little, to find, in the capital of Virginia a man 
 thus advertising himself as carrying on a Slave 
 Trade, not less objectionable on principle, and 
 ostentatiously setting forth to 'gentlemen' 
 the facilities, the accommodation, and the com- 
 fort, (the 'jail attached ' constituting, we pre- 
 sume, a part of the comfort) with which he 
 can carry on the nefarious traffic. Surely, 
 public sentiment, in such a civilized commu- 
 nity as Richmond, must be outraged by such 
 an open display of the evils incident to slave- 
 
 ry, and which even those who profit by it must 
 feel to be unlit, most unfit to be blazoned forth 
 in the face of a free and christian community. 
 — Journal of Commerce. 
 
 ' Notice. — This is to inform my former ac- 
 quaintances and the public generally, that I 
 yet continue in the Slave Trade at Richmond, 
 Virginia ; and will at all times give a fair and 
 market price for young Negroes. I live on 
 ShockcG Hill, near the Poor-house, where ap- 
 plication is desired to be made. Persons in 
 this State, Maryland or North Carolina wish- 
 ing to sell lots of Negroes, are particularly 
 requested to forward their wishes to me by 
 mail at this place ; and also, persons living 
 near Richmond, having one or more for sale, 
 will please inform me of the same, which will 
 be immediately attended to. Persons wishing 
 to purchase lots of Negroes are requested to 
 give me a call, as I keep constantly on hand 
 at this place a great many for sale, and have 
 at this time the use of one hundred likely 
 young Negroes, consisting of boys, young 
 men, and girls ; among which are several very 
 valuable house servants of both sexes, and I 
 will sell at all times at a small advance on cost, 
 in lots to suit purchasers. Persons from the 
 southern states wanting to buy a choice lot of 
 slaves, will do well to call on me, as I shall be 
 able to furnish them at any time ; and gentle- 
 men in the south or elsewhere, who may wish 
 to communicate on this subject are respect- 
 fully requested to forward their letters to me 
 at Richmond, which will be duly attended to. 
 I have comfortable rooms, with a jail attached 
 for the reception of Negroes; and persons 
 coming to this place to sell slaves can be ac- 
 commodated, and every attention necessary 
 will be given to have them well attended to ; 
 and when it may be desired, the reception of 
 the company of gentlemen, dealing in slaves, 
 will conveniently and attentively be received. 
 My situation is very healthy and suitable for 
 the business. Lewis A. Collier. 
 
 April lit. 
 
 WHITTIER ON SLAVERY. 
 
 Justice and Expediency ; or Slavery consid- 
 ered ivith a view to its Rightful and Effectual 
 Remedy — Abolition: By Joh.x G. Whittier. 
 Haverhill : C. P. Thayer & Co., 1833, pp. 23. 
 
 It is one of the most gratifying signs of the 
 times, that publications are every day appear- 
 ing both in Great Britain and this country, in 
 which slavery is placed in a just light, its 
 moral and political evils fearlessly denounced, 
 and the means for its removal distinctly point- 
 ed out. Mr. Whittier's pamphlet is of this 
 character. The author, after showing the in- 
 efficiency of various modes which have been 
 proposed for abolishing slavery, particularly 
 colonization, devotes the greater part of work 
 
112 Wright's Sin of Slavery.— .Yew Anti-Slavery Societies.— Jin Appeal for the Oppressed. 
 
 to advocating immediate abolition. lie does 
 this with great warmth and eloquence. His 
 
 arguments are sound, well arranged, and 
 tersely expressed. Every part of his pamphlet 
 
 exhibits high moral principle and strong mur- 
 al feeling. As we think the work is calcula- 
 ted to do good, we hope it will receive an ex- 
 tensive circulation. 
 
 WRIGHT'S SIN OF SLAVERY. 
 
 The Sin of Slavery, and its- Remedy; con- 
 taining some Reflections on the Moral Influ- 
 ence of African Colonization: By Elizur 
 Wright, Jr., Professor of Math, and Nat. 
 Phil. Western Reserve College. New-York : 
 Printed for the Author. 8 vo. pp. 52. 
 
 We did not receive this pamphlet till the 
 day of our publication had so nearly arrived 
 as to render an extended notice of it impossi- 
 ble. Such of our readers as are familiar with 
 the author's writings on the subject of slavery, 
 will need no commendation from us to induce 
 them to peruse it. We trust to be able to 
 give a more full notice of it next month. 
 
 NEW ANTI-SLAVERY SOCIETIES. 
 
 At a meeting of the friends of Abolition in 
 Providence, R. I., a Society was organized 
 and the following gentlemen unanimously e- 
 lected as officers : 
 
 JOSIAH CADY, President. 
 RAY POTTER, Vice-President. 
 
 Thomas Williams, Cor. Secretary. 
 
 Henry E. Benson, Recording Secretary. 
 
 John Prentice, Treasurer. 
 
 Counsellors — Gilbert Richmond, Jas. Scott, 
 Wyllis Ames, Wilbour Tillinghast, John Viall. 
 
 We have heard of the formation of an Anti- 
 Slavery Society in New-Haven, but have not 
 received the names of the officers. 
 
 CONVENTION OF PEOPLE OF COLOR. 
 
 The Annual Convention of the people of color was 
 held in Philadelphia last month. There were 56 del- 
 egates present from the following places. 
 
 New-Yor k. City of N. Y. 5 ; Brooklyn, L. I. 2 ; 
 Poughkeepsie 2-, Newburg 2; Catskil) 1; Troy 1; 
 Nr« town, L. I. 1. 
 
 Conni i ii cut. Hartford 1 ; New-Haven I. 
 
 Rhode Island. Providence 1. 
 
 Mass'a< in si its. Boston 3; New-Bedford 1. 
 
 Marylas d. Baltimore 1. 
 
 Del aw Mil.. Wilmington 1. 
 
 Pennsyl\ iNia. Philadelphia 5; Westchester 5; 
 Carlisle 4 3 Harrisburg2; Pittsburgh . 
 
 NEW-JERSEY. Gloucester Co. 5 ; Trenton 2 ; Bur- 
 lington 2 ; Newark 1. 
 
 The Convention was organized !>y the choice of the 
 following officers : 
 
 Mr Abraham I). Shadd, of Pennsylvania, Presi- 
 dent; Richard Johnson, of Massachusetts, 1st 
 Vice do. John G. Stewart, of Albany, 2d Vice do. ; 
 Ransom I*'. Wake, of New- York. Secretary; JJeim 
 Ogden, of Newark, N. Y. Assist. Secretary. 
 
 From the Liberator. 
 AN APPEAL FOR THE OPPRESSED. 
 Daughters of the Pilgrim Sires, 
 
 Dwellers by their mouldering graves, 
 Watchers ot' their altar fires, 
 
 Look upon your country's slaves. 
 
 Look! 'tis woman's streaming eye, 
 
 These are woman's Ictter'd hands, 
 Thai to you. so mournfully, 
 
 Lifl sad glance, and iron hands. 
 
 Mute, yet strong appeal of wo ! 
 
 Wiikcs it not your starting tears ? 
 Though your hearts may never know 
 
 Half the bitter doom of hers. 
 
 Scars are on her fettered limbs, 
 
 Where the savage scourge has been; 
 
 But the grief her eye that dims, 
 Flows for deeper wounds within. 
 
 For the children of her love, 
 
 For the brothers of her race, 
 Sisters, like vine-branches wove, 
 
 In one early dwelling place— 
 
 For the parent forms that hung 
 
 Fondly o'er her infant sleep, 
 And for him to whom she clung, 
 
 With affection true and deep- 
 By her sad forsaken hearth, 
 
 'Tis for these she wildly grieves ! 
 Now all scatter'd o'er the earth, 
 
 Like the wind-strewn autumn leaves! 
 Ev'n her babes so dear, so young, 
 
 And so treasured in her heart, 
 That the chords which round them clung, 
 
 Seem'd its life, its dearest part — 
 
 These, ev'n these were torn away ! 
 
 These, that when all else was gone, 
 Cheer'd her heart with one bright ray, 
 
 That still bade its pulse beat on ! 
 
 Then to still her frantic wo, 
 
 The inhuman scourge was tried, 
 Till the tears that ceased to flow, 
 
 Were with redder drops supplied. 
 
 And can you behold unmoved, 
 
 All the crushing weight of grief, 
 That her aching heart has proved, 
 
 Seeking not to yield relief ? 
 
 Are not woman's pulses warm, 
 
 Beating in that anguish'd breast 7 
 Is it not a sister's form, 
 
 On whose limbs those fetters rest 1 
 Oh then save her from a doom, 
 
 Worse then aught that ye may bear ; 
 Let her pass not to the tomb, 
 
 Midst her bondage and despair. 
 
 GERTRUDE. 
 
 [From the Sabbath School Visiter.] 
 VERSIFICATION OF A RECENT ANECDOTE. 
 A tawny slave whom grace had changed, 
 
 Was asked, with scornful voice, 
 ' In what religion did consist, 
 And why he should rejoice ?' 
 
 ' Massa,' he cried with simple tone, 
 
 ' In my poor way I 'II tell, 
 'T is only ceasing to do wrong, 
 
 And learning to do well* 
 
 ' And when poor black man feels his heart 
 
 Filled with the love of God, 
 He can rejoice, give thanks, and Mng,f 
 Though smarting with the rod. 
 * Isaiah, i. 16, 17. t Acts, xvi. 25. 
 
THE ABOLITIONIST. 
 
 VOL. I.] 
 
 AUGUST, 183 3. 
 
 [NO. VIII. 
 
 COLONIZATION SOCIETY. 
 We have received from a correspondent the 
 following account of the meeting of a Colo- 
 nization Society in Connecticut. We give it 
 as another proof, if any were wanting, of the 
 tendency of the American Colonization Soci- 
 ety, to which this is an auxiliary, to foster and 
 increase the disgraceful prejudices against the 
 people of color, which already prevail to so 
 melancholy an extent in our country. 
 
 On Thursday last, I attended the Annual 
 Meeting of the Colonization Society. The 
 address was from Hon. Eben. Young, member 
 of Congress and President of the Society. 
 He drew a contrast between the Anti-Slavery 
 principles and Colonization principles. He 
 then went on to show how easily the Coloni- 
 zation Society, if unopposed, would go on to 
 rid the country in a few years of the curse of 
 slavery. 
 
 Alterwards the Report was read — in which, 
 among other things, it was stated, ' that the 
 practicability of the removal to Africa of the 
 entire colored population, had been demon- 
 strated.' Its acceptance was moved. The 
 Rev. Samuel J. May, rose and objected to its 
 acceptance on the ground that it contained 
 several very inaccurate statements, and com- 
 mented upon them. It was however accept- 
 ed. Soon after Mr. May brought forward the 
 following resolution. 
 
 'Resolved, That the avowed objects of this 
 Society, i. e. the establishment of a Colony in 
 Liberia of suitable persons — and the evangel- 
 ization of Africa, cannot be effected until an 
 improved class of colored people shall have 
 been raised up in our own country. They 
 must be educated here, that they may be pre- 
 pared for Africa. The fountains of knowl- 
 edge and of grace should be open to all per- 
 sons in our own country, especially to those 
 whom we purpose to send out to enlighten the 
 dark places of the earth, and disseminate the 
 blessings of knowledge and of religion.' 
 
 Mr Judson, who has come out a zealous colon- 
 izationist, immediately proposed the following 
 amendment — 'provided the sentiments of the 
 Abolitionists be considered by us dangerous to 
 the peace of the country, and the preservation 
 of the union.' Mr. May replied that he had 
 no objection to Mr. Judson's bringing forward 
 any resolutions he pleaBcd. If Mr. Judson 
 
 meant to attack the principles of the Anti-Sla- 
 very Society, Mr. Maysaidhe was then ready 
 for their defence ; but that he could see no 
 propriety in Mr. Judson's appending such an 
 amendment to the resolution. Alter a good 
 deal of debate Mr. May was permitted to speak 
 to his resolution, lie said he should speak as 
 a colonizationist, though his connexion with 
 the Society would cease with that meeting. 
 He would not utter all the thoughts and feel- 
 ings which pressed for utterance whenever he 
 thought of the too long disregarded claims cf 
 our colored brethren to all the blessings of 
 knowledge and religion. He would speak in 
 behalf of the avowed objects of the Coloni- 
 zation Society, and in view of them he insist- 
 ed that they could not be attained, unless a 
 better class of emigrants could be prepared 
 here by education. 
 
 As soon as Mr. May was seated Mr. Judson 
 rose and declared, that neither he nor any one 
 else, was opposed to the education of the col- 
 ored people ; but he and others were opposed 
 to their being taught the principles of the An- 
 ti-Slavery Society, the first of which was, he 
 said, that the Constitution of the United States 
 was not to bo at all regarded, &c. &c. He 
 went on to say that the resolution was in effect 
 asking the Col. Society to encourage the plan 
 of teaching the colored people sentiments at 
 war with the objects and purposes of the So- 
 ciety, and sentiments too of a treasonable 
 character, &c. 
 
 Mr. May replied that the gentleman had 
 gone out of his way to misrepresent the Anti- 
 Slavery Society, and to pervert the meaning 
 of the resolution — that he meant by education 
 what we all mean by the word, when we ap- 
 ply it to white children ; that he was willing 
 to specify the branches of science if that 
 would satify Mr. Judson ; and that his simple 
 object in bringing forward the resolution was 
 to ascertain whether the Colonization Society 
 meant to encourage the education and eleva- 
 tion of the colored population of these States. 
 One gentleman rose, and said he objected 
 to the resolution, because it was bringing the 
 Society into collision with a recent Act of the 
 Legislature. Mr. Mav very properly replied 
 that believing as he did the truth set forth in 
 the resolution, as a member of that Society, 
 he should feel called upon to expose the im- 
 propriety of that Law— and of the conduct of 
 those men through whose influence it was 
 15 
 
114 
 
 Dialogue between a Colonizationist and an Abolitionist. 
 
 enacted: that if the laws of our Legislature 
 were ool whoL some, we Mere bound to op- 
 pose them, and labor to procure their repeal ; 
 and he for one was always ready to do so. 
 
 Another gentleman rose and said he should 
 oppose the resolution, because he thought it 
 squinted at the Canterbury School, and he 
 did not wish the Colonization Society, to take 
 part in the contest one way or the other. 
 
 Mr. .May replied that it looked right at the 
 
 Canterbury School ; and said, Mr. President, 
 
 ciety cannot help taking some part in 
 
 the controversy that has been awakened con- 
 
 cerning it The leaders in the persecution 
 
 ealed to 
 Ionization Society as having acted in 
 its behalf, and the Society is now called upon 
 to say whether it approves or disapproves the 
 things which have been done avowedly under 
 its ausp 
 
 The debate lasted more than an hour, and 
 then the resolution was indefinitely postponed. 
 
 We hi";' our readers to reflect upon the facts 
 which our correspondent has stated, in connex- 
 ion with previous occurrences in Connecticut, 
 randall attempts to establish a school 
 for colored girls at Canterbury. A town meet- 
 ing is held, in which viol mt resoluti< 
 passed in order to deter her from prbci 
 At this meeting Andrew T. Juds 
 a conspicuous part. The authorities of the 
 town, perhaps feeling conscious that th 
 ceedings were not quite creditable to them, 
 address a vindication of their proceedings to 
 the Colonization Society. Mr. Judson's name 
 is appended to this manifesto. By the influ- 
 ence of Mr. Judson a law is soon after passed 
 by the legislature of Connecticut making it a 
 penal offence, to establish a school for colored 
 children who are not inhabitants of the State. 
 Mr. Judson is, in short, without dispute, the 
 prime mover of all these atrocities. 
 
 Under these circumstances it seems to us 
 that the branches of the American Coloniza- 
 tion Society, but more especially a branch of 
 it e tablished in Connecticut, were loudly 
 called upon to declare publicly and explicitly 
 their opinion of the attempts in Connecticut 
 to deprive people of color of the bles 
 education. ' tiecticut Society whose 
 
 .proceedings Ave have recorded, we readily ac- 
 knowledge, has returned an explicit, if not a 
 satisfactory answer, to the question which the 
 Canterbury affair and the Connecticut law had 
 presented to them. The Society refuses, in 
 the first place, to entertain a resolution in 
 which the necessity of educating the colored 
 people here is maintained, and that there may 
 
 be no room for doubt or cavil in regard to the 
 opinions of its members upon this subject,, 
 elects Mr. Judson, the great leader of the Con- 
 necticut crusade against education, — its agent 
 and orator. 
 
 [For the Abolitionist.] 
 Messrs. Editors : 
 
 Having been present at an animated con- 
 versation between two intelligent gentlemen 
 of New-Haven, on the subject of Slavery and 
 the Anti-Slavery association, in which some 
 interesting topics were discussed, I wrote 
 down, from memory, the principle part of what 
 1 heard, and offer the notes of the dialogue to 
 your notice, in the belief that the summary of 
 argument, presented with all the simplicity of 
 unpremeditated talk, may interest your read- 
 ers, as it certainly did more than one bystander 
 beside myself. 
 
 One of the gentlemen being a member of 
 the Colonization Society, I have prefixed the 
 letter C to his part of the debate, and desig- 
 nated by the letter A the share taken by the 
 other, who is a member of an Anti-Slavery or 
 Abolition Society. 
 
 Tiie allusions to a local occurrence and the 
 nts expressed by a distinguished pri- 
 vate citizen of New Haven did not, as it seems 
 to me — confine the interest of the matter to 
 this place. The principles are of general and 
 national importance. 
 
 Respectfully yours, &c. 
 
 A NEUTER. 
 
 New Haven, July 13, 1833. 
 
 DIALOGUE 
 between c, a colonizationist, and a, an 
 
 abolitionist, ox the subject of the 
 Anti-Slavery Society. 
 
 C. I do not question the sincerity of your 
 motives, but surely you and the rest of the 
 Anti-Slavery ultras are doing much mischief 
 by the intemperance of your zeal. 
 
 A. Is the sentiment just expressed by you 
 an individual opinion of your own ? Is it 
 adopted on the view of any actual instance of 
 evil ? Or do you speak a general idea of our 
 proceedings, — and is your particular judgment 
 founded only on the fact that an impression 
 unfavorable to our Society and its principles, 
 is very extensively diffused in the community ? 
 
 C. The impression is certainly very gene- 
 ral, among sensible men, that you arc wrong, 
 and the universality of that opinion is with me 
 
Dialogue between a Colonnationist and an Abolitionist. 
 
 115 
 
 as strong presumptive proof of its correctness. 
 You allow your feelings to hurry you along 
 without the guidance of your reason ; and only 
 help to rivet the'chains that you profess to be 
 so anxious to remove ; and you are exciting 
 ill-will, prejudice, and jealousy among the 
 Southern people. 
 
 A. I beg pardon for so boldly differing 
 from you ; but it seems to me that those per- 
 sons may be most justly charged with yield- 
 ing too much to their feelings, and disregard- 
 ing the dictates of 7-eason, who take up an 
 opinion, as you have done, without examining 
 its foundation, and merely because it is fash- 
 ionable. If your judgment of us is correct, it 
 would be equally so though it were peculiar to 
 yourself. An unfounded opinion is a preju- 
 dice ; and gains no valid authority from the 
 number of persons who imbibe it. And, pray, 
 whom do you call particularly sensible men ? 
 
 C. It is hardly necessary to mention names, 
 ab uno disce omnes — one will suffice, — the 
 learned and experienced Noah Webster 
 publicly avowed himself a disapprover of your 
 doctrines, at the meeting house, when Profes- 
 sor Wright delivered his address. You know 
 too that a majority of the most respected citi- 
 zens of Connecticut agree with Dr. Webster 
 in this opinion ; and that elsewhere, the same 
 class of men are generally on the same side. 
 
 A. I grant that a majority of the well in- 
 formed do not yet give us their active support, 
 and yet do not see that I am necessarily in 
 error. 
 
 C. The opinions of such men, surely, are 
 entitled to great weight. 
 
 A. Not as a matter of course, nor without 
 exception. The opinion of no man is of any 
 authority on a subject that he has not exam- 
 ined. You and I will not differ in respect 
 the character of the excellent and venerable 
 citizen whom you have named, — but you would 
 be as far as I am from allowing his opinion 
 (for example,) or that of any other man bri 
 ing, to guide your conduct or your thoughts 
 in a matter which he knows nothing about — 
 or knows but superficially. If your child is 
 ill, there are many wise and learned men 
 whose advice you -would not take as to the 
 medical treatment of his disease. You would 
 not allow even such men as Dr. Webster to 
 model your opinions on religious or political 
 subjects — nor advise you about the docking 
 an entail or foreclosing a mortgage. 
 
 C. On subjects in their nature abstruse, 
 
 or technical, of course I should rely on the 
 judgment of men that are by profession ac- 
 quainted with the particular subject. But 
 slavery is a matter that we all can understand 
 — and all men are competent to judge of the 
 probable effect of your measures. 
 
 A. All men may, with equal truth, be said 
 to be competent to make shoes or cut down 
 trees ; yet those who never learn how, will re- 
 main ignorant; and the opinion of a learned 
 professor of moral philosophy as to the best 
 mode of cobbling shoes or felling timber, may 
 be as worthless as that of a cobbler upon a 
 question in metaphysics. You ought to seek 
 for a surer footing on which to rest your cen- 
 sure of us, than merely an unthinking clamor. 
 
 C. But it is more probable that so many 
 sensible men should be right than a few who 
 differ from them. I do not know that the 
 members of the Anti-Slavery Society have any 
 remarkable degree of learning or skill on the 
 subject, to entitle them to be our instructors. 
 
 A. I will suppose that you agree with me 
 in thinking the mere fact of numbers ought 
 not to govern in a question of opinion ; and 
 that the few may be right, although in a mi- 
 nority. Now as to the probability, you must 
 remember the French proverb, which being 
 rendered, signifies that truth and probability 
 are not always the same. The whole world 
 of sensible and practical men, (except a few,) 
 railed against the project of making steam- 
 boats : but the few persevered, till all acknowl- 
 edged they were right 
 
 C. The absurdity and impropriety of our 
 meddling with a matter over which we cannot 
 have any lawful control, strikes every mind. 
 The southern States will only be exasperated 
 by such impertinent interference with their 
 domestic concerns. The northern r eople have, 
 manifestly no right to dictate to them, and 
 ought not to touch the subject. 
 
 . 1. Well, now having got rM of the au- 
 thority of numbers — the infallibility of a ma- 
 jority and the despotism of prejudice — let us 
 use our reason as if the question were entirely 
 open, and every man at liberty to think for 
 himself. Whether he has a right to speak 
 what he thinks is perhaps a necessary prelim- 
 inary question. 
 
 C. No, I will not allow that there is any 
 such question. We all have a right, both le- 
 gal and moral, to speak our thoughts, but that 
 is no reason for talking of our neighbors' do- 
 mestic concerns. The question of emancipa- 
 
116 
 
 Dialogue between a Colonizationist and an Abolitionist. 
 
 tion is one exclusively belonging to the slave- 
 holding 1 States, and the Constitution prohibits 
 our interference with it. Talking about it, 
 and scolding the slaveholders can do no pos- 
 sible good, and must cause irritation. In fact 
 it has caused irritation. 
 
 A. The right to speak our thought 3 is, then, 
 granted ; and the possibility of an opinion en- 
 tertained by a large number of sensible men, 
 turning out to be a mere prejudice, is also ad- 
 mitted. We shall come by degrees to the 
 real merits of the question. If you had not 
 tacitly admitted that the many, and the wise, 
 may be blinded by prejudice, or uninformed on 
 a particular subject, I should have reminded 
 you of the history of the temperance reforma- 
 tion, which began with a very few who were 
 called zealots — ultras — fanatics — and so forth. 
 The same objections were urged to their 
 ' quixotic ' efforts, (as they were called) that 
 are now arrayed against the Abolitionists. 
 We were told that a man's diet was a matter 
 we had no right to meddle with — that it ". a 
 impertinent to tell a man what he ought or 
 ought not to drink — and that our zeal, being 
 indiscreet, would do harm. And what is the 
 result? The zealots and ultras persevered 
 against a cry of disapprobation and discour- 
 agement not less loud or general, and proceed- 
 ing from no less respectable individuals, till 
 the force of truth and moral suasion has pre- 
 vailed. The friends of freedom and of human 
 rights ought to persevere in like manner, if 
 their cause is just ; and may look forward to 
 eventual success. 
 
 C. But intemperance was a matter of uni- 
 versal interest ; and it would have been fatal 
 to the cause of that reformation if those who 
 preached temperance had not also set an ex- 
 ample by practising it too. Now we, at the 
 North, cannot emancipate slaves — all we can 
 do is to claim from others a sacrifice which 
 will cost us nothing — we arc utterly powerless 
 as to all practical measures. The analogy in 
 this respect fails. 
 
 A. You take a very contracted view of the 
 subject ; and therein consists your error — and 
 the common error ; and I deny the authority 
 of all opinions that are thus made up, without 
 looking more deeply into the matter. I do 
 not say that we, of the Anti-Slavery associa- 
 tion, are very learned, or fully informed — but 
 our imperfect knowledge may be so much bet- 
 ter than the absolute and total neglect to think 
 on the subject, so prevalent in the community, 
 
 that ice are perhaps better prepared to form a 
 correct judgment, and therefore more likely 
 to be in the right than some of those who op- 
 pose us. The opposition of the Colonization 
 Society, may stand on other foundations. I 
 speak now of the disapprobation expressed by 
 such as are not members of either association. 
 C. Wherein consists the difference ? How 
 do you take a more enlarged or more enlight- 
 ened view of the subject than others? 
 
 A. In the first place, we contend for inde- 
 pendence of thought, speech, and action ; and 
 feeling ourselves right we go on, without being 
 deterred by a clamor or temporary irritation 
 among well dressed, well educated, and well 
 disposed people. On the contrary, our oppo- 
 nents too often condemn us merely because of 
 the clamor, without exercising their own in- 
 tellect to ascertain whether the clamor is well 
 founded. 
 
 C. I grant you the merit of boldness and 
 independence, worthy a better, that is, a more 
 practical cause. 
 
 A. Very well. The merit is not very com- 
 mon. A small proportion only of mankind has 
 intrepidity enough to think, speak and act 
 merely with a view to truth and justice. Grant- 
 ing us, therefore, independence, sincerity, 
 disinterestedness, and some knowledge drawn 
 from closer attention to the subject, we are, 
 at all events, entitled to a respectful hearing. 
 
 C. I do not admit that you are : because 
 here your doctrines are mere theories, without 
 any possible results in practice ; and in the 
 South you must be considered as merely in* 
 termeddlers. On what ground then do you 
 claim an attentive hearing? 
 
 A. As men, by your admission, (and unde- 
 niably) disinterested, independent, sincere and 
 well informed by examination and consulta- 
 tion, upon a subject of deep interest to the 
 citizens of Connecticut as well as Maryland — 
 the North as well as the South, and the treat- 
 ment of which has practical results, well de- 
 serving the anxious care of every patriot and 
 every Christian. 
 
 C. Those are bold positions, and I should 
 guess, not easily sustained. 
 
 A. Not more bold than true ; which can 
 you doubt ? 
 
 C. I am entirely at a loss to imagine what 
 practical results can be at stake, or how the 
 Northern States can act on such a subject, or 
 why we need feel any further interest in it 
 
Slavery in the United Slates. 
 
 117 
 
 than such as arises from our sympathy with 
 our Southern neighbors. 
 
 A. You are not singular, but plainly in 
 error. That the existence of slavery and the 
 internal slave trade in this country, and the 
 actual condition and treatment of the slaves, 
 are a national reproach and a national crime, no 
 man can doubt. That a concomitant of this 
 national shame is a feeling of contempt and 
 ill-will very generally cherished towards the 
 colored population, and in itself scarcely less 
 unchristian, and unjustifiable; if not so ob- 
 vious, is nevertheless true. Now upon both 
 these matters the people of the North can act 
 practically, constitutionally and legally ; and 
 moreover they must act, in one way or anoth- 
 er, and by legislation too. Upon the conduct 
 of the free States, (their conduct within the 
 Constitution) must defend the question wheth- 
 er these stains on our national character, these 
 reproaches to us as a Christian people, shall be 
 extended, aggravated, and perpetuated, or 
 limited, mitigated, and at some future day, 
 abolished. It is a very mistaken view of the 
 case to suppose its consideration belongs ex- 
 clusively to the Southern States. It is our 
 right and our duty to consider and discuss it, 
 freely, fearlessly, and in despite of whatever 
 irritation the slaveholding people may please 
 to indulge or to affect. And this I can demon- 
 strate, and will, if you please to listen. 
 
 C. I shall be glad to hear it. But at pres- 
 ent I must leave you. 
 
 ( To be continued.) 
 
 SLAVERY IN THE UNITED STATES. 
 
 We continue our extracts from Stuart's 
 TJiree Years in North America. 
 
 The following notices in relation to General 
 Hampton's treatment of his slaves, ought to he 
 generally circulated throughout our country. 
 
 'Dr. Tidyman mentions that, with kind mas- 
 ters, the condition of slaves is rendered as 
 happy as a state of slavery can admit of. This 
 is unquestionably true. Indeed I myself have 
 seen instances of quite as strong - , if not stron- 
 ger attachment, on the part of a slave, than 1 
 ever saw on the part of a white man to his 
 master ; but the master may at pleasure be 
 guilty of abuse of power to his slave; and it 
 is quite notorious in the southern parts of 
 America, that the greatest slave proprietors, 
 whose interest ought to lead them to treat 
 their slaves well, treat them worst. I could 
 easily refer to many instances. One, howev- 
 er, is so well known, that there is no impro- 
 priety in mentioning it, viz. that of General 
 
 H , one of the greatest, if not the very 
 
 greatest slave proprietor in the United States, 
 
 a South Carolinian, with, however, the chief 
 part of his property situated in Louisiana. 
 He not only maltreats his slaves, but stints 
 them in food, overworks them, and keeps them 
 almost naked. I have seen more than one of 
 his overseers, whose representations gave a 
 dreadful account of the state of slavery on his 
 plantations, and who left his service because 
 they would no longer assist in the cruel pun- 
 ishments inflicted upon his slaves ; but I do 
 not mention such a fact as this merely on such 
 
 authority. General H 's conduct towards 
 
 his slaves is a matter of notoriety.' — Vol. ii. 
 pp. 70, 71. 
 
 'General Hampton has great plantations on 
 the banks of the river, about seventy miles 
 froto New Orleans. I could have wished that 
 he had been present, to hear the remarks made 
 by the passengers in the boat generally on the 
 severe and cruel treatment with which his nu- 
 merous bands of slaves are treated; and that 
 here, where people are obliged to speak with 
 great caution, not one individual said a word 
 on the subject, who did not express themselves 
 in terms of commiseration for the unfortunate 
 creatures subjected to his tyranny.' — Vol. ii. 
 p. 164. 
 
 'Here, [in Illinois,] I met a person who was 
 
 lately an overseer on one of General H V 
 
 plantations, and who left his situation because 
 the treatment of the slaves was so cruel, that 
 he would no longer be concerned in it.' — Vol. 
 ii. p. 24. r .. 
 
 The remaining extracts compose, we be- 
 lieve, everything important in Mr. Stuart's 
 book in relation to slavery, not already given. 
 
 ' I, however, [in South Carolina,] found an 
 excellent breakfast prepared for me when I 
 did appear, and was not a little surprised, when 
 I sat down to partake of it, to find one female 
 slave fanning me from the opposite side of the 
 table with a fan of peacock feathers, while 
 another brought me what I required at break- 
 fast. The slaves here, as in other countries, 
 speak a broken language peculiar to them- 
 selves, — the consequence of their total want 
 of education, — but still many of them go to 
 church, and are admitted to church privileges. 
 Although the church is ten miles distant from 
 the plantation where I stopped, many of the 
 slaves go to it.' 
 
 'In the journey from Richmond to the 
 neighborhood of Charleston, a very visible 
 change in the appearance and manners of the 
 people has taken place. Slaves become more 
 numerous in proceeding towards the south, and 
 the whites become comparatively languid and 
 inactive-looking.' — Vol. ii. pp. 59, GO. 
 
 'One individual here [in Savannah] gave 
 me an account of the treatment of the slaves, 
 very much resembling what I had witnessed 
 in Charleston. I was prepared to expect this 
 from observing, that the city council of Sa- 
 vannah had lately passed a law, imposing 
 a tax of 100 dollars on free persons of color 
 
118 
 
 Letter from Hon. William Jay. 
 
 coming to that city. Can tliere be a more 
 atrocious violation of the principles of lib- 
 erty than is contained in such a regulation 
 aa this, winch may render it impossible for a 
 free man even to visit his father or mother at 
 the point of death ? but the prohibition is posi- 
 tive in Louisiana and South Carolina, which 
 no freed man from another state dare, on any 
 term-, enter.' — Vol. ii. p. 80. 
 
 'The laws on the subject of slavery in the 
 State of Georgia are as tyrannical as in any 
 of the St;ii 
 
 'In case any slave or free person of color 
 teach any other slave or free person of color, 
 to reail or to \. rite either written or printed 
 characters, the free person of color, or slave, 
 is punished by tine and whipping ; and a u hite 
 person so offending is punished with a fine, 
 not exceeding 500 dollars, and imprisoned in 
 the common jail. 
 
 'Any slave, or free person of color, or any 
 other person, circulating papers, or bringing 
 into this state, or aiding in any manner in 
 bringing into the state, papers for the purposes 
 of exciting to insurrection, conspiracy, or re- 
 sistance among the slaves, or free persons of 
 color, against their owners, or the citizens, is 
 to be punished with death. 
 
 ' All ships coming into any port of this state, 
 having on board any free negroes, or free per- 
 sons of color, whether passengers, or in any 
 other capacity, are subject to quarantine for 
 forty days. This regulation is obviously in- 
 tended as a prohibition of free persons of 
 color from entering the state by sea. 
 
 ' Cutting off" the ears and the pillory are 
 punishments for slaves sanctioned by the Le- 
 gislature of Georgia ; but the universal pun- 
 ishment is whipping. Its infliction, to the 
 extent of twenty lashes, on the bare back, is 
 deemed in a great variety of cases of insuffi- 
 cient moment to claim the intervention even 
 of a single magistrate. Any white person, a 
 drunken patrol, an absconding felon, or a vaga- 
 bond mendicant are supposed to posses-; dis- 
 cretion enough to interpret the laws, and to 
 wield the cow-skin or cart-whip for their in- 
 fraction ; and should death ensue by accident, 
 while the slave is thus receiving moderate 
 correction, the constitution of Georgia kindly 
 denominates the offence justifiable homicide.' 
 — Vol. ii. pp. 85, 80. 
 
 ' My driver was a free man of color. He 
 gave a frightful account of the treatment to 
 which he and all the people of color, whether 
 free ,,r slaves, are subject in this State. He 
 had been accustomed formerly to go every 
 season to the State of New York during the 
 period when, owing to the inhabitants 
 the city, business was almost at a stand ; but, 
 by an act passed a few years ago, it is de- 
 clared that a free person of color leaving the 
 State, though merely crossing the boundary, 
 shall not be allowed to return ; and as he has 
 a wife and family, he feels himself really and 
 
 truly a prisoner in the State of South Caroli- 
 na. The same law declares, that it shall not 
 be lawful for free persons of color to come 
 from another State into this. If they should 
 be brought in a vessel, they are immediately 
 confined in jail till the vessel is ready to pro- 
 ceed to sea, — the captain paying the expenses 
 of their detention. It is now contrary to law 
 that even free persons of color should be edu- 
 cated ; they are incompetent witnesses in any 
 case where the rights of white persons are 
 concerned ; and their trials are conducted by 
 a justice of the peace and freeholders, without 
 the benefit of a jury. So far as respects the 
 slaves, they are even in a worse situation ; for, 
 though their evidence is in no case admissible 
 against the whites, the affirmation of free per- 
 sons of color, or their fellow-slaves, is receiv- 
 ed against them.' — Vol. ii. p. 72. 
 
 'The police, considering the great number 
 of strangers in the city and on the levee, did 
 not seem to me to be faulty. There is a corps 
 of mounted gens oTarmes. In this respect, in 
 the appearance of an armed police, Charles- 
 ton and New-Orleans do not resemble the free 
 cities of America ; but the great number of 
 blacks, and the way in which they are treated 
 by the whites, render this precaution, I have 
 no doubt, indispensably necessary.' — ib. p. 130. 
 
 'One plantation was pointed out tome, the 
 owner of which, named Mitchell, has been 
 lately apprehended on a charge of having 
 murdered three of his slaves some years ago.' 
 —Vol. ii. p. 165. 
 
 'I have no doubt from what I heard, that 
 portions of the Missouri State may be as at- 
 tractive for emigrants in almost all the partic- 
 ulars I have mentioned, but slavery exists in 
 that State, and wherever it does exist in North 
 America, it is obviously a bar to improvement, 
 of which the States of Virginia and Kentucky 
 afford decided proofs. Besides, I have seen 
 enough of the slaveholding States to be very 
 much disposed to agree in opinion with Mr. 
 Birkbeck, " that every class of the white pop- 
 ulation is in those States more or less corrupted 
 by idleness, extravagance, and debauchery.'" — 
 Vol. ii. p. 243. 
 
 [From the Emancipator.] 
 LETTER PROM HON. WILLIAM JAY. 
 Bedford, Westcht iter Co. May 1, 1833. 
 
 Sir: — The duty and policy of immediate 
 emancipation, although clear to us, are not so 
 to multitudes of good people who abhor sla- 
 very, and sincerely wish its removal. They 
 take it for granted, no matter why, or where- 
 fore, that if the slaves were now- liberated, 
 they would instantly cut the throats, and fire 
 the dwellings of their benefactors. Hence, 
 khI people look upon the advocates of 
 emancipation, as a set of dangerous fanatics, 
 who are jeoparding the peace of the Southern 
 States, and riveting the fetters of the slaves. 
 
The Plea of Justice. 
 
 1J!> 
 
 by the very attempt to break them. In their 
 opinion, the slaves are not yet Jit for freedom, 
 and therefore it is necessary to wait patiently 
 till they are. Now, unless these patient wait- 
 ers can be brought over to our side, emanci- 
 pation is hopeless; for, first — they form an 
 immense majority of all among us, who are 
 hostile to slavery ; and, secondly — they are 
 as conscientious in their opinions as we are 
 in ours, and unless converted, will oppose and 
 defeat all our efforts. But how are they to 
 be converted ? Only by the exhibition of 
 TRUTH. Many a bad cause, but I suspect 
 no good one, has triumphed through the agen- 
 cy of falsehood. The moral, social, and poli- 
 tical evils of slavery are but imperfectly known 
 and considered. These should be portrayed 
 in strong but true colors, and it would not be 
 difficult to prove, that however inconvenient 
 and dangerous emancipation may be, the con- 
 tinuance of slavery must be infinitely more in- 
 convenient and dangerous. On this head, 
 statements of the future number of slaves, of 
 their increasing intelligence and strength, and 
 of the probable influence of abolition in the 
 West Indies and Brazil, combined with the 
 change of opinion on this subject throughout 
 the world, would be useful. 
 
 An inquiry into the history of emancipation 
 in South America and elsewhere, would tend 
 to show the safety with which it may be ac- 
 complished. 
 
 Constitutional restrictions, independent of 
 other considerations, forbid all other than 
 moral interference with slavery in the South- 
 ern States. But, we have as good and per- 
 fect a right to exhort slaveholders to liberate 
 their slaves, as we have to exhort them to 
 practice any virtue, or avoid any vice. Nay, we 
 have not only the right, but, under certain 
 circumstances, it, may be our duty to give 
 such advice ; and while we confine ourselves 
 within the boundaries of right and duty, we 
 may and ought to disregard the threats and 
 denunciations by which we may be assailed. 
 
 The question of slavery in the District of 
 Columbia, is totally distinct, as far as we are 
 concerned, from that of slavery in the South- 
 ern States. 
 
 As a member of Congress, 1 should think 
 myself no more authorized to legislate for the 
 of Virginia, than for the serfs of Rus- 
 sia. But< have full authority to abol- 
 ish slavery in the District, and I think it their 
 duty to do so. The public need information 
 respecting the abominations committed at 
 Washington, with the sanction of their repre- 
 sentatives — abominations which will cease 
 whenever those respresentatives please. If 
 this subject is fully and ably pressed upon the 
 attention of our electors, they may perhaps 
 be induced to require pledges from candi-! 
 for Congress for their vote for the removal of 
 this foul stain from our National Government. 
 
 For success in this great cause, we must 
 
 look to the blessing of Cod ; and to obtain his 
 blessing, we must use only such means as He 
 approves. Of course, every exaggeration — 
 every deviation from truth — all gratuitous and 
 uncharitable crimination, should be scrupu- 
 lously avoided. Without resorting to fiction, 
 we may have J'acts in abundance, which will 
 make the ears of all who hear them to tingle. 
 
 The Emancipator will, I trust, be edited 
 with such adherence to accuracy, and in such 
 a spirit of Christian candor, as to give no cause 
 of regret to its friends, nor for reproach to its 
 enemies, and I hope its facts and arguments 
 will be such as to disprove the charge that 
 the advocates of emancipation are weak and 
 ignorant fanatics. 
 
 As to the Colonization Society, it is neither 
 a wicked conspiracy on the one hand, nor a 
 panacea for slavery on the other. Many wise 
 and good men belong to it, and believe in its 
 efficacy. The Society may do good in Afri- 
 ca; and it, will rescue many free negroes from 
 oppression, by removing them from the Slave 
 States. As to the voluntary manumissions 
 which it prompts or facilitates, I much doubt 
 whether they will sensibly lessen the number 
 of slaves ; nor is it clear to me that the extinc- 
 tion of slavery would be hastened by the im- 
 mediate removal to Africa of one half of all 
 the slaves in the country ; as the value of the 
 remaining half would thus be greatly enhan- 
 ced, and their owners would of course be less 
 disposed to part with them than they are now. 
 Your obed't servant, 
 
 WILLIAM JAY. 
 
 THE PLEA OF JUSTICE. 
 
 The following article is taken from the 
 Christian Register, in which paper it appeared 
 a few years ago. As that paper is probably 
 not seen by a large number of our readers, 
 we venture to copy it. The intrinsic merit of 
 the piece renders any commendation of it on 
 our part unnecessary. 
 
 I remember when quite a child, being a 
 good deal disturbed by the expression in some 
 little book — such a thing was 'not only wick- 
 ed but foolish.' What, said I, is it not a great 
 deal worse to be wicked than foolish ! The 
 wickedness being proved, I thought it perfect- 
 •fluous to inquire further n specting its 
 folly. Besides the but appeared to me de- 
 signed to introduce a sort of climax, and thus 
 folly seen ed to be placed higher in the rank 
 of evil than wickedness, which was quite con- 
 trary to my simple view of the nature of things. 
 No doubt I somewhat misconceived the au- 
 thor's aim, for I certainly do not now perceive 
 the sort of discordancy and absurdity by which 
 1 was then not only struck but troubled, in the 
 idea of showing an action to be 'not only 
 wicked but foolish.' Yet something of the 
 same feeling remains with me to the present 
 
lit) 
 
 'jVn- Plea of Justice. 
 
 day. 1 dislike to hear questions of right and 
 justice argued upon grounds of expediency, 
 even though I nay be well argued, 
 
 and on the right side; or to have the justice 
 of tii - ightly, while mi 
 
 and i made the mam groui 
 
 argun ich h<fc much th 
 
 As a in merely, it produ 
 
 if disproportion and unsuitable] 
 like seeing a large and heavy structure sup- 
 port "i on a slender foundation, or the adjuncts 
 and ornaments of a building enlarged and ex- 
 
 iin building is conc< 
 from view. But it is net 
 
 fly, that this mode of proceeding should 
 be i' it is not rendering toju 
 
 her rightful homage. It i 
 on i foundation. Hov r i pedi- 
 
 !i act of justice may be, yet it should be 
 brmed for the sake of justice, vnA a 
 
 re it, and plead 
 for it, because it is just, and not bee 
 is expedient. It is true that the champion of 
 it himself sim] 
 it, th rids it by 
 
 i ke most 
 But it. should be re- 
 ■ id, that if he accom; : is purpos- 
 
 ineans, he has done nothing to ex- 
 tend the influence and authority of the princi- 
 ple of justice. Nay, by not i to it, by 
 j it out of sight, he seems to disclaim it 
 ending to argue the expe- 
 of the measure he recommends, he 
 to acknowledge either that the require- 
 men of jit il, or that consider- 
 ations of justice are not of themselves deci- 
 sive. Nor ran there be a doubt that an im- 
 pression of this kind, indistinct, but not less 
 pernicious, musl often be produced, though 
 not intended, by the kind of reasoning now 
 referred to. If indeed arguments of expedi- 
 ency are used as auxiliaries, merely, to clear 
 away those illusions of interest which cloud 
 the understanding, and prevent it from dis- 
 cerning the full force of the moral argument, 
 all is well. But let it plainly appear that they 
 are considered as subordinate to that main 
 i lent, on whose strength the advocate of 
 justice relies with perfect confidence. And 
 id ought to be done by some strong 
 and decided reference to it, even wh< n the 
 t is viewed principally in the aspect of 
 expediency, because it is supposed that the 
 ai of right has been too often examined 
 and decided to admit of farther discussion. 
 
 We should find that there is a sense of right 
 and justice in all men, if we only knew how 
 to reach it. It is wronging human nature to 
 take it for granted that motives of right and 
 justice (which Bishop Butler calls 'the just 
 and natural motive of action,') will have less 
 weight than motives of interest. To induce 
 men to act from the highest motives is doing 
 them a benefit, to lead them to act from the 
 
 lowest an injury. The former too are the mo- 
 tives which they like best to have appealed 
 to, and from which they will act with most 
 satisfaction. What is gained in this way to 
 the right cause is gained surely, but the rela- 
 •e ci instantly fluctuating. 
 The kind of argument to which 1 have been 
 objecting lias I think of late been too frequent- 
 rig in the subject of sla- 
 very. In considering it as an evil and a mis- 
 fortune, its iniquity seems to be overlooked: 
 the intere masters, not the rights of 
 
 the slaves, are ut i i reason for eman- 
 
 cipation; i rid doI conscience, is the 
 
 ; In. We remonstrate with 
 the slaveholder, not that men have no right to 
 compel others to labor for them, but that free 
 labor is the cheapest. Now the masters may 
 naturally suppose that of their own interest 
 they themselves are the best judges, since 
 they have every opportunity for a knowledge 
 of the facts and motives to sharpen their sa- 
 gacity. But when the cause is argued on the 
 ground of justice, it is impossible, but it must 
 occur to them, thai an indifferent spectator is 
 asweli qualified to judge of this, as those are 
 whose opinions are necessarily liable to be 
 warped by interest, and by custom. If then 
 the slaves have a right to their freedom, if 
 there is injustice in withholding it, this is the 
 point of view in which the subject should be 
 habitually regarded, which should never be 
 lost sight of as the sufficient, the unanswer- 
 able argument why they should receive their 
 freedom. And that they have this right is so 
 obvious to the simplest apprehension, on a 
 plain statement of the case, that to use argu- 
 ments to prove it, seems almost preposterous. 
 What right has any man to freedom which 
 they have not? On what do we ground our 
 own right to freedom, to the free use of our 
 powers, to the produce of our own labor ? — 
 Common sense ? — the implied will of our Cre- 
 ator ? — the want of right in any other human 
 being to deprive us of them? Whatever is 
 the foundation of our own right to liberty, ev- 
 ery negro slave has the same. For how can he 
 have lost his original rights? By the act of 
 violence which tore him from his native land ? 
 No one will assert it, for no one will feel that 
 by virtue of such an act his own rights could 
 be extinguished. By the first act of sale 
 which transferred him to another hand, — by 
 the mysterious efficacy of the first money 
 which was paid for him ? No one will assert 
 it, for no one will suppose that the kidnapper 
 could have conveyed that right which was not 
 his. No one will assert it. for no one will say 
 that were he in that slave's place, he should 
 now feel his rights at all diminished. By the 
 second or the third transfer? No one will 
 assert it, for no one can conceive that a thou- 
 sand such transfers could deprive himself of 
 his inherent right to freedom, if he had been 
 wrongfully dispossessed of it. The negro's 
 
The Plea of Justice. 
 
 121 
 
 right to his liberty is then, so far, unimpaired, 
 it is as perfect and entire as when he wander- 
 ed unshackled and uncontrolled in his native 
 Africa. But he dies a slave, and the whole 
 generation of those who were violently de- 
 prived of the liberty to which they were born, 
 disappears. Those who now occupy their 
 place were born in slavery, they are the chil- 
 dren of slaves. Now there is no pretence for 
 saying that if the parents had really lost or 
 given up any of their natural rights, as by a 
 voluntary contract, or in the case of a just 
 punishment for crime, the child would there- 
 fore be born with his rights at all less perfect. 
 But this is not the present case. The parent's 
 rights were in their full strength. Does then 
 the circumstance of a child's being born of 
 enslaved parents deprive him of his natural 
 right to liberty, and make him truly and law- 
 fully the property of his nominal owner? No 
 one I think will assert it, fortius reason among 
 others, that no one will feel that if he were 
 violently seized and carried into captivity, 
 suppose by a party of wild Indians, his inno- 
 cent children would therefore belong of right 
 to the lawless kidnappers, or purchasers from 
 them. 
 
 Each successive generation of slaves then, 
 viewing the subject thus in its simplest ele- 
 ments, has the same absolute right to freedom 
 that their progenitors had who were brought 
 from Africa, or in other words, that any in- 
 habitants of earth has. 
 
 But it is said that this view of the subject, 
 though obviously just so far as it goes, leaves 
 entirely out of sight the rights of the masters. 
 What rights ? If the slaves have an entire 
 right to their liberty, it follows that their mas- 
 ters have none to detain them in slavery. 
 And yet— let us not be hasty, but pause, and 
 weigh tins matter deliberately. A certain 
 slaveholder does in perfectly good faith, we 
 will suppose, believe that his slaves are his 
 property, as much as his land, or houses, or 
 cattle, are his property. He has become pos- 
 sessed of them in precisely the same way, 
 having either inherited them as he has his 
 lands, or purchased them with his money the 
 fruit of his own industry and enterprise. Why 
 then are not his negroes as truly and right- 
 fully his property as any other thing which he 
 possesses? Simply because these negroes, 
 having all along retained a right to freedom, 
 (as perfect as their master's to his freedom,) 
 could never have become the property of him, 
 from whom the present master purchased or 
 inherited. 
 
 But many persons have a vague idea that 
 however unjust it was originally to enslave 
 the Africans, yet that the passage of time, or 
 the course of events, or some peculiar combi- 
 nation of circumstances, has at length con- 
 ferred a right of property upon the masters. 
 To every such person it is recommended to 
 ask himself, what process he can imagine hiin- 
 
 VOL. I. 
 
 self to go through, at the end of which he 
 would feel himself the property of another. If 
 he can find no such process, it may be that he 
 will arrive at the conclusion that ' man cannot 
 be the property of man.' 
 
 Let him suppose himself captured by the 
 Algerines, would he be troubled with any 
 scruples about the rights of the Moor, who 
 chanced to purchase him, or feel himself the 
 Moor's property, or be prevented by such 
 scruples from regaining his liberty if opportu- 
 nity offered ? 
 
 The case of a slaveholder has sometimes 
 been compared to that of a purchaser of stolen 
 goods. And as in mathematics, a truth de- 
 monstrated in small numbers may be extended 
 with perfect certainty to any other case, how 
 much larger soever the numbers, or how dif- 
 ferent soever the practical application, provi- 
 ded the numbers bear the same proportion, or 
 relation to each other — so in morals a conclu- 
 sion, fairly deduced from an acknowledged 
 principle in one case, must be allowed to ex- 
 tend to every other case, in which the parties 
 concerned bear the same relation to each 
 other. No difference of circumstances, how- 
 ever great, weakens the conclusion, unless it 
 is clearly of such a kind as to alter the rela- 
 tive position of the parties, in those respects 
 to which the reasoning refers. The advan- 
 tage of reasoning from parallel cases, is, that 
 we more readily perceive the truth in a sim- 
 ple, than in a complicated case, and it may also 
 happen, that we view the one with less preju- 
 dice than we do the other. 
 
 To return to our parallel case of the pur- 
 chaser of stolen goods. No one doubts that 
 the original owner may claim them again 
 wherever he can find them, nor will the hon- 
 est purchaser detain them from him when he 
 discovers his claims, though he had previously 
 supposed himself the lawful owner. Nor 
 would any honest man who had inherited from 
 his father a certain valuable lot of goods, which 
 he knew to be stolen, hesitate about restoring 
 them. Every slave is stolen property ; and 
 however the nominal owner came into posses- 
 sion, he is bound in equity to restore it to the 
 real owner, that is to the slave himself. But 
 it may be argued that after a piece of proper- 
 ty which was originally fraudulently obtained, 
 has continued in a family for many genera- 
 tions, lono 1 possession gives a sort of right, 
 and the obligation to make restitution becomes 
 continually less and less strong. This may 
 be allowed, for a very plain reason, that it is 
 no longer possible to restore it to the original 
 owner. But this case is no longer parallel to 
 that of the slaveholder. In the person of the 
 slave, there is the original owner, the defraud- 
 ed man is himself before us. It is not only 
 the fruit of his ancestor's injustice that the 
 slaveholder possesses, but a renewed robbery 
 is committed upon every individual born upon 
 the estate and detained in slavery. 
 16 
 
i» 
 
 Wright's Sin of Slavery. 
 
 But is it not a hard case that a man should 
 be required to resign tin." chief part of his 
 property, to annihilate almost the value of his 
 plantation by giving up the Laborers who cul- 
 tivate it, that the poor widow whose chief 
 maintenance is derived from the dozen or half 
 dozen slaves whom she pes lould be 
 
 required to i rself and children 
 
 tual want, u bor with her 
 
 ownhands? Who requires it? — Justice. Will 
 you appeal from her authority ? Is it not an 
 equally hard ease when a man who has sup- 
 posed himself rich, is required to reduce him- 
 self to poverty by restoring to its rightful 
 owner the estate which he • was ob- 
 
 tained by fraud by the person from whom he 
 inherited it ? STet the honest and honorable 
 man will do this, although the law of the land 
 should not oblige him to: the poor widow, if 
 honest and honorable, would do the same evi n 
 should be obliged to bey her daily bread. 
 It is justice that makes the demand in both 
 cases. The sacrifice may be great, but who 
 might not envy the feelings of him who had 
 made it ? 
 
 IIow can the honorable mind which would 
 disdain to make use of property for a moment, 
 after it discovers that it belongs to another, 
 be aware of the rights of the slaves, and yet 
 willingly detain them another hour in bondage, 
 or consent to be profited to the amount of even 
 another dollar by their compelled and uncoin- 
 :d labor: How is it that the master 
 of slaves is not aware of their rights r Is it 
 that he turns from such thoughts with feelings 
 like those of the young man who 'went away 
 sorrowful for he had lessions?' 
 
 The rights of the persons held in slavery 
 impose the most absolul • obligation upon eve- 
 cern the obligation, 
 at whatever sacrifice of or worldly in- 
 
 terest, to liberate them, unless circumstances 
 render this, in the most literal sense of the 
 word, impossible. But it is not to be doubted 
 that there are slaveholders who are good and 
 uptight men and yet do not discern their duty 
 in this respect, nor perceive the rights of the 
 enslaved persons, but honestly regard their 
 slaves as property. It is not very strange that 
 it should be so. The strongly marked line of 
 distinction which colormakes between master 
 and slav !— the actual state of degradation of 
 the blacks, — the universality ofthe custom of 
 slavery all around them — and perhaps, the 
 total absence of any expression of doubt 
 among their fellow citizens as to its lawfulness 
 — the habit of regarding and speaking of the 
 blacks not as persons, but as property, not as 
 fellow beings, but as an inferior race of ani- 
 mals, — all these circumstances must tend to 
 confirm in the mind of the slaveholders tl 
 views and opinions to which they have been 
 accu 1 from their infancy. The power 
 
 of custom to produce th cannot be 
 
 doubted by those who call to mind the many 
 
 instances in which it has produced equally ex- 
 traordinary effects. To refer only to the often 
 quoted example of the belief in witchcraft. 
 No one supposes thai those persons were 
 guilty of murder who condemned to death in- 
 nocent women on the charge of having com- 
 mitted this imaginary crime; and equally un- 
 uld it be to accuse of wilful injustice 
 all who hold their fellow creatures in slavery. 
 It is much less easy to judge ofthe rectitude 
 of persons, than of the rectitude of actions. 
 iTel lei it be remembered that the nature of 
 justice remains the same however we may 
 fail to discern it. Let it be remembered that 
 wilful blindness on such a subject, is guilt ; 
 that he who in a case of duly stifles the dawn- 
 ings of conviction, is a criminal ; that the slave- 
 holder to whom it has ever occurred, either 
 through his own reflection, or the suggestion 
 of others, that possibly he has no right to hold 
 his fellow creatures in bondage, and who does 
 not pursue the thought fairly, and without re- 
 gard to consequences, but drives it from him, 
 lest by and by conscience should command 
 him to resign his possessions — letitbe remem- 
 bered that he who thus refuses to know what 
 duty requires cannot be guiltless. 
 
 WRIGHT'S SIN OF SLAVERY; 
 
 We noticed this pamphlet very briefly in 
 our last number. We now add a few extracts. 
 In speaking of the Colonization Society Mr. 
 Wright uses the following severe, though, it 
 scems.to us, justifiable language. We regret 
 that our limits will not permit us to transcribe 
 the whole of the chapters on this subject. 
 
 'No matter how sincere, the Colonization 
 Society is too pusillanimous to deserve the 
 high station which it has assumed. It is 
 afraid to speak the whole truth. And if the 
 mass of American Christians are to have any 
 thing to do in setting free two millions of op- 
 pressed men, the American Colonization So- 
 ciety must be given up, or it must retire into 
 the comparative insignificance, I might say 
 cringing sycophancy, of the object proposed 
 in its constitution ; it must leave the groimd 
 of operation against slavery clear to a so iety 
 which shall use a more aggressive moral influ- 
 ence. What ! Is that to be dignified with the 
 name of a moral influence, which abstains from 
 a correct representation of its object, lest the 
 equanimity of those whom it would persuade 
 should be disturbed? — lest passion should be 
 excited, and the ground of hostility should be 
 taken? Hero is a most singular phenomenon: 
 a society professing to exert a moral influ- 
 ery, and yet afraid to state 
 ad when compelled to state tact';, afraid 
 iropriate to them. A so- 
 ciety which, when speaking of the most odious 
 system of oppression, takes special care to 
 avoid the words sin, crime, guilt, and speaks 
 
ffnghfs Sin of Slavery. 
 
 1^3 
 
 of it as a burden, a curse, a sore ' e-viV Is j powerful in these parts ; he cannot be resist- 
 such a 'moral ' remedy for sin likely to eifect ed ; you had better emigrate, and if you will 
 
 a cure ? Are the slaveholders in reality not 
 slaveholders, but virtuous men, keeping tin ir 
 slaves merely under that ramc, from necessity, 
 till it shall be practicable to enlarge them ? 
 Can this be proved of a single individual ?' 
 
 ' Patrons of the Colonization Society ! you 
 form a body sufficiently powerful to wage a 
 successful war with this popular prejudice. 
 You may procure the repeal of every oppres- 
 sive law, if you please ; you may open the 
 door to fair competition in all the arts of life 
 before the colored race, and persuade them to 
 enter, if you please ; you may bring them all 
 under the blessed influence of divine truth, if 
 you please. Do that ; at least, attempt it, 
 before you claim benevolence as the motive of 
 your colonizing scheme. Till you have made 
 the attempt, whatever may be said of the Af- 
 rican skin, it has never been used to conceal 
 hypocrisy, so loathsome and putrifying as 
 yours, if haply, you yourselves are not the 
 victims of a miserable delusion. It grieves 
 me to the heart to bring charges of this kind, 
 which I have reason to believe will be appro- 
 priated to themselves — and too justly — by 
 many, whom, in other things, I respect and 
 love. But facts are stubborn, and the princi- 
 ples of God's word, are unbending. Even if 
 an angel from heaven were to embark on the 
 principles which the Colonization Society has 
 avowed, in regard to the free blacks, he would 
 sink. 
 
 'Let us not be told that the colored men go 
 voluntarily to Liberia. There is not Jesuit- 
 ism enough in the world to conceal such a lie 
 from any, but the willingly blind. The plain 
 fact is this, and every colored man, at least, 
 knows it well, the white community, under 
 the name of ' The Colonization Society,' 
 merely receive the volunteer emigrants — no 
 compulsion — all fair; but mark, the same com- 
 munity, without this name, sanction the op- 
 pressive laws, utter the public sentiment, and 
 point the finger of scorn, which, together, 
 amount to a bitter persecution, and compel the 
 poor blacks to volunteer. What a convenient 
 thing is a name, which can be put on and off 
 at pleasure. Here is my neighbor, a simple, 
 good-natured man, dwelling securely by me. 
 I heartily despise him, and would gladly have 
 him out of the way ; but how to do it, is the 
 thing. The problem may be thus solved. In 
 every-day life, I am Mr. Prejudice. Under 
 this name, I tell lies about my neighbor, and 
 make sport of him at the taverns and grog- 
 shops : I abuse and mortify him on all occa- 
 sions ; I throw down his fences, filch away 
 his cattle, and refuse redress, till his life is a 
 burden to him. But, on the Fourth of July, 
 and some other great occasions, I am Mr. 
 Generosity. 1 go to my neighbor with my 
 new name, and my best Sunday suit, and say 
 to him, 'You know Mr. Prejudice is very 
 
 do so, I will generously bear the expense. If, 
 in the simplicity of his heart, my neighbor 
 mistakes me for a different man from his old 
 enemy, my success is almost certain. If he 
 does not, perseverance in this double dealing 
 will wear out the most mulish pertinacity. 
 
 'That similar duplicity is justly chargeable 
 upon the Colonization Society, is evident from 
 the fact, that it not only does not condemn, 
 but it hails with pleasure, those oppressive en- 
 actments which are designed to banish the 
 colored race. Is the conclusiveness of this 
 argument doubted? Take an illustration. In 
 die recesses of yonder grated and gloomy 
 pile, there is a spacious room, hung round with 
 nameless furniture, into which curiosity is not 
 permitted to pry. By the light of a single ta- - 
 per, you see the pale, half naked prisoner ; 
 the monkish executioner, fiendishly busy ; 
 the instruments of torture — the trickling blood 
 — the quivering lip — the very anguish of the 
 soul. But what has that man in black to do 
 with the scene, who sits sedately by, and as 
 he sees limb after limb stretched upon the 
 rack, and screw after screw applied, and turn- 
 ed, and tightened to the bone, says to the exe- 
 cutioners," ' Take courage, brethren, we shall 
 get the confession soon,' and to the prisoner, 
 •Only confess now, and you will forever bless 
 God for his mercy on your soul !' ? 
 
 ' Say you, this flight to the inquisition is a 
 flight "of" fancy ! Then let it go for that; but, 
 after all, in sober sense, how can the Society 
 approve, or how can it even fail to condemn 
 that prejudice and oppression which renderits 
 interference necessary? Let the organs of 
 the Society, at length, answer this question. 
 Surelv, it has been asked by friends, and ask- 
 ed by them in vain, till, in many cases, they 
 have waked up in the ranks of the Society's 
 decided enemies. To put the case in the most 
 favorable light, by the supposition that the sin 
 of the legislators, is, by the Society's scheme, 
 overruled for good, has the Society any right 
 to rejoice at the sin? Does not the divine jus- 
 tice condemn the sinner, and does not the di- 
 vine compassion weep over him, even while 
 the divine wisdom brings good outof his evil ? 
 On the example of the Society, when we do 
 evil from which good may be extracted, we 
 have a right to calculate on the approbation of 
 all those angels of mercy, at least, whose busi- 
 ness it may be to bring glory to God out of 
 the wickedness of men. 
 
 'On these grounds, it is concluded that the 
 Society's plan is adjusted to the wicked pre- 
 judices of the community against the people 
 of color, and, of course, that its action cher- 
 ishes these prejudices to the injury of inno- 
 cent men.' 
 
 It is delightful to peruse such manly and 
 generous sentiments as those which follow :— 
 
124 
 
 .toti- Slavery Society at Amherst College. 
 
 'But there remains another charge. The 
 Colonization Society basely slanders the 
 whole body of the tree people of color. It 
 makes them a degraded, vicious, incurably be- 
 sotted class, who not only never can rise, but 
 never can be raised, and are properly to be 
 got rid of as a nuisance. How would the wel- 
 kin have rung with peals of indignation if 
 such a charge had been uttered against any 
 class of our white fellow citizens? Even if it 
 had been (rut, how would it have been repre- 
 sented as abusive and unchristian ? But no 
 candid man needs to be told that against the 
 free men of color the charge is false, and ca- 
 lumnious as it is cruel. There is, as might be 
 expected of necessarily poor and ignorant 
 men, goaded by prejudice and persecution, 
 much vice among them. They do not belong 
 to that class of refined and innocent victims 
 of oppression, which abound in novels, it may 
 be ; neither is their depravity sufficiently dig- 
 nified to suit the lovers of romance ; but it is 
 an ill-looking, every-day, matter-of-fact thing. 
 They need the same moral discipline which is 
 needed by any other portion of the communi- 
 ty. But amidst all their faults there are re- 
 deeming qualities, which must put to shame 
 every white man who has not lost the power 
 to blush. No field in the world is richer in 
 instances of stern moral courage, unbending 
 decision of character, exact integrity, unas- 
 sailable fidelity, self-sacrificing patriotism, ar- 
 dent thirst for knowledge, disinterested benev- 
 olence, and unfeigned piety, than the history 
 of our free colored brethren. Multitudes of 
 them have risen spontaneously from the low- 
 est depths of slavery, have bought their free- 
 dom by years of toil, have risen amidst im- 
 measurable reproach and obloquy to an em- 
 inence that has extorted the admiration of 
 their oppressors. Others have braved death 
 for liberty, have been hunted from mountain 
 ,to mountain, have been ferreted from city to 
 city, by monsters attracted by the price set 
 upon their heads, till at length they have foil- 
 ed all the advantages of their pursuers, and 
 have planted themselves as quiet and indus- 
 trious citizens of our northern republics. Some 
 of them have borne away the palm of genius, 
 by their own unaided endeavors. As a class, 
 they have moved steadily forward, till they 
 have consummated a union, whose voice, by 
 its dignity and manful energy, lias arrested the 
 attention, and called forth the admiration of 
 the wise and good in both hemispheres.' 
 
 on African Colonization, accompanies the 
 address. Both the address and the report 
 speak of the Colonization Society with strong 
 and just reprobation. 
 
 CONVENTION OF COLORED PEOPLE. 
 
 We have not yet seen any report of the 
 proceedings of this convention. We have, 
 however, received an address issued by it, ad- 
 dressed to the Free Colored Inhabitants of 
 the United States. It is a paper which will 
 interest those to whom it is addressed, and all 
 their true friends. A report of the Committee 
 
 ANTI-SLAVERY SOCIETY AT AMHERST 
 COLLEGE. 
 
 We have lately received the following in- 
 teresting communication from this institution. 
 It gives us the highest gratification to find 
 good principles gaining ground so rapidly 
 among the young men of our country. 
 To Ibe Editor of the Abolitionist. 
 
 Amherst College, July 25, 1833. 
 
 Sir : — It affords us pleasure to inform you, 
 that an Auxiliary to the New England Anti- 
 Slavery Society, has recently been formed in 
 this Institution. The number of its members, 
 though at present comparatively small, is in- 
 creasing. All other circumstances connected 
 with the progress of the Society thus far, have 
 been peculiarly auspicious and animating. If 
 a thorough understanding of the cause we 
 plead — deep-felt sympathies for the suffering 
 slave — a perfect unity of feeling and effort — 
 and 'a mind to work' may constitute strength 
 — then we are strong. We have adopted a 
 constitution fundamentally the same with that 
 of the Parent Society. The noble cause of 
 Immediate Emancipation — advocated by your 
 Society, has been rapidly gaining ground in 
 this College for a few months past. Three of 
 our number listened to the recent public de- 
 bate in Boston, between Messrs. Wright and 
 Finley. Previously they had been zealous 
 defenders of the principles of African Coloniz- 
 ation — and by education were strongly preju- 
 diced in their favor ; but by that discussion 
 they were led to an examination of the princi- 
 ples of the two Societies, which resulted in 
 the firm persuasion that the cause of 'imme- 
 diate abolition ' was the cause of God and hu- 
 manity — and that the advocates of gradual 
 emancipation were but dallying with the sin 
 of slavery — while the influence of their meas- 
 ures was to render more hopeless the condi- 
 tion of the slave. Among other resolutions 
 submitted at our last meeting were the follow- 
 lowing : 
 
 1. Resolved, That the principles of the 
 New England Anti-Slavery Society harmon- 
 ize with the plainest precepts of Patriotism, 
 Philanthropy and Religion. 
 
 2. Resolved, That we cordially approve 
 the plan adopted by the New England Anti •• 
 
Anti-Slavery Society in Oneida Institute— Abolition of Slavei-y in British Colonies, Sfc. 12,% 
 
 Slavery Society to establish an Institution for 
 the instruction of colored youth — and as a So- 
 ciety, pledge ourselves to raise for so be- 
 nevolent an object, such sums as our means, 
 from time to time will admit — and also to ex- 
 ert ourselves to elevate and enlighten the col- 
 ored population of our own vicinity, as well 
 as abroad. 
 
 3. Resolved, That we view with unquali- 
 fied disapprobation and utter abhorrence the 
 barbarous treatment of Miss Crandall, and 
 that she is justly entitled to the prayers and 
 sympathies of the Christian community while 
 suffering persecution for her laudable and 
 Christian efforts to instruct the ignorant and 
 oppressed. 
 
 The above resolutions were accompanied 
 by interesting remarks, and unanimously 
 adopted. 
 
 ANTI-SLAVERY SOCIETY IN ONEIDA IN- 
 STITUTE. 
 
 The same mail which brought us the ac- 
 count of the formation of an Anti-Slavery So- 
 ciety in Amherst College, also conveyed to us 
 the cheering news of the formation of a sim- 
 ilar association in Oneida Institute. The fol- 
 lowing is an extract from our correspondent's 
 letter : — 
 
 'An Anti-Slavery Society has been formed 
 in this Institution, of a respectable number. 
 The second Article of our constitution is as 
 follows : " The object of this Society shall be 
 to endeavor by all means sanctioned by Law, 
 Humanity, and Religion, to effect the immedi- 
 ate abolition of slavery in the United States 
 without expatriation : to improve the charac- 
 ter and condition of the free people of color ; 
 to inform and correct public opinion in rela- 
 tion to their situation and rights ; and obtain 
 for them civil and political rights and privi- 
 leges, equal with those of the whites.' 
 
 ABOLITION OF SLAVERY IM THE BRIT- 
 ISH COLONIES. 
 
 The last arrivals received from Great Bri- 
 tain announce the paassage of the following 
 resolutions in the House of Commons. The 
 total abolition of slavery in the British Colo- 
 nies is now no longer doubtful. That this 
 measure will have a powerful tendency to 
 overthrow the system in the Southern States, 
 does not admit of a question. The glorious 
 result which the labors of British Abolition- 
 sts have thus secured, ought to inspire every 
 
 enemy of slavery in America, with renewed 
 zeal and vigor. 
 
 1. That immediate and effectual measures 
 be taken for the entire abolition of slavery 
 throughout the colonies, under such provi- 
 sions for regulating the condition of the ne- 
 groes as may combine their welfare with the 
 interests of the proprietors. 
 
 2. That it is expedient that all children 
 born after the passing of any act, or who shall 
 be under the age of six years at the time of 
 the passing of any act of Parliament for this 
 purpose, be declared free ; subject, neverthe- 
 less, to such temporary restrictions as may be 
 deemed necessary for their support and main- 
 tenance. 
 
 3. That all persons now slaves shall be 
 registered as apprenticed laborers, and acquire 
 thereby all rights and privileges of freemen ; 
 subject to the restriction of laboring under 
 conditions and for a time to be fixed by Par- 
 liament, for their present owners. 
 
 4. That, towards the compensation of the 
 proprietors, His Majesty is enabled to grant 
 to them a sum not exceeding £20,000,000 
 sterling, to be appropriated as Parliament shall 
 direct. 
 
 5. That His Majesty be enabled to defray 
 any such expense as he may incur in estab- 
 lishing an efficient stipendiary magistracy in 
 the colonies, and in aiding the local Legisla- 
 tures in providing upon liberal and comprehen- 
 sive principles for the religious and moral ed- 
 ucation of the negro population to be emanci- 
 pated. 
 
 THREE MONTHS IN JAMAICA. 
 
 We have recently received a little tract 
 published in England, entitled 'Three Months 
 in Jamaica in 1832, comprising a residence of 
 Seven Weeks on a Sugar Plantation — By 
 Henry Whiteley.' This tract deserves great 
 attention. The author, from the testimonials 
 appended to the narrative, appears to be 'a 
 highly respectable young man, of unimpeach- 
 able integrity as a man and as a christian.' 
 He evidently gives an 'unvarnished tale,' of 
 what fell under his own observation, in a sit- 
 uation which gave him peculiar opportunities 
 for seeing all the unveiled horrors of the slave 
 system. No man, we venture to say, whose 
 feelings have not been hardened by the prac- 
 tice of oppression, can read Mr. Whiteley's 
 unpretending pages, without coming to the 
 conclusion that slavery ought to be abolished. 
 
 He gives several cases of punishments 
 which he saw inflicted — we extract the 12th 
 and 13th. 
 
 ' 12th. The first of these two cases was that 
 of a married woman, the mother of several 
 
126 
 
 School for Colored Children. 
 
 children. She was brought up to the over- 
 seer's door one morning : and one of the drivers 
 who came with her accused her of having sto- 
 len a fowl. Some feathers, said to have been 
 
 found in her hut, were exhibited as evidence 
 of her guilt. The overseer asked her if she 
 would pay for the fowl. She said something 
 in reply which I did not clearly understand. 
 The question was repeated, and a similar reply 
 again given. The overseer then said, 'Puther 
 down.' On this the woman set up a shriek, 
 and rent the air with her cries of terror. Her 
 countenance grew quite ghastly, and her lips 
 became pale and livid. I was close to her, 
 and particularly noticed her remarkabli 
 and expression of countenance. The over- 
 seer swore fearfully, and repeated his order — 
 ' Put her down !' The woman then craved 
 permission to tie some covering round her na- 
 kedness, which she was allowed to do. She 
 was then extended on the ground, and held 
 down by two negroes. Her gown and shift 
 were literally torn from her back, and, thus 
 brutally exposed, she was subjected to the 
 cart-whip. The punishment inflicted on this 
 poor creature, was inhumanly severe. She 
 was a woman somewhat plump in her person, 
 and the whip being wielded with great vigor, 
 every stroke cut deep into the ilesh. She writh- 
 ed and twisted her body violently under the 
 infliction — moaning loudly, but uttering no ex- 
 clamation in words, except once when she 
 cried out, entreating that her nakedness (her 
 parts of shame) might not be indecently ex- 
 posed, — appearing to suffer, from matronly 
 modesty, even more acutely on account of her 
 indecent exposure than the cruel laceration of 
 her body. But the overseer only noticed her 
 appeal by a brutal reply (too gross to be re- 
 peated), and the flogging continued. Disgust- 
 ed as I was, I witnessed the whole to a close. 
 I numbered the lashes stroke by stroke, and 
 counted fifty, — thus exceeding by eleven the 
 number allowed by the Colonial law to be in- 
 flicted at the arbitrary will of the master or 
 manager. This was the only occasion on 
 which I saw the legal number of 39 lashes ex- 
 ceeded, but I never knew the overseer or head 
 book-keeper give less than 39. This poor vic- 
 tim was shockingly lacerated. When permit- 
 ted to rise, she again shrieked violently. The 
 overseer swore roughly, and threatened, if she 
 was not quiet, to put her down again. He 
 then ordered her to be taken to the hot-house 
 or hospital, and put in the stocks. She was 
 to be confined in the slocks for several nights, 
 while she worked in the yard during the day 
 at light work. She was too severely mangled 
 to be able to go to the field for some days. 
 This flogging took place on the 27th of Sep- 
 tember. 
 
 13th. The flogging of an old man, about 
 GO years of age, is the last case I shall men- 
 tion. He was the third driver upon the estate, 
 — there being five altogether, whose sole em- 
 
 ployment was literally driving, or coercing by 
 the whip, the negro population to labor. With 
 this old man 1 had had some conversation, and 
 felt particularly interested in him, for his sil- 
 very locks and something in his aspect remind- 
 ed me powerfully of my aged lather, whom I 
 had left in England. He had been upon the 
 estate a great number of years. He told me 
 that not one of the negroes belonging to the 
 gang he wrought in when he first came to New 
 Ground was now alive. He came up to the 
 overseer's door at shell-blow one day, and gave 
 in, as is the practice, on a tally or bit of notch- 
 ed stick, his account of the half day's work of 
 the gang he superinted. The overseer was 
 dissatisfied — said it was insufficient — and or- 
 dered nim to get a Hogging. The old man 
 said, 'Well, Busha, me could have done no 
 better, had you been standing by.' Then, 
 groaning deeply, he laid down his staff* and 
 whip, unloosed his clothes, and lay quietly 
 down to be flogged without being held. One 
 of the other drivers, who had been called for- 
 ward, appeared very reluctant to perform the 
 office ; but, on the overseer swearing a rough 
 oath or two, he proceeded to inflict the usual 
 punishment of 39 lashes. The old man, look- 
 ing up in the overseer's face imploringly, cried 
 out after every stroke for several minutes — 
 'Busha! Busha! Busha!' but seeing no signs 
 of relenting, he ceased to call on him, express- 
 ing his feelings only by groans. I was deep- 
 ly affected by the sight, and felt at the mo- 
 ment that these groans were an awful appeal 
 to the judgment seat of Him who heareth the 
 cry of the oppressed. When the punishment 
 was over, and the poor man arose, the other 
 drivers looked at each other and shook their 
 heads, but uttered not a word. They dared 
 not.' 
 
 SCHOOL FOR COLORED CHILDREN. 
 
 We, with several other gentlemen, visited, 
 during the past month, a primary school for 
 colored children in Boston, kept by Miss Paul. 
 We were highly gratified. This school does 
 great credit to the instructress. The children 
 appeared very cheerful, and were remarkably 
 orderly. They seemed to be effectually gov- 
 erned, obeying a word or sign of their teacher 
 with great readiness. It is, however, her 
 kindness which directs them, much more than 
 force, to which we believe she seldom if ever 
 resorts. We heard the children go through 
 some of their exercises, in which it did not 
 seem to us they appeared at all inferior to 
 white children. They also sung two or three 
 times, to the high gratification of their visitors. 
 It struck us, though we are no great judge 
 of singing, that their performance was quite 
 equal, if not rather superior to any that wc 
 had ever heard at schools of white children. 
 
Emancipation Concert— Intelligence from Liberia. 
 
 127 
 
 EMANCIPATION CONCERT. 
 
 The following information is extracted from 
 the Religious Intelligencer of May 4, publish- 
 ed at New-Haven, Conn. It affords one 
 among many proofs of the increasing interest 
 which is felt in our colored population. 
 
 'A monthly concert of prayer has been es- 
 tablished in this city, to be holden on the eve- 
 ning of the last Monday of each month, in be- 
 half of the millions of our fellow men who are 
 kept in slavery. At the last meeting which 
 was attended by Christians of different names 
 and different colors, but of one mind and one 
 spirit, the following resolution was adopted. 
 
 Resolved, That with reference to the eman- 
 cipation of the enslaved in this and other lands, 
 and also the improvement and salvation of the 
 people of color in the United States and the 
 world ; that ' all our expectation is from God ;' 
 that while we engage in efforts to promote 
 these great and important ends, we would in- 
 vite the followers of Christ, every where, to 
 unite with us in a concert of prayer to Almigh- 
 ty God on the last Monday evening of each 
 month, to plead for the oppressed and neglect- 
 ed people of color — that His arm would bring 
 about their emancipation, improvement and 
 salvation. 
 
 The meeting also voted that a copy of the 
 Resolution be presented to the Editor of the 
 Religious Intelligencer, for publication, ac- 
 companied with a request to the publishers of 
 other religious papers to give it an insertion 
 in their columns. 
 
 Will not the children of God, every where, 
 unite in this great enterprise ? We know of 
 no subject of deeper interest, than the univer- 
 sal abolition of slavery ; and we know of no 
 way to accomplish it, but to ask counsel of 
 God. At the throne of grace all parties can 
 meet. The friends of immediate emancipa- 
 tion who can think of no plan to accomplish 
 their wishes, may ask the Lord to interpose, 
 and rejoice that He reigns.' 
 
 INTELLIGENCE FROM LIBERIA. 
 Extracts of a Letters from Dr. Mechlin. 
 Liberia, March 7, 1833. 
 Dear Sir: — T. am still in this land of pro- 
 bation, laboring in the cause of African Colo- 
 nization, and am happy to find that my efforts 
 have not been entirely unsuccessful. 'Tis 
 true the materials to be operated upon have 
 not been of the best kind, and to this cause 
 our slim progress is mainly attributed. Could 
 we have a greater proportion of intelligent and 
 enterprising people of color sent out, every 
 thing would soon assume a different appear- 
 ance : and our agriculture, which is now in a 
 languishing condition, would advance pari 
 
 will continue so I cannot say ; the fever must 
 and will have him ere many days have elaps- 
 ed. It was his intention to have left this im- 
 mediately for the interior, but yielding to the 
 solicitations of Dr. Hall and myself, he has 
 consented to remain some time longer, in or- 
 der to undergo the severe process of acclima- 
 tion. He is, I think, well calculated for the 
 work he has undertaken — perhaps a little too 
 confiding in the integrity of our natives ; this, 
 however, a little intercourse will soon correct ; 
 as those on the coast have just so much of civil- 
 ization as to become the most accomplished 
 rogues the world can produce.' 
 
 * # * # # * # 
 
 ' This season has been unusually unhealthy. 
 * * * We had, at one time, upwards of FOUR 
 HUNDRED invalids on our list: of these, by 
 far the greater number (say two-thirds) were at 
 'Caldwell, and the remainder scattered over 
 the town of Monrovia, in such shelters as could 
 be procured. Under these circumstances, it 
 was impossible that any one physician could 
 give the requisite attendance. Dr. Hall made 
 the attempt, but was soon attacked with fever, 
 induced by the great fatigue and exposure 
 which he underwent. From this attack he can 
 scarcely be considered convalescent : and the 
 consequent prostration is so great, that I have 
 advised him to return to the United States in 
 the vessel that conveys this ; there being but 
 little probability of his recovering sufficient 
 strength and health to be of any service, with- 
 out atemporary residence in a more healthy 
 climate ; and to remain hire during the rainy 
 season, would, I am convinced, be to sacrifice his 
 lift . He has, therefore, although reluctantly, 
 yielded to my solicitations ; and should his life 
 be spared, you may expect to see him at Wash- 
 ington shortly after the receipt of this. His 
 departure will, of course, throiv the whole of the 
 medical duties on me, and these I cannot dis- 
 charge, although I have every disposition to af- 
 ford all the aid and assistance in my power. I 
 have already ,since the departure of Dr.Todsen, 
 been twice confined to my bed with severe in- 
 disposition, occasioned by fatigue and expo- 
 sure to the sun and night air, during my atten- 
 dance on the sick ; and there is every proba- 
 bility, should the necessity for my services 
 continue, that I shall have repeated attacks ; 
 but as this is unavoidable, I will continue in 
 the course I am pursuing, and willingly abide- 
 the result.' 
 
 COLONIZATION CORRESPONDENCE. 
 A Correspondence between sundry citizens 
 of New York, viz : Arthur Tappan, George 
 Bourne, William Goodell, Joshua Leavitt, Lew- 
 is Tappan, S. P. Hines, Henry R. Piercy, C. 
 W. Dennison,L. D. Dewey, Theodore D. Weld, 
 C. G. Finney, and'G. 11 Barker,and R.R. Gurley, 
 
 passu with our commercial prosperity. 
 
 Your friend, the Rev. J. B. Pinney, is still Secretary of the American Colomzatwn Society 
 here and in excellent health; how long he I has lately appeared in an Extra Emancipator. 
 
128 .Yew Publications — New Anti-Slavery Socitty — Poetry — Money collected. 
 
 The reply of the New Fork gentlemen to Mr. 
 Gurley, contains a powerful, and we may say 
 unanswerable confutation of the principles of 
 the American Colonization Society. We 
 should be glad to publish it, if our limits 
 would permit. 
 
 NEW INTI-SLAVERY PUBLICATIONS. 
 
 We have received several new anti-slavery 
 publications. We have time and space barely 
 to mention their names. 
 
 An Address to the citizens of Philadelphia, 
 on the subject of Slavery. Delivered in 
 the hall of the Franklin Institute, on the 
 4th of 7th month, (July,) A. D. L833. By 
 Edwin P. Atlee, .M. 1). of Philadelphia. 
 Published by particular request. 
 
 The sound principles advocated in this ad- 
 dress are highly favorable to the author, and 
 can scarcely fail to produce good effects. 
 
 Four Sermons, preached in the chapel of the 
 Western Reserve College, (Ohio) on Lord's 
 days, November 18th and 25th, and De- 
 cember 2nd and 9th, 18:52. By Beriah 
 Green, Professor of Sacred Literature, in 
 the College. 
 
 We have just received these valuable dis- 
 courses, we hope to notice them more fully in 
 a future number. 
 
 ANTI-SLAVERY SOCIETY AT ASSONET. 
 
 The following is an extract of a letter from Arnold 
 Buffum to the Corresponding Secretary of the New- 
 England Anti-Slavery Society, dated July 1G : 
 
 ' In my last from Taunton I mentioned that it was 
 proposed to form an Anti-Slavery Society at Assonet. 
 I returned there and gave them an address on Friday 
 evening of last week, written expressly for the occa- 
 sion, containing a historical narration of the rise and 
 progress of the anti-slavery cause, showing its result 
 in an imperishable monument of 350,000 persons of col- 
 or delivered from personal bondage. 1 then showed 
 them how the increase of free persons of color alarmed 
 tlir legislature of Virginia and the slaveholders in gen- 
 eral, and led to the formation of the Coloi 
 scheme. I gave them the history, character and prin- 
 ciples of that scheme, and exhibited the deception 
 practised by the agents of the slaveholders, and invit- 
 ed them to organise a Society to resist the progress of 
 these- deceptions, and to promote the anti-slavery 
 cause. 1 then read our constitution, and took a vote 
 whether they would proceed to form a Society. The 
 vote was iiimous in the affirmative. Three cler- 
 gymen all in the place were present, an I all spoke in 
 favor of forming a Society, and all put down their 
 names as members. <>ur constitution, so altered as to 
 adapt it to an auxiliary society, was unanimously 
 adopted. Dea. Hurt was chosei Chairman, and Rev. 
 \\ in. ( 'hi' Secretary ; a number of names were given 
 and a Committee appointed to solicit further subscrip- 
 tions to the constitution, and the meeting was adjourn- 
 ed one week to meet for the choice of officers. I saw 
 the Committee the next morning ; they said liiev should 
 have a very respectable Society, and they think they 
 will send a delegate to Philadelphia, to assist at the 
 formation of the National Society.' 
 
 'THE HUMMING BIRD.' 
 
 The following lines form the motto of an 
 
 English periodical work, with the above title. 
 
 As the small Bird, that fluttering roves 
 Among Jamaica's tam'rind groves, 
 
 A feathered busy bee, 
 In note scarce rising to a song, 
 Incessant, hums the whole day long, 
 
 In slavery's Island, free ! 
 So shall • A still small voice' be heard, 
 Though humble as the Humming Bird, 
 
 In Britain's groi es of oak ; 
 And to tin; peasant from tin- King, 
 In every ear shall ceaseles sing, 
 
 ' Free Afric from her yoke!' 
 
 COLLECTIONS M \ Dl'. |;\ \ KV >LD BUFFUM 
 
 I'M: THE NEW-ENGLAND INTI-SLAVERY SOCIETY. 
 
 At Maiden 2 50 
 
 Baptist meeting in New-Bedford - - 15 50 
 
 African do. do. 
 
 Baptist Meeting in Newport 
 
 Bristol 
 Taunton - 
 
 Providence 
 
 Pawtucket - . - 
 
 \V< socket - 
 
 Slaterville 
 
 Uxbridge 
 
 Grafton 
 
 Leicester - 
 
 Worcester ..... 
 
 Ware 
 
 Belchertown - 
 
 Springfield - 
 
 Sunderland ..... 
 
 Greenfield 
 
 Brattleboro' ....'. 
 Walpole, N. II. .... 
 
 Kecne 
 
 Newport, R. I. 
 Taunton - 
 
 Dorchester 
 
 Lowell 
 
 Andover - 
 
 Newburyport .... 
 
 Lowell 
 
 Rev. Mr. Himes' church, Boston 
 
 Lynn 
 
 Wobnrn ..... 
 
 Fall River 
 
 A liii an Church, New-ISedford 
 Christian do. do. 
 
 Emerson's do., Boston - 
 \\ est Bridgewater - - - 
 North do. .... 
 
 West Randolph - 
 Brighton - 
 
 Congregational Church, New-Bedford 
 Danvers, Sewall's church 
 Lynn - - - - 
 Discussion at Salem ... 
 William Ladd 
 Beverly - 
 
 Tabernacle, Salem ... 
 3d African Church, Philadelphia 
 Dea. Dean, New-Haven 
 Total, 
 
 11 7:> 
 
 4 68 
 00 91 
 
 5 00 
 5 75 
 3 70 
 1 50 
 
 - 1 35 
 17 16 
 
 7 80 
 
 3 00 
 1 37 
 
 00 71 
 
 1 52 
 00 75 
 
 2 50 
 00 76 
 
 2 30 
 
 4 00 
 7 00 
 
 1 75 
 9 00 
 9 00 
 
 15 30 
 
 2 69 
 
 5 00 
 
 4 50 
 14 00 
 
 6 57 
 
 7 00 
 
 5 75 
 4 '27 
 
 10 25 
 .'2 15 
 1 80 
 
 - 1 75 
 
 3 80 
 
 3 90 
 
 4 40 
 7 00 
 
 1 25 
 20 12 
 
 5 00 
 4 70 
 
 6 50 
 22 70 
 
 2 00 
 £308 90 
 
 The Treasurer of the N. L\ Anti-Slavery Society 
 acknowledges the receipl of the following in July : 
 From Charles Stuart. Esq. of Liverpool. Eng. 15 00 
 Annual assessments from members - 9 00 
 
 Amount of collections at Masonic Hall and 
 
 r.ovlston Hall .... 5157 
 
 Total ... £78 57 
 
 JAMES C. ODIORNE, Treasurer. 
 
THE ABOLITIONIST. 
 
 VOL. I.] 
 
 SEPTEMBER, 183 3 . 
 
 [NO. IX. 
 
 MRS. CHILD'S APPEAL. 
 An .Appeal in favor of that Class of Ameri- 
 cans called Africans. By Mrs. Child. Bos- 
 ton : Allen fy Ticknor. 1833. 12 mo. pp. 
 232. 
 
 We heard a few months since with great 
 satisfaction that Mrs. Child was engaged in 
 preparing a work on slavery. We felt sure 
 that any thing which she should write on the 
 subject, would exert a beneficial and power- 
 ful moral influence on the public mind. It is 
 but justice to say, that the high anticipations 
 which we had formed of the merits of Mrs. 
 Child's book, have been more than realized by 
 its perusal. That it will do great good, we 
 feel entire confidence. The great difficulty 
 with which abolitionists in this country, have 
 hitherto had to contend, has been that very 
 few have been willing to give them a fair hear- 
 ing. The cultivated and refined at the north, 
 having taken for granted the comfortable doc- 
 trine that slavery was an evil with which they 
 had nothing to do, have listened to the argu- 
 ments of its opposers, with the same feelings of 
 impatience and disgust with which theyreatl the 
 soiled andthumbworn petitions and certificates 
 of strolling beggars. But the work of an au- 
 thor of established reputation, one whose writ- 
 ings they have been accustomed to admire, 
 cannot be condemned without examination. 
 She must be heard. 
 
 The nature of this volume may be judged 
 of by the following table of the contents of 
 the chapters. That we may not seem so un- 
 critical as to see no fault in the volume, we 
 venture to suggest that such a table ought to 
 have preceded the body of the work. 
 
 Chapter I. Brief history of Slavery. — Its 
 irn vitable effect upon all concerned in it. 
 
 Chap. II. Comparative view of Slavery in 
 different ages and nations. 
 
 Chap. III. Free Labor and Slave Labor. — 
 Possibility of safe Emancipation. 
 
 Chap. IV. Influence of Slavery on the Pol- 
 itics of the United States. 
 
 VOL. I. 
 
 Chap. V. Colonization Society and Anti- 
 Slavery Society. 
 
 Chap. VI. Intellect of JVegroes. 
 
 Chap. VII. Moral Character of Negroes. 
 
 Chap. VIII. Prejudices against People of 
 Color, and our Duties in relation to this sub- 
 ject. 
 
 On every one of these subjects, Mrs. Child 
 has collected useful and interesting informa- 
 tion, much of which will be new to most of her 
 readers. It is not, however, only, or chiefly, as 
 a valuable collection of facts that this volume 
 should be recommended. The conclusion to 
 be drawn from these facts are presented with 
 force and directness. The book too is writ- 
 ten with great terseness and spirit, and warm- 
 ed throughout by a glow of benevolent feel- 
 ing. Yet with all this, upon a subject so ex- 
 citing as slavery, the author though she ex- 
 presses her sentiments fearlessly and distinctly, 
 never indulges in mere abuse and railing, and 
 while she makes no sacrifice of principle, or 
 concealment of truth, to conciliate slavehold- 
 ers and their advocates, she never says any 
 thing merely for the sake of producing irrita- 
 tion. The work throughout is distinguished 
 by kindness and courtesy towards those whose 
 opinions and practices she is compelled to 
 condemn. 
 
 It is not very easy to make selections from 
 a volume that contains so much which we 
 should be glad to have placed before all our 
 readers. The following passage, however, 
 shows the ability with which the author rea- 
 sons, and also exhibits the sound sense and 
 strong moral feeling which pervade the vol- 
 ume. After having related some instances of 
 atrocious cruelties inflicted on slaves, she con- 
 tinues : 
 
 ' I shall be told that such examples as these 
 are of rare occurrence ; and 1 have no doubt 
 that instances of excessive severity are far 
 from being common. I believe that a large 
 proportion of masters are as kind to their 
 slaves as they can be, consistently with keep- 
 ing them in bondage ; but it must be allowed 
 that this, to make the best of it, is very stinted 
 17 
 
i:JO 
 
 Mrs. Child's Appeal. 
 
 kindness. And let it never be forgotfa d that 
 the negro's fate depends entirely on the char- 
 acter of his master ; and it is a mere matter 
 of chance un< th r he fall intomerciful or un- 
 merciful hands ; his happiness, nay, his very 
 life, depends on chance. 
 
 The slave owners are always telling u . 
 the accounts of slave misery are abominably 
 exaggerated; and their plea is supported by 
 individuals, who se< m to think thai char- 
 ity was made to cover sins, not to cure them. 
 But without listening to the zealous op 
 of slavery, we shall find in the judicial reports 
 of the Southern States, and in the ordinary 
 details of their newspapers, more than enough 
 to startle us; besides, we must not forg 
 ■where one instance of cruelly comes to our 
 knowledge, hundreds are kept secret; and the 
 more public attention is awakend to the sub- 
 ject, the more caution will be used in this re- 
 spect. 
 
 Why should we be deceived by the sophis- 
 try of those whose interest it is to gloss over 
 iniquity, and who from long habit have learn- 
 ed to believe that it is no iniquity ? It is a 
 very simple process to judge rightly in this 
 matter, .lust ask yourself the question, where 
 you could find a set of men, in whose power 
 you would be willing to place yourself, if the 
 laws allowed them to sin against you with im- 
 punity ? 
 
 But it is urged that it is the interest of plan- 
 ters to treat their slaves well. This argument 
 no doubt has some force ; and it is the poor 
 negro's only security. But it is likewise the 
 interest of men to treat their cattle kindly; 
 yet we see that passion and short-sighted av- 
 arice do overcome the strongest motives of in- 
 terest. Cattle are beat unmercifully, some- 
 times unto death ; they are ruined by being 
 over-worked : weakened by want of sufficient 
 food ; and so forth. Besides, it is sometimes 
 directly for the interest of the planterto work 
 his chives beyond their strength. When there 
 is a sudden rise in the prices of sugar, a cer- 
 tain amount of labor in a given time is of more 
 consequence to the owner of a plantation, than 
 the price of several slaves; he can well afford 
 to \\ aste a few lives. This is no idle hypoth- 
 esis — such calculations are gravely and open- 
 ly made by planters. Hence, it is the slave's 
 prayer that sugars may be cheap. W T hen the 
 negro is old, or feeble from incurable disease, 
 is it his master's interest to feed him well, and 
 clothe him comfortably ? Certainly not : it 
 then becomes desirable to get rid of the hu- 
 man brute as soon as convenient. It is a 
 common remark, that it is not quite safe, in 
 most cases, for even parents to be entirely de- 
 pendent on the generosity of their children; 
 and if human nature he' such, what has the 
 slave to exp< ct, when he becomes a mere bill 
 of expense ? 
 
 It is a common retort tosa\ that New-Eng- 
 landers, who go to the South, toon learn to 
 
 patronise the system they have considered so 
 abominable, and often become proverbial for 
 their seventy. I have not the least doubt of 
 the fact; for slavery contaminates all (hat 
 comes within its influence. It would be very 
 absurd to imagine that the inhabitants of one 
 State are worse than the inhabitants of anoth- 
 er, unless some peculiar circumstances, of 
 universal influence, tend to make them so. 
 Human nature is every where the same ; but 
 developed differently, by different excitements 
 and temptations. It is the bu>iness of wise 
 legislation to discovet "hat influences are 
 most productive of good, and the least condu- 
 cive to evil. If we were educated at tin; 
 South, we should no doubt vindicate slavery, 
 and inherit as a birthright all the evils it en- 
 grafts upon the character. If they lived on 
 our rocky soil, and under our inclement skies, 
 their shrewdness would sometimes border 
 upon knavery, and their frugality sometimes 
 degenerate into parsimony. We both have 
 our virtues and our faults, induced by the in- 
 fluences under which we live, and, of course, 
 totally different in their character. Our dc- 
 i : bad enough ; but they cannot, like sla- 
 very, affect the destiny and rights of millions. 
 
 All this mutual recrimination about horse- 
 jockeys, gamblers,' tin-pedlars, and venders of 
 wooden nutmegs, is quite unworthy of a great 
 nation. Instead of calmly examining this im- 
 portant subject on the plain grounds of jus- 
 tice and humanity, we allow it to degenerate 
 into a mere question of sectional pride and 
 vanity. [Pardon the Americanism, would we 
 had less use for the word !] It is the system, 
 not the me?i, on which we ought to bestow the 
 full measure of abhorrence. If we were wil- 
 ling to forget ourselves, and could, like true 
 republicans, prefer the common good to all 
 other considerations, there would not be a 
 slave in the United States, at the end of half 
 a century. 
 
 The arguments in support of slavery are all 
 hollow and deceptive, though frequently very 
 specious. No one thinks of finding- a founda- 
 tion for the system in the principles of truth 
 and justice ; and the unavoidable result is, that 
 even in policy it is unsound. The monstrous 
 fabric rests on the mere appearance of present 
 expediency ; while, in fact, all its tendencies 
 individual and national, present and remote, 
 are highly injurious to the true interests of 
 the country. The slave owner will not be- 
 lieve this. The stronger the evidence against 
 his favorite theories, the more strenuously he 
 defendsthem. it has been wisely said, ' Hon- 
 esty is the best policy; but policy without 
 honesty never finds that out.' 
 
 I hope none will be so literal as to suppose 
 I intend to say that no planter can be honest, 
 in tin' acceptation of that term. I 
 
 simply mean that all who ground their argu- 
 ments in policy, and not in du ; and plain 
 truth, are really blind to the highest and best 
 interests of man. 1 
 
Dialogue between a Colonizationist and an Abolitionist. 
 
 V.tt 
 
 {For the Abolitionist.] 
 
 DIALOGUE 
 
 BETWEEN C, A COLONIZATIONIST, AND A, AN 
 
 ABOLITIONIST, ON THE SUBJECT OF THE 
 
 ANTI-SLAVERY SOCIETY. 
 (Concluded.) 
 
 C. You undertook to convince rne that the 
 Northern people can act practically in the 
 matter of negro slavery. I presume you hardly 
 venture to say that Congress has power to 
 decree emancipation ; if you do, I refer you 
 to the letter of Daniel Webster, lately pub- 
 lished, on the subject. 
 
 A. I agree perfectly with Mr, Webster. 
 There can be no doubt that our Legislatures, 
 can make no law whatever to compel a slave- 
 holder, in another State, to emancipate, or 
 even to abstain from murdering, his slaves, 
 and that Congress is equally powerless in 
 this respect. But yet Congress can do much ; 
 and so can the Legislatures, and so can the 
 people. I call it a strictly practical object, to 
 prepare an engine by means of which great 
 effects are to be produced. Now, public sen- 
 timent is all powerful ; and if it can be so ex- 
 cited as to bear with its immense weight upon 
 this question, the effect must be great and 
 practical. The publications which prepared 
 the minds of the colonists for the revolutionary 
 struggle, were not less practical than the ac- 
 tual military effects that were prompted by 
 them. The force of truth and moral suasion, 
 over an intelligent people, can hardly be over- 
 rated, and should never be disdained. 
 
 C. But if the suasion is to be addressed 
 only to the Southern people, it ought at least, 
 to be more gentle, if it is to be effectual. 
 
 A. It is not addressed only, or chiefly, to 
 the Southern people. We have no objection 
 to their hearing us, and no wish to exasperate 
 them — but we care not for their anger. To 
 say loss than the truth, would be unworthy of 
 us as freemen ; and if the (ruth plainly spoken 
 gives offence, the fault must be in the hearers, 
 not in the speakers. I am ashamed of my 
 country and amazed at its degeneracy when 
 I hear it said that truths, undeniable truths, 
 ought to.be suppressed or only whispered with 
 closed doors, for fear of giving offence ! Such 
 was not the principle on which our fathers 
 acted, or the revolution could never have oc- 
 curred. 
 
 C. But is it wise to irritate and alienate 
 the Southern people by needless repetition of 
 reproaches ? 
 
 A. It is wise always to assert our rights, 
 by words and practice. The rights of speech 
 and of the press are infinitely more valuable 
 than the fame to be gained or preserved, by 
 yielding them up to arrogance and pride. It 
 would reduce us to the condition of slaves, to 
 be prohibited from speaking the truth, when, 
 where, and how we please. When Napoleon 
 complained to the British government, of the 
 abusiveness of the London newspapers, the 
 answer he received was that the press was 
 free, hut if he was libelled, the courts were 
 open to him for redress. Arc we less free 
 than the British ? And are not our courts open 
 to any slaveholder who is injured ? We shrink 
 from no responsibility ; seek no concealment. 
 The northern people owe it to their own dig- 
 nity and independence, to treat with scorn all 
 anger which is produced by the exercise of 
 our just rights. 
 
 C. But does the irritation that you occa- 
 sion help forward the object at all ? Does it 
 not obviously cause the blacks to be more 
 rigorously treated than ever? 
 
 A. The irritation neither helps nor hin- 
 ders, or if it does hinder that is no reason for 
 giving up our consciences. The Temperance 
 Society gave offence to many, but that was 
 unavoidable, and has not hindered the immense 
 benefits of its operations. When, a few years 
 since, some of the Middle States passed reso- 
 lutions offering to concur in giving up the 
 whole of the public lands for the purpose of 
 purchasing the slaves from their bondage, 
 was not the proposition generous and kind, 
 and entitled to the thanks of the North ? 
 
 C. It was silly perhaps, but certainly gen- 
 erous ; and has been revived, in part, by the 
 land-bill which the President lately vetoed. 
 
 A. Well, what was the conduct of the 
 Southern States ? They treated the project 
 as an impertinence — an offensive intermed- 
 dling in their affairs. Now it is plain that 
 irritability so morbid deserves no considera- 
 tion. There will be scolding ; but are we to 
 be frightened because they make faces at us ? 
 No reformation of conduct, or sentiment, ever 
 was, or will be effected, without offence being 
 given. The truth will, nevertheless, reach 
 some hearts and produce its legitimate effect. 
 The fact is that, already, some slaveholders 
 have been convinced, and have been induced 
 to emancipate their slaves. Emancipation by 
 last wills, is also more frequent. In the pros- 
 pect of death conscience has great power. To 
 
J32 
 
 Dialogue, between a Colonizationist and an Abolitionist. 
 
 bring truth home to the conscience is, there- 
 fore, an important and a practical object. 
 
 C. These are, then, the modes in which 
 the northern people can act practically in these 
 matters. 
 
 A. This is not all. The whole subject 
 branches out into various considerations. But 
 in discussing any and all of them, it is requi- 
 site to get rid of the bug-bear of southern ir- 
 ritation, and also to shake off the delusions of 
 that timidity which dreads to look at the plain 
 truth and to speak it. 
 
 C. Suppose, then, I grant that the anger of 
 the South ought not to be regarded, and that 
 truth is at all times to be spoken, (notwith- 
 standing the proverb,) then what follows ? 
 
 A. Then as freemen, and Americans, and 
 Christians, it is incumbent on us to look at our 
 actual condition, and see in what degree we 
 are accessaries to the crime of holding our 
 fellow men in chains, and subjecting them to 
 a cruel oppression. It is our duty to inquire 
 what we can do lawfully, and not inconsis- 
 tently with our political or moral obligations, to 
 right this grievous wrong, or to mitigate its 
 barbarity. It is our duty to see whether we 
 are not doing more to aid an iniquitous op- 
 pression, than our political relations require of 
 us. These inquiries involve many questions 
 of expediency in local as well as national leg- 
 islation, which, if we are not ourselves in 
 bondage, we have the same right to discuss, 
 to suggest, or to present to the minds of oth- 
 ers, as we have to discuss the tariff, the bank, 
 or the charter of a rail-road company. 
 
 C. I must say that these views are strange 
 to me. Is not our condition merely that of a 
 bystander ; and does not the Constitution for- 
 bid our active interference ? 
 
 . /. By no means. When the Constitution 
 was formed, a spirit of compromise prevailed, 
 but whether it was carried too far I need not 
 say. Let it stand, but if the bond gives to the 
 slaveholders unreasonable advantages, (in 
 the slave representation and other matters) let 
 them make the best of their bargain, but not 
 seek to exceed its terms. We have a right 
 to say that Shylock shall have his pound of 
 flesh, 'but not a drop of blood.' The northern 
 people yielded much and enough to the ne- 
 cessity of the crisis ; but they could not be in- 
 duced to admit the word, slave or slavery into 
 the Constitution. They agreed however that 
 ' persons held to labor or service ' escaping 
 into another State should be ' delivered up on 
 
 claim of the person to whom the service or 
 labor may be due.' Well, this is the Consti- 
 tution — but the southern people are said to de- 
 sire much more than the bond, and shocking 
 abuses, never contemplated as consequences 
 of the concession, are told of, as practiced un- 
 der this provision. Have we not a right to 
 sec whether it be really so ? la many of the 
 States legislative enactments have been add- 
 ed to facilitate the restoration of slaves to 
 their chains. The claim, as a preliminary, is 
 dispensed with. But these statutes were fair 
 subjects of discussion; and being all liable to 
 repeal or amendment, they are still perfectly 
 legitimate subjects of our consideration. Now 
 if the whole matter is exclusively of southern 
 cognizance, we have no right to discuss the 
 enactment or repeal of one of our Own stat- 
 utes ; and our legislature has only, like the 
 old Parliament of France, to register the edicts 
 of a master. 
 
 C. I admit the propriety of discussing our 
 own statutes. Indeed no one can doubt it. 
 
 A. But our friends, the slaveholders, are 
 afraid, if we discuss any thing that has the word 
 slave or the word freedom in it. However, 
 this is one only, of several such matters equal- 
 ly within our proper cognizance. The Con- 
 stitution also permitted Congress to prohibit 
 the slave trade after 1808, or in terms, ' the 
 migration or importation of such persons as 
 the states shall think proper to admit.' Con- 
 gress did accordingly prohibit the external 
 slave trade, and the bill was surely a fair sub- 
 ject of remark both during^ its pendency and 
 after its passage, in all parts of the country. 
 But the prohibition of the internal trade or 
 ' migration ' is equally before the whole nation 
 as a question of expediency, — and any man 
 or any Society has a perfect right to propose 
 and recommend it. Shall it be said that we 
 of the north have not the same right with 
 those of the south, to discuss a question of na- 
 tional expediency and constitutional law ? 
 Why certainly our southern fellow citizens 
 are bewildered when they say it. And our 
 own neighbors are strangely misled when 
 they give their assent to the adoption. 
 
 C. That would, at all events, be a matter 
 for Congress, and may as well be left there. 
 
 A. But Congress represents the people of 
 the north as well as the south, and the con- 
 stituents have a certain right to discuss the 
 conduct of their representatives, both as to 
 what they have done, and what they have 
 
Dialogue between a Colonizationist and an Abolitionist. 
 
 133 
 
 omitted to do. There is, therefore, perfect 
 propriety in our discussing the subject of sla- 
 very in all its aspects. But further : the Con- 
 stitution also guarantees each state ' against 
 domestic violence.' Now let us consider what 
 was the undertaking at the time. Surely it 
 is fair to argue that it was the tacit agreement 
 that the slaveholding states should do all that 
 humanity dictates, consistent with slave prop- 
 erty, to ameliorate the condition of the ' persons 
 held to labor : ' at least, that they should be 
 treated as persons not as brutes. Well, but 
 if it be true, that the slaves are far worse treat- 
 ed than they were ; — that marriage is not al- 
 lowed, — [the institution that so much distin- 
 guishes man from beasts] — that instruction in 
 religion is withheld — no protection to life af- 
 forded — no restraint on cruelty provided ; — if, 
 in short, the slaveholders do not perform their 
 part of the contract, may we not question 
 whether we are bound to comply with ours ? 
 At all events, these circumstances or any oth- 
 ers may fairly be urged as reasons for amend- 
 ing the Constitution, by striking out those 
 words which now bind us to support the slave- 
 holder, in a more cruel treatment of his slaves 
 than is permitted to slaveholders under the 
 British, French, Spanish or Portuguese gov- 
 ernments. 
 
 C. It will be difficult to prove the fact. I 
 do not believe it. 
 
 A. The question is, whether we have a 
 right to inquire into the fact ; the slavehold- 
 ers say we have no right to meddle with the 
 subject, but I contend that our Constitution 
 guarantees our right to amend it, of course to 
 propose and discuss amendments, and there- 
 fore to examine the facts that supply a motive 
 for an amendment. 
 
 C. An amendment of the Constitution is 
 out of the question, against the will of the 
 slaveholding states. 
 
 A. Not entirely out of the question ; we 
 ought not to suppose it. The presumption 
 should be in their favor, that they would not 
 all be opposed to it. But there is another con- 
 sideration. Congress have the sole and abso- 
 lute regulation of the District of Columbia. 
 Our members have repeatedly had occasion to 
 vote on resolutions introduced there, having 
 in view the breaking up of the slave market, 
 now kept open under the very shadow of the 
 Capitol. In all questions upon which repre- 
 sentatives vote, Ave, the constituents, have a 
 right to enlighten and inform them. We have 
 
 also a right to make our wishes known. We 
 have therefore a full right to discuss the sub- 
 ject of slavery as it exists at the seat of our 
 national government. It is no question of ex- 
 clusively southern cognizance. It is of na- 
 tional cognizance ; and we are just as respon- 
 sible for the continuance of slavery at the seat 
 of government, and for the abuses and cruelties 
 that attend it, (which are shocking,) as the 
 southern people are. In what one point 
 of view, therefore, can the subject of slavery 
 and its evils be said to belong exclusively 
 to the south ? 
 
 C. In respect to immediate emancipation. 
 You grant that we cannot effect it by persua- 
 sion. And also in regard to the treatment of 
 the slaves. 
 
 A. But in pursuing the object by persua- 
 sion, we have a right to say that if they will 
 not shew any intention to emancipate or to 
 improve the condition of the slaves, we will do 
 our best to eradicate slavery from the District 
 of Columbia — and from Florida — which may 
 be done without persuasion ; and that we will 
 not facilitate the restoration of fugitives be- 
 yond the letter of the Constitution ;— and that 
 we will not hold ourselves bound to assist in 
 quelling domestic violence which they have 
 provoked by needless severity. And we may 
 and we ought to continue the cry of 'shame — 
 shame ' upon them, until they render their 
 slave-code at least equal injustice and mercy 
 to that of despotic Portugal or Spain. But 
 there is still another matter that is, beyond all 
 doubt, within our own domestic notice. The 
 influence of slavery is such that our own peo- 
 ple are infected, and there is danger of our 
 returning to the slave trade again. In Illinois 
 the project has been very seriously entertain- 
 ed of introducing slavery. In Connecticut the 
 legislature has prohibited, under penalties, the 
 giving instruction to colored persons. Whence 
 comes the impetus for this retrograde move- 
 ment ? How is it that Connecticut has been 
 disgraced by a statute making the communi- 
 cation of knowledge a penal offence? How 
 must public sentiment be vitiated when it can 
 bear such an outrage on humanity ! It is a 
 crime in Connecticut to cultivate human intel- 
 lect, and pour moral instruction into an im- 
 mortal soul ! There is no difficulty in saying 
 how this comes. The notion has been broad- 
 ly asserted in the south and has been imbibed 
 here, that colored men are not ' persons held 
 to labor,' but brute animals, creatures below 
 
134 
 
 The Plea of Justice. 
 
 humanity. The quietists of our land — those 
 who exclaim against our Society, and cry 
 ' peace, peace, when there is no peace ' — con- 
 nive at this monstrous doctrine and encourage 
 it by their pass It is time for these 
 
 Christian and friends of humanity to 
 
 wake up and 
 
 C. All ! you are making an oration now ; 
 — I r ll hear no more. [And he went off with- 
 out giving .]. a chance to finish his sentence.] 
 
 THE PLEA OF JUSTICE. 
 [Concluded from our last.] 
 
 From the absolute right of the slaves to 
 their liberty, the absolute obligation of mas- 
 ters individually to liberate them has been 
 inferred, and equally absolute is the obliga- 
 tion upon slave-holding states, to render equal 
 justice to all, to restore those rights which 
 have been invaded, and to protect blacks as 
 well as whites in the free exercise of every 
 right. Nor can any view of the interests or 
 supposed rights of the masters be a just cause 
 for continuing to violate the rights of the 
 slaves. Perhaps those governments which 
 have sanctioned slavery may be thought to 
 owe some compensation, when in rendering 
 justice to one class of persons, it takes from 
 another class what its own laws have regard- 
 ed as their property ; but there can be no 
 pretence of justice in satisfying the masters 
 at the expense of the slaves. The claim of 
 the masters against the government, if they 
 have any claim, is such as one partner in a 
 robbery would have against another who, re- 
 covering his sense of honesty, should insist 
 upon restoring their booty. Whatever en- 
 gagements they may have entered into with 
 each other, the whole transaction being found- 
 ed in iniquity, it might be a difficult matter for 
 equity to decide in what way these en- 
 gagements should be fulfilled, or the compen- 
 sation which the repentant partner would owe 
 to the other; but leaving that question to be set- 
 tled between themselves, his obligation not to 
 keep the purloined property from the right own- 
 er, is in the mean time indisputable, and no way 
 connected with the decision of the other point. 
 
 But the grand objection to restoring the 
 slaves at once to the exercise of their rights, 
 and certainly the most plausible, is the sup- 
 posed danger of such a measure. It would 
 be madness, it. is said, to let loose upon soci- 
 ety such a multitude of ignorant and irriated 
 beings who would be intoxicated by the lib- 
 erty to which they are unaccustomed, and 
 Avould be withheld by no principle from any 
 outrage to which their passions or necessities 
 might incite them. To retain thcin in their 
 present condition is wickedness and madness 
 both. Is there not danger now ? What is it 
 that is the chief source of danger to the 
 whites, but the hostile feeling naturally ex- 
 
 cited by oppression ? Were they to cease 
 from this oppression, and 'let the oppressed 
 go free,' would not the disposition to commit 
 violence and injury be from that moment di- 
 minished in a far greater degree than the 
 power to do it would b" increased? Could 
 the danger from the freed blacks be greater, 
 than the danger which actually exists, from 
 the oppressed and enslaved blacks? Could 
 any evils resulting from the most uncondition- 
 al emancipation, made without a single pre- 
 caution, be far greater than the actual evils of 
 the present most lamentable state ot things, 
 most lamentable considered in relation to the 
 whites alone, including as it does, constant 
 suspicion, constant fear of insurrection, inju- 
 ry to their own moral and intellectual charac- 
 ter, and the gradual debasement of their mor- 
 al sense — and in prospect, the growth and in- 
 crease of all these evils, until interrupted by 
 some tremendous revolution. Must not a 
 slaveholder tremble at the very sound of the 
 words freedom, right, or justice, lest they fall 
 upon the ear, and kindle a flame in the mind 
 of some one of those who are debarred from 
 freedom, whose rights are violated, and whom 
 justice does not protect? What evils are 
 likely to result from emancipation greater 
 than these ? Though no longer slaves, would 
 not the blacks still continue in the condition 
 of laborers ? What else could they do ? 
 They have no lands, no possessions, and 
 must procure subsistence in some mode. Ig- 
 norant as they may be, they are not ignorant 
 that there are laws for the protection of prop- 
 erty, and against robbery and other crimes, 
 and that there is power to enforce these laws. 
 Nor would the laws have lost their power, 
 nor could there be any hinderance to making 
 new laws, and taking every measure of vigi- 
 lance and precaution adapted to the emergen- 
 cy when this great act of justice was about 
 to be accomplished. 
 
 But suppose that the danger from emanci- 
 pation is all that it has been represented to 
 lie. Yet the enslaved persons have a right to 
 their freedom. What is to be done ? Does 
 the fear of possible consequences to ourselves 
 render it lawful for us to inflict certain and 
 enormous injuries on others ? Does our fear 
 or our danger destroy their rights? or absolve 
 us from guilt if we violate those rights ? Be- 
 cause a man has inflicted one outrage upon 
 his neighbor, does he acquire a right to re- 
 peat it, that he may deprive him of the power 
 of expressing his resentment? It is only 
 wrong doing that can bring men into such 
 perplexity, that no course of conduct seems 
 open to them which is not fraught with dan- 
 ger. A continuance in crime will only in- 
 volve them deeper, but will never bring them 
 out of it. No, when they awake to a sense 
 of their situation, let them manfully resolve 
 to act right, whatever may be the consequen- 
 ces. The simple rule of right will guide 
 
77ie Pica of Justice. 
 
 135 
 
 them out of the labyrinth, but no calculation 
 of consequences ever will. 
 
 A gradual emancipation is thought by some 
 persons to be the just and happy medium, the 
 measure which provides at once for the safe- 
 ty of the community, the rights of the slaves, 
 the interests of the masters, and the final cure 
 of the dreadful evil of slavery. If we might 
 admit for a moment the rectitude of thus de- 
 laying justice, the rectitude of thus making 
 reparation for grievous wrong gradually, yet 
 at least the duty is absolute and undeniable, 
 if not of emancipating immediately, yet of do- 
 ing something immediately, of taking some 
 measures now which shall lead to emancipa- 
 tion. Every moment's needless delay is ad- 
 ding to the amount of crime. But may Ave 
 admit the rectitude of this principle ? To 
 provide for the emancipation of all born after 
 a certain time is making no reparation to the 
 present generation for their wrongs. To re- 
 store him to his natural rights at some future 
 time will be no compensation to any individ- 
 ual for the time during which he has been 
 debarred their exercise. It would be infinite- 
 ly better than doing nothing, but it would not 
 be all which justice requires. ' Personal free- 
 dom,' it was said by Charles Fox, ' was the 
 first right of every human being. It was a 
 right of which he who deprived a fellow crea- 
 ture, was absolutely criminal in so depriving 
 him, and which he who withheld was no less 
 criminal in withholding.' If there is danger, 
 use precaution, but why is it that the only 
 measure of safety thought of is the continu- 
 ance of injustice, continuing to withhold this 
 most sacred right from our fellow creatures. 
 Let every one be vigilant for his own safety, 
 but no longer violate the rights of others 
 through the cowardly fear that by ceasing to 
 do so, he should give them power to injure 
 him. 
 
 But the present generation of slaves, it is 
 said, doubtless too truly, arc ignorant and de- 
 graded, utterly unfit for freedom, and many 
 of them incapable of taking care of them- 
 selves. It is the danger to themselves as 
 well as to their masters, that would make the 
 emancipation of these poor creatures wrong. 
 With respect to themselves, it is said, that it 
 would be like leaving so many children to 
 their own discretion and guidance. It would 
 be neither just nor humane, it is said, sudden- 
 ly to withdraw protection and support from 
 those who have been too long dependant on 
 it to be able to do without it. All this is ad- 
 mitted. But whence arises this degradation 
 and imbecility ? From the condition of sla- 
 very, in which their lives have been passed. 
 It is this very circumstance which imposes an 
 obligation ot justice as well as of benevolence 
 to take care of them, since it is the wrongs 
 they have received which have incapacitated 
 them from taking care of themselves. They 
 who have done the wrong, or in any way par- 
 
 ticipated in doing it, are bound to do what 
 they can to repair it. Simply to restore their 
 freedom does not repair it. Surely it would 
 be a very strange conclusion from this, that 
 therefore even freedom may be withheld, and 
 these injured people retained in the very con- 
 dition which has reduced them to such deplor- 
 able imbecility. A more reasonable conclu- 
 sion is, that something more not less than free- 
 dom is their due. What this more is, may 
 briefly be stated to be, whatever will tend to 
 elevate their moral and intellectual char- 
 acter, and render them soonest capable of 
 providing for their own maintenance and com- 
 fort, and, in the mean time, maintenance and 
 comfort provided for the old and helpless, 
 such guidance and assistance to the rest as 
 will not by continuing their habits of depend- 
 ance be injurious rather than beneficial — 
 whatever, in short, will tend soonest and most 
 effectually to counteract the ill effects of their 
 past condition, and repair the injury which 
 has been done them. This includes, ofcourse, 
 and most especially, education for all who are 
 young enough to be capable of it. 
 
 The principle, that, freedom alone is not all 
 which is owing to the shaves, has been admit- 
 ted and acted upon by some individuals.— 
 Among the Quakers, who Mere among the 
 first in regard to slavery, as on other points, 
 to adopt Christian principles, some persons 
 not only liberated their slaves, although pen- 
 alties were annexed to manumission, but cal- 
 culated and paid them a sum of money as due 
 for wages during the time of their slavery. 
 
 The rights of the slaves form the main 
 ground and argument for emancipating them. 
 And let it never be forgotten what rights those 
 are, not mere abstract rights to some trifling 
 privileges, scarcely missed, if lost, though 
 even such would be sacred — but the dearest 
 and most valuable which belong to our com- 
 mon nature, rights to the most precious bless- 
 ings of which one human being can deprive 
 another. Can we conceive of any infringe- 
 ment of our rights which would excite in us 
 greater indignation than to have some power- 
 ful tyrant assume to control us in every ac- 
 tion, to say what we shall do, and where we 
 shall go, and compel us to submit in all things 
 to his will and pleasure ? Would not the in- 
 jury he immeasurably greater, and our indig- 
 nation greater than if fraud or violence de- 
 prived us of our property ? Such a wrong as 
 this includes all wrongs. What property is 
 more a man's own than the produce of his 
 own labor? But the slave is compelled to 
 labor, and then the profits of his toil enrich an- 
 other and not himself. There are more pre- 
 cious things than property ? His children are 
 not under his control or protection — another 
 may indict on them the most unreasonable 
 punishment, and the parent must look on in 
 silence — at the will of another, they may be 
 sent from him, where he will neither see nor 
 
136 
 
 The Plea of Justice. 
 
 hear from them more. If he docs not always 
 feel these things with the keenness which 
 more favored parents would suppose they 
 must n( produce, is it not because 
 
 laved conditio, i has precluded or de- 
 d the affections naturally belon 
 the relation of parent and child, and is not this 
 it a wrong as any? From all moral 
 and intellectual improvement, from all the 
 . moral and intellectual pleasures he is 
 ed. Wear i ss told, of the hap- 
 
 piness of slaves, but what kind of hap;. 
 
 'Nothing,' says Edmund Burke, 'can 
 , happy slave, but a degraded man.' It 
 is his degradation which is t . t wrong 
 
 of all. What, indeed, is left ve, but 
 
 to breathe and exist? If 
 more is granted to him, it is granted as a fa- 
 vor, not acknowledge »ht. 
 
 bare assumption of such an unrighteous 
 dominion over human beings, however lenient- 
 ly exercised, should excite our indignation, 
 as it would do were the case our own. Jus- 
 tice would make it the imperative duty of mas- 
 ters to restore freedom to their 
 the loss of, a slight evil. 
 
 some consideration of the degree and nature 
 of the wrong, of the misery and degradation 
 produced, may be necessary to excite in oth- 
 ers any sympathy for the wronged, and any 
 apprehension that they have duties in relation 
 to them. One man may injure another to 
 some trifling extent, and his neighbor not feel 
 very loudly called upon to exert himself for 
 his assistance. But when the injury is great- 
 er, when the sufferer is in danger of losing 
 his all, when his happiness begins to be deep- 
 ly affected, then the neighbor is called upon 
 by every principle of humanity to come for- 
 ward in his behalf, to do all he can to obtain 
 him redress. Nor will the kind and sympa- 
 thizing neighbor be hasty in deciding that 
 nothing can be done. If he can do nothing 
 by direct interference, if there is no opening 
 for an appeal to the laws, at least he will raise 
 his voice against injustice, at least he will try 
 all that persuasion, or argument, or influence 
 can do to restrain the injurious party. Can 
 any man see a fellow creature oppressed, and 
 innocently withhold the assistance that he has 
 it in his power to give ? Nor ought the fear 
 of irritating the oppressor to prevent, while at 
 the same time all unnecessary irritation should 
 be most studiously avoided, not from policy, but 
 from a spirit of candor and benevolence, es- 
 pecially if there is reason to believe that he 
 is not aware of the wrong he is doing. Can- 
 dor requires us to remember that they who 
 hold their fellow creatures in slavery may 
 perhaps honestly believe that they have a right 
 to do so. The deed itself is most iniquitous, 
 the only justification for its perpetrators is 
 their unconsciousnes of i criminality. If 
 unavoidable prejudice blinds them, they are 
 guiltless. Not so with those who perc; 
 
 all its horrors the enormity of the injustice, 
 the magnitude of the evil, and yet make no 
 effort to free their fellow creatures from op- 
 pression, their country from gudt, and them- 
 selves from a passive participation in it ; no 
 effort to arouse the slumbering consciences, 
 and remove the film from the blinded under- 
 standings of the oppressors. 
 
 The consolatory supposition that the great 
 body of the holders of slaves, or at least very 
 many of them, are not aware of the wrong 
 they are doing, is a ground ot encouragement 
 for those who believe slaveholding to be es- 
 sentially criminal to hope for some good by 
 setting "forth their own views clearly and for- 
 cibly. Good men, who keep slaves because 
 they have never doubted the innocence of 
 so doing, will cease to do so if they can be 
 convinced that it is criminal, and they will 
 not shut their minds against conviction. Of 
 course, argument and remonstrance are of 
 little use when addressed to those who with 
 their eyes open give a preference to what 
 they esteem to be their worldly interest over 
 all considerations of virtue and justice. It 
 has been asserted that no masters are so cruel 
 and oppressive towards their slaves as those 
 persons who remove from places where slav- 
 ery is not allowed, and become slaveholders. 
 If true, the reason for this is obvious, that no 
 person brought up in the belief that to hold 
 men in slavery is contrary to justice could be- 
 come a slaveholder himself, unless he were 
 very little under restraint from moral princi- 
 pled any kind. Such as these are not the 
 persons, on whom the opposers of slavery can 
 hope to make any impression by urging the 
 claims of justice and humanity. But among 
 slaveholders of an opposite character they 
 may hope to find, or soon to make, willing co- 
 operators. 
 
 It is a somewhat remarkable fact that among 
 the people of the United States when slavery 
 is spoken of, even by those who consider it as 
 an evil, it is the situation of the masters, not 
 of the slaves, which most frequently calls forth 
 the tone of commiseration* It is indeed true, 
 that sin is a greater evil than suffering, and 
 yet in most cases it is the oppressed and not 
 the oppressor who receives sympathy. Slav- 
 ery may be a greater evil to the masters than 
 to the slaves, but it is to be feared that they 
 who express this opinion, do not always do it 
 exactly in the spirit in which Cowper said, 
 
 ' I would much rather be myself the slave, 
 And wear the chains, than fasten them on him.' 
 
 Perhaps^the best account of this matter is, that 
 states are influenced by a similar feel- 
 hat which prompts the different raem- 
 a family to pity and excuse the faults 
 
 of one, and to feel as if their own honor were 
 
 in some measure ^identified with his. Per- 
 Iso there is the feeling that they are in 
 
 some degree sharers in the guilt. 
 
Three Months in Jamaica. 
 
 137 
 
 In seeking excuses for the slaveholder, let 
 us beware of obscuring the truth to our own 
 minds, let us not dwell upon the arguments by 
 which he justifies slavery, till we suffer them 
 to influence us, and begin to imagine that they 
 are of some real weight. Let us not look at 
 the subject from the position from which he 
 looks at it, so habitually as to forget that this 
 is not the only position, nor the one most fa- 
 vorable for a correct view. And, again, let 
 us beware that Ave do not so express ourselves 
 in speaking of the extenuations which there 
 certainly are for his conduct, as to convey 
 the impression that we consider the conduct 
 itself to be almost, if not quite, justifiable. 
 There are but two excuses for wrong doing, 
 into which all others must resolve themselves, 
 namely ignorance and the strength of temp- 
 tation. The charitable excuser may set these 
 forth in such a manner as to become to all in- 
 tents and purposes the advocate of crime, as 
 if either of these circumstances altered the 
 intrinsic nature of right and wrong. If we 
 cannot do any positive good in this great cause, 
 let us at least take care to do no harm, let us 
 not lend the weight of our influence, be it 
 much, or be it little, to strengthen those erro- 
 neous views by which slavery is upheld. Let 
 us not, even by a casual expression, assist in 
 lowering the standard of morality which is 
 applied to this subject. Finally, let us beware 
 lest there mingle with a desire to be candid to 
 the slaveholders a willingness to excuse our 
 own apathy and inaction, our own want of 
 moral courage to adopt the obnoxious part of 
 opposition to a long established abuse which 
 is upheld by the prejudices and the interests 
 of numbers. C. J. T. 
 
 THREE MONTHS IN JAMAICA. 
 
 We add some further extracts from this 
 tract, which we had not room for in our last 
 number. 
 
 'On reaching the estate, [called New 
 Ground,] I was received in the most friendly 
 manner by the overseer, and entertained with 
 West Indian hospitality. This gentleman, 
 after some inquiries as to the state of things 
 in England, began to enlarge on the comfort- 
 able condition of the slaves; and, pointing to 
 some negro coopers who were working in the 
 yard, asked if I could perceive any difference 
 between the condition of these slaves and that 
 of English laborers. I owned I could not : 
 they seemed to work with great regularity and 
 apparent good humor. 
 
 Immediately afterwards the overseer called 
 out, in a very authoritative tone, ' Blow shell.' 
 A large conch shell was then blown by one 
 of the domestic slaves, and in a few minutes 
 four negro drivers made their appearance in 
 front of the house, accompanied by six com- 
 mon negroes. The drivers had each a long 
 staff in his hand, and a large cart-whip coiled 
 
 VOL. I. 
 
 round his shoulders. They appeared to be 
 very stout athletic men. They stood before 
 the hall door, and the overseer put on his hat 
 and went out to them, while I sat at the open 
 window and observed the scene which follow- 
 ed, — having been informed that the other six 
 negroes were to be punished. 
 
 When the overseer went out, the four dri- 
 vers gave him an account, on notched tallies, 
 of their half day's work, and received fresh 
 orders. The overseer then asked a few ques- 
 tions of the drivers respecting the offences of 
 the six slaves brought up for punishment. No 
 question was asked of the culprits themselves, 
 nor was any explanation waited for. Sentence 
 was instantly pronounced, and instantly car- 
 ried into execution. 
 
 The first was a man of about thirty-five 
 years of age. He was what is called a pen- 
 keeper, or cattle herd ; and his offence was 
 having suffered a mule to go astray. At the 
 command of the overseer he proceeded to strip 
 off part of his clothes, and laid himself flat on 
 his belly, his back and buttocks being uncov- 
 ered. One of the drivers then commenced 
 flogging him with the cart-whip. This whip 
 is about ten feet long, with a short stout han- 
 dle, and is an instrument of terrible power. It 
 is whirled by the operator round his head, and 
 then brought down with a rapid motion of the 
 arm upon the recumbent victim, causing the 
 blood to spring at every stroke. When I saw 
 this spectacle, now for the first time exhibited 
 before my eyes, with all its revolting accom- 
 paniments, and saw the degraded and mangled 
 victim writhing and groaning under the inflic- 
 tion, I felt horror-struck. I trembled, and 
 turned sick: but being determined to see the 
 whole to an end, I kept my station at the win- 
 dow. The sufferer, writhing like a wounded 
 worm, every time the lash cut across his body, 
 cried out, ' Lord ! Lord ! Lord ! ' When he 
 had received about twenty lashes, the driver 
 stopped to pull up the poor man's shirt (or 
 rather smock frock,) which had worked down 
 upon his galled posteriors. The sufferer then 
 cried, 'Thipk me no man ? think me no man ? ' 
 By that exclamation I understood him to say 
 ' Think you I have not the feelings of a man ? ' 
 The flogging was instantly recommenced and 
 continued ; the negro continuing to cry ' Lord ! 
 Lord ! Lord ! ' till thirty-nine lashes had been 
 inflicted. When the man rose up from the 
 ground, I perceived the blood oozing out from 
 the lacerated and tumefied parts where he 
 had been flogjred ; and he appeared greatly 
 exhausted. But he was instantly ordered off 
 to his usual occupation. 
 
 The next was a young man apparently about 
 eighteen or nineteen years of age. He was 
 forced to uncover himself and lie down in the 
 same mode as the former, and was held down 
 by the hands and feet by four slaves, one of 
 whom was a young man who was himself to 
 be floareed next. This latter was a mulatto 
 
136 
 
 Three Months in Jamaica. 
 
 — the offspring, as I understood, of some Eu- 
 ropean formerly on the esl il i by a negro 
 woman, and consequently burn i 
 Tiiese two youths h d exactly in the 
 
 mode already described, and writhed and 
 groaned under the lash, as if enduring great 
 agony. The mulatto bled most, and appeared 
 to suffer must acutely. Tiny received each 
 thirty-nine lashes. Their offence was some 
 deficiency in the performance of the task pre- 
 scribed to them. They wore both ordered to 
 join their gang as usual in the afternoon at 
 cane-cutting. 
 
 Two young women of about the sari 
 were, one after the other, then laid down am! 
 held by four men, their back parts most inde- 
 cently uncovered, and thirty-nine lashes of 
 the blood-stained whip inflicted upon each 
 poor creature's posteriors. Their exclamation 
 likewise was 'Lord! Lord! Lord!' They 
 seemed also to suffer acutely, and were ap- 
 parently a good deal lacerated. Another 
 woman (the sixth offender) was also laid down 
 and uncovered for the lash ; but at the inter- 
 cession of one of the drivers she was repriev- 
 ed. The offence of these three worn 
 similar to that of the two young men — some 
 defalcation in the amount of labor. 
 
 The overseer stood by and witnessed the 
 whole of this cruel operation, with as much 
 seeming indifference as if he had been paying 
 them their wages. I !iile perfect- 
 
 ly unmanned by mingled horror and p I 
 I have no reason to believe that the natural 
 feelings of this young man (whose age did not 
 exceed twenty-four years) were less b 
 or sensitive than my own. But such is the 
 callousness which coi liliarity with 
 
 scenes of civ It; . ■ had been a 
 
 book-keeper, for 
 
 another estate belongii prbprie- 
 
 tors, and had been appoi I .. r on this 
 
 estate only a few month s b ore. His recep- 
 tion of me when I arrived was so kind, frank, 
 and cordial, that I could not have believed 
 him, had I not seen it with my own eyes, to 
 bo capable of inflicting such cruelty on a fel- 
 low-creature. 
 
 As soon as this scene was over, the over- 
 seer came into the hall, and asked me to drink 
 some rum and water with him. I told him I 
 was sick, and could taste nothing : that I was 
 in fact overwhelmed with horror at the scene 
 I had just witnessed. He said it was not a 
 pleasant duty certainly, but it was an indis- 
 pensable one ; and that I would soon get used, 
 as others did, to such spectacles. I asked if 
 he found it necessary to inflict such punish- 
 ments frequently. He replied it was uncer- 
 tain ; ' 1 may not,' he said, 'have to doit again 
 this month, or T may have to do it to-morrow.' 
 
 'Tn week-days the negroes always went to 
 their work before daylight in the morning ; on 
 an average about five o'clock or a quarter 
 past five. They left off after dusk, or from a 
 
 quarter to half past six in the evening. They 
 had half an hour for breakfast, and sometimes 
 an hour for dinner, but generally not a full 
 noiir. During crop, which was proceeding 
 while I was there, they worked in spells the 
 whole of every alternate night; that IS to say. 
 the spell that commenced on Monday morning 
 got no sleep till Tuesday night, working all 
 day in the field and all night in the boilmg- 
 house. 
 
 The sufferings of the slaves from this hard 
 and continuous labor, and from the continual 
 s of the drivers to exact it, are seyere 
 beyond description. When they are digging 
 generally work all in a row ; 
 and it frequently happens that the strong ne- 
 groes outstrip the weaker ones. Then it is 
 that the drivers ( who stand ;'/( front of the 
 ■, but behind in cane-cutting,) 
 i up to those who have fallen back in 
 work, and flog them on to further exer- 
 tion ; the drivers being themselves liable to be 
 flogged, if the prescribed work is not duly ex- 
 ecuted by their gang. I have seen the driver- 
 put down slaves in the held and inflict at their 
 own discretion, from six to twelve lashes with 
 the cart-whip. I have seen them order fe- 
 males to stand at a convenient distance, and 
 flog them as long as they saw fit. I have fre- 
 quently seen the boatswain (as the driver at 
 the boiling house is called) flog old and young, 
 male and female, in this manner. One night 
 I saw this driver flog a female slave very se- 
 verely, and one blow which struck her in the 
 face caused her to scream out violently, 
 in enquiry I found that this woman had 
 a child in the hot-house (or hospital), and she 
 had ventured to leave 1; 3r work a Uttle earlier 
 than usual to see her child. For this she re- 
 ceived the punishment. On anotberoccasion.. 
 I saw this boatswain put down a very hand- 
 some brown girl, and give her ten lashes. 
 The overseer was with me at the time, and 
 looked on, without making any remark. Anoth- 
 er time I saw the head driver, a very powerful 
 man, give a tremendous cut with the cart- 
 whip to a female about fifty years of age, who 
 was cuttting canes with the great gang. The 
 overseer and one of the book-keepers were 
 standing by with me, but neither took the 
 least notice. In fact these floggings were ta- 
 king place incessantly upon the working ne- 
 groes ; insomuch that I came to this conclu- 
 sion, after some observation, — that the slaves 
 suffered more in the aggregate from the dri- 
 ving in the field than from the severer regular 
 punishments inflicted by order of the overseer 
 and book-keepers. The drivers invariably 
 flog negroes severely who happen to be too 
 late in coming out in the morning ; and it fre- 
 quently happens, that when they oversleep 
 their time, the negroes, for fear of punishment, 
 run away for days or weeks from the estate. 
 When they do return, as they generally do 
 after a short space, it is with the certainty of 
 
Slavery in the District of Columbia. 
 
 139 
 
 encountering a tremendous flogging from the 
 overseer and being condemned to sleep every 
 night in the stocks for weeks running. I have 
 frequently seen six or seven of these runa- 
 ways turned out of the stocks in a morning, ta- 
 ken to the field to cut canes, and then brought 
 back at night to be again locked in the stocks. 
 The fear of punishment, I was was told, was 
 the ordinary cause of their becoming runa- 
 ways.' 
 
 ' On conversing with Mr. M'Lean, (as I fre- 
 quently did when I first went to New Ground) 
 respecting the extreme severity of the system 
 pursued on that estate, he assured me that he 
 was far from being a harder task-master than 
 other overseers on sugar plantations ; and to 
 convince me of this he told me of 'severities' 
 (or rather atrocities) exercised on other es- 
 tates in the same parish, far beyond any which 
 I witnessed on New Ground. I also heard of 
 extraordinary instances of cruelty from oth- 
 ers ; and I was told, by a resident in St. An- 
 drew's parish, that the floggings there were 
 more severe than in St. Ann's ; switches of 
 the prickly ebony being frequently used after 
 the cart- whip. But I shall not attempt to de- 
 tail what I learned only by hearsay, all 
 on the evidence of persons implicated in sup- 
 porting the system. I can only vouch, of 
 course, for what I myself witnessed ; and that 
 most assuredly I have rather softened than 
 exaggerated. 
 
 The open and avowed licentiousness of the 
 plantation whites disgusted me almost as 
 much as the cruelty i .em. At New 
 
 Ground, i : lepers, and head 
 
 carpenter, all li itual practi 
 
 gro- cy. The 
 
 men- ", and un- 
 
 que d in the uncon- 
 
 trolled ind g vice, is 
 
 as obvious as it is tg. One of the 
 
 book-keepers voluntarilj 
 that he had had twelve 'negro wives ' within 
 six months. I saw another of the whil 
 this :oncubine,) 
 
 a cruel beating with a supplejack while 
 was in a '•)', and for a 
 
 trifling fault. 
 
 by complying with ' 1 1 of the coun- 
 
 try.' as if lint, I 
 
 perceived, with 
 mingled contempt and suspicion by the 
 tation whites generally.' 
 
 SL 4. VERY IN THE DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA. 
 
 The abolition of the slave-trade and slavery 
 in this District ought to be constantly kept in 
 mind by nil I ids of the colored race. 
 
 In this I lousands will unite who'are 
 
 opposed to A ry Societies. Fewmen, 
 
 we believe can be found at the north, who do 
 not reo-ard the toleration of slavery at the seat 
 
 of our national government as disgraceful to 
 the country ; and, even at the South, many 
 persons who are not prepared to exert them- 
 selves to put down this system in their own 
 States, will readily admit that no just cause 
 exists for perpetuating it in the District of 
 Columbia. Nothing, we are confident, is ne- 
 cessary, in order to abolish the national sin 
 and shame, but resolution and activity in the 
 friends of the measure. If all who really have 
 this cause at heart would but put their names 
 to petitions to Congress in favor of the object, 
 they would be astonished at their own num- 
 bers, and Congress would not dare refuse to 
 perform a great work of justice and humanity, 
 which was demanded by the great mass of the 
 people. 
 
 The following is a petition which is now 
 circulating in this vicinity. It has already 
 received numerous and respectable signa- 
 tures. 
 
 To the Honorable Senate and House of Rep- 
 resentatives of the United States of America 
 in Congress assembled, the petition of the 
 undersigned, citizens of the United States, 
 respectfully represents — 
 That your petitioners are deeply impressed 
 with the evils arising from the existence of 
 ery in the District of Columbia. The 
 Constitution of the United States provides that 
 Congress shall have power, 'to exercise ex- 
 i in ail cases whatsoever, 
 over such district, (not exceeding ten miles 
 square,) as may, i. sion of particular 
 
 and the act i ' Congress, be- 
 
 come the scat of government of the United 
 States.' In pursuance of this provision, the 
 of Maryland and Virginia respectively 
 ceded portions of their 1 rritor . which being 
 Congress, now compose the Dis- 
 trict of Columbia. By the plain words of the 
 ition Congress has '.he power to abolish 
 in this District, and no other body can 
 ;i the subject. 
 While our Declaration of Independence 
 boldly p s self-evident truths, 'that 
 
 all men are created equal, that they are en- 
 by their Creator with certain inalien- 
 ; hat among these are life, liberty, 
 ■ pursuit of happiness ; ' at the very 
 tent human beings are born 
 almost daily, whom the laws pronounce to be 
 from their birth not equal to other men, and 
 who are fur life, deprived of liberty and the 
 free pursuit of happiness. 
 
 In addition to the other evils flowing from 
 lavei I ical, which it is 
 
 cifj circui istances have ren- 
 dered this District a great market for traders 
 in human flesh. The unhappy victims of this 
 
140 
 
 The Black Law of Connecticut. 
 
 traffic, arc brought into this District in chains, 
 and then lodged in private jails and other 
 places of confinement, from whence they are 
 carried to the markets of the soutli and west. 
 
 The toleration of slavery and the slave 
 trade at the seat of Government, not only pro- 
 duces tlie most cruel sufferings to those who 
 are legally slaves, but also frequently leads to 
 the enslaving of free people of color, citizens 
 of the United States, some of whom are kid- 
 napped by violence, and others of whom are 
 reduced to hopeless bondage under the forms 
 of law. 
 
 From the small number of slaves in the 
 District of Columbia, and the moderate pro- 
 portion which they bear to the free population 
 there, the difficulties which in most of the 
 slaveholding States, oppose the restoration of 
 this degraded class of men to their natural 
 rights, do not exist in this place. Your .pe- 
 titioners, therefore, pray that Congress will, 
 without delay, enact laws for the abolition of 
 slavery in the District of Columbia, and for 
 preventing the bringing of slaves into that 
 District for the purpose of traffic, in such mode 
 as may be thought advisable, and, whatever 
 measures may be adopted, will also make 
 suitable provision for the education of all 
 free black and colored children in the District, 
 thus to preserve them from continuing even 
 as free men, an unenlightened and degraded 
 caste.' 
 
 We earnestly entreat all persons who wish 
 slavery in the District to be abolished, to ex- 
 ert themselves in preparing petitions for this 
 object to be presented at the next session of 
 Congress. Even if the measure should then 
 fail, they will have the satisfaction of having 
 done their duty, and having assisted, in some 
 degree, to effect a great moral reform which 
 must sooner or later be accomplished. 
 
 THE BLACK LAW OF CONNECTICUT. 
 
 We neglected in our last to mention that 
 Miss Crandall for a violation of this nefarious 
 statute, in continuing to instruct colored chil- 
 dren, had been arrested, and carried before a 
 justice of the peace, by whom she was com- 
 mitted to jail to take her trial at the ensuing 
 court. We are informed that she was confined 
 in the same room which was occupied by the 
 murderer Watkins during the last days of his 
 life. In this ' opprobrious den of shame,' how- 
 ever, she only remained one day, her friends 
 finding bail for her on the day after she was 
 committed. 
 
 We are glad to perceive that the persecu- 
 tion of this high minded and devoted philan- 
 thropist, has excited a burst of indignation 
 from many of the northern editors, And we 
 
 acknowledge with pleasure, that even some 
 thorough colonizationists have exhibited the 
 manly and honorable feeling which the brntal 
 persecution of this benevolent lady was well 
 calculated to rouse. 
 
 Deeply as we regret the indignities to which 
 Miss Crandall has been exposed, we doubt not 
 that they will advance the great cause of hu- 
 man rights. If we are not mistaken, the 
 violent measures of her unchristian persecu- 
 tors will open the eyes of many men to their 
 own prejudices against people of color ; — make 
 them ashamed of their past injustice, — and 
 anxious to make amends for it by kindness to 
 the victims of their former dislike. 
 
 Since the above was written Miss Crandall 
 has been tried, for the offence of instructing 
 colored children, inhabitants of places out of 
 Connecticut. Miss Crandall was defended 
 by Messrs. Ellsworth and Strong, distinguish- 
 ed members of the Connecticut Bar. 
 
 The ground of defence was that the color- 
 ed children in Miss CrandalPs school were 
 citizens of other States, and were, therefore, 
 entitled to the protection of the provision of 
 the Constitution of the United States, which 
 provides that 'the citizens of each State shall 
 be entitled to all the privileges and immuni- 
 ties of citizens in the several States ;' — that 
 in order to their protection it was necessary 
 that the law should be considered unconstitu- 
 tional in its application to Miss Crandall, as 
 long as she instructed none but citizens of the 
 United States. These positions were sup- 
 ported in speeches of great ability. On be- 
 half of the government Messrs. Judson (the 
 Canterbury agitator) and Welsh argued that 
 colored persons were not citizens within 
 the meaning of the Constitution. 
 
 The counsel for the defendant informed the 
 jury that they were judges of the law as well 
 as of the facts in the case, and were not bound 
 by the instructions of the court in regard to 
 the law. This position was not disputed on 
 the other side, but the danger of juries setting 
 up their own views of law in opposition to 
 those of the judges was strongly urged. 
 
 The court instructed the jury that the law 
 was constitutional. 
 
 The jury could not agree in a verdict, and, 
 after having been twice sent out, without 
 agreeing, were discharged. 
 
 It was understood that five of the jury were 
 for acquitting, and seven for convicting, the 
 defendant. 
 
Gunpowder. — A bid for a Freeman of Massachusetts. 
 
 141 
 
 The trial produced an intense interest in 
 Brooklyn where it was tried and the vicinity. 
 The arguments of the defendant's counsel pro- 
 duced a deep and powerful impression. It 
 cannot be doubted that this trial will do much 
 in promoting a correct state of public senti- 
 ment. We have reason to believe that a full 
 and correct report of the trial will speedily be 
 published. 
 
 The firmness of the five jurymen who dared 
 to oppose an unconstitutional law, though 
 supported by the weight of the bench, is high- 
 ly honorable to them. It shows that there is 
 a large proportion of the people in Connecti- 
 cut who still retain a respect for the rights of 
 the colored people, and have courage to op- 
 pose arbitrary power. 
 
 GUNPOWDER. 
 
 In the town of Europolis lived a gentleman 
 of the name Orgilus. He was in many respects 
 a good citizen. But he caused great alarm 
 and anxiety to his fellow townsmen by keep- 
 ing a dozen barrels of gunpowder very care- 
 lessly stowed in his cellar. His neighbors of- 
 ten expostulated with him upon the folly and 
 criminality of endangering his and their lives 
 by leaving so explosive an article, in such an 
 exposed situation. Their remonstrances ev- 
 ery day increased in loudness and frequency. 
 At first he had listened to them with patient 
 civility. But at last, he usually grew sulky 
 and indignant, if any remarks were made in 
 his hearing upon the delicate subject of his 
 powder. The following is a conversation that 
 took place between him and the occupant of a 
 house adjoining his, when he was in one of 
 his most sullen fits. 
 
 Eumenes. Friend Orgilus, why will you 
 persist in keeping such a quantity of gunpow- 
 der in your cellar. You cannot imagine how 
 much uneasiness it causes in my family. 
 
 Org. Your family forsooth. It is no busi- 
 ness to you or your family. Have I not a right 
 to do what I please in my own house. Sup- 
 pose the powder should blow up, my house be 
 destroyed, and I killed, whose business is it? 
 Whosesoever it may be, it is none of yours. 
 
 Eum. But, my friend, if your powder 
 should take fire, I and my wife, and children, 
 and others of your neighbors might be kill- 
 ed or maimed. The peril to which your 
 negligence exposes us, gives us a right to ex- 
 postulate. 
 
 Org. I cannot prevent your talking, but 
 you surely ought to consider that I am fully 
 aware of my danger, — and that the- powder is 
 a constant source of uneasiness to me. I am 
 living every day over a mine, and yet you 
 choose to increase the horrors of my situation 
 by descanting upon them. 
 
 Eu. You do not mean surely to say that 
 your real danger is increased by my mention- 
 ing it. My object in speaking is not to give 
 you pain, but, by calling your attention to your 
 danger, to induce you to provide a remedy. 
 
 Org. These are fine words. But I wish 
 you to understand that henceforth I shall con- 
 sider no man my friend, who vexes me with 
 advice. Were not my father, my grandfather, 
 and my great grandfather all in the. habit of 
 keeping powder in their cellars, and they all 
 died in their beds. Have not I a right to ex- 
 pect the same end. 
 
 Eu. I do not think it necessary to reply to 
 your exquisite logic. But you surely have not 
 forgotten that several terrible explosions have 
 taken place in your house, in which some of 
 your relations have perished. 
 
 Org. What would you have me do ? I 
 want powder to shoot with. I use it in blow- 
 ing rocks, and at trainings of the militia. You 
 surely cannot reflect how much more it would 
 cost me, if I did not keep my powder on hand. 
 
 Eu. Is a little saving of expense to be 
 compared with constant danger of human life. 
 . Org. Let me tell you, Eumenes, I never 
 wish to hear another word from you on this 
 subject. You shall not interfere with my pri- 
 vate affairs. And if ever you darken my door 
 again, I'll blow your brains out. 
 
 Exeunt. 
 
 According to the fashion of fables, ours re- 
 quires a moral. But we prefer to leave it to 
 our readers' ingenuity to discover the appli- 
 cation of the tale. 
 
 A BID FOR A FREEMAN OF MASSACHU- 
 SETTS. 
 
 The following spirited article is from the 
 Liberator, of August 3. It is well worthy the 
 attention of all persons who wish to under- 
 stand the disposition which slavery creates in 
 its supporters. 
 
 The copy of the following resolutions pass- 
 ed by the State of Georgia, was sent to us for 
 one of the series of notes of Mr. Child's speech. 
 But as the act has never appeared entire in 
 the Liberator, and as many persons in this 
 
142 
 
 *4 bid for a Freeman of Massachusetts. 
 
 quarter of the country are known to be scep- 
 tical as to its having an existence, and as oth- 
 ers arc known ■ that it was merely 
 offered arid rejected, or at worst was adopted 
 
 by one branch only of the Legislature of 
 
 Georgia, — we have thought proper to give 
 
 a more conspicuous type and place, 
 
 than it could have had among a mass of notes. 
 
 In Senate, November 30, 1831. 
 
 Resolved by the Senate (mil House of Repre- 
 sentatives of the State of Georgia, in General 
 Assembly met, That the sum of FIVE THOU- 
 SAND DOLLARS, be, and the same is here- 
 by appropriated, to be paid to any person or 
 persons who shall arrest, bring to trial, and 
 prosecute to conviction under the laws of this 
 State ; the editor or publisher of a certain pa- 
 per called the Liberator, published in the town 
 of Boston, and State of Massachusetts ; or 
 who shall arrest, bring to trial and prosecute 
 to conviction under the laws of this State, any 
 other person or persons, who shall utter, pub- 
 lish or circulate within the limits of this State, 
 said paper, called the Liberator, or any other 
 paper, circular, pamphlet, letter or address of 
 a seditious character. 
 
 And that his Excellency the Governor is 
 hereby authorized and requested, to issue his 
 warrant, upon the Treasurer, for said sum of 
 five thousand dollars, in favor of any person or 
 persons who shall have arrested and brought 
 to trial and prosecuted to conviction, under 
 the laws of this State, the editor or publisher 
 of the Liberator, or who shall have arrested 
 and brought to trial or prosecute to conviction, 
 under the laws of this State; any other per- 
 son or persons, who shall utter, publish or cir- 
 culate within the limits of this State, said pa- 
 per called the Liberator, or any other paper, 
 circular, pamphlet, letter, or address of a se- 
 ditious character. 
 
 And that these resolutions be inserted in 
 the appropriation act. 
 
 And resolved further, That his Excellency 
 the Governor cause the foregoing resoluti 
 to be published m the public journals of this 
 State, and such other papers as lie may think 
 proper, and pay for the publication thereof, 
 out of the contingent fund. 
 
 Read and 
 
 THOMAS STOCKS, President. 
 Attest, I. L. Harris, 
 
 In the House q ntatives. 
 
 Concurred in, \)rc 'U, 1831. 
 AS BURY HULL, Speaker. 
 Attest, W. C. Dawson, Clirh; 
 
 Approved. Dec. 26, 1831. 
 
 WILSON LUMPKIN, Governor. 
 
 For the murderers of Joseph 
 Governor la reward 
 
 of $1000. Upon the head of Mr. Garrison, 
 or of us his substitute, or of any editor or 
 printer of this little paper, the great State of 
 Georgia, has set five times as much ! What 
 is the design of this extraordinary offer? 
 
 It cannot be to procure directly the punish- 
 ment of tin' editors and mechanics connected 
 with this press, b cause either of us being 
 within the jurisdiction of Georgia, the pre- 
 viously existing laws of that State might and 
 doubtless would be applied without any ne- 
 cessity for this subsidiary act. But there is 
 no probability, that any person connected inti- 
 mately with this paper, would ever go to the 
 State of ( :d 'the collective wisdom' 
 
 of t.'iat State did not, in our opinion, take into 
 view such a contingency. 
 
 The act then was intended to operate out 
 of the State of Georgia ; in other words, it 
 designed to procure the abduction of one 
 or more of the persons therein described. 
 
 Now it matters not that it would be contra- 
 ry to well settled and known principles of 
 law, to try and punish a man in Georgia, for 
 publishing his sentiments in Massachusetts ; 
 it matters not that those principles are in force 
 in Georgia itself, (as far as any principles 
 which clash with their convenience, ar.d their 
 passions can be in force there,) because when 
 a legislature has offered in such a manner, 
 such a sum to accomplish the preliminary ob- 
 ject of getting the persons described into 
 their power, there can be no doubt that they 
 have resolved to accomplish the ulterior ob- 
 ject ! And to that end, it is more than prob- 
 able, that they would ride over all legal 
 obstructions, which even their own laws and 
 usages might oppose thereto. 
 
 The offer then of the sum of $5000, is to 
 procure the abduction and judicial murder of 
 any person or persons employed, now or here- 
 tofore, (even before the passage of the law, 
 thus making it clearly ex post facto,) in the 
 editing or printing of this paper! The last 
 resolution makes the intent of this act manifest 
 without the help of much reasoning. The 
 Legislature of Georgia were not content 
 with providing for the promulgation of this 
 act in their own newspapers in the usual 
 way; hut they also provide for disseminat- 
 ing it through the whole country, and the 
 world. This shows that it was intended as a 
 i to kidnappers. This shows that the 
 rjc riON and murder, and noth- 
 tse. 
 
 What think you., citizens of Massachusetts ? 
 Have we committed any offence? Have we 
 violated any law which it was our duty to 
 obey ? Have wc not a right to your protec- 
 tion ? Is it no part of the duty of society to 
 protect its me ml; 
 
 Ifthe'Ge rd ' were to march into 
 
 A - issachi itts, i r th purpose of arresting a 
 n of this State, it would be a violation of 
 as of nations, and of the feder.il com- 
 ivhich i;i respect to these States, super- 
 to the obligations of the laws of nations. 
 But such a measure Avould not be half as dan- 
 gerous to an individual, nor more insulting to 
 this State, than is the above act of legislation. 
 
Boston Young Men's Anti-Slavery Association. — Boston Mutual Lyceum. 
 
 L43 
 
 The Georgia Guard, or a Georgia army, so far 
 as they survived, would soon be in the custody 
 of constables and executioners. But agains 
 lurking kidnappers, against those who may 
 abuse our own laws, and the process of our 
 own courts, to gi t possession of their victim, 
 who can guard ? 
 
 Lord Chanceller Brougham, or Mr. Buxton, 
 has done and is doing more for the emancipa- 
 tion of the Georgia slaves, than forty newspa- 
 pers can effect. Suppose Georgia, graduat- 
 ing her price according to the size of her vic- 
 tim, should offer two hundred thousand dollars 
 for the kidnapping and bringing within her 
 jurisdiction, either of those writers and mem- 
 bers of the London Anti-Slavery Society ? 
 What would England do ? Would she blink 
 it? She might possibly do so from contempt. 
 Can our government, who owe us protection, 
 allege as honorable a motive for silence and 
 inaction? 
 
 Ten years ago, the Greeks were slaves, but 
 not near as much slaves, not half as unhappy 
 or numerous as the people whose rights we 
 advocate. At that time Daniel Webster and 
 Henry Clay denounced Turkish tyranny in 
 terms as severe and indignant as any that we 
 have used in respect to American tyranny, 
 which is much more inexcusable than Turk- 
 ish. Did any body blame them ? Every body 
 applauded them except Mahmoud and his Pa- 
 chas. Suppose then out of the boundless and 
 brilliant treasures of the seraglio, the Sultan 
 had offered a million of gold ducats to any 
 person or association of persons, who would 
 kidnap and drag before the court of the grand 
 Mufti Daniel Webster or Henry Clay. Would 
 this State have been quiet under it? Would 
 this nation have been quiet ? Every one will 
 answer, that if they had been, they would de- 
 serve every one of them to be brought ac- 
 quainted with the famous bowstring by sen- 
 tence of that same Mufti. Suppose again 
 that a price were set by South Carolina upon 
 the head of Gov. Lincoln for his free remarks 
 upon nullification, which is merely another 
 name for slavery, the perpetuation of slavery, 
 and the continued and confirmed dominion of 
 slave owners and traders ; — would this gov- 
 ernment, would this people have set down 
 quietly under such a felonious and bloodly 
 act, and left open a door for it to be consum- 
 mated ? Certainly not. Where is the differ- 
 ence between such a case and our own ? — 
 We will tell you our opinion, and we hope 
 that if it be true, you will not be offended at 
 it. It is that we are poor and powerless, un- 
 able by money or force to protect ourselves ! 
 if we were courted and surrounded by troops 
 of politicians, whose hopes of loaves and fish- 
 es were wrapped up in our personal safety, if 
 we or the printer were so conspicuous that a 
 ruffian hand could not violate us without send- 
 ing an electric shock through the community ; 
 in short, if we had that which is worshipped 
 
 here, under the names of power and wealth : 
 then we should not remain exposed as we are; 
 then we should not have to complain of a total 
 disregard for our lives and welfare on the 
 part of that government which is supported for 
 the verypurpose of protecting individuals ;then 
 would adequate protection have been provided 
 for us long ago, and without asking it ! 
 
 But time will set all these things right. If 
 the offering up of many lives can accelerate 
 the great work which cannot now be stopped, 
 nor the gates of hell prevail against it, these 
 lives will be cheerfully given. 
 
 The human mind rises as it resists oppress- 
 ion. The persecution of southerners and the 
 servile acquiescence, thus Car, of northerners, 
 do but confirm us the more in our course. We 
 say, in the language of an illustrious English- 
 man, 'neither friends nor foes, nor life nor 
 death, nor thunder nor lightning shall make 
 us give way the breadth of one hair.' 
 
 •' Cry wo, destruction, ruin, loss, dismay; 
 
 The wi will have his day.' 
 
 Before closing these remarks, wo take the 
 liberty to recommend the above act of Geor- 
 gia to the attention of the legislature of Con- 
 necticut. Good precedents are a great matter 
 in the law. 
 
 BOSTON YOUNG MEN'S ANTI-SLAVERY 
 ASSOCIATION. 
 A society called the Boston Young Men's 
 Anti-Slavery Association for the Diffusion oj 
 Truth, has been recently formed. It will, we 
 trust, afford valuable aid to the great cause of 
 justice and humanity. It is delightful to find 
 young men engaging with zeal, in the pros- 
 ecution of such objects. It is honorable to 
 themselves, and must be useful to their coun- 
 try. The officers of the society are — 
 Rev. AMOS A. PHELPS, President. 
 .lOHN N. BARBOUR, Vice President. 
 JOHN STIMPSON, Cor. Secretary. 
 ALFRED NORTON, Rec. Secretary. 
 JOHN FORD, Treasurer. 
 George Loring, "] 
 J. H.Tennev, [Trustees. 
 
 John Cutts Smith, ■ 
 N. Southard. J 
 
 BOSTON MUTUAL LYCEUM. 
 
 A society with this name has been recent- 
 ly formed in Boston, by the colored people. 
 They have been assisted in establishing this 
 institution by Mr. Josiah Holbrook and other 
 friends. The following are the names of the- 
 officers. 
 
 DUDLEY TIDD, President. 
 JOEL W. LEWIS, 1st Vice President. 
 SARAH H. ANNIBLE, 2nd Vice President. 
 GEORGE GALL, Recording Secretary. 
 NATH. CUTLER, Cor. Seeretary. 
 THOMAS DALTON, Treasurer. 
 Joseph H. Gover, 1 
 John B. Cutler, 
 Henry Carroll, 5> Managers. 
 Lucy V. Liu . j 
 
 Mary Williams, j 
 
Ill 
 
 I 
 
 Anti-Slavery Society at New-Haven. — Death of Mr. WUberforce. — Poetry. 
 
 ANTI-SLAVERY SOCIETY AT NEW-HAVEN. 
 
 A Society was formed in New-Haven, on 
 on the 4th of June last, of great respectability 
 and influence, called the New-Haven Anti- 
 Slavery Society. The Constitution recognises 
 the same principles as those held by the New- 
 England Anti-Slavery Society. 
 
 ELI 1\ IIS. M. D. President. 
 
 TIMOTHY DWIGHT, \st Vice President. 
 
 N \ III. JOCEL1 .\ .:,i,i Vie,- President. 
 
 ROBERT B. HALL, Secretary. 
 
 AMOS TOWNSEND, Jr. Treasurer. 
 S. S. JocatYN, ") 
 
 E. A. 'I'm NSEND. ( ,, ,. „ 
 
 Siiiniv llvii tixecuttve Committee. 
 
 Henri A. Homes, J 
 
 We mentioned in a former number the for- 
 mation of this Society, but had not received 
 the names of the officers at that time. 
 
 [From the London Times of July 29.] 
 DEATH OF WM. WILBERFORCE, ESQ. 
 
 It is this day our melancholy duty to an- 
 nounce the death of William Wilberforce, a 
 name with which there is probably associated 
 more of love and veneration than ever fell to 
 the lot of any single individual throughout 
 the civilized globe. 
 
 At one period the sad event would have 
 been felt as a grievous national calamity, and 
 even now the tidings of his departure will be 
 heard with the deepest sorrow through every 
 part of the empire. But he worked while it 
 was called day, remembering that the night 
 was coming wherein no man may work. 
 And he was not permitted to leave the scene 
 of his labors till he beheld the great cause to 
 which he had dedicated all the energies of his 
 soul triumphant, and the fetters of the negro 
 about to be struck off for ever. 
 
 [From the Weekly Recorder.] 
 
 THE COLORED MOTHER OF NEW-ENG- 
 ENGLAND TO HER INFANT. 
 
 Smile on, my babe, thy infant mirth 
 
 Beguiles my heart awhile ; 
 Thou hast not learned enough of earth 
 
 To kuow thou should not smile. 
 
 Thy sparkling eye is full of light, 
 
 Thy heart heats high with joy, 
 And wo or care, from morn till night, 
 
 Disturbs not thee, my boy. 
 
 Smile now — for, o'er thy coming years, 
 
 A cloud of misery bends ; 
 Disgrace am! shame, regret and tears, 
 
 Till earthly being curls. 
 
 Yes, yes — my child— that soul of thine, 
 
 Pure from its Maker's hand, 
 Destined, they tell us, yet to shine 
 
 In heaven, its native land ; 
 
 That soul, by God's all-wise decree.. 
 
 Is shrined within a form 
 Of human shape and symmetry, 
 
 With life-blood read and warm ; 
 
 Whose skin reflects a darker hue 
 Than that the white man wears, 
 
 And for this cause, thy early dew 
 Of joy must change for tears! 
 
 For thee from childhood's gleesome hour. 
 Through all thy onward track, 
 
 Are hard and bitter things in store, 
 Because thy skin is black ! 
 
 Oh ! 1 have borne this shame about, 
 
 Jn bitterness and grief, 
 And till sweet peace a Saviour brought, 
 
 I never found relief. 
 
 A little girl, to school I went, 
 
 Willi heart as light as air, 
 And as my steps 1 thither bent, 
 
 I breathed my morning prayer. 
 
 Into a corner, all alone, 
 
 My place was there assigned, 
 .My losons, books, were all my own, 
 
 A mate I could not find. 
 
 At play, upon my lonely state, 
 
 No lay of kindness came ; 
 They spurned me as a thing to hate, 
 
 And negro was my name. 
 
 At night I reached my mother's cot, 
 With heart oppressed with wo, 
 
 And from my mother's lips I sought 
 The cause of all to know. 
 
 She said 't was cruel prejudice, 
 That dwelt their breasts within, 
 
 Which caused the treatment such as this, 
 Of those of colored skin. 
 
 My hopes were crushed, my heart appalled, 
 
 With this most foul disgrace ; 
 And then my teacher, stupid called 
 
 All creatures of my race ! 
 
 Whene'er upon the Sabbath morn, 
 I've sought the house of prayer, 
 
 My soul has sunk beneath the scorn 
 The white man carries there. 
 
 Must thou, my child — my only one — 
 
 Must thou, too, feel the smart 
 Of this unjust and cruel scorn, 
 
 That withers all the heart ? 
 
 For cause beyond thy weak control, 
 
 Has God for thee designed 
 This degradation of the soul, 
 
 This slavery of the mind ? 
 
 No : scriptures say, that of one blood, 
 
 Has God created all 
 The nations He has spread abroad, 
 
 Upon this earthly ball. 
 
 'T is man, proud man, makes this decree 
 
 Of him of colored skin ; 
 Who says ' he must a negro be,' 
 
 And cries, ' unclean, unclean !' 
 
 Great Father ! who created all, 
 
 The colored and the fair ; 
 Oh ! listen to a mother's call, 
 
 Hear Thou, the negro's prayer. 
 
 Yet once again, thy people teach 
 
 With lessons from above, 
 That they may practice what they preach,- 
 
 And all their neighbors love. 
 
 Again, the gospel precepts give, 
 
 Teach them this rule to know, 
 Such treatment as ye would receive, 
 
 Be willing to bestow. 
 
 That this, my child, my only one- 
 May never feel the smart 
 
 Of this unjust and cruel scorn, 
 That withers all the heart. 
 
THE ABOLITIONIST. 
 
 VOL. I.] 
 
 OCTOBER, 1833. 
 
 [NO. X. 
 
 SLAVERY AND THE SLAVE TRADE IN 
 THE DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA.* 
 
 The existence of slavery in any part of the 
 United States, is probably a subject of frequent 
 and bitter reflection to every patriot and phi- 
 lanthropist. The citizens of the northern sec- 
 tion of the country, however, though they see 
 and lament the extent of the evil in the south- 
 ern state*, have their feelings perpetually 
 chilled, by the consciousness that all their 
 efforts to remove or alleviate the disease which 
 oppresses that quarter of our land, must be in- 
 direct and operate slowly. Many too of our 
 most respectable citizens think that any dis- 
 cussion in the northern states, of the subject 
 of slavery as it exists in the southern states, 
 is an improper interference with their institu- 
 tions. Though we consider this opinion as false 
 and absurd, yet as a matter of fact we are 
 compelled to admit its existence. Its effects 
 are most pernicious. By denying the liberty 
 of the press, of speech, and almost of thought, 
 in regard to a subject upon which our remon- 
 strances should be loud and unceasing, it 
 prevents to a great extent the moral influence 
 of the north from acting upon the south. 
 
 But there is one part of the country where 
 slavery is allowed, in regard to which the citi- 
 zens of the north have not only a right to in- 
 dicate and complain of the evil, but a great 
 duty to perform of active exertion for its sup- 
 pression. We refer to the District of Colum- 
 bia. This District now is, and probably long 
 will remain, under the exclusive jurisdiction 
 of the general government. We dispute the 
 assertion that slavery in this district, is the 
 business of the southern states more than of 
 the northern. It is the common concern of 
 
 * This piece contains the substance of an article upon 
 ' An Extract from a Speech delivered by Ohaktes 
 Miner, in the House of tiepresi ntatives of the United 
 States, in 1829, or. the subject of Slavery and th 
 Slave Trade in the District of Columbia : fill- Notes;' 
 —which appeared in the American Quarterly Review, 
 in September last, with some alterations and additions 
 by the writer of the article. 
 
 the whole nation. Slavery exists in this Dis- 
 trict by the permission of the government of 
 the United States. The sin and disgrace of 
 tolerating the institution there is national, and 
 shared by the inhabitants of the northern 
 states, equally with those of the southern. 
 
 If a citizen of New-York or Pennsylvania 
 felt himself under a moral obligation to exert 
 himself to put an end to slavery in his own 
 State, why should he not feel the same obli- 
 gation to abolish it in the District of Columbia? 
 Is there any difference in the cases ? 
 
 A little attention to the history and present 
 condition of this district, will, we believe, con- 
 vince any candid mind that slavery ought to 
 be abolished there. This conclusion does 
 not rest solely upon arguments which will ap- 
 ply to slavery in the southern states, but upon 
 others also which apply specially to the Dis- 
 trict. 
 
 By the Constitution of the United Statea, 
 Congress had power 'to exercise exclusive 
 legislation in all cases whatever over such 
 district, not exceeding ten miles square, as 
 might by cession of particular states and the 
 acceptance of congress, become the seat of 
 government o£the United States.' 
 
 Under this provision, Maryland and Virginia, 
 shortly after the adoption of the constitution, 
 ceded to the United States those portions of 
 their territory which now form the District of 
 Columbia. After congress had assumed the 
 jurisdiction of the District, a law was passed 
 dated February 27, 1800, which provided that 
 the laws of Virginia and Maryland, as they 
 then existed, should continue in force in the 
 parts of the District by those states respective- 
 ly ceded to the United States. Those laws 
 therefore are still the laws of the District of 
 Columbia, except in those particulars in which 
 they have been altered by acts of congress. 
 
 Under this exclusive jurisdiction, granted 
 by the constitution, congress has power to 
 abolish slavery and the slave trade in the Dis- 
 trict. It would hardly be necessary to state 
 this as a distinct preposition, had it not been 
 19 
 
I4S 
 
 Slavery and the Slave Trade in the District of Columbia. 
 
 occasionally questioned. The truth of the 
 assertion, however, is too obvious to admit of 
 argument, and, we believe, has never been 
 disputed by pe ■ are familiar with the 
 
 constitution. 
 
 The situation c<\" the District in regard to 
 slavery, is peculiarly unfortunate. Congr< 
 has done scarcely any thing on the subject : 
 so that one part of the District is governed by 
 the old slave code of Virginia, as it was thirty 
 years ago, with no material improvement, and 
 the other by that of Maryland as it was at the 
 same period. 
 
 The number of slaves in the District of Co- 
 lumbia, was in 1830 only 6050, being Utile 
 more than one seventh part of the whole pop- 
 ulation, which was 39,834. This class, there- 
 fore, in the District, is absolutely very small. 
 It is also small when compared with the whole 
 population of the District ; and when compared 
 with the whole population of the country, it 
 sinks into insignificance. We advert to the 
 small number of slaves, not as a reason for 
 neglecting them, but as one of the strongest 
 arguments for enfranchisement. Where, in a 
 population of one hundred thousand, ninety 
 thousand are slaves, or of five hundred thous- 
 and, two hundred and fifty thousand are slaves, 
 there is plausibility in the plea that immediate 
 abolition would be attended with danger. 
 But it is idle to talk of danger from the en- 
 franchisement of the six thousand slaves in 
 the District, when there are thirty-four thou- 
 sand freemen to protect themselves, to say 
 nothing of the support of a nation comprising 
 eleven millions of freemen. 
 
 In considering the propriety of abolishing 
 slavery in the District of Columbia, we scarce- 
 ly need advert to the general arguments 
 against the system. These are familiar to 
 every general reader. We shall merely al- 
 lude to some of them. 
 
 The system has its foundation in injustice. 
 This we shall not attempt to prove, since even 
 the advocates of slavery often admit theoreti- 
 cally that the slave has a perfect and inalien- 
 able right to his personal liberty. 
 
 The system being thus founded in injustice 
 the law3 which regulate the relation of master 
 and slave, are to the latter cruel and oppressive. 
 
 The master of a slave has the legal right to 
 sell him, and in so doing may separate him 
 from his wife and children, and send him to a 
 distant region where he may never see these 
 dear objects of his affection till he meets them 
 
 again in a better world. This is not merely 
 the law, but it is law not unfrequently put in 
 practice in the district. 
 
 The slave is compelled to labor for his mas- 
 ter, but is entitled to no wages for his services, 
 and only receives such food, clothing, and 
 lodging as his master pleases to bestow upon 
 him. These it is scarcely necessary to add, 
 are often shamefully insufficient. 
 
 The slave can be beaten and otherwise 
 abused at the arbitrary will of his master or 
 his deputy, and the law gives him no redress. 
 
 A slave cannot be a party to a suit. How- 
 ever grievously his person or property may be 
 injured, he can bring no action for redress. 
 If he sells any Ihing, he can bring no action 
 for the price. If he works for wages, as he 
 may by his master's consent, he can maintain 
 no suit, if they are not paid. 
 
 In addition to these and other intolerable 
 burdens which the law imposes on the slave, 
 his offences are in many cases more severely 
 punished than the same acts when committed 
 by a white man. 
 
 The moral effects of the institution ought 
 also to be borne in mind, in judging of the ne- 
 cessity of abolishing it in the District of Co- 
 lumbia. 
 
 Slavery deprives the slave almost entirely 
 of intellectual, moral, and religious instruc- 
 tion ; and thus brutalizes and degrades all his 
 faculties. 
 
 It encourages prostitution and promiscuous 
 intercourse among the negroes, and discour- 
 ages lawful marriage. 
 
 While it produces these evils among the 
 slaves, by a severe and necessary retribution, 
 slavery corruptsthe morals of the whites, ren- 
 dering them indolent, licentious, intemperate, 
 violent, revengeful, and unfeeling. 
 
 Of the political and economical evils of sla- 
 very we refrain from speaking, not because 
 they are not great, but because they are ob- 
 vious nnd admitted. Every one who knows 
 any thing of the comparative situation of the 
 northern and southern sections of our country, 
 or even of Ohio and Kentucky, must acknowl- 
 edge them. 
 
 There arc many considerations in a great 
 measure peculiar to the District of Columbia, 
 which render the abolition of slavery there an 
 imperative duty upon the nation. Mr. Miner, 
 in a preamble to resolutions offered by him to 
 the house of representatives, January 9, 1829, 
 
Slavery and the Slave Trade in the District of Columbia, 
 
 147 
 
 presents in a condensed form some of the im- 
 portant facts which lead to this conclusion. 
 
 'Whereas the laws in respect to slavery 
 within the District have been almost entirely 
 neglected ; from which neglect, for nearly 3i) 
 years, have grown numerous and gross cor- 
 ruptions. 
 
 'Slave dealers, gaining confidence from im- 
 punity, have made the seat of federal govern- 
 ment their head quarters for carrying on the 
 domestic slave trade. 
 
 'The public prisons have been extensively 
 used, (perverted from the purposes for which 
 they were erected,) for currying on the do- 
 mestic slave trade. 
 
 'Officers of the federal government have 
 been employed, and derive emoluments from 
 carrying on the domestic slave trade. 
 
 ' Private and secret prisons exist in the dis- 
 trict for carrying on the traffic in human beings. 
 
 'The trade is not confined to those who are 
 slaves for life ; but persons having a limited 
 time to serve, are bought by the slave-dealers, 
 and sent where redress is hopeless. 
 
 'Others are kidnapped and hurried away 
 before they can be rescued. 
 
 ' Instances of death, from the anguish of de- 
 spair, exhibited in the District, mark the 
 cruelty of this traffic. 
 
 ' Instances of maiming and suicide, executed 
 or attempted, have been exhibited, growing 
 out of this traffic within the District. 
 
 ' Free persons of color coming into the 
 District, are liable to arrest, imprisonment, aud 
 sold into slavery for life, for jail fees, if unable, 
 from ignorance, misfortune, or fraud, to prove 
 their freedom. 
 
 ' Advertisements beginning, 'We will give 
 cash for one hundred likely young negroes of 
 both sexes, from eight to twenty-five years 
 old,' contained in the public prints of the city, 
 under the notice of congress, indicate the 
 openness and extent of the traffic. 
 
 'Scenes of human beings exposed at public 
 vendue are exhibited here, permitted by the 
 laws of the general government. 
 
 'A grand jury of the district has presented 
 the slave trade as a grievance. 
 
 'A writer in a public print in the District 
 has set forth ' that to those who have never 
 seen a spectacle of the kind (exhibited by the 
 slave trade) no description can give an ade- 
 quate idea of its horrors.' 
 
 'To such an extent had this trade been car- 
 ried in 1816, that a member of congress from 
 Virginia introduced a resolution in the House, 
 'That a committee be appointed to inquire 
 into the existence of an inhuman and illegal 
 traffic in slaves carried on in and through the 
 District of Columbia, and report whether any, 
 and what measures are necessary for putting 
 a stop to the same.' 
 
 'The House of Representatives of Penn- 
 sylvania, at their last session, by an almost. 
 
 unanimous vote, expressed the opinion, ' that 
 slavery within the District of Columbia ought 
 to be abolished.' 
 
 'Numerous petitions from various parts oi 
 the Union have been presented to congress, 
 praying for the revision of the laws in respect 
 to slavery, and the gradual abolition of slavery 
 within the District. 
 
 'A petition was presented at the last ses- 
 sion of congress, signed by more than one 
 thousand inhabitants of the District, praying 
 for the gradual abolition of slavery therein.' 
 
 The statements made by Mr. Miner in this 
 preamble, we believe, are abundantly proved 
 by facts. Most of them are fully substantiated 
 in his speech. 
 
 As, probably, the greater part of the citizens 
 of our country, though favorable to the aboli- 
 tion of slavery in the District of Columbia, 
 are ignorant of the extent and enormity of the 
 traffic in slaves carried on there, the subject 
 deserves a more particular notice. 
 
 The States of Virginia and Maryland having 
 for some time found the cultivation of the soil 
 by slaves less profitable than it was formerly, 
 now raise slaves for sale and exportation to 
 the southern markets. Six thousand slaves 
 are computed to be sold every year to go out 
 of Virginia alone. The District of Columbia, 
 probably in consequence of the neglect of 
 congress, has been found a very convenient 
 place for collecting together and shipping 
 cargoes of living bodies to the south. 
 
 The manner in which this business is car- 
 ried on, is inhuman and disgraceful to the 
 country which endures it. Regular slave 
 traders reside at the very seat of government. 
 We copy one of their advertisements from 
 Mr. Miner's speech. 
 
 'WE WILL GIVE CASH 
 
 For one hundred likely young negroes of 
 both sexes, between the ages of eight and 
 twenty-five years. Persons who wish to sell 
 would* do well to give us a call, as the negroes 
 are wanted immediately. We will give more 
 than any other purchasers that are in market, 
 or may hereafter come into market. 
 
 Any letters addressed to the subscribers, 
 through the post office at Alexandria, will he 
 promptly attended to. For information, in- 
 quire at the subscribers', Avest end of Duke 
 Street, Alexandria, D. C. 
 
 Fraxklin & Armfield.' 
 
 Besides Franklin & Armfield, whose names 
 are signed to this advertisement, several other 
 regular slave-traders reside in the District. 
 Among these may be named Washington 
 Rob}', one Simpson, and Gilson Dove of Wash- 
 
148 
 
 Slavery and the Slave Trade in the District of Columbia. 
 
 ington. One M'Candlass, tee aro informed, 
 keeps a tavern for negro traders at George- 
 town ; and many negro dealers from the south, 
 are in the habit of resorting to the District. 
 We have thought it a duty to mention the 
 names of these cannibals, in the same manner 
 that we should those of a gang of thieves or 
 counterfeiters. 
 
 The slaves are brought into the district in 
 droves, handcuffed and chained together, and 
 driven like beasts. These wretched victims 
 are then cast into public and private jails, 
 where they are kept till they are sent to the 
 {South. Mr. Miner, in his speech, read the 
 following extract of a letter from Alexandria. 
 
 ' Almost every week droves are brought 
 into town often or twelve, all chained togeth- 
 er. Some time since a person observed twen- 
 ty-two or three come out of a cellar of a small 
 house, where they had been stowed for some 
 time. He thought it must surely be contrary 
 to the law, that so many should be placed in 
 so small an apartment, and inquired of one of 
 the civil officer.-!, how many slaves it was law- 
 ful to place in a damp cellar. The officer re- 
 plied 'as many as it will hold.' The same 
 thing exists with regard to shipping them : 
 they may place as many in a vessel as it will 
 hold.' 
 
 Mr. Miner makes the following statement 
 in regard to the jail in Washington. 
 
 'By papers furnished me by the keeper, it 
 appears that there were sent to prison for safe 
 keeping, that is, as is well understood, for 
 sale, and imprisoned as runaways. 
 
 Safe keeping. Taken vp as runaways. 
 
 In 1824, 81 52 
 
 1825, 124 58 
 
 1826 & 1827, 156 101 
 
 1828, 91 79 
 
 452 290 
 
 'Debtors and persons charged with crimin- 
 al offences, of course, are not included in the 
 statement, so that it would appear, in the last 
 five years, more than four hundred and fifty 
 persons had been confined in the public pris- 
 on of the city — a prison under the control of 
 congress, and regulated by its laws — for sale 
 in the process of the slave trade. Such, said 
 Mr M., is not the intention for which the pris- 
 on was erected. Pennsylvania, so far as she 
 is concerned, and her moans are appropriated 
 to repair and keep up the prison, I am confi- 
 dent in saying, does not and neverhas intend- 
 ed that it should be used for this purpose.' 
 
 We have information from other sources 
 confirming the representations made by Mr 
 Miner, as to the extent and atrocity of the 
 slave trade in the District of Columbia. 
 
 A gentleman well acquainted in Washing- 
 
 ton, recently told us, that he should think from 
 fifty to a hundred persons were sold yearly in 
 that place to pay jail fees. 
 
 A private jail used solely in the slave busi- 
 ness, is kept by Washington Roby, in Wash- 
 ington. Franklin and Armfield have a simi- 
 lar establishment in Alexandria. These pla- 
 ces arc well provided with cells, dungeons, 
 irons, and other conveniences for the trade. 
 Besides these jails, there are other places of 
 confinement in houses which are often used 
 for the same purposes. 
 
 Franklin and Armfield, the principal deal- 
 ers in this District, have vessels constantly 
 running to New Orleans with cargoes of hu- 
 man beings. 
 
 Slave-drivers reside at Washington who 
 make it a business to drive droves of slaves 
 further south by land. The children are car- 
 ried in wagons, but the rest arc forced to 
 walk. The wretches who conduct this branch 
 of the business, are provided with thumb- 
 screws, as instruments of torture to be ap- 
 plied to refractory slaves. 
 
 These droves, as we may well imagine, pre- 
 sent melancholy spectacles. The blacks move 
 in pairs, the right hand of one handcuffed to 
 the left hand of his neighbor. A chain pass- 
 ing through the whole length of the drove, 
 connects the pairs together. The citizens of 
 Washington were so shocked by the sight of 
 these sad processions, and the hearing of their 
 cries and groans, that it is now the practice 
 for them to leave the city late on Saturday 
 nights. 
 
 It is not easy to ascertain the precise ex- 
 tent to which the slave trade is carried on in 
 the District of Columbia, though it may be in 
 some degree judged of from the facts which 
 we have stated. A branch of business in 
 which so large an amount of capital is invest- 
 ed, in ships, jails, and bodies, and in which so 
 many principal and subordinate agents are 
 regularly employed, is obviously extensive. 
 
 The enormity of the slave-trade of which 
 the District of Columbia has been made the 
 seat, has not only excited the attention of 
 strangers, but has roused the indignation of 
 the inhabitants of the District themselves. 
 Mr. Miner, in the course of his remarks, read 
 a presentment made by a grand jury at Alex- 
 andria, in 1802. 
 
 'January Term, 1802. 
 
 ' We, the grand jury for the body of the 
 county of Alexandria, in the District of Col. 
 
Slavery and the Slave Trade in the District of Columbia. 
 
 149 
 
 umbia, present as a grievance the practice of 
 persons coming from distant parts of the Uni- 
 ted States into this District, for the purpose of 
 purchasing slaves, where they exhibit to our 
 view a scene of wretchedness and human 
 degradation, disgraceful to our characters as 
 citizens of a free government. 
 
 ' True it is, that those dealers in the per- 
 sons of our fellow men, collect within this 
 .District, from various parts, numbers of those 
 victims of slavery, and lodge them in some 
 place of confinement until they have complet- 
 ed their numbers. They are then turned out 
 in our streets, and exposed to view, loaded 
 with chains, as though they had committed 
 some heinous offence against our laws. We 
 consider it a. grievance, that citizens from dis- 
 tant parts of the United States, should be per- 
 mitted to come within the District, and pur- 
 sue a traffic fraught with so much misery to a 
 class of beings entitled to our protection by 
 the laws of justice and humanity ; and that 
 the interposition of civil authority cannot be 
 had to prevent parents from being wrested 
 from their offspring, and children from their 
 parents, without respect to the ties of nature. 
 We consider those grievances demanding 
 legislative redress ; especially the practice of 
 making sale of black people, who are, by the 
 will of their masters, designed to be free at 
 the expiration of a term of years, who are 
 sold and frequently taken to distant parts, 
 where they have not the power to avail them- 
 selves of that portion of liberty which was 
 designed for their enjoyment.' 
 
 Judge Morrel, in his charge to the grand 
 jury of Washington, at the session of the 
 Circuit Court of the United States, January, 
 1816, urged upon their attention the slave 
 trade carried on in the District. He said, that 
 'the frequency with which the streets of the 
 city had been crowded with manacled cap- 
 tives, sometimes even on the Sabbath, could 
 not fail to shock the feelings of all humane 
 persons ; that it was repugnant to the spirit of 
 our political institutions, and the rights of man, 
 and he believed was calculated to impair the 
 public morals, by familiarizing scenes of cru- 
 elty to the minds of youth.' 
 
 One of the worst features in the slave trade 
 carried on in the District of Columbia, is that 
 it leads to enslaving free people of color. 
 One mode in which this effect is produced is 
 set forth in the presentment of the grand jury. 
 Another, is by selling free colored persons 
 who have been arrested as runaways, and fail 
 to prove their freedom. Mr. Miner mentions 
 some cases of this kind. 
 
 'I have another case of hardship to bring to 
 your notice. A man was taken up as a runa- 
 
 way, and advertised for sale. lie protested 
 that he was a freeman. No proof to the con- 
 trary appeared. As the time of sale approach- 
 ed, a good deal of interest was excited for 
 him, and two respectable citizens interposed 
 in his behalf. They asked the delay of a 
 short time, that the rights of the man might 
 be ascertained. They went so far as to offer 
 security for the payment of the fees, if the 
 sale could be delayed. But I will read tiie 
 evidence of what 1 state.' 
 
 Here Mr. M. read the following: 
 
 ' District of Columbia, ? 
 ' Washington County, $ 
 
 'Appear before me, a justice of the peace 
 in and for this county, Ezekiel Young and 
 Josiah Bosworth, two respectable witnesses, 
 and make oath, in due form of lav/, that, in 
 the last summer, they were at the jail of the 
 county of Washington, in the said District, in 
 behalf of a black man called James Green, 
 who stated that he was free, and could prove 
 his freedom, and had written on for that pur- 
 pose. That they did importune with the de- 
 puty marshal of this district, to postpone the 
 sale, and offered security for the fees, yet the 
 said deputy marshal said he could not postpone 
 the sale. He was then sold to a man who ac- 
 knowledged himself a slave dealer, but said 
 he would continue the slave here a few days, 
 but did not. He was sold without any limita- 
 tion of time of service, and no security was re- 
 quired of the slave dealer to retain him in the 
 District. 
 
 ' Given under my hand and seal, this 28th 
 Jan. 1828. John Chalmers, J. P. [L.S.] 
 
 'So the roan was sold, and sent off by the 
 slave dealers into hopeless bondage, though 
 probably having as much right to freedom as 
 any one. Will any one doubt but our laws 
 need revision ? Can any one who hears me, 
 question but that this whole matter needs to 
 be looked into with a searching eye ? If this 
 event had happened in a distant country, how 
 strongly would it have affected us ? There 
 is, in the public prints, an advertisement of a 
 woman as a runaway, and that she will be sold 
 for her jail fees. She is a yellow woman of 
 about nineteen. She seems intelligent, and 
 to have been well brought up. Her story is, 
 that she is entitled to her freedom at twenty- 
 five, but that her present master, who is a 
 slave dealer, is trying to make her% slave for 
 life. In this case I do not think the confine- 
 ment is intended to aid him. But it will be 
 seen in a moment, that when the subject pas- 
 ses by unheeded, a dealer, owning a servant 
 who has two or three years to serve, may 
 cause him to be arrested as a runaway, let 
 him be sold for jail fees, have a trusty friend to 
 buy him in, and thus convert a servant for a 
 term of years, into a slave for life. A more 
 expeditious mode of proceeding-, by which 
 persons having a limited time to serve are de- 
 
150 
 
 Slavery and the Slave Trade in the District of Columbia. 
 
 prived entirely of their rights, is this: They 
 are purchased up at cheap rates hy the 
 slave traders. They remove them to n 
 distance. It will be easily seen how small 
 the chance that stieii persons would have to 
 preserve the proofs of their freedom, and how 
 little would their protestations be heeded 
 without proof. They are carried where re- 
 dress is hopeless. Thus the slave trade, as it 
 exists, and is carried on here, is marked by 
 instances of injustice and cruelty, scarcely 
 exceeded on the coast of Africa. It is a mis- 
 take to suppose it is a mere purchase and sale 
 of acknowledged slaves. The District is full 
 of complaints upon the subject, and the evil 
 is increasing.' 
 
 How atrocious is the system, which is here 
 revealed; how disgraceful to a christian com- 
 munity! A poor man is arrested on suspi- 
 cion of beinir a slave. No owner appears to 
 claim him. He is refused time to establish 
 his freedom by evidence ; and finally is sold 
 as a slave to pay jail fees. Every part of the 
 proceeding is inhuman and brutal. In a coun- 
 try where liberty is prized, the presumption 
 should be, that every man is free till he is prov- 
 ed to be a slave. In the District of Colum- 
 bia, every colored person is presumed to be a 
 slave, unless he can prove his freedom. — 
 When an owner does not appear after a reas- 
 onable time, to claim the person arrested on 
 suspicion of being a slave, the prisoner ought 
 to be discharged, and a compensation made to 
 him for the injury which he has suffered. But 
 in the District of Columbia, at the seat of gov- 
 ernment of a nation claiming to be one of the 
 most enlightened on the face of the earth, the 
 free man, thus wronged by a causeless im- 
 prisonment, is sold into hopeless bondage, to 
 pay jail fees ! 
 
 Some circumstances which have come to 
 our knowledge justify the suspicion that offi- 
 cers of the United States government are de- 
 riving improper benefits from the system of 
 selling for jail fees. We arc informed that 
 jailors in the District take considerable pains 
 to prevent colored people confined on suspi- 
 cion of b(*ng runaways, from sending to their 
 friends to get papers to prove their freedom. 
 They also exhibit an obvious reluctance to 
 permit white persons who are desirous of as- 
 sisting these poor prisoners, to see them. 
 
 The circumstances mentioned in the affida- 
 vit of Young and Bosworth lead to the same 
 suspicion. 
 
 We have also been assured by a person 
 whose veracity we have no reason to doubt, 
 
 that a certain justice of the peace and some 
 constables in Washington have been known 
 to take away from free people of color the pa- 
 pers which proved their freedom, and to pre- 
 vent their using them. 
 
 But whether there is any official misconduct 
 or not, — if the law be never transgressed in 
 regard to the sale of runaways, — still, so long 
 as the public jails and public officers of the 
 United States are made instruments in the 
 transfer of slaves, so long is the government 
 of the country a slave trading government, and 
 the people a slave trading people. They not 
 only tolerate the transgression, but become 
 parties in it. 
 
 Dr. Torrcy, in his Portraiture of Domestic 
 Slavery, mentions another mode in which free 
 persons are robbed of their liberty by perjury. 
 He says, ' having selected a suitable free co- 
 lored person to make a pitch upon, the conjur- 
 ing kidnapper employs a confederate to as- 
 certain the distinguishing marks of his body, 
 and then claims and obtains him as a slave, 
 before a magistrate, by describing those marks, 
 and proving the truth of his assertions by his 
 well instructed accomplice.' 
 
 Not only does the toleration of the slave 
 trade in the District of Columbia, lead to the 
 kidnapping of freemen- under color of law, but 
 it is often the cause of their being kidnapped 
 by violence. Dr. Torrey makes mention of 
 several kidnapped persons whom he found 
 confined in a house in Washington, and whose 
 freedom he succeeded in obtaining. The fol- 
 lowing is his account of one of these cases. 
 
 'The others whom I found in the same gar- 
 ret, and at the same time, were a young black 
 widow woman, with an infant at the breast, 
 both of whom were born free. Her husband 
 had died a few days previous to her seizure, 
 and she was in a state of pregnancy at the 
 time. She stated that the man in whose house 
 she resided, together with his brother, and 
 three other persons, (two of whom, she said, 
 then stood indicted for having seized and car- 
 ried her oft' at a former time,) came into the 
 rpom (a kitchen) where she was in bed, seized 
 and dragged her out, fastened a noose round 
 her neck to prevent her from screaming, and 
 attempted to blindfold her, which she resisted 
 with such violence that she prevented them 
 from succeeding. She said, while one of 
 them was endeavoring to fix the bandage over 
 her eves, that she seized his cheek with her 
 teeth* and tore a piece of it entirely off". She 
 said one of them struck her head several times 
 with a stick of wood, from the wounds of whicli 
 she was almost entirely covered with blood. 
 
Slavery and the Slave Trade in the District of Columbia. 
 
 151 
 
 She showed me a large scar upon her fore- 
 head, occasioned by one of the blows, which 
 a gentleman who saw her the day previous to 
 seizure, has since informed me was not there 
 before. She said, while she was strujrcrlinff 
 against them, and screaming, the man in whose 
 
 house she lived bawled out, ' Choak the 
 
 ; don't let her halloo; she'll scare my 
 
 wife !' Having conquered her by superior 
 force, she said, they placed her with the child 
 in a chaise, (her description of which, with the 
 horse and the driver, who was one of the vic- 
 tors, corresponds precisely with that given 
 by the mulatto man, of the carrirge, &c. by 
 which he also was conveyed,) and refus- 
 ing to dress herself, three of them, leaving the 
 two who belonged to the house, carried her 
 off in the condition that she was dragged 
 from the bed, to a certain tavern in Maryland, 
 and sold them both to the man-dealer who 
 brought them to the city of Washington. 
 She stated, that one of her captors drove the 
 carriage, and held the rope which was fixed to 
 her neck, and that one rode each side, on 
 horseback: that while one of them was nego- 
 ciating a bargain with her purchaser, he ask- 
 ed her who her master was, and replying that 
 she had none, her seller beckoned to him to 
 go into another room, where the business was 
 adjusted without troubling her with any-fur- 
 ther inquiries. She stated, that her purchaser 
 confessed, while on the way to Annapolis, 
 that he believed she might have had some 
 claim to freedom, and intimated that he would 
 have taken her back, if the man of whom he 
 bought her had not run away ; but requested 
 her, notwithstanding, to say nothing to any 
 body about her being free, which she refused 
 to comply with. She affirmed, that he offered 
 her for sale to several persons, who refused to 
 purchase, on account of her asserting that she 
 ivasfree. She stated, that her purchaser, had 
 left her in Washington for a few weeks, and 
 gone to the Eastern Shore, in search of more 
 black people, in order to make up a drove for 
 Georgia.' 
 
 We might easily adduce accounts of many 
 more atrocities, to which the toleration of the 
 slave trade has given occasion. But it is not 
 necessary. Enough, and more than enough, 
 has already been presented to our readers, to 
 show the disgraceful inconsistency of the 
 laws of the United States, which, while they 
 denounce the slave trade as piracy if carried 
 on in Africa or any foreign country, yet per- 
 mit a thriving branch of the same traffic to be 
 pursued within sight and hearing of the na- 
 tional legislature. 
 
 Scarcely an evil attends the African slave 
 trade, which docs not find its parallel in that 
 carried on at the seat of government of the 
 United States, by the license of the American 
 
 people. The victims of the African slave 
 trade are taken by force, against their will — • 
 they are carried to a foreign country — they 
 are torn from their friends, their wives, their 
 children — they are chained — some of them 
 were born free, and have been kidnapped by 
 force or fraud. In which of these particulars 
 is the Columbian slave trade less atrocious? 
 The black taken from the District goes reluc- 
 tantly — he is forced from the home of his love, 
 to the unhealthy borders of the Mississippi — 
 as much removed from the hope of revisiting 
 it, as if he was going to another continent ; 
 he is torn by violence, amid shrieks, and tears, 
 and groans, and muttered imprecations, from 
 the embraces of his wife and children ; he 
 goes handcuffed and chained ; he was perhaps 
 born free, and was stolen from Delaware or 
 Maryland. Ought not such a traffic to be 
 abolished, ' absolutely, totally, and immediate- 
 ly ?' 
 
 We have been so long accustomed to the 
 existence of slavery in the District of Colum- 
 bia, that the enormity of tolerating it does not 
 strike us as it would under other circumstances. 
 Intelligent foreigners are almost uniformly 
 surprised and shocked to find slavery and the 
 slave trade flourishing at the seat of our gov- 
 ernment. The following extract from the 
 work of a recent traveller in this country, does 
 but express the common sentiment of almost 
 all who have preceded him. We admit that 
 Col. Hamilton is often flippant, ignorant, cyn- 
 ical, and prejudiced. But it is in vain to deny- 
 that, in the present case, it is their substantial 
 truth which gives the sharp edge to his ob- 
 servations. 
 
 ' Washington, the seat of government of a 
 free people, is disgraced by slavery. The 
 waiters in the hotels, the servants in private- 
 families, and many of the lower class of arti- 
 sans, are slaves. While the orators in Con- 
 gress are rounding periods about liberty in 
 one part of the city, proclaiming, alto voce, 
 that all men are equal, and that 'resistance to 
 tyrants is obedience to God,' the auctioneer is 
 exposing human flesh to sale in another! I 
 remember a gifted gentleman in the Repre- 
 sentatives, who, in speaking of the Senate, 
 pronounced it to be 'the most enlightened; 
 the most august, and most imposing body in 
 the world! ' In regard to the extent of impo- 
 sition, I shall not speak ; but it so happened 
 that the day was one of rain, and the effect of 
 the eulogium was a good deal injured by rec- 
 ollecting that,' an hour or two before, the 
 members of this enlightened and august body 
 were driven to the Capitol by slave coachmen, 
 
159 
 
 Slavery and the Slave Trade in the District of Columbia, 
 
 who were at that very moment waiting" to con- 
 vey them back, when the rights oj man bad 
 been sufficiently disserted on for the day. 
 
 I trust I do not write on this painful subject 
 in an insulting spirit. * * But, that sla- 
 very should exist in the district of Columbia, 
 that even the foot-print of a slave should be 
 suffered to contaminate the soil peculiarly 
 consecrated to Freedom, that the very shrine 
 of the goddess should be polluted by the 
 presence of chains and fetters, is perhaps the 
 most extraordinary and monstrous anomaly to 
 which human inconsistency — a prolific mother 
 — has given birth. 
 
 The man who would study the contradic- 
 tions of individual and national character, and 
 learn by how wide an interval, profession may 
 be divided from performance, should come to 
 Washington. He will there read a new page, 
 in the "volume of human nature; he will ob- 
 serve how compatible is the extreme of physi- 
 cal liberty, with bondage of the understanding. 
 lie will hear the words of freedom, and he 
 will see the practice of slavery. Men who 
 sell their fellow-creatures will discourse to 
 him of indefeasible rights ; * * * he will 
 be taught the affinity between the democrat 
 and the tyrant ; he will look for charters, and 
 find manacles ; expect liberality, and be met 
 by bigotry and prejudice.' — Men and Manners 
 in .America, pp. 279, 280. 
 
 We have seen it stated that a majority of 
 the inhabitants of the District of Columbia is 
 favorable to the abolition "of slavery there. 
 Whether this statement be numerically correct 
 we know not, but there can be no doubt that 
 the friends of the measure there, are numer- 
 ous and respectable. The wishes of the citi- 
 zens of the District deserve the respectful 
 consideration of Congress, even if no oth- 
 er arguments were to be found for enfran- 
 chisement. In another point of view this 
 state of feeling in the District is important. 
 Any statute which Congress may pass to put 
 an end to slavery there, will meet with an ac- 
 tive and cordial support in the very sphere of 
 its operations. It can hardly be questioned 
 that its effects will be far more beneficial un- 
 der such circumstances, than if it were gener- 
 ally and strenuously opposed in the District. 
 
 It may perhaps excite surprise that Con- 
 gress should not long since have proclaimed 
 freedom to every bondman over whom it has 
 jurisdiction, and declared that the seat of a 
 free government should not continue a market 
 for human bodies. The great, reason that this 
 result has not taken place, undoubtedly is, that 
 the public generally are not at all aware of 
 the nature and extent of the evil. All that" is 
 now necessary, in order to put an end to the 
 
 system, is to make the body of the people un 
 derstand it. If this were done, a single ses- 
 sion of congress would not perhaps be suffer- 
 ed to pass before a reform was commenced. 
 
 It must, however, be admitted, that argu- 
 ments are not waiting from the friends of 
 slavery, to prevent the interposition of con- 
 gress. They urge, that for congress to act on 
 this delicate subject, would offend the feelings 
 of the southern members ; and that to abolish 
 slavery in the District would seem like a re- 
 proach on those states where it is not abolish- 
 ed. The sum of the argument is, that a great 
 nation is to tolerate slavery and the slave 
 trade, — to refuse the performance of a great 
 act of justice and humanity, — because an op- 
 posite course would be a reproach upon that 
 portion of the nation which is not troubled 
 with conscientious scruples on the subject. 
 The bare statement of the argument, in plain 
 terms, carries with it its own confutation. 
 
 Whether slavery ought to be abolished in 
 the District is not a mere question of political 
 expediency, it involves principles of moral 
 duty. Therefore while we admit that no act 
 should be done for the mere purpose of irrita- 
 ting the whites of the south, we most earnest- 
 ly contend that the claim which the blacks in 
 the District have upon the nation for their 
 freedom, is a claim of right, to neglect which, 
 from the fear of giving offence to any part 
 of the country, would be a base abandonment 
 of principle. 
 
 • We acknowledge the whites of the south 
 as our friends and brethren. We are bound 
 to them by a thousand ties of interest and 
 feeling. But we ought not to sacrifice our 
 principles as an offering to their prejudices. 
 
 But it is still further urged, that the slaves 
 in the southern states will become uneasy if 
 their brethren in the District be emancipated. 
 We think there is little danger to be appre- 
 hended from this source. We have never 
 heard that the abolition of slavery in New- 
 Jersey and Pennsylvania, produced any bad 
 consequences in Maryland and Virginia. We 
 admit, however, that the southern states con- 
 tain a large population among them, which is 
 a constant and increasing source of danger, 
 and which must continue to be so, as long as 
 their present system remains. Conspiracies, 
 murders, and insurrections are the natural 
 fruits of slavery. It will no doubt produce 
 them in future as it has in time past. The 
 explosions which take place ought to be as- 
 
Slavery and the Slave Trade in the District of Columbia. 
 
 153 
 
 cribed to the system itself, rather than to any 
 extraneous circumstances. 
 
 We are, however, far from denying 1 that the 
 measure which we advocate, if it should be 
 carried, is to be without influence in the 
 southern states. On the contrary, we believe 
 that it will have visible and important effects, 
 not, in stimulating the blacks to violence, but 
 in directing the attention of their masters to 
 the subject of abolition. The mode in which 
 Congress puts an end to the system in the 
 District will be naturally regarded as a prece- 
 dent in the southern states. If the measure 
 should prove as beneficial, as we trust it will, 
 it will add another argument to the many 
 which now exist in favor of emancipation. 
 The southern states may at first feel offended 
 at the course adopted by Congress, but when 
 they themselves are beginning a course of le- 
 gislative enfranchisement, as some of them 
 probably will before many years are past, all 
 eyes will at once turn to the abolition law of 
 Congress to guide them in their great experi- 
 ment. 
 
 Many questions naturally occur to the mind, 
 in considering the particular measures which 
 Congress ought to adopt, in effecting any plan 
 of abolition. "Some of these questions are im- 
 portant. In examining them, however, we do 
 not purpose to enter much into detail, but 
 rather to present the general principles which 
 we think ought to guide all legislation upon 
 this subject. 
 
 An inquiry more frequently made than any 
 other, is, whether abolition ought to be imme- 
 diate or gradual. In our opinion the law to 
 be passed ought to abolish slavery and the 
 slave trade forthwith. Every colored person 
 resident in the District, and every one here- 
 after coming into it, except the personal at- 
 tendants upon members of Congress and the 
 officers of government who belong to slave 
 states, and runaway slaves, ought to be de- 
 clared free immediately on the passage of the 
 act. This course is recommended by obvious 
 reasons. 
 
 It should never be forgotten in any discus- 
 sion of this topic, that to give freedom to the 
 slaves, is an act demanded by strict justice. 
 They have a right to be made free. It is an 
 act of injustice to them to detain them in bond- 
 age one moment longer than the safety of so- 
 ciety requires. 
 
 The number of slaves in the District of Co- 
 lumbia, as we have already remarked, is small, 
 
 VOL. I. 
 
 both absolutely, and comparatively with the 
 total number ol inhabitants in the District. 
 Under these circumstances freedom may be 
 safely given them at once and without any 
 qualification. Where slaves are as numerous 
 as they are in Virginia and South Carolina, in 
 case they should be freed, new and peculiar 
 laws would no doubt be required for their 
 government. 
 
 While we contend that justice requires that 
 the enfranchised slaves should be permitted 
 to enjoy at once all civil rights, we are far 
 from urging that they should be instantly ad- 
 mitted to all political privileges. They should 
 be allowed to maintain suits, to be witnesses 
 in courts of justice, and to acquire and trans- 
 mit property, on the same terms as white 
 men. Their crimes too ought to be visited 
 with no higher penalties than those of whites. 
 But the right of suffrage and eligibility to offi- 
 ces might, with propriety, for some years, he 
 restricted to such of the blacks as can read 
 and write. 
 
 Another consideration which renders imme- 
 diate emancipation peculiarly necessary in the 
 District of Columbia, is the slave trade carried 
 on there. As long as slavery is suffered to 
 linger in the District, so long will this branch 
 of commerce be prosecuted, in spite of all the 
 laws which may be made to regulate it. But, 
 when no person in the District can be a slave, 
 the traffic must necessarily cease. 
 
 To these reasons might be added, that if 
 abolition is not prompt and expeditious, un- 
 principled persons will take advantage of the 
 delay, to sell their slaves and transport them 
 out of the District into the southern States, 
 before the law goes into effect, and thus evade 
 its operation. 
 
 Ought the owners of slaves who may be de- 
 prived of them by an abolition law, to receive 
 any compensation? We reply, yes. For 
 though the property of man in man is not 
 rightful, yet as the whole nation in its corpor- 
 ate capacity has made this property legal, the 
 whole nation ought to bear the loss, whatever 
 it may be, arising from an adoption of correct 
 principles. This, however, is a question be- 
 tween slaveholders and the nation, and the 
 adjustment of it ought not to interfere for one 
 moment with the right of the slaves to their 
 freedom, which is clear and absolute. As the 
 funds of the nation are abundant, the compen- 
 sation ought to be liberal. Whether it ought 
 to be the full market value of the slaves in 
 20 
 
154 
 
 Slavery and the SUeoe Trade in the District of Columbia. 
 
 all cases, we shall not pretend to decide. It 
 is probable that the liberation of plantation 
 slaves will increase the value of plantations. 
 Such an effect a9 this ought certainly to be 
 taken into consideration in estimating the 
 amount of compensation to be given. In re- 
 gard to some other classes of slaves, the loss 
 of their owners will probably be without any 
 direct corresponding benefit In such cases 
 we do not see why the owners should not re- 
 ceive the full value of their slaves from the 
 national treasury. The adjustment of the 
 compensation must depend upon a greater sta- 
 tistical knowledge of the District of Columbia 
 than we pretend to enjoy. But, as we have 
 already remarked, the settlement of this point 
 ought not to delay the passage of an abolition 
 law for a moment. 
 
 Ought the liberated slaves to be colonized, 
 that is, should any compulsory process be 
 adopted to drive them from the country ? We 
 answer unhesitatingly, no. They are attach- 
 ed to the United States as their native land ; 
 and as long as they are guilty of no offence 
 against society, have the same right to remain 
 here as the whites. 
 
 We should regard any abolition law as im- 
 perfect, which did not make provision for the 
 education of all the colored children in the 
 District. Without education, though free, they 
 must continue a degraded caste. Let them 
 be educated, and they would become useful 
 citizens, and an enduring monument to the 
 awakened justice of our country, more de- 
 lightful to the contemplation of the philanthro- 
 pist than any structure of brass or marble. 
 
 It may perhaps be not amiss to say a few 
 words as to the means by which the power of 
 the national government may be called into 
 action to suppress slavery in the District of 
 Columbia. It should be recollected that Con- 
 gress is never in advance of, but usually be- 
 hind public opinion. It follows slowly but 
 surely in the path taken by the people. The 
 legislation of this body is but the echo of the 
 people's voice. If the people really desire 
 slavery to be driven from the seat of govern- 
 mcnt,Congress will pass the statutes necessary 
 to carry the object into effect. But it is in 
 vain to expect the national legislature to adopt 
 an important measure of this kind, which is 
 sure to offend the prejudices of a large body 
 in the community, unless the members fee] 
 confident that they are acting in conformity 
 with the Writhes of their constituent ■>. Aloud 
 and. decided expression of public sentiment jf 
 
 necessary to stimulate the sluggish force of 
 Congress, and to overcome the vis inertia with 
 which an established evil resists every attempt 
 to remove it. 
 
 The modes of acting upon Congress are so 
 obvious and familiar, that it is needless to en- 
 large upon them. Those who are desirous of 
 abolishing slavery in the District must unite 
 themselves together, and use the common 
 means for diffusing information upon the sub- 
 ject throughout the country. Newspapers and 
 other periodical journals and tracts can be 
 made to exert a widely extended influence. 
 Public meetings should be held, and as many 
 petitions as possible sent to Congress, praying 
 for the desired object. An expression of 
 opinion on the subject might probably, by ac- 
 tive exertions, be obtained from some of the 
 state legislatures. 
 
 It is not very difficult to rouse the nation, 
 or rather the non-slaveholding part of it, to 
 powerful exertion, in order to remove the pol- 
 lution of slavery from the capital of our coun- 
 try. The principles of the people on this 
 subject are sound, and their feelings warm. 
 To induce them to act, nothing more is ne- 
 cessary, as we have already intimated, than to 
 make them familiar with the facts of the case. 
 Let this be done, and the abolition of slavery 
 in the District will be so easily effected, that 
 men will hereafter wonder that it should have 
 been endured there so long. 
 
 Since the foregoing remarks were prepared 
 for the press, the news of the abolition of sla- 
 very in the British Colonies has been received 
 in this country. This glorious act of the 
 British nation, presents a mortifying contrast 
 to the conduct of our own. They have given 
 freedom to eight hundred thousand slaves, 
 separated from them by a vast extent of ocean ; 
 we refuse it to six thousand at the seat of our 
 government, in the very heart of our country. 
 Burdened as they are with an enormous debt, 
 they cheerfully pay twenty millions of pounds 
 sterling for the sake of liberty and justice ; 
 while we, free from debt, with flourishing 
 finances, are not willing to pay a hundredth 
 part of the sum in the same cause. All class- 
 es of the British people have for many years 
 been exerting powerful efforts to effect the 
 rrreat object which they have at last accom- 
 plished ; while the Americans during the same 
 period, have remained deaf to the cries of their 
 oppressed fellow men, and insensible to the 
 dishonor of their country. 
 
Letter of Patrick Henry. — Abolition of Slavery in the British Colonies. 
 
 155 
 
 LETTER OF PATRICK HENRY. 
 
 The following copy of a letter from Patrick 
 Henry, is published from the Unionist. It 
 was addressed to Robert Pleasants, a Friend 
 in Virginia. We are informed that it after- 
 wards fell into the hands of Anthony Benezet, 
 who gave it to the venerable Moses Brown, 
 by whose means it has been preserved to the 
 present time. 
 
 The letter is strongly marked by the frank- 
 ness and fearlessness of Henry's character. 
 But it exhibits a melancholy inconsistency 
 between his principles and his practice. 
 
 We hope we shall not be charged with an 
 improper interference with the Soutii in pub- 
 lishing in Massachusetts a letter written sixty 
 years since in Virginia. 
 
 It seems to us that we have either seen this 
 letter before, or some production of Henry's 
 pen in which similar sentiments were avowed. 
 It deserves, however, frequent republication. 
 
 'Dear Sir, — I take this opportunity to ac- 
 knowledge the receipt of Anthony Benezet's 
 book against the Slave Trade. 1 thank you 
 for it. It is not a little surprising that Chris- 
 tianity, whose chief excellency consists in 
 softening the human heart, in cherishing and 
 improving its finer feelings, should encourage 
 a practice so totally repugnant to the first im- 
 pressions of right and wrong; what adds to 
 the wonder is, that this abominable practice 
 has been introduced in the most enlightened 
 ages, times that seem to have pretensions to 
 boast of high improvements in arts, sciences 
 and refined morality, have brought into gene- 
 ral use and guarded by many laws, a species 
 of violence and tyranny, which our more rude 
 and barbarous, but more honest ancestors, de- 
 tested. Is it not amazing, that at a time when 
 the rights of humanity are defined and under- 
 stood with precision, in a country above all 
 others fond of liberty, that in such an age and 
 such a country we find men professing a re- 
 ligion the most humane, mild, meek, gentle 
 and generous, adopting a principle as repug- 
 nant to humanity, as it is inconsistent with the 
 Bible and destructive to liberty? 
 
 Every thinking honest man rejects it in 
 speculation, how few in practice, from con- 
 scientious motives. The world in general 
 has denied your people a share of its honors, 
 but the wise will ascribe to you a just tribute 
 of virtuous praise for the practice of a train 
 of virtues among which your disagreement to 
 Slavery will be principally ranked. I cannot 
 but wish well to a people whose system imi- 
 tates the example of Him whose life was per- 
 fect, and believe me I shall honor the Quakers 
 for their noble effort to abolish Slavery. It is 
 equally calculated to promote moral and po- 
 litical good. 
 
 Would any one believe that I am master of 
 slaves of my own purchase ? I am drawn along 
 by the general inconvenience of living with- 
 out them. I will not, I cannot justify it. 
 However culpable my conduct, I will so far 
 pay my devoir to virtue as to own the excel- 
 lence and rectitude of her precepts, and to la- 
 ment my want of conformity to them. 
 
 i believe a time will come, when an oppor- 
 tunity will be offered to abolish this lamenta- 
 ble evil ; every thing we can do is to improve 
 it if it happens in our day, if not, let us trans- 
 mit to our descendants together with our slave 
 a pity for their unhappy lot and an abhorrence 
 for silvery. If we cannot reduce this wished 
 for reformation to practice let us treat the un- 
 happy victims with lenity ; it is the farthest 
 advance we can make towards justice ; it is a 
 debt we owe to the purity of our religion to 
 show that it is at variance with that law which 
 warrants slavery. Here is an instance of si- 
 lent Meetings, (the scoff of Reverend Doctors,) 
 have done that which learned and elaborate 
 preaching could not effect, so much preferable 
 are the genuine dictates of conscience and a 
 steady attention to its feelings, above the 
 teaching's of those men who pretend to have 
 found a better guide. 
 
 I exhort you to persevere in so worthy a 
 resolution. Some of your people disagree or at 
 least and hike-warm in the abolition of Slave- 
 ry. Many treat the resolution of your meet- 
 ing with ridicule, and among those who throw 
 contempt on it are Clergyman, whose surest 
 guard against both ridicule and contempt is a 
 certain Act of Assembly. 
 
 I know not where to stop. I could say 
 many things on this subject, a serious review 
 of which gives a gloomy perspective to future 
 times. 
 
 Excuse this scrawl, and believe me withes- 
 teem, Your Ob't Serv't. 
 
 PATRICK HENRY, Jr. 
 
 ABOLITION OF SLAVERY IN THE BRITISH 
 COLONIES. 
 
 The act putting an end to Slavery in the 
 British Colonics was passed in August last. 
 We have not yet seen the statute ; and with 
 the details of the measure as far as we under- 
 stand them, we are far from being satisfied. 
 But still the great object is accomplished. 
 Eight hundred thousand men are freed from 
 bondage. A nation of slaves is made a nation 
 of freemen. 
 
 This event is an era in the history of the 
 British nation, to which its past records afford 
 no parallel. When the memory of the bloody 
 victories of Cressy and Agincourt, Blenheim 
 and Waterloo, shall become dim in the lapse 
 ages, future generations of Britons will look 
 back to the abolition of slavery as the bright- 
 
156 
 
 Abolition of Slavery in the British Colonies. — Facts. 
 
 est and most godlike act in the annals of their 
 country. It is a triumph of the higher princi- 
 ples of our nature,— of justice and humanity, 
 — over selfishness, prejudice, and avarice. 
 
 The apparent apathy with which the news 
 of an event so striking and momentous has 
 been received in this country, would be sur- 
 prising, if it were not that we had been pre- 
 pared for the measure by slow and successive 
 stages of information, so that long before the 
 passage of the act was known, the result was 
 considered as certain. 
 
 The abolition of slavery in the British colo- 
 nies, however, cannot be looked upon with un- 
 concern in the United States. Though the 
 restoration of their natural rights to eight hun- 
 dred thousand men, however distant from us, 
 is an event interesting on its own account, 
 yet the effects which it is to produce in this 
 and other slaveholding countries, are even 
 more important. When the British king put 
 his name to the statute for abolishing slavery 
 in the colonies, he signed the death warrant 
 of slavery throughout the civilized world. 
 
 In vain will slaveholders and their adherents 
 attempt to resist the moral influence of Great 
 Britain. The moral courage of the benevo- 
 lent will^be strengthened, the moral sensibility 
 of the lukewarm will be roused, and the moral 
 force of the great body of the people will be 
 called into action, to exterminate at once and 
 forever the system which has so long disgraced 
 manhood and Christianity. 
 
 FACTS. 
 
 The reasons which induce abolitionists to 
 collect and publish cases of cruelty perpetra- 
 ted by slaveholders, are frequently misrepre- 
 sented. It is often said, that we charge the 
 whole body of whites at the South, with ha- 
 bitually committing those barbarous outrages 
 on the negroes, which, though they occasion- 
 ally occur, are, in fact, exceptions to the gen- 
 eral mode of treatment. 
 
 Our argument is very much perverted. 
 When we give an account of any atrocity 
 committed by a white, at the South, upon a 
 negro, we do not wish it to be inferred that all 
 the whites practise, or even approve of such 
 atrocities. Many slaveholders, we readily 
 admit, treat their slaves with kindness and 
 consideration. If it were not so, the frame of 
 society at the south could not endure for a 
 moment- 
 
 Our argument, though of course we cannot 
 
 preface every incident we relate by a formal 
 statement of it, is substantially this. The 
 slaves are subjected to greater cruelty and 
 oppression than the whites in our country, 
 therefore, for this, in addition to many other 
 reasons, slavery should be abolished. 
 
 How do wc establish this argument ? We 
 show that the slaves are less protected by law 
 from oppression than the whites ; that public 
 opinion has little respect for their rights ; and 
 that if they are injured they usually seek in 
 vain for sympathy or assistance in the reign- 
 ing caste. These general facts, indeed, can- 
 not be disputed. But to represent the horrors 
 of the system, and to awake public sensibili- 
 ty on the subject, it is necessary to exhibit in 
 their true colors, the aggravated outrages 
 which are daily occurring. 
 
 We do not contend then that all slavehol- 
 ders are brutal and barbarous, but Ave do say, 
 that the laws and institutions of the southern 
 States encourage brutal cruelty, and that pub- 
 lic sentiment there tolerates, if it does not 
 sanction it. 
 
 We shall now proceed without further in- 
 troduction to mention two horrible transac- 
 tions which have lately been related to us. 
 We regret that we did not ascertain the names 
 of the parties. 
 
 The following circumstance occurred near 
 Elkton in Maryland. A man, for some trifling 
 cause or other had taken offence at a negro. 
 In order to wreak his vengeance upon the 
 poor slave without molestation, he purchased 
 him of his owner, and had him whipped to 
 death. 
 
 The wife of a clergyman, who resided in 
 the State of Virginia, not far from Alexandria 
 in the District of Columbia, became jealous of 
 a female slave who resided in the family and 
 was owned by her husband. During a short 
 absence of the husband, the wife had the feet 
 of this unfortunate woman chopped off, and 
 in this mutilated condition had her carried to 
 some distance from the house and there ex- 
 posed in the open air. The weather was cold, 
 and it was supposed she would perish. It 
 happened, however, that some humane person 
 passing by, had her taken to his house, where 
 her wounds were cured. 
 
 When the husband returned home, his wife 
 reported that his slave had died during his ab- 
 sence. 
 
 A considerable time afterwards the husband 
 happened to visit the house of the person who 
 
Meeting of the Anti-Slavery Society. — 2 > rotcst against the Colonization Society. 157 
 
 had relieved the wretched slave, and was 
 made acquainted with the whole transaction. 
 In order to place the woman as far as possible 
 beyond the reach of his wife, he made a bill 
 of sale of her to the person who found her. 
 
 When the husband went home he told his 
 wife what he had seen and heard. She, in- 
 stead of being - overwhelmed by learning- that 
 her barbarity had become known, expressed a 
 wish to have the woman again. The precau- 
 tion of the husband, in making a conveyance 
 of the slave, fortunately preserved her from 
 becoming again the victim of her mistress' 
 diabolical passions. 
 
 If we are not mistaken, the person who 
 narrated these cases to us, stated that neitbcr 
 of the guilty parties in these two atrocious 
 transactions were ever punished or even in- 
 dicted. Little or no attention, indeed, is paid 
 to such occurrences at the South. Crimes 
 which at the North would send their perpe- 
 trators to the gallows or the state prison, at 
 the South are not visited with the slightest 
 punishment. What must be the state of mor- 
 als and feeling in a community in which such 
 criminals are tolerated ! 
 
 QUARTERLY MEETING OF THE NEW- 
 ENGLAND ANTI-SLAVERY SOCIETY. 
 This meeting was held in Boylston Hall, 
 September 30. A numerous audience was 
 collected. After a prayer by the Rev. Mr. 
 Phelps, and singing by a choir of colored chil- 
 dren from Miss Paul's school, an address was 
 delivered by the Rev. Mr. May. 
 
 We shall not pretend to give even an out- 
 line of Mr. May's discourse. It was, as it 
 seemed to us., admirably adapted for the occa- 
 sion, and was well calculated to interest and 
 persuade his audience. Mr. May spoke with 
 great earnestness, feeling, and eloquence, 
 tempered throughout,however, with great kind- 
 ness and Christian benevolence. 
 
 A vote of thanks was returned to Mr. May, 
 and a copy of his discourse requested for the 
 press. 
 
 A vote of thanks was also given to Miss 
 Paul for the services of her pupils in singing. 
 The following resolutions.-were then propo- 
 sed, and adopted without opposition. 
 
 Resolved, That llie act of the British nation by 
 which slavery is abolished in their colonies, merits the 
 gratitude "and admiration of the civilized world. 
 
 Resolved, That the thanks of this meeting be pre- 
 sented to those British philanthropists who have for so 
 many years devoted themselves to the accomplish- 
 ment of this glorious result. 
 
 BRITISH PROTEST AGAINST THE COLO- 
 NIZATION SOCIETY. 
 
 We publish below a protest against the 
 American Colonization Society, which has 
 lately appeared in England, The names ap- 
 pended to it are among the most distinguished 
 in the Anti-Slavery cause. The bitterness of 
 the prejudices in this country against the color- 
 ed people, has prevented too many really be- 
 nevolent persons from viewing the persecuting 
 and oppressive spirit of this association in its 
 true light. In Great Britain, where the preju- 
 dice against the colored races of men is much 
 milder, the true friends of the blacks have, al- 
 most to a man, shrunk back with abhorrence 
 from schemes of banishment, disguised under 
 the specious name of Colonization. 
 PROTEST. 
 
 We the undersigned, having observed with 
 regret that the ' American Colonization Socie- 
 ty ' appears to be gaining some adherents in 
 this country, are desirous to express our opin- 
 ions respecting it. 
 
 Our motive and excuse forrthus coming for- 
 ward are the claims which the Society has 
 put forth to Anti-Slavery support. These 
 opinions are, in our opinion, wholly ground- 
 less ; and we feel bound to affirm that our de- 
 liberate judgment and conviction are, that the 
 professions made by the Colonization Society 
 of promoting the abolition of Slavery, arc al- 
 together delusive. 
 
 As far as the mere Colony of Liberia is con- 
 cerned, it has no doubt the advantages of 
 other trading establishments. In this sense,, 
 it is beneficial both to America and to Africa,, 
 and we cordially wish it well. We cannot,, 
 however, refrain from expressing our strong 
 opinion that it is a settlement of which the- 
 United States ought to bear the whole cost- 
 We never required of that country to assist 
 us in Sierra Leone ; we are enormously bur- 
 dened by our own connection with Slavery j 
 and we do maintain that we ought not to be 
 called on to contribute to the expenses of a 
 Colony, which, though no doubt comprising 
 some advantages, was formed chiefly to in- 
 dulge the prejudices of American Slaveholders,, 
 and which is regarded with aversion by the 
 colored population of the United States. 
 
 With regard to the extinction of the Slave 
 Trade, we apprehend that Liberia, however 
 good the intentions of its supporters, will be 
 able to do little or nothing towards it, except 
 on the limited extent of its own territories. 
 The only effectual death blow to that accursed 
 traffic will be thedestruction of slavery through- 
 out the world. To the destruction of slavery 
 throughout the world, we are compelled to say 
 that we believe the Colonization Society to be 
 an obstruction. 
 I Our objections to it are, therefore, briefly 
 
158 
 
 A Slave-holding Nation. 
 
 these: — While we believe its pretexts to be 
 delusive, we are convinced that it real effects 
 are of the most dangerous nature. It takes 
 its root from a cruel prejudice and alienation 
 in the whites of America against the colored 
 people, slave or free. This being- its source, 
 the effects are what might be expeete*d; that 
 it fosters and increase, the spirit of caste, al- 
 ready so unhappily predominant. ; that it widens 
 the breach between the two races — exposes 
 the colored people to great practical persecu- 
 tion, in order to force them to emigrate ; and 
 finally, is calculated to swallow up and divert 
 that feeling which America, as a Christian and 
 a free country, cannot but entertain, that sla- 
 very is alike incompatible with the law of God, 
 and with the well being of man, whether the 
 enslaver or the enslaved. 
 
 On these grounds, therefore, and while we 
 acknowledge the Colony of Liberia, or any 
 other co]ony on the coast of Africa, to be in 
 itself a good thing, we must be understood 
 utterly to repudiate the principles of the Ame- 
 rican Colonization Society. That Society is, 
 in our estimation, not deserving of the coun- 
 tenance of the British public. 
 
 YVM. WH.P.F.RFORCE, 
 
 WM. SMITH, 
 
 ZACHARY MACAULAY, 
 
 WILLIAM EVANS, M. P. 
 
 SAMUEL GURNEY, 
 
 •GEORGE STEPHEN, 
 
 SUFFIELD. 
 
 S. LUSHINGTON, M. P. 
 
 TIIOS. FOWELL BUXTON, M. P. 
 
 JAMES CROPPER, ^ 
 
 WILLIAM ALLEN. 
 
 DANIEL O'CONNELL, M. P. 
 London, July, 1833. 
 
 A SLAVEHOLDING NATION. 
 We often hear it asserted that the United 
 States, as a nation, have no concern with sla- 
 very ; that, though it is tolerated in the south- 
 ern States, the nation is not responsible for it, 
 since Congress has no power to legislate on 
 the subject. It is thus that men talk who have 
 never reflected. But, on the other hand, we 
 declare and are prepared to establish by proof, 
 that the American nation, both directly and 
 indirectly, both by legislating and neglecting 
 to legislate, approves and encourages slavery, 
 and its twin-born sin, the hatred against the 
 colored race. 
 
 1. The constitution of the United States 
 binds, as far as it can, the people of the north- 
 ern States, to restore runaway slaves to their 
 owners. 
 
 2. Congress has admitted slave States into 
 the Union without any restriction on the sub- 
 ject of slavery. 
 
 3. Congress has not abolished slavery in the 
 District of Columbia. 
 
 4. Congress has not abolished slavery in 
 the territories of Florida and Arkansas. 
 
 The slaves in these territories are now few 
 in numbers, but they are every day increasing. 
 Slavery might now be abolished in them, with 
 little inconvenience or expense. Every hour's 
 delay renders the task of abolition more diffi- 
 cult. 
 
 5. Congress has not abolished the domestic 
 slave-trade, carried on between the States. 
 
 It is well known that many thousand slaves 
 are every year torn from their homes in the 
 more northerly of the southern States, and 
 sold into those farther south. A large part of 
 them are raised for the very purpose of being 
 thus sold. The sale of slaves is one of the 
 largest traffics carried on in the United States. 
 This slave-trade as abominable in principle 
 and nearly as atrocious in practice, as the Af- 
 rican slave-trade, it is within the power of 
 Congress to abolish, as far as it is carried on 
 between the States. The Constitution ex- 
 pressly gives that body the power to ' regnlate 
 commerce with foreign nations, and among the 
 several States.' * 
 
 G. The laws of the federal government pro- 
 hibit colored foreigners from being naturalized. 
 
 7. The same laws allow only free white 
 persons to be enrolled in the militia. 
 
 It may not at first view appear any hardship 
 upon colored persons to be exempted from 
 serving in the militia. But when we recollect 
 that this exemption is a mark of the contempt 
 and scorn with which the whites too often re- 
 gard their race, it must be complained of as 
 unjust. 
 
 8. The same laws prohibit colored persons 
 from carrying the mail. 
 
 9. Congress in the act incorporating the 
 city of Washington gives the municipal au- 
 thorities power, ' to prescribe the terms and 
 conditions upon which free negroes and mu- 
 lattoes may reside in the city.' This power 
 has been most oppressively and abusively ex- 
 ercised by the city. 
 
 We have not searched the statute book of 
 the United States to show all the cases in 
 which the laws of the federal government 
 have been unjust to the people of color, but 
 have merely referred to such statutes as occur 
 to our recollection. A careful examination of 
 the published laws would, no doubt, bring to 
 light many more. But the particulars which 
 
 * This subject has been treated of bv an able wri- 
 ter in the Liberator, of Oct. 5, 1833. 
 
New Anti-Slavery Soc 
 
 159 
 
 we have specified abundantly support our as- 
 sertion that the Americans, as a nation, ap- 
 prove and encourage slavery, and foster the 
 prejudices against the colored race. As a na- 
 tion, then, until we do something to amend our 
 constitution and laws, we are responsible for 
 the shame and guilt of slavery, and are the 
 aiders and abettors of a criminal proscription 
 and persecution of our colored brethren. 
 
 NEW ANTI-SLAVERY SOCIETIES. 
 
 We have received accounts of the formation 
 
 of several newAnti-Slavery Societies. All of 
 
 them seem likely to be carried on with spirit, 
 
 and to be useful auxiliaries in the good cause. 
 
 WESTERN RESERVE ANTI-SLAVERY 
 SOCIETY. 
 
 On the day succeeding the late commence- 
 ment of the Western Reserve College, at 
 Hudson, Ohio, a meeting was held, at which 
 an Anti-Slavery Society was formed on the 
 principle of total and immediate emancipation. 
 The friends of colonization having been ap- 
 prised of the movement beforehand, attended 
 the meeting, and proposed the formation of an 
 association to be called ' The Western Reserve 
 Anti-Slavery and Colonization Society.' After 
 an animated discussion of three hours contin- 
 uance, the colonizationists, failing to accom- 
 plish their object, withdrew. The real friends 
 of abolition then adopted a constitution, and 
 elected the following officers : 
 
 EL1ZUR WRIGHT, Esq. President. 
 Dr. O. K. HAWLEY, Vice President. 
 Rev. HENRY COWLES, Cor. Sue. 
 R. M. WALKER, Ree. Sec. 
 OWEN BROWN, Esq. Treasurer. 
 
 Rev. Jacob Baily, 
 
 Woolsey Wells, Esq. 
 
 Rev. Daniel Miller, 
 
 Rev. Nath. Cobb, 
 
 Dr. Wm. N. Hudson, ). Counsellors. 
 
 John M. Sterling, Esq. 
 
 Lucretius Bissell, 
 
 Rev. John Montieth, 
 
 R. BlDWELL, Esq. j 
 
 The following resolutions, among others, 
 were then adopted : 
 
 Resolved, That notwithstanding the differ- 
 ence of opinion with respect to the Coloniza- 
 tion Society, we cordially invite the friends of 
 that Society to unite with us, in the prosecu- 
 tion of all matters which meet their approba- 
 tion ; and we pledge ourselves to co-operate 
 with them in all their plans which we con- 
 ceive, all things considered, will tend to bene- 
 fit the colored people. 
 
 Resolved, That in the opinion of this socie- 
 ty, the cause of the oppressed and the rights 
 of man, require every citizen to petition to 
 Congress immediately to abolish slavery in 
 the District of Columbia, and in all the terri- 
 
 tories under their control, and that it is -also 
 tiie duty of the citizens of this State to petition 
 the General Assembly at the next session to 
 repeal all laws now existing in this state, which 
 make a distinction between white and colored 
 men in the enjoymentof rights and privileges. 
 
 NEW : YORK CITY ANTI-SLAVERY SO- 
 CIETY. 
 
 At a meeting of the friends of immediate 
 
 emancipation of Slaves in the United States, 
 
 held at Chatham-street Chapel, Wednesday 
 
 evening, October 2, after the adoption of a 
 
 Constitution, the Society went into the choice 
 
 of officers, when the following persons were 
 
 chosen, — 
 
 ARTHUR TAPPAN. President 
 WM. GREEN, Jr.. Vice President. 
 JOHN RANKIN, Treasurer. 
 ELIZUR WRIGHT, Jr., Cor. Secretary. 
 C. W. DENISON, Rec. Secretary. 
 
 Joshua Leavitt, 1 
 
 Isaac T. Hooper, | 
 
 Abra. L. Con, M. D. V Managers. 
 
 Lew is Tappan, 
 
 Wm. Goodell. J 
 
 ABOLITION SOCIETY OF PAINT VALLEY. 
 
 Agreeably to adjournment, the Abolition 
 
 Society of Paint Valley, Ohio, held its annual 
 
 meeting, on Wednesday, the 28th of August, 
 
 1833, and the following officers were chosen. 
 
 GEORGE BROWN, Esq. President. 
 WILLIAM WILSON, Esq. V. President 
 ADAM B. WILSON, Esq. Rec. Sec'ry. 
 Rev. JAMES H. DICKEY, Cor. Sec'ry. 
 Mr. JOSEPH LAWHEAD, Treasurer. 
 
 Mc7nbers of the Executive Committee for Highland 
 County. 
 Rev. SAMUEL CROTHER3, 
 Hon. HUGH SMART. 
 
 For Fayette Couniy. 
 Mr. HUGH GIIORMLY, 
 Mr. JAMES McCONNEL. 
 
 For Ross County. 
 WILLIAM SMITH, Esq. 
 Mr. JAMES C. STEELE. 
 
 ANTI-SLAVERY SOCIETY OF PLAINFIELD* 
 AND ITS VICINITY. 
 
 The Unionist of August 29, gives an ac- 
 count oi* a meeting in Plainfield, Ct. at which 
 the ' Anil-Slavery Society of Plainfield, and 
 ils vicinity,'' was organized. An address was 
 delivered by Mr. Andrew Rockwell, and a 
 constitution adopted. Forty three persons- 
 then became members of the Society. The- 
 following persons were then chosen officers. 
 
 Dea. RINALDO BURLEIGH, President. 
 SAMUEL L. HOUGH, I y Presidents 
 GEORGE SHARPE, S Presidents. 
 
 EDWIN TUCKER, Rec. Secretary. 
 Rev. S. J. MAY, Cor. Secretary. 
 
160 
 
 Truth. — The JYcgro Mother's Appeal. 
 
 TRUTH. 
 
 True it is, that an ill-timed zeal is always 
 indiscreet, and calculated to irritate, rather 
 than to convert. But to avow with frankness 
 and modesty what we regard as an important 
 truth, — to do it, even when we have reason to 
 conclude it will not be palatable, and to meet 
 willingly any ridicule or sarcasm which may 
 be launched against it ; this 1 maintain to be 
 an actual duty. A noble avowal of this kind, 
 moreover, may always be made, without pre- 
 tending to assume, uncalled for, anything of 
 the missionary character. 
 
 It is, I repeat, a duty, not to keep back an 
 important truth at any period ; for though there 
 may be little hope of its being immediately ac- 
 knowledged ; it may tend to prepare the mind 
 of others, and in due time, doubtless, produce 
 a better and more impartial judgment, and a 
 consequent triumph of truth. Silvio Pellico. 
 
 [From an English Tract.] 
 THE NEGRO MOTHER'S APPEAL. 
 Wliilc Lady, happy, proud and free ! 
 Lend, awhile, thine ear to me ; 
 Lot the Negro Mother's wail 
 Turn thy pale cheek yet more pale. 
 
 Yes, thy varying cheek can show 
 Feelings none save mothers know; 
 My sable bosom does but hide 
 Strong affection's rushing tide. 
 
 Joy. fair Lady, with the name 
 Of Mother, for thy first born came, 
 Joy unmingled with the fear 
 Which dwells, alas ! for ever here. 
 
 Can the Negro Mother joy- 
 Over this, her captive boy, 
 Which, in bondage, and in tears, 
 For a life of woe she rears ? 
 Though she bears a mother's name, 
 A mother's rights she may not claim, 
 For the white man's will can part 
 Jler darling from her bursting heart. 
 
 Safe within thy circling anus. 
 Thou mayst watch the opening charms 
 ( )f the babe who sinks to rest 
 Cradled on thy snowy breast ; 
 
 Confiding in thy right divine, 
 Press his rosy lips to thine ; 
 By no force, nor fraud can he 
 Snatched from thy embraces be. 
 
 Gently nurtured shall he grow ; 
 Bitter toil shall never know ; 
 Never feel the gnawing pain 
 Of the captive's hopeless chain. 
 
 And thou wilt bid him fix his eye 
 On a bright home in the sky ; 
 And teach him how to lift his prayer 
 To a gracious Father there. 
 
 I hear, too, of that God above, 
 Some tell me that his name is Love ; 
 That all hi* children, dark or fair, 
 Alike his pitying favor share. 
 
 They tell me that our Father bade 
 All love the creatures he has made ; 
 That none should ever dare oppress, 
 But seek each other's haopiness. 
 
 Vet I see the white man gain 
 Hi- riches by the Negro's pain ; 
 Sec him close his eyes and cars 
 To his brother's cries and tears. 
 
 But, Lady, when thy look, so mild, 
 Rests upon thine own fair child, 
 Think, then, of one less fair, indeed, 
 Cut one for whom thy heart should bleed. 
 
 Born to his parents' wretched fate, 
 Him no smiling hours await ; 
 Toil, and scourge, and chain, his doom, 
 From the cradle to the tomb. 
 
 When bow'd beneath his earthly woes, 
 His fainting heart would seek repose, 
 And listen to the holy call. 
 Which bids him trust the Lord of all ; 
 
 When he in lowly prayer would bend 
 Before an everlasting Friend ; 
 Learn how to reach those mansions blest, 
 Where even he at length may rest ; 
 
 B}- a stern master's jealous pride, 
 This blessing, too, may be denied ; 
 He may forbid his care-worn slave 
 To look for hope beyond the grave. 
 
 Oh ! if that blessed law be true, 
 They tell mc Jesus preached to you, 
 'Tis well, perhaps, to veil its light, 
 From the poor bondsman's aching sight. 
 
 Lest too clearly he might trace 
 The records of a Father's grace ; 
 Read his own wrongs in words of flame, 
 And his lost birthright proudly claim. 
 
 Yet, white men, fear not ; even we, 
 Despised, degraded, though we be, 
 Have hearts to feel, to understand, 
 And keep your Master's great command. 
 
 That faith, your kinder brethren bring, 
 Like Angels on their healing wing, 
 To cheer us in the hour of gloom, 
 With glimpses of a brighter home ; 
 
 That faith, beneath whoso hallow'd name, 
 Ye work the deeds of sin and shame ; 
 Which bids the sinner turn and live, 
 Can teach the Negro to forgive. 
 
 For all the gems of Afric's coast, 
 And fruits her palmy forests boast, 
 I would not harm that boy of thine, 
 Nor bid him groan and toil for mine. 
 
 I would but, on my bended knee, 
 Beseech that mine might be as free ; 
 Child of the same indulgent Heaven. 
 Might share the common blessings given. 
 
 I would but, when the lisping tone 
 Of thy sweet infant mocks thine own, 
 That thou shouldst teach his earliest thought 
 To spurn the wealth by slavery bought. 
 
 I would but, when thy babe is prest 
 With transports to a father's breast, 
 Thy gentle voice should plead the cause 
 Of nature and her outraged laws ; 
 
 Should bid that father break the chain 
 In which he holds our wretched train, 
 And by the love to thee he bears, 
 Dispel the Negro Mother's fears. 
 
 By thy pure, maternal joy, 
 Bid him spare my helpless boy ; 
 And thus a blessing on his own 
 Seek from his Maker's righteous throne. 
 
* 
 
 *# 
 
 THE ABOLITIONIST. 
 
 VOL. I.] 
 
 NOVEMBER, 1833. 
 
 [NO. XI. 
 
 MISS CRANDALL'S SECOND TRIAL. 
 
 The Unionist of Oct. 10, gives an account 
 of this interesting trial. 
 
 'Last Thursday Miss Crandall was brought 
 before the Superior Court sitting in this place, 
 (Judge Daggett on the bench,) upon an infor- 
 mation similar to that on which she was tried 
 at the last session of the County Court. She 
 had been bound over to answer to two com- 
 plaints, one for teaching, and the other for 
 boarding colored persons from other states, but 
 was tried on the former only. A. T. Judson, 
 Esq. and C. F. Cleaveland the State's Attor- 
 ney conducted the prosecution; Henry Strong 
 Esq. and Hon. Calvin Goddard, the defence. 
 The plea as on the former trial wasNoTGum- 
 ty. Several witnesses were examined, the 
 facts necessary to conviction were proved, and 
 nothing remained but to establish the consti- 
 tutionality of the law. 
 
 Mr. Judson opened the case for the prosecu- 
 tion, and pursued much the same train of argu- 
 ment as on the former trial, except that in ad- 
 dition to the points then made, he contended 
 that the clause in the constitution which was 
 made the ground of the defence, was intended 
 as a rule of action to the general government 
 only, and not to the state Legislatures. He 
 was followed by Mr. Strong, who, in a pow- 
 erful, logical and conclusive argument, clearly 
 exhibited the unconstitutionality of the law, 
 showing that the Constitution was made to 
 control the action of the state Legislatures ; 
 that it was intended to secure to all citizens 
 of the United States, the enjoyment of such 
 privileges and immunities as are fundamental ; 
 that the privilege of obtaining an education is 
 fundamental ; and that free blacks are citizens, 
 and of course entitled, though citizens of oth- 
 er states, to the same privileges as our own 
 colored population, and among others to that 
 of acquiring knowledge here. Mr. Goddard 
 closed for the defence, briefly but eloquently, 
 and the State's Attorney havingconcluded on 
 the part of the prosecution, the judge rose 
 and saying a few words respecting the impor- 
 tance of the question, and his inability to do 
 it justice, declined giving his charge till the 
 next morning. 
 
 On Friday morning, as soon as the court 
 was opened, every seat was occupied, and 
 many persons stood, unable to obtain seat?, all 
 listening with profound attention to the charge. 
 
 VOL. I. 
 
 It occupied, as nearly as we could estimate, 
 about an hour, and, as will be seen by the out- 
 line given below, was decidedly in favor of the 
 constitutionality of the law.' 
 
 The Unionist then gives a sketch of Judge 
 Daggett's charge. But as the Windham Coun- 
 ty Advertiser presents a more full account of it, 
 apparently revised by the Judge, we copy the 
 report of it from that paper, or rather from 
 another paper in which it is credited to the 
 Advertiser. 
 
 ' This is an information filed by the Attor- 
 ney for the State, for the alleged violation of 
 a statute law, passed by the General Assem- 
 bly, at their last session, relating to inhabitants ; 
 the preamble to the act, embracing the rea- 
 sons for the law. It reads thus : 
 
 ' Whereas attempts have been made to es- 
 tablish literary institutions in this State, for 
 the instruction of colored persons belonging 
 to other States and countries, which would 
 tend to the great increase of the colored pop- 
 ulation of the State, and thereby totha injury 
 of the people ; Therefore it is enacted that no 
 person shall set up or establish, in this State, 
 any school, academy, or literary institution, for 
 the instruction or education of colored persons 
 who are not inhabitants of this State, nor in- 
 struct or teach in any school, academy, or lit- 
 erary institution, or harbor or board, for the 
 purpose of attending or being taught or in- 
 structed in any such school, any colored per- 
 son not an inhabitant of any town in this 
 State, without the consent, in writing, first 
 obtained of a majority of the civil authority 
 and select men of the town where such school 
 is situated, on penalty,' &c. 
 
 It is alleged in this information, that since 
 the 22d day "of August last, to wit, on the 24th 
 day of September, 1833, the defendant has 
 wilfully and knowingly, harbored and boarded 
 colored persons not inhabitants of the State 
 for the purpose mentioned in said act, without 
 having obtained in writing, the consent of ths 
 civil authority and select men of the town of 
 Canterbury, where the school has been set up. 
 As to the facts in this case, there seems to be 
 but little controversy. It has scarcely been 
 denied, that colored persons have been harbor- 
 ed and boarded by the defendant for the ob- 
 jects alleged, within the time set forth in this 
 information. You, Gentlemen of the Jury, 
 21 
 
162 
 
 Miss CrandaWs Saond Tri 
 
 have heard the evidence, and as it is your ex- 
 clusive business to nass upon these facts, you 
 will say whether or not they are true 
 
 It' these facts are not proved to your satis- 
 faction, then you may dismiss the cas< , For in 
 that evenl you have no further duty to perform. 
 If, however, you find the facts true, then anoth- 
 er duty, equally important, devolves upon tin ■ 
 jury. It is an undeniable proposition, that the 
 jury are judges of both law and fact, in all 
 cases of this nature. It is, however, equally 
 true, that the court is to state its opinion to 
 the jury, upon all questions of law, arising in 
 the trial of a criminal cause, and to submit to 
 their consideration, both law and fact, without 
 any direction how to find their verdict. 
 
 The counsel for the defendant have rested 
 her defence upon a provision of the constitu- 
 tion of the United States, claiming that the 
 statute law of this State, upon which this in- 
 formation is founded, is inconsistent with that 
 provision, and therefore void. This is the 
 great question involved in this case, and it is 
 about to be submitted to your consideration. 
 
 It is admitted that there are no provisions 
 in the constitution of this State which conflict 
 with this act. It may be remarked here that 
 the constitution of the United States is above 
 all other law, — it is emphatically the supreme 
 law of the land, and the Judges are so to de- 
 clare it. From the highest court to the low- 
 est, even that of a justice of the peace, all 
 laws, whether made by Congress or State 
 Legislatures, are subject to examination, and 
 when brought to the test of the constitution, 
 may be declared utterly void. But in order 
 to do this, the court should first find the lav/ 
 contrary, and plainly contrary to the constitu- 
 tion. Although this may be done, and done 
 too by the humblest court, yet it never should 
 be done but upon a full conviction that the 
 law in question is unconstitutional. 
 
 Many things said upon this trial, may be 
 laid out of the case. The consideration of 
 Slavery, with all its evils and degrading con- 
 sequences, may be dismissed, with the consid- 
 eration that it is a degrading evil. The bene- 
 fits, blessings and advantages of instruction 
 and education, may also cease to claim your 
 attention, except you may well consider that 
 education is a 'fundamental privilege,' for ihN 
 is the basis of all free governments. 
 
 Having read this law, the question comes 
 to us with peculiarjbrce, does it clearly violate 
 the'Gonstitution of the United States ?— The 
 section claimed to have been violated, reads 
 as follows, to wit: ' Art. 4— Sec. 2. — The citi- 
 zens of each State, shall be entitled to all 
 privileges and immunities of citizens in the 
 several States.' It has been urged that this 
 section was made to direct, exclusively, the 
 action of the General Government, and there- 
 fore can never be applied to State laws. This 
 is not the opinion of the court. The plain and 
 obvious meaning of this provision, is, to secure 
 
 to the citizens of all the States, the same privi- 
 leges as are secured to our own, by our own 
 State laws. Should a citizen of Connecticut 
 purchase a farm in Massachusetts, and the 
 Legislature of Massachusetts tax the owner 
 of i hat farm, four times as much as they would 
 tax a citizen of Massachusetts, because the 
 one resided in Connecticut and the other in 
 Massachusetts ; or should a law be passed by 
 either of those States, that no citizen of the 
 other, should reside or trade in that other,this 
 would undoubtedly be an unconstitutional law, 
 and should be so declared. 
 
 The 2d section was provided as a substitute 
 for the 4th article of the Confederation. That 
 article has also been read, and by comparing 
 them, you can perceive the object intended by 
 the substitute. 
 
 The act in question, provides that colored 
 persons who are not inhabitants of this State, 
 shall not be harbored and boarded, for the pur- 
 poses therein mentioned, within this State, 
 without the consent of the civil authority and 
 selectmen of the town. We are then brought 
 to the great question, are they citizens within 
 the provisions of this section of the Constitu- 
 tion ? The law extends to all persons of 
 color not inhabitants of this State, Avhether 
 theyjive in the State of New-York, or in the 
 West Indies, or any other foreign country. 
 
 In deciding this question, I am very happy 
 that my opinion can be revised by the Supreme 
 Court of this State, and of the United States, 
 should you return a verdict against the de- 
 fendant. 
 
 The persons contemplated in this act are 
 not citizens within the obvious meaning of that 
 section of the Constitution of the United 
 States, which I have just read. Let me begin 
 by putting this plain question: Are slaves 
 citizens ? At the adoption of the Constitution 
 of the United States, every State was a slave 
 state. Massachusetts had begun the work of 
 emancipation Avithin her own borders. And 
 Connecticut, as early as 1784, had also enact- 
 ed laws making all those free at the age of 
 25, who might be born within the state, after 
 that time. We all know that slavery is re- 
 cognized in the Constitution, and it is the duty 
 of this court to take that Constitution as it is, 
 for we have sworn to support it. Although the 
 term ' slavery ' cannot be found written out in 
 the Constitution, yet no one can mistake the 
 object of the 3d sec. of the 4th article : — 'No 
 person held to service or labor in one state, 
 under the laws thereof, escaping into another, 
 shall in consequence of any law or regulation 
 therein, be discharged from such service or 
 labor, hut shall be delivered up on claim of 
 the party to whom such service or labor may 
 be due.' 
 
 The 2d section of the 1st article, reads as 
 follows: — 'Representatives and direct taxes 
 shall be apportioned among the several states 
 which may be included in this Union, accord- 
 
JUiss Cnirftbtll's Second 7 Via/- 
 
 163 
 
 mg to their respective numbers, which ahall 
 be determined by adding to the whole number 
 of free persons, including those bound to ser- 
 vice for a term of years, and excluding Indians 
 not taxed, three fifths of all other /icrsons.' 
 The ' other persons ' are slaves, and they be- 
 came the basis of representation, by adding 
 them to the white population in that propor- 
 tion. Then slaves were not considered citi- 
 zens by the framers of the Constitution. 
 
 A citizen means a freeman. By referring 
 to Dr. Webster, one of the most learned men 
 of this or any other country, we have the fol- 
 lowing definition of the term — ' Citizen : 1st, 
 a native of a city, or an inhabitant who enjoys 
 the freedom and privileges of tiie city in which 
 he resides. 2. A townsman, a man of trade, 
 not a gentleman. 3. An inhabitant; a dweller 
 in any city, town or country. 4. In the United 
 States, it means a person native or naturalized, 
 who has the privilege of exercising the elec- 
 tive franchise, and of purchasing and holding 
 real estate. 5 
 
 Are Indians citizens ? It is admitted in the 
 argument that they arc not, but it is said they 
 belong to distinct tribes. This cannot be 
 true, because all Indians do not belong to a 
 tribe. It may be now added, that by the de- 
 clared law of New- York, Indians are not citi- 
 zens, and the learned Chancellor Kent says, 
 ' they never can be made citizens.' Indians 
 were literally natives of our soil, — they were 
 born here, and yet they are not citizens. 
 
 The Mohegans were once a mighty tribe, 
 powerful and valiant ; and who among us ever 
 saw one of them performing military duty, or 
 exercising, with the white men, the privilege 
 of the elective franchise, or holding an office ? 
 And what is the reason ? I answer, they are 
 not citizens, according to the acceptation of 
 the term in the United States. 
 
 Are free blacks, citizens? It has been in- 
 geniously said, that vessels may be owned 
 and navigated by free blacks, and the Ameri- 
 can flag will protect them ; but you will re- 
 member that the statute which makes that 
 provision, is an act of Congress, and not the 
 Constitution. Admit, if you please, that Mr. 
 Cuffee, a respectable merchant, has owned 
 vessels, and sailed them under the American 
 flag, yet this does not prove him to be such a 
 citizen as the Constitution contemplates. But 
 that question stands undecided by any legal 
 tribunal within my knowlege. For the pur- 
 poses of this case, it may not be necessary to 
 determine that question. 
 
 It has been also urged, that as colored per- 
 sons may commit treason, they must be con- 
 sidered citizens. Every person born in the 
 United States, as well as every person who 
 may reside here, owes allegiance of some sort 
 to the government, because the government 
 affords him protection. Treason against this 
 government, consists in levying war against 
 the government of the United States, or aid- 
 
 ing its enemy in time of war. Treason may 
 be committed by persons who are not entitled 
 to the elective franchise. For if they reside 
 under the protection of the government, it 
 would be treason to levy war against that gov- 
 ernment, as much as it' they Were citizens. 
 
 I think Chancellor Kent, whose authority it 
 gives ine pleasure to quote, determines this 
 question by fair implication. Had this author 
 considered free blacks citizens, he had an am- 
 ple opportunity to say so. But what he has 
 said, excludes that idea. 
 
 Kent's Commentaries, vol. 2d, p. 258 — 'In 
 most of the United States, there is a distinc- 
 tion in respect to political privileges, between 
 free white persons and free colored persons 
 of African blood ; and in no part of the coun- 
 try do the latter, in point of fact, participate 
 equally with the whites, in the exercise of 
 civil and political rights. The African race 
 are essentially a degraded caste, of inferior 
 rank and condition in society. Marriages are 
 forbidden between them and whites in some 
 of the States, and when not absolutely con- 
 trary to law, they are revolting, and regarded 
 as an offence against public decorum. By the 
 revised Statutes of Illinois, published in 1829, 
 marriages between whites and negroes or 
 mulattoes, are declared void, and the persons 
 so married are liable to be whipped, fined and 
 imprisoned. By an old Statute of Massachu- 
 setts, of 1705, such marriages were declared 
 void, and are so still. A similar statute pro- 
 vision exists in Virginia and North Carolina. 
 Such connexions in France and Germany 
 constitute the degraded state of concubinage, 
 which is known in the civil law. But they 
 are not legal marriages, because the parties 
 want that equality of state or condition, which 
 is essential to the contract.' 
 
 I go further back still. When the Consti- 
 tution of the United States was adopted, every 
 State (Massachusetts excepted) tolerated sla- 
 very. And in some of the States, down to a 
 late period, severe laws have been kept in 
 force regarding slaves. With respect to N. 
 York, at that time her laws and penalties 
 were severe indeed, and it was not until July 
 4th, 1827, that this great state was ranked 
 among the free states. 
 
 To my mind, it would be a perversion of 
 terms, and the well known rule of construc- 
 tion, to say that slaves, free blacks, or Indi- 
 ans, were citizens, within the meaning of that 
 term, as used in the Constitution. Cod for- 
 bid that I should add to the degradation of 
 this race of men, but I am bound by my duty 
 to say, they are not citizens. 
 
 I have thus shown you that this law is not 
 contrary to the second section of the fourth 
 article of the Constitution of the U. States, 
 for that embraces only citizens. 
 
 But there is still another consideration : if 
 they were citizens, I am not sure this law 
 would then be unconstitutional. The Legis- 
 
lfti 
 
 Miss CrandalVs 
 
 Secon 
 
 d Trial 
 
 lature may regulate schools. I am free to 
 gay, that education is a fundamental privilege ; 
 but this law does not prohibit schools. It pla- 
 ces them under the care of the civil authority 
 and selectmen, and why is not this a very 
 suitable regulation ? I am not sure but the 
 Legislature might make a law like this, ex- 
 tending to the white inhabitants of other 
 states, who are unquestionably citizens, pla- 
 cing all schools for them under suitable boards 
 of examination, for the public good, and I can 
 see no objection to the board created by this 
 act. 
 
 What can the Legislature of this State do ? 
 It can make any law, which any legislature 
 can make, unless it shall violate the Constitu- 
 tion of theUnitcd States or the Constitution of 
 its own State, and in my opinion this law is 
 not inconsistent with either. 
 
 The jury have nothing to do with the popu- 
 larity or unpopularity of this or any other law, 
 which may come before them for adjudication. 
 They have nothing to do with its policy or 
 impolicy. Your only inquiry is, whether it 
 is constitutional. 
 
 I may say with truth, that there is no dispo- 
 sition in the judicial tribunals of this State, 
 nor among the people, to nullify the laws of 
 the State ; but if constitutional, to submit to 
 them, and carry them into full effect, as good 
 citizens. If individuals do not like the laws 
 enacted by one legislature, their remedy is 
 at the ballot boxes. It often occurs, on sub- 
 jects of taxation, that laws are supposed by 
 ■ome to be unjust and oppressive. Nearly 
 every session of the Assembly, attempts have 
 been made to alter and change such laws, but 
 as long as they exist, they must have effect 
 
 You will now take this case i.ito your con- 
 sideration, and notwithstanding my opinion of 
 the law, you will return your verdict accord- 
 ing to law and evidence. I have done my 
 duty, and you will do yours.' 
 
 The Jury, after an absence of twenty or 
 thirty minutes returned a verdict of guilty. 
 A bill of exceptions, as the Unionist informs 
 us, was filed by the defendant's counsel, and 
 the case will be brought before the Supreme 
 Court of Errors, which sits in Brooklyn next 
 July. 
 
 We have presented the charge of Judge 
 Daggett at length, on account of the great 
 importance of the questions which it discuss- 
 es. If he be right, more than three hundred 
 thousand native Americans are by this decis- 
 ion disfranchised, deprived of rights which 
 have hitherto never been disputed in courts 
 of justice, and made strangers and aliens in 
 the land of their birth. 
 
 strange, perhaps, that prejudice should blind 
 ignorant and thoughtless men to the rights of 
 their fellow-citizens, or should obtain access 
 to the halls of legislation. But it is strange 
 and alarming when prejudice enters our 
 courts, boldly usurps the judicial seat, and 
 throws the sword into the scales of justice. 
 
 We would not be understood as making the 
 slightest imputation upon the purity of the 
 motives of the learned judge. But it is mel- 
 ancholy to find a person of his distinguished 
 legal science and ability, so misled by popular 
 feeling as to lose sight of the great land- 
 marks of law and justice. 
 
 In commenting upon his opinion, we shall 
 not attempt to follow the course of his argu- 
 ment, but consider the questions which it pre- 
 sents in what seems to us the most convenient 
 order, answering, as occasion offers, such of 
 his reasonings as seem to require remark. 
 
 We shall consider 1. What persons are na- 
 tive citizens of the United States and of a 
 State : 2. Whether free colored persons born 
 in any one of the States are citizens, within 
 the meaning of the clause of the constitution 
 which gives to the citizens of each State, the 
 privileges and immunities of citizens in the 
 several States : and 3. Whether the law of 
 Connecticut violates the constitution of the 
 United States.* 
 
 1. What persons are native citizens of the 
 United States, and of a State ? 
 
 The meaning of the word citizen in this 
 connexion is a pure question of law, to be de- 
 cided by an appeal to legal authority, not to 
 the loose definitions of lexicographers. It 
 seems, therefore, strange that Judge Daggett 
 should have cited Dr. Webster, since his first 
 three definitions, exhibiting three senses in 
 which the word is used, have obviously no 
 bearing on the question, and his last is mani- 
 festly incorrect. Dr. Webster makes holding 
 the elective franchise, and purchasing and 
 holding real estate, the criterion of citizenship 
 in this country. But far more than half of the 
 persons who are unquestionably citizens, in- 
 cluding all women and minors, have not the 
 elective franchise. These two classes are ex- 
 cluded in all the States ; and in some of them 
 citizens who do not pay taxes, to mention no 
 
 We have read this extraordinary opinion 
 
 * We shall in our observations make free use of 
 some able remarks upon the charge which appeared in 
 two articles in the Unionist of October 10; and of a 
 communication from the Hon. Wm. Jay to Rev. S. 
 ith astonishment and horror. It is not I J. May, in the same paper. 
 
Miss CrandaWs Second 'lV'ud. 
 
 \m 
 
 other circumstances which exclude, do not 
 enjoy the right of suffrage. 
 
 The other criterion of citizenship introdu- 
 ced by Dr. Webster, viz. the privilege, &c. is 
 equally unsound, since in several of the States, 
 for instance Louisiana and Ohio, aliens can 
 purchase, hold, and inherit real estate as well 
 as citizens. 
 
 A citizen is a member of apolitical Commu- 
 nity, to which he owes fidelity or allegiance, 
 and from which he is entitled to protection. 
 Every political body which is formed has of 
 course the right of saying what persons shall 
 be members of the body. The criterion of 
 citizenship of course varies in different ages 
 and countries. Thus, at first none but inhab- 
 itants of Rome and a small territory around 
 it, were Roman citizens. Afterwards the 
 privileges of citizenship were gradually ex- 
 tended to various cities and nations, till at last 
 they were granted to the inhabitants of the 
 whole Roman world. 
 
 In order to decide who are now citizens of 
 the United States, we must go back to our 
 revolution. When that convulsion separated 
 these States from the mother country, the 
 question, who were citizens, depended upon 
 the common law of England, which was the 
 law of all the States : and now the question, 
 who are citizens, must be decided by the prin- 
 ciples of the same law, except where it has 
 been altered by our constitutions or laws. 
 
 ' The first and most obvious division of the 
 people,' we borrow the words of Blackstone, 
 'is into aliens and natural born subjects. Nat- 
 ural born subjects are such as are born within 
 the dominions of the crown of England; that 
 is, within the ligeance, or, as it is generally 
 called, the allegiance of the king: and aliens, 
 such as are born out of it. Allegiance is the 
 tie or ligamen, which binds the subject to the 
 king, in return for that protection which the 
 king affords the subject.' 1 Bl. Comm. 366. 
 
 The common law divides all persons into 
 two classes, aliens and subjects. It recognizes 
 no third class. Every man who is not a sub- 
 ject is an alien. ' Every man is either alieni- 
 gence, an alien horn, or a subditus, a subject 
 born.' Calvin's case, 7 Co. 17 a. We might 
 readily multiply authorities upon this subject, 
 but the principles of the common law are so 
 well settled, that it seems to us unnecessary. 
 
 At the time of the revolution, all the inhab- 
 itants of the United States who were subjects 
 of the king of England, whp adhered to the 
 
 United States, and continued to reside in this 
 country, became citizens of the new States. 
 This result of the separation of the two coun- 
 tries is so obvious, that it needs no authority 
 to support it. 
 
 If there could be any doubt upon this point 
 it was settled, in some cases at least, by ex- 
 press legislation. One of the earliest statutes 
 passed by Massachusetts declares ' That all 
 persons abiding within this State, and deriving 
 protection from the laws of the same, owe 
 allegiance to this State, and are members 
 thereof,' that is, citizens, for the very next 
 clause goes on to speak of the allegiance due 
 from persons visiting and making a temporary 
 stay in the Stat' 1 . St. 1777, s. 1. 2 Mass. Law 
 Ed. 1801, p. 1046. 
 
 A resolution of a eommittee of the State of 
 New- York, passed July 16, 1776, contains a 
 similar declaration in almost precisely the 
 same words. 
 
 A similar statute was passed in New-Jersey, 
 Oct. 4, 1776. 
 
 According to the law of Massachusetts, it 
 does not seem to be necessary that a person, 
 in order to become a member of the State, 
 should have been a subject of the British 
 crown. 
 
 From the close of the revolutionary war to 
 the time of the adoption of the constitution of 
 the U. S. all persons born in this country be- 
 came citizens of the respective States within 
 whose jurisdiction they were born, by the rule 
 of the common lav/, unless where they were 
 prevented from becoming citizens by the con-. 
 stitution or statutes of the place of their birth. 
 We are not aware of any law having ever 
 been enacted, to deprive any native citizens 
 of their birthright. 
 
 When the constitution of the United States 
 was formed, all persons then citizens of the 
 several States became citizens of the United 
 States. Since that period, all persons born 
 within the territorial limits and under the ju- 
 risdiction of the United States, became citizens 
 of the United States, unless some law or con- 
 stitution prevented them from becoming so. 
 Persons born in the States became also, from 
 their birth, citizens of their respective native 
 States, with a similar exception. This is the 
 clear result of the common law principle. The 
 double citizenship which the citizens of each 
 State thus acquire, arises from our peculiar in- 
 stitutions, which place the inhabitants of the 
 country under two governments. 
 
105 
 
 .Miss CrandaW's Second Tr'ad. 
 
 This is ttie view taken of the subject by Mr. 
 Rawle, a distinguished commentator on the 
 constitution. He says, 'The citizens of each 
 State constituted the citizens of the United 
 States, when the constitution was adopted. 
 The rights which appertained to them as citi- 
 zens of those respective commonwealths, ac- 
 companied them in the formation of the great 
 compound commonwealth which ensued. They 
 became citizens of the latter, without ceasing 
 to be citizens of the former, and he who was 
 subsequently born a citizen of a State, became 
 at the moment of his birth a citizen of the Uni- 
 ted States. Therefore every person born with- 
 in the United States, its territories, or districts, 
 whether the parents are citizens or aliens, is 
 a natural born citizen in the sense of the con- 
 stitution, and entitled to all the rights and 
 privileges appertaining to that capacity.' — 
 Rawle on the Constitution, 86. 
 
 It is observable that Mr. Rawle makes no 
 exception to his statement, that every person 
 born within the United States is a citizen. 
 
 Many questions indeed have been discussed 
 on the subject of allegiance, citizenship, and 
 naturalization, both in this country and in 
 England, such as whether a person born in 
 Scotland, after the descent of the English 
 crown to the King of Scotland, was an alien, 
 and thus incapable of inheriting land in Eng- 
 land ; and whether a subject can expatriate 
 himself, that is, throw off" his allegiance to his 
 native country. But in all these questions it 
 is assumed as a settled, indisputable principle, 
 that a man is a subject or citizen in the coun- 
 try of his birth. This is uniformly taken for 
 granted, and never discussed, because never 
 disputed. 
 
 One of our most distinguished judges says, 
 ' Nothing is better settled at the common law 
 than the doctrine that the children even of 
 aliens born in a country, while the parents are 
 resident there under the protection of the 
 government, and owing a temporary allegiance 
 thereto, are subjects by birth.' Inglis v. 
 Trustees of Sailors Snug Harbor, 3 Pet. J 64, 
 by Story. 
 
 It possibly may be contended that the com- 
 mon law principles in regard to subjects, do 
 not apply to citizens. But this position is un- 
 tenable, as will be obvious from the following 
 considerations. 
 
 The word citizen expresses precisely the 
 same relation to the State which subject does 
 to the king. Indeed for a considerable period 
 
 after the revolution, the word subject was used 
 as synonimous with citizen. Thus in the de- 
 claration of rights in the constitution of Mas- 
 sachusetts, the word subject is several times 
 introduced, where we should now use citizen. 
 So in Mass. St. 1784, c. 72, s. 10, a punish- 
 ment is enacted for kidnapping ' any subject 
 of this Commonwealth, or other person lawfully 
 residing and inhabiting therein.' In this pas- 
 sage the word subject can have no other mean- 
 ing than that of citizen. 
 
 Neither the constitution nor statutes of the 
 United States, nor, as far as we are aware, do 
 the constitution or laws of any State define 
 what persons born within the country are na- 
 tive citizens. If therefore we cannot resort 
 to the common law, we are left without any 
 guide on the subject. The right of the great 
 mass of white persons born in this country to 
 be considered citizens, rests on the common 
 law principles in regard to subjects. 
 
 The common law principles are evidently 
 considered the foundation of our law of citi- 
 zenship, in our constitutions and statutes, in 
 the discussions of counsel, the decisions of 
 our courts, and the treatises of jurists. 
 
 Our conclusion is, that all persons born with- 
 in the jurisdiction of the United States are na- 
 tive citizens, excepting those persons, if there 
 be any such, as the constitution or laws de- 
 prive of that privilege ; and that all persons 
 born within the jurisdiction of any one of the 
 States, are citizens thereof, with a similar ex- 
 ception. 
 
 We have perhaps taken up too much time 
 in proving this plain and familiar position. 
 But where elementary principles are doubted, 
 where violent attempts arc made to uproot the 
 foundations and land marks of law, — a little 
 effort to establish them is pardonable. 
 
 2. We next come to the question, whether 
 free persons of color bom in one of the States 
 are citizens of that State, within the meaning 
 of the constitution. 
 
 Having already shown that, according to the 
 principles of the common law, all persons born 
 within the jurisdiction of any State are citi- 
 zens of it, and further, that distinguished 
 jurists and judges lay down fhe rule without 
 making an exception of colored persons, we 
 have already established the position, that 
 free colored persons born in any of the States, 
 are citizens in the States of their birth. Those 
 who deny it then, are bound to show that the 
 free colored persons, born in this country, 
 
Miss CrandaWs Second Tiial. 
 
 107 
 
 come within some known exception to the 
 general rule. We shall, therefore, consider 
 some of the arguments of those who deny 
 that colored persons are citizens, before ad- 
 ducing any further evidence in support of the 
 affirmative of the proposition. 
 
 We understand Judge Daggett's argument 
 to be as follows, namely, that when the Con- 
 stitution provided that the citizens of each 
 State should be entitled to the privileges and 
 immunities of citizens in the several States, 
 it did not contemplate as citizens those de- 
 graded castes of men, who were not regarded 
 in the States, on an equal footing with other 
 native inhabitants. Thus slaves and Indians 
 are not citizens within the meaning of the 
 constitution, neither are free people of color. 
 
 The construction which Judge Daggett at- 
 tempts to give to the clause of the constitu- 
 tion, is harsh and strained. The word citizens 
 has a precise, definite, and technical meaning 
 in the place in which it stands, instead of which 
 Judge Daggett would giveit aloose, indefinite, 
 and uncertain one. The clause evidently was 
 intended to prevent those persons who enjoy- 
 ed the rights of citizenship in one State, from 
 being considered aliens in another. Judge 
 Daggett, instead of giving the benefit of this 
 liberal provision to all who come within its 
 meaning, would contend that a certain class, 
 whom he seems to admit are really citizens, 
 ought to be deprived of its benefit, because 
 they are sometimes not called citizens. Noth- 
 ing, however, can be more obvious, than that 
 the inaccurate use of a word in common con- 
 versation or popular declamation, is no test of 
 its legal signification. This can only be de- 
 termined by the strict rules of law. 
 
 Judge Daggett appears to view degraded 
 castes as not citizens. But whence does he 
 derive this opinion ? Not from the common 
 law. For in England, all classes of persons, 
 from the nobility down to the villeins or slaves, 
 were subjects. Co. Lit, 127 a. Our con- 
 stitutions and statutes contain no enactments 
 on the subject. 
 
 Judge Daggett says, that the Indians are 
 not citizens. This may be admitted. This, 
 however, is not because they are a degraded 
 caste, but because they have not become a 
 part of our political communities, having con- 
 tinued, though within our territorial limits, as 
 distinct tribes, governed by their own laws. 
 3 Kent's Comm. 185. If any Indians should 
 voluntarily become a part of our political com- 
 
 munities, should settle among the whites, and 
 submit to our laws, we know of no principle 
 on which the right of citizenship could be de- 
 nied to their children. 
 
 But Judge Daggett says, that slaves are not 
 citizens. Unfortunate as their condition cer- 
 tainly is, we feel some doubt whether this 
 proposition be correct. According to the 
 principles of the common law, a villein or slave 
 was a subject. By the same principle, a ne- 
 gro slave here would be a citizen. In Great 
 Britain, the slaves in the West Indies are 
 frequently spoken of as British subjects. Their 
 right to the title, we have never seen ques- 
 tioned. Do not slaves owe allegiance or fidel- 
 ity to the government under which they are 
 born ? Are they not in return entitled to its 
 protection ? Suppose a native slave from South 
 Carolina should go to a foreign country, and 
 there join an invading army, could he not be 
 punished for treason, if taken in arms against 
 the United States ? A stranger who had mere- 
 ly had a temporary residence here, would be 
 guilty of no crime under such circumstances. 
 The correlative of slave is not citizen, but free- 
 man. The correlative of citizen is not slave, 
 but alien. It is not necessary for us to pro- 
 nounce whether a slave be a citizen or not. 
 It is certainly a point which admits of debate. 
 
 It seems from the constitutions of some of 
 the Southern States, that they consider it 
 questionable whether slaves are not citizens. 
 Thus, several of these constitutions give the 
 right of suffrage to the 'free white male citi- 
 zens,' of the age of twenty-one years. This 
 distinctly implies, that there may be citizens 
 who are not free. If the word citizen implied 
 freedom, to say '•free citizens ' would be a mere: 
 tautology. 
 
 But perhaps we have given the point more 
 attention than it merits, for the condition of 
 the slaves would be little improved by deco- 
 rating them with the name of citizens. To= 
 the free people of color, however, citizenship 
 is of real value. 
 
 Let it be admitted then, that slaves are not 
 citizens. Why are they not? Because they 
 are not free, because they are slaves. Their 
 disability arises from their servile condition. 
 According to Judge Daggett's own statement, 
 a citizen means a freeman. Then why are not 
 the blacks and their descendants, who have 
 ceased to be slaves and become freemen, citi- 
 zens ? The servitude which created their dis- 
 
168 
 
 Miss VrandalVs Seco/id Trial. 
 
 ability having ended, why should they not 
 enjoy the privileges of freemen? 
 
 As we have already said, no class of men is 
 excluded by the common law from citizen- 
 ship. The mere circumstance then, of the 
 free people of color being regarded as a de- 
 graded caste, does not, according to that law, 
 deprive them of this privilege. 
 
 How then are they to be deprived of their 
 birthright, — of that citizenship which the com- 
 mon law confers on them, with the first breath 
 they draw ? Not by implication surely — not 
 by strained construction, — but by express 
 enactment. Statutes may provide that they 
 shall not carry the mail, that they shall not 
 exercise the privilege of voting, that they shall 
 not serve in the militia, that they shall not in- 
 termarry with the whites. These laws are 
 direct and express, and must be submitted to. 
 But these laws do not deprive them of citizen- 
 ship. Cruel as their country has been to them, 
 she has not yet spurned them from her bosom, 
 she has not yet declared them aliens on their 
 native soil. 
 
 If the free native colored man cannot be 
 deprived of any one of the smallest privileges 
 of citizenship, except by express enactment, 
 surely he cannot be robbed of the whole of 
 these privileges without some direct provision 
 of law. 
 
 But Judge Daggett cites one authority, 
 Chancellor Kent, to show that free colored 
 people cannot be citizens. The passage cited, 
 however, is very far from proving such to be 
 Chancellor Kent's opinion. It merely states 
 indisputable facts, in regard to the severity of 
 our laws and opinions against the free blacks. 
 If, however, any one might be led to conjec- 
 ture, from the passage in question, that Chan- 
 cellor Kent did not consider the free blacks 
 as citizens, the impression would be correct- 
 ed by referring to another passage in his com- 
 mentaries, where his opinion is declared in a 
 manner too clear to admit of doubt. 'The 
 article in the Constitution of the U. States, de- 
 claring that citizens of each State were enti- 
 tled to all the privileges and immunities of 
 citizens in the several States, applies only to 
 natural born or duly naturalized citizens, and 
 if they remove from one State to another, they 
 are entitled to the privileges that persons of 
 the same description are entitled to in the 
 State to which the removal is made, and to 
 none other. If, therefore, for instance, free 
 persons of color are not entitled to vote in 
 
 Carolina; free persons of color emigrating 
 there from a northern State, would not be en- 
 titled to vote.' 2 Kent's Comm. 71. 
 
 If the decision of the question whether free 
 people of color are citizens, is to be made on 
 the authority of Chancellor Kent, it is distinctly 
 settled in this passage in the affirmative. The 
 passage is much stronger, than if he had an- 
 nounced their citizenship as a separate propo- 
 sition. But he takes it for granted, in illus- 
 trating the proposition laid down in the last 
 clause of his first sentence. He assumes it 
 as a principle which did not admit of any dis- 
 pute. If he had regarded their citizenship 
 as in any degree a matter of doubt or contro- 
 versy, he would of course have selected a dif- 
 ferent illustration. 
 
 But direct and conclusive authorities are 
 not wanting to show the citizenship of free co- 
 lored persons. We have them in such abun- 
 dance that our only difficulty is how to select 
 from them. 
 
 Although Dr. Webster's position is false, 
 that no persons are citizens but those who ex- 
 ercise the elective franchise, still this privi- 
 lege is one which is usually considered as 
 appertaining to citizens only. Now, in point 
 of fact, it is not disputed that free blacks in 
 some of the States have the right to vote, and 
 exercise it without question. This is the case 
 in Pennsylvania, Massachusetts, and Maine. 
 In some of the other States also the people of 
 color seem to be included in the general terms 
 of their constitutions. In New- York the con- 
 stitution expressly speaks of the people of co- 
 lor as citizens, and requires them to possess a 
 freehold estate of the value of two hundred 
 and fifty dollars, in order to entitle them to 
 vote. 
 
 The provision of the constitution of New- 
 York is important. It is not simply the ex- 
 pression of an opinion by the convention which 
 prepared the constitution, highly respectable 
 as it was, but it is an enactment of the people 
 of the State of New- York in the most solemn 
 manner, upon a point where they were com- 
 petent to decide, that free people of color are 
 citizens. It of course puts the question at 
 rest in regard to native colored persons inhab- 
 iting New-York. They are citizens of that 
 State, and of course entitled to the privileges 
 of citizens in all the States. 
 
 The debates in the New- York convention 
 show that the right of suffrage was not con- 
 ceded to the people of color without debate. 
 
Miss CrandaWs Second Trial. 
 
 169 
 
 The subject was discussed. The speech's 
 of Peter A. Jay, Chancellor Kent, Rufus 
 King, and Abraham Van Vechten in the con- 
 vention, declare distinctly and explicitly that 
 they considered free colored people citizens. 
 
 In many of the States, and we presume in 
 all, free colored persons purchase and inherit 
 real property without question. This is the 
 case in some of the States, Massachusetts 
 for instance, where the old rule of the com- 
 mon law disability of aliens in regard to real 
 property still continues. It is evident, there- 
 fore, that, in those parts of the country at least, 
 free people of color are not regarded as aliens ; 
 for there can be no question, considering the 
 prejudices which exist against this class of 
 persons, that efforts would have been made 
 to deprive them of their lands, if it had been 
 supposed there was any pretence for it. If 
 native free colored persons are not aliens, we 
 contend that they are citizens, for the law re- 
 cognizes no third class of persons. 
 
 Suppose we should admit Dr. Webster's 
 last definition of citizen to be correct ; it 
 clearly appears that many colored persons in 
 the United States are citizens, for many of 
 them exercise the elective franchise, and pur- 
 chase, hold, and inherit real property. 
 
 Judge Daggett seems to admit that a vessel 
 owned and commanded by a native colored 
 person is entitled to the privileges of an Amer- 
 ican ship, under the statute of the United 
 States which requires it in order to be so 
 considered to be wholly owned and com- 
 manded 'by a citizen or citizens' of the 
 United States. Yet he says that though free 
 blacks might be citizens within the meaning of 
 the act of Congress, they are not citizens with- 
 in the meaning of the Constitution. It strikes 
 us, however, that by this concession he leaves 
 himself no ground to stand upon. It is obvi- 
 ous upon reading the statute and the Consti- 
 tution, that the word citizens is used in both 
 cases in a precise, legal, technical sense, for 
 the very purpose of defining a certain class of 
 persons who were to be entitled to certain 
 privileges in this country. If Judge Daggett 
 concedes that the word is used in this sense 
 in the statute, can he give any reason for sup- 
 posing it used in a different sense in the Con- 
 stitution ? 
 
 But the question, whether free people of 
 color are citizens within the meaning of the 
 Constitution, has received a direct decision 
 on an occasion of great interest. A statute of 
 
 VOL. I. 
 
 the United States, passed March 6, 1820, au- 
 thorized the inhabitants of the territory now 
 embraced within the State of Missouri, to form 
 a constitution and State government, and pro- 
 vided that the State when formed should be 
 admitted into the Union, upon an equal foot- 
 ing with the original States. The statute 
 also provided that an attested copy of the 
 constitution formed by Missouri should be 
 transmitted to Congress, as soon as might 
 be after its formation. A State constitu- 
 tion was accordingly adopted by a conven- 
 tion in Missouri, in July, 1820. The fourth 
 clause of the twenty-sixth section of the third 
 article of this constitution, makes it the duty 
 of the General Assembly, among other things, 
 'to pass such laws as may be necessary to 
 prevent free negroes and mulattoea from earn- 
 ing to and settling in this State, us.der any 
 pretext Avhatcver.' This constitution was 
 brought before Congress at its next session. 
 The clause in question gave rise to consider- 
 able debate, which resulted in the passage of a 
 resolution on .March 2, 182J, that Missouri 
 should be admitted into the Union, * upon the 
 fundamental condition, that the fourth clause 
 of the twenty-sixth section of the third article 
 of the constitution submitted on the part of 
 said State to Congress, shall never be con- 
 strued to authorize the passage of any law, 
 and that no law shall be passed in conformity 
 thereto, by which any citizen, of either of the 
 States in this Union, shall be excluded from 
 the enjoyment of any of the privileges and 
 immunities to which such citizen is entitled 
 under the constitution of the United States: 
 Provided that the legislature of the said State, 
 by a solemn public act, shall declare the assent 
 of the said State to the said fundamental con- 
 dition, and shall transmit to the President of 
 the United States, on or before the fourth Mon- 
 day in November next, an authentic copy of 
 the said act ; upon the receipt whereof, the 
 President, by proclamation, shall announce the 
 fact; whereupon, and without any further 
 proceeding on the part of Congress, the ad- 
 mission of the said State into this Union shall 
 be considered as complete.' 
 
 This resolution of Congress is a deliberate 
 and solemn declaration of that body, which 
 then embraced distinguished lawyers and 
 statesmen from all parts of our country, that 
 there were free negroes and mulattoes in the 
 United States who were citizens, and as such 
 entitled to the protection of the Constitution. 
 22 
 
170 
 
 Riot in >\\u- York. 
 
 Our conclusion is, that all free people of 
 color bom in any State, are citizens of tint 
 State. 
 
 3L We come now to the third question, 
 whether flic statute of Connrcti'-nt be a violation 
 of the clause of the G&nstilutioh', t»hich gttofes 
 the citizens ofedtk Stu't the privileges anil im- 
 munities of citizens of the several Stdtfesl 
 
 We contend that it was a violation of the 
 Constitution in its application to the colon:! 
 citizens of other States. 
 
 The object of the clause in question is ob- 
 vious. 'It was,' in the words of Judge Story, 
 'to confer on them, [the citizens of each 
 State] if one may so say, a general citizen- 
 ship ; and to communicate all the privileges 
 and immunities, which the citizens of the 
 same State would be entitled to under the 
 like circumstances.' 3 Story's Comm. G75. 
 
 A colored citizen of New- York or Massa- 
 chusetts, therefore, going into Connecticut, 
 becomes entitled to all the privileges and im- 
 munities of citizens of Connecticut. Un- 
 doubtedly the State of Connecticut might, in its 
 wisdom, make it a penal offence, to set up any 
 school or academy in the State. But a law 
 making it a penal offence to set up a school 
 for the instruction of citizens of other States, 
 while it is no offence to set up a similar es- 
 tablishment for citizens of the State, is mani- 
 festly unconstitutional. It is depriving citizens 
 of other States of privileges enjoyed by the 
 citizens of Connecticut. 
 
 We might have added many authorities, 
 arguments and illustrations to those we have 
 adduced. But we have not thought it neces- 
 sary, as what we have said, seems to us en- 
 tirely sufficient to establish our conclusions. 
 
 Some of our readers, on the other hand, 
 may think we have devoted too much space 
 to discussing a question of law. But we again 
 beg them to recollect that tire rights o£ throe 
 hundred thousand of their countrymen are di- 
 rectly involved in the decision of this question ; 
 and indirectly those of more than two millions. 
 The law is the only power to which the weak 
 and helpless can appeal from the decrees ot 
 prejudice and oppression. 
 
 All good men of every party should cry out 
 against the statute of Connecticut, not merely 
 as a violation of the Constiution of our coun- 
 try, but as a violation of the spirit of our ftee| 
 institutions, and the common rights of human- 
 ity. The people of a free and enlightened 
 Stute have solemnly enacted, that a few chil- 
 
 dren, whose complexion is different from their 
 own, shall not come within their territory to 
 be educated, and that persons who shall har- 
 bor these youii'_ r offenders; thus guilty of the 
 enormous crime of endeavoring to be instruct- 
 ed, shall themselves be punished as criminals. 
 This is the statute. We can offer no com- 
 ment upon it, that could excite deeper indig- 
 nation in every freeman,— in every Christian 
 — in every man who owns the soul or spirit of 
 a man — than the bare statement of its abomi- 
 nable provisions. 
 
 RIOT IN NEW-YORK. 
 
 We noticed in our last, the formation of a 
 City Anti-Slavery Society in New- York, but 
 had not room to mention the riotous proceed- 
 ings to which the call of the meeting for form- 
 ing the Society gave occasion. The New- 
 York Evangelist of Oct. 5, gives the follow- 
 ing account of these proceedings. 
 
 'The public are aware of a notice in the 
 papers, inviting ' those friendly to the imme- 
 diate abolition of slavery in the United States, 
 to meet at Clinton Hall, on Wednesday Oct. 
 2, at half past 7 P. M. to form a New- York 
 City Anti-Slavery Society.' The Hall had 
 been previously engaged with the written con- 
 sent of the committee of the trustees. It was 
 the reasonable expectation of the calling com- 
 mittee that those who were embraced in the 
 terms of the call would assemble and deliber- 
 ate upon the several points requisite to the 
 formation of the proposed Society : and that 
 if any others should attend, they would appear 
 as spectators, and conduct themselves accord- 
 ingly. But from the time the notice was 
 given, some of the daily papers were publish- 
 ing violent denunciations of those engaged. 
 On the morning of the day appointed for the 
 meeting, the trustees of Clinton Hall, against 
 the earnest remonstrance of the committee to 
 what they deemed an arbitrary proceeding, 
 peremptorily prohibited the meeting from being 
 held at the Hall. The Courier and Enquirer, 
 and the Gazette, of the morning, eal!< d ear- 
 nestly upon the citizens who were opposed to 
 the object of the meeting, to give a general 
 attendance and put it down, once for all. The 
 Commercial Advertiser of the afternoon, al- 
 though editorially disapproving of all interfer- 
 ence with those who called the meeting, yet 
 published a communication, calling loudly 
 upon the citizens not to remain quiet. The 
 streets also were in the afternoon adorned 
 with the following placard, printed in large 
 and llaring capitals: 
 
 Notice. — To all persons from the South. 
 — All persons interested in the subject of a 
 meeting called by J. Leavitt, W. Creen, jV. 
 W. Coodell, J. Rankin, and Lewis Tappau, at 
 

 Riot in New- York. 
 
 
 l?j 
 
 Clinton Hall, this evening, at 7 o'clock^ are 
 requested to attend at tlie same hour and place. 
 MANY SOUTH ERNE US. 
 
 New-York, Oct. 2d, 1833. 
 
 N. B. All citizens who may feel disposed 
 to manifest the true feeling- of the State on 
 this subject, are requested to attend. 
 
 Under these circumstances, the calling- 
 committee met in the afternoon, and agreed 
 that it was best to proceed in the formation 
 of the Society at this time, as it was manifest 
 they never could call another public meeting 
 without encountering the same opposition. 
 They therefore resolved to hold the meeting 
 in Chatham-street Chapel, and invite as many 
 friends of the cause as they could notify in so 
 short a time. 
 
 The meeting called by the Courier & En- 
 quirer was notified for seven o'clock. Long- 
 before the time appointed, the streets around 
 Clinton Hall were crowded with people, and 
 finding they could not have entrance into the 
 Hall, they proceeded to Tammany Hall, where 
 they listened to a couple of addresses, one by 
 a gentleman of this city, Mr. F. A. Tallmadge, 
 and another by a Mr. Neal of Portland, Me. 
 and then adopted a series of resolutions.' 
 
 The resolutions arc given in the Journal of 
 Commerce, of Oct. 3. 
 
 Resolved, That our duty to the country, and 
 our Southern brethren in particular, renders 
 it improper and inexpedient to agitate a ques- 
 tion pregnant with peril and difficulty to the 
 common weal. 
 
 Resolved, That it is our duty as citizens and 
 Christians to mitigate, not to increase, the 
 evils of slavery by an unjustifiable interference 
 in a matter which requires the will and cor- 
 dial concurrence of all to modify or remove. 
 
 Resolved, That we take this opportunity to 
 express to our Southern brethren our fixed 
 and unalterable determination to resist every 
 attempt that may be made to interfere with 
 the relation in which master and slave now 
 stand, as guaranteed to them by the Constitu- 
 tion of the United States. 
 
 Resolved, That the thanks of this meeting be 
 presented to Messrs Howard & Lovejoy,for the 
 gratuitous use of their room on this occasion. 
 
 Resolved, That these proceedings be signed 
 by the Chairman and Secretaries, and publish- 
 ed in all the daily papers. 
 
 The Evangelist proceeds. 
 
 'In the mean time, punctually at the hour 
 appointed, a very respectable meeting, both 
 for numbers and character, was opened at 
 Chatham Chapel, and the whole business trans- 
 acted deliberately and without molestation, 
 and the meeting quietly adjourned ; and the 
 members had just begun to disperse, when a 
 wild shout rent the air, and it was found that 
 a furious mob had broken in and filled the 
 avenue, and were rushing into the chapel, 
 
 crying, ' (lurri.sun, Harrison, Tappun, Tappan, 
 where are Hie;/, find them, find them,'' &c. Mr. 
 Garrison however, had not been at the meet- 
 ing, nor was it ever contemplated that any but 
 citizens would take a part in the proceedings ; 
 and of those who had been, some had already 
 left the house, others quietly passed through 
 the crowd, and the rest found refuge with a 
 meeting of Sunday school teachers, of both 
 sexes, who were holding their usual weekly 
 meeting in the upper room adjoining the chapel. 
 These were kept in not a very agreeable state 
 of siege for the best part of an hour, until a 
 strong nartv from the police arrived and dis- 
 persed the besiegers, and left the besieged at 
 liberty to go home. 
 
 We learn from the report of the Tammany 
 Hall meeting, in the Journal of Commerce, 
 that in the opening of the meeting, a gentle- 
 man was about to address the meeting, when 
 a person approached the chair and stated that 
 the meeting which was to have been held at 
 Clinton Hall, was at that moment being held 
 at Chatham-street chapel. Several voices 
 cried out, ' Let us go there and rout them.' 
 
 ' The Chairman. Gentlemen, that is not 
 the way for us to act. We have met here to 
 give expression of public opinion, and the only 
 proper way to do so is by passing resolutions. 
 Were we to go from this to the meeting at 
 Chatham-street chapel, we should be stigma- 
 tized as disorganizes. Let us first pass the 
 resolutions, and then every gentleman may 
 act as he thinks proper.' 
 
 They did pass the resolutions, and 'Then 
 every gentleman' did act, we presume, as he 
 thought ' proper.' The result we have seen 
 above. The Courier fy Enquirer says express- 
 ly, that the crowd at the chapel were those 
 who had just gone to the hall. 
 
 Who could have thought that the disgrace- 
 ful scenes of Columbia, S. C. would so soon 
 be attempted in New-York ? In New-York, 
 where not a slave is to be found, and where, 
 if a man brings his slave, he becomes instant- 
 ly free ! Spirit of Slavery ! hast thou in- 
 deed so poisoned the heart's blood of the ivholc 
 American nation, that even in New-York, a 
 few, confessedly a handful of free citizens, 
 cannot quietly meet to deliberate on means 
 for exhibiting thy features to the world, but 
 at the peril of their lives ? Look at it, my 
 countrymen ! What a chapter have I written 
 in the history of republican America ! What 
 a tribute to the memory of our fathers, who 
 poured out their blood like water to establish 
 the principle, that ' All men are created equal.' 
 
 In all the circumstances, the overruling hand 
 of a kind Providence is remarkably visible, 
 ordering so that all the objects of the proposed 
 meeting were fully gained, while not a hair 
 has been struck from the head of one of those 
 engaged. May the same infallible Guide 
 now take the direction of the Society, that 
 
172 
 
 Riot in .Yew-York. — Emancipation of Hottentots. 
 
 all its proceedings may be marked with the 
 meekness of wisdom, giving no just offence 
 in any thing.' 
 
 The resolutions adopted at the pro-slavery 
 meeting deserve a passing remark. 
 
 These resolutions express a most slavish 
 and unmanly doctrine, worthy only of believ- 
 ers in the divine right of kings, namely, that 
 a question ought not to be discussed, because 
 a large part of the community will be agitated 
 and excited by the discussion. In whatever 
 point of view we regard the questions, 'Ought 
 slavery to be abolished, and in what manner,' 
 whether as subjects of morals, religion, policy, 
 or economy, they have a deep and pressing 
 importance to every citizen of this republic. 
 Why then should they not be discussed ? Be- 
 cause it will offend southern slaveholders. 
 Where then is the liberty of the press, which 
 is guarantied to us by the Constitution ? How 
 is light ever to be shed upon any dark subject, 
 if to discuss it be wrong? 
 
 But it may be said, to discuss these ques- 
 tions tends to promote insurrection among the 
 slaves. The abolitionists deny the fact, and 
 say that slavery itself is the cause of the un- 
 easiness of the slaves, and that their plans are 
 the only ones which can ever bring quiet to 
 the South. These are our honest opinions. 
 May we not speak and publish them without 
 molestation by an illegal mob ? What says 
 the Constitution of New- York. ' Every citi- 
 zen may freely speak, write, and publish his 
 sentiments on all subjects, being responsible 
 for the a.buse of that right.' If any abolition- 
 ist abuses this right, let him be punished by 
 the law which he has transgressed. But not 
 only the letter ot our Constitutions, but the 
 spirit of the government, and the character of 
 our people, demand that every man should 
 have a right to utter his opinions without fear. 
 
 The third resolution is not a little remark- 
 able. It expresses a ' determination to resist 
 every attempt to interfere with the relation 
 in which master and slave now stand, as guar- 
 antied to them by the Constitution of the 
 United States.' 
 
 It is evident from the preceding resolutions, 
 that the attempts which those who passed this 
 strange vote, mean to resist, are all discussions 
 of the subiect of slavery which express opin- 
 ions different from theirs. It is also evident, 
 that this is a threat of force, to suppress the 
 publication of opinions, and that it is illegal 
 force, the force of a mob. 
 
 In one point of view we are gratified by 
 these resolutions. The party which threatens 
 a resort to force, usually has the worst of the 
 argument. We, therefore, cannot but think 
 that the New-York mob which met at Tam- 
 many Hall, were satisfied that they had not 
 reason on their side, and therefore chose to 
 threaten force. 
 
 But we will not condescend to make any 
 further remarks upon these resolutions. Every 
 man who values his own right to express his 
 opinions, ought to respect the right in others. 
 It is a right which in a free country ought to 
 be regarded as most sacred, for it lies at the 
 foundation of every other. When this is gone, 
 no other is safe. 
 
 EMANCIPATION OF HOTTENTOTS. 
 
 We extract from the Anti-Slavery Record 
 of December last, the following account of the 
 emancipation oflhiriy thousand Hottentot bonds- 
 men at the Cape of Good Hope. 
 
 ' In the year 1828, there existed within the 
 colony of the Cape of Good Hope a degraded 
 population of 30,000 souls,* distinct from the 
 free colonists on the one hand, and from the 
 Negro slaves on the other. They were not 
 slaves, in the ordinary or colonial acceptation 
 of the term ; but they were actually held in a 
 state of abject bondage, analogous to that of 
 the Israelites in Egypt, or the Helots in 
 Greece,— being in fact cruelly oppressed, and 
 deprived of almost every civil and social privi- 
 lege which distinguishes the state of freedom 
 from that of slavery. These 30,000 bondmen 
 were the Hottentots, the original inhabitants 
 of the country. 
 
 In 1032, when the Dutch took possession of 
 the Cape, and began to colonize it, the Hotten- 
 tots are described by creditable writers as a 
 numerous people, divided into small communi- 
 ties, and possessed of large herds of cattle, 
 which supplied their principal means of sub- 
 sistence. In the progress of the European 
 colonization, however, a groat change gradu- 
 ally took place in their condition. The Euro- 
 peans (who, as is usual in such cases, had 
 entered the country as friends, and had pur- 
 chased with a few beads and trinkets the ground 
 where the fort at Cape Town now stands, as 
 
 f In the population tables published in Mr. George 
 Thompson's work on South Africa, and derived from 
 authentic sources, the Hottentot population of 1325 is 
 rated at 30,546 persons, and that of the free blacks and 
 apprenticed Negroes at 37.tO. In ihe official census 
 for 1830, published in the ' South African A hnanar!. .' 
 these two classes are stated lo amount toeetbf r31 ( 9J}8, 
 This latter estimate, however, is considered to he 
 somewhat below the truth ; and the Hottentot popula- 
 tion of 1828 may therefore be fairly stated at 30.000 in 
 round numbers." 
 
Emancipation of Hottentots. 
 
 17S 
 
 a trading station, and a place of refreshment 
 for their Indian fleets,) had gradually acquired 
 possession of the extensive region now em- 
 braced by the Cape colony, including the entire 
 country inhabited by the Hottentot race, with 
 the exception of the arid deserts which afford 
 a refuge to the wandering Namacqua and Bush- 
 man hordes, and which are too sterile and 
 desolate to excite the cupidity of any class of 
 civilized men. 
 
 But it was not the soil of their country mere- 
 ly of which the Hottentots were deprived in 
 the course of these encroachments. In losing- 
 the property of the soil, they also gradually 
 lost the privilege of occupying even the least 
 valuable tracts of it for pasturing their flocks 
 and herds. Their flocks and herds also pass- 
 ed, by degrees, entirely into the possession of 
 the colonists. Nothing then remained of which 
 to plunder them, save the property of their own 
 persons ; and of that, the most sacred and una- 
 lienable of all property, they were also at length 
 virtually deprived. The laws enacted by the 
 Dutch legislature for their protection, it is true, 
 did not permit of their being publicly sold, from 
 owner to owner, as Negro slaves are still sold 
 (like other live stock) in the sams colony ; but 
 they were collectively, as a class of men, re- 
 duced to a state of degrading, grinding, and 
 hopeless thraldom, scarcely less intolerable 
 than colonial slavery of the ordinary descrip- 
 tion. 
 
 Their actual condition, so late as the begin- 
 ning of the year 1828, may be in some measure 
 estimated from the following passage of the 
 Rev. Dr. Philip's able and eloquent appeal in 
 behalf of this long-oppressed race : — 
 
 ' The Hottentots, despairing of help from 
 every other quarter, now look to the justice 
 and humanity of England for deliverance. And 
 they now justly and humbly ask why they may 
 not, like the colonists, be allowed to bring 
 their labor to the best market ? — why they 
 should be compelled to labor for two or for 
 four rix-dollars (equivalent to three and six 
 shillings sterling money) per month, when they 
 might be receiving (at least many of them) 
 twenty and twenty-five rix-dollars per month, 
 if permitted to dispose of themselves as a free 
 people ? — why they may not be exempted from 
 the cruelties exercised upon them without any 
 form of law ? — why they should be arbitrarily 
 flogged in the public prison, upon the mere 
 ipse dixit of their masters ? — why, on com- 
 plaining of bad usage to a magistrate, they 
 should be put in prison till their master appear 
 to answer the accusation brought against him ? 
 — and why they should be flogged if their com- 
 plaints are hold to be frivolous? — why they 
 should be liable to punishment at the mere ca- 
 price of a magistrate, and without any trial ?— 
 why they should be made responsible for the 
 loss of their masters' property, and thereby 
 kept in perpetual bondage, without ever re- 
 ceiving any wages ? — why they should be 
 
 treated as vagabonds, and their persons be 
 liable to be disposed of at the pleasure of any 
 local functionary in whose district they may 
 reside, if they do not hire themselves to a mas- 
 ter ? — why they should be given to any master, 
 by such an authority, without ever having 
 been consulted on the subject? — why they 
 should be liable to have their homes violated, 
 their children torn from them, and from the 
 arms of their distracted mothers, without hav- 
 ing the smallest chance of redress ? — why they 
 should be denied, by the justice and humanity 
 of Britain, the boon prepared for them by the 
 Batavian government, when the Cape of Good 
 Hope fell into the hands of the English ? — 
 and why these intolerable oppressions should 
 continue to be imposed upon them, in direct 
 violation of the proclamation of the colonial 
 government, declaring that the original na- 
 tives of the country, the Hottentots, must be 
 considered and treated as a free people, who 
 have a lawful abode in the colony ; and whose 
 persons, property, and possessions, ought for 
 that reason to be protected, the same as other 
 free people ? '* 
 
 In April, 1828, Dr. Philip published his work 
 entitled ' Researches in South Africa,' of which 
 the sole object was to disclose to the British 
 oovernment and nation the iniquitous oppres- 
 sion of the Hottentot people, and the persecu- 
 tions suffered by the missionaries for endeav- 
 oring to instruct and elevate them in the scale 
 of humanity. This appeal, we rejoice to say, 
 was as successful as it was able. In July of 
 the same year, an Ordinance was issued by 
 Lieutenant-General Bourke, who then admin- 
 istered the government of the Cape colony, by 
 the provisions of which the whole Hottentot 
 race within the boundaries of the colony were 
 placed, by law, in respect to every civil and 
 political privilege, on a footing of perfect equal- 
 it if with the white colonists. And, to render 
 this Ordinance more secure, an Order in Coun- 
 cil was issued by Sir George Murray, in Janu- 
 ary, 1829, confirming in every point the said 
 colonial Ordinance, and prohibiting any gov- 
 ernor or colonial authority whatever to alter 
 or abrogate any of its provisions. 
 
 This important measure, accordingly, Mas 
 carried into effect without any opposition in 
 Parliament; for the masters of the Cape He- 
 lots fortunately had no representatives there. 
 And it was moreover carried into execution, 
 immediately and at once, without any precau- 
 tionary or preparatory regulations as regards 
 the emancipated Hottentots. 
 
 We now come to the important practical 
 point of the case, namely, to consider the re- 
 sult of this sudden and total change in the 
 
 * See Philip's Researches in South Africa, vol. i. 
 p. 400, ct seq. See also Report of Commissioners of 
 Inquiry on llie Hottentot Population, ordered by the 
 House of Commons to be printed, July 1, 1830. (No. 
 28-1.) 
 
174 
 
 Eaumtipation of Uotteniols. 
 
 civil/and political condition of these thirty 
 thousand bondmen. Let us see, then, what 
 has been the effect of this bold and important 
 measure, 1 it, as regards the colon] generally ; 
 
 2dly, as regards the Hottentots particularly. 
 
 On the promulgation of the emancipating 
 Ordinance, a prodigious clamor was instantly 
 raised throughout the Cape Colony, in which 
 all ranks and classes of the while population 
 joined, English and Dutch, including judges 
 and other persons high in office, the great 
 majority of the local magistracy and public 
 functionaries, and the possessors of landed 
 properly almost to a man. The absolute and 
 utter ruin of the colony from this measure was 
 loudly and confidently predicted. It was as- 
 serted that the fields would be untilled, rind 
 the flocks. go" untendad. for want of laborers 
 and herdsmen ; and that the white inhabitants 
 generally would be reduced to ruin from this 
 cause, and by being plundered by marauding 
 hordes of Hottentot banditti. For it was as- 
 sumed, as a result not to be questioned, that 
 no Hottentot would work unless compelled bv 
 coercion, and that the whole race would be- 
 take themselves to a life of idleness, vagrancy 
 and robber)', when no longer held in servitude 
 by compulsory laws. The retrogression of the 
 race into barbarism (from which by the bye 
 they had never been elevated, with the excep- 
 tion of those instructed at the missionary in- 
 stitutions) was deplored in terms of eloquent 
 declamation ; and the whole of these calami- 
 tous consequences were ascribed, in terms of 
 no measured vituperation, by the ' patriotic ' 
 pamphleteers and journalists of the colony,- 
 to Dr. Philip and the missionaries at the Cape, 
 to Mr. Buxton and the saints at home, and to 
 that ' silly man,' Sir George Murray, who had 
 heen 'led to act upon their false and hypocrit- 
 ical representations ' ! 
 
 Such were the predictions and assertions of 
 the South African 'patriots? And how have 
 these assertions been borne out by the con- 
 duct of the emancipated Hottentot Helots ? 
 Four years and a half have now elapsed, so 
 that there has been sufficient time to observe 
 the effects of the measure. The poor Hot- 
 tentots do not deal in pamphlets, or declaim 
 much in newspapers ; but the facts will speak 
 for them ; and facts in matters of this sort are 
 rather more worthy of attention than figures 
 of speech. 
 
 The great body of the Hottentot people still 
 remain, just as they were formerly, servants 
 to the white colonists ; but with some essen- 
 tial differences in their condition. They can 
 no longer be flogged at the mere caprice of 
 the master, if they happen to offend him. 
 They must now he tried and condemned on 
 competent evidence by a magi -late, and for a 
 legal offence, before they ran be punished. 
 
 *,In their journals, ' De Zuid A/rikaan,' ' De l.r- 
 zaamelfr.' ' Tl>e Colonist,' &c. &c, now before us. 
 
 Their children can no longer be forcibly taken 
 from them; and they can no longer be com 
 pciled lo serve for inadequate wages, or for 
 Done. They form now, in short, a body of 
 free peasantry, instead of being a degraded 
 caste of miserable and oppressed serfs. 
 
 It is indeed true that, on the first promulga- 
 tion of the Ordinance, a considerable number 
 of families, finding themselves, for the first 
 time, free men in reality, repaired to the sev- 
 eral missionary institutions throughout the 
 colony, generally from the natural and praise- 
 worthy desire to obtain religious instruction 
 for themselves or for their offspring, — <>r, it 
 may be, in some cases, from the idle hope of 
 living there in indolence lor a season. But as 
 no encouragement was given to the vicious 
 at these Christian asylums, and as no means 
 of subsistence exist there for the idle, the su- 
 pernumerary refugees speedily discovered that 
 their only resource from starvation was to hire 
 themselves again (though now as free labor- 
 ers) to the farmers. 
 
 As for the apprehensions, real or pretended, 
 of the colonists, that the Hottentots would be- 
 take themselves generally to a life of theft 
 and vagrancy, on being left free to follow 
 their own course, they have proved perfectly 
 groundless. For a few months at first, per- 
 haps, individual cases of sheep-stealing and 
 petty larceny may have been somewhat more 
 frequent in some of the remote districts ; 
 though that is an allegation far from being 
 satisfactorily made out by their eager detrac- 
 tors. But, if there actually was any tendency 
 to an increase of these crimes, it is at least 
 certain that it was speedily and effectually re- 
 pressed by the ordinary courts of law, with no 
 other aid than the ordinary police of the 
 country. 
 
 In short, the execution of this great meas- 
 ure of national justice and redress, while it has 
 opened the door for the progression of the Hot- 
 tentot race, and has been of great immediate 
 advantage to them in the important points 
 above specified, has in no other respect inter- 
 fered with the existing arrangements of soci- 
 ety ; nor have the colonists suffered any loss, 
 or even inconvenience, from its operation. 
 They have merely become, as regards the 
 Hottentots, responsible toasters, instead of be- 
 ing irrespojisible despots — a change not less 
 beneficial to themselves than to their depend- 
 ants. And, in fact, the case of the Hotten- 
 tots clearly demontratrs how greatly it would 
 be for the benefit of the white inhabitants of 
 the Cape, if the emancipation from unrequited 
 and coercive labor, which has been conferred 
 on the the 30,000 Hottentots, were forthwith 
 extended to the 35,000 slaves of that colony. 
 No one who knows the circumstances of the 
 settlement can entertain the slightest doubt 
 of the entire safety of such a measure. A res- 
 idence of many years there enables the writer 
 of this article to speak on this point with 
 some confidence. 
 
The Reign oj Prejudice. 
 
 175 
 
 We leave this case of speedy emancipation 
 for the consideration of those who apprehend 
 that the Negro slaves of the West Indies, 
 if speedily emancipated, will be necessarily 
 thrown into a state of entire social disorgan- 
 ization. The Hottentots of the Cape, with 
 the exception of the few who had been in- 
 structed at the missionary institutions, were 
 assuredly not more civilized in 1828, than the 
 Negroes of Jamaica. In the remote districts, 
 the former were in fact immersed in the thick 
 darkness of heathen barbarism and servile de- 
 gradation. Yet the change in their civil con- 
 dition neither released them from the neces- 
 sity of labor nor roused them to deeds of plun- 
 der and violence. Why should we anticipate a 
 different result in the case of the West India 
 Negroes? Those who know them best, the 
 persecuted missionaries, fear no such result. 
 Let us do justice, and show mercy ; and with 
 a few simple and judicious regulations, such 
 as the circumstances of the case will suggest 
 to the Legislature, this great problem may 
 soon be (with the blessing of God's good prov- 
 idence) solved with a celerity and a facility 
 that will probably astonish those not a little 
 who have permitted their apprehensions to be 
 excited by the absurd clamors and fallacious 
 representations of the planters and their ad- 
 vocates. 
 
 Another great step has been recently taken 
 in the case of the Hottentots. A considera- 
 ble number have been raised to the rank of 
 landholders, by having lands allotted to them 
 by Government ; and the success of this ex- 
 periment has been such that a short statement 
 of the facts will, we feel assured, not a little 
 gratify the friends of the African race. 
 
 THE REIGN OF PREJUDICE. 
 
 We copy from the Unionist a communica- 
 tion with the foregoing title, dated Middle- 
 town, Conn., Oct. 5, 1833. It requires no 
 commentary of ours. 
 
 Is this my country ! 
 
 The wonder and die envy of die world ? 
 
 Oil for a mantle ! to conceal her shame ! 
 
 But why conceal it — if Patriotism cannot hide 
 
 The ruin which her guilt will surely bring 
 
 If unreported 1 Wilcox. 
 
 The following facts may serve to illustrate 
 the degree of importance to be attached to 
 the boastful declaration, that the ' academies, 
 high-schools, and colleges,' are accessible to 
 the colored man. 
 
 Less than a year since a colored student, 
 of the name of Ray, was driven, (with his own 
 consent.) from the halls of the Wesley ari Uni- 
 versity, by the management of the sons of 
 southern menstealers, and a few northern 
 'dough-faces,' to use an appropriate simile. 
 This was done, let it be remembered, in pun- 
 ishment of no blacker crime than a dark skin. 
 His moral character is believed to be irre- 
 
 proachable. He was, and is, a regularly ap- 
 proved preacher of the Methodist order. 
 
 At a later period, a son of J. C. Beman, 
 pastor of the African Church in this city, ev- 
 ery other avenue of instruction being closed 
 against him, and he being, withal, deeply de- 
 sirous of intellectual cultivation, availed him- 
 self of the assistance of a student at the Uni- 
 versity, for which purpose he unobtrusively 
 visited his room, once or twice a day. The 
 'chivalrous' and high-minded southerners, be- 
 ing offended, (as we suppose,) by the presence 
 of even one drop of black blood, though, in this 
 instance, coupled with a skin white as their 
 own ; and finding that personal insults and in- 
 dignities were insufficient to arrest the ' even 
 tenor of his way,' resorted to the high-handed 
 measure, not obscurely hinted at, in the fol- 
 lowing letter. The letter was taken from the 
 office by the father of the young man. It was 
 written in a feigned hand, and addressed to 
 ' Beman junior (The Post Master will please 
 forward this as soon as possible.) 
 
 ' Young Beman, 
 
 A no. of the students of this University 
 deeming it derogatory to themselves as well 
 as the University, to have you and other co- 
 lored people recite here, do hereby warn you 
 to desist from such a course, and if vou fail 
 to comply with this peaceable request, we 
 swear by the ETERNAL GODS! that we 
 will resort to forcible means to put a stop to 
 it. TWELVE OF US.' 
 
 'Wesleyan University.' 
 
 The President being absent, the letter was 
 laid before two of the Professors. One with 
 a significant toss of the head, 'passed by on 
 the other side.' The other stated, that bating 
 the profanity, it expressed the sense of a by- 
 law enacted by the board of trustees, at their 
 last meeting. By subsequent inquiry, we 
 have learned it to be even so! The resolu- 
 tion was moved and supported by Coloniza- 
 tionists. That ardent Colonizationists should 
 act thus, excites no wonder: it is in exact ac- 
 cordance with the policy of the society. But 
 that men in their sober senses should act thus, 
 is surprising. They must sadly underrate the 
 moral sense of New-England to suppose that 
 such records of their narrow-mindedness can 
 exist with impunity to the college. It must 
 eventually if not immediately recoil upon its 
 own head. 
 
 We trust the project for the colored man's 
 College will soon be matured, although it 
 would not in the least astonish the writer, 
 should it meet the determined opposition of 
 those colleges which exclude them from their 
 own walls. It is now 'amalgamation,' 'twill 
 then be ' separation.' ■• VERITAS. 
 
 The Providence Anti-Slavery Society held 
 its first annual meeting on the 8th inst., in a 
 spirited and an effective manner. 
 
176 
 
 H'hat is meant by Immediate Emancipation. — Poetry. — Donations. 
 
 WHAT IS .MEANT BY IMMEDIATE EMAN- 
 CIPATION I 
 
 The answer to this question given below, 
 is one published by the Anti-Slavery party in 
 England. 
 
 ' The right of property in man must be en- 
 tirely and for ever extinguished. No third 
 party must be allowed to interfere between 
 man and his .Maker. Freedom of conscience, 
 and personal liberty, without which freedom 
 of conscience cannot exist, must be secured 
 upon solid foundations. That accountable- 
 ncss to himself which the Creator has imposed 
 upon every created being' must not be control- 
 led by any human power. Tins, in our view, 
 implies the removal of every restraint upon 
 liberty, not essentia! to the iveU-being of society : 
 but it is not inconsistent with the rigorous en- 
 forcement of every obligation which members 
 of society owe to each other. We therefore 
 insist upon the necessity of substituting for 
 the present authority of the master, a system of 
 legal constraint, of equal, if not superior vigor ; 
 and of maintaining that system by regulations 
 of police as severe as the case may require. 
 In a word, we would abolish slavery, hut we 
 ■would establish law. We -would supersede 
 the private cart-whip, and replace it by the 
 magisterial tread-mill. The magistrate, and 
 not the irresponsible owner, must be the judge 
 of what shall constitute offence ; and a jury, 
 not an overseer, must pronounce whether 
 such offence has been committed. The pro- 
 tection, as well as the punishment of law, 
 must also be administered by authority equal- 
 ly removed from suspicion. Any man who 
 can object to immediate abolition, thus ex- 
 plained, is unconscious and grossly ignorant 
 of the privileges which he himself, as an Eng- 
 lishman, enjoys.' 
 
 NEW ANTI-SLAVERY SOCIETY. 
 The Liberator of Nov. 2, mentions the for- 
 mation of a new Anti-Slavery Society, at 
 Pittsburgh, in Pennsylvania. We have not 
 yet been informed of the names of its officers. 
 
 SPIRIT OF LIBERTY. 
 
 ' Hail to thec, Albion ! who meet'st the commotion 
 Of Europe, as calm as thy cliffs meet the foam ; 
 
 With no bond hut the law, and no slave but the ocean 
 Hail, temple of liberty — thou art my home ! ' 
 
 Moore. 
 
 Spirit of Liberty ! where dost thou dwell ? 
 
 ' Here, where the children of liberty smile, 
 High on the mountain, and low in the dell, 
 
 Wide on the billows that circle your isle. 
 Ages on ages, the nations have known, 
 Wave-girdled Britain is Liberty's throne." 
 
 Spirit of Liberty ! deep in my soul 
 
 Kindles a rapture, inspired by thy breath ; 
 
 Luminous birthright that none may control. 
 Glowing in life, it will glimmer in death ; 
 ■ Poverty, sickness, and sorrow, in vain 
 
 Smite on my bosom, so thou but remain. 
 
 Spirit of Liberty I dost thou not ride 
 
 Joyous and light, on the breezes at morn- 
 Over my footpath invisibly glide — 
 
 Langn, from my cot, the oppressor to scorn? 
 Borne on inv charger, so buoyant and free, 
 Liberty ! swells not my bosom with thee ? 
 
 Spirit of Liberty '. lain would I pay 
 Homage bc&Uing the lip of the brave, 
 
 Gem of Creation ! — ' Bold freeman, away ! 
 Rend off the rivets that fetter thy slave ! 
 
 Gallant and grateful, go, build me a shrine, 
 
 Westward alar, iii the Mrs (hat are thine.' 
 
 Spirit of Liberty ! — ' Boaster, refrain ! 
 
 Give me the homage that speaks by a deed- 
 Hands so ensanguined with cruelty's stain, 
 
 Lips for the captive declining to plead,— 
 These are my scorn, my abhorrence, and shame — 
 A blast and a blight on fair Liberty's name ! ' 
 
 Charlotte Elizabeth. 
 
 BRITAIN. 
 
 THE LIBERTY SHE LOVES SHE WILL BESTOW.' 
 
 Shall Britain, wheie the soul of Freedom reigns, 
 Forge chains for others, which herself disdains ? 
 Forbid it, Heaven ! — O let the nations know, 
 The liberty she loves, she will bestow ; 
 Not to herself the glorious gift confined, 
 She spreads the blessing wide as human kind, 
 And, scorning narrow views of time and place, 
 Bids all be free in earth's extended space. 
 What page of human annals can record 
 A deed so bright as human rights restored ! 
 O may that God-like deed, that shining page, 
 Redeem out fame, and consecrate our age ! 
 
 Hannah More. 
 
 The Treasurer of the New-England Anti-Slavery 
 Society acknowledges the receipt of the following do- 
 nations, viz. 
 
 Win. Oakes, Ipswich 15 00 
 
 Friend from England 15 00 
 
 Legacy in part by the late John Kenrick 150 00 
 
 Ladies in Boston to constitute Miss Prudence 
 
 Crandall a life member 
 Y'oung men in Boston to constitute Miss Susan 
 
 Paul a life member 
 Mr Campbell of Charleslown 
 Daniel Gregg. Esq. of Boston 
 Collection in Rev. Mr Lee's Society, Shelburne 14 00 
 do. in Boylston Hall 9 12 
 
 do. in Vermont, by Osborn S. Murray, 
 
 15 37 
 
 15 00 
 2 00 
 15 00 
 
 agent, viz. 
 
 
 
 Amzi Jones 
 
 
 5 00 
 
 Caleb Hill 
 
 
 5 00 
 
 Matthew W. Birchard 
 
 
 5 00 
 
 A Friend 
 
 
 5 00 
 
 Ichabod HigginS 
 
 
 5 00 
 
 Moses Munger 
 
 
 50 
 
 Augusta Munger 
 
 
 1 00 
 
 Joseph Simonds 
 
 
 2 00 
 
 Selah Murray 
 
 
 1 00 
 
 Charles E. Tiffany 
 
 
 1 00 
 
 Wm. H. French 
 
 
 2 00 
 
 Otis Whitney 
 
 
 50 
 
 Sally Whitney 
 
 
 50 
 
 Hannah Green 
 
 
 50 
 
 Diana Ray 
 
 
 26 
 
 Emery Hills 
 
 
 1 00 
 
 David A. Murray 
 
 
 . 50 
 
 Myron Jewell. 25 
 
 Friends, 75 
 
 1 00 
 
 Isaac Sweat, 75 
 
 Rosetta Ray, 25 
 
 1 00 
 
 Collection in Hinesbury 
 
 
 4 25 
 
 do. in Montpclier 
 
 4 95 
 
 do. in Bridport 
 
 
 2 00 
 
 Total 
 Ja.me? C. Odiorne, Treasurer. 
 
 #299 44 
 
THE ABOLITIONIST. 
 
 VOL. I.] 
 
 DECEMBER, 18 33. 
 
 [NO. XII. 
 
 AMERICAN ANTI-SLAVERY SOCIETY. 
 
 A convention for the formation of a Nation- 
 al Anti-Slavery Society was held at Phila- 
 delphia on the 4th of December. 
 
 BERIAH GREEN, of New- York, was cho- 
 sen President, and Lewis Tappan, of New- 
 York, and John G. Whittier, of Massachu- 
 setts, Secretaries. 
 
 More than sixty persons, from ten States, 
 were present at the Convention. 
 
 The Convention continued for three days. 
 
 The following persons were chosen officers 
 of the Society. 
 
 PRESIDENT. 
 
 * ARTHUR TAPPAN, New- York city. 
 
 TREASURER. 
 
 WILLIAM GREEN, Jr. .Yew-York city. 
 
 SECRETARY OF DOMESTIC CORRESPONDENCE. 
 
 ELIZUR WRIGHT, Jr. New- York city. 
 
 SECRETARY OF FOREIGN CORRESPONDENCE. 
 
 WM. LLOYD GARRISON, Boston, Mass. 
 
 RECORDING SECRETARY. 
 
 ABRAHAM L. COX, New- York city. 
 VICE-PRESIDENTS. 
 Rhode- Island. Samuel J. May, 
 
 Moses Brown. Gustavus F. Davis. 
 
 Maine. New York. 
 
 Samuel Fessenden, Beriah Green, 
 
 Joseph Southwick, 
 Ebenezer Dole, 
 Samuel F. Hussey. 
 Neiv- Ha mpshire. 
 Nathan Lord, 
 Calvin Cutler. 
 Vermont. 
 
 D. C. Lansing-, 
 John Rankin. 
 Ohio. 
 Elizur Wright, 
 Samuel Crothers. 
 Pennsylvania. 
 Robert Bruce, 
 
 Matthew W. Birchard, Jonas Preston, 
 
 Edwin A. Atlee, 
 Evan Lewis, 
 William Jackson. 
 
 Delaware. 
 Benjamin Ferris. 
 
 Detroit, Mich. Ter. 
 Erastus P. Hastings. 
 
 Massachusetts. 
 Asa Rand, 
 E. M. P. Wells, 
 E. L. Capron. 
 
 Connecticut. 
 Eleazer T. Fitch, 
 Eli Ives, 
 
 MANAGERS. 
 Isaac Whitman, Portland, Maine. 
 
 Calvin Newton, Waterville College, " 
 
 * It is proper to remark, in this place, that a vote 
 was passed during the session of the Convention, to 
 omit all title* of honor from the names of officers. 
 
 VOL. I. 
 
 George Shepard, 
 Daniel Thuryton, 
 Richard H. Vose, 
 Patrick H. Grcenleaf, 
 
 Amos A. Phelps, 
 Ellis Gray Loring, 
 David L. Child, 
 Samuel E. Sewall, 
 James G. Barbadoes, 
 Isaac Knapp, 
 Moses Thacher, 
 John G. Whittier, 
 Jacob Ide, 
 
 Daniel S. Southmayd, 
 John M. S. Perry, 
 Le Roy Sunderland, 
 Philemon R. Russell, 
 David T. Kimball, 
 
 George W. Ward, 
 James Wilson, 
 Amos Cambell, 
 Nathan Lord, 
 William Arthur, 
 Elisha Bascom, 
 Augustine Clark, 
 J. Butler, 
 Ray Potter, 
 Josiah Cady, 
 Henry dishing, 
 George W. Benson, 
 John Prentice, 
 Thomas Williams, 
 George Benson, 
 Simeon S. Jocelyn, 
 Alpheus Kingsley, 
 James T. Dickinson, 
 S. P. Dole, 
 William Allen, 
 Stephen P. Hines, 
 Samuel N. Sweet, 
 Jonathan Parkhurst, 
 James White, 
 Joshua Leavitt, 
 William Goodell, 
 Lewis Tappan, 
 George Bourne, 
 Charles W. Denison, 
 Isaac M. Diamond, 
 Peter Williams, 
 Arnold Buffum, 
 Edwin P. Atlee, 
 Robert Purvis, 
 S3 
 
 Hallowell, Maine. 
 
 )f inthrop, " 
 
 Augusta, " 
 
 Portland, " 
 
 Bowdoin College, " 
 Boston, Massachusetts. 
 
 North Wrentham, u 
 Haverhill, 
 
 Medway, Mass. 
 
 LoiveU, " 
 
 Mcndon, " 
 
 Andover, " 
 
 West Boylston, " 
 Ipswich, " 
 
 Amherst, " 
 
 Plymouth, N. H. 
 Keene, " 
 
 Ackicorth, " 
 
 Hanover, " 
 
 Hinesburgh, Vermont. 
 Shoreham, " 
 
 Danville, u 
 
 Walerbury, " 
 
 Pawtucket, R. Island. 
 Providence^ " 
 
 Brooklyn, Connecticut. 
 
 New- Haven, " 
 
 Norivich, " 
 
 « << 
 
 Middletown, " 
 
 Buffalo, New York. 
 
 Sandy Hill, " 
 
 Adams, 
 
 , New Jersey. 
 
 New York City. 
 
 Philadelphia, Pa. 
 
 \ 
 
178 
 
 American Anti- Slavery Society. 
 
 Thomas Shipley, Philadelphia, Pa. 
 
 B snj limn Lundy, 
 .i mi fa McOrura i 
 Samuel Williams, Pittsburgh, 
 John B. Vashon, 
 Bartholomew Fussell, Rennelt, 
 Job F. ih / Town * 
 
 Enoch Mack, Wilkesbarre, " 
 
 The laa Whitson, Chester County, " 
 \ iraham D. Shadd, " " 
 
 Lindley Coates, Lancaster Co. _ " 
 
 Theodore I). Wold, Cincinnati, Ohio. 
 
 Warren, 
 Q. K. Hawley, Austinburgh, " 
 
 Henry Co ■ 
 
 John M. Sterling, Cleaveland, " 
 
 II. c. Ho* Zom iville, " 
 
 Wools v Wells, Akron, " 
 
 John M. Morfteitb, Elyria, 
 
 A Declaration was adopted by the Conven- 
 tion, and signed by the members of the Con- 
 vention. We publish this important paper 
 at 1 ingth. It manifests great power and d ;ep 
 feeling, and that manly resolution and confi- 
 dence which ought to animate men devoting 
 themselves to a holy, but unpopular cause. 
 
 DECLARATION 
 
 OF THE 
 
 NATIONAL ANTI-SLAVERY CONVENTION. 
 
 The Convention, assembled in the City of 
 Philadelphia to organize a National Anti-Sla- 
 very Society, promptly seize the opportunity 
 to promulgate the following Declaration of 
 Sentimejsts, as cherished by them in relation 
 to the enslavement of one-sixth portion of the 
 American people. 
 
 More than fifty-seven years have elapsed 
 since a band of patriots convened in this place, 
 to d ivise measures for the deliverance of this 
 country from a foreign yoke. The corner- 
 stone upon which they founded the Temple 
 of Freedom was broadly this — -'that all men 
 are created equal ; that they are endowed by 
 their Creator with certain inalienable rights : 
 that among these are life, LIBERTY, and 
 the pursuit, of happiness.' At the sound of 
 their trumpet-call, three millions of people 
 rose up as from the sleep of death, and rushed 
 to the strife of blood ; dooming it more glo- 
 rious to die instantly as freemen, than desir- 
 able to live one hour as slaves. They were 
 few in number — poor in resources; but the 
 honest conviction that Truth, Justice and 
 Right were on their side, made them invin- 
 cible. 
 
 We have met together for the achievement 
 of an enterprise, without, which, that of our 
 fathers is incomplete, and which, for' its mag- 
 nitude, solemnity, and probable results upon 
 the destiny of the world, as far transcends 
 theirs, as moral truth does physical force. 
 
 In purity of motive, in earnestness of zeai, 
 in decision of purpose, in intrepidity of action, 
 in steadfastness ol faith, in sincerity of spirit, 
 we would not be inferior to them. 
 
 Their principh s led them to wage war 
 against their oppressors, and to spill human 
 blood like water, in order to be free. Ours 
 forbid tii" doing of evil that good may come, 
 and lead us to reject, and to entreat the op- 
 presse I to r j ct, the use of all carnal \vi a- 
 pous for deliverance from bondage — relying 
 y upon those which are spiritual, and 
 mighty through God to the pulling down of 
 strong holds. 
 
 • Their measures were physical resistance — 
 the marshalling in arms— the hostile array — 
 the mortal encounter. Ours shall be such 
 only as the opp isition of moral purity to moral 
 corruption — the destruction of error by the 
 p il in v of truth — the overthrow of prejudice 
 by the power of love — and the abolition of 
 slavery by the spirit of repentance. 
 
 Their grievances, great as they were, were 
 trifling in comparison with the wrongs and 
 sufferings of those for whom wo plead. Our 
 fillers were never slaves — never bought and 
 sold like cattle — never shut out from the light 
 i iwledge and religion — never subjected 
 to the lash of brutal taskmasters. - 
 
 But those, for whose emancipation we are 
 striving, — constituting at the present time at 
 least, one-sixth part of our countrymen, — are 
 recognized by the laws, and treated by their 
 fellow beings, as marketable commodities — as 
 Efood and chattels — as brute beast- ; — are plun- 
 dered daily of the fruits of their toil without 
 redress ; — really enjoy no constitutional nor 
 legal protection from licentious and murder- 
 ous outrages upon their persons ; — are ruth- 
 lessly torn asunder — the tender babe from the 
 arms of its frantic mother — the heart-broken 
 wife from her weeping husband — at the ca- 
 price or pleasure of irresponsible tyrants ; — 
 and, for the crime of having a dark complex- 
 ion, suffer the pangs of hunger, the infliction 
 of stripes, and the Ignominy of brutal servi- 
 tude. They are kept in heathenish darkness 
 by laws expressly enacted to make their in- 
 struction a criminal offence. 
 
 These are the prominent circumstances in 
 the condition of more than TWO MILLIONS 
 of our people, the proof of which may be found 
 in thousands of indisputable facts, and in the 
 laws of the slaveholding States. 
 Hence we maintain — 
 
 That, in view of the civil and religious priv- 
 ileges of this nation, the guilt of its oppression 
 is unequalled by any other on the face of the 
 earth ; — and, therefore. 
 
 That it is bound to repent instantly, to undo 
 the heavy, burden, to break every yoke, and 
 to let the oppressed go free. 
 We further maintain — 
 
 That no man has a right to enslave or im- 
 brute his brother — to hold or acknowledge 
 
American Anti-Slavery Society. 
 
 170 
 
 him, Tot one moment, as a piece of merchan- 
 dise — to keep back his hire by fraud — or to 
 brutalize his mind by denying him the means 
 of intellectual, social and moral improvement. 
 
 The right to enjoy liberty is inalienable. 
 To invade it, is to usurp the prerogative of 
 Jehovah. Every man has a right to his own 
 body — to the products of iiis own labor— to 
 the protection of law — and to the common ad- 
 vantages of society. It is piracy to buy or 
 steal a native African, and subject him to ser- 
 vitude. Surely the sin is as great to enslave 
 an American as an African. 
 
 Therefore we believe and affirm — - 
 
 That there is no difference, in principle, 
 between the African slave trade and American 
 slavery ; 
 
 That every American citizen, who retains 
 a human being in involuntary bondage, as 
 his property, is [according to Scripture] a 
 
 MAN-STEALER. 
 
 That the slaves ought instantly to be set 
 free, and brought under the protection of law ; 
 
 That if they had lived from the time of 
 Pharaoh down to the present period, and had 
 been entailed through successive generations, 
 their right to be free could never have been 
 alienated, but their claims would have con- 
 stantly risen in solemnity ; 
 
 That all those laws which arc now in force. 
 admitting the right of slavery, are therefore 
 before God utterly null and void ; being an 
 audacious usurpation of the Divine preroga- 
 tive, a daring infringement on the law of na- 
 ture, a base overthrow of the very foundations 
 of the social compact, a complete extinction oi 
 all the relations, endearments and obligations 
 of mankind, and a presumptuous transgression 
 of all the holy commandments — and that there- 
 fore they ought to be instantly abrogated. 
 We further believe and affirm — 
 
 That all persons of color who possess the 
 qualifications which are demanded of others, 
 ought to be admitted forthwith to the enjoy- 
 ment of the same privileges, and the exercise 
 of the same prerogatives, as others ; and that 
 the paths of preferment, of wealth, and of in- 
 telligence, should be opened as widely to them 
 as to persons of a white complexion. 
 
 We maintain that no compensation should 
 be given to the planters emancipating their 
 slaves — 
 
 Because it would be a surrender ofthe great, 
 fundamental principle, that man cannot hold 
 property in man ; 
 
 Because Slavery is a crime, and there- 
 fore IT IS NOT AN ARTICLE TO BE SOLD ; 
 
 Because the holders of slaves are not the 
 just proprietors of what they claim ; — freeing 
 the slaves is not depriving them of property, 
 but restoring it to the right owner; — it is not 
 wronging the master, but righting the slave — 
 restoring him to himself; 
 
 Because immediate and general emancipa- 
 tion would only destroy nominal, not real 
 
 property : it would not amputate a limb of 
 break a bone of the slaves, but by infusing 
 motives into their breasts, would make them 
 doubly valuable to the masters as free labor- 
 ers ; and 
 
 Because if compensation is to be given at 
 all, it should be given to the outraged and 
 guiltless slaves, and not to those who have 
 plundered and abused them. 
 
 We regard, as delusive, cruel and danger- 
 ous, any scheme of expatriation which pre- 
 tends to aid, either directly or indirectly, in 
 the emancipation ofthe slaves, or to be a sub- 
 stitute for tiie immediate and total abolition of 
 slavery. 
 
 We fully and unanimously recognise the 
 sovereignty of each State, to legislate exclu- 
 sively on the subject of the slavery which is 
 tolerated within its limits. We concede that 
 Congress, under tlye present national compact*, 
 has no right to interfere with any ofthe slave 
 States, in relation to this momentous subject. 
 
 But we maintain that Congress has a right, 
 and is solemnly bound, to suppress the domes- 
 tic slave trade between the several States, 
 and to abolish slavery in those portions of our 
 territory which the Constitution has placed 
 under its exclusive jurisdiction. 
 
 We also maintain that there are, at the 
 present time, the highest obligations resting 
 upon the people of the free States to remove 
 slavery by moral and political action, as pre- 
 scribed in the Constitution of the United 
 States. They are now living under a pledge 
 of their tremendous physical force to fasten 
 the galling fetters of tyranny upon the limbs 
 of millions in the southern States ; — they are 
 liable to be called at any moment to suppress 
 a genera] insurrection ofthe slaves; — they 
 authorise the slave owner to vote for three- 
 fifths of his slaves as property, and thus enable 
 him to perpetuate his oppression ; — they sup- 
 port a standing army at the south for its pro- 
 tection ; — and they seize the slave who has 
 escaped into their territories, and send him 
 back to be tortured by an enraged master or 
 a brutal driver. 
 
 This relation to slavery is criminal and full 
 of danger: it must be broken up. 
 
 These are our views and principles — these, 
 our designs and measures. With entire con- 
 fidence in the overruling justice of God, we 
 plant ourselves upon the Declaration of our 
 Independence, i'nd upon the truths of Divine 
 Revelation, as upon the everlasting rock. 
 
 We shall organize Anti-Slavery Societies, 
 if possible, in every city, town and village in 
 our land. 
 
 We shall send forth Agents to lift up the 
 voice of remonstrance, of warning, of entreaty 
 and rebuke. 
 
 We shall circulate, unsparingly and exten- 
 sively, anti-slavery tracts and periodicals. 
 
 We shall enlist the pulpit and the press 
 in the cause ofthe suffering and the dumb. 
 
180 
 
 American Anti-Slavery Society. 
 
 We shall aim at a purification of the church- 
 es from all participation in the guilt of slavery. 
 
 We shall encourage the labor of freemen 
 over that of the slaves, by giving a preference 
 to their productions ; — and 
 
 We shall spare no exertions nor means to 
 bring the whole nation to speedy repentance. 
 
 Our trust for victory is solely in GOD. We 
 may be personally defeated, but our principles 
 never. Truth, Justice, Reason, Human- 
 its', must and will gloriously triumph. Al- 
 ready a host is coming up to the help of the 
 Lord against the mighty, and the prospect be- 
 fore us is full of encouragement. 
 
 Submitting this DECLARATION to the 
 candid examination of the people of this coun- 
 try, and of the friends of liberty all over the 
 world, we hereby affix our signatures to it; — 
 pledging ourselves that, under the guidance 
 and by the help of Almighty God, we will do 
 all that in us lies, consistently with this De- 
 claration of our principles, to overthrow the 
 most execrable system of slavery that has 
 ever been witnessed upon earth — to deliver 
 our land from its deadliest curse — to wipe 
 out the foulest stain which rests upon our na- 
 tional escutcheon — and to secure to the color- 
 ed population of the United States, all the 
 rights and privileges which belong to them as 
 men and as Americans — come what may to 
 our persons, our interests, or our reputations 
 — whether we live to witness the triumph of 
 Justice, Liberty and Humanity, or perish 
 untimely as martyrs in this great, benevolent 
 and holy cause. 
 
 Simeon S. Jocelyn, 
 Robert Bernard Hall. 
 
 Ohio. 
 John M. Sterling, 
 Milton Sutliff, 
 Levi Sutliff, 
 
 Vermont. 
 Orson S. Murray. 
 JVetv-Jersey. 
 Jonathan Parkhurst, 
 Chalkley Gillingham, 
 James White. 
 
 Maine. 
 David Thurston, 
 Nathan Winslow, 
 Joseph Southwick, 
 James F. Otis, 
 Isaac Winslow. 
 
 Pennsylvania. 
 Evan Lewis, 
 Edwin A. Atlee, 
 Robert Purvis, 
 James McCrummell, 
 Thomas Shipley, 
 Bartholomew Fussell, 
 Enoch Mack, 
 John McCulIough, 
 James M. McKim, 
 Aaron Vickers, 
 James Loughhead, 
 John R. Sleeper, 
 Thomas Whitson, 
 Edwin P. Atlee, 
 John Sharp, Jun. t 
 David Jones, 
 Lucas Gillingham, 
 James Mott, 
 Sumner Stebbins. 
 
 N ew- York. 
 Beriah Green, 
 Lewis Tappan, 
 John Rankin, 
 
 William Green, Jun. 
 Abraham L. Cox, 
 William Goodell, 
 Elizur Wright, Jun. 
 Charles W. Denison, 
 John Frost. 
 
 JVe w - Hampshire. 
 David Cambell. 
 
 Massachusetts. 
 Daniel S. Southmayd, 
 Effingham L. Capron, 
 Joshua Coffin, 
 Amos A. Phelps, 
 John G. Whittier, 
 Horace P. Wakefield, 
 James G. Barbadoes, 
 David T. Kimball, Jr. 
 Daniel E. Jewett, 
 John Reid Cambell, 
 Nathaniel Southard, 
 Arnold Buffum, 
 Wm. Lloyd Garrison. 
 
 Rhode- Island. 
 John Prentice, 
 Geonro W. Benson, 
 Ray Potter. 
 
 Connecticut. 
 Samuel Joseph May, 
 Alpheus Kingsley, 
 Edwin A. Stillman, 
 
 Among other resolutions, the following were 
 adopted : 
 
 On motion of Charles W. Denison, seconded by 
 John G. Whiltier, it was 
 
 Resolved, That measures be taken to ascertain 
 how many preachers in the United States are slave- 
 holders. 
 
 On motion of John Rankin, seconded by Abraham 
 L. Cox, it was 
 
 Resolved, That in the opinion of this Convention, 
 those Editors who have embarked in the cause of im- 
 mediate emancipation, and plead for the rights of the 
 colored race, are deserving of our hearty thanks ; and 
 that we will use our individual and collective influ- 
 ence to sustain and aid them in this good work, by 
 extending the circulation and increasing the subscrip- 
 tions of their respective papers, and by snch other 
 means as may be proper. 
 
 On this resolution, the Convention resolved itself 
 into a committee of the whole — James McCrummell, 
 of Philadelphia, in the chair. Several members ad- 
 vocated its passage. 
 
 President Green said, that ike press is one of the 
 most powerful engines we can bring to bear on pub- 
 lic sentiment. Yet the press, and the pulpit too, have 
 to a great extent lost sight of the great design for 
 which they were established. They have been over- 
 awed and corrupted by an erroneous and dangerous 
 public sentiment. And now, forsooth, the pulpit and 
 the press are both waiting for public sentiment to re- 
 form. They seem to suppose that they must fall into 
 the current, and float along with the mass, or be over- 
 whelmed. They do not bring their immense moral 
 force to bear on a given point, and that point in dia- 
 metrical opposition to the vices and follies of the times. 
 The custom of succumbing to the powers that be, be- 
 cause there are such powers, is as prevalent as it is 
 dangerous. 
 
 What is public sentiment? What is its origin? 
 It is the combined views and feelings of the mass of 
 community. There are currents of feeling running 
 through communities, like our rivers as they run to 
 tile ocean. Suppose they flow in a wrong direction. 
 How are they to be corrected ? Can we look to the 
 bottom, and see the springs which move there ? Are 
 the obscure channels to influence the mighty river? 
 Are we to depend on those who do not reach the pub- 
 lic eye, to correct public sentiment 1 No, Mr President. 
 We are to depend on the men who tower above the 
 surface, and who have looked abroad over the whole 
 scope of the waters of life. And are such men to 
 wait until the whole deep is in motion 1 No, Sir. 
 They are they who must mark out the channels, and 
 lead the tide. 
 
 The influence of the press and pulpit on this wise 
 has been strangely forgotten. Rut a few individuals 
 there are who dare step forward to direct the current, 
 when there is so much and imminent danger of being 
 borne away by the wild surges of wicked passion 
 
Jtmericdn Anti- Slavery Convention. 
 
 181 
 
 Bui a few indeed who dare face public odium, in any 
 or all its forms — have dared to stand erect, like rocks 
 amid the seething waters, and beat back the billows 
 which would overwhelm them. 
 
 How few there are who dare expose their naked 
 hearts to the eye of this nation ! How few who are 
 ready to receive iu their bare bosoms the shafts 
 which calumny may throw! Yet the men, contem- 
 plated in the resolution before us, have thus stood 
 erect, and have been thus exposed. They have pleaded 
 the cause of equal rights, in its best and broadest sig- 
 nification. They have stood out, amid falling missiles, 
 and jarring notes of opposition; and like trumpets, 
 lifted up their voices for the poor and needy, the ' suf- 
 fering and the dumb.' Look at their situation. Those 
 who have been wont to sympathise with them in other 
 great causes of moral reform, forsake them now. 
 Tliey are men. They feel the neglect of those whom 
 they love, and whose opinions they have been accus- 
 tomed to prize. They feel as if they had stood alone, 
 abiding ' the peltings of the pitiless storm,' and are 
 drenched through their exposure. They need the re- 
 viving and refreshing influences of our sympathy. 
 They have a claim on our gratitude, which cannot 
 and must not be set aside. 
 
 When we look around even among the professed 
 followers of the immaculate Pattern of Reformers, 
 how few do we find who are ready to pledge them- 
 selves to sustain the public advocates of justice and 
 equal rights I What then is our duty 1 Each one of 
 us is hound, even at the expense of other objects, to 
 make special efforts on this wise, because there are so 
 few whe will stand firm in the work. A mere tacit 
 avowal of the extent and value of the labors of those 
 alluded to in this resolution, will not suffice. Pledges 
 must be entered into, and sacrifices must be made. — 
 I cannot but lament the existence of the feelings which 
 I often see exhibited toward the conductors of the 
 abolition press, by those who profess to be friendly 
 to the cause. ' We are heartily hostile to slavery,' 
 say they, ' but, after all, William Lloyd Garrison, and 
 his coadjutors, have taken too high ground! He is < 
 so imprudent ; and says so many things calculated to 
 weaken his attacks on the system of bondage.' 
 
 For my part, I am heartily disgusted with this hail- 
 ing and temporizing. The devoted men who are thus 
 repressed in their career, should receive our warmest, 
 our most cordial God speed. For one, I am ready to 
 present my bare bosom to the foe, and receive the 
 shafts intended for them who have perilled so much 
 for the object which has called us together in Conven- 
 tion this day. I take this occasion to present the 
 warm gratitude of my whole heart to those men who 
 have pledged themselves and their presses to advance 
 this blessed cause. 
 
 Dr. A. L. ('<>x. of New-York, made a few remarks 
 in favor of the resolution. 
 
 Lewis Tappan rose, ancTasked permission to intro- 
 duce the name of William Lloyd Garrison, and pro- 
 ceeded to say : 
 
 Some men, Mr. President, are frightened at a name. 
 There is good evidence to believe that many profess- 
 ed friends of abolition would have been here, had they 
 not been afraid that the name of William Lloyd 
 Garrison would be inserted prominently in our pro- 
 
 ceedings. Sir, I am ashamed of such friends. We 
 ought to place that honored name in the forefront of 
 our ranks. The cause is under obligations to him, 
 which such an evidence of respect will but poorly 
 repay. 
 
 The first time I ever heard of him was when he 
 was in jail in Baltimore, where he was incarcerated 
 like a felon, for pleading the cause of the oppressed/ 
 and rebuking iniquity. When I saw him, appearing 
 so mild and meek as he does, shortly after he was lib- 
 erated by a gentleman in New-York, I was astonished. 
 Is this the renegade Garrison ? thought I, as I grasp- 
 ed his open hand. Is this the enemy of our country 1 
 I shall never forget the impression which his noble 
 countenance made on me at that time, as long as I 
 live. 
 
 An anecdote is related of a gentleman — a Coloni- 
 zationist — which is worth repealing in this Convention. 
 That gentleman had purchased, without knowing V ho 
 it represented, a portrait of Mr. Garrison, and after 
 having it encased in a splendid gilt frame, suspended 
 it in his parlor. A friend calling in observed it, and 
 asked the purchaser if he knew who 'he had honored 
 so much ? He was answered ' No — but it is one of 
 the most godlike looking countenances I ever beheld.' 
 < That, sir,' resumed the visiter, ' is a portrait of the 
 fanatic, the incendiary William Lloyd Garrison!' 
 ' Indeed !' concluded the gentleman, evidently much 
 disconcerted. ' But, sir, it shall remain in its place. 
 I will never take it down.' 
 
 Who that is familiar with the history of Mr. Garri- 
 son does not remember the determination expressed 
 in the first number of his paper — the Liberator — to 
 sustain it as long as could live on bread and water ? 
 And, sir, I am informed that he has really practised 
 what he so nobly resolved on the beginning. 
 
 Look at his course during his recent mission to Eng- 
 land. He has been accused of slandering his country. 
 Sir, he has vindicated the American name. He has 
 not slandered it. He has told the whole truth, and 
 put hypocrites and dough faces to open shame. He 
 has won the confidence of the people of England. 
 They saw him attached to his country by the dearest 
 lies; but loathing her follies and abhorring her crimes. 
 He has put the Anti-Slavery movement forward a 
 quarter of a century. 
 
 A fellow passenger with Mr. Garrison from Europe 
 —a clergyman of much intelligence— on arriving in 
 this country heard that he was called a fanatic and a 
 madman. ' What,' said he, ' do you call such a man 
 a fanatic ? Do you deem such a man insane ? For 
 six weeks have I been with him, and a more discreet, 
 humble and faithful christian I never saw.' 
 
 Sir, we should throw the shield of our protection and 
 esteem around Mr. Garrison. His life is exposed at 
 this moment. At the door of this saloon, a young man 
 from the South said to-day that if he had opportunity, 
 he would dip his hands in his heart's blood. And, sir, 
 there must be martyrs in this cause. We ought to 
 feel this moment that we are liable to be sacrificed. 
 But when I say this, I know that we are not bellige- 
 rants. We would die in such a cause, only as martyrs 
 to the truth. In this, our blessed Saviour has set th« 
 example. 
 
183 
 
 .liiierican Anti-Slavery Couvcntwn. 
 
 I did not contemplate delivering- a eulogy on Mr. 
 Garrison, when I rose i<> speak to this resolution. I 
 wish simplj to express my heartfelt sympathy with an 
 injured and persei uted man. Be it the honorable ob- 
 ject of the members of this Convention to show to our 
 countrymen that they have misunderstood the charac- 
 ter, and misconceived the plans, of William Lloyd 
 Garrison. He is said to be imprudent. What is pru- 
 dence J Is it succumbing to a majority of our frail 
 fellow mortals ? Is it holding back a faithful expres- 
 sion of the whole truth, until the people an- ready lo 
 say amen? Was that the prudence of the Apostle 
 Piul, when he stood before the Roman Governor? 
 Was that die prudence of William Penn, when he 
 poured contempt on the regalia of Kings, by wear- 
 ing before the king vl' England his broad beav- 
 er? Imprudence is moral timidity. That man is 
 imprudent who is afraid to speak as Hod commands 
 him to speak, when the hour of danger is near. If this 
 reasoning be correct, Mr. Garrison is one of the most 
 prudent men in the nation ! 
 
 He is not perfect. He is frail, like the rest of human 
 flesh. But if God had not endowed him as He has. and 
 smiled propitiously on bis imprudencies, we should not 
 now be engaged in the deliberation of this most inter- 
 esting and important Convention. God has raised up 
 just such a man as William Lloyd Garrison, to be a 
 pioneer in this cause. Let each member present feel 
 solemnly bound to vindicate the character of Mr. Gar- 
 rison. Let us not be afraid to go forward with him 
 even into the ' imminent breach,' although there may 
 be professed friends who stand back because of him. 
 
 I coincide witli the views of another gentleman, and 
 hope that the name of Benjamin Lundy will not be 
 forgotten. It is a name dear to every one engaged in 
 this cause. 
 
 In a recent conversation which I had with a distin- 
 guished civilian of New-York — he informed me that 
 be was a subscriber to Lundy's paper, the ' Genius of 
 Universal Emancipation,' and that he had the highest 
 opinion of his talents and devotedness to the cause of 
 the slave. He said that he had been roused by Lun- 
 dy's appeals, and induced to examine the bearing the 
 Constitution had on Slavery. The result is a convic- 
 tion that a slave should not be given vp who has tied 
 from the South to the North, and dared to assert his 
 claim to his own body. He now contends that the 
 Constitution docs not recognize slavery : that the Cra- 
 mers of that Instrument had in view the final destruc- 
 tion of our greatest national sin. And he argues that 
 the laws which grow out of the construction of the 
 Constitution to uphold slavery, are contrary to the 
 highest of all laws, and die genius of our republican 
 government. Benjamin Lundy, sir, is the man, under 
 God, who has thus affected the heart of that celebrat- 
 ed individual. 
 
 Posterity should know, that their fathers held such 
 men as are contemplated in the resolution now before 
 this body, as men to be highly esteemed. Although 
 they are held accursed by those who know them not. 
 and who seek to impeach their motives and to destroy 
 their lives, yet the coming generation shall hallow 
 their memories, and rise up to call them blessed. 
 
 Amos A. Phelps, of Massachusetts, said he wished 
 to give his testimony to the general subject now be- 
 
 fore this Convention. He felt it to be one of the "real' 
 est importance — one closely identified with the pro- 
 gress of our oause. Names had been mentioned. He 
 would allude to one worthy of remembrance, although 
 not specially mentioned in this resolution. It was that 
 of Cn vrxes I'.. S i orrs, late President of the West- 
 ern Reserve College, lie presumed it was known to 
 all present, that President Slorrs died at liraintrce, 
 Mass. A short lime before he died, he said he wish- 
 ed to sign his name to a paper containing a declara- 
 tion of principles, about to be issued in Boston. 
 \\ bile tying on his bed, he requested to have a pen 
 placed in his hand, and the paper in question laid be- 
 fore him. It was done. He commenced tracing his 
 name, and had written the first word 'Charles' — 
 when he discovered that two of the letters had been 
 transposed. Letting the pen fall, and turning to his 
 brother standing by, he exclaimed with the energy pe- 
 culiar to him: — ' 1 can write no more. Brother, do 
 you finish my name. Those principles are eternal 
 truths. They cannot be shaken. 1 wish to give to them 
 my dying testimony.' 
 
 It is supposed that his departure from this world to 
 a better was hastened by his exertions in delivering 
 an Address of great energy in behalf of the poor 
 slave, more than two hours long. We have been 
 talking, sir, about the prospect of our being martyrs 
 in this cause. One has already fallen. And here I 
 cannot forbear alluding to a remark made at his fu- 
 neral. The individual who preached on that occasion, 
 I am informed, said that he ' had fallen a martyr to 
 an error ! ' Sir, the assertion is without foundation. 
 President Storrs has fallen a martyr, not to error, but 
 to truth — in his own words, to ' eternal truths.' He 
 looked over this whole subject with a keen and im- 
 partial glance. His whole soul was enwrapt in its in- 
 vestigation. All the powers of his giant mind were 
 brought to bear in anaigning and deciding on the tes- 
 timony of the case. Yet an individual who did not 
 appreciate his righteous abhorrence of this nation's 
 guilt and hypocrisy before God, dared to say, in the 
 very temple of the Holy One, that he had fallen a 
 martyr to error ! Sir, I almost wonder that the coffin 
 beneath him did not burst its covering at that moment ! 
 I should think that the preacher would have been 
 afraid of a reproof from the voiceless dead ! 
 
 To the conductors of the press, contemplated in this 
 resolution, we are, as has been said, under great obli- 
 gations. The press is indeed a mighty engine to con- 
 trol and remodel public opinion. Just so certain as 
 the pulpit and the press temporize and waive, in the 
 work of reform, the pulpit and the press have gone 
 over to the service of Satan. They have become time 
 servants of a corrupt and wicked public sentiment. 
 Ifsuchastate of things continues much longer, our 
 [nstituti ins will have perished forever ! We shall be 
 .is dead men. The pulpil must be brought to bear on 
 the pulpit. The press must be brought to bear on the 
 press. The power and application of what are term- 
 ed 'abstract' principles must be seen and felt. Sir, 
 the government of God is what some people call ab- 
 stract. They say that there are certain things in that 
 government, which will do in the abstract, but winch 
 cannot, and must not, be carried into practice. Yet 
 God declares unequivocally that His moral govern- 
 
Ainerican Anti- Slavery Convtntion. 
 
 183 
 
 went is founded on the principles of the plainest 
 equity, as well as strictest justice. It is a kingdom 
 that ruleth over all. Let any government adopt n 
 course of procedure opposed to the despised abstract 
 principles for which we contend, and they oppose the 
 government of the mighty God. All the collisions in 
 our nation grow out of the neglected fact that the 
 power-loving, money-getting government of man, is 
 contrary to the government of God. And such collis- 
 ions will increase more and more. It would seem as 
 if we were bent on destruction. Peradventure God 
 has determined to crush us, and erect a new govern- 
 ment in our stead. He has said that lie will over- 
 turn, and overturn, until he has introduced the king- 
 dom of universal justice, purity and peace. 
 
 Let us then rally around those presses which are 
 budded on the abstract principles which God has es- 
 tablished. They should be well sustained. If we 
 suffer them to expire for want of our support, all is 
 lost. Posterity will write on our tomb-stones, as they 
 look back on our past history, ' Perished by their own 
 vices.' 
 
 Robert Purvis.* of Pennsylvania, said he was 
 grateful lo God for the day. He felt to pour out the 
 speaking gratitude of his soul 1o the Convention, for 
 the spirit the-}' had manifested during the session, and 
 especially during the pending of this resolution. He 
 most heartily concurred in such a vote, and had no 
 doubt but that it would pass unanimously. The name 
 of William Lloyd Garrison sounded sweet lo his car. 
 It produced a vibration of feeling in his bosom, which 
 words could but loo feebly .sound forth. It was a feel- 
 ing of love and hearty confidence, which none but a 
 conscientious abolitionist could know. 
 
 Three y ears ago, he had watched the progress of 
 Mr. Garrison with extreme solicitude. The nation 
 was then sound asleep on this subject. The coloniza- 
 tion scheme — that scheme of darkness and delusion — 
 was then making its wide havoc among the persecut- 
 ed people of color. It was the cholera to our ranks. 
 But Garrison arose. His voice went up with a trum- 
 pet tone. The walls of Baltimore prison could not 
 confine its thunders. The dampness of his cell did 
 not repress the en< rgy of his spirit. Free and unfet- 
 lered'^as the air, his denunciations of tyranny rolled 
 over the laud. The Liberator speedily followed. Its 
 pages flashed light and truth far and wide. Darkness 
 and gloom fled before it. The deep, unbroken, tomb- 
 like silence of the church gave way. The tocsin ol 
 righteous alarm was sounded. The voice of God-like 
 liberty was heard above the clamor of the oppressors. 
 The effect of these efforts is seen and felt this mo- 
 ment, in this interesting Convention. It is, indeed, a 
 good thing to be here. My heart, Mr. President, is 
 too full for my tongue. But whether I speak to them 
 my feelings as the}' exist in my inmost soul or not, the 
 friends of the colored American will be remembered. 
 Yes, Sir. their exet lions and memories will be cherish- 
 ed, when pyramids and monuments shall crumble. 
 
 * A colored gentleman of Philadephia, whose tal- 
 ents and gentlemanly deportment, have won the esteem 
 of all who know him. We wish that many who we 
 know have unwittingly circulated colonization slan- 
 ders, against the free people of color, could become 
 acquainted with Mr. P. 
 
 The flood of time, which is rapidly sweeping to de- 
 struction that refuge of lies, the American Coloniza- 
 tion Society, is bearing on the advocates of our cause 
 lo a glorious and blessed immortality. 
 
 The following resolutions also were among; 
 those passed by the Convention: 
 
 On motion of Charles VV. Denison, seconded by R. 
 B. Hall, it was 
 
 Resolved, That this Convention recommend the 
 youth of our country, male and female, to form auxil- 
 iary Anti-Slavery .Societies, as they may deem proper. 
 
 On motion, llic following Resolution passed by an 
 unanimous vote : 
 
 Whereas, the self denying and untiring exertions of 
 William Lloyd Garrison, in the holy cause of aboli- 
 tion, justly entitle him to the grateful respect and affec- 
 tionate esteem of all the friends of immediate and 
 unconditional emancipation, and particularly of this 
 Convention. — the re lore 
 
 Resolved, That Messrs. Hall, Denison and May be 
 a committee to present lo William Lloyd Garrison tire 
 respect and esteem of the members of this Convention 
 for his devotedness to the cause of immediate and un- 
 conditional emancipation of the slaves in this country. 
 
 On motion of William Goodell, seconded by Tho- 
 mas Shipley, it was 
 
 Resolved, That in the opinion of this Convention, 
 the early, disinterested and persevering labors of 
 Benjamin Lundy. in the cause of emancipation, de- 
 serve the lively gratitude of this Convention, and of 
 the friends of human rights throughout the world. 
 
 On motion of R. B. Hall, seconded by S. S. Joce- 
 
 l\ n, it was 
 
 Resolved. That (his Convention, acting under a 
 sense of dependence on Almighty God, for the ac- 
 complishment of the object they have assembled to 
 promote, do affectionately recommend to the Chris- 
 tian Church throughout the land, to observe the LAST 
 MONDAY EVENING OF EACH MONTH in a 
 religious manner, to seek and implore the Divine aid 
 in behalf of the enslaved, and the free people of 
 color. 
 
 On motion of Samuel J. May, seconded by Amos 
 A. Phelps, it was 
 
 Resolved, That the members exert themselves to 
 procure from the several denominations to which ihey 
 belong, solemn and earnest addresses to the members 
 of their several denominations in the slaveholding 
 states, to awaken them to a sense of their duty, in 
 view of the sufferings and degradation of our colored 
 brethren. 
 
 On motion of Charles \V. Denison, seconded by 
 William Lloyd Garrison, it was 
 
 Resolved, That a committee of three be appointed 
 to prepare a synopsis of Wesley's ' Thoughts on Sla- 
 very,' and of the anti-slavery items in a note formerly 
 existing in the Catechism of the Presbyterian Church, 
 in the United States, and of such other like testimony 
 as they can obtain, to be addressed to Methodists, 
 Presbvterians and all professed Christians in this coun- 
 try, and published under the sanction of this Conven- 
 tion. 
 
 On motion of Wm. Lloyd Garrison, seconded by 
 Abraham L. Cox, it was 
 Resolved, That the cause of Abolition eminently de- 
 serves the countenance and support of American wo- 
 men, inasmuch as one million of their colored sisters 
 are pining in abject servitude, — as their example and 
 influence operate measurably as laws to society — and 
 as the exertions of the females of Great Britain have 
 
184 
 
 American Anti-Slavery Convention. 
 
 been signally instrumental in liberating eight hundred 
 thousand slaves in the Colonies. 
 
 On motion of William Goodell, seconded by Charles 
 
 W. Denison, it was 
 
 Resolved, That this Convention recommend to the 
 Executive Committee of the American Anti-Slavery 
 Society, the adoption of suitable measures to collect 
 information from all parts of the commercial world. 
 respecting the best means of obtaining supplies for the 
 consumption of our citizens of the products of free 
 labor in substitution for those of slaves. 
 
 On motion of Abraham L. Cox, seconded by Arnold 
 Buffum, it was 
 
 Resolved, That every citizen, and especially the 
 benevolent and affluent of our land, be called upon to 
 contribute of their means, as God has given them abili- 
 ty, to the Treasury of our Society, and that it be ear- 
 nestly recommended to the members of this Conven- 
 tion, and to all others with whom they may have influ- 
 ence, to devote a certain portion of their income every 
 month, to the purpose of meliorating the condition of 
 the colored race. 
 
 On motion of Samuel J. May, seconded by Simeon 
 S. Jocelyn, it was 
 
 Resolved, That the members of this Convention ex- 
 ert themselves to urge forward, without delay, the pe- 
 tition of Congress for the abolition of Slavery in the 
 District of Columbia; and that the petition be com- 
 mitted to the hands of Hon. William Ellsworth of 
 Connecticut, and Hon. William Wilkins, of Pennsyl- 
 vania, to be presented by them to Congress, during 
 its present session. And that the President of this 
 Convention be requested to address a letter to the gen- 
 tlemen just named, and to such other members of Con- 
 gress as he may deem expedient, beseeching them not 
 only to present, but fearlessly to advocate its passage. 
 
 On motion of Nathaniel Southard, seconded hy 
 Horace P. Wakefield, it was 
 
 Resolved, That we hail the establishment of Ladies' 
 Anti-Slavery Societies as the harbinger of a brighter 
 day, and that we feel great confidence in the efficiency 
 of their exertions, and that those ladies who have 
 promptly come forward in this great work are deserv- 
 ing the thanks of those who are ready to perish. 
 
 On motion of Simeon S. Jocelyn, seconded by Amos 
 A. Phelps, it was 
 
 Resolved, That the fountains of knowledge, like 
 those of salvation, should be open to every creature, 
 and that we regard those laws and prejudices which 
 prevent or restrict the education of the people of color, 
 bond or free, as pre-eminently cruel and impious, and 
 disgraceful to a christian state or nation ; and that we 
 will seek their abolishment, both in the \'r^c and slave 
 Slates, if possible more earnestly than corporeal slave- 
 ry itself, inasmuch as ignorance enslaves the mind, 
 and tends to the ruin of the immortal soul. 
 
 On motion of John Prentice, seconded by William 
 Goodell, it was 
 
 Resolved, That this Convention highly approve of 
 the philanthropic efforts of Miss Prudence Crandall,of 
 Canterbury, Conn, in her labors to instruct our colored 
 sisters ; and while we deeply sympathize with her in 
 view of the persecutions she has endured in the prose- 
 cution of her pious purposes, we pledge ourselves to 
 afford her our continued countenance and assistance. 
 
 On motion of Amos A. Phelps, seconded by David 
 Thurston, of Maine, it was 
 
 Resolved, That in the opinion of this convention, 
 those teachers of religion who fail to lift a warning 
 voice against the oppressions thai arc done in this 
 land, in the enslaving of one-sixth part of its popula- 
 tion, do not declare the whole counsel of God, and fail 
 in one important branch of their appropriate duties. 
 
 On motion of William Goodell, seconded by Elizur 
 Wright, Jr., it was 
 
 Resolved, That the laws and customs which with- 
 hold the bible from a large portion of the native popu- 
 lation of this country, are inconsistent with the first 
 principles of religious liberty ; and that any plan of re- 
 ligious instruction for the slaves, which pretends to be 
 adequate while it withholds the hiblc, is undeserving the 
 confidence and patronage of the christian public, and 
 furnishes a dangerous precedent, tending to render in- 
 secure the religious liberties of the American people. 
 
 On motion of William Lloyd Garrison, seconded by 
 James Loughhead, it was 
 
 Resolved, That we view with approbation the reso- 
 lution of the Pittsburg Anti-Slavery Society, to estab- 
 lish a Manual Labor Institute for the education of 
 colored and white youth, and that we commend this 
 project to the friends of the colored population in this 
 country. 
 
 On motion of John G. Whiltier, seconded by Joshua 
 Coffin, it was 
 
 Resolved, That those literary institutions which 
 have offered their privileges and benefits to our color- 
 ed brethren, deserve the thanks and the patronage of 
 the friends of abolition throughout the country. 
 
 On motion of Amos A. Phelps, seconded by several 
 members, it was 
 
 Resolved, That this body regard the annual Con- 
 ventions of the free people of color in the U. Stales 
 with decided approbation, as eminently calculated to 
 advance their interests, and rentier them respected in 
 the eyes of all their intelligent fellow citizens. 
 
 On motion of Simeon S. Jocelyn, seconded by sev- 
 eral members, it was 
 
 Resolved, That the ' Phoenix Associations ' of the 
 citv of New-York — the various literary associations, 
 both male and female, in the cities of Philadelphia, 
 New-York, P>oston, and many other places, and the 
 numerous Temperance and other societies among the 
 colored people, for their improvement, — are highly 
 creditable to them, and deserving of our warmest ap- 
 probation.* 
 
 We congratulate our friends, we congratu- 
 late our country, and philanthropists through- 
 out the world, upon the formation of the 
 AMERICAN A NTI SLAVERY SOCIETY. 
 The meeting of this Convention will, we 
 doubt not, in coming years, be regarded as a 
 olorious era in American history. The mem- 
 bers of the Convention, and their associates 
 throughout the country, are now pledged to 
 the cause of abolition. They will never cease 
 from their labors till their cause is triumphant. 
 However strong the power and interest which 
 are enlisted against them, they have a migh- 
 tier power on their side, against which all hu- 
 man force is impotent. The God of Truth 
 and Justice is with them. As surely as there 
 is a God above us and among us, so surely 
 will the Truth and Justice which he supports 
 finally prevail. 
 
 ' We ought to mention that we are indebted to the 
 Emancipator for the foregoing account of the pro- 
 ceedings of the Convention. 
 
The laic James Stephen, Esq. 
 
 185 
 
 THE LATE JAMES STEPHEN, ESQ. 
 
 We have for a long- time been intending to 
 give our readers some notices of the life oi 
 Mr. Stephen. He was for many years one of 
 the most active and useful leaders in the anti- 
 slavery cause, in England, and, as many oi 
 our readers probably know, the author of an 
 able and unanswerable work on West Indian 
 Slavery. 
 
 The following biographical notice is taken 
 from the London Law Magazine. 
 
 ' The late James Stephen, Esq. Master in 
 Chancery, was descended from a respectable 
 fainily in the .North of Scotland. His father 
 (who was the third of seven sons) had no pat- 
 rimony except a liberal education, and left his 
 native country in early youth in pursuit of for- 
 tune. He engaged in commerce (but not, as 
 lias been erroneously stated, in the West India 
 trade,) and married Miss Milner, a lady of 
 good family in the West of England, distin- 
 guished for her talents and virtues. 
 
 Being early encumbered with a large faini- 
 ly, and engaged too deeply in mercantile and 
 other speculations, he fell into pecuniary diffi- 
 culties, in which he continued to be involved 
 till ins death. 
 
 The late Master in Chancery was the sec- 
 ond son of this marriage. Being left at the 
 death of his father utterly without provision at 
 a very early period of life, he was obliged 
 (though then in tiie progress of his studies for 
 the bar) to seek tiie means of maintenance as 
 a reporter of Parliamentary debates — an em- 
 ployment always requiring considerable talent 
 sand information, and at that time possibly re- 
 quiring even more than it now does, no notes 
 being allowed to be taken. Having completed 
 his legal education, and being called to the 
 bar, he made his appearance on the Home 
 Circuit, but almost immediately afterwards 
 -went out to St. Kitt's, where his prospects 
 ■were rather more inviting than at home, owing 
 to the circumstance of some members of his 
 father's family being already settled there. 
 Previously to his departure from this country, 
 he married a lady of the name of Stent, who 
 .shortly afterwards followed him to St. Kitt's, 
 and by her he had a numerous family. 
 
 His professional career at St. Kitt's was 
 successful and brilliant to a degree unprece- 
 dented (it is believed) at any colonial bar; he 
 was called the Erskine of the West Indies, 
 ami rronerally recognised as a man of first rate 
 talent, fitted by nature for a higher sphere of 
 action than fortune had then assigned to him. 
 His health having been shattered by succes- 
 sive illnesses, the effect of severe exertion in 
 an unfavorable climate, he returned to Eng- 
 land to settle permanently there in the year 
 1794. During the whole of his residence in 
 the West Indies, he had never been the own- 
 \ oi-. i. 
 
 cr of a single slave. He had early determin- 
 ed never to connect himself with such prop- 
 erty, owing to the abhorrence he entertained 
 for the system of slavery there established — 
 a sentiment he always publicly avowed, with- 
 out losing the esteem or good will of the com- 
 munity. Soon after his arrival in England, he 
 began to obtain a share oi' business m prize 
 appeals at. the Cockpit (a field of practice that 
 had till then belonged ulmost exclusively to 
 the civilians,) and at length attained to such 
 eminence there as to be sure of a retainer in 
 every cause. His reputation gradually ex- 
 tended to the Courts of Westminster Hall. 
 In the latter courts, however, his opportunities 
 of appearing were not very numerous, but he 
 distinguished himself in the King's Bench on 
 several occasions, more particularly in the 
 well-known case of Genera] Picton, for whom 
 he was engaged as counsel.* 
 
 Not long after his return to this country, he 
 was introduced to Mr. Wilberforce, with whom 
 he gradually formed an intimate friendship, 
 cemented by their sympathy on the subject of 
 the slave trade and West India slavery ; and 
 about four years after the death of Mrs. Ste- 
 phen (which occurred in 1790,) he married his 
 second wife, the sister of this gentleman. Of 
 this marriage there was no issue. 
 
 In ISO. - ), he published his pamphlet called 
 'War in Disguise ; ' the object of which was 
 to point out, the insidious invasion of our mari- 
 time rights by the neutral powers, in carrying 
 on the colonial trade of the enemy under shel- 
 ter of their flags. This pamphlet obtained an 
 almost unprecedented celebrity, and is said^ 
 to have attracted the notice and abuse of 
 Bonaparte. Mr. Stephen's talents having 
 attracted the attention of Mr. Perceval, that 
 gentleman offered him in 1808 a seat in Par- 
 liament. He sat in the House of Commons, 
 first for Tralee, afterwards for East Grin- 
 stead, for a period of about seven years in the 
 wh.de. After the death of Mr. Perceval, he 
 continued to support the administration winch 
 succeeded him ; but, in consequence of their 
 refusing to promote a measure which he had 
 anxiously pressed npon them, for the general 
 registration of slaves in the West Indies, he 
 
 * V singular storv, illustrative of the stength of Pic- 
 
 ton's nerves, is currently told in connection with tins 
 
 trial on the authority of the highly respectable solicitor 
 
 who'conducted the defence. A consultation between 
 
 nnal gentlemen engaged, was one ni 
 
 the professional gcuuemc. v.. b »s— , „~"'~ ~,i:„» 
 
 prolonged to a very late hour, and the result was that 
 the (i-Mieral would certainlv be found guilty il be 
 waited to lake his trial. The solicitor was commis- 
 sioned to make known the result of their deliberations, 
 and finding-, on his arrival at the General s, that the 
 General was in bed, required to be shown to his room, 
 and began explaining the object of his visit with as 
 Utile abruptness as lie could. ' I suppose you mean, 
 said Picton. breaking through the ambiguous circum- 
 locution of the solicitor, 'that I am sure to be hanged. 
 Very well I suppose thev won't hang me to-night . 
 and with that he turned round on his piliow, and was 
 asleep again in half a minute. 
 
18(i 
 
 The lute James Stephen Esq. 
 
 felt it inconsistent with his duty to the cause 
 of abolition to maintain any longer his politi- 
 cal connection with them, and he resij m d Ins 
 seat. 
 
 The following anecdote places Ins par] a- 
 m mtary character in a very favorable light. 
 It was related to us some time since by a 
 friend pretty nearly as follows: — 
 
 'I remember one evening alter dinner, at 
 Mr. Wilberforce's, Lis talking to me about the 
 
 present C G , and his qualifications 
 
 as a debati rand::.- a man of business. In the 
 course of the convi i ition he rn< ntioned a re- 
 mark made by Canning while (.' C 
 
 was delivering one of his ornate field-day 
 speeches. 'I wish,' said Canning, slapping 
 his thigh, 'I wish that young man would risk 
 himself.'' As he was telling me thisani c 
 Master Stephen left the room. 'Nov/ that? 
 continued Mr. W., 'was precisely what our 
 excellent good friend, who has just left us, 
 always did while he was in the House,- 
 to a fault, but with a noble disregard of self 
 he was ready to go out in all weath 
 er prepared or not.' " 
 
 In 1811 he was appointed a Master in Chan- 
 cery, a situation that he held for a period ol 
 twenty years, during which he not only dis- 
 charged with exemplary diligence his official 
 duties, but was the means of introducing into 
 the course of business in the Master's offices 
 in general, some reforms of a very salutary 
 and important description.! Amongst other 
 specimens of extraordinary disinterestedness, 
 he forbad his clerk to take the ordinary gra- 
 tuities, and compensated him out of his own 
 pocket for the loss, to the amount, we have 
 heard, of nearly £800 a year. Though he 
 occasionally took great interest in subji cts of 
 general policy, such as that discussed in ' War 
 in Disguise,' it was to the extermination of 
 the slave trade and West India slavery, that 
 his energies, as a public man, were always 
 mainly devoted. His literary productions in 
 this cause were numerous, his correspondence 
 (more particularly with persons in high or in- 
 fluential stations) most assiduous and unre- 
 mitting, — his conversation in g-eneral society, 
 copious and impressive. Of what he wrote, 
 and said, and did in this matter, much is known 
 to the public, but, very much more was of a 
 private description, for which he gained no 
 applause, and courted none. These best ac- 
 quainted with the rase, consider him as of nil 
 the abolitionists (Mr. Wilberforce, perhaps, 
 excepted) the greatest benefactor of the Af- 
 
 * The same remark used to be made on Flood; and 
 Sroti said something very like ii of Itinm in poetry: 
 ' Byron let his fame take care of itself, his Coot was 
 alwa3's in the arena, his shield hung always in the 
 lists.' 
 
 t In die Chancery Report, p. 522, or Mr. Spenre's 
 pamphlet on the Evils of the Court of Chancery, p. 
 48, ample evidence of the enlargement of his views on 
 Die subject of Chancery Reform may be seen. 
 
 rican race, though there may be others nho 
 have borne a more conspicuous part in that 
 generous labor. His chief and last publica- 
 tn i. in ti.is cause was the 'Slavery of the 
 British West India Col< nil s delineated.' 
 
 In April 1831, he resigned his mastership, 
 beginning about that period to be sensible of 
 the!':. e, though his constitution 
 
 was still apparently unbroken. Alter a year 
 of retirement, his health began to fail rapidly, 
 and he expired on the JOth ut' October, Jb&J, 
 in the ?5th year of his age. 
 
 It is quite unnecessary to finish a sketch 
 like this with a character; for almost every 
 incident portrays the goodness and greatness 
 by which that of the late .Master Stephen was 
 marked. We will merely add that he united 
 teness and comprehensiveness with 
 considerable powers of imagination, which 
 both in writing and speaking gave a pi culiar 
 force and richness to his style. He possessed 
 an extraordinary ardor of temperamt nt, in- 
 tensi ', (I towards useful and benevo- 
 
 lent objects. He was in a very singular de- 
 gree ex rnpt 'rem nil mean and selfish alloys, 
 and his \ rtues shone still more brightly in the 
 domestic circle than abroad. 
 
 He left four sons, — The Rev. W. Stephen, 
 Vicar of Bedlow, Rucks; .Mr. Serjt. Stephen; 
 James Stephen, Esq., Council to the Colonial 
 Office and Board of Trade; and George Ste- 
 phen. Esq., Solicitor: and two daughters, one 
 of whom is married to W. A. Gamut, Esq. of 
 the Chancery Bar, and the other to T. E. 
 Dicey, Esq. of Claybrook Hal!, Leicestershire.' 
 
 In his prefaces to the' two volumes on West 
 Indian slavery, Mr. Stephen has given some 
 very interesting biographical notices of him- 
 self. Our copy of the work being lent, we 
 extract the passages to which we refer from 
 the Christian Examiner, of September, 1831, 
 with some of the accompanying remarks in 
 the article. 
 
 'All who have attended to the controversy 
 which has been going on for many years, re- 
 specting colonial slavery, have heard of the 
 name of James Stephen. But the nature and 
 extent of his long-continued, conscientious, 
 and devoted exertions for the benefit of the 
 African race,arc probably not generally known 
 in this country. 
 
 In his Preface to the Second Volume, he 
 narrates the circumstances that prevented 
 him from experiencing the corruptino- effects 
 which familiarity with slavery is too apt to 
 produce. In the year 1783, "he sailed from 
 England to St. Christopher, in a vessel which 
 touched on the voyajre at Barbadoes. At 
 this latter place he attended the trial of four 
 plantation slaves for the murder of a physi- 
 cian. We give the story in his own words. 
 
 'The court, consisting of a bench of justi- 
 ces of the peace, five I think in number, with- 
 out a jury, was no sooner constituted, than 
 
laie James Stephen, Esq. 
 
 J 87 
 
 Ike four black prisoners were placed at the 
 bar; and, as they were the first common field 
 negroes I had seen, their filthy and scanty 
 garbs would have moved my pity, if it had not 
 been more strongly excited by the pain they 
 were visible suffering from tight ligatures ol 
 cord round their crossed wrists, which suppli- 
 ed the place of hand-cuffs. I noticed it to 
 my companion, and said, "Surely they will be 
 put at bodily ease during their trial ;" but he 
 replied it was not customary. As there was 
 no indictment, or other express charge, and 
 consequently no arraignment, they had not to 
 hold up their hands ; and remained bound in 
 the same painful way while I remained a 
 spectator. 
 
 'But the first proceeding of the bench 
 changed the sensation of pity in my breast into 
 honest indignation. It was the production 
 and reading by the chairman of a letter re- 
 ceived by him from a gentleman, who was 
 owner of two of the prisoners, and who had 
 been written to with an inquiry, whether he 
 Would choose to employ a lawyer in the de- 
 fence of his slaves ; and the answer was, that 
 he declined to do so, adding as his reason — 
 " God forbid that he should loish in such a, case 
 lo screen the guilty from punishment." To the 
 best of my recollection, these were the very 
 words : I am sure such was the exact import 
 of the letter. 
 
 'I turned with a look of astonishment to 
 my conductor; but before I could whisper my 
 feelings, they were diverted from the master 
 to the bench ; For to my astonishment the 
 chairman applauded the letter, as honorable 
 to the writer; and the other magistrates con- 
 curred in his eulogy. 
 
 'Strangely misplaced though T felt it to be, 
 and shocked though I was at such a cruel 
 prejudication of the unfortunate prisoners by 
 their natural protector, I supposed that the 
 commendation rested on his disinterestedness, 
 in being willing to sacrifice his property in 
 their bodies, without opposition to the de- 
 mands of public justice ; for I did not then 
 know of the laws noticed in my first volume, 
 pp. 322 to 328, which entitle a master, on the 
 conviction and execution of his slave, to be 
 paid for his loss of property out of the public 
 purse. The lawyers' fees in consequence 
 would have been a profitless expense. 
 
 'Not only was there no written charge, but 
 no opening of the case, on the part of the pro- 
 secution. The prisoners had to learn it, as I 
 did, only from the evidence adduced ; the un- 
 controverted part of which was briefly as 
 follows. 
 
 'The defeased had been visiting a certain 
 estate in his usual routine as its medical at- 
 tendant; and after seeing- the patients, mount- 
 ed his horse to return to his residence in town. 
 A negro of the estate the same morning 
 brought in the horse with the saddle and bri- 
 idle on, saying that he h«d found it grazing in 
 
 one of the cane pieces ; and the manager 
 thereupon ordered it to be put into the stable ; 
 but did not send till the next day to give in- 
 formation of the occurrence at the doctor's 
 house ; supposing, as he alleged, that the horse 
 by some accident had got away from him, and 
 would be sent for. The deceased, however, 
 never returned to his home ; and, an alarm 
 naturally arising, he was inquired for at the 
 estates he had visited; and alter consequent 
 searches, tiie body was found in a cane piece 
 not far from the house he had last visited, 
 with contusions on the head, such as a fall 
 from his horse could not have occasioned, and 
 which were the apparent cause of his death. 
 
 ' So far there was nothing to affect either 
 of the prisoners ; except that one of them, a 
 very old negro, was the man who brought in 
 the horse ; and though this was regarded as a 
 leading circumstance of suspicion against him, 
 it seemed to me of a directly opposite ten- 
 dency. 
 
 'But a negro girl, or wench, as she was cal- 
 led in the ordinary style of the slave colonies, 
 a deformed creature, apparently about fifteen 
 years old, was next called, as the only wit- 
 ness who could bring the offence home, by 
 positive testimony, to the prisoners. 
 
 'Before she was examined, she was ad- 
 dressed by the chairman in a way that carried 
 my surprise and indignation to the utmost 
 pitch. She was admonished, in the most 
 alarming terms, to beware not to conceal any 
 thing that made against the prisoners; and 
 told that if she did, she would involve herself 
 in their crime, and its punishment. No cau- 
 tion whatever was given as to any sin or dan- 
 ger on the opposite side. Every word impli- 
 ed a premature conviction in the mind of the 
 court, that the prisoners were certainly guilty, 
 and that she would be probably disbelieved 
 and punished if she said any thing tending to 
 acquit them. Terror was strongly depicted 
 in her countenance during this address ; and 
 I felt at the moment that irad I been a jury- 
 man to try the prisoners on her evidence, af- 
 ter such an exhortation, nothing she might 
 testify against them would weigh a feather in 
 my verdict. 
 
 ' As the negro dialect was new to me, I 
 should not have been able clearly to under- 
 stand her testimony in many parts of it, with- 
 out the assistance of my companion, who 
 kindly whispered the interpretations that I 
 asked for; but her story in substance was, 
 that the deceased rode up to the negro hous- 
 es of a plantation she belonged to, for shelter 
 against a shower of rain ; that he alighted, and 
 ijave his horse to one of the prisoners to hold ; 
 and that, thereupon, he and the other three, 
 the only persons present except herself, fell 
 upon him with sticks, knocked him down, and 
 beat him to death; and afterwards carried his 
 body to the cane piece in which it was found. 
 
 ' No provocation, or other motive, was as- 
 
!<-- 
 
 Tue late Jamm Stephen^ 
 
 signed by her, and her evidence, indepen- 
 dently of the terror that had boon impressed 
 upon her, would hive appeared to me, from 
 its matter, and the manner in which it 
 
 n, wholly unworthy of credit. Thecoun- 
 tenances : culationa of all the unfor- 
 
 tunate men during her examinal on. imp 
 ed mo with a strong persuasion of their inno- 
 cence. Never were the workings of nature 
 more clearly imitated by the most expert ac- 
 tor on any stage, if her whole narrative did 
 not fill them with astonishment; ami excite 
 in them all the indignation that belongs to in- 
 jured innocence. I expressed that feeling 
 strongly to my conductor; and Ik 1 dissented 
 only by observing that negroes in general 
 •were masters of dissimulation; or something 
 to that effect. ***** 
 
 'Here I must cease to narrate the case 
 from my own direct knowledge. Bui the se- 
 qual was well supplied to me by evidence be- 
 yond suspicion. The same day I heard of 
 what further passed on the trial, from persons I 
 who had staid in court to the end of it. No 
 further evidence had fortified that of the negro 
 wench in material point On the strength of 
 her testimony alone, the magistrates had con- 
 victed all the prisoners of murder..'— Pre/ace, 
 vol. ii. pp. 19—24. 
 
 'I left Barbadoes immediately after the trial, 
 but heard soon after the sequel of the trag- 
 edy,from several gentlemen who came from that 
 island to St. Christopher. The court applied 
 to the Governor,a planter of the Island, and one 
 who afterwards gave a very favorable account 
 of the general humanity of his brethren, be- 
 fore the privy council, for an exemplary tlcritli ; 
 and he ordered that the four convicts should 
 he burnt alive. 
 
 ' But what perhaps will be thought the most 
 singular part of the cases, remains to be told. 
 'The owner of two of the slaves, the same 
 I believe who so laudably refused to employ a 
 lawyer for them, on hearing of the evidence 
 on which they had been convicted, in respect 
 of time and place, was able to establish a 
 clear alibi in their favor, to the satisfaction of 
 the magistrates who had tried thorn: in con- 
 sequence of which they were pardoned. Hut 
 however incredible it may appear, the two 
 other unfortunate men, convicted on the vi ry 
 same evidence, nevertheless underwent the 
 cruei fate to which they were sentenced. 
 They were literally burnt alive at Bridge- 
 town.' — pp. '2.1, 2ii. 
 
 'Such was the case which gave me my first 
 right views of negro slavery in the ■su- 
 gar colonies, almost as soon as I reached 
 
 their shores. 
 
 -p. «/. 
 
 'The case I have mentioned was every 
 wav calculated to rescue me at the outset 
 from delusion. As a lawyer, I could not but 
 be deeply impressed with the shocking con- 
 trast it ["resented to the impartial and humane 
 administration of British justice.and its revers- 
 
 al of every principle that 1 had been taught 
 
 to reverence, by writers on general jurispru- 
 
 , rice. And how much were my indignant 
 
 feelings augmented, when I learned from an 
 
 ry which it suggested, that white men in 
 
 ime island were not only exempt from 
 
 n :i barbarous departures from the laws 
 
 ol Mi, eland, but for the v. ilftil murder of a 
 
 slave, were liable only to a fine of fifteen 
 
 pounds.' — p. 28. 
 
 In consequence of the impression produced 
 by this trial, Mr. Stephen formed a resolution 
 never to own a slave ; and during a residence 
 of eleven years at St. Christopher, he, with 
 some inconvenience to himself, strictly adher- 
 ed to this resolution. During his continuance 
 there, he practised law. In answer to a 
 charge which had been brought against him, 
 by the advocates of slavery, of having been 
 himself the owner of slaves, he says: 
 
 'I will be obliged to any reader, ignorant 
 of my history and character, who will take the 
 trouble to inquire of some of the respectable 
 merchants or proprietors now in England, con- 
 nected with the Leeward Islands, whether I 
 ever held such property; and whether 1 was not, 
 on the contrary, remarkable for the singularity 
 of carrying my dislike to slavery so far as to 
 have no domestics but hired servants,during the 
 I whole of my long residence in St. Christo- 
 pher. Such was the well known fact. Dur- 
 ing the chief part of the time T had a family 
 there, which required a pretty numerous do- 
 mestic establishment, and it was a great 
 breach of economy not to buy my servants; 
 but I was served only by free persons of color, 
 or, when I could not find such of a suitable 
 character, by slaves let out to hire by their 
 owners. 
 
 'Nor did I expose the latter to the disad- 
 vantages mentioned in this work as belonging 
 to their situation in general, from the first it 
 was my resolution, that such of them as serv- 
 ed rue long and faithfully, should not remain 
 in slavery; and I acted up to that purpose. 
 I obtained their manumissions, either by pay- 
 ing the whole value, or adding to what they 
 had themselves saved for the purpose, or vin- 
 dicating by law a right to freedom, which had, 
 in one instance, been unjustly withheld. Not 
 one of them who had served me for any con- 
 siderable time without misbehaviour was left 
 in slavery; except in one instance, which 
 may serve to show the hardships of that state 
 in i;-cneral. I repeatedly offered to purchase 
 his freedom at his full value : but the owner 
 would not consent. At length he came from 
 a distant island, at which he resided, to take 
 the man away. To save the poor fellow, not 
 only from slavery, but exile. I entreated the 
 owner to accept his value, to be ascertained 
 by any person of his own nomination, and' 
 when" this was refused, to name his own 
 nrice ; but lie was inexorable ; and for no 
 juster reason, but that he knew the man's in- 
 
Mr. ChilcPs Speech. 
 
 JeJ 
 
 tegrity, and other valuable qualities, and 
 therefore wanted him for his own domestic 
 
 use. Tiie slave's merits, there 'ore, and his 
 fitness to make a right us;; of his freedom, 
 formed, as too frequently happens, the bar to 
 his attainment of it; and his reward was a 
 perpetual exile from the connexions and the 
 island winch long settlement in it had endear- 
 ed to him. In a Spanish or Portuguese colo- 
 ny, he might have compelled the master to 
 enfranchise him by a judicial appraisement.' 
 — Preface, vol. i. p. liv, lv. 
 
 Alter his return to England, it appears that 
 his zeal for the abolition first of the slave- 
 trade, and afterwards of slavery, was in some 
 degree prejudicial to his private interest. 
 
 'Let me not be understood, however, as 
 disclaiming all obligations to my West Indian 
 clients and friends. To such of them as are 
 living, and to many more, alas! whom i shall 
 see no more tdl all human contentions are 
 ended, 1 owe what is better than wealth,— 
 great personal kindness, and long continued 
 attachment. Their obliging preference fol- 
 lowed me into practice here; and gave me, 
 as a chamber counsel, and a practitioner at 
 the Cockpit, advantages which, in my then 
 circumstances, were of great importance, and 
 were rapidly increasing, till, by taking a pub- 
 lic part in the abolition controversy, I willing- 
 ly renounced them. The greatest of the sa- 
 crifices that I have made to the cause I still 
 feebly support, though they have been neither 
 few iior small, was to encounter their dis- 
 pleasure; or rather, as I do many of them the 
 justice to believe, an estrangement from me, 
 which the irresistible impulse of an esprit dc 
 corps compelled thorn to. against their real 
 feelino's. They knew my sincerity ; and could 
 not in their hearts condemn me for maintain- 
 ing in England, views and principles which I 
 had always avowed and acted upon, often at 
 no -mall personal risk, while resident among 
 them.' — Preface, vol. i. pp. hi, lvii. 
 
 In 180*2, he published a work, which we 
 have never seen, entitled the 'Crisis of the 
 Sugar Colonies,' intended to promote the abo- 
 lition of the slave-trade. Since that lime, ho 
 has always be< n forward and active in all the 
 efforts which have been made by the oppo- 
 nents of the slave-trade and of slavery. In 
 1807, he published the 'Dangers of the Coun- 
 try,' and in 1815, 'Reasons for establishing a 
 Registry of Slaves,' in relation to a measure 
 which was then proposed. His speeches de- 
 livered at two general meetings of the Afri- 
 can Institution, on the 26th of March, 1HI7. 
 and Kith of .May. 1823, have also been pub- 
 lished. The publications to which we have 
 referred are all mentioned in the work before 
 w^. lie has, we believe, also written and 
 published other pieces in behalf of the slaves, 
 which are not particularly referred to, and of 
 which we have no means of preparing a list. 
 
 He was for some time a member of Parlia- 
 ment, and in that sit nation faithfully persever- 
 ed in his efforts in the cause to which he has 
 devoted himself. In 1824, he published the 
 First Volume of his work on 'The Slavery of 
 the British West India Colonies,' in which 
 he gives an accurate and methodical account 
 if the law upon the subject, with much infor- 
 mation in regard to the practical operation of 
 the system. The author was engaged upon the 
 work for many years, having begun it, as he in- 
 forms us, before the abolition of the slave- 
 trade. As this volume has already been spo- 
 ken of in a former number our Journal.* as 
 well as in other periodical publications, with 
 well-merited commendation, it is not our in- 
 tention to take any further notice of it at this 
 time.' 
 
 MR. CHILD'S SPEECH. 
 
 Abolitionist's Library, JVo. I. The Despotism 
 of Freedom, a speech delivered (d the first 
 anniversary of the JVeiv-England Anti-Sla- 
 very Society. By David Lee Child. Boston: 
 published by the Young Men's Anti-Slavery 
 Association for the Diffusion of Truth. 12 
 mo. pp. 72. 
 
 We think the Young Men's Anti-Slavery 
 Association have shown sound judgment in 
 making this speech the first publication of 
 their series. 
 
 The speech of Mr. Child was delivered be- 
 fore the New England Anti-Slavery Society, 
 in support of the following resolution which 
 he had introduced. 
 
 ' Resolved, That the free People of Color 
 and Slaves, in this land of Liberty and Law, 
 have less liberty, and are less protected by 
 law, than in any other part of the world.' 
 
 The speech fully demonstrates the atrocious 
 cruelty of the laws of the Southern States and 
 the still more atrocious cruelty and depravity 
 of slaveholders. It exhibits deep study and 
 research, is rich in facts and illustrations, and 
 is animated with lire and eloquence. It seems 
 scarcely possible, for any one, not benumbed 
 with prejudice, to read it, without feeling 
 thrilled with the resolution to exert himselfto 
 abolish the abominable system which it expo- 
 ses — we had almost said, to devote his life to 
 the accomplishment of this object. This pro- 
 duction of Mr. Child is worthy, and this we 
 think is great praise, of a place by the side of 
 the Appeal of his accomplished wife. 
 
 We are afraid that our praises will seem 
 too enthusiastic. We therefore wish to say 
 that we are far from intimating that this speed), 
 
 * See Christian Examiner, Vol. iv. No. 3. 
 
190 
 
 New Anti-Slavery Societies. 
 
 highly as we value it, has no faults. But we 
 have no time to point them out. 
 
 We extract a few remarks in regard to the 
 
 ■tic slave trade. 
 
 'Tiie internal slave trade of the United 
 States lias all the characteristic - of the foreign, 
 except alone 'the middle passage.' But lam 
 yel to learn that a voyage from i peake 
 
 Bay to Georgia, Louisiana, Arkansas,Mi 
 ri, or the Texas, is likely to be much more 
 pleasant, while it lasts, than any other slave 
 voyage. I am informed by credible persons, 
 that the slave traders take just so much care 
 of their merchandize, in its passage from mar- 
 ket to market, as is nei essary for its preserva- 
 tion, and no more. Whatever they can econ- 
 omize in this respect, is clear gain, added to 
 the difference of value in different markets. 
 If African slave traders afford for daily allow- 
 ance a decayed yam, and a pint of water, it 
 is highly probable to my mind that American 
 slave traders will not do much better. No 
 law with us proportions the number they shall 
 carry, to the reasonable and comfortable ca- 
 pacity of the vessel, as the English laws did, 
 in respect to the African slave trade, lonor bo- 
 fore it was abolished. No law obliges the 
 American captain or owner to provide a suffi- 
 cient stock of wholesome provisions 'for each 
 and every passenger,' during the voyage. 
 Congress have found it necessary to tie up. 
 by stronor statutes, the avarice of captains, who 
 bring white emigrants into our ports, or carry 
 White passengers from them. They have been 
 obliged, by known instances of cruelty to Irish 
 and other passengers, to prescribe the ship 
 room and the provisions, which each passen- 
 ger shall be entitled to have, and they have 
 '.aid captains and owners under no less a pen- 
 alty than the forfeiture of the vessel, if they 
 fail to comply with the law. This we do for 
 those who have some power to assert their 
 own rights, and are not cut off by inhuman 
 custom and prejudice from the common offices 
 of humanity. But as to poor slaves, who have 
 no protection but what legislators may deign 
 to throw around them, they are magnanimous- 
 ly abandoned to the. tender mercies of the 
 slave trader, (a character held infamous even 
 among slavites,) and to the voluntary kindness 
 of those captains and owners of vessels, who 
 have cupidity enough to engage in this cruel 
 business. 
 
 In the year of 1*27, the internal slave trade 
 in the empire of Great Britain ceased for ever. 
 Now, it, \sdeath to carry on n domestic, as much 
 as to carry on the foreign slave trade. Yet. 
 doioe still permit tin- wicked traffic to o-o on 
 in this country. Tt is the most brisk of all 
 under the verv droppings of the republican 
 sanctuary. The District of Columbia is the 
 grand mart for the sale of men. Kofle after 
 kofle are collected in that wretched space, and 
 driven, under the flourish of whips and the 
 
 the very doors of Coil- 
 
 i i heir chains makes fine 
 
 harmonj of pretty orators, who 
 
 arc up, praising liberty.'' 
 
 NEW ANTI-SLAVERY SOCIETIES. 
 It is most gratifying to find these societies 
 lly increasing. It is a sure proof that the 
 
 c nunity is becoming alive to the great evil 
 
 which oppresses our country. Besides the 
 American Anti-Slavery Society, of which we 
 already spoken, several other societies 
 of kindred principles, have been formed, of 
 which we have received intelligence, since 
 our last publication. The names of these so- 
 cieties and their officers, as far as they have 
 fallen under our notice, follow below. 
 
 Hallowdl Anti-Slavery Society. 
 
 This Society was formed on Nov. 26. 
 
 EBENEZER DOLE, President. 
 PAUL STICKNEY, Vice President. 
 ROBERT GARDINER, Treasurer. 
 GEORGE SHEPARD, Cor. Secret dry. 
 RICHARD D. RICE, Rec. Secretary. 
 
 Anti-Slavery Society of Oneida Institute. 
 
 HIRAM FOOTE, President. 
 
 AMOS M. STONE, Vice President. 
 
 ISAAC B. HEADLY, Cor. Secretary. 
 
 AMMON GASTON, Rec Secretary. 
 
 BENJ. WEBER, Treasurer. 
 Chauncey T. Gastqn, ") 
 
 P in LANDER BAR?! OCR, 
 
 Wm. Smith, } Directors. 
 
 Henry II. Loomis, 
 Amos D. Hollister, J 
 
 Rochester Anti-Slavery Society. 
 
 Dr. J. W. SMITH, President. 
 
 BENJ. FISH, 1st Vice President. 
 
 ABRAM L\GERSOLL,2d V. President. 
 
 BILL COLBY, Treasurer. 
 
 Dr. W. W. REID, Cor. Secretary. 
 
 EDWIN SCRANTOM, Rec. Secretary. 
 Dr. J. W. Smith, ^ 
 Wm. C. Bioss, 
 
 Peter Cherry, )■ Managers. 
 Dr. W. W. Rf.id, 
 J.\o. A. Spragie, J 
 
 Amesbury Anti-Slavery Society. 
 
 JONATHAN A. SARGEANT, President; 
 ROBERT STORY, Vice-President; 
 
 RORERT SCOTT. Treasurer 
 
 BENJAMIN BRIERLY, Secretary. 
 3 imf.s Taylor, } 
 
 John McGarvey, C Prudential Committee. 
 Samuel Fielder, ) 
 
ManualLabor School. — Wesley* Opinions on Slavery. 
 
 101 
 
 MANUAL LABOR SCHOOL. 
 We publish below an extract from a !< tter 
 of that devoted and noble minded philanthro- 
 pist, Charles Stuart to Mr. Garrison. 
 
 Our readers will be gratified to learn that Mr. 
 Garrison's mission to England, which did so 
 much to put down the Colonization S.-ciety, 
 is also likely to do much toward establishing 
 the Manual Labor School for Colored Youth. 
 'My dear Garrison — 
 
 'You will have been surprised at my delay. 
 The reason is, that after leaving London in 
 order to proceed according to my purpose, to 
 the United States, I was so strenuously ad- 
 vised to remain for the winter in England, 
 that I was prevailed upon ; and you will not 
 regret it, when I tell you, that it is for the 
 purpose of forwarding the chief object of your 
 journey, in the collection of aid for the edu- 
 cation of the colored people of the United 
 States on the manual labor system, and for 
 their moral and religious elevation in then- 
 native country. 
 
 'About five hundred dollars have been al- 
 ready subscribed. The following is an ex- 
 tract from a note accompanying one of the 
 subscriptions. ''I shall feel much obliged by 
 thy receiving the enclosed for the American 
 fund thou wast speakingof last evening. Soon 
 after E. Cresson's arrival in this country, I ig- 
 norantly contributed three pound to the Libe- 
 rian scheme, and am therefore glad to have an 
 opportunity of giving a similar sum to a So- 
 ciety more decided in its objects. My dear 
 children have had much pleasure in subscrib- 
 ing £1. The remaining £1 I shall be glad to 
 continue as an annual subscription, if desir- 
 able." 
 
 'You may expect I think at least one thou- 
 sand dollars through me, for the above dear 
 and sacred purposes. 
 
 ' My purpose is to leave this place late in 
 March or early in April, that I may be pres- 
 ent, if possible, at the formation of your Na- 
 tional Anti-Slavery Society. But if the period 
 of its formation, should he thrown back, I 
 should then probably, prefer leaving this coun- 
 try, a month or two later. But let me have 
 as express information on this subject as may 
 be in your power to give. 
 
 ' Many letters, &c. &c. have come for you. 
 I have opened them all and are making use of 
 them. The writers are Buffum, Phelps, Cox, 
 Forten, &c. &e. Give my love to them ail, 
 
 especially to those dear brethren amongst 
 them, who have so kindly written to myself. 
 
 'Many hearts are beating here for the glo- 
 rious Prudence Crandall. Some of my young 
 friends are working little parcels of presents, 
 for me to take to her dear pupiis in the Spring. 
 
 'God is with thee brother — and with the 
 noble host which is rising and growing around 
 thee. Yet be not highminded, but fear — His 
 peace and His energy, combined with His 
 spirit, and His loving kindness, be thine, 
 through the Holy Ghost. Watch and pray— 
 go on and conquer — and then — oh then, when 
 the tear or the sigh of a slave, shall no longer 
 pollute your at length really free and glorious 
 country ; and when the demon-day of preju- 
 dice shall have been swept away tor ever. Oh 
 how joyouslv, whether in the body or out of 
 the body, shall we sing the praises of Him 
 who condescended to use even us in His most 
 sweet and gracious service. 
 
 'Farewell a little. If you meet with my 
 Theodore Weld, tell him my heart is doubly 
 his — and believe me, 
 
 Your faithful and affectionate, 
 
 C. STUART. 
 
 Liverpool, 16th Oct. 1833.' 
 
 [From Zion's Herald] 
 WESLEY'S OPINIONS ON SLAVERY. 
 
 Mr. Editor, — The existence of Slavery in 
 a country whose institutions are professedly 
 based on the principles of universal liberty, is 
 an inconsistency which has attracted the re- 
 prehension of all writers on our country, from 
 Jefferson to Mrs. Trollope. But it is an in- 
 consistency even more reprehensible and 
 deeply to be deplored, that Christians in pro- 
 fession can so far violate the first principles 
 of Christianity, as to hold their fellows in 
 bondage; and that others who would not, 
 
 ' For all the wealdi 
 
 That sinews bought and sold have ever earned,' 
 
 be guilty of following their example, can yet 
 be found to plead excuses for their sin. That 
 such was nut the practice of the venerated 
 man whose name stands at the head of this 
 article, the following extracts from his works 
 will show. It may be found, with more on 
 the subject, in the sixth volume of the edition 
 recently published by the Book Agents, p.292. 
 Yours, in willing bonds, 
 
 A FREEMAN. 
 
 'This equally concerns all slaveholders, of 
 whatever rank and degree ; seeing men buy- 
 ers are exactly on a level with men stealers. 
 'Indeed,' you say, 'I pay honestly for my 
 goods ; and I am not concerned to know how 
 
199 
 
 . :/\i Opinions on Slavery. — Donations. 
 
 they are come by. 1 Nay, but you are; you 
 are deeply concerni d to know they are hon- 
 • by. < >ther« ise you are a parta- 
 ker w ith a thief, and arc not a jot honesti r 
 than him. But you know they are not hon- 
 estly come by; you know they arc procured 
 by means nothing near so innocent as picking 
 of pockets, house breaking, or robbery upon 
 u ay. You know th< 3 are procured 
 by .1 deliberate seri< 3 of more complicated 
 villany, (of fraud, robbery, and murder,) than 
 was ever practised either by Mohammedans 
 or Pagans ; in particular by murders, of all 
 kinds; by the blood of the innocent poured 
 upon the ground like water. Now, it is your 
 money that pays the merchant, and through 
 him the captain and the African butchers. 
 Ymi therefore are guilty, yeaj principally guil- 
 ty, of all these frauds, robberies,and muni' rs. 
 You are t!u spring that puts all the rest in 
 motion; they would not stir a step without 
 von : therefore, the blood of all these wretch- 
 es who die before their time, whether in their 
 country or elsewhere, lies upon your head. 
 'The blood of thy brother,' (for, whether thou 
 wilt believe it or no, such he is in the sight 
 of Him that made him,) 'crieth against thee 
 from the earth,' from the ship, and from the 
 waters. Oh, whatever it costs, put a stop to 
 its cry before it be too late : instantly, at any 
 price, were it the half of your goods, deliver 
 thyself from blood guiltiness ! Thy hands, 
 thy bed, thy furniture, thy house, thy lands. 
 are at present stained with blood. Surely it 
 is enough; accumulate no more pjuilt; spill 
 no more blood of innocence! Do not hire 
 another to shed blood ; do not pay him for 
 doing it! Whether you are a Christian or no, 
 show yourself a man! Be not more savage 
 than a lion or a bean 
 
 ' Perhaps you will say, '/ do not buy an;/ 
 negroes ; I only use those lift me by my Jallu r.' 
 So far is well ; but is it enough to satisfy your 
 own conscience ? Had your father, have you, 
 lias any man living, a right to use another 
 as a slave? Tt cannot be, even setting Reve- 
 lation aside. It cannot be, that either var, or 
 contract, can give any man such a property in 
 another as he has in his sheep ami oxen. 
 Much less is it possible that any child of man 
 should ever be bom a slave Liberty is the 
 right of every human creature, as soon as he 
 breathes the vital air; and no human law can 
 deprive him of that right which he derives 
 from the law of nature.* 
 
 'If, therefore, von have any regard to jus- 
 tice, (to say nothing of mercy, nor the reveal- 
 ed will of God,) render unto all their due. 
 Give liberty to whom liberty is due, that is, to 
 
 "' Many may be struck with the coincidence between 
 this sentence and the celebrated Declaration, — ' AYc 
 hold these 1 mi lis to be self-evident — that all men arc 
 created fri <■ and equal, endowed by their < Jreator with 
 certain unalienable rights,' Cvc. Ii may therefore be 
 proper to remark, thai thi~ was published in 1774. 
 
 t'\r\-\ child of man, to every partaker of human 
 nature. Let none serve you but by his own 
 act and deed, by his own voluntary choice. 
 Away with all whips, all chains, all compul- 
 sion ! Be gentle toward all men; and see 
 that you invariably do unto every one as you 
 would lie should do unto yen.' 
 
 NEW-ENGLAND ANTI-SI 
 
 ,AVERY 
 
 SOCIETY. 
 
 The Tieasurcr of il 
 
 e New 
 
 England 
 
 Anti-Slavery 
 
 Society acknovt ledges 
 
 the receipt of the 
 
 follow ing do- 
 
 nations in November and December : 
 
 
 John Taylor, Bath, Mc 
 
 
 
 ll on 
 
 .1. D. Jfaies 
 
 
 
 2 00 
 
 Dr. fug-alls Killridge, 
 
 i'everh 
 
 
 15 nil 
 
 .1. T. Hilton 
 
 
 
 2 en 
 
 James Carpenter 
 
 
 
 1 (in 
 
 II. K. Stockton 
 
 
 
 1 no 
 
 Friend in Amesbury, b 
 
 y II. K 
 
 mbali, 
 
 3 00 
 
 Geo. W, Ward, 1 l\ mouth, N 
 
 If. 
 
 2 00 
 
 P. A. Bell, for sale ol 
 
 )ublicalions, 
 
 15 00 
 
 ( rai 1 ison (Colored) So 
 
 iety, to constitute 
 
 Messrs 
 
 Garrison and Knap'] 
 
 lite members, 
 
 30 00 
 
 Daniel 1'.. Jewitt 
 
 
 
 2 00 
 
 Thomas Cole 
 
 
 
 2 00 
 
 Samuel E. Sewall 
 
 
 
 jo 00 
 
 James C. < >diorne 
 
 
 
 10 00 
 
 1 lilts < rray Loring 
 
 
 
 15 00 
 
 Member ol' the Socielj 
 
 
 
 5 oo 
 
 .1. CullS Smith 
 
 
 
 5 oo 
 
 Robcil Cogswell, Salem, 
 
 
 2 00 
 
 A. G. Cornelius do 
 
 
 
 2 00 
 
 Andrew Harraden do 
 
 
 
 2 00 
 
 John 11. Pero 
 
 
 
 2 00 
 
 E. P. B. Mundrucu 
 
 
 
 2 00 
 
 John Rcmond, Salen 
 
 , 
 
 
 15 oo 
 
 Ati'm. Williams do. 
 
 
 
 2 00 
 
 J. L. Shearman do. 
 
 
 
 2 00 
 
 Petei Johnson do. 
 
 
 
 2 00 
 
 S. Lawrence do. 
 
 
 
 1 00 
 
 Win. Coleman do. 
 
 
 
 3 oo 
 
 Ward Litchfield 
 
 
 
 1 00 
 
 Nam. Budd 
 
 
 
 1 00 
 
 Friends 
 
 
 
 1!) 00 
 
 Natrcy Tucker 
 
 
 
 25 
 
 Samuel F. Hussey, Portland. 
 
 Mc. 
 
 5 00 
 
 John Winslow 
 
 do. 
 
 
 2 00 
 
 If. .Manning 
 
 do. 
 
 
 1 00 
 
 Maine Anti-Slavery So< iety 
 
 
 100 00 
 
 P. F. Varnum 
 
 
 
 1 00 
 
 William Slickney, Ha 
 
 lowell, 
 
 Me. 
 
 5 00 
 
 Ivoli't Gardner 
 
 do. 
 
 
 5 00 
 
 R. G. Lincoln 
 
 .1... 
 
 
 5 00 
 
 Rev. Geo. Sheppard 
 
 do. 
 
 
 5 00 
 
 Ebenezer Dole 
 
 do. 
 
 
 5 00 
 
 .Lime-. Caw 
 
 do. 
 
 
 1 00 
 
 Mark Means 
 
 do. 
 
 
 2 oo 
 
 Benjamin G. Childs 
 
 
 
 2 00 
 
 Henry Safibrd 
 
 
 
 '.' 00 
 
 John Rogers 
 
 
 
 2 oe 
 
 John P.. Cutler 
 
 
 
 2 oo 
 
 John E. Scarlett 
 
 
 
 2 CO 
 
 Total 
 .I\mv:« C. OdIORHK, Treasurer. 
 
 ,f?350 25 
 
Y 
 

 :> 
 
 1g> « 
 
 ">'1^> 
 
 *J2> PL 
 
 >W^ 
 
 2fcS 
 
 
 
 ^•-3^ 
 
 ^ > 
 
 ,> 3 '■? 
 ■'5 2 
 
 -? ■■-> '- 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 ^^> 
 
 ct ::> 
 
 v j>> ■-■■>:> ;r 
 
 > t> ■>'> ^ 
 > ■-> ":>;>• <> • 
 
 >23^">."^? 
 
 
 ■""} > 
 
 
 X£> 
 
 
 :t&>. 
 
 -^ -<• 
 
 
 §'3 
 
 >> , 
 
 
 -». 
 
 ^7 ^ 
 
 s ^.- 
 
 —-,"'-) 
 
 5* -^ 
 
 ' -7 .' " 
 
 3> ^ 
 
 ss> ;.'3fe 
 
 > : ^> 
 
 3g— 
 
 > 
 
 ^> - 
 
 > ; >' 
 
 tz> - 
 
 t>> 
 
 D "' 
 
 >•> 
 
 ">^ 
 
 •j> '^> 
 
 ^> S 
 
 v> 
 
 3:> 
 
 
 "!s> Jv> 
 
 ' i ^3^K» '"n> ^> ^>'>-> ? 
 
 
 t35^^> _l>^- ^:>^i> ; ' 
 
 :» :p 
 
 >.^^^^.-^ r ^ 
 
 3*.3>-'? 
 
 ^5T* v > ;: ^ - ^ -2<L 
 
 ^^>" 
 
 ^^P5»^'> :> :.-> 
 
 i>3 
 
 
 
 
 
 ~? iJ* :- 
 

 
 •>>*". 
 
 ■•>.■»■•■> .-> 
 
 si * 
 
 
 i .■> tz» r "5> :^^ . 
 
 }£> T>»T2>"^>5> ... 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 >^D^j"a-3C8 
 
 >"5t>^^a 
 
 ■;!Si>.> 
 
 
 ►> 
 
 
 5 •Op>j>iU _ 
 "~J>^ ■ . 1> "Ol^> D-2>I3> ■o# > .^, • ^ 
 
 
 5sp"S i .-^>- 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 t>2P> 
 
 ^5>- 
 
 ^£^SIP* 
 
 2g § mESM 
 
 "*fS35 "X> 
 
 
 

 LIBRARY OF CONGRESS 
 
 011 932 628 A