9 
 
M 
 
 Glass. 
 
 Book ^^1 
 

 
 THE WAR WITH SPAIN. 
 
 SPEECH 
 
 OF 
 
 HON. SETH W. BROWN, 
 
 OF OHIO, 
 
 IN THE 
 
 HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, 
 
 Friday, Aprii, 29, 1898. 
 
 WASHINGTON. 
 1S98. 
 
* ^ N 
 
 ^ 
 
 <** 
 
 ^ 
 

 
 SPEECH 
 
 OF 
 
 HON. SET II W. BROWN.' 
 
 On the bill (H. R. 10100) to provide waysand moans to meet war expenditures. 
 Mr. BROWN said: 
 
 Mr. Chairman: I am placed under obligations to my distin- 
 guished colleague from Ohio [Mr. Qeosvbkob] for his kindness 
 in yielding to me a portion of his time, which he could so well 
 occupy in closing this most interesting debate. 
 
 Mr. Chairman, I will attempt to very briefly review some of the 
 more important provisions of this bill and perhaps add some ob- 
 servations on the necessity for its prompt passage. 
 
 More money is needed by the Government. This bill proposes 
 to raise more money. It is a resort to what in times past we 
 called war taxes. It is a bill to produce war money. It is made 
 al .solutely necessary by present conditions. The ordinary income 
 of the Government is not sufficient to meet the demand now 
 made for funds to carry on the war in which the nation has be- 
 come involved. 
 
 If the war had not come, there would now be no necessity for 
 a measure of this nature. Under the tariff law passed at the extra 
 session of the present Congress last year, the income of the Gov- 
 ernment had already become about equal to its peace expendi- 
 tures. In fact, during the months of February and March of the 
 present year our revenues exceeded our expenditures by the sum 
 of about $3,000,000, and it is as good as certain that if peace con- 
 ditions had continued we would now be in the early days of a 
 period wherein our revenues would equal and. indeed, exceed our 
 e spenditures. The tariff act of July 24, 1897, has already justified 
 the hopes of its friends. As a measure for producing revenue 
 needed for all the wants of the Government in time of peace, that 
 act is already an established and undisputed success. 
 3313 
 
But the tariff act of last year was not designed to raise funds 
 necessary to meet both peace and war expenses. At the time it 
 became a law. List summer, it was hoped that the trouble between 
 this country and Spain would pass by without resort to the firing 
 of a hostile shot. Now all conditions are changed. We are in 
 the beginning of a war, the end of which no man can see. 
 
 What is the necessity of raising additional money? We hear 
 it said there is a Treasiiry balance in cash which is sufficient. 
 This is not so. It is true there is an apparent cash balance in the 
 Treasury of over $200,009,000, but many deductions must be made 
 from this amount. There must be taken from this sum the gold 
 reserve of §100,000,000. After deducting this amount and other 
 sums which must be taken therefrom, there is actually in the 
 Treasury now as an available cash balance less than $60,000,000, 
 and from this amount there must be subtracted the sum of $50,- 
 000,000 heretofore appropriated by a single act; and, further, there 
 has already been created— properly, no doubt— a deficiency of 
 perhaps $35,000,000. So, as a matter of fact, there is substantially 
 no cash on hand with which to continue the war. 
 
 Do we stop to consider the immense cost of war? It has been 
 stated here in this debate that a single shot from some of our 
 guns costs $1 ,600. The war preparations so far have cost the Gov- 
 ernment about $25,000,000 a month. 
 
 It is safe to say that the war expenses of the Government may 
 b3 reasc nably expected to reach $1 ,000,000 a day. If the war shall 
 continue a year, though we may hope it will end in less than 
 three months, we shall be put to a war expense of, say, $ }65, 000,000. 
 This money must be raised, or at least the measures by which it 
 can bo raised must be enacted by Congress, so that, whether we 
 shall remain in session or adjourn, the Administration may be 
 clothed with power to procure all the funds needed to meet all 
 calls. 
 
 We call this an internal-revenue bill, and so it is. It produces 
 money from internal sources. It taxes our own goods. It is not 
 levied and collected on foreign imports. It is internal, not ex- 
 ternal. It opens sources of revenue not resorted to in ordinary 
 times. It is an extraordinary measure for an extraordinary occa- 
 son - Jt is a kiQ d of taxation which would not be favored, at 
 
least for the raising of so much money, in a time of peace. The 
 expenses of war alone justify the raising of so much money from 
 these internal sources. 
 
 It is expected that this measure, as it now stands, will produce 
 about $100,000,000 a year, or, as it is more definitely figured, $95,- 
 000,000. The precise amount which will be produced can only he 
 determined after the act has gone into operation. 
 
 It is provided in this bill that there shall be an increase of tax 
 
 on fermented liquors. From this product it is expected $33,000,- 
 
 •. ill be obtained. An increase of the tax on tobacco from 6 
 
 to 12 c< ntsa pound, it is calculated, will produce $15,000,000. 
 
 The increase to $1 a thousand on cigars and cigarettes, it is esti- 
 
 1. will put into the Treasury $5,000,000. Then the tax of 
 
 on ( a<h dealer in tobacco and cigars is restored, and this, it 
 
 will add - 000 more. There is also restored the 
 
 adhesive-stamp tax, which it is figured will add to the income pro- 
 
 ■1 by this bill an additional $30,000,000. 
 
 We Bpeak of some of these taxes as being restored, meaning by 
 
 this that these of revenue were formerly resorted to by 
 
 the Government. They were afterwards removed, and now we 
 
 t. There is also a tax imposed by this bill 
 on chewing gum, mineral waters, wines, beverages of all sorts not 
 rwise taxed under internal-revenue laws, and proprietary 
 . which, it is estimated, will add $5,000,000 more. To 
 e sums is added an increased tonnage on v< ssels in the foreign 
 trad.', which it is 1 elieved will e the ag iby the sum 
 
 of $.',5011,0110, bringing the whole up to $05,500,000 for one year of 
 kind of internal taxation. 
 It is to be noticed of the product-, taxed by this bill, that they 
 are what are designated as articles of voluntary consumption— 
 that is, they are articles which men may consume or not, as 
 like. No tax is imposed on bread. Here are taxes collected 
 from liquors, tobacco, and cigars, and other things, which people 
 sum" or not, as they wish. The prices of the n • essities 
 oflifearenot to ed by anything in this bill. And it is fur- 
 
 that the; large item of $:JO,000,000, to be do- 
 rived from ] I ing to adhesive stamps, will be a sum 
 
 that can be paid by those who have the ability to pay, as a gen- 
 
6 
 
 era! rule. Men who give bank cheeks have funds to check upon. 
 Those who purchase drafts are able to pay for the required stamps. 
 Those who sell lands and execute deeds therefor are presumed 
 to be able to pay for the stamps required for their written con- 
 veyances; and so on through the long list of papers which will 
 now require adhesive stamps. Those who will be put to the ex- 
 pense are those, as a general rule, who will be able to pay. 
 
 But if we are to have war expenses in the sum of at least 
 $1,000,000 a day or $303,000,000 a year, and if this bill shall pro- 
 duce $95,000,000 a year, it will still be utterly insufficient to raise 
 all the money needed to go ahead with the war. What then? 
 Something still further is needed. 
 
 On the other side of the House it is proposed that we shall raise 
 a large sum of money by what is called an income tax. It is pro- 
 posed that we impose a tax on all incomes over a specified sum. 
 There is much to be said in favor of an income tax, which falls 
 upon those who actually have large incomes of money, and who, 
 of all our people, may be presumed to be prepared to pay the pro- 
 posed tax with the least injury or inconvenience to themselves. 
 
 This proposition is an old one. It has been talked about in Con- 
 gress and oat of Congress for a long time, and the people of the 
 country are familiar with the arguments one way and the other, 
 and with the history of legislation along this line. In 189-1 Con- 
 gress passed an income-tax law. What was the result? The Su- 
 preme Court of the United States decided that the law was uncon- 
 st it ntional. There is no occasion here to enter into a consideration 
 of the grounds on which the Supreme Court made this decision. 
 It is enough for us to know now that such a decision was made, ■ 
 and that it stands unreversed and apparently not questioned by 
 the great body of the legal profession in this country. The court 
 said squarely and directly that the provisions of the act of 1894 
 were contrary to the clear and explicit provisions of the Constitu- 
 tion, and this decision ended that law. It is on our statute books 
 to-day, but it is a dead letter. 
 
 It is difficult to see on what safe ground gentlemen can place 
 themselves in proposing that we put into this bill a provision 
 taxing incomes. Men may say that it is fair to tax incomes and 
 that they would be glad to see these incomes pay a large part of 
 
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the financial burthens of war; but if this can not be done under 
 the Constitution, what is the use to talk about it? It is claimed 
 that provisions taxing incomes might be so framed as to meet the 
 constitutional objections to the income tax, but this is a matter 
 of very grave doubt; and being so, could we afford at this time to 
 experiment upon a further trial of the effort to tax incomes? 
 Would it be safe now, when money must be immediately raised, 
 to attempt to raise it, or any large part of it, in a way which our 
 highest court has said is absolutely contrary to the Constitution 
 of the United States? 
 At best, this effort would bring us another lawsuit. We would 
 
 ain go to the Supreme Court. There would be people ready at 
 an hour's notice to make a test question on which the Supreme 
 < old again be called upon to pass judgment on the con- 
 
 stitutionality of the provision. In short, we would again and al- 
 
 -.t immediately be involved in a great lawsuit. Is this a time 
 to invite lawsuits in the matter of money needed to carry on the 
 
 r? Is thia a time to try further experiments in this direction, 
 and especially is it the time to put such a provision in the present 
 bill.- < '. rtainly we ought to so enact this bill that it will be free 
 fo y question of doubt. It should not contain the germ of 
 
 a lawsuit. It should be clear and plain, and such that it can be 
 immi diately put into operation, without the possibility that any- 
 body will carry it to the Supremo Court to question whether it is 
 in harmony with the Constitution. 
 
 I it should be regarded as the duty of Congress to attempt to 
 
 1 ;> :>n act raising money from incomes, why should not this be 
 
 a bill separate from all other bills, so that if it should fall 
 
 it would not involve any other provisions in its fall, but would 
 
 go down by itself and affect nothing else? Clearly, it is a mis- 
 
 e to try to put an income-tax provision into this bill. 
 
 What else is proposed on the other side of this House? It is said 
 t), Qght to raise some of these war moneys by the issue of 
 
 silver certificates on what is called the seigniorage. What is this 
 proposition? We have in the Treasury to-day about 110,000,000 
 ounces oi We paid for it about §100,000,000. Seigniorage 
 
 the profit which the Government derives by the coining of this 
 bullion i::'" money. 
 
8 
 
 Silver bullion which costs the Government less than §1 is coined 
 into §1. The difference between the cost of the bullion and the 
 dollar coined therefrom is called the seigniorage. This profit 
 which the Government makes, which is the amount of difference 
 between the cost of the silver bullion and the amount of the 
 coined money, is the seigniorage. But there is no seigniorage, 
 there is no profit derived in this way, until the bullion is coined; 
 and therefore there is now no profit and nothing on which to 
 issue the proposed silver certificates. This profit, we are not to 
 forget, is not ours until the bullion is actually coined; but even if 
 we had authority to issue right now silver certificates on the dif- 
 ference between the cost of this bullion and the amount of the 
 money which it would produce if coined, we still have the fact 
 that the amount of these certificates, the amount thus raised, 
 would not be sufficient to carry on the war a month. 
 
 This bill provides that the amount of money probably needed 
 in addition to the $100,000,000 thus raised by taxation shall bo 
 obtained by the sale of bonds. The Secretary of the Treasury is 
 authorized to issue and sell bonds to an amount not exceeding 
 $500,000,000. It is proposed that these shall be disposed of so that 
 the loan shall be a popular one. Bonds are to be issued in de- 
 nominations of $25 and multiples thereof. These bonds are lower 
 in denomination than any ever issued in this country. That is, 
 we propose to raise $100,000,000, or about that sum, from the 
 sources of taxation especially mentioned, and then we will bor- 
 row, if necessary, $500,000,000 more. The authority to do this is 
 placed in the hands of the Secretary of the Treasury. He is not 
 required to issue and sell all of these bonds, and it may be as- 
 sumed that he will only issue and sell such amount thereof as 
 may be necessary to raise the money needed. 
 
 If the war should happily end in a few weeks, or a few months, 
 
 these bonds will not all be issued and sold. On the other hand, if 
 
 the whole amount should be needed, there will be in the hands of the 
 
 Administration the power to borrow the money. Of course it is a 
 
 cause of regret that the nation is put to the probable necessity of 
 
 borrowing money. We have never regarded a national debt as a 
 
 national blessing. The national debt in 1885, at the close of the 
 
 civil war, amounted to $2,385,000,000. This debt we proceeded to 
 3S13 
 
pay off, so that in 1893 it amounted to less than $500,000,000. We 
 are not the friends of a national debt. We do not believe in a 
 national debt, and when a national debt is created we believe in 
 paying it off. The only reason for the creation of the proposed 
 debt now is necessity, and that necessity is created by war upon 
 which we have entered in the belief that it is just and that we 
 could not honorably have escaped it. 
 
 What is the cause of the war for the expenses of which we im- 
 pose these taxes? We have stated the cause in the preamble to 
 the resolutions which Congress recently adopted, in which we de- 
 clare that our course is made necessary by '-the abhorrent con- 
 ditions which have existed for more than three years in the Island 
 of Cuba, so near our own borders." We further say in this pre- 
 amble that these conditions "have shocked the moral sense of 
 the people of the United States, have been a disgrace to Christian 
 civilization, culminating, as they have, in the destruction of a 
 United States battle ship, with 2GG of its officers and crew, while 
 on a friendly visit to the harbor of Havana;" and we further say 
 that these conditions, with the results, '-can not longer be en- 
 dow irely they ran not "longer be endured." 
 
 I here a civilized nation in Europe that would have endured 
 
 such conditions, near its own borders, as long as we have endured 
 
 js here at our doors in the unhappy Island of Cuba? 
 
 What further do we say as one of the propositions on which we 
 
 stand in waging this war? We say that "the people of the Island 
 
 ■ are and of right ought to be free and independent."' 
 
 1 low i < raid we say Less? 1 1 »w could we, in the enjoyment of our 
 
 I lom and independence, and believing in the freedom and in- 
 
 ndence of any people who strive to throw off the yoke of op- 
 
 I • -how could we do less than say that the people of the 
 
 ! udof < Jnha are and of right ought to be free and independent? 
 
 ions in the world, ought to be the first to say 
 
 this. ret people for us to say it to are those who, almost 
 
 in Bighi of our shores, have for more than three years vindi- 
 
 Eree and independent. 
 
 It was further pr< by our resolutions, as they passed the 
 
 mid recognize the Republic of Cuba as the true 
 
 and lawful gov. t of that island. It seemed to me that this 
 
10 
 
 was also the proper thing for us to do, and I voted accordingly. 
 
 It appeared to rne that it was due the builders and defenders of 
 
 the Republic of Cuba that we should recognize it as the true and 
 
 lawful government of the Island of Cuba; but this is not perhaps 
 
 a matter of vital importance now, for, as we kave recognized the 
 
 fact that the people of the Island of Cuba are and of right ought 
 
 to be free and independent, we can and doubtless will at an early 
 
 day recognize the independence of their republic. 
 
 And what further do we say in the declaration on which wo 
 
 have gone to war? We say this: 
 
 That the United States hereby disclaims any disposition or intention to 
 exercise sovereignty, jurisdiction, or control over said island, except for the 
 pacification thereof, and asserts its determination, when that is accom- 
 plished, to leave the government and control of the island to its people. 
 
 And what a grand declaration this is to be made now by our 
 great Republic. Will not this declaration win for us the respect, 
 regard, and admiration of thoughtful men throughout the world? 
 We have no purposes of conquest, and we declare that fact to 
 mankind. We do not seek to permanently acquire a single square 
 foot of foreign ground by force of arms. How else could we so 
 grandly state the unselfish nature of our purpose? We go out 
 with our Army and our Navy in the cause of humanity. We 
 raise our battle flags and carry them to the front with the deter- 
 mination to rescue a people from conditions which we say are a 
 disgrace to Christian civilization. 
 
 It may be that in time to come, through friendly negotiations, 
 Cuba may become a part of the territory of the United States, but 
 this shall not come about through conquest. Did a people ever 
 before in the world go to war with higher or purer motives? We 
 can not expect indemnity from Spain. Even if we could exact it, 
 she probably could not pay it. But whether this be so or not, we 
 declare in a solemn way that we go to drive Spain from Cuba, but 
 not to acquire Cuba. If success shall come of our effort— and of 
 this no man can doubt— the end of the war will find us having 
 gained no territory by military conquest. Will not such a war. 
 waged on such high grounds, give us a standing in the respect of 
 the world which we have never had before, and above all will it 
 not make us all feel that we have done that which the right de- 
 manded, without hope of reward other than the satisfaction which 
 comes from following the high path of duty? 
 
11 
 
 The truth of the old saying that history repeats itself comes 
 home to lis now. History is to-day repeating one of its glowing 
 chapters. The scenes of 1861, though on a smaller scale, are again 
 enacted. The nation is once more aroused. Again we feel the 
 3m which a just war creates. 
 The flag of our Union now represents States — forty-five of 
 them — bound together not only by constitutional ties, but united 
 in the common purpose of all their people, and this flag waves 
 more proudly than ever from window and house top in all the 
 land, and over recruiting station, and marching column, and as- 
 king camp. It is more al . ■ than ever. It has more 
 of bri ul more of beauty in its stripes, and 
 more of grace and glory in its folds I have beheld there 
 sine i war. 
 
 st kindles in the veins of the 
 
 Qg away as their fathers 
 
 marched. They go motherland er,andwife, 
 
 r, and die, if m ed be. for principle, for 
 th< ir country, and for humanity. 
 
 of th civil war, many of 
 
 whoi heir country in the field, and all 
 
 men who i for the present contest. 
 
 The E aough for them. The money paid them 
 
 i. They are entitled to far higher recognition. 
 
 Hscharge of the soldier or sailor of 
 
 Lvil war. or the honorable discharge of the soldier or sailor 
 
 of this war, a certificate, fully entitling him to appointment to 
 
 any n in the civil :e of the United States, 
 
 withonl an nation under the civil-service law, and with- 
 
 mination or test, except that which the appointing 
 
 it proper I ribe. On the 21st day of 
 
 . :i tli I introduced in the House a bill to give this effect to 
 
 i y soldier or sailor, whether of the 
 | war or war. That bill is as follows: 
 
 >fthe United States 
 
 all persons who now are or who shall 
 
 military or naval service of the 
 
 Qtment to all offices and positions in 
 
 discretion of heads of Depart- 
 
 tts to such civil 
 
1 o 
 
 service, without any examination or test other than such heads of Depart- 
 ments or officers may prescribe. 
 
 Sec. 2. That the rules made or which may hereafter be made under the 
 provisions of an act entitled "An act to regulate and improve the civil service 
 of the United States," approved January 16, 1S83, shall not hereafter apply to 
 nor regulate the employment or appointment of persons who now are or who 
 shall hereafter be honorably discharged from the military or naval service of 
 the United States, as aforesaid, to offices or positions in said civil service nor 
 to the removal of such persons therefrom, and in so far as said act can be 
 construed to regulate or authorize the making of rules for the employment 
 or appointment of persons honorably discharged as aforesaid to, or their re- 
 moval from, offices or positions in the public service, the same is hereby 
 repealed, and all rules which have been, or which may hereafter be, adopted 
 or promulgated inconsistent with this act are hereby annulled and rescinded. 
 
 The civil-service law is so harmful to the public service, keep- 
 ing persons in place after they become inefficient from age or 
 other cause, and is so at variance with sound principle, and is so 
 unfair and unjust to those who perform good, honest, and patriotic 
 work for the success of their party, that I would prune it down to 
 harmless proportions, leaving it to apply only to a few of the 
 many classes of officers which it now covers. But, failing to secure 
 its severe modification at this time, I would now at least repeal it 
 in the case of every honorably discharged soldier or sailor. I shall 
 hope that this bill may receive the favorable consideration of this 
 House. I think it is properly entitled "A bill to recognize the 
 services of soldiers and sailors and to encourage patriotic responses 
 to calls for volunteers." 
 
 And history repeats not only the record of the soldier who 
 obeyed, but it reproduces in some measure the picture of the 
 leader who commanded. Lincoln was a poor boy; so was Mc- 
 Kinley. Lincoln studied his books, told the truth, and loved his 
 parents; so did McKinley. Lincoln was a soldier in the only 
 military service required when he was young and strong. He 
 volunteered to perform service against the Indians. McKinley, 
 in the days of his maturing manhood, enlisted in the grand Army 
 of the Union. Lincoln served in this House; so did McKinley. 
 Lincoln as President was confronted by new problems; so is Mc- 
 Kinley. Lincoln was careful, prudent, hearing all things, bear- 
 ing all things, weighing all things, and slow to step but sure to 
 stand; and the same is true of McKinley. 
 
 The repetition of history goes still further. On the 1th day of 
 
 July, 1861, three months after the war had been commenced in the 
 
 harbor of Charleston, in his message to Congress Lincoln declared 
 S313 
 
13 
 
 that the policy he had chosen "looked to the exhaustion of all 
 
 1 measures." Three months after this war commenced in 
 
 ful harbor at Havana McKinley can declare that the policy 
 
 1 to the exhaustion of all peaceful measures." 
 
 • dearly, we will have faith that when 
 
 ill he written in the bright light of 
 
 a]1 ' to know that the caution of 
 
 ip; but whether this prove 
 
 and lovingly with 
 
 5 he has made, to avoid 
 
 a bill shall all be needed 
 
 required, and if the 
 
 William McKinley can say 
 
 in future years that he 
 
 and if 
 
 with their gallant crews, to the 
 
 that he (lid not rashly 
 
 in war.it can not bedoubted 
 
 ue to 
 
 I to tb e who occu- 
 . that they could not 
 1 ■ the latest gen- 
 ay very late 
 
 I nucnts. 
 I not 
 ues of 
 . i iion, 
 
 ■ ' • i file of 
 ildiers 
 l- any par- 
 bill, 
 n which the tilings 
 
 afford to en- 
 o it a scheme of 
 
14 
 
 taxation which our highest court has pronounced unconstitutional. 
 If the Congress should be in duty bound to tax the incomes of the 
 rich to help paythe expenses of war, let it be done or attempted 
 in a separate bill, which, failing before a constitutional objection, 
 would not in any manner retard the collection of revenues from 
 sources that are clearly within the taxing power. Action prompt 
 and sure will best support the President, and will grandly show 
 our enemies and the whole world that in the presence of danger 
 we here can act in harmony, as the people we represent are mov- 
 ing together in the service of our common country and in the 
 cause of our common humanity. 
 
 To pass this bill promiDtly and wisely spend these revenues in 
 the purchase and building of ships, and in providing armaments 
 and munitions of war, and in paying the soldiers and sailors who 
 will fight our battles on land and on sea, will expel Spain from 
 this fair portion of the earth; will give strength to homeless 
 women, starving in pens and prisons, and nourishment to chil- 
 dren perishing on the breasts of dying mothers; will build new 
 homes in Cuba and turn the ashes of her waste places into the 
 rich products of her fruitful fields; will show that men who have 
 had the strength and courage to successfully resist the vast armies 
 sent to subjugate them will be virtuous enough and great enough 
 10 maintain their independence; and will bring to us the best in- 
 demnity for the Maine and build the loftiest monument to her 
 heroic dead. 
 
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LIBRARY OF CONGRESS 
 
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