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 1SG2.] 
 
 E-'i!<ays on the Reformation. 
 
 is; 
 
 act of God, or Divine act not done through the agencjr of 
 scVtnd causes, or concreative act of creatures, is a >^iper- 
 natry-al act, and gives birth to a supernatural orcl/r, — not 
 discorViiected or essentially different from the natural order, 
 indecdXhut in reality related to it, and harinoniz>i(g dialecti- 
 caliy MT^i it. Supposing God intended wlieiK resolving to 
 extrinsicitte his creative Word to give it th/highest possi- 
 ble expression, and to complete his creative/ act, by raising 
 the finite t\ infinite power, the creatuiyto oneness with 
 the Creator, \ie supenuitural is not aii/afterthought in his 
 creation, but nategral in his original i/fan, and the natural 
 and supernatui'Sl are but parts of rjyie indissoluble whole, 
 and <lilier from \u-h other only as/rhe initial or inchoate 
 differs from the cVnplction or fmtilnient. It is well for 
 those who are in tmi habit of sj1})posing that the natural 
 and supernatural, nafure and arace, stand opposed one to 
 the other to bear this rVi mincl/for they are opposed only as 
 the initial is opposed toViniyOrtion or fulfilment. 
 
 Taking the view of catrWmc truth as thus far presented, 
 we find the Trinity, or ive eternal and immanent gen- 
 eration of the AVoni and ini(^)ro('ession of the Holy Ghost, 
 which Ave must assert, /f w\assert at all God as actual 
 living being, or being ii/its plljoitude. God expresses his 
 intelligence in himself,/ind gencKites the Word, the express 
 image of hiniself, anci the samcNni essence with himself. 
 '' The Word was witl/God and thc"VVord was God"—" the 
 brightness of his gl</y, and the expiWs image of his sub- 
 stance." The Son ttirns to the FatlicV and the Father to 
 the Son, and froi/ their mutual spirarion, the Father as 
 principle, the So/ as medium, proceeds V.ove or the Holy 
 GJiost, the compRMuent or perfection of tl\ immanent pro- 
 gression of thur Divine Being. God chooses to express 
 himself exterimlly, and thus creates the uni\\rsc, which is 
 liimselfextriiisicated, for it must express his Word or not 
 be any expression of him at all. It expresses Viis essence 
 externally m time and space, as the Word exprasses it in- 
 ternally, i/ his own bosom, to himself. He chooa^s, as we 
 learn h-otn. revelation, not oidy to redeem man l^om the 
 Fall, biu to carry in man his creative act to its apex,\o com- 
 jth'te tde Divine Being in the extrinsic or partidymted 
 order/and thus incarnates himself in man, and raised the 
 cre>rture to union with himself, making the finite one Vitli 
 tb<3 infinite, the created one with the Creator ; that is >^ 
 ^y, God mediante the creative act. The type copied is iX 
 
 Vol. hi.— Ko. H. 13 
 
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 1S6 Essays on the Refonnation. [April, 
 
 liis own essence, the Father concnrring as prhiciple, the 
 Son as medinm, and the IIolj Ghost as end. So that by 
 the retnrn of the creation in man to God, whicli is in the 
 second cycle and responds externally to the procession of 
 the Holy Ghost internally, the participated heing Is com- 
 pletely actnalized, perfected, and God is all and in all, exter- 
 nally and internally. 
 
 Here as to the 2)rinciple, medinm, and end is catholic 
 truth, that is, universal truth, one and catholic, for it em- 
 braces at once in the real order, and in dialectic harmony, 
 both God and the universe ; God in his interior essence and 
 in his exterior manifestation or expression. But we have 
 seen that there is in God a progression, immanent indeed, 
 eternal, with its term in liis essence itself. This progression 
 has its expression in the external universe, or in the extrin- 
 sication of the creative act, and this progression in the ex- 
 ternal cannot be immanent and complete instantaneously, 
 as it were, but is in time and space, the chronotope, and 
 therefore is successive. It, however, copies the Divine idea, 
 and follows its type. It must,' then, not only develop in 
 time and space, the external e:^pression of the internal chro- 
 notope, or ideal time and space, that is, the ability of God 
 to extrinsicate his creative- act, but it must have its own 
 interior and exterior expr^sion, for the universe as a whole 
 and in all its parts, represents the Divine idea, and copies 
 the progression of the interior essence of God. Each crea- 
 ture is, in its order, God in miniature, or the created God 
 representing the eternal, uncreated, living, and self-sufficing 
 God, in its own order and from its own point of view. The 
 extrinsication of the Word or creative act is the created 
 universe. The completion or fulfilment of this extrinsica- 
 tion is the Incarnation, or the creature become God. The 
 extrinsication of man become God, or of the Word made fiesh, 
 that is, of the Theandric AYord, is the Church ; bearing as 
 to the Word Incarnate, first, the relation which the universe 
 bears to tl^e internal, by whom all things were made ; and 
 second, the relation analogous to that which the human 
 race, in the order of genesis, bears to Adam, its progenitor, 
 as has been time and again explained in these pages. The 
 Incarnation being in time the Theandric Word is the Word 
 extriiisicated, and therefore must follow the law of the 
 chronotope, and the progression of its life must be progres- 
 sive, not in eternity only, but in time, and therefore be the 
 successive explication of the Theandric Idea. But this suc- 
 
1S62.] Essays on the liefurmation. 187 
 
 cossive explication and realization in time wonld be impos- 
 sible Avithout its extrinsic expression. Hence the neces- 
 sity of the external Clinrcli as well as the internal. The 
 Church is tlie Tlieandric universe, or universe successively 
 retui-niiiii: to union with God, or in the participated sense, 
 becoming (xod, attaininii: to its end or consummation, which 
 is its transtiguration in God or glorification. 
 
 The universe is the extrinsic explication of the mystery 
 of the Divine essence, and as such must have in time a pro- 
 gressi(jn responding to the immanent and eternal ])rogres- 
 sion asserted by the Christian doctrine of the Trinity, in 
 that essence itself. ]3ut in the extrinsic, that is, in the chro- 
 notope, the explication is successive, and the progression is 
 from a ])rinci])le, by a medium, to an end or term not iden- 
 tical with itself, llence the creature does not attain the 
 term of its existence at once, in the very instant of its crea- 
 tion, but is created in j^oti ntia to its end. Ilence God cre- 
 ates all creatures in genera and species, creates kinds, which 
 are each, according to its own law, successively developed. 
 This order of successive development is the order of gener- 
 ation, having its origin and archetype in the generation of 
 the Word, whence the relations of paternity and tiliation. 
 The genera and species do not subsist without individuals, 
 any niore than individuals subsist without genera and spe- 
 cies. There is no humanity separate from the individual 
 man, and no individual man without humanity, — hwnan- 
 itas. Adam was a perfect man in the order of genesis or 
 generation, for in him both the race and the individual 
 were coincident. lie was created as the race individuated, 
 and though all individual men as individuals were in him 
 only in poUntia., in him was the entire human race, and 
 therefore }»otentially all individuals. The successive indi- 
 viduation of the race, through successive births, is only the 
 explication in the actual order of what was virtual in him. 
 Hence we can imderstand why his fall, or the degeneracy 
 of the race in him, affects all his posterity, or how it is that 
 all men sinned in him ; for all were in him as the race, 
 and it is only as the race that original sin is asserted of 
 Adam's posterit3\ 
 
 The Tlieandric Word, or Christ, is at once the Theandric 
 Individual, and the Theandric race. The Word assumed 
 human nature individuated, completed in the individual 
 assumed, not, however, an individual isolated from the race, 
 but an individual in whom the race subsisted. He was the 
 
188 Essays on the Reformation. [April, 
 
 second Adam, tlie Tlieandric Adam, and tlie progenitor of 
 the whole Tlieandric race. All who pertain to the Regen- 
 eration are virtual in him, as all pertaining to the order of 
 generation were virtual in Adam. Hence his power to ex- 
 piate or atone IVn- their sins, and their ability to share in his 
 merits. They suffered and bore the penalty of their sins 
 in him, because they were in liim, and for the same reason 
 they share his merits, and enter into his glory. They were 
 in him, as included in the Tlieandric race ; and when actu- 
 ally regenerated by grace, or ai-e born into the palinge- 
 nesia, actually individuated in the order of regeneration, 
 they are in him individually, or one with him^ according 
 to his prayer to his Father, " Let them be one as we are 
 one." 
 
 But if all the elect are virtually in Christ as the second 
 Adam, their individuation in him, or the explication of the 
 potentiality of the Tlieandric race, as in the iirst Adam, 
 is progressive, successive in time, and therefore must follow 
 the law of all progression, and have its principle, medium, 
 and end. The principle is grace, for we are born of Christ 
 by grace, not by natural generation ; the medium is the 
 Sacrament or Sacraments, the end is the Holy Ghost, or 
 Love, the complete union with God. But as the prototype 
 is always in the Divine essence, and the archetype in the 
 Divine progression or explication of his Word, the ]>rogres- 
 sion must be an extrinsic as well as an intrinsic progress, and 
 have its extrinsic as well as its intrinsic medium. Hence 
 the Church must be external as well as internal, and ex- 
 press externally as well as internally the Theandric life or 
 progression, as the body is the outward expi-ession of the 
 man. The external is the extrinsic expression of the inter- 
 nal, and therefore must copy or imitate it as its idea or 
 model. ]*>[ow, as God is one, and in creating expresses one 
 Divine Word, giving origin to one universe, as the Word 
 made flesh is one, giving origin to one Tlieandric i-ace, and 
 as the internal Church is one, being the Word made flesh, 
 so must the external Church, which expresses the internal, 
 be one. As the internal is catholic, since it is the Word 
 made flesh, the indissoluble union of Divinity and human- 
 ity, and therefore including all truth and all reality, for 
 man is the resum,6 of all created orders, and all creation in 
 his return to God attains to its end, the external Church 
 must be one and catholic, potentially catholic in time and 
 space, and actually in the Idea, or the Ideal truth it ex- 
 
?^ 
 
 1862.] Essays on the Ri formation. 189 
 
 presses. As there is but one God, as there is hut one cos- 
 mos, but one AVorcl made flesh, but one Lord and Saviour 
 Jesus Christ, there can be but one faith, one baptism, and 
 but one Churcli, either externally or internally.* 
 
 It" there be any truth in Avhat we have thus far advanced, 
 there is in the Divine Being his own reason of being, and 
 the law, not the necessity, of all external creation. He 
 could not have expressed his Word extrinsically, without 
 creating an external universe, nor could he have made that 
 universe an extriiif^ication, so to speak, of Himself, without 
 adding to generation regeneration, to the generation of the 
 Word the ju'ocession of the Holy (ihost. Without its re- 
 turn to God in the II0I3' Ghost, through the medium of the 
 Word, the progression would have been initial, incomplete, 
 and no image, even in the external order, of his infinite, 
 immanent, eternally consummated ])rogression. This re- 
 turn could not have been effected without the second act, 
 or Incarnation of the Word ; for without that act, you 
 would have had generation, but no regeneration, and no 
 procession in the extrinsic order of the Holy Ghost, and 
 consequently no consummatit)n, no sanctification, no glori- 
 fication, consequently no beatitude. 
 
 It nuiy be said that God might have made the return of 
 the creature instantaneous with its birth, or the palinge- 
 nesiac cycle consentaneous with the cosmic, leaving no in- 
 terval of time between them ; but to have so done would 
 have destroyed the liberty of second causes. If he created 
 man after his own image and likeness, he must create him 
 with moral freedom, and leave his return to God to the 
 freedom of his own choice. He must, in such case, have 
 made a universe which would by no means express his 
 own freedom in the act of creation, or express in time his 
 own ]>rogression ; for the external expression of the pro- 
 gression of the Divine being is and must be a progression 
 in time, — not a pi-ogression without any term indeed, as our 
 modern progressists assert, which is the most lively image 
 of hell we are able to conceive, but a progression whose 
 term is the nifinite. Progress forever going on, and never 
 reaching its term, is the greatest of all sophisms ; is, in fact, 
 the hell of the reprobate. It does not imply that man is 
 infinitely progressive, but that he is not progressive at all, — 
 
 * We refer, for a further exposition of this point, to what we have said in 
 the Review for January last, p. 19, tt seq. 
 
190 Essays on the Reformation. [xVpril, 
 
 that he remains forever seeking ami never finding. Infinite 
 progi-ess is progress to the infinite, and finds its term in the 
 infinite, wliicli is heaven, glorification; for then the finite 
 is glorified in its union witli the infinite. Progression in 
 God is immanent progression, and excludes all idea of suc- 
 cession, or of time. But progression in creature involves, 
 necessarily, the idea of the Chronotope, and is inconceiv- 
 able ■without an interval, longer or shorter, between the be- 
 ginning and the end. 
 
 Besides, if we suppose genesis and palingenesia coinci- 
 dent and consentaneous. Me resolve progression in tlie ex- 
 trinsic order into the intrinsic and Divine immanent pro- 
 gression, and take awaj all concreative act of creatures, 
 and the end is attained to by the immediate supern-atural 
 act of God, without tlie co-operation of creatures. Crea- 
 tures then cease to be second causes, or to be in any sense 
 concreative, that is, creative bv the aid of the Divine con- 
 cuvsiis. Tliis would deny the Divine image in liis Avorks, 
 deny that he creates after the idea or type eternal in his 
 own essence, and would make him tlie only actor in the 
 universe, which would place us on the declivity to pan- 
 theism. 
 
 Yet the objection implied amounts to nothing. God ex- 
 pressing himself extrinsically expresses himself under the 
 relation of time and space, and his expression in regard 
 to creatures leaves, necessarily a potentiality to be reduced 
 to act, genera to be specificated, and species to be individu- 
 ated, the initial or inchoate to be finished, fulfilled ; but in 
 regard to himself his act is eternally complete, and there is 
 no interval between its commencement and its end. For 
 him there is no past, no future, but " one eternal now." 
 All in his mind, as in his decree, is present, is fulfilled. 
 The interval is in relation to us, and it is we, and we only 
 to whom moments succeed, because, being finite, we can 
 attain to the infinite only successively, by a succession of 
 acts. Man is not in his origin God, but a God — by parti- 
 cipation — that begins. The potentiality of Adam is only 
 successively actualized, and only by successive births and 
 generations is the race complete in him individuated. The 
 individuation is completed in the new-born infant, but the 
 capabilities of the individual are not all developed and ac- 
 tualized by the Divine creative act, without his own con- 
 creative act, or series of acts. So with the Christian. All 
 the elect, all the predestinated were really, from the first 
 
1862.] Essays on tJie Reformation. 191 
 
 instant of the Incarnation, in Christ, as you and I were in 
 "Adam, when God created him in his own image and like- 
 ness, and created liim with tlie male and female principle, — 
 " male and female created he tliem" — as much as we were 
 when lie se[taratcd the female princi])le from the male, and 
 formed woman from the side of Adam, "• bone of his bone, 
 ilesh of his flesh ;" but as individuals we are virtual, not 
 actual in him, till begotten anew by grace, and regenerated 
 or born again. Time and space pertain to the potential, 
 and mark the ])roccss of its reduction to act; and as this 
 i'educti<tu is only by the co-o]>eration or conereative act of 
 the creature, it must be in relation to the creature succes- 
 sive, in time, though in regard to God it is simultaneous. 
 Conscfpiently, whether it is done a day earlier or a day 
 later, as we say, if so be space is left for the free election 
 anti co-operation of the creature, it in no way affects the 
 reason or truth (»f things. 
 
 If we are right as to the ])i-inci]»les of Catholic theology 
 we have briefly and inade<piately stated, our position must 
 be conceded that the proi)er point of view for studying the 
 great Movement in the sixteenth century, as any other great 
 world movement, is that of Catholic theology, for that 
 theology is really catholic, universal, embracing all the 
 truth of God an(l the universe. It places the student at 
 the point of view of God himself, the i)oint of view of the 
 Divine "\Vt»rd or Logos, by whom all things are made, and 
 of which the universe is the extrinsic ex}»ression. From 
 this point of view we may appreciate it as truly and as fully 
 as fallible men may appreciate an}' thing. 
 
 AVe will say, in conclusion, that what we have thus far 
 said, must not be taken as a full and comi)lete treatise on 
 the great Mysteries touched upon, or as containing a solu- 
 tion df all the questions that may be asked in relation to 
 the Trinity, the Incarnation, Creation, or the Church. We 
 have left 'many gaps, some of which, the reader, if good- 
 natured, may fill up from what we have heretofore publish- 
 ed in these pages on the same topics, and others will be 
 filled up as we proceed with the Essays to which this must 
 be regarded as a theological and philosophical introduction. 
 Our design is, if we are si)ared the sutficient use of our eyes, 
 to furnisii our readers with a series of articles intended to 
 l>resent a thorough tlieological, philosophical, and historical 
 ai)preciation of the great Protestant Movement, and, in ])rin- 
 ciple, of all heterodox movements in ancient or modern 
 
192 Essays on the Reformation. [Ajiril, 
 
 times. "We may move slowly, and not nnlikely disappear 
 before completing our task. But we shall do what we can. 
 In what M'C have said, we have laid down the principles 
 we shall develop and apply as we proceed. The ai)po- 
 siteness of some of our remarks will not be seen till we 
 advance, and till then many things will appear to be too 
 indistinctly stated, and to be left unsupported, or to be 
 assumed without sufficient reason. We could not help it, 
 unless we had expanded our Introduction into a whole 
 course of theology, and made it longer than the Summa 
 Theologica of St. Thomas. Nevertheless, perhaps, taking 
 what we have said by itself, independently of what is to 
 follow, it may not be worthless. It may lead some minds 
 to a better understanding of the dialectic character of the 
 Divine Essence and creative act, and to trace the relations 
 of the created universe back to their prototype in the triple 
 relation of Father, Son, and Holy Ghost, eternal and im- 
 manent in the Divine Essence. We have wished, as far as 
 our limits would permit, to show that the universe, inter- 
 nally and externally, is the extrinsication of the Divine 
 essence, and its procession from God in the cosmos, and re- 
 turn to God in the jialingenesia, is an external manifestation 
 and realization of what is essential, eternal, and immanent 
 in the Divine Being, — God producing exteriorly a created 
 God, responding to himself, and in its consummation to be 
 united to him, as the human nature is united to the Divine 
 in the Incarnation of the Word. 
 
 We do not suppose that we have said any thing to which 
 the eminent prelate, whose History of the Reformation we 
 have referred to, for he is a Catholic prelate, and far more 
 learned in Catholic theology than we are, would ol)ject. 
 We venerate his character, and have heretofore prized, and 
 should still prize, were he not disposed to withhold it, his 
 private friendship. All we permit ourselves to say is, that 
 in our judgment he does not write his history from the 
 really Catholic point of view, and, though he is orthodox as 
 to dogma, he is sectarian, partisan, in spirit and tone. Also, 
 that he fails to penetrate the external fact, and to seize its 
 methexic sense. We think there is more in the Movement 
 than he sees, that it has a deeper and a less unchristian 
 sense than he detects, or than we ourselves had detected in 
 our earlier essays on the subject. 
 
 All our readers know that we regard the Protestant 
 Movement as heterodox, and heterodoxy as always in itself 
 
18G2.] Essays on the Reformation. 193 
 
 liurtful to men and society. "We are Catholic, n(jt Protest- 
 ant ; but we wisli, if possible, not merely to show the so- 
 phistical side of the so-called Reformation, but also its dia- 
 lectic side. We wish to show its truth and its error, its 
 good and its bad, and to fix its real character in relation to 
 the evolution of truth and the progress of civilization. This 
 done in a calm and catholic tone, with a spirit of justice, 
 and with a tolerable comprehension of the Movement a^ a 
 world movement, can justly offend no Protestant, and need 
 give umbrage to no Catholic. Catholicity embraces and 
 integrates in itself all truth, wherever it discovers it, for all 
 truth is hers. She is strong enougli in hei'self to be always 
 just, always imjtartial, always sedate, without prejudice, 
 without ])assion, without fear. We can never hope to recall 
 the heterodox to Catholic unity till we can gain from them 
 a hearing — and a hearing from them we cannot gain till we 
 learn to treat their understandings with respect, and their 
 characters with justice. 
 
 No man worthy of the name ever consents to compromise 
 his i)rincii)les for any end whatever, for no good ever comes 
 of a lie. An uncompromising Catholic is simply a Catholic, 
 nothing more, nothing less. We make no compromise with 
 heterodoxy when we recognize in the heterodox some ele- 
 ments of truth, and commend in them what is worthy of com- 
 mendation. There is neither wisdom nor justice in endeavor- 
 ing to keep our own peo])le ortliodox by })ainting the hctei'O- 
 dox blacker than they are. Falsehood, deception, even for 
 a good end, though too often practised, is never allowable. 
 All deception, every lie is a sophism, and a sin against the 
 dialectic order of things, and against God, in whose essence 
 is the prototype of all dialectics. " The first of all gospels," 
 says Thomas Carlyle, " is that a lie is a lie, and no lie shall 
 live." No casuistry can ex])lain away the sophistical char- 
 acter of falsehood, or make deception harmless. We have 
 no right to practise what are called " pious frauds." Catho- 
 licity is real, truthful, honest, straightforward, and can toler- 
 ate no sham, make-believe, or lunubug. All such things 
 are sophistical and heterodox. Besides, such things are bad 
 even as a policy. Let us bring up our children to believe 
 that Protestants have nothing but falsehood in their doc- 
 trines, and M'ickedness in their practice, and the first decent 
 Protestant they meet will convince them of our own want of 
 truth and honesty. In many things very commendable, 
 and very important in the progress of civilization, there are 
 
10 i State Rebellion^ State Suicide. [April, 
 
 Protestants who are superior to not a few Catholics. Tlie 
 old safeguard sj'^stem no longer serves any good purpose. 
 We must protect our children from error by teaching them 
 the truth, and being always truthful in all our relations ^^•ith 
 them and with others. 
 
 Art. III. — 1. The War: a Slave Union or a Free f Speech 
 of Hon. Martix F. Coxway, of Kansas, delivered in the 
 House of Kepresentatives, Thursday, December 12th, 
 1861. Revised by the Author. 
 
 2. The Power and Dai y of Congress to provide for the com- 
 mon Defence and the Sitpjyression of the Rebellion. Speech 
 of Hon. Jno. a. Bingham, of Ohio, in the House of Rep- 
 resentatives, January 15th, 1862. 
 
 Our highly esteemed friend of the Pittsburgh Catholic, 
 the ablest and most loyal Catholic journal at this time pub- 
 lished in our country, takes care to tell us that in his judg- 
 ment, it is unwise to agitate the slaverv question, and that 
 in the present crisis of our national affairs only harm can 
 come of discussing it. He will pardon us, we hope, if we 
 tell him, in return, that we think it both w^ise and useful for 
 every man who loves his country to agitate that question, 
 and thoroughly discuss it. Slavery has produced our present 
 national crisis. The rebellion itself is, at bottom, only the 
 armed phase of the slavery question, and to suppose it pos- 
 sible to suppress and extinguish it without touching the 
 question, would be like attenq^ting to cure a man of drunk- 
 enness without touching the question of temperance. Slavery 
 is now" the question, the great question, the whole question 
 before the Ainerican people, and it depends on the disposi- 
 tion we make of that question whether we are or are not to 
 continue to be a nation. We caniiot blink it, if we would. 
 It enters vitally into the struggle of the nation for life, and 
 we must dispose of it, so that it can never again come up, 
 or all our eti^^rts will be idle, and all our sacrifices of men 
 and money will be worse than lost. 
 
 The Southern Confederacy, against which the United States 
 are now hurling their armed forces, rests on slavery as its 
 corner-stone, and derives from it the very reason of its exist- 
 ence. Grant, if you insist upon it, that the sole object of 
 

 ^^'^^ 
 
 18G2.] State Rchellion, State Suicide. 195 
 
 tliat illcijal and dangerous Confederacy is not tlie preserva- 
 tion or extension of slavery, still the objects of that Con- 
 federacy, the ends for which it has been formed, demand 
 the continuance of slavery. The ])reservation and extension 
 of slavery may not be the end the rebels have in view, but 
 slavery is the indis})ensable means to that end. They Avould 
 not seek to form a separate and inde])endent republic, if it 
 were to be a republic based on the Free Labor System, for 
 they are not sucli fools as not to know that such a republic 
 would have fewer advantages than the present United States 
 — could never be so strong, never command so high a place 
 in the world's estimation or in the world's history. The 
 whole is and always must be greater than apart, and a man 
 of real ambition would always say, with the old Athenian, 
 '"I would rather be second in Athens, than first in Euboea." 
 Even supposing, then, that the rebels had not originally, or 
 that they have abandoned the intention of reconstructing 
 the whole Union on the basis of the Slave Labor System, 
 they must still preserve that system as the necessary con- 
 dition of the sei)arate existence, and of the greatness and 
 power they hope to attain to as an independent people. The 
 abolition (jf slavery would take away all motive, all reason, 
 and all desire for a se})aration from the LTnion. Being un- 
 able without slavery to attain to the objects they contem- 
 ])late as a se[>arate and independent political existence, they 
 would naturally desire to remain in the United States, and 
 share the greatness and glory of one united republic. 
 
 The productions on which the seceded States rely as the 
 means of securing to them the hegemony of the commercial 
 nations of the world they as])ire to, they believe, demand 
 the system of slave labor. "The only reason for desiring 
 slaverv," said to us an eminent physician of Charleston, 
 South Carolina, and himself the owner of a hundred slaves, 
 " is that in the management of lai-ge plantations the planter 
 must be able to command labor when he wants it, and to 
 be always able to do this, he must own it. Aside from this 
 consideration, slave labor is less economical than free labor. 
 Its advantage over hired labor, or your ]^orthern system of 
 labor, is in the fact that the planter can command it at the 
 very moment he needs it. If he depends on hired labor, he 
 is likely to find his hands striking at the critical moment, 
 and compelling him either to lose the proper time for plant- 
 ing or for gathering his crops and i)rcparing them for mar- 
 ket, or to pay them wages that would swallow up all his 
 
196 State Rebellion^ State Suicide. [April, 
 
 jn'ofits, and end in liis ruin, AVliat is said about the in- 
 ability of the white man to perform the labor now performed 
 by negroes is worthy of no attention. There is no climate, 
 there is no position in which you can place the negro and 
 the white man side by side in wliich the wdiite man will not 
 kill the negro. Negroes are preferred, not because they are 
 hardier or more enduring than white laborers, even in our 
 climate ; but because they can be kept in slavery, and men 
 of the white race cannot. I know no other argument for 
 negro slavery." Now, as the rebels rely princi})ally on 
 their ]>lantations, on growing and exporting cotton, rice, 
 and tobacco, for their greatness and prosperity, it is clear 
 that, in their view at least, slavery is essential to the end 
 they have in view. Free the negroes, and they are deprived 
 of the means to the end for which they have rebelled, and 
 have formed their Confederacy. 
 
 It is, we suppose, the object of the United States in the 
 present civil war to break up the Southern Confederacy, to 
 2)ut down, and utterly extinguisli the present rebellion, and, 
 as far as human foresight and human ability can go, to 
 guard against any like rebellion in future. Tiie aim of 
 every nation should be, first of all, self-preservation, or the 
 maintenance of its own existence and the integrity of its 
 territory. Our nation can do this only by rendering uni- 
 versal either the Slave System or the Free Labor System, 
 legalizing slavery everywhere in the land, or permitting it 
 nowhere. AV^ere we to beat, as we are beating, the armies 
 of the Confederacy, and crush its present military power, 
 we should so long as slavery occupied its former position, 
 at best gain only a truce for some few years, no solid or 
 durable peace. The embers of the rebellion would still slum- 
 ber, ready to break out and burn afresh on the first oppor- 
 tunity. The slaveholding interest might consent again to 
 govern and use the Union for its own ends, but it would 
 not be extinguished, and would break out in a still more 
 formidable rebellion, and again convulse the nation, the 
 moment that the interest of free labor should show itself 
 able and determined to assert its own rights and legitimacy. 
 
 It is useless to multiply words about it. There can be 
 no permanent union of freedom with slavery, no national 
 miity and integrity with slavery in one half of the States 
 and freedom in the other. We have tried the experiment 
 for the best part of a century, and it has failed, utterly 
 failed. Freedom has made all conceivable sacrifices to 
 
1802.] State Rthellion, State Suicide. 197 
 
 slavery. Compromise after com])romise has been consented 
 to. We have sn])]>ressed tlie utterance of our noblest con- 
 victions, (lone all tliat wc could to stifle the irrepressible 
 instincts of liumanity, lest by some word or deed we might 
 endanger the safety of the Union, and the result has been con- 
 tempt on the part of the South for the Union-saving Xorth, 
 and the present rebellion. A new trial of the experiment 
 can succeed no better, for the people f)f the loyal States, if 
 they would retain the slightest ai)proacli to self-res]iect, can- 
 not |)(»ssiltly make gi'cater concessions, or do more tlian they 
 have already done to render ]>racticable and permanent that 
 union. Tlie exj)eriment has failed, as fail it always will and 
 always must. It is not constitutional government, it is not 
 republicanism, as some of our Eur(>})ean friends ]>retend, 
 that has failed ; but the attemi)ted miion of freedom and 
 slavery, of two essentially hostile and mutually re})ellent 
 systems in the same State. 
 
 We cannot, then, we repeat, blink the cpiestion of slavery 
 if we would. It meets us on the very threshold of the con- 
 troversy in which the nation is now engaged, and they who 
 ])etition Congress to put down the rebellion and let the 
 negro (piestion alone, and they who imagine that the pres- 
 ent rebellion can l)e supj)ressed and extinguished without 
 dis])osing of the slavery (piestion at once and forever, only 
 show, if not their lack of loyalty, that they have thus far 
 comprehended simply nothing of the terrible fjuestion which 
 now involves the life or death of the nation. The advertise- 
 ment of some players, that they would present on the stage 
 on a given evening Shaksi)eare's Ilamltf, with the part of 
 the Prince of Denmark left out by particular re(juest, has 
 long been referred to as a capital joke ; but the joke is not 
 half so ca[)ital as that of those worthy people who in the 
 discussion of our present national affairs leave out, by par- 
 ticular rerpiest, the slave question. AVhy, the slavery ques- 
 tion is the whole question, tluit without which there never 
 woidd or could have been any question at all. To refuse to 
 agitate the question of slavery is simply to refuse to agitate 
 any ques^tion at all really ini])ortant in the present crisis. 
 The Avhole question of extinguishing the rebellion, of restor-' 
 ing the unity and integrity of the nation, and of sustaining 
 our national life and securing future glory, turns on the slave 
 question. "\'ou may, as we have said, beat the rebel armies ; 
 you niay gain victories by sea and by land ; you may even 
 gain an armistice or a truce; but to suppose that you can 
 
 I of C 
 
198 State Rebellion^ State Suicide. [April, 
 
 re-establish peace, and be reallj a nation, unless you go 
 farther, and remove the canse and mainspring of the rebel- 
 lion is sheer folly, absolnte fatuity. The old union of free- 
 dom Avith slavery under one and the same constitutional 
 government has failed. Slavery, not freedom, has broken 
 it, and broken it, we would feign hope, forever. You cannot 
 restore it, if you would, and you should not, if you could. 
 No man is worthy of the name of statesman, who does not 
 assume this as a fixed fact, and take it as his starting-point 
 in all discussions having reference to our present difficulties 
 and their final settlement. The slave interest, treated with 
 the utmost tenderness, and allowed to have its own way in 
 almost every thing from the very origin of the government, 
 lias declared its secession from the Union. It has declared 
 its secession and separation final and irrevocable. It is for 
 freedom to take it at its word. For ourselves we accept 
 the declaration, and insist that it shall be final and irrevo- 
 cable. AVe never loved that union, but as it had l)een con- 
 sented to by the framers of our Constitution, we have always 
 felt it our duty to avoid doing any thing to endanger it. 
 The dissolution has been by no act of ours, and by no act 
 of the United States. It has been effected by the act of 
 slavery itself, and since slavery has seen proper to secede, 
 and to declare that it will have no farther connection with 
 freedom, we are not sorry, and are resolved on our part 
 also, that they shall never again be united, or their union 
 find a place in the Republic. 
 
 We have no patience with those politicians, demagogues, 
 and pettifoggers, who labor to restore the old Union of 
 slavery and freedom, who believe, or profess to believe, in 
 the possibility of its restoration, and who try to persuade us 
 that on that union depend the future greatness and glory of 
 the Eepublic. The slave interest had always the right to 
 secede from the Union, if it chose, and in this sense we 
 recognize the alleged right of secession ; for tlie United 
 States never made slaveholding obligatory on any particular 
 State, or on any of their citizens. The slave interest had 
 always the right, if it chose, to go out of the Union, to cease 
 *to be an interest in or of the nation. It had the perfect right 
 of self-destruction. But having gone out of the Union, and 
 ceased to be an interest in the Union, we deny the obliga- 
 tion of the United States to force it back, or even to permit 
 its voluntary return. It has gone out, and we say, let it 
 stay out. I3ut the right of slavery to secede by no means in- 
 
/ 
 
 1862.] State RvhelUon, State Suicide. 199 
 
 volves the" riiclit of the slavehuldiiig States themselves to 
 secede. Slavery might secede, but it could not carry with 
 it any portion of the national territory, the national pro])erty, 
 or the national populaticjn, and as the slave has no rights and 
 no pro])erty of his own, it could carry no rights and no prop- 
 erty with it. Its secession, therefore, leaves to the United 
 States all the tei'ritory previously occupied by it, and the 
 plenary right of sovereignty over that territory and the 
 j)opulation occupying it. The secession could only dissolve 
 the um'on between slavery and freedom, it could not abro- 
 gate the rights of freedom. It, by seceding, necessarily left 
 to freedom the whole national territory, none of which could 
 ever I'ightly again become slave territory. liightly and 
 legally cr)nsidered, the question of slavery in the seceding 
 States is not, whether it shall or shall not be abolished, but 
 whether it sliall or shall not be re-established. By the act 
 of secession slavery has no longer a legal status in what was 
 the territory of the seceding States, and the poi)ulation held 
 to service are free, because there is now in that teiTitoiy no 
 law by which they can be so held. AVhat we demand is, 
 not an act of the government abolishing slavery, but a re- 
 fusal on the i^art of the United States to allow the success of 
 their arms over the rebels to be used to re-establish it, or to 
 remand to slavery a pojnilation made free by the secession 
 of their masters. Here is the position of the slave question 
 to-day, — a position far in advance of its position yesterday. 
 AVliile the slave interest, or the interest created by slav- 
 ery, held fast to the unnatural union of slavery and freedom, 
 and was loyal to the Federal authorities, we opposed all ef- 
 forts for emancipation by the national government, and 
 threw on the Slave States themselves the whole resi)onsi- 
 bility of the infamous System they sustained. "We, as cit- 
 izens <»f the non-SIaveholding States, washed our hands of 
 that System, for we had no rights over it, and M^ere res2)on- 
 sible neither for its adoption, nor its continuance. The case 
 is now altered. The slave owners by their rebellion have 
 unquestionably forfeited their right under the Federal Con- 
 stitution to be protected in their slave jjroperty, or as to 
 that matter, in any other species of property. If slavery 
 be ever again recognized as legal, therefore, the responsi- 
 bility wilt attach not to Slave States only, but to the whole 
 people of the United States, and Ave of the Free States will 
 become, clearly and decidedly, jparticeps criminis. Here 
 is a very grave consideration for those who insist on letting 
 
200 State Rebellion^ State Suicide. \_K\:>\'i\ 
 
 the slave question alone. If we of the Free States suffer 
 the negroes in the Seceding States to he remanded to slav- 
 ery, the crime and the sin will he not the crime and sin of 
 particular States, but of the nation itself, and of the Free 
 States no less than of the Slave States themselves. 
 
 Our I'eaders are aware that we have from the outset 
 maintained that the rebel by his rebellion forfeits his right 
 to property, liberty, and even life, and that States by rebel- 
 lion are dissolved, or cease to have any laws or usages that 
 anybody is bound to respect. We hold with Mr. Sumner 
 in his noble Resolutions, credital)le alike to him as a states- 
 man and a lawyer, that the State by rebellion commits 
 suicide, and lapses as a civil and political entity. All laws, 
 customs, or usages depending for their vitality, force, or 
 vigor on the State, are rendered null and void by its seces- 
 sion, and are to be treated as non avenues. Slavery exists 
 in any country only by municipal law, in no country by the 
 jus gentiuvi. In our political system it exists by the local 
 law, or by the law or usage of a particular State, in dis- 
 tinction from a law or usage of the United States. Even 
 Chief-Justice Taney in his opinion in the Dred Scott case, 
 does not pretend that slavery exists by virtue of the law of 
 the United States, thougli he maintains that it has the right 
 to exist M-herever it is not forbidden by local law, assum- 
 ing, as it would seem, that it exists by virtue of the law 
 of nature. But as his opinion was a mere obiter dictum, we 
 venture to maintain with a previous opinion of the Supreme 
 Court, with the decisions of the English Courts, with the gen- 
 eral principles of law, and with common sense, that slavery 
 being a violation of man's natural liberty, can exist only 
 by virtue of municipal law, and in our country only by the 
 law or usage of a particular State. Consequently it lapses 
 when the State itself lapses. The State by the act of re- 
 bellion lapses, and consequently the rebellion of the State 
 abrogates the only law by which negroes are held to ser- 
 vice, either to persons loyal or to persons disloyal to the 
 Federal gevernment; for the Federal government never 
 guarantied to any man property in slaves after it had 
 ceased to be property by State law. Any State may abol- 
 ish slavery within its limits. Should a loyal State even see 
 proper to emancipate its slaves without any indemnification 
 to the owners, the owners have no claim of indemnity 
 against the United States. Their remedy would be only 
 aorainst their own State. 
 
1S62.] State litldHon, State Suicide. 201 
 
 Tliat a State in its State capacity can under our system, 
 rol)el, admits of no doubt, if we concede it to be, tlioiioli 
 ill a snb(»rdiiiate sjtliure, a civil and political entity, or a 
 civil and i)olitical person. It is if a person capable of 
 State action, and when as a State it resists the legitimate 
 authority of the General government, and arms its citizens 
 against it, it rebels. If we deny the autonomy of the 
 State, deny that it is a civil and political person, that is, in 
 the sense a corporation is called a i)erson, we eliminate the 
 federal element of our political system, and make our Ee- 
 ])ul)lie not a fedei'al, but a consolidated or centralized re- 
 }>ublic. If we take this ground, slavery nowhere on our 
 territory lias any legal existence, for it is evident there is 
 no law of the National government authorizing it. Taking 
 the other ground, a State can rebel, and its rel)ellion is and 
 must In' its dissolution as a State. It ceases from the mo- 
 ment of its i-ebeiiiou to have any legal existence. Conse- 
 (piently all that depciuls on its existence for vitality ceases 
 to live, and nothing lives except the natural law, and the 
 Constitution and laws of the Linited States ; but as no one 
 lias under either of them any title to slaves, slavery neces- 
 sarily la]»ses with the State authorizing it. 
 
 That this doctrine reaches far avc do not deny, we main- 
 tain tlijtr under our system a State may rebel, and that the 
 rebellion of a State, ipm fado^ dissolves it as civil and polit- 
 ical society, and consequently vacates all rights and remedies 
 created or alibrded by it. There remains after its rebellion 
 no State law in force. Its rebellion vacates all titles held 
 under it, dissolves all contracts, and annihilates all ])rop- 
 erty created by it, and takes away all civil protection for 
 even natural rights, save so tar as that prcitection is given 
 by the Federal government. It abrogates all civil laws re- 
 specting nuirriage, all the laws authorizing the transferring, 
 devising, transmitting, or inheriting property, for these un- 
 der our system are all left to the State government. The 
 courts of law are all dissolved, and the remedies afforded 
 by them can no longer be enforced. The rebellion, in a 
 word, kills the whole State, and every thing dependent on 
 it. Whether the State be revived and permitted to return to 
 to the Union depends entirely on the good pleasure of the 
 Federal authority. It cannot be claimed as a right by the 
 population on the territory of the defunct State. As they 
 could not take the territory out of the Union, and as they 
 so long as thev remain on it are within the jurisdiction of 
 
 Vol. III.— Xo. II. U 
 
202 State Rehdl'ion^ State Suicide. [April, 
 
 the United States, the Federal ijovernmeiit has authority to 
 govern them, and may govern them either as a territory or 
 as a conquered province. 
 
 We trust the time will come when the defunct States 
 will be revived, or more strictly speaking, new States be 
 formed with the old names and boundaries, and admitted 
 into the Union on terms of perfect equality, although this 
 ought not to be done till the rebels have unconditionally 
 surrendered. "When they have unconditionally surreiuler- 
 ed, and thrown themselves on the mercy of tlie Federal 
 government, the United States will, no doubt, after having 
 compelled rebel property to pay the expenses of the war, 
 permit the peoj^lc to reorganize themselves into States, and 
 confirm all who give evidence of loyal intentions, in their 
 former civil and political rights. It will not restore, for it 
 has no constitutional right to restore the relation of master 
 and slave. It cannot de])rive free men of their liberty, ex- 
 cept for crime. The negroes having been freed by the re- 
 bellion of the States whose laws authorized them to be held 
 as slaves, are henceforth free men, and the Federal govern- 
 ment must protect and govern them as free men. 
 
 Undoubtedly there is something severe in treating the 
 rebellion of a State as State suicide ; but we have yet to 
 learn tliat the way of rebellion ought to be graded, macad- 
 amized, and made easy. We see no wisdom or humanity 
 in leaving a State free to rebel, convulse the nation, create 
 a fearful civil war, with all its sacrifices of men and money, 
 and be free to resume its former status the moment it ceases 
 fighting, because fighting ceases to be of any avail. Xo 
 government that has any self-respect, any consciousness of 
 its rights and duties, any regard tor justice or the public 
 weal, can ever allow rebellion such impunity. It will make 
 as it ought to make, the way of the political transgressor 
 hard. We must not forget that the States forming the 
 Southern Confederacy have no legal existence, and no legal 
 authority to make M'ar or peace. Every soldier in the Na- 
 tional army killed in battle by their soldiers is murdered, 
 just as much murdered as I should be, were a robber to 
 break into my house, and kill me while defending the in- 
 violability of my dwelling and my property. We say not 
 that every Secession soldier who kills a ISTational soldier in 
 battle is a murderer in foro conscien ticB^ but we do say the 
 killing of such a soldier is a murder. All our brave sol- 
 diers — oflicers or privates — who have fallen in this civil war 
 
 V 
 
1S62.] State liebdlion, State Suicide. 203 
 
 have been murdered, barbarously, treaclierously murdered ; 
 and every man who vobintarily and knowiniii: what he is 
 about, lias entered into the Ilebellion, originated, fostered, 
 or in any way aided and abetted it, is answerable, either 
 as ]>rincij>al or accessory, for their murder, and for murder- 
 in<^ them while in the discharge of their highest and most 
 solemn duties to their country. This is undeniable; for 
 tlu'V act without Avarrant of law, and deliberate killing 
 without warrant of law is murder, and murder in the first 
 degree. We hojte we shall not be regarded as a moral 
 m<tnster, if we have the harshness to say that we are not 
 willing to pass lightly over tlie treacherous murder of so 
 many fathers, husbands, sons, and brothers, guilty of no 
 offence hut that of rushing at the call of their country to 
 the defence of law, the rights of authority, and the integ- 
 ritv of the nation against traitors and rebels. 
 
 We know very well what the Constitution says M'ith re- 
 gard to the j)nnishment of treason, and also what is the law 
 of Congress on the 6ul)ject ; but neither the special clause 
 in the Constitution limiting the penalty of treason, nor the 
 special statute of Congress governs the present case. A re- 
 belliiin, when it rises to certain proportions, and assumes 
 the character of a civil war, is never regarded or expected 
 to he treated as a case of ordinary treason which can be 
 l>ut down by the civil authority. Besides the Constitution 
 and the law relate only to individual traitors, not to treason 
 committed by a State. The rebellion of a State must be 
 treated according to its natural and legal effects. The 
 court in recognizing those effects to be as we have stated, 
 violates no clause of the Constitution and no law of Con- 
 gress. The court deprives no man of his property beyond 
 the term of his natural life, for he has been deprived of all 
 property which it refuses to recognize as his, by the rebel- 
 lion of iiis State. In recognizing the suicide of the State, 
 and leaving its citizens to the consecpiences of that suicide, 
 it does not confiscate the traitor's property ; it only refuses 
 to restore to him or his children property which had lapsed 
 by the action of his State, before the national authority 
 took possession of it. The law makes the punishment of 
 treason death. The principle of that law is not violated, 
 but conformed to, by treating the rebellion of a State as 
 State suicide. The deceased State leaves no heir, and the 
 nation in assuming and administering its effects, preserves 
 at least the principle of the law. All lapses to the Union, 
 
204 State Rtbellion^ State Suicide. [April, 
 
 because under our system a State can have no other succes- 
 sor. Individuals can hold henceforth property once held 
 under its authority only by a law of Congress confirming 
 their titles, or under patents granted by the United States. 
 By the lapse of the State, the whole property held uiider 
 its authority becomes vested in the United States, the only 
 successor of the State. This we aj^prehend is the law in 
 the case, and, severe as it is, it inflicts no severer penalty 
 than State treason deserves. 
 
 No doubt the property will, in the case of loyal persons, 
 be confirmed to their former owners, as, to some extent, 
 will be their former property to Rebels, after they have 
 i>-iven evidence that for the future they will demean them- 
 selves as peaceable and loyal citizens. The Government 
 will be bound by justice, and the people of the loyal States 
 will require it, to reorganize civil society in the seceded 
 States at the earliest practicable moment, and with as little 
 change in former possessions and social relations as a due 
 regard for the whole people of the Union will admit. The 
 Constitution has been violated by the llebels, but nothing 
 we demand or recommend is any violation of that sacred 
 instrument by the Federal authorities. All its provisions 
 will remain intact, and it will be as before, the Constitution 
 of the country. 
 
 The great danger now to be guarded against, does not 
 come from the avowed Rebels. At the moment we are 
 writing, our victorious armies have penetrated into Tennes- 
 see, and taken possession of its capital, and already we hear 
 that a new State government is soon to be elected, and Ten- 
 nessee is to have her full representation in both Houses of 
 Congress. The press recommends to the Government, that 
 as fast as a State is reconquered, it shall recognize it as 
 loyal, allow it to elect its State and Federal officers, and re- 
 sume its place in the Union. AVhether the Government 
 will adopt such a policy or not, we know not, for we are 
 not its organ, and are not in its secrets. AVe hope it will 
 not, for such a policy is, in our judgment, under present 
 circumstances, the shallowest, the maddest, and the most 
 suicidal policy that can be proposed. That such a policy 
 should have been entertained in the beginning of the strug- 
 gle, can be excused. There was then much to be said in its 
 favor. The Administration did not know its own strength, 
 and could not tell how far it could count on the patriotism 
 of the people. It knew there was a strong Southern and 
 
///^ 
 
 1862.] State Rebellion, State Suicide. 205 
 
 Pro-slavery party in the Free States, and it had reason to 
 fear that it would prove a disunion party, and make com- 
 mon cause with the Hebels. Besides, it was supposed that 
 there was a strong Union party in the seceding States, 
 whom it Avas necessary to secure, and who must at any cost 
 be prevented from being irritated and estranged from the 
 national cause. The restoration of the status quo, or the 
 suppression of the Rebellion without aflfecting the status of 
 persons held prior to the Rebellion to service, was all that 
 was generally contemplated ; or that, except by the very 
 boldest, it was thought prudent to contemplate. Every- 
 body disclaimed all intention of subjugating the Rebellious 
 States, and nearly all were pre[)arcd to allow them to re- 
 turn to their allegiance, and to resume their former position 
 in the Union, very much on their own terms. But we are 
 not where we were when President Lincoln issued his first 
 Proclamation ; we arc not where we were even three 
 months ago. Events have marched, and men have march- 
 ed with them. The j^olicy which might have been prudent 
 in the beginning, would now be a shameful surrender. AVe 
 are now in a position to enforce tlie law in the case, and to 
 make the Rebels pay the just penalty of their treason and 
 rebellion, and to teach State treason a lesson it will never 
 forget. 
 
 l)Ut precisely now comes our danger, and never at any 
 moment since the secession of Soutli Carolina, has the dan- 
 ger to the Republic been greater or more imminent. The 
 old Pro-slavery party at the North, aided by the Border 
 States nominally in the Union, but in the Union only 
 through fear of our battalions, rears its head, and threatens 
 to render all our sacrifices useless, and all our victories ab- 
 ortive. This party is all the more dangerous, because it 
 professedly adopts what was in the outset apparently the 
 policy of the Administration itself, and claims to approve 
 and sustain the executive — a policy, the useless and dan- 
 gerous character of which Mr. Conway, of Kansas, in the 
 remarkable speech placed at the head of this article, was 
 the first thoroughly to expose. Let Tennessee and one or 
 two more of the Rebellious States, or even Tennessee alone, 
 be represented, and this party has regained its majority in 
 Congress, and the whole nation is brought again under the 
 domination of the slave interest, represented now principal- 
 ly by the Border States, nominally loyal, but really disloyal. 
 Here is the danger, which will only be increased by any ad- 
 
206 State Rebellion^ State Suicide. [April, 
 
 tlition to the representation in Congress of the so-called 
 Union men in the seceding States, 
 
 We would not be unjust to the Border States, but we 
 say frankly we have no confidence in their loyalty. It is 
 " neither tish, nor flesh, nor fowl, nor yet good red herring." 
 It is the loyalty of neutrality, like that of the affectionate 
 wife in the battle between her husband and the bear. 
 " Fight Husband, fight Bear ; I am neutral." Missouri 
 was for neutrality, and three times have we had to conquer 
 her Secessionists : Kentucky was neutral, that is to say, 
 against the Union ; and Maryland would have openly se- 
 ceded but for the presence of the Federal troops and the 
 timely arrest and imprisonment of a part of her Legisla- 
 ture. Both Missouri and Kentucky are represented in the 
 Kebel Congress, and no doubt would have openly seceded 
 with Virginia and Tennessee, if it had not been for the 
 proximity of the great North-West and a secret conviction 
 that they would serve the cause of Rebellion more efieet- 
 ually in the Union than out of it, or by pretended neutral- 
 ity than by avowedly taking sides with the Bebels. To 
 these may be added Western Virginia, treated as the old 
 State of Virginia, and allowed her representation in Con- 
 gress. There are, no doubt, in the Border States nominally 
 within the Union, as well as in the seceded States them- 
 selves, individuals who are unsurpassed by any, in any sec- 
 tion, for their loyalty to the Union ; individuals whom we 
 love and honor, and in whose patriotism we would confide 
 as unreservedly as in our own. But, in general, the Union 
 men in all the Border States, as in the seceded States, are 
 tainted with the heresy of State sovereignty, and are will- 
 ing to remain in the Union only on condition of dictating 
 its policy, and placing it under the domination of the slave 
 interest. Kentucky never voted to sustain the Union, or to 
 discharge her duty to the Union, till the President had 
 modified General Fremont's Proclamation, freeing the 
 slaves of Rebels, and her prominent men had received as- 
 surances that the triumph of the National cause should 
 work no detriment to the " divine and sacred" institution 
 of negro- si a very. Protect slavery, and she will be loyal ; 
 leave slavery to follow the surcease of the States that au- 
 thorized it, and slie will go over to the enemy. Such is her 
 loyalty, a conditional loyalty, which we treat as disloyalty, 
 and despise more than open treason and rebellion. 
 
 Western Virginia has demonstrated the impolicy of treat- 
 
/ V 
 
 1862.] State Behellion, State Suicide. 207 
 
 ing the professed Union men of a seceded State, as a State, 
 and allowing them a Congressional representation. This 
 policy is unjnstifiable, and in adopting it, the Government 
 sanctions a more fatal revolutionary principle than that 
 asserted by the Eebellion we are seeking to suppress and 
 extinguish. Mr. Pierrepont may be a very worthy and 
 respectable gentleman, but who thinks of him as the Gov- 
 ernor of Virginia, and what court of law would recognize 
 as the acts of ^'irginia the acts of the pretended govern- 
 ment at Wheeling l Tlie recognition of that govei-nment 
 of conditional and revolutionary loyalty by the Adminis- 
 tration, was worse than a fault, it was a blunder ; and it 
 will not do to repeat it. Tlie Administration might have 
 taken, and should have taken military possession of the 
 loyal counties of tlie Old Dominion, and Congress might 
 have provided for their gijvernment as a Territory. Ihit to 
 recognize them as the State of Virginia, and give them the 
 representation of the State in the Senate, and their propor- 
 tionate representation in the House of Ilepresentatives, 
 without any legitimate State action, was a blunder in policy, 
 a blow at legitimate State Ilights, and an act of gross in- 
 justice to the loyal States, on whom, for the i)resent at least, 
 is thrown the chief burden of saving the Constitution and 
 the integrity and life of the nation. 
 
 The ])olicy adopted in the case of Western Virginia, is 
 based on the false assumption that a State, as a State, can- 
 not rel»el, and therefore that the several seceding States, as 
 States, are loyal, and that the loyal people of those States re- 
 tain all their constitutional rights unim])aired by the Act of 
 Secession. This is the grand fallacy which has embarrassed 
 the Administration and Congress from the outset, and 
 greatly impeded its military operations. If the State were, 
 as some pretend, a sovereign State, it could not, we grant, 
 rebel, for in that case there would be no superior on earth 
 for it to rebel against. But if the State is autonomous, a 
 political entity, capable of acting as a political person, and 
 yet subordinate to a su|)erior, it can rebel as well as an in- 
 dividual, and does rebel when it refuses to obey, and takes 
 lip arms against the legitimate authority of that superior. 
 The rebellion of a State carries away all the rights, even of 
 loyal persons, depending on their being citizens of a })artic- 
 ular State. Such persons are citizens of the United States 
 indeed, but they are no longer citizens of a particular State, 
 and necessarily fall into the condition of persons squatting 
 
208 State Rebellion^ State Suicide. \^A.])v\\, 
 
 on Federal territory, for wliicli no State or Territorial gov- 
 ernment has as yet been organized and put into operation. 
 They have for the present no political rights whatever, and 
 consequently no right of representation in Congress. This 
 is the case of the loyal population even of all the seceded 
 States. Virginia had seceded, and by her act, her whole 
 population were deprived of all the rights of the people of 
 Virginia, for by that act, the people of Virginia ceased to 
 exist. 
 
 That a State by rebellion, in case it can rebel, loses its 
 status in the Union, and therefore all its rights as a Federal 
 State, we presume will not be questioned. That a State 
 under our political system can rebel, we tliink is undenia- 
 ble. The generic character of our system is that of a Fed- 
 eral Hepublic. "We are a nation, one nation, and therefore 
 have one national sovereignty, but the government is not a 
 centralized or consolidated government. The government 
 is formed by the Union, not league, of several individual 
 or particular States, or civil and politi(;al communities, and 
 in relation to one another separate and independent states. 
 These States have each in its own sphere certain rights, 
 which are not derived from tlie National government, or 
 held as grants or concessions from it. In other words, all 
 rights and power in the Republic, though held in subordi- 
 nation to the legitimate authority of the National govern- 
 ment, do not emanate from it, and are not held subject to its 
 pleasure. The National government recognizes and pro- 
 tects the rights of the States, but does not create, and can- 
 not abrogate them. The matter is best explained by re- 
 garding the several States as holding before the Federal 
 government a relation analogous to that held by individuals 
 before civil society. Civil society derives its j^owers, w<3- 
 diante the people as individuals, from God, and hence its 
 legitimacy. But the individual after the creation of civil 
 society, as before its creation, has certain rights, called the 
 rights of man, which he holds by a law antecedent to civil 
 society, which it does not create, cannot revoke, and is 
 bound to recognize and protect as sacred and inviolable, 
 amono; which, accordino; to the Declaration of American 
 Independence, are " life, liberty, and the pursuit of happi- 
 ness." These rights I hold by the patent of my Creator, by 
 the charter of my manhood. They are inalienable, and, so 
 long as I do not forfeit them, the civil society of which I 
 am a member, is bound to protect me in their peaceable 
 
1862.] State Rebellion, State Suicide. 209 
 
 enjoyment. I may hold them np before the State, and say, 
 "These are mine: touch them not." But I may forfeit 
 them by my misdeeds. I forfeit my right to life bynmr- 
 derin<; my fVlhjwman, and society may hang me. I forfeit 
 my right to liberty by abusing it, and rendering it incom- 
 patible with the equal liberty of others. I forfeit my right 
 to pursue my happiness, when I insist on pursuing it in a way 
 destructive of the happiness of others, or in a manner dan- 
 gerous to the existence or peace of society. 
 
 The same may be said of the several States before the 
 Federal government. The Federal government derives its 
 ])Owers from (lod, through the ])eople as States, and there- 
 fore holds them legitimately. Each State has certain rights, 
 which it holds by a law anterior to the Union, and inde- 
 pendent of it. But the state may forfeit its rights, and 
 even its existence as a State, because though a State, and in 
 its subordinate sphere a comidete State, it is not a sovereign 
 but a sul)(»rdinate State. It is subordinate, because the 
 United States are made by the Constitution the sujn-eme 
 government. Article YI. of the Constitution says: "This 
 Constitution, and the laws of the United States which shall 
 be made in pursuance thereof; and all Treaties nuide, or 
 which shall be made, under the authority of the United 
 States, shall be the su])reme law of the land ; and the judges 
 in every State shall be bound thereby, any thing in the Con- 
 stitution or laws of any State to the contrary notwithstand- 
 ing." Xo language can more clearly assert the constitu- 
 tional supremacy "of the United States, and therefore the 
 subordinate character of each particular State. By making 
 the United States the supreme government, and their Con- 
 stitution and constitutional acts the supreme law of the 
 land, the American people are made one civil and political 
 ]»eopl6 or community — not an aggregation of peo})les — a 
 sovereign nation whose sovereignty excludes all others, for 
 sovereignty is and must be one and indivisible. But the 
 powers of Government are, under our system, not concen- 
 trated in the same hands, but are divided and distributed 
 among an indefinite number of autonomous though subor- 
 dinate civil and political communities. These communities, 
 so long as they keep within their sphere, are independent of 
 the Federal Government, and may resist its invasion of their 
 reserved or antecedent rights, as an individual, so long as 
 he abuses none of his rights, may resist any encroachnient 
 on them by civil society. So far we assert States' Rights 
 
21*^ State BebelUon, State Suicide. [April, 
 
 as an essential element in our political system, and as an 
 element we can never consent to see eliminated. It is the 
 grandest and noblest feature in our institutions. This has 
 always been really our doctrine on the subject ; and if in 
 some ot our writings we have at times seemed to go farther, 
 we have seemed to go farther than we really intended We 
 had aceejjted in early life, Mr. Calhoun's theory of States' 
 lyights,^ but we never understood this theory to mean the 
 right of aState to secede, or that State sovereignty denied 
 tlie constitutional supremacy of the Federal government. 
 JMr. Calhoun was a nullifier, but when we knew him he was 
 not a secessionist. " You cannot," said he to us, in 1841, 
 when authorizing us to speak officially for him,—" you can- 
 not coerce a State, because you can never get power enough 
 to_ do it. So many other States will make common cau*se 
 with the State it is proposed to coerce, that the Government 
 will be compelled to desist from its attempt, and withdraw 
 the acts ^that have given offence, and which the State has 
 nullified. Mr. Calhoun did not deny, as he explained him- 
 self to us, the rig?it, but simply the ahility, of the Federal 
 government to coerce a State. The moment it should attempt 
 to coerce the nullifying State, other States would intervene, 
 arrest its action, and compel it to accei^t a compromise, as 
 m 1832. State sovereignty, in any other sense than that 
 the State derives none of its rights from the Union, and 
 that all the States are independent States in their internal 
 relations to one another, was always, in our judgment, a 
 political heresy; and it is unquestionably this political 
 heresy that has justified, in the minds of the Southern peo- 
 ple, the fearful schism they have attempted, and which the 
 1 ederal authorities are now laboring to suppress. 
 
 Conceding that a State has autonomy, but denying its 
 sovereignty,^ we can consistently maintain that a State, as 
 well as an individual, may rebel. Any person, natural or 
 artificial, that owes allegiance to a superior, is capable of 
 rebellion — because capable of resisting and warring against 
 the legitimate authority of that superior. The States^'have 
 a superior, since the constitutional acts of the United States 
 are the supreme law of the land, and override their acts. 
 Ihat government, whose acts are the supreme law of the 
 land, is unquestionably the supreme government of the land ; 
 and if the Federal government is supreme the States can be 
 only subordinate. If subordinate to the Federal govern- 
 ment, they owe it allegiance, and are bound to obey it in 
 
//^ 
 
 1862.] State Rebellion^ State Suicide. 211 
 
 the constitutional exercise of its authority. Tliej beino; 
 autonomous, capable of self-action, are capable of resisting 
 tluit authority, refusing it obedience and taking up arms 
 against it, and therefore are capable of rebellion. To say a 
 State can do none of these things because they are illegal, 
 is to oyerlook the reason of tlieir illegality on the one hand, 
 or to maintain, on the other, that an act done illegally is not 
 done at all. Any act done by the political people called a 
 State, acting through tlieir State organization, and by its 
 authority, is an act of the State in the full and proper sense 
 of the term. The secession ordinances were passed not by 
 the people as population, by the people outside of their 
 state organization, and irrespectiye of State authority, but by 
 the peo])le as the State, acting through the State organiza- 
 tion, and according to the forms of State law. Tliey were 
 passed l)y the highest authority in the State, and have been 
 recognized, acted on, and enforced by all the authorities of 
 the State, legislative, judicial, executiye, and military. In 
 the eyes of the State tliese Ordinances, and the acts follow- 
 ing them, are not illegal, but legal and valid. The individ- 
 uals in arms against the Federal government are not reb- 
 els to their respective States. So far as State acts can go, 
 they are, in relation to their own States, loyal and patriotic 
 citizens, and sinii)ly fighting at the command of authority for 
 their country, not against it. 
 
 The illegality is not illegality in relation to State author- 
 ity, but to Federal authority. The acts justify the citizen 
 in the State court, and would, in that court, be a valid plea; 
 but they do not justify the citizen, nor can he ])lead them, 
 in the Federal courts. They are illegal and yoid, not be- 
 cause they are not acts of the State, but because they are 
 acts in yiolation of the Constitution of the United States, 
 and acts in contravention of the supreme authority of tlie 
 land, which is superior to the State authority, and overrides 
 it. They are illegal, and bind nobody, because they arc in 
 contravention of a su])erior authority, not in but out of the 
 State, and to which the State is bound to conform. The 
 citizen is not bound by them, because the allegiance of the 
 citizen is due to the superior authority, and he is bound to 
 obedience to his State only as far as compatible with that 
 allegiance. Tlie allegiance"^ that can be claimed by a State 
 is a subordinate and conditional allegiance, and is restricted 
 by the higher allegiance due to the national sovereign. The 
 yassal swears to his immediate lord to be his true liegeman, 
 
212 State Rebellion^ State Suicide. [April, 
 
 saving against the lord paramount. The State acts illegally 
 in seceding, bnt the law it violates is not State law but Unit- 
 ed States law ; and as that law overrides all State law, her 
 illegal acts can bind no citizen of the United States to obe- 
 dience, not because they are in the State court non avenues, 
 but because they are null and void in the Federal courts. 
 Their illegality, therefore, is no proof that they are not acts 
 of the State, or her legal acts, so far as herself is concerned, 
 but a proof that she has usurjied the sovereign power, and 
 therefore destroyed herself as a Federal State. 
 
 Secession, there can be no question, is rebellion, for it is 
 an act of hostility to the superior, the total denial of the 
 superior's authority. The State, then, in seceding, loses all 
 its rights and its very existence as a civil or political com- 
 munity. The population and territory remain within the 
 jurisdiction of the United States, but the entity called the 
 state is out of the Union, as completely so, as if it had 
 never been in it, and therefore is no longer a state at all, 
 for a state without territory or population is a sheer nullity. 
 It does not, as it imagines, become by secession a separate 
 and independent state, because its act being illegal, null, 
 and void, as against the superior, cannot carry either the 
 population or territory essential to its existence with it. It 
 does not fall back on the people in their original and pri- 
 mary capacity, because the people in that capacity are sim- 
 ply population, and the people, as population, so long as 
 they remain on territory within the jurisdiction of the United 
 States, are not an independent people, but simply a part of 
 the population of the United States, bound to obey the con- 
 stitutional acts of the Federal government as " the supreme 
 law of the land." Its act of secession is simply an act of 
 self-destruction, and the surcease ot its authority. Its Se- 
 cession Ordinance has killed it. The population and terri- 
 tory belong to the Union, but are not in the Union as a 
 State, Consequently have no right of representation in the 
 Federal Congress, and, till reorganized into a State or Ter- 
 ritor}^, no political or even civil existence whatever. 
 
 That Congress may reorganize the people of the geo- 
 graphical districts vacated by the decease of the seceding 
 States into Territorial governments, and then authorize the 
 Territorial people to assemble in conventions, adopt a State 
 constitution, and apply for admission as States into the Union, 
 we readily concede ; but we deny the right of Congress or 
 of the Executive to recoirnize them as States till thev have 
 
ti i 
 
 1862.] State Rchelllon, State Suicide. 213 
 
 been so organized and fovmallj admitted. Tliere is now no 
 State of Tennessee. The State of Tennessee has abdicated, 
 and the word is now only a geograpliical expression. The 
 gentlemen from the geographical district called Tennessee, 
 now sitting in Congress, are most estimalde gentlemen, but 
 they represent no political entity, and have, so far as we can 
 see, not a shadow of right to tne seats they occupy. Tlie 
 same must be said of the gentlemen in Congress from West- 
 ern Virginia. Western Virginia is not and never was a 
 Federal State. It is included in Virginia, and Virginia as 
 a State is no more. The loyal people remaining in the 
 seceding States lost their Federal rights by the suicide of 
 those States. They are not anywhere States or successors 
 of the defunct States, and have no power of themselves to 
 organize themselves into States, with the right of rej^resen- 
 tation in Congress. 
 
 The policy we opjDOse, and which we devoutly pray may 
 never be ado|)ted, is to treat the loyal men found in a 
 seceded State as the State itself, and to recognize the defunct 
 constitution as still in force. But this is only an indirect 
 way of imposing a constitution on a State, the capital error 
 of Mr. Buchanan's Administration with regard to Kansas. 
 These people are not the State, and the old constitution is 
 not in force. Neither Congress nor the Executive can 
 revive that constitution, nor organize these people into a 
 State. Congress can organize them into a Territory, and 
 p)ass in their favor an "Enabling Act," as it is called. But 
 the act of oi'ganizing them into a State, and adopting a 
 State constitution, must be the act of the people themselves, 
 though of a legally recognized and defined Territorial peo- 
 ple. These Union men, or the population on the territory 
 of any of the lapsed States, are not such people. For the 
 Federal Government to treat them as such, and allow them 
 to act under the old constitution, and elect State and Fed- 
 eral officers, as in Western Virginia, would strike a deadly 
 blow to constitutional government, and violate in a most 
 flagrant manner our Federal system and the rights of the 
 loyal States. 
 
 The States that have remained loyal, and that now con- 
 stitute the political community called the United States, 
 have the constitutional right to settle the afl:airs of the na- 
 tion, without the intervention of gentlemen who have no 
 constitutional right to seats on the floor of either House of 
 Congress. We know to a moral certainty that, if the Gov- 
 
214 State Rebellion, State Suicide. [April, 
 
 ernment treats as a State the population of each district it 
 recovers from the so-called Confederacy, and concedes them 
 the full State representation in Congress, the status quo will 
 be restored, slavery be re-established, the slave interest again 
 be dominant, and our political condition after the war be 
 more disgraceful and humiliating than it was even before. 
 In every one of the seceded States there are, no doubt, 
 Union men, and, as our armies advance, they will become 
 much more numerous. Some will be heartily Union men, 
 a much larger number will be Union men because Secession 
 is the losing and the Union the winning side. Nowhere 
 are these men the State ; nowhere can they claim to be the 
 State, or by any State law" hold a regular election for either 
 State or Federal oiiices. There is no possible way for them 
 to perform an}'' legal or constitutional State act. All their 
 acts must lack authority, and in their principle and essence 
 be illegal and revolutionary. To allow them to send repre- 
 sentatives to Congress, is therefore an outrage upon the 
 loyal States, which deprives them of their constitutional 
 rights, for these representatives, though representing popu- 
 lation, would be the representatives of no State. It Avould 
 destroy constitutionalism by placing the unorganized and 
 unconstituted population of a geographical division of 
 territory on the same footing with a legally organized and 
 constituted State. It is States according to population, not 
 population simply that is represented in the Lower House 
 of Congress, and States alone that are represented in the 
 Upper House or Senate. Let those who are ready to adopt 
 this policy, and who profess to be the special friends of the 
 Constitution ponder this well. 
 
 These people in Tennessee, North Carolina, and Arkansas, 
 that it is proposed, under these names, to treat as States, 
 even if loyal, are not and never were States. They are -in 
 all the States named, we presume, only a minority, though 
 that is not fatal, for it is only the loyal majority of a legally 
 constituted people that is of moment. Now, to allow this 
 population to be represented in Congress is an outrage on 
 the Federal principle of our government. We then make 
 population alone, not States, the people rej^resented, and 
 thus in principle convert our Republic from a Federal to a 
 Centralized Republic, and sanction the wildest and most ir- 
 regular democracy ever broached by the most rabid Jacobin 
 or Radical. We should not in this way preserve our Fed- 
 eral system, our Federal constitution, but should revolu- 
 
1862.] State Rebellion^ State Suicide. 215 
 
 tionize and destroy it. We should put an end to tlie Re- 
 public of Washington and Adams, Jefferson and Madison, 
 and attempt the dangerous experiment of a pure, central- 
 ized democracy. We are not prepared for such a revolu- 
 tion. We love our country with all her faults, for she is 
 our country ; but we love her institutions, because we have 
 studied them, and believe them the wisest and best the 
 world has yet seen. It is our political civil constitution, 
 not our learning, our science, our polish, or our personal 
 morals, that places us in the front rank of the grand army 
 of civilization. To destroy the Federal element in these 
 institutions would ruin them, and ruin the country no less 
 than Secession itself, for all centralism is absolutism, wheth- 
 er democratic or monarchical centralism. We should err on 
 the one hand, were we to adopt it, as much as the Confed- 
 erates do on the other. 
 
 Receive back, without territorial discipline, the seceded 
 States the moment they cease fighting, because fighting 
 has become a losing game, and you simply pay a premium 
 for rebellion, and nuike treason more profitable than loyalty. 
 The Border State representation, aided by Democratic pro- 
 slavery representatives, and a few renegade Administration 
 members, even now all but control Congress, and make it 
 well nigh impossible to pass any comprehensive measure 
 punishing Rebels, or for indemnifying loyal men, by con- 
 fiscating Rcl)el property. The slave interest is nearly as 
 dominant in Congress now as it was before the secession of 
 Toombs and Davis, Slidell and Mason, Wigfall and Hun- 
 ter. It must be protected at all hazards. Ko damage 
 must be done it, whatever becomes of loyalty. It thwarts 
 the patriotic action of Congress, and has from the outset 
 paralyzed the arm of the Executive, only just now begin- 
 ning to be emancipated. For a long time every military 
 precaution was neglected lest the Border States should be 
 irritated and secede ; and the finest months in the season 
 for military operations were suffered to wear away without 
 any thing being done, and the wisest strategic movements 
 w^ere sternly forbidden to be made, and the most important 
 strategic points were left to the enemy, lest the Union men 
 of Kentucky should vote to join the Confederates. Let 
 now Tennessee, North Carolina, Arkansas, and one after 
 another of all the seceded States return to the Union, and 
 send their delegations to Congress, and it is easy to foresee 
 the injustice that will be done to loyalty. 
 
216 State Rtbellion^ State Suicide. [April, 
 
 If one tiling more than another should be insisted on, it 
 is that the expenses of putting down the Kehellion should 
 be paid out of the property oi the Rebels, of Rebel States 
 and Rebel individuals. This is alike the dictate of justice 
 and sound policy. But even as Congress is now constituted 
 this could hardly be effected. Let all the seceded States 
 come back, and the United States would soon find that, in 
 addition to the Federal debt, in addition to the damages 
 done to the property of so-called loyal men, by either army, 
 Federal or Confederate, the Federal treasury would be 
 drawn u]>on to pay the scrip of the Confederacy, and dis- 
 charge all the obligations conti-acted by the Rebels in their 
 war against the Union. Some Xorthern " doughface" — say 
 the Honorable Mr. Diven, of New York, for instance, 
 could be found to introduce a Bill to that effect ; it would 
 be supported by all the Union men of the Border States 
 from interest and the desire to stand well with their neigh- 
 bors, late rebels to the Government, by the whole Southern 
 delegation, as a matter of course, and by a fair share of 
 Northern men Avho would be anxious to prove that the era 
 of good feeling had returned, and that they entertained no 
 grudge against their Southern brethren, and the Bill would 
 be passed, if necessary, even over the Presidential Yeto. 
 As sure as the armies of the Union continue to be victo- 
 rious, and the seceded States are suffered to return to the 
 Union the moment they lay down tlieir arms, this is what 
 will be dune. It will be the Rebels, not the Loyalists, to 
 whom will inure the victory. Slavery will again be in 
 power, and the Cotton Lords will dominate as of old in the 
 halls of Congress, the Executive chair, and the Dej^art- 
 ments, threatening anew, if we of the Free States show 
 any disposition to assert our own rights, to secede, to con- 
 vulse the nation again with civil war, to murder again our 
 fathers, husbands, sons, and brothers, till they break our 
 spirit, and we become as tame and docile as their own ne- 
 groes. Is this the premium to be paid for treason ? And 
 this the penalty to be inflicted on loyalty ? 
 
 We trust in God that the Federal government will never 
 adopt, or, rather, that it will not persist in so insane and 
 suicidal a policy. We trust that it will abandon the 
 Tigorov TTOEvdov with which it started, and will under- 
 stand that a State may secede, that State secession is 
 State suicide, and that the Slaveholding States, by seceding, 
 have lapsed as States, and that even loyal men inhabiting 
 
//99 
 
 18(52.] State Rebdlion^ State Suicide. 217 
 
 the ii;eo!j:;r;i])lii('al territories once lender tlicir jiirisdietioii 
 liave lo.st by tlie lapse of their respeetive States, all right 
 of Federal representation; while it itself is absolved from 
 all oliligation to protect or to recoo:;nize any of their mnni- 
 ci})al rights derived from State legislation, or State author- 
 ity ahjne. By the secession of the rel)ellious States, and 
 by the rebellion of the greater ])art of the slaveiiolders 
 throughout the non-seceding Slaveh< tiding States, slaverv is 
 legally well-nigh extinguished. We earnestly beseech the 
 (xoverument, Avhatever it may do in regard to slavery in 
 Maryland, Kentucky, Missouri, and Delaware, it will never 
 recognize its existence anywhere else, and resist d outrance 
 the return <;f the shive interest to power. As sure as it ex- 
 ists in the nation, that interest will rule it, for it must rule 
 or die. AVe plead not now for the 1)lack alone, but for the 
 white also; n<^t for the abolition of slavery, but especially 
 against reducing again to slavery the recently emancipated 
 free men of the North. Nowhere on territory under the 
 usurped rule of the so-called Confederacy, has black slav- 
 ery to-day any legal existence. We say to the negroes of 
 all tile seceding States, you are free. Xo law or usage now 
 in foi-ce binds you to service. The rebellion of your mas- 
 ters has restored you to the ownership of yourselves. Your 
 wives and children are j'our own. Let the Federal govern- 
 ment refuse to suiter you to be remanded to slavery, and 
 you will be free, and the poor white men of the Xorth will 
 also be free. 
 
 The two most important measures ever introducted into 
 the American Congress are, lirst, tlie Resolutions of Mr. 
 Sumner in the Senate, declaring that a State by rebellion 
 commits suicide, and, second. General Ashley's bill in 
 the House, from the Territorial Committee, providing for 
 the (xovernment of the Ilebellious States as Territories. 
 We fear the Democratic and Border State influence, 
 aided by a certain number of " doughfaced" llepublicans, 
 )nay be too strong for their friends, and defeat the whole 
 utility of the war, by forcing the acceptance of some base, 
 timid, and disgraceful compromise; but they are wise 
 and noble measures, almost the only measures introduced 
 into the ])rescnt Congress that belong to high and compre- 
 hensive statesmanship. Let those measures be adopted, 
 and our government will rise from its degradation, will 
 reassume its majestic port and step, and conmiand anew 
 the admiration of the world. Their adoption would save 
 
 Vol. IIL— No. IL 15 
 
218 State Btbcllion, State Suicide. [April, 
 
 constitutional government, and give new guaranties of 
 man's capacity for freedom. But whether these measures 
 be adopted or not, Mr. Sumner's Resohitious will serve as 
 a platform on which will take their stand all in the country 
 worthy of consideration for their political sagacity, their 
 wise statesmanship, their disinterestedness, and their nobil- 
 ity of sentiment. 
 
 Never have we trembled more for the fate of the E,e- 
 23ublic than we do at this moment when the shouts of 
 victory are ringing in our ears. Yet we do not despair. If 
 the present Congress fails in its duty, we shall regret it. If 
 it receives back revolted States, and restores them to their 
 former status, permitting them to remand the persons now 
 legally free to their former servitude, we shall blush for our 
 country, and hold that she knows not how to avail herself of 
 this, her hour of visitation ; but we shall not cease to labor 
 for liberty, or to hope for its final triumph. We shall, if 
 slavery be re-established in the territory of Rebeldom, hold 
 the Federal government and the whole nation responsible 
 for it, and therefore treat slavery as a matter that comes 
 legitimately within the sphere of the j)olitical action of the 
 citizens of non-Slaveholding States. It will then be our 
 business as much as it would be if we lived in South Caro- 
 lina or Tennessee. AYe shall then have the right to agitate 
 the slave question politically, for the adoption of the policy 
 we oppose makes slaveiy, if it exists anywhere on tlie ter- 
 ritory of the seceded States, henceforth a national and not 
 a mere State question. The Government and people may 
 be sure, if the policy we have opposed prevails, they will 
 find it necessary, tliough in a different way, to reckon with 
 the friends of freedom as well as with the friends of slavery. 
 
 If the view of State suicide we have taken be accepted, 
 and the Territorial Government Bill before Congress adopt- 
 ed, the slave interest will be crushed in all except the 
 Border States, now nominally in the Union. T^'e slavery 
 question when confined to these Border States, will not 
 amount to much. The slaves of Eebels may be liberated 
 under a confiscation act, and the few owned by loyal mas- 
 ters may be liberated under the war power, and their own- 
 ers indemnified, or they may be purchased and set free, or, 
 in fine, left as they are. In these States slavery will not 
 long remain, after it is abolished farther south, and the 
 market for their surplus stock of slaves is cut ofi". Confin- 
 ed to these States and forbidden to expand, it will soon die 
 
^ / /f 
 
 1862.] State Eehellion, State Suicide. 219 
 
 out. We are far from being sanguine that tliero is eitlier 
 statesniausliip cnougli, or love of liberty enongli, left in the 
 country, to ad()])t, though evidently legal, constitutional, 
 and just, the policy we recommend. There is one cause 
 that operates powerfully in keeping the negro in bondage, 
 the horror of Africanizing free American society. This 
 horror is the greatest obstacle the friends of freedom have 
 to overcome. The majority of the people in the Free States 
 are anti-abolitionists, not because they approve of slavery, but 
 because they do not like the negro for an associate, a neigh- 
 bor, or a fellow-citizen. They believe he is a nuin, wish 
 him to enjoy the rights of man, but not in their community. 
 !Not a few of these believe with the late Mr. Calhoun, that 
 if the two races are to live on the same territory, it is best 
 ])oth for the white race and the negro race that the negro 
 should be retained in the condition of a slave. Here is the 
 great obstacle in the way of ado])ting Mr. Sumner's and 
 General Ashley's |)olicy. If the slaves were of the white 
 race, that policy would be s])eedily adopted, and our Re- 
 public made in reality, as well as in name, a free Republic. 
 We have no space left for the discussion of this question. 
 We suppose we share in the common prejudice against the 
 negro race, and have no wish to see our free American so- 
 ciety Africanized. But prejudice, however strong, nnist 
 not be ])ennitted to override justice. AV^e are not ]U)w ]>1 end- 
 ing for the abolition of slavery, but against its re-establish- 
 ment. In all the seceding States the slaves are freed, and 
 what we ask is, that their freedom should be recognized. 
 We want them treated as freemen : of their social and polit- 
 ical status we say nothing. If recognized as freemen, Ave 
 think, as white nu'n press in to take their place as laborers, 
 they M'ould gradually, yet effectually, disappear from our 
 Republic by emigration to Ilayti, or other black communi- 
 ties, where they can be free, and form integral portions of 
 communities of their own race. AV'e would urge no forced 
 colonization; we would com])el no emigration, but we be- 
 lieve the force of circumstances would lead them to emi- 
 grate, and we should have no objection to the Government 
 taking measures to facilitate and aid their emigration, pro- 
 viding their emigration is voluntary on their ])art, like the 
 emigration hither of Irish and Germans. However this 
 may be, we insist that no prejudice of race or color should 
 induce us to remand to slavery those, who by the crimes 
 of their masters, or the surcease of the State authorities 
 
220 Emancipation and Colonization. [April, 
 
 making tliem slaves, are now legally freemen. We must 
 insist on this as an act of justice to them, as a duty we owe 
 to God, and cannot neglect with impunity, and as the only 
 way of saving the country from the domination of the slave 
 interest, and enabling it to live, flourish, and fulfil its civil- 
 izing mission. 
 
 Art. ly. — 1. The Uprising of a Great People. The United 
 States in 1S61. To ichich is added a Word of Peace on 
 the Difference between England and the United States. 
 From the French of Count Agenor de Gasparin. By 
 Mary L. Booth. New American Edition, from the Au- 
 thor's Revised Edition. ISI'ew York : Scribner. 1862. 
 12mo. pp. 298. 
 
 2. Our Country and the Church. By N". L. Eice, D. D. 
 New York: Scribner, 1861. 12nio. pp. 93. 
 
 Count Gasparin's book on the " Uprising of a Great 
 People," is a remarkable book for its keen foresight, its 
 broad statesmanlike views, its inspiring eloquence, and its 
 noble sentiments. Our only wish while reading it is, that 
 our countrymen were less unworthy of the high praise the 
 enlightened French nobleman awards them. The election 
 of Mr. Lincoln in 1860 to the Presidency was indeed a great 
 event, less indeed on account of the man elected than on 
 account of the cause he represented ; and we are not sur- 
 prised that foreigners, who are strongly opposed to slavery, 
 should have regarded it with interest, and greeted it with 
 pleasure and hope. Under the circumstances, it was an 
 act of courage, and not undeserving of admiration. 
 
 Yet there was less real courage in the actors generally 
 than appeared to on-lookers from abroad, for comparatively 
 few of those who voted for Mr. Lincoln, believed any real 
 danger was to be apprehended. The Southern politicians 
 threatened loudly, every body knew ; but not niany, if any, 
 in the Republican party believed their threats were in 
 earnest, or were any thing more than a part of the machin- 
 ery usually put in operation before elections. The Northern 
 politicians opposed to the Republican party assured us that 
 this time the South were in downright earnest ; and that 
 if the Republicans should dare elect their candidate, there 
 
18G2.] Emancipation and Colonisation. 221 
 
 would surely 1)C separation or civil war, or perhaps botli ; but 
 we believed it only an ordinary trick of politicians to serve 
 their own personal or party purposes, and we could hardly 
 do otherwise, since we found them otfering no word of re- 
 buke to their Southern allies, and not one manly word in 
 defence of the constitutional freedom of election. Their 
 M-arniugs we believed seliish, uncalled for, and we felt that, 
 when addressed to Republicans, they were addressed to 
 the wrong party. The tears they shed over the dangers 
 to the Union, seemed to us only tears shed over their 
 own probable displacement from power ; and history will 
 forever throw on tlie Union-loving and Union-saving Dem- 
 ocrats and their allies, who would save the Union by sur- 
 rendering it, bound hand an<l foot, to slavery, the guilt of 
 the rebellion, which their de])ravity and want of manhood, of 
 true and enliirhtened patriotism, cncourao-ed and well-nio-h 
 rendered successful. Yet certain it is that they whose votes 
 clecttHil Mr. Lincoln, did not generally believe either separa- 
 tion or civil war would folloM^ his election. They believed 
 the Democratic party. South as well as North, would ac- 
 quiesce in the election, when it was over and the new Ad- 
 ministration tairly inaugurated. This was in accordance 
 with all ]iast experience, and they had no special reason to 
 T)elieve the present election would prove an exce})tion to 
 the general rule. 
 
 How many of them would have voted for Mr. Lincoln if 
 they had believed any serious att('m])t would be made to 
 put the threats loudly vociferated by politicians into execu- 
 tion, or if they had clearly foi'cseen the course since taken, 
 it is not possible to determine. It can never be known, and, 
 perhaps, it is better that it should not be known. The 
 architect sometimes builds better than he knows. But this 
 is certain, that many prominent Kepublicans, when they saw 
 the wolf had really come, that Southern threats were not 
 mere bullying, but did mean something, showed the white 
 feather, and were prepai'ed to avert the coming storm by 
 new and larger concessions to slavery, and to purchase 
 peace at the expense of throwing away the fruits of the vic- 
 tory they had just won after a hard-fought battle. The 
 Ile]>ublican party were saved from a disgraceful compromise, 
 not, perhai)s, so nnich by their om'u virtue, as by the mad- 
 ness of the Southern politicians, M'ho, disgusted with their 
 Democratic allies of the Free States, and resolved on sepa- 
 ration and reconstruction, or, if you will, on separation 
 
222 Emancipation and Colonization. [^^P^'il? 
 
 alone, M'onld listen to no compromise, and declared that 
 tliey would not come back into the Union, even if left at 
 liberty to prescribe their own terms. Their madness, rather 
 than our virtue, saved us at the critical moment, and left us 
 no alternative, but to consent peaceably to separation, or 
 to fight for the Union, and crush out secession by tVn-ce of 
 arms. The merit of the Republicans is that they had the 
 virtue, the manliness, the j)atriotism, to choose the latter 
 alternative. 
 
 We ourselves voted for Mr. Lincoln, because we felt that 
 it had become necessary for the country to commence the 
 work of breaking and annihilating the political power of 
 slavery, which had almost from the origin of the Govern- 
 ment dominated in the Administration. The domination 
 of the slave interest was corrupting our politics both North 
 and South, was blackening our reputation in the eyes of the 
 civilized world, and undermining the public and private 
 morals of the people. We did not believe secession or civil 
 war, though threatened, would follow, and, even if we had so 
 believed, should still have voted for Mr. Lincoln all the same. 
 We should only have felt it so much tlie more necessary to 
 do so. We stated in some remarks to our fellow-citizens, 
 urging them to support the Kepublican party, that we 
 wished the power of the slave interest broken, and that, if 
 civil war should follow, we would welcome and meet it as 
 the sons of the heroes of the lievolution should meet it. 
 We wished the question, which was sure sooner or later to 
 come up, to be met and disposed of in our day, so that we 
 might, when called to our own final account, know whether 
 we left our children a heritage of freedom or not. There are, 
 we said, greater evils for a nation than civil war. The loss 
 of liberty is greater, the loss of public and private virtue is 
 greater, and greater by far is the loss of that patriotism that 
 counts it sweet to die for one's country, or that heroism 
 which dares do or sufifer any thing and every thing in defence 
 of the just and noble cause. We did not believe the South 
 would secede, openly rebel, but, if they did, if they chose to 
 fight, we were for meeting them, and giving them fight for 
 fight to their hearts' content. Whether the majority of 
 Republicans at that time could have said as much, may be 
 doubted, but their purposes and ours were the same, and 
 they have for the most part shown no deficiency of pluck 
 when they found themselves forced to meet the stern realities 
 of war. 
 
1S02.] Emancipation arid Colonization. 223 
 
 We confess, liowever, that in voting witli the Kepublic-au 
 party, we wei'e not moved hy any special regard for the 
 negroes hekl in bondage. We were, as a matter of conrse, 
 opposed to slavery, and wished there were no slaves and no 
 negroes in the country. The system was bad, detestable, 
 abominable, but we of the non-slaveholding States were nut 
 resj)onsible fur it. It was a local matter, and its disposition 
 a matter for the States that authorized it, witli which we 
 had no civil or political right to interfere. Our motive was 
 not to abolish slavery where it had a legal, or quasi -\(i\^-A\ 
 existence, but to restrain and fiually abolish the political 
 power of the slave interest, by sternly forbidding its expan- 
 sion into new territory, and the aduiission of any additional 
 Slave States into the Union. We opposed the extension of 
 slavery, not on abolition ]>rinciples, not for the sake of 
 slavery itself, l)ut for the sake of enuincipating and purify- 
 ing American politics, because we found the interest created 
 by slavery stronger in Federal politics than any other one 
 interest in the country, and able by its combinations and 
 alliances to carry our Presidential elections, and to shape 
 the i)olicy of tlie Federal (Tovernment, in a sense necessarily 
 antagonistical to tlie general interests of the immense ma- 
 j(»rity of the peo})le of the United States. We found it 
 donnnant, aiul laboring, not without success, to render its 
 domination com))lete and perpetual. It had the feeble Ad- 
 ministratiou of Mr. Buchanan on its side ; it had got an 
 opinion of the Su])reme Court in its favor; it had fifteen 
 States out of thirty-three, the majority of voters in three 
 or four, and large minorities in all of the other States, 
 pledged to its support, and we felt bound to do all we could 
 constitutionally to overthrow it. It was not liberty for the 
 black race so much as for the white race, that we wished to 
 secure. It was not the abolition of negro-slavery, but the 
 redemption and ])reservation of the glorious Kepublic in- 
 herited from our fathers, that moved us. We did not pro- 
 jtose to interfere with slavery where it had a recognized 
 legal existence, and were prepared to adhere strictly to 
 the so-called "Compromises of the Constitution," and to 
 pay the slaveholders their pound of flesh cut from the region 
 nearest the heart. It was only the jJoUtical power of slavery 
 w^e sought to eliminate. So was it with us personally, and 
 so, we presume, was it with the great nuijority of those who 
 voted in ISGO for the liepublican candidates. The Eepub- 
 lican party were denounced at the jSTorth as well as at the 
 
224 JEmancij>ation and Colonization. [April, 
 
 South by tlie Bell and Everett men, and by both win2;s of 
 the Democratic party as an abolition party ; but an aboli- 
 tion party they were not, and had no thought of becoming. 
 But there is a logic in events, and men who adopt the 
 principles of a movement are carried fartlier than they fore- 
 see or are prepared for in the outset. All great movements 
 have their law, and must and will on to their legitimate 
 conclusion. The developments and events since the Presi- 
 dential election, have carried us far beyond the point we had 
 then reached, and have made evident, what should have 
 been evident to us from the iirst, that it is impossilde to 
 anniliihite the political power of the slave interest, "without 
 annihilating that interest itself, and that it is impossil)le to 
 annihilate that interest without the complete emancipation 
 of the slaves, and their recognition as free population. AV^e 
 have seen three or four Slave States nominally in the Union, 
 and having, comparatively speaking, only a small number of 
 slaves, for over a year embarrassing the action of the Gov- 
 ernment, preventing much necessary legislation, pai'alyzing 
 the Administration, impeding its military o])erations, and 
 rendering useless the most costly sacritices. For six weeks 
 after the inauguration of the present Administration, the 
 military defences of the country were neglected, forts and 
 arsenals, the armory at Harper's Ferry, the navy yard and 
 naval armaments at Gosport were left unprotected, lest the 
 Border States should be irritated and secede, and there was 
 even thought of abandoning on one and the same day Sum- 
 ter, Pickens, and all the posts still held by the Union in the 
 seceded States. Even after the war had commenced, and 
 we had a powerful army in the field, it was pretended that 
 its principal object was to defend the National Capital, 
 while all thought of subjugating the rebellious States was 
 officially disclaimed. Even Congress, at its extra session, 
 passed almost unanimously, at least without serious debate, 
 a resolution declaring that the war having been forced upon 
 the United States by the rebels in the seceding States, would 
 be prosecuted solely to the end of putting down the rebellion, 
 without any intention of interfering M'ith the property or 
 institutions of those States. All this was done through the 
 influence of the slave interest in the non-seceding slave 
 States. That interest is hardly less controlling in Congress 
 to-day than it was under tlie Administration of the feeble 
 Buchanan. Maryland, Delaware, "Western Virginia, Ken- 
 tucky, and Missouri, have inherited the mantle of the more 
 
1^. iP. (k VCWUJM^ur^ ' 
 
 18G2.] Emancipation and Colonization. 225 
 
 Soutlicrn States, and succeeded to tlieir power. Even now 
 not a step can Lc taken without reckoning with the shive 
 interest. 
 
 Tliis fact alone suffices to show that there is no way of 
 emancipating the Government from the slave power, hut 
 by treating slavery as abolished, but by destroying the 
 property in slaves, and never suftoring a slave interest again 
 to grow up anywhere within the limits of the United States. 
 This we can now do without any violation of constitutional 
 law, or breach of constitutional duty, for the secession of 
 the slaveholders has given the Federal Government juris- 
 diction over the whole subject. Slavery, if suffered to exist 
 in any ])art of the Union at all, will compel all other inter- 
 ests t(j succumb to it, because it is antagonistical in its very 
 essence to all other interests. If it exists in the Union at 
 all, the interest it creates nnist be placed on a footing of 
 equality with every other interest, and be counted as legit- 
 imate, and as sacred as the interest of freedom. If allowed 
 erpiality, it will from its natin-e claim superiority, and dom- 
 inate, because equality can be predicated only of things 
 homogeneous, and tliei'e is no homogeneousness between 
 liberty and slavery. The equality of the slave interest can 
 in the nature of the case mean only the right of slavery to 
 restrain and repress freedom, for the advance of freedom is 
 the destruction of slavery. We can, then, secure an open 
 field for freedom, and j^revent the slave interest from dom- 
 inating, oidy by abolishing it, and recognizing the slaves 
 as free. The IJepublic to subsist and Hourish nnist either 
 be all free or all slave. 
 
 In the slaveholding States themselves the slave-owners 
 are only a small minority, and yet this minority is the rul- 
 ing class, and to the interests of slavery the interests of the 
 non-slaveholding whites are sacrificed. The seven and a 
 half millions of non-slavcholding whites are of the same 
 race as ourselves — are, by nature, as hardy, as brave, as 
 energetic, and as ingenious as we are, and yet, even their 
 material prosperity, notwithstanding their more genial clim- 
 ate, and their richer and more productive soil, cannot com- 
 pare with ours. Tlie blight of slavery is on them, because 
 all their interests must be sacrificed to the interests of the 
 slaveholders, lliey have com])aratively few schools, few 
 private or public liliraries, and in many parts of the South 
 arc below the level of the most degraded peasantrv of 
 Europe. We sympathize with these people, who are fitted 
 
226 Emancipation and Colonization. [April, 
 
 by nature, and by their favored climate and soil to stand in 
 tlie foremost ranks of the free American people. Not a 
 few of those brave Union troops who fought at Belmont, 
 and conquered at Logan's Cross Roads, at Henry, and at 
 Donelson, were either from this class or their descendants, 
 and are only a sample of what the whole would be, if the 
 curse of slavery were removed, and they lived in a land of 
 freedom. Why shall these seven millions of free whites, of 
 the same stock with ourselves, and by nature every way our 
 equals, be sacrificed to the slaveholding oligarchy which 
 rules them with a rod of iron, and prevents the develop- 
 ment and growth of their innate genius and greatness? 
 They, not the slaveholders, are the real people of the South, 
 and, if united hand and heart with us of the North, would 
 contribute their full share toward making the American 
 people the greatest and noblest people on earth. 
 
 Now, to emancipate these non-slaveholding whites of the 
 slaveholding States, who, as a population, dislike slavery far 
 more than do the population of the non-slaveholding States, 
 to emancipate naticjnal politics, and free labor both North and 
 South, and to make the North and the South really one people, 
 one in their system of labor, one in their institutions, culture, 
 and affections, it is necessary to put an end to slavery, and to 
 induce — not force — and aid, as fast and as far as practicable, 
 the freed men of the African race to emigrate to some tropi- 
 cal region congenial to their constitution and temperament, 
 where they may form a great cotton, rice, coffee, and tobacco- 
 growing and exporting people by themselves, leaving the 
 whole territory of the United States to the white race. This 
 is what is necessary, and the assurance of the Government 
 that it will adopt and carry out the policy of emancipation 
 and settlement of the blacks in a congenial climate, beyond 
 the limits of the United States, would make these seven 
 millions, or seven millions and a half, of non-slaveholding 
 M'hites its fast friends, and friends who would fight for it 
 with a heartiness and zeal they have never manifested in 
 fighting the battles of the slaveholders, for it is not slavery 
 they would retain, but the Africanization of free American 
 society they would avert. They hold no slaves ; they resist 
 all amalo-amation with the neii^ro race, leavin**- that to slave- 
 owners and overseers ; they believe the negro a man with 
 the natural rights of man ; they think hiin different from 
 themselves — do not regard him as a white man ; they wish 
 him well ; but they do not want negroes for neighbors, as- 
 
1SG2.] Eiaancix^ation and Colonization. 227 
 
 sociates, fellow-citizens, or voters. They see and know well, 
 if freed and remaining as laborers, tliey will do so only as a 
 degraded class, and so long as a considerable ])ortion of the 
 labor of the country is performed by a socially degraded 
 class, they understand perfectly well that labor will never 
 r se from its degradation, and it be held honorable to labor. 
 It is therefore they join the slaveholders against abolition ; 
 but if it could be made clear to them that free American 
 society would not be Africanized, and that in a reasonable 
 time the African element of the American ])oi)ulati(tn would 
 be eliminated, there would be no more resolute, determined, 
 and invincible abolitionists in the country. To accomplish, 
 then, the destruction of the ])olitical power of slavery, and 
 to make the American people really one people, complete 
 emanci])ati()n and colonization are necessary. 
 
 This is the conclusion to which events, our own reflections, 
 and the suggestions of others have brought us. But the great- 
 est obstacle to the realization of the good aimed at, is in 
 the Free, not in the slave states. The Abolitionists are op- 
 posed to the colonization feature of emancipation, as are also 
 the political economists, and most of our old Democratic and 
 ])ro-slaverv jxtliticians. The Abolitionists demand the aboli- 
 tion of slavery on the ground that slavery is unjust, a sin, and 
 no people has the right to tolerate it. The slaves must be 
 freed as an act of simple justice to them, and, when freed, 
 they are freemen, and we have no more right to colonize 
 them than we have to colonize any other class of freemen. 
 They have the same right to live in the country that we 
 who propose to ct)lonize them have. Besides, if it is neces- 
 sary to colonize, why not colonize their late masters, whom 
 we can much better spare? The economists add that we 
 need the labor of the blacks, and that to deport four mil- 
 lions of the laboring population, to say nothing of the ex- 
 pense of doing it, would derange the labor market, diminish 
 ])roduction, and impoverish the country, almost to a ruinous 
 extent. To the economists it may be conceded that the loss 
 of labor would be great, and be a serious blow to produc- 
 tion, if we suppose" them all deported at once, and their 
 places unsupplied from other sources. But the process of 
 removal must, on any supposition, spread over a consider- 
 able space of time; and as their removal leaves a vacuum, 
 Avhite labor will rush in to fill it, and keep up the equilib- 
 rium between demand and sui)ply. There would undoubt- 
 edly be for a time some derangement, some difficulty, and 
 
22S Eiiicmc'qKition and Colonhaiion. [April, 
 
 some loss ; hut here, as everywhere else, supply would soon 
 follow the demand, and the labor market of the world is 
 generally overstocked with white laborers. 
 
 To the Abolitionists it may be re])lied that the question is 
 not a question of colonizing the freed men of the African race 
 for the interest or pleasure of their late masters. We make 
 little of these late masters, and are quite willing, if thought 
 best, that they should be deported to Africa, to become, if 
 they w^ish, slave-drivers for their friend and ally the king of 
 Dahomey. We demand nothing as a concession to their in- 
 terests and feelings ; w^e consult only the interests of the 
 whole country, and the rights, feelings, and interests of the 
 non-slaveholding whites in the Slave States, the seven mill- 
 ions or seven millions and a half, the real Southern people, 
 wdio own no slaves, and are as much op])osed to slavery as 
 we are. We think it would be better, as well as easier, to 
 colonize four millions of the African race, than to colonize 
 those seven and a half millions of the white race. 
 
 The other objection of the Al)olitionists cannot be so 
 lightly dismissed. It professes to be founded in justice, and 
 asserts tliat to deport the slaves after their freedom would 
 be a violation of their liberty, and therefore an act of injus- 
 tice. This is a grave objection, and should be gravely con- 
 sidered. If the Abolitionists are chargeable with having 
 given too little weight to political interests, or political ex- 
 pediency, we who have opposed them ai'e, perhaps, even 
 more chargeable with having made too little account in our 
 political calculations of justice, which overrides, and should 
 override, all other considerations. It will not do for us, 
 when settling up the past, and taking a fresh start for the 
 future, to neglect the strict and stern demands of justice. 
 We cannot hope to repair one sin by another, or an act of 
 injustice by an act of injustice. This is certain. Let jus- 
 tice stand though the heavens fall ; for justice is the basis of 
 all institutions worth preserving, and the condition of all 
 real ])rosperity, social or individual. To forget justice is to 
 forget God ; and all the nations that forget God shall perish, 
 as all history proves. 
 
 We grant that slavery is not only a political wrong, not 
 only an evil to the free whites, but an injustice to the slave 
 himself, and must be abolished for his sake alone. We are 
 willing on this point to sing our palinode, and frankly con- 
 fess that we have never given to this feature in the slave ques- 
 tion its due consideration. Many others are very likely in 
 
18G2.] Emancipation and Colonization. 229 
 
 the same predicament witli ourselves. SlavcrT is a wrong 
 done to the slave, the greatest possible wrong that can be 
 done him. It is an outrage upon his manhood, an outrage 
 which del)ascs and disfigures in \\\\\\ that very image of God 
 in wliicli lie was created. It is a su})reme so})hism, utterly 
 repugnant to the dialectic harmony of God's creati(tn. The 
 negro is a man, and slavery is as great an outrage of the rio;ht3 
 and dignity of manhood in the black man as in the Avhite 
 man. We have never denied or overlooked this, but we 
 have not given it in our calculations all the weight it de- 
 served. On tliis point the abolitionists have exaggerated 
 notliing; and they have said no mure than the sini])le truth 
 when tliey have said strict justice demands the immediate 
 and unconditional emancipation of the slave. But, practi- 
 cally considered, the real and complete act of emancipation 
 is a comi)lex act, and cannot be performed instantaneously 
 and at once. The act is not, and cannot be, one simple iso- 
 lated act. It has its relations, and its relations on all sides, 
 tlie consideration of which does and must enter into and 
 form a ])art of the act itself. In doing even an act of justice 
 to the slave, we must take care so to do it, that if it residts 
 in evil to him it shall be through his fault, not ours. Cer- 
 tainly justice must never give place to expediency ; but we 
 must take care that justice be done in the best practicable 
 manner, and 1)e as complete as })ossiblc. 
 
 The (piestion of emancipation, from the Aboliti(mist point 
 of view, is one of reparation of wrong done to the slave by 
 slavery. This wrong is not confined to the sim2:>le depriva- 
 tion of liberty, and is not repaired by simply declaring liim 
 free. Slavery has done him a greater wrong than such a 
 declaration repairs. It has injured him in the haluts it has 
 generated, in the obstacles it has interposed to his intellect- 
 ual and uKjral de\elopment, and in dis(pudifying him for 
 fair comi»etition, in the race for equality, in a communit}^ 
 where the white element predominates. This injury cannot 
 be repaired at once, and by a single stroke of the pen. The 
 obligation of setting about repairing it immediately or at 
 once, is im})erati% e, and all avoidable delay is criminal, is 
 an augmentation of the wrong done to the slave ; but it is not 
 imperative that the reparation should be instantly com- 
 pleted. For comjdeting it time may be demanded, and 
 many things besides declaring the slave free may be neces- 
 sary to be done, which cannot be done all at once. There 
 are vested rights to be considered and adjusted, the rights 
 
230 Emancipation and Colonization. [April, 
 
 of otliers — we mean not the slaveliolders — are to be con- 
 sulted, and care has to be taken that no injustice be doue to 
 other and innocent parties. It is always easier to do a wrong 
 than it is to undo it. We are not at liberty to undo the 
 wrong to the slave by doing a wrong to the free. It is just 
 to abolish slavery against the Avill of their pretended owners, 
 for their ownership being founded in injustice is invalid, 
 save as against the community that authorized it ; but to 
 force upon the free non-slaveholding Southern society four 
 millions of negroes, to take their place in that society against 
 its will, on a footing of equality, or, in other words, to 
 Africanize free non-slaveholding society against its consent, 
 is not an act of justice, but may be an act of injustice. To 
 do it strikes at the freedom of that society, and without re- 
 pairing the injustice done to the slave ; for the slaves, liber- 
 ated by a stroke of the pen, and let loose in such a society, 
 with which they could not amalgamate, would not and 
 could not be really free. They cannot be free and equal 
 members of a society that instinctively repels them, and can 
 remember them only as having been slaves. They can, in 
 the Southern States, with here and there an individual 
 exception, be only slaves or pariahs, and to leave them 
 pariahs is not to repair the injustice of slavery. Even 
 not counting for the moment the invasion of the rights of 
 the non-slaveholding people of the South by the infusion of 
 four millions of blacks into their free society against their 
 will, the government has the right to treat the negroes here- 
 tofore held as slaves, and would be bound to treat thein, 
 as wards so far and so long as necessary for their transition 
 from slavery to freedom in the best practicable way tor 
 their own interest. 
 
 "We hold the slaves in all the seceded States have 
 been freed from their former owners, whose rebellion has 
 annulled the only law by which they were held to service. 
 The Federal government in succeeding to the defunct States 
 cannot renumd the slaves to their former condition, cannot 
 hold them to service to the United States, nor sell them as 
 vacated or confiscated property. It cannot treat them as 
 property at all, but must treat them as persons, though per- 
 sons under its authority, and for whose future status and 
 welfare it is bound injustice to provide. They properly be- 
 come wards of the United States, who have over them the 
 authority, and owe them the duty, of guardians. They are 
 to be regarded in law and even in justice as under age, as 
 
1302.] Emancipaiion and Colonization. 231 
 
 not liavino; as vet attained to their majonty, and, if the 
 United States as their guardian honestly believe that their 
 colonization in a congenial climate and productive soil, 
 ■where they may form a civil community and an inde])end- 
 ent sovereign state of their own race, they have the right, 
 and it is their duty to colonize them, if ])racticable. 
 
 "We know the answer of the Abolitionists. They sa}', 
 you must immediately and at once recognize the slaves as 
 freemen ; and, when you have so recognized them, they stand 
 on the same footing of equality with any other class of free- 
 men. Being freed, to colonize or deport them without 
 their choice and consent, would l)e to violate the very free- 
 dom you have recognized as theirs. When vou recognize 
 them as freemen, you recognize in them the inalienable 
 right to " life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness." You 
 deny that right, when you deny to them the right to live, 
 to be free, and to pursue their hap])iness, wdiere it best 
 pleases them. When you claim the right to deport them, 
 excc})t for crime, you make a distinction between them and 
 white men, as unjust in princi|)le as slavery itself. The 
 Abolitionists demand not only the freedom of the slave as 
 a man, the complete and unreserved recognition of his 
 manhood, but the full and unreserved recognition of the 
 equality of the negro race with the white race. They de- 
 mand freedom for the slave in the name of the universal 
 bi-otherhood of the human race, as a man and a brother, 
 and theref )re demand that this brotherliood l)e recognized, 
 and the negro be placed on a footing of perfect equality 
 with the white race in one and the same civil and political 
 community ; and therefore they hold that the forced col- 
 onization of the African race in a community by themselves 
 is an act of injustice to the meml)ers of that race which no 
 plea of expediency or utility can ever justity. 
 
 Let no man treat this answer of the Abolitionists with 
 contempt. There is in it an homage paid to justice, which 
 commands our reverence. We recognize the brotherhood 
 of the human race, in the sense that all men of whatever 
 temperament or complexion have had the same origin, have 
 sprung from the same original pair, Adam and Eve. So 
 far, as a Chi-istian, a ]»hiloso])her, a man, we have no doubt 
 or misgiving. But there is the fact of human degeneracy, 
 called by theologians original sin, which must be taken into 
 the account. The fact of this degeneracy is evident to 
 every one who will compare the ideal or typical man pre- 
 
232 EmancijxUion and Colonization. [April, 
 
 sented by bis own reason and conscience, witb tbe actual 
 state of men as be finds tbem. Tbis degeneracy, as sin, or 
 considered in regard to its culpa or guilt, is tbe same in all 
 men, for it was committed alike by all in Adam. But, 
 taken as simple degeneracy, as a simple fact in man's nat- 
 ural bistory, it bas various degrees, and from tbese various 
 degrees spring wbat we call i'aces, wbicb are not properly 
 distinct races, but simple varieties in one and tbe same race. 
 Tbe degeneracy is greater in some and less in otbers. Some 
 bave departed fartber tban otbers from tbe primitive type. 
 Wby, or wberefore, we bave no space now to inquire. We 
 restrict ourselves to tbe simple statement of tbe fact. Tbe 
 least degenerated variety is tbat commonly called tbe Cauca- 
 sian ; tbe most degenerated is tbe African.* Tbe African 
 is tbe lowest variety, and stands fartbest removed from 
 tbe true ideal or typical man. Tbe Caucasian variety bas 
 suffered from original sin, bas degenerated from tbe proper 
 buman type, but it bas degenerated tbe least of any of 
 tbe known varieties of tbe buman family. Wbetber we 
 consider tbe Caucasian man, pbysically, intellectually or 
 
 * We know the assertion in the text has been disputed by some Aboli- 
 tionists, who seem to place tlie negro in proper humanity above tlie Cauca- 
 sian ; but they are led for the most part to do so, we apprehend, because 
 the Caucasian has made his assumed superiority a reason, and, indeed, a 
 full j\istitication of his enslavement and oppression of the negro. This is 
 abominable, and directly opposed to the Christian rule : " Let him tliat is great- 
 est among you be your servant." It is the duty of the superior to protect 
 the inferior, of the strong to help the weak, not to oppress them. But 
 some have asserted it on the ground tliat the natural qualities and virtues of 
 tlie negro approach nearer to the Cliristian type than those of the Caucasian ; 
 but this is in consequence of that false view of Christian worth, which has in 
 our times, and especially in our country, originated wliat has been not inaptly 
 called " Woman Worship," and which this war is likely to abolish, perhaps to 
 supplant by an opposite idolatry, known as " Muscular Christianity." The 
 tendency has for some time been strong to regard the soft, gentle, passive vir- 
 tues as those best responding to the Christian type, and in these virtues it lias 
 been assumed the negro surpasses the Caucasian ; but this comes from taking 
 the femininity of our religion as superior to its masculinity. Woman is made 
 the type ^^ar excellence of the Christian virtues, and the more feminine the man, 
 the more of a Christian he is. But this is to forget tliat man is asexual [non- 
 sexual] and sexual, while woman is all sexual, and that it is the asexual that 
 responds to the Christian type. Woman is called an "angel" by poets, senti- 
 mentalists, and even grave divines, but woman is less angelical than man, 
 for the angels are asexual, that is, have no sex, " neither marry nor are given 
 in marriage," and man is asexual as well as sexual, — expressed by Madame de 
 Stael, we think it is. when slie says, "Love is an episode in the life of man, 
 but it is the whole life of woman." To make the peculiar feminine virtues the 
 superior, and therefore woman the head of the man, is not only to reverse 
 all theology, all the ideas of mankind, nay, language itself, but it is to place 
 the inchoate above the complete, the passi\'e above the active, the potential 
 above the actual, which were absurd and ridiculous in philosopliy. 
 
1862.] Emancipation and Colonization. 233 
 
 morally, lie is the nearest approach to the integral man now 
 to be found. 
 
 Between one variety and another there is an interval. 
 This interval is greatest between the negro and the Cau- 
 casian, and between these it is too great to be leaped by 
 a single bound. The two varieties do not easily amal- 
 gamate. Tiieir amalgamation is in some sense unnatural 
 and violent, and the amalgam is a deterioration. AVe 
 know amalgamation is not contemplated by the Abol- 
 itionists generally ; but how is it to be prevented ? Do 
 you propose to forbid it by law? By what right, if you 
 deny all distinction in the case, and assert the black and 
 white races are equal ? Do you say that intermarriage be- 
 tween blacks and whites will not be sought; that white 
 persons will ])refer to marry white ])ersons, and black per- 
 sons will prefer to marry black persons ? You may be right. 
 AV^e believe such will be the case. We believe that there is 
 an instinctive aversion on both sides, but especially on the 
 ])art of the white race, to such intermarriage. It is doubt- 
 ful if a white man or white woman ever cohabits with a 
 black of the other sex, unless moved to it by lust or some 
 morbid afl'cction ; and we believe tlie l)lack man prefers a 
 black Woman tor his wife, or a black woman a bhick man 
 for her husband. Internnirriage between the two races, we 
 apprehend, strikes both as improper and undesirable, and 
 is ])retty sure not to take place to any considerable extent. 
 
 But in saying this, we say all ; we settle the question 
 that blacks and whites do not and cannot without more or 
 less violiMice form one and the same community, and live 
 together in one and the same society on the footing of 
 ecpiality. There can be no society between persons who 
 liave a mutually instinctive aversion to intermarriage ; for 
 marriage is the basis of the famil}^, and the family is the 
 basis of general society ; when therefore the different races 
 or varieties are se})arated by too broad an interval for the 
 family union, it is clear that they cannot form one and the 
 same society. They cannot live in one and the same civil 
 and political society as equal, but one will be held superior 
 and the other inferior. There is no real society or commu- 
 nity where there is no intermarriage, and if they inhabit 
 the same territory, the blacks and the whites, not intermar- 
 rying, cannot form one people. They will be two distinct 
 peoples in one state, in which the stronger will predomi- 
 nate and oppress the weaker. This is inevitable and conclu- 
 
 VoL. III.— No. II. lt> 
 
234 Emancijpaiion and Colonization. [April, 
 
 sive against the notion of forming the liberated slaves of 
 the negro-family into one people and society with the free- 
 men of the white family. 
 
 The amalgamation of the two varieties, separated as they 
 are by so great an interval, wonld be undesirable, even if it 
 were less impracticable than it evidently is. Intermarriage 
 between them would deteriorate tlie superior variety with- 
 out a compensating elevation of the infei-ior. The nudatto, 
 if in some respects superior to the full-blooded negro, is, as 
 a rule, in all respects inferior to the full-blooded white man. 
 In all countries where the mingling of the two I'aces has 
 gone on to any considerable extent, Ave find a great dete- 
 rioration in the white race, as may be seen in Spanish 
 and Portuguese America. A marked deterioration would 
 result in our Southern society, were intermarriages between 
 them to become frecpient. But excluding amalgamation, 
 as, to most Americans at least, and especially to the non- 
 slaveholding whites of the South, a thing too shocking 
 to be quietly named, we can see only degradation and op- 
 pression for the black race so long as it inhabits the same 
 territory with the white. They can never take their place 
 as equal members in free-white American society ; never 
 form with free-white Americans one people; and as they 
 are now in most, and soon would be, in all of the States, the 
 minority, poor and uneducated, they would be not only a dis- 
 tinct, but an inferior people, and consequently an impassable 
 barrier to the realization of that idea of right and equality, 
 in contradistinction from mediaeval privilege and inequality, 
 on which our American order of civilization is founded. % 
 
 We do not in this deny the negro to be a man. We rec- 
 og^nize distinctly his manhood : we assert for him all the 
 rights of man ; and maintain for him all the civil and polit- 
 ical rights we claim for ourselves, onl^^ not in one and the 
 same civil and political society with white men, because so 
 great is the interval between him and us, that he caimot enjoy 
 the same political and civil rights except in a society of his 
 own, where color will be no badge of an inferior caste. It 
 is not that we ask less for the negro than the Abolitionists 
 do, but that we ask more for him, and at the same time 
 pay more attention to the tastes, habits, inclinations, and 
 interests of free white American society. We recognize 
 with the Abolitionists the original brotherhood of the hu- 
 man race, but we do not recognize the present equality of 
 the black and white varieties, or admit that the two can 
 
//J" 
 
 18G2.] Emancipation and Colonization. 235 
 
 form in the present sta_o;e of their respective development 
 society together. For the benefit of each, we wish them to 
 live in free and independent separate communities. 
 
 We cannot admit that the Government in denyins; to the 
 liberated slave the right to pursue his haj)piness where he 
 pleases, necessarily infringes his liberty. No one has the 
 right in all cases to pursue his own happiness where he 
 ])leases. No one can do it by living against my will on 
 my farm, in my house, in my family, or b}' eating at my 
 table. Every man's right is necessarily limited by every 
 other man's right. The negro's right to live in free white 
 society' is limited by the right of free white society to ex- 
 clude persons, not born in it, whom its members do not 
 wish to associate with. Nor can we admit that the func- 
 tions of government are merely negative, and that it can 
 never take in any thing the initiative, and act as a positive 
 providence. We are no admirers of the paternal govern- 
 ments of Euro]>c, administered ou the principle, " All for 
 the ])co]>le, nothing by the peo]>le ;" we defend the largest 
 individual liberty comjKitible with social order and social 
 well-being; but individualism may be carried to a fatal 
 extreme, so as to exclude all government, or so as to con- 
 vert what is called government into a machine to be worked 
 by individuals for tlieir own private benefit, as was rapidly 
 becoming the case with ns before the breaking out of the 
 ju'cscnt civil war. The Government has positive as well as 
 jiegative functions, and may even restrain a man's freedom 
 for his own benetit. It nuiy found at the public expense, 
 institutions of learning, universities, colleges, seminaries ; 
 it may encourage science and art, this or that special indus- 
 try for the national independence or prosperity ; it may 
 found hospitals and asylums, and establish bureaus of 
 beneficence. It nuiy act, and should act as a general social 
 }»rovidence. As the social ])rovidence it is the natural 
 guardian of the weak and the friendless. It may, then, 
 without assuming any illegitimate power or violating any 
 individual freedom take the guardianship of the emancipated 
 negro slaves, and exercise over them the control necessary 
 to i)lace them in a condition where their freedom can be 
 j^ractically secured, and their rights and interest protected. 
 On tliis score we have no scruples, and believe the Govern- 
 ment might forcibly remove them from its territory to an- 
 other where they could be better oft' in a community by 
 themselves, if it saw proper to do so. 
 
236 Mnancipatio7i and Colonization. [April, 
 
 But we wish it clistinctlv understood that we propose no 
 resort to force, and therefore nothing that can be called 
 deportation. We rely on Yolnntary emigration to effect the 
 end we have in view, and to voluntary emigration no ab- 
 olitionist can object. We want no tVjrced emigration. We 
 demand, first of all, the clear, distinct, and unconditional 
 recognition of the negroes as persons entitled to freedom. 
 We demand this immediately. Slavery everywhere in the 
 United States must be outlawed. We demand this as a 
 political necessity, and as an act of justice to the negro race. 
 Slavery must cease. On this point we are, and, God help- 
 ing us, will be, abolitionists so long as there is a single slave 
 to be liberated. 
 
 Heretofore we have demanded the recognition of the 
 slaves as free persons, on the ground of military necessity. 
 Some pretend, since our late victories, that the plea of mili- 
 tary necessity can no longer be urged. We do not concede 
 it. The war is not yet ended. We have gained some im- 
 portant advantages over the rebels ; but, if they have any 
 of the characteristic pluck of the stock from which they 
 have sprung, they will not acknowledge themselves beaten, 
 and are not yet beaten, and will give us some liard iighting 
 yet. We cannot say what a few Aveeks may bring forth, 
 but at the time we are writing, the early part of March, the 
 shouts of victory appear to us to be jjremature, and it is 
 not impossible that we shall still find it, in order to secure 
 a complete and final ti-iumph, necessary to deprive the 
 rebels of their slaves, and use the services of these slaves in 
 such way as they can best contribute to the defence of the 
 national integrity and life. But be this as it may ; if events 
 have weakened the plea of military necessity, they have 
 strengthened the plea oi j^oUtical necessity. The total cessa- 
 tion of slavery in the United States is a political necessity. 
 It is absolutely necessary to create union and harmony, to 
 mould the people of the ISTorth and the people of the South 
 into one homogeneous people, to consolidate and strengthen 
 the nation, to develop its resources, to provide for the gen- 
 eral defence, and to enable the American people to work 
 out the great social and political problem committed to 
 them by Providence for solution. It is, happily, a political 
 necessity to which we can yield without violating any pri- 
 vate rights, or disturbing any vested intei*ests. Slavery in the 
 adhering Border States can present no difficulty, when it is 
 once abolished in the seceding States, and in the seceding 
 
1862.] Emancipation and Colonization. 237 
 
 States it lias* now no lonijer any constitutional riii'lits or legal 
 existence in the way of Federal action. It existed tliere only 
 by local law, and the local law, as we have shown in the fore- 
 jjoing article, has lost its force there ; for State rebellion is 
 State suicide. AYe can therefore yield to political necessity, 
 without conij>rouiisino; private rights or private interests. 
 Tlie whole question of shivery in seceded States is now within 
 the jurisdiction of the Ignited States, llie plea of justice to 
 the slave, like the Irishniairs plea, Justice to Ireland, always 
 stands good, and never to be disregarded by statesmen, any 
 more than by moralists. On each and all these grounds 
 we demand the total extinction of slavery, and the recogni- 
 tion of all ])ersons heretofore held to service in the seceded 
 States by tlic laws thereof, as free persons, and as no longer 
 lield to service anywhere. 
 
 This is the lirst (piestion, and witli this (piestion it woidd 
 have been well to stop till after the war, and not have in- 
 o]>portnnely complicated it with the question. What shall 
 be done with the emancipated slaves ? But this latter ques- 
 tion has been raised, and we cannot now refuse to consider 
 it, for on its solution depends in no small degree the })rac- 
 tical answer that will be given to the question of emancijta- 
 tion itself. We are disposed to agree Mith President Lin- 
 coln, Postmaster-General Blair, and many distinguished 
 ]\Ieml)ers of l)oth Houses of Congress, that the best mode of 
 dealing with the emancipated slaves is to colonize them 
 outside of the United States, at the earliest reasonable mo- 
 ment. We do not for ourselves, however, make emanci}>a- 
 tion turn on colonization. We insist on enuincipation for 
 its own sake, colonization, or no colonization. We hold 
 that the Government, as the necessary and natural guardian 
 of the emancipated slaves, has the right to insist on their 
 emigration, and that emigration and colonization after 
 cmanci])ation is best for both blacks and whites; but we are 
 l)ersuaded if Government will secure a territory suitable to 
 their tastes, habits, and temperament, and tacilitate their 
 migration to it, the emancipated negroes will in a reasona- 
 ble time, nearl}^ all migrate to it of their own accord.- We 
 know the strong local attachment of the negro, and his 
 little enterprising or adventurous disposition, but it must 
 be borne in mind that the negroes have leaders of their own 
 race, or with some mixture of white blood perhaps, who are 
 men of ability, intelligence, aiul enterprise. These men can 
 be nobody in a connnunity where the white race predom- 
 
238 Emancipation and Colonization. [April, 
 
 inates, and tlierefore can easily be induced to emigrate and 
 to lead their ])eople with them. Many of these, wearini^ 
 their life out in slavery, are not wholly unfitted by their 
 genius and ability to lead forth the millions of their race to 
 a new territory, and to found there and govern a state. 
 Seeing that they and their ])eople, if they remain in the 
 United States, must remain there, in s])ite of all ])hilan- 
 thropy can do, as slaves or as outcasts, pariahs, as we have 
 said, they will feel for themselves, and without much ditfi- 
 culty make their people feel, that the best thing for them 
 is to migrate to a country where they can live in a com- 
 munity of their own race, or where at least their own Avill 
 be the dominant race. Such migration or cxode will be the 
 beginning of the uprising of their race. It will quicken a 
 new spirit in them, and be the commencement of their re- 
 turn toward the type from which they have departed so 
 far, and their recompense for the long ages of slavery and 
 op])ression they have endured from the jvhite race. 
 
 Still we do not conceal fr(jm ourselves, the opposition of 
 the other class mentioned at the North, not merely to col- 
 onization, but to emancipation under any form or on any con- 
 dition, is the most formidable obstacle to justice to the 
 slave to be encountered. We have been surprised to find 
 how completely wedded to negro-slavery have become our 
 old Democratic ])oliticians, and how widely ])ro-slavery sen- 
 timents are cherished in the Free States. We had so long 
 been living out of the political world, engrossed with our 
 theological and philosophical studies, that we had taken 
 little note of the changes in public opinion favorable to 
 slavery, which had been effected during the last ten or 
 fifteen years, and we find, very much to our regret, the 
 North, as a whole, less abolition than the South. Our 
 commercial cities had become almost completely Southern- 
 ized in their views of slavery, and opposition to the exist- 
 ence of slavery, or even to its extension into new territory, 
 has had very little influence with the merchants of Boston, 
 New York, and Philadelphia, and the interests of trade, far 
 more than patriotism or loyalty, has moved them to sup- 
 ])ort the Administration in suppressing the Ttebellion. The 
 Morrill tariff moved them more than the fall of Sumter. 
 The commercial class in no country and in no age is re- 
 markable for patriotism, and finds usually its country where 
 its profits are largest, or best secured. It with us seeks to 
 preserve the integrity of the Union, for if that should be 
 
1S62.] Emanc'ipation and Colonization. 239 
 
 lost, tlicv would lose a large portion of tlieir trade. But 
 fur the sMine reason they are opixised to the abolition of 
 slavery. The aholition <»f slavery, and the great chajige* it 
 would effect in Southern society, would, at least for a time, 
 seriously lessen the amount of business, and diminish its pro- 
 fits. Tliey want the Union restored as speedily as possible, 
 but at the sauie time they want slavery retained, so that 
 buying and selling may go on as before, and hence as soon 
 as they thought it likely that slavery might be interfered 
 with, and their old customers at the South crippled in their 
 resources, tliey became less willing to furni.-h the govern- 
 ment with the means of carrying on the war. 
 
 ]'ut the ])oliticians, to some extent, of all parties, but 
 more especially of the old Democratic party, are the most 
 inveterat«* enemies of the policy of emancipation, and from 
 them we liear it ]»roclaime<l, over and over again, that the 
 armies of the Tnion will throw down their arms, if the war 
 were made, in any sense, a war of liberation. They keep up 
 a continued howl against Abolitionists and IJadicals, and 
 wonlfl seem to regard slavery as more tlian the Union, as the 
 corner-stone of the Jiepublie, as the essential condition of its 
 ])rosj)erJty, and the veiy j)alladium of its safety. liemove 
 slavery, and we should be oldiged to sing, in our grief, 
 
 Ilium fuit. 
 
 These ]>oliticians had for son\e time a great advantage over 
 us, in making it a]>j)ear that they had the adniinistration on 
 their side, and that we, in o])posing them, were deserting 
 the very i)resident we had hel]:)ed to elect. Since the sixth 
 of March last, this pretence has been taken from them, and 
 the President, by his message to Congress on that day, 
 shows that the adininistration is at least on the side of eman- 
 ci})ation, and is prej);\red to initiate it, if, indeed, it be not 
 pre])are<l to go farther. 
 
 But the reason of the advocacy of slavery l)y tliose 
 old politicians is no secret. If slavery goes, they lose their 
 stock in trade, and their vocation is gone. The Demo- 
 cratic ]>arty was always a Southern party. It had its chief 
 strength iii the South, and its ablest and most important 
 allies. Let slavery go, and that party is defunct. It can 
 Tio longer rule the nation, and be henceforth remembered 
 only as the party that, under the pretence of fidelity to the 
 Constitution, has done its best to sacrifice the life of the 
 nation, l^ slavery be abolished, it can never have the 
 
2J:0 "Weniriger's Protestantism and Infidelity. [April, 
 
 South Avitli it again. If the Union ceases to be the nnion 
 of freedom and shivery, it can have no charms for it; for no 
 chiss of people, than those who composed it, will be more 
 utterly distrusted and desj)ised by the South. Tliey will, 
 therefore, do all in their power to save the "patriarchal 
 institution," and to rear once more their democracy on the 
 slavery of the negro race, as its basis. But wo trust they 
 will fail, and the logic of the movement, represented by the 
 Republican party, will carry the nation on, we had almost 
 said, in spite of itself, to the final emancipation of itself 
 from the political power of slavery, by the complete de- 
 struction of slavery as property. We think we have shown 
 how this end can be obtained under the Constitution, with- 
 out violating any Constitutional provision or existing law. 
 If we have so done, the way is clear for the final oblitera- 
 tion from our soil of the curse of slavery. 
 
 Art. Y. — Protestantism and Infidelity: an Aj)peal to can- 
 did Americans. By F. X. Weningek, D. D., Mission- 
 ary of the Society of Jesus. Kew York; Sadlier <k Co. 
 1862. 16mo. pp. 329. 
 
 Father AVeninger, the distinguished Jesuit Mission- 
 ary to the Germans, is, we believe, an Austrian by birth, 
 and from a family of some note in his own country. He 
 is a man of large views, and a warm heart, great ability, 
 indomitable energy, and untiring zeal, — the very model of 
 a Missionary. Ilis whole soul appears to be in his work, 
 and he seems to live only for his Master's glory in the sal- 
 vation of souls. There is no counting the good he has done 
 and is doing, a good the vast extent of which we sliall never 
 know till the final judgment. Xot contented with travelling 
 day and night, and preaching three or four times a day, 
 and writing and publishing catechetical and other works in 
 his own language, for the instruction or edification of our 
 German population, he devotes no little time to preaching 
 and preparing works in the English language, for the ben- 
 efit of our English-speaking world. Catholic and non-Cath- 
 olic. Some months ago, he published an excellent Manual 
 or Doctrinal Catechism, admirably adapted to the wants of 
 Catholics in this country, and now in the work before us 
 he makes a direct appeal to our non-Catholic countrymen, 
 
/: 
 
 1862.] WQmv\gevhP7'otestaniism and Infidelity. 2-11 
 
 earnestly calling npon tliem to examine serionsly the im- 
 lia])py and destrnctive character of their heterodoxy. 
 
 The work is designed for popular reading, and is written 
 in a clear, affectionate, popular style, adapted to the appre- 
 liension of readers of ordinary capacity and intelligence, 
 but is written with ahility, M'ith adequate knowledge of the 
 topics it treats, and cann(jt fail to interest andconnnand the 
 respect of all classes of readers, however enlightened or 
 cultivated. It is addressed to our heterodox and unbeliev- 
 ing countrymen, as is indicated by its title, Protesiantism 
 and riifidrliii/ ; and we are pleased to see that it does not 
 treat them either as totally destitute of Christian knowledge, 
 or even Christian feelings. The heterodox are n(»t Cath- 
 olics, but they in some sense i»ertain to the Christian world 
 and to the Church. They hold not the truth in its unity 
 and catholicity; yet they hold more or less of it, and, for 
 the most ])art, the same moral and spiritual appeals to con- 
 science Mhich move the Catholic move them, and even 
 those among them who fancy they do not even believe in 
 Christianity. There are great differences between them 
 and us, but the j)oints of reseml)lance are more numerous, 
 and more im])ortant. Let a Catholic preach to a congrega- 
 tion of non-Catholics, very much as he would preach to a 
 congregation of Catholics, in whom he wished to awaken a 
 sense of the impijrtance and necessity of religion as the 
 condition of their salvation and sanctity, and they will lis- 
 ten to him as respectfully as would his Catholic auditory, 
 and be moved by his preaching very much as they would 
 be. lieason is the same, and the law of conscience is the 
 same in both. This important fact Father Weninger fully 
 recognizes, and adopts it as the law of his proceeding. 
 
 The author, though he has served princi})ally as a mis- 
 sionary to an old Catholic peojde settled in the country, 
 has, by his varied intercourse with non-Catholic Americans 
 come to believe their conversion to the Catholic Church is 
 not only possible, but comparatively easy, if missions were 
 opened to them, and serious and eai'nest efforts were made 
 to present them that faith in its simplicity, freed from those 
 associations which have hitherto rej)elled rather than at- 
 tracted them to it. lie has learned to like the American 
 people, and he believes that they only need to join the Cath- 
 olic faith and worship to their order of civilization, to be the 
 greatest and noblest people on earth. Nothing more grieves 
 his heart than the very general neglect to open missions to 
 
2'i2 Weninger's P rotestcmtism and Injidei'dij. [April, 
 
 tliem, directly to recall tliem to unity and Cutliolicity. lie 
 camiot bear to look, nnder a Catholic point of view, on 
 their spiritual destitution, and he leaves no stone unturned 
 to induce the proper authorities to direct attention to their 
 wants, and, instead of pushing them aside as heterodox 
 and infidel, to send them missionaries who will present them 
 the C'hui-ch in her true and pro])er character. lie judges 
 the American people rightly, and does them no more than 
 sim})le justice. In their order of civilization they are al- 
 ready tlie most catholic people on earth, and there are no 
 people better predisposed to accept and conform to Cath- 
 olic truth in religion tlum they are, when once it is pre- 
 sented to them, and so presented that they see that it is 
 catholic and not simply sectarian. 
 
 The Catholic religion has never yet been rejected by the 
 American people, for it has never yet been presented to 
 them. What they regard as the Catholic religion is not 
 that religion itself, but its accidents, or certain things that 
 it has gathered around it in its passage through various 
 nati(jns and ages, and which not oidy they, but many Cath- 
 olics tiiemselves, confound with it. These things they re- 
 ject, and are quite right in doing so, but, in rejecting them, 
 they reject nothing catholic, for catholicity is only that 
 which is believed everywhere and always, by all the faith- 
 ful. What pertains to this or that age or nation, partici- 
 pates of time and place, is local and temporary in its char- 
 acter, and not catholic, and is no essential ])art of catholic 
 truth, even when not repugnant to it. What the American 
 people want is not the religion of Irishmen, Englishmen, 
 or Germans, or the Catholic religion as these have devel- 
 oped, explained, modified or overlaid it, but the simple 
 catholic truth which subsists in all ages and nations, and 
 does and will outlive all the nnitations of time and space. 
 Tliis and this alone is Catholic truth, this and this alone is 
 Catholic religion, and this and this alone is what is ne- 
 cessary to present to the American people, and what has as 
 yet never been distinctly presented to them. But this, they 
 who are simply missionaries tQ the old Catholic people, do 
 not present pure and simple ; far less is it presented by an 
 old Catholic laity from old and foreign Catholic countries. 
 These always think the Gentile converts must l)e circum- 
 cised, and observe the Jewish law, and need a St. Paul to 
 preach to them that the works of the law avail nothing, 
 and to make known to them the freedom we have in Christ. 
 
y^^ 
 
 1SC2.] y^cnm^cvh Protestantism and Infideliti/. 243 
 
 Tlicv Avlio are esppfially missionaries to the Gentiles are 
 the first to get rid of Judaism, and to understand tliat tlie ob- 
 servance of the Jewish law is no essential part of Christianty, 
 Every man has, if a living man, his special vocation, and 
 they who are specially a]»j)()inted to lal)or for a people al- 
 ready Catholic, are seldom those who can lahor with the 
 most zeal and success for the conversion of the heterodox 
 and unhelievers. Indeed, in our country, the Bishops and 
 Parish Priests could not specially devote themselves to 
 those outside of the Cathf>lic conununion, however ai'dently 
 they might desire to do so. They have no time to spare 
 for that j»urpose. Tlicy must, tirst of all, attend to the 
 6i)iritnal wants of the faithful who have been committed to 
 their charge, and this engrosses all their time and energy. 
 Even Protestants do not rely on tlieir " settled" ministry 
 to bring us Catholics into their various sects, and send out 
 missionaries supjiosed, but often ei'roneously supposed, to 
 be sj>ecially ada]»ted to the work <»f converting liomanists, 
 who make that their special vocation. Now, every Cath- 
 olic holds his Church to be the only true Catlutlic Church, 
 holding and teacliing the only true Catholic faith, without 
 %vhich no man ife joined to Christ as his head, or is in the 
 way of salvation, "•for there is no other name than that of 
 Jesus Christ given under Heaven auKtng men Avhereby we 
 can be saved." Every Catholic, then, must desire, in pro- 
 }M.rtion to his charity, to convert all unbelievers and mis- 
 l>elievers, and to bring all men into the Church, and into 
 union with llim who died to redeem us, and lives to save 
 us, and glorify us in Heaven. He wlio should not so de- 
 sire Would be a bad Catholic, and prove that he lacked 
 Cliristian charity, without which knowledge and faith, mir- 
 acles and alms-deeds can avail one nothing. He is not to 
 1)0 branded as a zealot or a bigot because he burns with the 
 ardent desire to make all men Catholics. His desire is the 
 natural desire of every Catholic, and only proves the earn- 
 estness and sincerity of his faith, and his consistency as a 
 man. This ccmduct can give no offence to those who are 
 not of his religion, so long as he seeks their conversion only 
 by fair and honorable means, only by arguments addressed 
 t('i intelligence and the nioral affections. The Catholic 
 Church, it" a living Church, must be progressive, and pro- 
 irressive by propagandism. This is a proof not of her illiber- 
 al ity, bigotry, am'l exclusiveness, but of her life, vigor, and 
 love. Catholics in this country must desire and feel them- 
 
244 WeniVig'e^Y's, Protestantisrn and Infidelity. [April, 
 
 selves bound to labor in the most practicable way for the 
 conversion of the country, if tliey have any faith or confi- 
 dence in their own religion. They must not merely rejoice 
 when the stray sheep returns to the fold, but they must 
 leave the ninety and nine in the wihlerness who went not 
 astray, and go forth into the mountains to seek and find the 
 one sheep that was lost. The Son of Man came to seek 
 and to save; he did not wait till he was sought, or give 
 command to let the stray sheep go, and merely take care 
 that no more go astray ; and Christ is the Good Shepherd, 
 and the model of the good pastor, 
 
 Xothing in fact produces a more unfavoralde impression 
 U]ion non-Catholics than the apparent indifierence of our 
 bishops and })riests to their conversion, and their a})parent 
 earnestness only in guarding the remnants of the flock that 
 remain. This guarding of the faithful should, of course, 
 be attended to, but the conversion of unbelievers should 
 not be neglected. The Good She])herd conunits to them 
 the care of all his sheep; but all his sheep are not already 
 in the fold. " Other sheej) have I, not of this fold ; them 
 also must I bring in, that there may be one fold and one 
 slie])herd." These other sheep not in the fold must not be 
 neglected, and when they whose business is to bring them 
 in, only sit still and wait for them to come in, or only open 
 the door and let them come in when they knock at it and 
 beg for admission, are not faithful shepherds, and neither 
 follow the example nor obey the injunctions of their Mas- 
 ter. This lack of fidelity, of earnestness, and zeal, begets 
 in the minds of non-Catholics a distrust of their faith, and 
 that in turn begets a distrust of the value of the religion 
 they profess. Those outside are frequently edified by the 
 strong attachment manifested by simple faithful Catholics 
 to the Church for themselves, but they would be led to es- 
 teem the Church more, if they saw her children c(|ually 
 attached to her for the sake of others. 
 
 If the Church is to live and take root in this country, she 
 must prove that she has in her the vital energy of propa- 
 gandism, and she must advance and extend herself by con- 
 versions, not by mere natural increase. As the bishops and 
 priests charged with the care of the faithful population 
 cannot personally attend to it. Father "Weninger's plan of 
 oj^ening missions directly to the non-Catholic American 
 people seems to us an excellent one, and deserving of all 
 encouragement. Missionaries devoted especially to the 
 
/^S 
 
 1S62.] "Weninger's Protestantism and Infidelity. 215 
 
 work of converting tlie American people, and having their 
 lieart in the work, whether native-born or foreign-born, 
 will study the American institutions and character, learn 
 tlie peculiarly American mind, ascertain its real disposition 
 and wants, and })resent tlie Catliolic truth in its purity and 
 simplicity, strij)]ied of all that is foreign or not necessary 
 to it, that may have been associated with it by old Catholics. 
 They M-iil be end)arrassed by none of the ])rejudices, habits, 
 customs, and, we may say, superstitions of a foreign popula- 
 tion, and, if we know any thing of our countrymen, they 
 will meet with ample success, even though they should be 
 men of no remarkable genius, ability, learning, or eloquence. 
 Twelve fishermen from the Lake of Gensareth converted 
 tlie woi'ld, and twelve honest, simple-minded, earnest, and 
 I'aithful men can do it again, for they can have the same truth, 
 tlie same Lord Jesus Christ as the medium of their power, 
 and the same Holy Ghost to give them heroism and victory. 
 Tiie truth is as living and as ])resent, the Word made flesh 
 is as near, and the Holy (iliost as strong and as loving to- 
 day, as on tlie day of I^i-ntccost. ^[eii only have changed. 
 We hopt', then, we shall not be thought to go out of the 
 ])i'oper sphere of a layman, if we second what we know to 
 be Father Weninger's wishes, and respectfully urge upon 
 the proper authoi'ities the opening in some way of Ameri- 
 can missions, and tlie setting on foot of the measures ne- 
 cessary, we say not to convert, but to give the American 
 pe(^j)le a fair o]iportunity of becoming converted if they 
 choose. The time was never more favorable than now. 
 The calamities of civil war, the distress in many parts of 
 the country, and the manifest failure of many of our plans 
 and hopes, have disposed the great body of the American 
 peoj)le to thoughtfulness, shaken their confidence in most 
 of the radicalisms in religion, politics, and morals, so rife 
 a few years ago, made them more ready to listen to the 
 wisdoni of past ages, and to be told that the true future 
 must have its root in M'hat has been, and be simply its evo- 
 lution or development. And although Catholics have not 
 done what they might, and should have done, to prove their 
 sym]^athy with constitutional freedom and their loyalty to 
 tile Ignited States, yet the readiness with which large num- 
 bers of them have volunteered to fight the battles of the 
 country, and to aid in saving the life and integrity of the 
 nation j has removed many prtvjudices from the minds of 
 non-Catholic Americans, and rendered them less unwilling 
 
216 'Weumgevh Protestantism and Infidelity. [April, 
 
 to listen to the claims of our Cluirch. They see and feel 
 the necessity of a stronger conservative element than we 
 have hitherto had, and an element, not like that of slavery 
 reinigiiant to freedom, hut a conservative element, which, 
 while it favors order and stability, favors also the free de- 
 velopment of thought, the evohition of truth, and the real 
 and continuous progress of civilization; and we go not too 
 far when we say many of them are beginning to ask them- 
 selves if this element may not, after all, be found in the 
 old Catholic Church, presented in her purity and catholic- 
 ity. Kever has there been, and, if neglected, never wnll 
 there he, at least for a long time to come, so favorable an 
 opportunity for gaining a respectful hearing in this country 
 for our religion. 
 
 In the w-ork of presenting tlie Catholic cause to the fa- 
 vorable notice of those alien from our communion, we have 
 few works popular in their character superior to this little 
 volume, written out from the very heart and soul of its 
 author, on "Protestantism and lutidelity." It should be 
 distributed broadcast by the missionaries among non-Catho- 
 lics, and though it will not take root in all of them, it will 
 take root in some hearts, spring up, and bear fruit, it may 
 be an hundred fold. AVe will not say that, in our judg- 
 ment, it is the best book of the sort that could be written, 
 but it is a good book, and should go along with the Ques- 
 tions of the Soul and the Aspirations of Nature., by Father 
 Ilecker, and the excellent volume of sermons recently pub- 
 lished by the Paulists. The author begins by endeavoring 
 to prove, in a clear and affectionate manner, that Protestant- 
 ism is a Ileligion of Despair, because it fails to meet the 
 wants and necessities of the human soul, and because it 
 leads to Infidelity, which is only another name for despair 
 itself, since it is the grave of faith and hope. Having ar- 
 rived at this conclusion, he proceeds to present the Catholic 
 religion as the religion of faith, hope, and love, to explain 
 brielly its dogmas and sacraments, and to refute in few 
 words the more frequent objections urged against them. 
 The two parts of the book make togetlier an excellent tract 
 on the deficiencies and dangers of Protestantism, and the 
 truth, completeness, excellence, and desirableness of the 
 Catholic religion. 
 
 With regard to the position that Protestantism leads to 
 Infidelity, understanding by the term infidelity the total re- 
 jection of the Christian religion as a revelation of the super- 
 
1SG2.] Weninger's Protestantism and Infidelity. 24.7 
 
 iiitclliii-il)]e, we remark that Protestantism is heterodox, 
 and all heterodoxy holds truth, but not in its unity and cath- 
 olicity. All truth is in its own nature one and catholic, 
 and heterodoxy or error is not so much the total denial of 
 all truth, as it is the failure to recognize and hold truth in 
 its real and ytroper relations. It mutilates truth, and mis- 
 ])laces the truth it retains. As all truth is one and catholic, 
 that is, one and nniversal truth, any error against it taken 
 Ly itself, or as the logical }X)int of departure, necessarily 
 involves the denial of all truth, or the reversal of the whole 
 order of truth. In this sense, if you take Protestantism on 
 the side of its error, and complete it negatively, it leads 
 necessarily to inlidelity, or ])ure negation ; while, on the 
 other hand, if you take it on the side of the truth it retains, 
 and com])lcte it in a ])ositive or attirmative sense, it leads to 
 the one and catholic truth held by the Church and CA^olved 
 in her life. 
 
 But while we say this, we must not forget that if in Prot- 
 estant countries there are infidels who may trace their infi- 
 delity to Protestantism, there are also infidels in Catholic 
 countries in nearly e(|ual nundjcrs, who have not derived 
 their infidelity from that source. There are, in proportion 
 to the })(>pulation, very nearly as many unbelievers in Italy, 
 France, Spain, Portugal, and S})anish and Portuguese Amer- 
 ica, as in Pi-otestant (4ermanv, (xrcat Britain, and the Unit- 
 ed States. These unl)elievers in Catluilic countries have 
 not been nuule so by Protestantism. AVe cannot deny their 
 existence, and it would be mijust to make Protestantism 
 responsible for their uidjelief. Protestantism, by making the 
 authority in revealed truth a dead Book, leads to infidelity, 
 because the Book, having no living interpreter, necessarily 
 confines those who rely on it alone to a dead past, and per- 
 mits no continuous or living evoluticm of truth, to meet the 
 ever-varying wants of human science and human culture. 
 Catholics M'ould favor the same result, if, in transfeiTing the 
 authority from the Book to the Church, they transferred it 
 to a dead and not a living Church. It is not authority that 
 is ol)jected to on either side, for all know that as religion 
 has its root and life in the superintelligible, it must depend 
 on su})ernatural revelation, which can be received by the 
 hunuin mind only by faith, therefore only by authority. 
 Everybody knows, also, that the revelation, when nuide, is 
 aiul nnist be authoritative. Protestantism does not lead to 
 infidelity, because it denies authority and asserts private 
 
248 Weninger's Protestantism and Infidelity. [April, 
 
 judgment, for it, as well as Catholicity, asserts antliority, 
 and Catholics must assert "private judgment in understand- 
 ing the words of the Church, as well as Protestants in in- 
 terpreting the words of Sci-ii>ture. In principle, on both of 
 these i)omts Catholics and Protestants are agreed, and both 
 are catholic, for the princi})le of authority is alike asserted 
 whether, in point of fact, you place authority>rn the Churcli or 
 in the Book ; and the liberty of i)riyate interpretation is alike 
 asserted in principle when allowed as to the words of either.^ 
 The principle that leads to md)elief is neither the princi- 
 ple of authority nor the ])rinciple of ])riyate examination, 
 or interpretation. All wh<^ recognize belief at^ all, as clis- 
 tinguislied from science, admit the princi})le of authority; 
 and all who recognize belief as an intelk'ctual act, do, 
 and must admit the principle of private judgment, for we 
 must attach some meaning to the words we believe,_and the 
 meaninii" we attach is our' private judgment of their sense. 
 What leads to infidelity in most cases where it exists, is the 
 assertion of the authorify ofiheiMst in a sense to interdict 
 the future^ so as to prohibit the future contimu)Us explica- 
 tion and application of the Christian Idea the Church is 
 realizing, and to bind the believer back to a dead past. The 
 Peformers did this when they denied the living authority 
 of the Church, and transferred authority to the words of a 
 Book, for the Book is of the past, not of the present, a dead, 
 not a living Book. Their doctrine strictly adhered to would 
 liave interdicted the whole future. The founders of the 
 Anglican establishment practically did the same, for though 
 they did not absolutely or formally deny the authority of 
 the" Church, they denied her to be catholic in time, by bind- 
 ing her back to" the first four General Councils, and to the 
 words of a dead book. They l)ound her to the past, and in- 
 terdicted the evolution of the future. The Catholic Clmrch 
 in herself can do no such thing, because she is Catholic in 
 time as well as space, is an ever-present living Church, liv- 
 ing by the indwelling presence of the Word made flesh, and 
 the continuous evohition, explication, and application of her 
 Divine-human or Theandric Idea. But Catholics who are 
 orthodox as to the letter of the dogma, may and often do 
 fall into an error of precisely the same sort, and transfer the 
 authority which belongs only to the living, ever-present 
 Church to the past Church, and making the authority of the 
 past interdict the liberty of the present and the future. 
 This, we apprehend, is the chief cause of unbelief in Ca- 
 
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