F466 ^^ c 'v^O^ 'oK ^^-^^^ •- ^ 1 vr"-^ *- V 4 O j^ -:ei EVI -Bl^TT OP STATE & NATIOML QUESTIONS. SPEECH OP / SAMUEL T. GLOVER, ESQ DELIYEEED BEFOEE A MASS MEETING AT MONTICELLO, LEWIS COUNTY, MO., JULY 25, 1866. -^ii; \r(\^^- ST. LOUIS: GEORGE KNAPP & CO., PEINTEJRS AND BINDERS. 1866. I SIPEEOH. Fellow-citizens:— It is perbaijs Known to most of you that over a month aao 1 published a serits ol appointments to adaress the peoi.le of North-east Missouri. 1 am here to-dav to till one ot these ap- pointments The pracMoe of public discussion, bv which all political measures, and all poiiffcal opinions, way be tiilly atd fn'rlv examined at the baroi popu- lar judqment, is the most distinctive indicium ot our hbert'es. No free people have existed with- out it. No free institutions have ever been created without it. If any system of just ana equal laws has sprung up m any quarter of the world, it has perishtd as soon as ibe Ireedom of debate has been stricken aown. 1 his great liberty, my friends, exists to-day in only a portion of the world. In our own couuDrv, in Great Britain, in Prussia, and in some other portions of Europe, the liberty o; speech and press obtains. But on a large portion of our earth's surface it does not yet obtain. In Austria, Russia, lurkpy, and su3h like abiides of despo'ism. the tree discussion ot measures attecting the common inter- est of the people is unknown. In all such countries the generous aspirations of the people are restrained by power, aod the ever ready aigum>-ut is '"the safety of the State requires it." The Stare, say all tyrants, is in daneer when discussion is free. The State, these tyrants say, has the rijjht lo protect liselt, and must iirotect itself, and so every despot- ism In the world lives, mi Tes and has its beine by sealing the lips and crushing the thoughts of men. And now, my friends, it this be true, how much ought we to prize this liberty of discussion. What a traoscen- Qant right it is; and how great an euemy to his country and to his race is that man who would destrov or seriously impair it. But why these re- mirks'? When the public mind is greatly moved by exciting political questions there aie somi-times f'ULd persons who seek to prevent their opponents being heard. I have generally remarked that persons take this unworthv course oulv alter thev aielwaten in argiiment.'Yiiu know how it was in 1860 frior to that lueiuorable era we had enjoyed more of pe^ce and prosperity ana happiuess than anv other people in the world. Whatever questions sprung uo were amicably aajnsted at the bar of the populai mind and the ba'lot box. Whether the question was taritt', bank, puDlic lands, acquisition ot territory, or toieign war; wDatever it was it was discusssd; argu- ment Was weighed against argument; taot com- pared with fact : the judgment of the naijun intelli- geatly made up; 'he ballots put into the box. and the majority decided and settled the controversy. But in 1860 there was a departure trotn an ancient policy. In 1860 a portion ot the people were discus- sin^ with great earnestness the subject of slaverv. The questions raised were these: Is siavervagood institution? Shall it remain peimanently among us? Or shall It be removed? These questions were eini- nexitly worthy of discussion. I thought then, ard Ibmk now the force of reason was all on the side of ihe anti-slaver? party. But pro-slavery leaders re- fused to discuss these questions, fuey declared they shoulu not be discussed. They said the State had the right to protect itselt; and the satetij of the State fort>ade discussion. I hey pronounced those who dittered froja them enemies ot the State. Tney passed laws to punish the u'ter- ance oi an ti- slavery oplDions— just as some others have passed laws ot late to punish and supprpss opiniubs. J.hey ltr;jlly appealed to torce. Yoa know the result. War followed by their act; and our country has been tilled with blood and misery. Hsd pro slavery men treated this question as they had treated ali others— rat'onally, peaceably— had they voted on it, and submitted to the result, or car- ried to the couits such questions of constitutional law as belonged 10 It, we should have had no war, and slavery would have fallen away in time, wthout a shock, as gently as the dews ot heaven. I h ive no manner of doubt that those, whose slave propeity might have been taken for the common advantage, would have been fully compensated with half the sum expended in the war. Such a result would have been a triumph of bnman reason and an honor to popular government. Men should alwavs remem- ber that physical torce and violence are elements of power which we derive from naturein rommou with the brutes that perish ; but that reason is the dis- tinctive attribute of man. In this war which the secessionists oroduced, 1 thauk God, they have been completely and fiLally beaten. I wish it was m my power to pass an encomium equal to their merits upon those noble men — the Union soldiers and citi- zens— whose valor and wisdom saved the Republic. But, my friends, uo mortal tongue could now do them just'ce. Posterity aione— the coming genera- tions, who are, I trust, to enjoy the blessings their deeds center, can award the fitting praise. I have sail the war in which the country has been engasied is over ; but, unhappily, the cessation of war fans to bring us peace. At this moment the very gravest political questions are pending before the people of Missouri and the nation. Never was there at any time eieater need of full and tair discussion. Sometbing over a year ago it has been said we changred the organic law of uur State. It has been reported by our Hon. Secre- tary of State that a newConstituti'in has been adopted lor Missouri, and since the 4ih ol July 186.5 we have been proceeding on that hypothesis. With this new Constitution, whether adoDted by avoteot the people or only supposed to have been adopted, are connected questions that challeoge the earnest deliberation of an intelligent and christian people. I propose to sub- HQit to your unbiassed judgment some v ews in reference to this Cons'itution. If time allows I may also aaverc to our national affairs. FOBMATION OF THE NEW CONSTITUTIOX. The nriw Constitution of Missouri was Irame'l ma period of tlie very greatest excitement. Plie mem- bets o( tlie Conveution that maae it were elected "n )lie midst of revolution. Some of tne members ■were youog soldiers, and oassea from active service ill the he.d into the oall of the Convention, carry ins with ihe.m some notions of martial law, whi<;U was all they had learned. Others hail been sutier- ers in the civil war then raging, ana went into the Convention to arenfre their personal wrones Oth- ers, rerogniznig themselves and friends as violators of the criuunal code, were intent on'y upon some scheme nf prote.^.tion aea'nst its weM-merit«a penal- ties. There were religious zealo's who eauerly seized upon the occasion to direct the po'itical te- seniments of the hour against an oiioosing stct: aiid tai^e the flames of religious persecution. There were the avowed opponents of all reliaion, scotiers at the existence ol God, who readily joined m this persecution, even denying to the victims »f their in- tolerance, the privileges and consolatious of the church. I will not aver that in the Convention of 1865 theie were none whose mental and moral qualiticaiions fitted them for the business ol such a Convf-ntion. 1 know thi're were a tew such men, nobie specimens cf men, whose truth and courage show brighter tor the surr unding darkness; who never cowered be- tbre the worst temper of the Convention ; who never Crated to delv while tbev could not deteat its rage, or to pity while they touud themselves unable to re- sist its 'oily. Jt IS noc to be wondered at that ?uct) a Convei tion should have made a Constitution on which should be everywhere seen the wild features of the levolution m which it was brought torth ; the vicious ana the just; the merciful and the cruel; the grave and the ludicrous — startire up like unnatural sptccres, con- tending for place and supremacy, ana jostling each other in a maze of coifusion ann contradiction. It is not strange thai its adoration should be min- gled with blasphemy, acknowledging here the in- debtedness of the (^onvenli. in to Altnighty Uod lor our tbrmer State Goverijment, declaring there thai they had made a better one; that i;s patriotism should deueuerate into revenge, its religion into persecution; nor that Us most essential features should be ihoSi' o( war and not of peace. On the 10th ot A-oril, 1865, this new Constitution was signed in Convention. THE EATIFICATION OF THE OOXSTITUTION. I will ask your attention to the circum- stances under which it was submitted lor lafi fication. They ibrce upon tne mina the most unpleasant convictions. The sudden march ot a forlorn hope at midnight could not more certainly indicate that a surprise was intended. Ihe Kadi- jal leaders had concocted their scheme tor seiz- ing the state Gov<-mment and they did not intend fo be disappointed. Ihey first dislranchised large num- bers of citizens who had violated no law. and t.bis portion of the Constitution they ratified themselves, refusing to submit it to any vote ot the people. The extraordinary provisions of the Constitution made the question ot its ratification one of the most, im- portan^ ever submitted to the people of Mii-soun. The Convention so arranged that scarcely any dis cossion o." these provisions could be had. The sub- ject waa one that called for composure and deliber- ation. The Convention pressed the vote on it in a period otuncommon excitement. Six months would have been a time too short to bring the subject lairly before the pubhc mind. The Convention al- lowed only fitty-tour days. The voters ot every section of the State had a right to put in their ballot,; but the Convention knowing that in many counties roe civil organizations were broken up and the highways and postal communications destroyed, gave them no opoortunitv. The Convention provi- ded no one should vote who did not sw'ear he under- stood one et the Uiost difficult sections ot the Con- stitution, and yet never published or disseminated it amoue the people, in addition to this an ordinance was nassed removing nearly everv officer of the State and throwing into the hands of the Governm a vast patronage to buy the sulfrage of voters. When the election came otf, June 6, 1865, such had been the indecent and criminal haste, that fifteen counties maie no returns, for they bad no elections. From those that had a chance to vote, a majority ot 985 was re; urned against the Consr.itution. And su it seemed after all the Constitution wa« over- thrown, and the pitiful minirity who had been srheraiDg lor power, was sunk to deep and bottom- less perdition. But thev did not intend to give it up so. The soldiers' vote was yet to come in, and it was not long beiore the announcement was made, thit the home vote was overcome by the soldiers' ^'ote, md some 1,800 more rolled up for the Constitution. THE SOLDIERS' VOTE. The statement in reterenre to the soldiers' vote was a surprise to everybody. The '^Conservatives fiid not believe it, and several gentlemen ot St. Louis determined to learn, posi lively, what was the truth. They t-neaged Mr. A. W. Alexander, a mem- ber of the St. Louis Bar, and a gentleman of high character to ^o and ste the returns. He repaired to Jefferson city, and politely requested Mr. Rodman to short him ttie i:iao'-rs. But here was a greater sur- prise. The Hon. Secretary refusc'l ! Mr. Alexatder beaged and remonstrated in vain. Mr. Rodman was inexorable. He said attempts were beii g made to britie him; that $150,000 had been oifered him. He wou'd not show tlie returns, aad Mr. Alexander re- tun ed to S'. Louis. The conduct ol Mr. Rodman was so extraordinary as to induce another attempt ti get a sieht of the mysterious record. Colonel George B. Kellogg, a wounded soldier of the U"ioa army, a Conservative, and Judge Rombiuer, a Radical, both members of the St, Lou's Bar, both gentlemen ot stainless honor, n^xt went up to fefterson, hoping to induce Mr. Redman to charge his singular position, and ex- hibit toe records. They, too, utterly failed. Mr. Rodman refused — claimed to be insulted — raved about frauds practiced on the Rad- icals — attempts to enter his office in the night — attempts to steal the Records — his own immaculate purity— rebels, copperheads, Dave Pool , <&c., &c. That most imnirflalpuolic servant condescended to stite to Messrs. Kellogg and Rombiuer that he was not Judas Iseariot, but no other impoitani iniorma- tion could they get out of him. He held on to the records with a death grasp and the gentlemen gave It up. Soon aft,=r some of Mr Rodman's political fiieuds pre»enle those who up to this time have closed up thp avenues to the truth, m-iy vet bt*. un- covered, and Its guiltv contriveis. if ^uilt there be. brought to the bar of justice. I sav, guilt, because 1 think it is Impossible that ^ach a transactiO/i can be free from gui't somewhere. If it is not improper to jest on so tfrave a subject, I will relate 311 ancciore which mav iilustrite the ditlereLCo.in the opmcn of a R'idical Senate, between the resolution oti'er>-d by Mr. Doniphan to inquire into the whole subject, and the one which they adopted. Smith, who resides in one of our Mississippi towns, and who uid once enjoyed the honor of b^- ing hiah constable ot the village, went not long since into the adjacent riVer bottom, ana returned, Btatiue there were millions of mosouitos in that bot- tom. JoUrs was a neiglibor of Smlih, and having visited the s-tme bottom, solemnly deola-ed there was not a smsle mosquito there. Here was a pa.i.- ttil question of veracity. It was plain sotcebcdy had Jibbed; and to ado to the perplexity ot the case, Jones also had been high coi.stable of the town. Parties were tbrmed — excitement swelled high, the result was that a committee was appointed to in- quire aLd reoort, with power to send lor persons and papers, &c. Well, the committee assembled, called the parties before them, the testimony wis taken in the presence of Jones, and as the fact came out there wis less ana less reason to question the solemn statement ot Mr. Smith. Jones was cornered, was he not? By no means. He was mer.'iy called on to e.xi'li'n. And what do you sup- pose was his explanation? Why, he said there was no question between him and his friend Smith. He had never asserted there were not millions of mos- quitos in the bottom; he believed there were; what be contend' d for was that there was not a single mos- quito in the bottom. It was tiue. He would die betore he would retract it. Che fact was tnatall the mo^quitos tbere were married and had mo.-it tremen- dous families. Now, m^ irienas, this man Jones (1 do not. mention it to hi^ oiejuo.ce) is a thoroupo Radical calls Andrew Johnson a traitor, plumes himsell upon his veracii^y, and regards Geus. Sherman and Blair and Brown as sym- pathizeis with rebellion. But to the point o£ this anecdote? Some day we shall get hold ot these secret public recoras; we shall know the contenis, who the voters aopear to be, who acted as juoges, who certified, when, wbere, and the whoie nature ot the case And when the iraud is uncov- ered, then will come one of Jones' explanations — we only counted the votes; we looked no fu'tiier. We never su^oected such a thing as that. &c., &c If a history like this Is calculated to induce an un- favorable opinion, 1 am atraid an examination of the Constitution itselt will sc-ircoiy remove it. aUjw me to advert to ihe'natuie of some ot its provisions. THE CO>"STITUTION IS CKCTEL TO THE POOB. Prior to the presen: Constitution there was re- served by our humane lavs free Irom taxation so much property behing'ng to the poor as was indes- pensabe to their necessities. There aie in every community indigent persons, defendant upon labor tor a scanty subsistence : laihers worn out by age or atliicted by disease: widows with famil'ea ot small children : unibrtuna'ea from whatever caus.^, who have no income and no more property than enough to suoDly their wants, in fuch a city as St. Louis, the number of tbese people is large. If you enter their dwellings vou discover only a few poor piects of furniture, a ragged carpet, one or two stools or chairs, a oroken pot or skillet, some articles nf cracked china, some miserable things called beds wnich. with their tattered clothing, constitute all they possess in the name ol property, valuable to them, of no value to any one else, worthless for the putpospB of revenue. Now (ho new C institution directs that all ihese paltry things, even to the cloth- ing on the person, shall be assessed and, if the tax is not naid. carried to the auction 'dock and sold. It matters not the pauper may b giving on abedofdeath, the bed must be taken Cro'n under him. It mattera not his child may have but one cup trom which to take its scanty tbod, or one wreiched blanket to shiela It from the coid, the Collector must seize the cap and blanket and even the clothes he wears, in the name ot the State. The County Court has no power to ex- cuse the officer or pass the amount to the del.nqneut list. Lest a Collector miaht applv to a Leeislaure to relieve him tl-om such inhamauity. the Constitu- tion provides that no Legislature shall nass any spe- cial law "to relieve any Assessor oi Collector of tax- is from the due performance of his official duties." Where, my frienus, in what age, in wha^ country, has such legislation been Known? Wheie shall we look for such unqualified Hselefs cruelty? lis "Pluto, the grist y gid, who never spares; Wno feels no mercy and hears no prayers." THE CONSTITUTION WAB9 TTPON CHARITY AND RE- LIGION. The privilege of worshipping God in a church wi;.h- outoaying tribute to the State no longer exists. It has been destroyed by this Constitution. Cou'ches are taxeo lor the first time in our history, the right to sh-lter the houseless, to nurse the sick, feed the hungry, clothe the nak^a, is also placed under the oan ot your Constitution. Asylums, houses of refuse, homes of the t'lendless and all God-givea chariaes ttjat biess mankind, that do continual good and no evil, ana all whose objects and motifts are the purest, noblest, best that tionor our poor hu- man nature are taxed, manyoi them t'lxed to death, and to be oriven out of existence by its provisions. Line might as well propose to tax the genial sunliahfc and vital air. The result can only be to visit upon the aged, the sick, the helpless poor ot every class additional burthens — ^not only so. but additional burthens on the public. For every asylum that is closed by this provisious, the counties must pay or neglect the sutlerers lor wLomitis the sacred duty nf society to provide For every invalid maintained and cared tor by one of these blessed institutions, but turned out upon the woild by this toolish una wicked Constitution, the people must be taxed again to meet a burthen. A simpleton once said to a learned surgeon, '•Doc- tor, how long do you suppose a m m could live witnout any brains in his head?" I'he Doctor reolied: •'Why do you ask. you should know your own ase better than I do." The surgeon, my friends, could not answer his question for want ot a little Historical information. But had the question been, how long can a Radical Conventios live without brains, we could all answer it. For herein this book, [holding up the journal of the Convention,] weflud the history of such a body, and learn that it met on the Gtu of January, and lived on without the slightest indica tion of any cerebral functions till the lOih of April, 1865, on which day it died as it lived, without my brains m its head. THE CONSTITUTION PROHIBITS RELIGIOUS INSTRO MENTALITIES. The Constitution, my friends, limits the use of property tor religious purposes to actiapei, house of worship, parsonage and burial ground. JNo other lellsious uses ot property are permitted. No rehg- ious corooiation; church, congreaaiion. denomina- tion, sect society, minister, public teacher or preacher as such, can own either lauds, chattels or money lur religious uses save as mentioned. The consequence IS that from the moment the Constitution tcok ef- tect, the r'ght of anv christian church or sect, bible society, tiact society, missionary society, sabbath school, young men's christian association, s ciety for the propagation of the Gospel, society for the promotion ol christian knowledge or other re- Igious associations, to own any bibles, tracts, books, Dipers, ink, presses, type, houses, leases, office furni- tute. money or other real or personal property, was aniiihilatea within the limits ot Missouri. What pe- cuniary value the provision atJ'scts in Missouri 1 am unable to stite. But, I oelieve,the principle applied to 'he Union, would reach many millions ot dollars; would ereitly shock and derange the operations of religious b idles in their work ol spreading the Gos- pel. 1 am at a loss to conceive how with no pecuiii- alv or propertv means, save a church house, a chapel parscnatie and burial ground, the relitrions cntt- rpi ises oftbe uay can b'^ maintained. It is certain tliat witDout the privilegeof making, owning or distribu- ting books, religious societies must be greatly sborn of their power tor good. It is quite as certain I ap- prehend that a bible or hymn book, ti act or sermon will net, even in these disjointed times, lall within tbe meanina of tbe terms, chapel, churcb house, parson- age or burial ground. A voice in the crowd.— "Why, It tbat is so, are the operations of tbese religious societies still going on? 1 see tbem going on." Mr. Glover.— Yes. sir, I believe you are correct. They are still going on, Nob idy has attempted to put the Oonsutuiion in force against them. Tbe people are too religious, too humane, too Denevolent to employ the power ot the Constitution to break up tUesj jjreat religious enterpris-s. Kow, sir, I will puta question lo you. Why is it, if there be a po- litical test oath in Missouri, as a condition for preaching, that no minister in St. Louis county, who preaches without taking it, has ever been indicted? Is IS because there is no such test oath? Mo, sir, but because the people of St. Louis county despise its tyianuv, repudiate its constitutional validity, and will not enlorce It? 1 reter my Radical friend there to the 12th and 13th sections of article 1, of his Uonstituiion. 1 tell hiui il he iri an honest Kallcal to go and seize the books ot the Sunday schools and Bible societies in bis tie'ghborhood, lor it is a violation of the new Uonsti- tuiion tor a religious 803iety to own or use such hooks. My triends, if 1 was compelled to express an opinion as to who originated this provision 1 should fix the pateruily on some of taose Teutonic states- men who did not hesitate to proclaim on the floor of the Convention that they neither believed in God nor devil, and whose hostility to all religious liber- ties was a controlling influence in that body. It has been said a precocious youth once made bimselt a great astronomer by eazing at the evening star while he rang the bell ol a viii.ige church. In some such w.iy. I take it. a man might very soon make himself a constitutional statesman. I do not know but a little lager beer might tflect it. JSo one can measure the reach of geni'^s when ruminating over SIS cups in a lager beer saloon of a babnath evening, i here Is an irrepressible conflict, fellow- citizens, between the Saboath schools and lager beer schools, and just at this time, lager beer holds a de- cided advantage. XHE COKSTITUTIOK PROVIDES FOR THE SHEDDING OF INiNOCENT BLOOD. In all well ordered Governments, in all humane or Christian Governments, there is lodged some- %vhere a power of pardon for offences, especially those of a capital nature. The administration of tbe laws is not perfect, nor can it be, while men are fallible. When every care is taken to prevent iiyustice It mav still be done. An excited or corrupt jury may render an unjust veriict. A timid or igaorantjudge may award the death penalty. A verdict of guilt and judgment of death may be had on erroneous or penured evidence In such cases the last resort ol innocence is to a pardoning power; tor when the court has adjourned the (lase is beyond the judge's But this Constitution declares that in respect to cases of conviction for treason no pardon shall exist. No matter how the conviction was obtained ; no mat- ter whether the person was guilty or innocent ; no matter how plainly it is made to appear that the convictiou was wrong, still the convict must die. To fully comprehend the character ot this sect'on I will suopose a case that has happened, and may hap- pen again. A man has been convicred and ailjudged 10 death. The overt act alleged is the killing of some one. Af er the adjournment of the court and the erection of the e»llows, the person supposed to have been killed leappears anl the innocence oftbe convict made certain. Under this Constitution how is th- innocent blood to be saved? The juiy coniess with deep humiliation their error, and app al to the Executive to pardon. The Prosecuting Attornev, lamenting the painful recollection of his part in the atiair, sues lor mercy. The judge, the jury join in the petition. I he whole people or tbe county; the whole people of the State, if you please, tall upon their knees and with uplltted bands implore the rescue. But no, my Iriends; there is no power any- where to save. The man, thouch innocent, must die. i'his execrable, this intamous Oonstitutioo de- mands It. 1 need not remind you that in the reign of Charles II, ot Eoiiiand. a great i^umbfT ot innocent persons were convieted and exi-cuicd upon the testimony of three viUians, Oites, Bedioe and Dang( rfield. It was a time of religious siilfe between Protestant and Catholic; and whatever one of these monsters said was so implicitlv believed that conviction folloned , almost certainly upon accusation. At length the perjury ot the witDe.'':ies was made manliest and other victims rescued. His'oryis full oi facts im- pressing on us the wisdom ota pardoning power, es- pecially in capital cases. All law writers, all states- men agree that it 18 an indispensable element of good government. There Is no such provision in any other State Constitution, nor in tbe Constitu- tion of tbe United Stales. There is no such thing in any civilized government of Europe. I do not know that anv barbarous people have ever made such a law. And now mv friends, bow d'O the vile thing happen? I will tell you how I think it happened. I have already spoken ot tbe character of the Con- vention. In such a body, at such a time, it is the weakest and not the strongest minds that rule. '-Pro- gress" is the watchword and snmethiug new and strange and startling is the order of the day. Some enthusiastic clamorer for " progress," not knowing that truth is immutable and once discovered no pro- . gress can be made on it. suggested that treason wis so odious a crime the pardoning power should be ta- ken away from it; all that class who never think yielded their assent, the timid, who, whatever the.v think, dare not oppose a mai^>rity, rais^'d no objec- tion. Over another class who saw tbe iBJustice, hut trnm sordid and selfish motives is ever inclined to court the favor of a faction and prostrate themselves at the feet of its desperate leideis, was raised the sense'esscryot "Copperhead and rebel sympath'zer." —a wolf howl, mtenoed to drive before it, and most poientin driving osfore it, all knaves and covvaids; and tbey, too, yieide'J. Another paity. to be sure, steadily resisted this ana all other outrages of the Convention, but in vain. I'he still, small voice of reason was unheard amid the howling storm. And so the thing was done. And so it come to pass that poor Missouri to-day s'ands out upon the political horizon of the world sol'tary and alone m the dis- honor of having a Constituiion which requires the death of the innocent. Mv friends, 1 kno *i not that his satanic majesty, tbe devil, ever enters a hail of leeislation ana tberB, invisiole to mortal eye, whis- pers into the ears ot bad or passionate men the thoughts which thev enact into laws, out it really seems toat such a law hs this could spring from no other source. What do you think of it? A voice, "Why, we think, sir, it was moved aud instisrated by the devil, and came irom nobody else. That's what we think ol it." THE KEW CONSTITUTION IN8CI.TS THE LIVING AND THE DEAD BY ITS DESECRATION OF CEMETER- ' lES AND GRAVES. I would be obliged to some trierd o( the Conven- tion to vindicate its cooduct.in diiecting the assess- ment and return tor sale to the Collectors of reve- nue of ail our grave yards and cemeteiies. Graves are the last restun: places ol those whom we loved in lite, and whose memories, now they are gone, are dearer to us than ever. It is the common instinct of mankind to look upon the grave of a lather or a mother, a wife, a husband, a brother, a sister or cbiid as the most sacred spot of all the earth. The first im- _ ^ pulse of the soul is to defend these places trom every unhallowed touci. and even every irreverent thought. The grave of the unknown stranger, who has died lur trom his kindred and country, once we have laid his remains in the eanh >s sanctified. If there be one who can stand by the grave of his worst enemy and not speak with bated breath, and tread more lightly there— who does not feel p,ission cold ana re- sentment dead— he is less than man. The simple chtld of nature, the rutle Indian, approaches the graces ot his people with a religious awe, ULd would sutler death before he would offer them an indignity. Mankind have struggled to adorn these holy precncrs 1 with memorials of affection ana mark them with giens and mouunienfs tbatsb til transmit their mem- ory to tuture times. Ihe Pvramids ot Egypt and Mexico have preserved tor untold centuries the ven- eration 01 thoae semi-birbarous natlors tor their departed kings. Westminister Hall, witliin whose portals have met aee atter aa;e England's living sages, and where have been enacted the granoesi scenes ot]EDgli>h history, is neither so Imposing nor so attiect- Ing as Westmuisfer Abbe^ , wiere repose In simple earth or "dull cold marble" Tinglana's iiiustrloiis and lamented dead. When lately the great and good Lincoln Cell by an assassin's hand; when that gentle and lamillar voice was hushed in aeath ; when those eyes, that never shose but in mercv, were closed forever; it was then bis countrymen first knew how much they loved him. It was there they realized that the most touching memento ol all that was lett of him was the patriot's grave. To guard that grave from desecration to-aay a million swords would leap tVom their scabbards at a moment's notice. Will Illinois, do you think, assess ana sell that grave lor taxes? Would it dishonor the dead? Would it insult the living? The Missouri Convention have outraged the sense of universal humanity. In the insult which they have ottered to the dead, in the desecration of graves and tombs they have stricken a blow at every living human bosom. Thev have ordered the assessment and !-ale for taxes of the graves of their people. Thev are the first legislative hyenas on record. Hitherto whoever desnoilea a grave or tomb was a public criminal, subject to arrest and disgraceful oun- ishmeni. The Convention legalized this odious crime. The new Constitution directs its otticers substantially to remove the enclosures around these folemn soots, tear down the monuments, and di- vert the grounds trom a sacred to a common use. Radicalism, m its avarice and brutality, ctutchesiat each poor piank that guards these silent abodes; be- grudges the pititui stories that point out the head and leet of the parent or child, brother or friend that rests belaw. It is Radicalism that calls forth in accents harsh, horiiJ and inhuman*'erave8 forsale Iwho'U buy ?wbo'Jl Duy ? I have all sorts ol graves for sale ; graves ot ttie old and the young, the rich an 1 the poor, the great and the humble ; some so old you may 8Cect. WTien sufirage is the quet-tion before the court we are told by the Radical judges, that though life, liberty, and property are protected against such legislation, suflrage is no part of liberty. And when a pure que.=tron ol property is presented, we find that pro- perty even is not projected ! A traveller, who visited the frightful depotism of Dahomev, relates tbat when the king ordered the noses of some prisoners to be cut otf, they fell on their knees and thanked hinitbit it was not their arms; when, improving on tbe suggestion, he order- ed the arms of others to be cut oft, they did the same, thanking him it was not their heads. The unfeel- ing monster ordered tbe heads ot others to be cut off, remarking— ^"Behold! 1 am the greatest king in tbe world ! I can do as I please !" My Radical friends, you nre accustomed to bluster a Rood deal about "Free Missouri!" Is it reallv s'>? Is Missouri free? Do you admire this portion of your Constitution? Is Mr. Drehman enjoying the blessings of {.'ood Government? What are the powers of his majesty the Kma of Dahomey? What are the rights ot fieemeniii Missouii, THE CONSTITUTION CIIEATES AN tJSELESS COURT AND NEEDLESS BCBTHENS AND DELAYS UPON LITIGANTS. I see beibre me gray headed men. No doubt, some now present have lived m Missouri for thirty years. Juring all that time you have had your Justices' Courts, Circuit Court and Supreme Court. When your case came before a Jusdce, an appeal could be taken from his judtrment to the Circuit Court, and from the Circuit Court to the Supreme Court. If the case orisjmated in the Circuit Court it mieht go at once to the Supreme Court, whose judgment on all questions arising under our State laws, was con- clusive. But the new Constitution creates another Court, intermediate between the Circuit Court and Su- preme Court, a Cour', composed of the Judse who first hears the case, and ttie judges of adjacents Cir- cuits; a Court whose opinion must be taken by eve'vlitiaaut. before he can take an appeal to the Suoreme Court, but whose opinion is n'".t conclusive, settles nothing and is a matter of mere curiosity. To tiketheca.se through this useless Court requires more lawyer's fees, more costs, more delav, more outside expense to litigants. Now, mv Iriends, you who have lived so long in Missou*"!, have you heard of any desire among the people for this extra court? I am sure you never old. The people never wanted it. It is useless — worse tti an useless: but it calls for more official labor, more Deputy Sheriffs, more Deputy Clerks, more transcripts, more record books, fees and expense.s; and hence its exlstene. The whole thing IS a mere burthen on the people, without one solitary advantage. THE CONSTITUTION ASSUMES TO PROHIBIT THE PREACHING OF THE GOSPEL AND THE WORSHIP OF GOD ACCORDING TO THE DICTATES OF ONE'S CONSCIENCE. More tyrannical yet is that provision which re- quires the minister, preacher or reliaious teacher, and all officers or the Churcti, to tike a nolitical test oath as a condition to preaching or perlbrming any reliaious exercise. All our foriEer constitutions contained the following declaration of absolute reli- gious free^lora : ''Ihat all men have a natural and indefeasible right to worship Almishtv God ac:ord- Ing to the dictates of their oiyu consciences." * * * "And no human authority can control or Interlere with the right? of conscience." The new Constitu- tion contains the same, and yet, as if it meant noth- ing, preaching and worship and the rights ot con- science are restrained by other provisions. The controversy out of which the declaration just men- tioned arose is as oW as Christianity. From the first moment wnen Christ commissioned his apostles until within the last century, the right to preach without the interference of the civil power was m continual dispute, the civil magistrate claiming the power to control nreaching and worship, the people denying it. I his right ot control has been asserted under several phases. Either !jll preaching and worship have been absolute- ly ptohibited or made conditional on some religious test or on some political test. The early Roman Em- perors in general prohibited every form of Christian worship. They deemed the safety of the Stite de- pendent on the suppression oi Christianity. They considered the innocent meetings of christian wor- shippers treasonable conspiracies ajamst Govern- ment. Hence thev crucified tDe Apjstles; cast their followers to wild beasts and subjected them to other cruel forms of death. This power asserted by the civil magistrate to say who may oreach or w irship includes the power to say what shnll be the preaching and wnat the wor- ship. JSuch has been its practical etieot ana no excep- tion is kniwn. Fiom the lourth to the fifteeoth century the politi- cal power of States and sovereigns declared and en- torced by the s^jord whatever they approved in res- pect to reiiaion. Constantine was the first Roman Emperor who saw the safety of his throne in the des- truction of paganism. He legally set up Christianity; banished Alius, anathematized and burnt his writ- ings, and was the first to inauiiurate a oersecution byrne Christian sect against another. When Henry Vlil ascended the throne of England the saieiyof his kingdom would sutler no one to preach or wor- ship who denied the supremacy of the Bishop of Kome. This monaich could appeal to the fact of Christ's cruciBxiou by Pilate to prove the supremicy of the civil power. He did not reign long, however, till he discovered that the satety of h>s kinedom rtquired him to deny the authority of Borne to asseit that he bimselt was supreme Head ot the Church, that Mary was not his heir, and to force his clergy to take an oath accordingly. None could be licensed to preach on any other condition. All who refused were deposed, and Bishoo Rochester and Sir Thomia Moore sutt'ered death. It was in the exercise of i his power thtt Charles V. prohibited the preaching of Lnther, and put him and his adherents to the banofthe Empire. That the little aristocracy of Genoa found ii essentiil to its safety to prevent any person dittering in opinion with Calvin, and to com- mit to the flames Michael Servitius for so frreat a crime. About the same time Henry II. of France was providing tor the safety ot his dominions by proscnbina: the opinions of Calvin and destroying his loilowers. When Edward VI. succeeded Henry '^111. the safety ot England made it indispensable to change the taith of his lather and prescribe new conditions tor preaching. On Edward's death, his sister Mary could see the safety of the State only in a full resto- ration or the Roman Catholic faith. All preaching was denounced till licensed by her. More than this, she demanded that every ooe must think as she thought. No religious opinions were to be held wtiich did not con'orm to hers. To execute her schemes, she imprisoned, tortured, put to death, burned at the stike, v^st numbers ot her people. Elizabeth succeeded, and now the safety ot the State demanded anew faith and new forms ot wor- ship. Her sister Mary's preachers are siieneed, and anewbat<3h licensed. Mot only new articles of faith, but new forms of prayers, from which none may vary, and new lorms oi dress are rigidiy pre scribed for worship. Side gowns, sleeves, capes, tippets of white sarcinet, caps, hoods and surplices , are solemn matters gravely ordained in Church and State; more solemn still to such as dare reject, lor deposition, banishment, fines, imprisonments, tor- tures and death are no light penalties. Elizabeth asserted tiiliy the supremacy of the civilpower, and showed herself scarcely less a ty- rant than her sister. In the meantime, Philip II. of Spain is regulating Breaching in the Low Countries. The safety of the Spanish throne oi course depends on it. None can preach but such as he anpointo ; nor these any other doctrine than he directs. With him religion is a mere political institution. The people bear long with Philip's ordinances. At last resistance comes, indnotm questionable shape. A war is ooened that lasts for eighty years. All Europe catches the flame and mingles in the strife. Philip decrees the death of the whole people of the Netherlands. In answer to this oioody mandate, they lew war en masse. Thev fight as one m;in. They break tbe dykes. They let in the wives of the sea to fisht for them ; determined to triumph or perish wi'h their foes m one common rum. Tney did not perish; they beat oft' the cruel spaniatds, and established the re- ligious liberty of their country. Bui the contest went ou in Eurone for a longer period. 1 need not recite the sufferings of martyrs through this dread itil his- tory. 1 need not number the thousands and tens of thousands. who, being commanded by the magistrate not to preach or worship save ou this or that condi- tion, or not to preach and worship save thus and so rephed: Christ's kinsdom is not oi this world; it is better to obey God than man. and nobly oerished for conscience sake. It is a sad story to lollowdown through the powers of another cjntury. The bean sickensover the tedious record ot religious persecu- tion of the Huguenots in France, the Roman Catholic.' in England and Ireland, the Waidenses in Piedmont; the Baptists, and Calvinists, ana Puritans everywhere; the blacktstand bloodiestscene of hu- man deprjyity in the world's annals. The sequel shows the flight ot many, who would preach and worship without license iT«m the civit 10 law,tothts continent; and alter anxious viccissi- tudes, the discovery of the real doctrine of religious hberty in the words, "that all men have a natural and indefeasible rieht to worship God according to the dictates of their own conscience," and "no hu- man authority can control or interfere with the rights of conscience." This iniBQortal declaration, whKh proclaims every human being the sole judge of religious laithand practice for himself, wjs first asserted by Roger Williams to re.'icue mankind (rom all the blood and a»ony of tois world of persecution; copied by Jefferson into the laws of Virginia, and thence into almost all.the Constitutions of these St;ites. Under its influence the fiercer flames ot religious in- tolerance have been quenched, and ditfermg sects have enjoyed a reasonable repose. My tnends, in the face of such a history, bigots have set up again the civil power over con- science. It IS in view ol such facts that tbes"^ bigo ts deny that the Missouri test oath is a human author- iiv intertiermg vrith the rights of conscience. It Is atter such scenes of ruiu and misery that men lise up lu our midst an i declare the safety of the State 18 to be secnrod by regulations of preaching and wor- ship. Why, all history teiches that such measures only produce the opposite reeults. That wherever they ate employed no cominunity is at rest, no Stale is safe. What is the underlying thought ot this TTorld-wlile iireprei^sible conflict between the religious and civil power? Itlsihis. The minister ot religirn derives his commission from GoJ, and not from man ; tor his religious devotions man is responsible to God and not to human authority. To the 89ul imbued with the religious sentiment, the worship that is dictated by mau, is no longer wor- ship, but blasphemy. That even divine things when seized upon by the world and prostituted to sordid and seWish ends are tbrbidden. Thev are no more divine but sacreliglous in the sight ot God, and the believer dares not partake of tuem, much more is he not to respect or obey,o r contorm to whatever is purely of human invention. It is useless to tell him the restriction is trivial— the de oar ture small. His answer is Christ did not command it. He will not reject his Savior because you command. He will not repeat the prayer that you require. He will not ev»n put on your pretty "tippets of white sarcinct,'" but spuru your regulations and defy your power. It Is not strange thar the Missouri test oath, the most aggravated form of a test oath ever devised, should have been resisted. It would have been a miracle had it not been resisied. What then is the difl'erence between the martyrs now and the mar- tyrs of old? Between such as Moore and Fisher, who would not swear as cominaiidt-d by King Henry, and Cummingr^ and Dean and others who will not swear as commanded by the Convention — all are martyrs to the c»upe of religious linerty; all have suffered for conscience sake. And they, and all who consti- ttut# the unnumbered host of martyrs in tue past, estlfv in their resistance and their sufferings to the unmitigated evils of religious persecution*. Nothing can be more pertinent as illustrating the lu'ihty 01 such legislation th:in the confession of King Henry VIll, just preceding his death. Ihis monarch spent the greater portion ot his reign m licensing preachers and regulaung re- ligioa and worshio. He profes--ed to desire the hap- piness of her subjects and sought the end by en- forcing one uniform ruleot faith and practice. What effect was produced upon the people? Let him an- swer in his owk words: "Behold," be says, "what love and churitv is among you; when the one calleth t je other heretic and Anabaptist, and he calleth him again oap.sc hvpocritic pharisee. I see and hear daily thar, you of the clergy preach one against another without chaiity or discretion. * * Thus almost all he enmity and discord, and few or none do preach truly and sincerely the word of God as they ought ta do. And you of the temporality be not clean nor unspotted of malice and envy — you rail on the Bish- ops and speak slanderously of the priests and re- buke snd taunt the preachers. * * I am sorry to know how irreverently that most precious jewel, the word of God, is disputed, rhymed, sung and jangled in every alehouse and tavern contrary to the mean- *On the 28th day of July Ust. the Rev. Mr. Headly was shot down in the presence of his congregation by a comnany of radJcaib for preaching without a license under the New Constitution. ing thereof. I am sure that charity was never so taint amongst you— virtuous and godly living nev- er less used— nor God himself amongst Christians less reverenced, honored and served." Poor fool! to suppose that God had given toother men minds and hearts odIv that thev mighi: think and feel as he dictated— despicable tvrant wno could never see the happines? ol another ^aye in his own arbitrary wiU. And here, my friends, was the result of all his licences to preach and worship, and ail his seizures, imprisonments, beheadings and burnings. To find that his effort to rule the con.sciencKS of men waV a failure, that he had made England a pandemocium in vain. In vain he had lOosed upon his peoole the fiends of hell. The spirit ol resistance lived and laughed to scorn all his remorseless power and left him to confess his bitter disappointment while sink- ing into the grave. There are those, my friends, who being secretly ashamed of their work, tell the people it was never intended to interfere with preaching or worship, that the only intention was to prevent persons from uttering sentiments dangerous to the safety of the State. Tet, yon will observe, the Constitution con- tains notbiog, not a woid of any utterances or sep- timents. And while, as is pretendea, there was no intenti'^n to intettere with preaching and woiship, they are continually interfered with and the terrors of the civil power prevail lu every part of the.State. THE REVEBEN D CLEBGY. It is painful to behold after so long an absence, the return of this tell destroyer ot the peace ot commu- nities. It is sad to recognize again one of iig most familiar yet revolting features; the zeai with which a portion of the reverend clergy lan the flames of religious persecution. It is a truth which history attests, and 1 mention it in sorrow: that as a class the reverend clergy have not been the friends of religious liberty ; they to whom we have a rieht to look as guides, having m.ade Christianity their pecu- liar study, often seem to know least of its principles, to be least imbued with its sp-rit. It was leverend clergymen who, in times past, prompted the civil ' power to usurp the divine orerogation over the con- sciences of men. It was reverend clergymen who, in times past, exhibited the keenest relish m execu- ting all its merciless exactions It was the Reverend Thomas Craumer, who conoemced Joan Bocber to the flames for not believing as Government de- cided she must, and who, per.suaded, brow-beat ' and dragooned the young tiling Jidward, against his will, and in spite oi his tears, to sign the war- rant of execution. It was the Reverend John Rogers who stood by, consenting to her death, and when urged wi;h the cruelty ot the deed, turned the remonstrance as'de wiUi the inhuman declaration, ' '•that burning alive was no cruel death, but easy enough." In a little whde, my triends, parties changed, and tte satety of the kingdom, which had sent Joan Bocher to the state, demanded the lives of Cranmer and Rogers, and both of ihem were brought to realize thn f asv condition of burning t duve. Of all impracticables religous bigots are the most hopeless. It is impossible to penetrate their hard hearts or thick skulls with a sentiment of jus- tice or mercy. Who is it now that most stubbpinly deny the oppressions of the Missouri test oath? Reverend Clergymen. Who are most vehement in asserting its justiie and wisdom? most activt in * stimulating its enforcement? Kevereno Clergymen. Who is it tiiat are continually waging the fiercest war, not only on religious liberty, but all political liberty; teaching their flocks tliat a Uirge class of their lellow-citizens should be tabooed— not allowed to fill places in the schools, in the bar, in the Church, < nor in the pulpit, lest they may say something inju- rious to the safety of the' State? Reverend Clergy- men. POLITICAti LIBEKTY. My trends, what was the law ef polit'cai liberty in , Mlsslouri prior to the adoption et your present Con- stitution? Listen to the old tamiMar words. I will read them to you: "Ihe free communication ot thoughts and opinions is one uf the invaluable rights of man: every person may freely speak, write and print on any subject, being responsible for the abuse ,. ot that liberty." 11 What nave we now? Gae-lawfj, preventing citi- zens irom (iracficnip law, leacliiue school, tictiiitras coriorators, orc:4niziiig and cuniiuctiug Chnstis.ii churcht's. iireach'ug and worishipinng. tir tear that m these position!', tUev may sav someih'Lg Injurious to the State. Uuce a citizen imyht speak t'reel.v in any position, being responsiblu tor slander if he commit- ted sucli -i wroi'tr jsow we are told he sh«U not speak at all. Once the freedom ot speech was con - siderea the protecnon ol the state. Kow it is pro- nounced a puWicenf-mv. What a mighty revolu ion! Le' we .'ee what sort of provision the Raaicalssbould have insertea in the Bill of Rights to express the r viewson this saoject. How would this do? Liberty of speech is tlieriuhtof those only who •bave not been proscribed bv the party in (lower. That is the rule exacily. That is your law of liberty as espounded by the Radicals. Woatever is saia against them i? ruinous to the State. Freedom of speech would de.st'oy them; therefore it is danger- ous to the State. Such, my friends, are some of the provisions of your new Oonstitunon; not by any means all that are unwise or destructive of the rights of the peo- ple. It is a remarkable fact nobody in all Missouri de- fends this Constitution, or ever did defend it. Ics pjovisions are od'Ous to everybodv, but it was sup- posed to secure political power to the Radical lead- ers, and for this the V supported it. A RADICAL, CAOCUS IN APRIL 1865. Very soon after the adoptiou ot the Coustitur.iou in Convention a notable caucus is said to have been held in the ci^yof St. Louis. I will give you the account nl it as it appeared in the public prints. It distinctly defines the position of the Badiol leaders. "Upon the solicitation" ot Gen. Fisk and «ioy. Fletcher, Mr. Green 'attended" the caucus in Freetonoos' ottice and '-met there Senators Brown and Henderson: G^n. McNeil, Smith, Arder- son. Van Horn, Loan, Blow and Benj;»min." In that meeting Senator Brown was first called upon to express uis opinion. He had previously express- ed disapprobntion: hp now denounced it and de- clared it had only one vir'ue; and that was that it could easily be changed; but as a party measure he would sustain d." Gov. Fletcher, being cahed upon, said: •'Gentlemen, it is all wrong. It is not the thing we want. I cannot vote tor it. But i:' your represertarive men adopt it I will put it through." senator Hendcson being called an spoke at length upon the Constitution. Mr. Green's re- presentation ot the speech was araohic. He charac- terized it as able, eloquent. He, Henderson, left no part ot the instrument untouched. He proved it to be inhuman, illegal, unconstitutional. His de- nunciation and execration were unmeasured. Jle eoula discover no virtue m it, and closed by stating tbar, according to the letter of the Constitution, he could not vote; but that he wou'd sustain it as a party meisure." Smith, when ca.led on, simply said, he wiuld not vote tor the Constitution, with- out any remarks. It was presumed he judged de- fence impossible. Mr. Green did not state the re- marks ot the other Radical patriots present on that occasion. He nave us to understand no voice wis raised in behalf of the justice or necessity ot the Constirution lor the good of the State. The plea WHS parly. Such is the statement of the Hon. Moses P. Gre -n. a m-,mber ot the conventioa of 1865, and a Kidical until his party brought tor- ward this Constitution. Ihis eiatement has been long in p«"int : I believe never denied. Mo one who knows Mr. Green would question auy statement he would make. The Coustiution was all wrong, so the Kadical leaders admitted; out it wouid give them place and power and hence they supported it. A TRICK TO SECtJRE VOTES. Andhow. my friends, did the Ridical leaders sup- port the Constitution? By insisting on its merits? By showing the people its advaDta>;es— that it would promote the good of the State? Not at a'.l. Bat by conceding broadly that it was wroag. that it ouirht to be amended, and pledging themselves that it Should be amended if the people would only adopt it. When you mentioned lo one of them that the test oath was oppressive, he replied. 1 know it, but we will amend that. When you mentioned its in- humanity to the poor, certainly, he said, that should be amended. When you reierred to its war upon asylums, hospitals and other charities its prohibi- tion of religious means and uses, its barbarous and brutal requirement lor the execution ol innocent con- v.cts, Its desecr'aiioi 8 of liraves and cemeteries, its justification ot spolMtioos, robberies and murders, its needless increase of courts, litigation and ex- pet se. Its iuterler*>uce with preaching and ot wor- ship, you were still met by the same declaration, never mind, only vote lor it. and when adonted, we we will promptly amend. Not only was this the position of the Radical leaders, but of every Radical press in ti'C State Vety wiii. the election was held, and Rodman says there was a numerical majority returned for tie Constitution. We know that is Rodmon's statement. We know the senate Committee reported the cou it was right. We know the Governor Issued a procla- mation declaring the Constitution in force, but turther we ao not kijow, and have not been allowed to see. But did the Radicals amena? Not at all. un the cont.-iry they luinieJiately insisted the Con- stitution was a most excellent one. If an emigrant iHovod into the State they saiii he wasdiawn hither by the Constitution. Itany one sold a tract of land to- a reasonable price they saio it was owing to the wonderiul Constitution. It was the new Constitu- tion that caused the grass to grow, the rain to tall, and the sun to shine. Everywhere the cry went lorih, "Radicals stand by your Constituoion !" His Excellency, Gov. Fletcher, saw fit to say m his mes- saie, "The most recentit' expressed wish of the people on the subject of the Constitution is their adoption of it as their law." A Voice— "'Governor Fletcher is a very honest man sir." Mr. Glover— Of course he is an hones? man, but in what direction, my friend? A jockey was once selling a pony, and he rei omuiended him as a very honest pony, and a ba-eain was ma^le. Being call- ed on by a "iriend who knew the pony, to explain what he meant by a very honest pony, he said that whenever he got on that pony to ride he attempted to throw him, and had never deceived him in a single instance. Is tha" the way my Iriend with your Governor? Does h-^ attempt to batray eveiy- body and al wavs succeed? If so I suppose we may call him a very honest man. Alter the Legislature met repeated attempts were made to amend the Constuution. The Ralicals voted down every motion in that direction, and thus tedeemed their pledges to the people. Thousands and thousands of Radicals voted for the Constitution wuh the under- standing it should be araerded, and still wish it amended, but the Radical leaders in the Legislature and out of It refused, from party considerations, to allow It. THE PBETEKCE FOR THE INTOLERANCE AND PEO- SCEIPTION OF THE CONSTITUTION. The pretence for all the intolerance and t ro'crip- tionsof this new Constitution is. that Radicals are more loyal than othei people and have made a Con- stitution to hold up the hanws ot loyal men and pie- vent the inculcation of disloyal sentiments. My friends, the idea of cteventing the expression of ooinions by this test oath is simidy absurd, it is too absurdeven lor Radicals to believe. Youforbidthe lawyer to practice, the schoolmistress to teach, the deacon to hand around the brea* and wine ol the sa- crament, the minister to preach or pray, tor tear while performing these dutie." something improper may be said: in the meantime conversation is unin- terrupted, the rostrum Is tree, the press is tree; how utterly preposterous, therefore, is your scheme. But it it were lawful and not the very essence ol despot- ism do so, how can you in any manner prevent the expression of opinions? What vile monster in the shape of man has ever succeeded in the experiment? Why you might as well at- tempt to raise a barrier that would still tue waves of che ocean, or stay the winds, or shut the light ol the sun from the earth. That the Radi- cals have auy special claims to loyalty you al know IS ridiculous — sup-emely ridiculous. I have just passed round a circuit ot your country for three hundred miles or more. Wherever 1 have been I leamed that some of the most violent Radicals in li*fi6 were .Secessionists in 1861. How is it here? A Voice in the crowd — "it is the same here: old Secesh always make the worst Rads.'' 1-2 Mr G'over — I tave found it go. I remember thar in 1861 I was through here lookioe up troops, help- ji!i: my Drother to laise hia rtgiment; and if it be true that some of your prominent Radicals were then Uuion men they haa the very woist way ol showing It. A voice in the crowd — '•Well, if they are Union now T^ev have a bad way of showing it." Mr. Glover — Mv friends, I wish to put a few qiies- tions on this subject. 1 know pretty well who were tht' Union men up here lu 1861, and 1 know some- thing about your rebels too. Those original Union men are now generally Johnson men. I don't say all are, but generally they are Johnson men. I wisn to make some inquiries about your original lebels. Do you know a piomiuent citizen of this county who owned a mill and supplied the Rebel Ool Green with flour and was very fierce in declaring his opioion that Uuun men would not tiaht: that cne rebel was equal to five of them in battle? If you know this distinguished person sav how he stands now. A voice —''Wa all know him. He's at this time a flaming Badical and holds a big office." Mr. Glover — Wow, 1 will put another question. In 1860, a eentleman living in Knox county went down to St. Louis, broueht up some household fur- niture to Lagrange anft was haoling it home. The suspicion got out among the rebels that the cargo •was arms, and as he was known to be a Union man, acHinpany of dastardly scamps waylaid him to seize the arms aod nrobably murder him. But the Union man happened to travel on another road and did not fall into rheir handtJ. Can any one tell me whtt these leilowsare to-day? A voice -" Yes sir. they aie head Radicals claim- iiMi to b- better Uuloa men than Col. Glover, whom they way aid. Mr. t-Slover — Once more. I understand there were in this town of Monticello. in 1861, two black- smitb'.« who made butcher kn'ves for joe Porter's gueriias. to be used on tbe'r Union npighbors, I aoi also told these bufcher knile men are to-aay how- ling Kadicais. Is it so? A voice iu the crowd— "You are right. We all know the butcher knife men, and they are Ra'iicals now ; one oi them is here m the crowd to-day. He is a tremenoous patriot until the devil get's him. vir. Glover — Now, my friends, i.« not this a sweet partv to be continually boasting Of its lovaitv. De- nouncing as copperheads Union soldiers who tought througQ the war; but receiving with open arms every rebel who wiil join them. There are otbers in this very ' crowd to whom I might allude, and to whose cheeks I onld briD'i the olush if rhey were nf't destitute of shame. The impudence ot su3h men is utterly beyond mv conception. Their faces are hardei than the gates ot hell described by viilton, ot which— "three f Ids were brass; Three iron, ai.d three ol adamantine rock." I have not mentioned the names of any of these ornaments o* S-acMcaiism. It was not my purro.e to strip tbe Wok's robe entirelv oft the asses— but only to lilt It a little— only to show their ears. A Voice— uj on with theRads; you ain't half done yet. THE REAL MOTIVE, Mr. Glover— The real motive to all this work is party power and nothine else. Umon'stn is the ve- ry least matter that concerns it. In 1863 it became manifest th« rebellion must sod'^wn. J he res- snurces of the enemv were nearly exhausted, tne blockade complete, the forces moving towards the Suuth overwhelming. The question arose what was to be done with file rebel populafim alter the wur. Two parties were foimed atuong Union men on this question. The one a party of reconciliation, sfekine to settle our troubles on the basis that Rebels should lay down their arms — renew their allegiance, obey tbe laws and return to their duties as citizens. The other a party of revenee, proscriptions and perse- cution. These last mentioned seized upon tbe ex- isting animosities to create and maintain a vast po- lit;ical organization tor mere varty ends. They fleroel V denounced the motives Of everv one who at- tempted to stay their raee or interpose the mildest suggestions ot reason. These denunciations reached not only the most oistinguished officers and soldiers of the Uaion army, but Mr. Lincoln and members of his cabinet. When the rob«ls at last laid down their arms ano were oermitted to return to theic homes not to be dis- turbed while Ihey kept tbe peace, tbev denounced the distinguished officer who aianted these teims as a rebel sympathiser and trii'or, rhev indued an Attornev-Genoral ol the United States to give an opinion that rebels had no homes, anci, therefore, were not enntled to the terms of i-apitulation. At a later neiiod. the i>arty declared that thev had put down the rebellion; that thev were theor.iy loyal men; that the Government belonged to them as the jusirewaras of their great msrits; that they alone must rule, and all others be esclua<-d. lu other words, the old Government, for which so much blood and treasure had been expended, must be abandined and a new one formed, ol which the leading leature must be an aristocracy composed o' the loyal people. I he keynote ot tbis mov?ra>-nt was struck in every part of the countiy. Liberty for loval men, and for loyal men onlv. Here in Missouri, we behold the fruits of their soirit in the Constitution, we have been considering. To the lawyer it says, you shili earn no more bread bv your proff>ssiou. to the teacher, vou mus-t close your school. To the citizen, you shall never have a voice in your Government, lb the christian, you shall never participate in the orginisation of another church. To thy minister, you shall nevei preach c nrav ; nor visit your sick, nor bury vonr dead. These privileges belong only to loyal men. Such is the Radical programme. Such are tbe laws they have oiade; not to promote loyalty and patriotism, and virtue and religion, bat to bring them all into contempt, to sratity revenge, to threaten, worry ana harass political opponents, to drive them from fue state or into tue ranks ot their party, and embitter stdi more the prcailing strifes for selfish purposes. I need not teii any of you who have seen the ope- ration 01 such thingji that the ddm nistration of fac- tious laws is alwavs ten-fold worse than the liws themselves, anil is always intended to be so by those who make them. OBJECTIONS TO THE RADIO AL PROGRAMME. 'the Call that rallied to the rational banner the loval men of this counfrv to put down in.s.urrection was iis holy as ever sunimoned a people to arms. It was an apnea! in favor of equal laws am) tree in- stitutinns and was justified by every sentiment i)l pati lotism :jnd humanity. But the effort now made at the end of the war to ipduce loyal men to seize the liberties of the oeople as the spoil.^ of victory is aishouoring alike to them and the cause they servt d. A viler motive never stimuhited the hordes of Attila or any other military adventurer who tought for captivei^ and booty, and not for liberty and biw. What is it, my friends, but the vulgar rolo of all usarpers and tyrants. CaBsar did so much for Rome that be thought himself entitled to a kingly crown. Bonapa-te set out to make France a Republic and won so many honors in the cause as t* deserve to become Eraoeror and owner ot everybody and everythirg lu ifrance. My friends. I will mention auether grent histoii.' example that ought to be dear to us all. When, at the close of our Revolutionary war in 1783, as insidious attempt was made to persuade the array unless they set up certain ex- traordinary pretei sicns and enforced them befoie laying down their arms they would be the only sufferers by the war and soon retire into ooverty, wretchedness and co'itempt," How dis the destructien of popular liberty. Apply the principles of the new Constitution to the South, and six or eight millions ofpeopie will be cast ont of the Governmenf. The language of popular Government in this country used to be this; "All political powei is vested in and 13 derived froEi tho people; all (Torernment oriainates freni tue people, is founded on tlie'r will onlv. and IS iiistirutea solely for the good of tbe whole." I'he Endicals would change this creat law oi popular liberty, ard make it read as follows: '• \!i political power IS vested in and derived Irom the Bidioal parry; all Governrtient orisrifiates Irotn the Kadicil nariv, aud is (iiunded on the will of the Radical party, aiid institinei solely lor the good of the Radi- cal parly." The principles of the Radicals have already culminated in disunion. It is in strxt con- formity to their principles, that ten States reraaiw unre rresf-nteo in Congress. And on tbeli princi- ples they never will be reuresented. Apply the principles oi tbe new Cou«titufion to the Siiii'h, and amoog all thos*? proecr bed millions no one person could teaeb a s;hool or organize a corporation, or form a christian church. For 1 take ii to be settled that where no one can act as a priest, deacon, bisbop, elder, minister or cleigyraan, no christian church can be organized or conducted. THESE RESTRTCTIONS OV LIBERT l: ABE UNCONSTI- TUTIONAL. NULL AND VOID. I need net tell you that such proscription is un- constitutional; that tb's whole scheme of legislation for resDoatDs, lezisfration of voters, prosecutions n eniorce it, is contrary to the bigbest law of the Und. Of couise, there is no legal obliaation on you to obey or respect It in the sligir^st degree. Of course yon will be justified m the sight of Uod in toicible resis- tance to it, as you would to any other iusuflerable tyrannv, svbeiiever you find thdt forcible resistance IS the only way to overthrow it. Bur, my tritiiids, that case is net vet presented. I entreat you, there- fore, to deal witL tbis oppression without phyf ifal loice- You need nit fear that it will long conrinne. It is odiou'i to a great portion ot the Radicals them- selves The sympathies and feelinas of good men are against it. God and nature in a thousand un- seen ways will war upon it until it is destroyed. It is impo^^sible that a smMll minority, can by such frauds as the system requires continue to rule Why, tor example, there is no county m the northeast here in which there are not at leist two good, Conserva- tive, Union men, perlectly competent and willinf honestiv to take the oath nnd every way qua.ified under the Constitution to vote tor every Radical whether an original rebe! or Unionist. In many couutins the Lumber ot qualified Cono-rvafive voters is much greater. The Registers and Supervi«ois know iLis to be true. They are nevertheless expect- ed by the Radical leaders to disfranchise ey rraud these legal voters. Ihey know perfectiv well that in BO otber way can they carry the coming elections. Todosotbey must cimmit toe most unexampled frauds; tney must certify to piimberless wicked falsehoods, and cover tbeir t^ouis With otticial p-,rjur\. These Supervisors and Registers having dene this great wickedness are exnccted by their leaders to live lu a community by whom they are overwhelmed m numbers and to wnom tiiey are socially and morally respoDsible. They are (o bear through suecetding yeais toe bitt>>r scoin, tbe fixed contempt of the people among whom they live. But that is not all, they are to subject themselves to civil and penal .iudcments. Hliw, my friend?, is such a manitold piece <«t villainy to be enacted in ooen day and in tbe presence oi hundred of witnesses and to be suocess- lul? It will net succeed. It is impossible. HOW TO KEGISTER. When the x^roper time arrives, go nromptly before the Register, every one of you who has not been con- viced of some crime wtiich deprives you oi sufirage, and rake and subscribe to tbe 0!ith if you can hr>uest- ly do so, and demand to be registered. Ihis, if you are native born or natuialized, and have resided one year in tbe State, and are tw3nty-oTie years old, will entitle you to be put on tbe qoallfied list, unless your oath is disproved. Your oath cm be disproved in only two ways. Either the register must know personally ol some act disqualityingyou, and sta'e the lacton his reaisrrv, as of hisown knowlege; or he mn^t prove by yourself or some oth r witness on oath, some disquHlifying act, and enter the same on his leaistrv. If ne dares to put you on the disqualified list in any other way he is guilty of iraud and corruption and liable in damages. If you are unwilling to take tho oath have the Register refuse you for that rea- son and state the fact on the registry. It a fal-se ch'irge 18 made against you, have yonr witnesses on hand and disprove it. Appeal from on unjust deci- sion to the Board, as the law allows. Whether regis- tered, qualified, or not, gj to the polls and otter vour ballot. And now, my friendis, be sure and do what I tell you next. Ifyou are nen'ed any ofyour rights in this matter promptly sue the officers who deny them and lay the damage's high. The Radicals tell you the test oath is valid; that the Supreme Court did not hold it void. Very well, the Court will meet directly and say bow that matter is and should they say the oath is void, then the whole Rndic-il system is overthrown and you may take your judgment for damages against those wno enforced it against you. If It 18 any consolation to these officers, I can say they will have little taxes to pay hereafter, fo you who do not commence suit at once I will say you may do so any time within the next five years. Gentlemen, tue Radicals know how the Cecision was at Washington. Look at the worthless characters who are made Su- pervisors nod Regist^is; men of substance can hard- ly be got to act. They know the danger. I hey are rot prepared to suriender all they pissess for Radi- calism. I wish to name another thing for dishonest and trandulent officers, who reject voters lor party ends. You Hte indictable, gentlemen. Do ycur du- ty then honestly, or v^u may soon find how many of you a jail will hold. You need not run away to Iowa or Illinois. You can be sent lor. You think, perhaps, your Radical jucgcs can protect you. Ihey will haye no power. Besides they will turn fiom you in your hour of need and make their peace by punishing you. THE GOVERNOR'S TROOPS. Wherever I go 1 hear that the Governor has been organizing and armins cilizens in violation of law. The ordinmce ot tbe Convention of 1865, requires the Governor to organize toe militia as they come in the popular masses; and this militi-i he may call out and arm as a posee, when process cannot be served without it. But he has not done this. He has m various localities picked out from the masses of the people such as suited him. and organized and armed them. Besides, he is organizing and armmg large numbers of negroes contrary to law, for what pur- pose can only be .--urmisea. All this he knows to be in violation of law. These organizations are not troops, but mobs, mere political party mobs, who have no authority as troops, and over whom the Gov- ernor has no authority, but tor whose conduct be wM be responsible as tresspassers and violators ol the law. My friends, there is no pretence what- ever on which these armed pobticil mobs of the Governor's can be legally called out, by him or any one. i say to yoa emphatically, since the Governor has done this thmg, and evidently con templates some flagrantly illegal purpose, it is your right and duty to arm your Johnson clulas as soon as you can, and then be prepared to defend your- selves at all times against any assaults which he mav direct these mjbs to make upon you. Liberty and life are no longer sate in Missouri to unarmed men. Piepare then to defend them. THE RADICAL WAR ON THE PRESIDENT. The radicals have been wagirg a mcst relentless war upon President Johnson. Thev cal lim rebel, copperhead and traitor, they seek to blacken his name by epithets. But you seldom hear from anv otrbema rational statement of their complaints I will endeavor to give you some account of the quarrel between them and the Presi- dent. The President would not coun- tenance their scheme of disfranchising six or eight millions ot the Southern people, imposing taxes on them, and denying them representation. Tfint was the first complainr. Ihe second was the President vetoed the Freedmen's Bureau Bill. The third, the President would not assist them in extending suffrage to the negroes. Ihis, my friends. Is the whole matter; and It is lor this h.- is maligned and hunted down by an uns^rupulou? Radical press. In every one of these positions the President has vindi- cated his wisdom as a statesman. In every one he has endeared himself to the real iriends of the coun- ttv. 14 It 13 impossible, unaer the Constitation, to dis- irancliise anyboay lor a crime without acoavictiou. It is impossi'ble to distranchise the millions lafely iti rebellion at the South at all, withotit destroyuig there both the form and substance ol' re- puDlican libeity. It is not the interest of the Governmetit to establish a tyranny over these peo- ple. The most enliahtened nations of modem times never resort to (lislranch'semHnt of the popular masses as a punishment tor rebellion. Theeieater tlie rebellion the more indispensable the necessity tor restoritig the rebellious masses ro their rights as citizens. Wise rulers will, under such circumstances, endeavor to make it the interest of rebellious sub- jects to respect and love the Government and n jt to hate it. What has been the pobcy of thr.se Europe- an States in which ereat Dopular revolutions have ocurred for a century past ? Preci?ely that which is now pursued by President Johnson. Ibey have welcomed back their erring people as soon as they were willing to come. They have consolidated the repose of the State by otiermg inducements to con- tentment and peace. One ot the most interesting exhibitions of this sal- utary course occurred m the matter of the late civil war in Canada. As soon as the armed resistance ot the insurgents was suppressed and the most guilty offenders pun shed. LorQ Durham issued a proclamation of gen- eral amnesty save a few exceptions. This proclaun- tion was approved by the Queen, except, the exseo- tin«, and thus made universal. Mo disfranchise- ments— no disabilities of any sort were imposed on the pardoned otl'enaers. Papineau haa been one of the miin agitators, whose ett'orts created the war: and had fled the country about the time ot its ter- mination. Sir Allen McNab on the contrary had bpeu one of the staunchest friends of the Govern- ment, and to him and his adherents was due the honor of rallying to the suoport of the Governu ent in the very ini^eption ot the rebell on and setting on foot those meisures that destroyed it. Ihe restori- tion ot peace and the extension of amnesty to the rebels was attended by this most unexpeced r^ salt to the loyal party in Canarfa; I ha. in 1840 Papin- eau and his rebel trends were almost evervwhere elected to ottice while Sir Allan Mefsao and his lov 01 injustice. We cannot punish those wlio are guilty of tne highest crime? — crimes which give treason its hue. To do so would stamp the nation wuh crueltv, therefore, we cannot begin without injustice. We must be merciful. I am willing to make the high- est virtue of that necessity. 1 here is so much guilt as to render the task of punishment hopeless. Hence the provision depriving even the worst rebels of the ballot has been whollv abandoned. Lee, Johnson, Wade Hampton, Moseby atd even Jeif. Davis are leit competent electors to vote for state officers and members of L/ongress." Come now. Radicals oi Missouri, listen to this lantiuage o*" Mne of your great lights. lo (lifiranchise rebe.s is"inju.<(tice" — "stamps the nation |with |cruelty." We can't even begin such a thmg " "We must be mercilui " "The provisions depriving the worst rebels of the ballot has been wlmtly abandoned. Lee, JobiS'n, Mosebv and al! such shall vote. Yes, "Jeff. Davis" shall vote. Now, my Kaaica' friei ds. what do you think of thit? Who are the copperheads now? How do you re- gard this unqualifl^d denunciation of your Missouri Constitution? A voice in the crowd— You say thaf a Missouii Senator said that— Who wasihat Senator? Mr. Glover— ihe Hon. John B. Henderson? 15 A voice — Well, 1 altit surprised. Nobody ever had any confidence in John B. Henderson. Mr. G'over — Oil. my dear sir, that, won'f an.awer your purpose, just now, at all; yau can't make a seaDe-eoat of Mr. Henderson. Your ofher Senator, Mr. Brown, voteiiihe same way. All your leading Radicals in Congress, except Ibad. Stevens ana a lew rank and file, did the same. They haye ail cut loose irom the Missiuri Iladicals — all repudiated your policy. But more than this, mv Wends, they have come on this question to the oesition of the President. When the Radicals hai agreed on a plan of reconstruction on which even the worst rebels were to vote, and all. save three hundred. holdofticp. It was their du*y, logically, to admit the Soatbern members of Uongress. But they only admitted Tennessee, excluding tenStatesboth from suttrnge and representation. Mow, my Kadical frieuds, 1 think Mr. Johnson can go befoie the peo- ple on that record, if you can. NEGEO SUFFRAGE. There was a time when Missouri Radicals denied their affiliation with the Eastern Etadicals on the question of negro sutfrage. Ihat is pas t. >4o man is now a Radical in good stanaing with the party, unless he is for nearo sutfrage. This, I suupose. you all understand- From i)ecember 1863, the Ratiicals in Congress have stood committed before the world bv bills introduced into that bodv, and by their speeches in favor ot these bills, for two propositions — the disfranchisement of the white people of the South who had been in reoellion, and the en- franchisement of the negroes. The scheme would have piaced eleven States wholly in the political control of the blacks : some tour millions of blacks, not one in ten thousand of whom, I suppose, can read or write, or owns a dollars' worth of property. 1 he President was of opinion that these colored citizens might not be competent to conduct the ad- ministration of those States in a manner satistactory to the six or eight millions of whites who would have been subject to their will: or in accordance with the public interest. The President was further of opion that such legisUticn wouM instantly force a bloody collision between the races. The radicals insisted that in a very little while the negroes would become competent to exer- cise the right otsuffraae and pertorm the duties of statesmen. To this the President reolied: You admit they are incompetent now; "sufficient unto the dav is the evil thereof." Now, my friends, while the Radicals in the late Congress ''wholly abandoned," as Mr. Henderson said, depriving even the worst rebels of the ballot, or the privilege of holding office; they silenily dropoed the subject of negro sutfrage. They must have conceded the justice of Mr. Johnson's views on that question. THE FBEEDMAN'8 BUREAU. This act ot Congress is the most extraordinary that ever was proposed in the history of our coun- try. It clothes the agents it creates with an unlim- ited and aibitrary power. These agents are not re- quired to have the least knowledge of the laws; yet tney may annul the judgments of the highest courts and the most learned jurists. The act subjects the colored citizens whom the Radicals have been try- ing for three years to clothe with sutfrage to the dls- cretiou of its agents tor every right. I'hny cannot make contracts lor their own labor, save by consent of an agent. It substantially makes Its officers over- seers and masters of the blacks. It draws within its mighty grasp the rights of every person— estab- lishes military jurisdiction in time of peace— dis- penses with indictments, juries, and every known established rule of administrating justice. The PresiJent vetoed this bill for its excessive tyranny and palpable unconstitutionality. My friends, I have detained you here too long (cries ot go on, go on) and yet I might talk aa long again ana not exhaust these questions. Tne President bas shown himself a statesman equal to the crisis. In his recent vetoes he has proved that he loves lib- erty and law more than authority. It wtU be re- corded to the houor of Andrew Johnson, that when lactious partizans passed bills couterritig on him larger and more arbitrary powers than are used bv the Emperor of Austria, he vetoed their bills and rejected the powers And when these unhappy times shall have fully passed, when tile convulsions under which the country is yet heaving have all subsided, when pertect peace shall have overshad- owed the American people. End restored them to their natural feelings and sympathies and the mutu- al and undisturbed enjoyment oi their political and religious liberties, the historian will accord to An- drew Johnson the merit of resisting a tide of pas- sion and violence that might have been fatal to bis country. His unse'hsh patriotism, his love of popu- lar liberty and lotiy courage will then shed forth a lustre undimmed by the mists of prejudice which veil it now. Yes, my friends, posterity will cot cede to Andrew Johnson a place in the front rank of those illustrious men who have best served and most honored their country in the Presidential office. He will appear to them to combine in his character the most estimable traits of our noblest Presiaents. They will do justice to his virtues and revere his memory. They will speak of him as one whose lot was cast in a dark hour of the Republic, but who did his duty honestly ana bravely. 'I hey will say that as Madison, he was sagacions; as Lincoln, mercilul; as Jackson, firm; as Washington, just. My Itieuds, I thank you for this long and patient attention — 1 am done. ^> '^»V»i' ^.€ o. '-„;-o' ^,0' ^^^ *.,.'■ ^'J- \> ^^ ^'% •:€ ™'^ r'v <^ .. -^ " ^°-n^. .'^'^ . o " <-" ^ />- "^^n^ ^^..^* A " ^ -vl' .-J^^ A "^ '■} >.