i ^ ^^^^V .s'^ ;■ K-o* %* ^0 • r -5.' -^^ ^-.>^^' v..;,Ny;/ s -^ * ^■^ <-\» _ f, • a < ,^*' -^^ •-'*^p''.- *'^'"*^ °'^^'' /\ •.^^•' ^-"'^i ^° •''*•. ^^^N . <> .^^ A <.. A POPULAR History of England, DURING THE REIGN OF VICTORIA. EDITED BY MADAME GUIZOT DE WITT, FROM NOTES AND DOCUMENTS BY FRANCOIS PIERRE GUILLAUME GUIZOT, LL.D., MEMBER OF THE FRENCH ACADEMY, THE ROYAL SOCIETY (lONDON), THE SOCIETY OF ANTIQUARIES ( LONDON); AMBASSADOR AT THE COURT OF ST. JAMES; PRIME MINISTER OF FRANCE UNDER LOUIS PHILIPPE, ETC. ESTES AND LAURIAT'S LIBRARY OF STANDARD HISTORY. GUIZOTS POPULAR HISTORY OF ENGLAND, From the Earliest Times to the Accession OF Victoria. Four Vols., Royal Octavo. ^ GUIZOTS POPULAR HISTORY OF FRANCE, From the Earliest Times to the First Revolution. Six Vols., Royal Octavo. HENRI MARTIN'S POPULAR HISTORY OF FRANCE, From the First Revolution to the Present Time. Three Vols., Royal Octavo. ALFRED RAMBAUDS POPULAR HISTORY OF RUSSIA, From the Earliest Times to iS8o. Three Vols., Royal Octavo. Each of tlie above works are issued in uniform style. They are illustrated with wood and steel plates, by the best artists, are printed in the best manner, on superfine paper. PRICE PER volume: Cloth, Bevelled, $S.50 Library Sheep, Marbled Edge, .... 6. SO Half Calf, Extra, " " .... 7.SO Half Mor., " " " .... 7.0O Full Morocco, or Tree Calf, Gilt, . . . lO.OO GUIZOT'S Popular History of England, FROM THE ACCESSION OF VICTORIA. 1837-1874. EDITED BY MADAME GUIZOT DE WITT, FROM NOTES AND DOCUMENTS By M. GUIZOT, AUTHOR OF " A POPULAR HISTORY OF FRANCE," " A POPULAR HISTORY OF ENGLAND,' "the HISTORY OF CIVILIZATION," ETC. TRANSLATED BY M. M. RIPLEY. CONTAINING ILLUSTRATIONS, AND A FULL INDEX TO GUIZOT'S HISTORY OF ENGLAND, FROM 2 THE EARLIEST TIMES. N„...8:?,/3.vv BOSTON: DANA ESTES AND CHARLES E. LAURIAT, 301 Washington Street. Copyright, i88i, By ESTES and LAURIAT. Boston Stereotype Foundry, No. 4 Pearl Street. rx TABLE OF CONTENTS. CHAPTER PAGE I. The Accession 13 II. Wars and Rumors of Wae. — The East. . 33 III. Sm Robert Peel and the Corn-Laws. . . 57 IV. Ireland 90 V. Foreign Policy 99 VI. European Disturbances. — Domestic Peace. 125 VII. The Fruits of Peace 151 VIII. The Crimean War 171 IX. The Indian Mutiny 236 X. The Tory Administration 280 XI. The Liberals without Reform. — Eastern Difficulties 301 XII. Western Troubles. — The War in the United States 317 XIII. Insurrection in Jamaica. — Continental Changes. — Affairs at Home. — The Abys- sinian War 351 XIV. Mr. Gladstone's Administration 381 LIST OF STEEL EiXGRAVINGS AND MAPS. Victoria . . Frontispiece The Thames Embankment 26- The Houses of Parliament from Westminster Bridge 64 The Right Hon. B. Disraeli . . 76 The Natural History Museum, South Kensington 162 Map of the Seat of War 184 Plan of Sevastopol fully invested by the Allies 200 Plan of Balaclava 210 Field Marshal Lord Raglan, K. C. B 225 Lord Palmerston 350 Gladstone 380 H. R. H. The Prince of Wales 406 LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS. PAGE The Youthful Queen 14 Victoria at the Age of Eight 14 Marshal Soult 16 M. Thiers 35 An Egyptian Temple 40 English Legation at Shanghai 46 Calcutta • . 56 Windsor Castle 66 Daniel O'Connell 90/ Louis Philippe 101 View of the City of Morocco 106 Marshal Bugeaud . 108 Battle of Islay HO Lord Aberdeen • H^ Robert Peel 136 Wellington 148 Victoria I'^l A Mohammedan at Prayer 172 View of Constantinople 1' ' A Bulgarian Soldier . . . 1^^ Charge of the Light Brigade 205 View of Sevastopol 214 Capture of the Malakoff 230 Fortress of Kars 2o2 12 LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS. PAGE Scene in a Chinese Harbor 237 Pagoda, Bombay 2S9 Mausoleum at Lahore 242- Palace and Park of the Grand Mogul 244- View in the Himalayas 246. Mahratta Procession 251 The Imambarra, Lucknovv 269 Scindia, Prince of Gvvalior 271. Australian Pioneers 287 Lord John Russell 301 Porcelain Tower, Pekin 308 Garden of the Summer Palace, Pekin 312 The San Jacinto stopping the Trent 327 Combat between the Kearsarge and the Alabama . . 332 Admiral Farragut 332 Park in the City of Mexico 337 Royal Palace at Copenhagen 345 View in Hyde Park, London 364 M. Guizot 391 A POPULAR HISTORY OF ENGLAND DURING THE REIGN OP VICTORIA. CHAPTER I. THE ACCESSION. KING WILLIAM IV. was dead (June 20, 1837), and the Princess Victoria, the only child of the Duke of Kent, fourth son of King George III., became queen of Eng- land. This was something more than the close of one royal life and the dawn of a new reign. Without the foundations of society or of the throne being shaken, without the occur- rence of any of those dangerous shocks which exhaust and shorten a nation's life, it was the opening of a new era in the career of England. Henceforth the sovereign was to advance freely with the nation in a more liberal and sometimes even a venturesome path. Queen Victoria was to accept simply and frankly the place made for her by her country's progress in con- sequence of the Reform Bill and the increasing authority of the House of Commons ; without relinquishing her rightful share in the government, — a share more real and more important than has often been believed, — she was never to embarrass the truly sovereign action of the country itself in the conduct of its own affairs. She was destined to become, par excellence^ 13 14 THE EEIGN OF VICTOKIA. [Chap. I. that which she to-day is, for the happiness and greatness of England, — the constitutional sovereign of a free country ; unreservedly and avowedly admitting the operation of those parliamentar}'- institutions, the slow product of ages in Eng- land's history, which all nations have sought and are still vainly seeking to imitate. The Princess Victoria was eighteen years of age ; brought up far from the court by her widowed mother, she was almost unknown to those even whose duty it was to announce to the new queen her accession. The Archbishop of Canterbury and the lord chamberlain arrived at five in the morning at Ken- sington palace, where the Duchess of Kent resided. All the gates were shut, and it was with some difficulty that they obtained admittance to the presence of the princess, awakened suddenly by their message. At eleven o'clock the Council met, and the young queen presided. Mr. Charles Greville, secretary of the Privy Coun- cil, has related, with an amiability unusual to him, this first entrance of the sovereign upon her public duties : " The king died at twenty minutes after two, yesterday morning, and, the young queen met the council at Kensington Palace, at eleven. Never was anything like the first impres- sion she produced, or the chorus of praise and admiration which is raised about her manner and behavior, and certainly not without justice. It was very extraordinary, and some- thing far beyond what was looked for. Her extreme youth and inexperience, and the ignorance of the world concerning her, naturally excited intense curiosity to see how she would act on this trying occasion, and there was a considerable assem- blage at the palace, notwithstanding the short notice which was given. The first thing to be done was to teach her her lesson, which, for this purpose, Melbourne had himself to learn. , , . . She bowed to the lords, took her seat, and then read VICTOEIA AT THE AGE OP EIGHT. THE YOUTHFUL QUEEN Chap. I.] THE ACCESSION. 15 her speech in a clear, distinct, and audible voice, and without any appearance of fear or embarrassment. She was quite plainly dressed, and in mourning. After she had read her speech, and taken and signed the oath for the security of the Church of Scotland, the privy councillors were sworn, the two royal dukes first, by themselves ; and as these two old men, her uncles, knelt before her, swearing allegiance and kissing her hand, I saw her blush up to the eyes, as if she felt the contrast between their civil and their natural relations; and this was the only sign of emotion which she evinced. Her manner to them was very graceful and engaging ; she kissed them both, and rose from her chair, and moved toward the Duke of Sussex, who was farthest from her, and too infirm to reach her. She seemed rather bewildered at the multitude of men who were sworn, and who came, one after another, to kiss her hand ; but she did not speak to anybody, nor did she make the slightest dif- ference in her manner, or show any in her countenance, to any individual of any rank, station, or party. I particularly watched her when Melbourne and the ministers, and the Duke of Wellington, and Peel, approached her. She went through the whole ceremony, occasionally looking at Melbourne for instruction when she had any doubt what to do, which hardly ever occurred, with perfect calmness and self-possession, but at the same time with a graceful modesty and propriety par- ticularly interesting and ingratiating." " If she had been my own daughter, I could not have wished her to do better," said the Duke of Wellington. The admi- ration felt by the principal personages of the kingdom, first admitted to the presence of the young sovereign, rapidly spread throughout the nation ; Queen Victoria was saluted with eager delight by a people who, through all the vicissitudes of a long reign, have never forgotten those first transports of affection and of joy. 16 THE REIGN OF VICTORIA. [Chap. I. The accession of the young queen to the English throne was the signal for the separation of Hanover from the crown of England. The electoral dignity of Hanover being hered- itary in the male line, the territory united with England by George I. now fell to the share of the eldest of George III.'s surviving sons, the Duke of Cumberland, not long since ren- dered distinguished by his military achievements, but, with good reason, unpopular in England. The separation of the two crowns, however, caused no regret to the English nation, who had often found themselves entangled in continental affairs on account of the undisguised interest the Hanoverian kings had manifested in the welfare of their hereditary states. The royal house of Hanover henceforth ruled independently its two nations, nor was any one clear-sighted enough to foresee at that time the shocks which were to overthrow the more mod- est of these two thrones. The coronation of the young queen did not take place until a year after her accession. On this brilliant occasion it was observed, with a satisfaction not unmingled with surprise, that the populace of London gave an enthusiastic welcome to Mar- shal Soult, ambassador extraordinary from Louis Philippe. He had been the last in France to fight against the English, at the battle of Toulouse, and the recollection of past feuds added a rare savor to the joys of peace. " The English cried, ' Hurrah for Soult ! ' " he said, some years later, in the Chamber of Deputies ; " I had learned to esteem them upon the field of battle, I have learned to esteem them in peace ; I am ardently a partisan of the English alliance." Politics had not occupied a large share in the attention of the young queen, but she had been brought up under the influence of the Whigs, and on ascending the throne she found them in power. Lord Melbourne, the premier, was the least radical of his party, impartial by reason both of indifference MARSHAL SOULT. Chap. I.] THE ACCESSION. 17 and of good sense, a judicious epicurean, an agreeable self- seeker, cool and gay, mingling a natural authority with a negli- gence which he took pleasure in carrying even to exaggeration. " I don't care," was his habitual expression. The queen soon became much attached to him ; he amused her as well as advised her, and had an affectionate freedom in his intercourse with her which was almost fatherly. The Tories soon became extremely jealous of Lord Melbourne's personal influence over the young sovereign. " We have no chance at all," said the Duke of Wellington ; " I have no small-talk, and Peel has no manners." The penetration and good sense of the queen soon taught her to recognize superior merit hidden under a cold or unattractive exterior, but she always preserved her affec- tion for Lord Melbourne, even after the necessities of public affairs obliged her to separate from him. The first difficulties of Queen Victoria's government arose from Canada. The population of Lower Canada had remained French in manners and habits, even after the misfortunes and faults of Louis XV. had delivered the province over to England. It had struggled long and passionately to remain faithful to that France who was not able to keep her colonies, but has left her ineffaceable stamp everywhere, and the tender memory of her rule. The colonists of Upper Canada, English in origin, whether coming directly from the mother-country, or coming in over the border from the United States, had by degrees gained an importance and taken a control in the affairs of the colony which threatened to become preponderant. The strife of rival tendencies and influences had brought about between the two populations an antagonism which manifested itself especially in the conflict of the two legislative bodies, one named by the crown, the other elected by popular suffrage. The animosity was carried so far that the representative assem- bly refused to vote subsidies. This legal resistance shortly be- 18 THE REIGN OF VICTORIA. [Chap. I. came open revolt, active and enduring in Lovi^er Canada, soon and easily repressed in Upper Canada. In the latter province, Major Head, the governor, contented himself w^ith calling out the militia and invoking the aid of all v^^ell-disposed citizens against the rebels ; for the pacification of Lovs^er Canada, all the regular troops had been required. Parliament suspended the constitution of Lower Canada, still in large measure stamped with French traditions, and the ministry appointed as governor- general Lord Durham, son-in-law of Lord Grey, and confided to him almost dictatorial powers. The new governor of Canada had been a member of the ministry which had accomiDlished the work of parliamentary reform ; he was ardent, eloquent, sincere in the enthusiasm of his views and of his character. His disposition was capricious, and his best friends dreaded his explosions of temper. He might save Canada, or he might ruin it. Canada was saved through the audacity of Lord Durham's measures, and the governor himself was ruined by them. The armed rebellion had already been suppressed when the governor-general arrived at Quebec, towards the close of May, 1838 ; the chief leaders had quitted the colony, a few others were in prison. Lord Durham perceived that it would be im- possible to have them judged by the ordinary tribunals ; the jury were sure to acquit them without exception. He did not institute a higher court, but, proclaiming an almost general amnesty, he excepted from it those only who had fled the country and those now in prison who had been openly impli- cated in acts of high treason. In the exercise of his supreme authority, he transported the prisoners to the Bermuda Islands, and pronounced sentence of death against those excepted from the amnesty who should attempt to return into the colony. In all his measures for the re-establishment of a settled gov- ernment, he set aside the provisional council which had been Chap. I.] THE ACCESSION. 19 formed to replace the suspended laws, and ruled alone, with the assistance of his secretaries and aids-de-camp. The power which he exercised was absolute. Such was, in his mind, the mission with which he had been charged. Parliament judged otherwise. When the news of Lord Dur- ham's dictatorial acts reached England, the opposition seized upon them at once with an eagerness which united in the same attack Lord Brougham and Lord Lyndhurst. The ministry yielded, and disowned the acts of Lord Durham. The latter learned by an American newspaper that he had been thus cast off, and his resignation crossed on the way the official announce- ment that his conduct had been disapproved at home. Carried away by his resentment, the governor published a proclamation at Quebec, appealing to the sentiment of justice in the colony against the censure of the English government. His recall had become inevitable. He returned to England, deeply irritated and wounded, and never rallied from the blow which he had received. He died shortly after (in the year 1840), at the age of forty-eight, without having seen the result of his efforts in favor of a new constitution for the colony of Canada. It was, however. Lord Durham's report, skilfully prepared by Mr. Charles Buller, which has served as the basis for the reforms made successively in the constitution of Canada, trans- forming it into a real federation, governing itself, in fact, and every day becoming freer and more prosperous. The work was accomplished with a prudence and a wisdom which Lord Durham never could have manifested; but it was he who first conceived the idea of it, and the system he sought to inau- gurate has since then been applied to the numerous colonies of England as fast as the mighty instinct of the Anglo-Saxon race has founded them in all the seas. It was a measure analogous to that of placing Lord Dur- ham in command in Canada which the ministry presented in 20 THE REIGN OF VICTORIA. [Chap. I. the session of 1839, with the intention of relieving the embar- rassments of the government in Jamaica. The emancipation of the blacks remained imperfect in that island; the planters composing the representative assembly of the colony found it difficult to accustom themselves to the equality which recent laws had granted to their former slaves. The government and the legislative council protected the negroes against the oppression still practised against them, the illegality of which they themselves did not always understand. To put an end to the conflict between the two powers, the ministry proposed to suspend, for a period of five years, the constitution of the colon3^ This measure, necessary perhaps, but dangerously anti-liberal, was attacked simultaneously by the Tories and by a certain number of the radicals. The admin- istration was already tottering, and a majority of only five was announced in favor of the law. The ministry resigned. The queen took counsel with the Duke of Wellington, who advised her to send for Sir Robert Peel, assuring her that the new admin- istration would encounter its chief difficulties in the House of Commons. The chief difficulty, however, was to arise from a different quarter ; it was the queen herself who was to become the obsta- cle in the formation of the Tory Cabinet. Sir Robert Peel read- ily made his selection, and the queen offered no objection to the persons proposed, although she had never scrupled to say from the first how much she regretted the Whigs, while yield- ing without hesitation to the constitutional rule which required her to part with them. But the demands of Sir Robert Peel extended to the household of the queen ; he felt the serious disadvantages of leaving the queen surrounded by the wives and sisters of his political opponents, and he requested the dis- missal of Lady Normanby and the Duchess of Sutherland. The queen was attached to her ladies. It appeared to her that her Chap. I.] THE ACCESSION. 21 entire household would be forever subject to change at each change of ministry. Her pride and her affection both objected to what she considered the unreasonable claims of Sir Robert. She declined to dismiss any of her ladies. Sir Robert per- sisted, and finally refused to form a Cabinet. Lord Melbourne and his colleagues were recalled. The power remained in the hands of the Whigs, and the explanations given by the two parties in Parliament added to the question an importance it had not at first deserved. Some years later, by the wise advice of Prince Albert, it was decided that the ladies of the royal household who were very closely connected with the members of a retiring administration should naturally share the fate of husbands or brothers, and resign their positions. But when the matter was thus settled once for all, the queen had already in her domestic life an intimate companion whom no political oscillation could remove from her. The ministry remained feeble in both Houses, and was vio- lently attacked. Lord Brougham reproached the ministers bit- terly with their unconstitutional complaisance. "I thought," he exclaimed, " that we belonged to a country in which the government by the crown and the wisdom of Parliament was everything, and the personal feelings of the sovereign were absolutely not to be named at the same time. ... I little thought to have lived to hear it said by the Whigs of 1839, ' Let us rally round the queen. Never mind the House of Com- mons ; never mind measures ; throw principles to the dogs ; leave pledges unredeemed ; but for God's sake rally round the throne.' Little did I think the day would come when I should hear such language, not from the unconstitutional, place-hunting, king-loving Tories, who thought the public was made for the king, and not the king for the public ; not from the Whigs themselves. The Jamaica Bill, said to be a most important measure, had been brought forward. The government staked 22 THE REIGN OF VICTORIA. [Chap. I. their existence upon it. They were not able to carry it ; they therefore conceived they had lost the confidence of the House of Commons. They thought it a measure of paramount neces- sity then. Is it less necessary now ? Oh, but that is altered ! The Jamaica question is to be new fashioned ; principles are to be given up ; and all because of two ladies of the bed- chamber." Parliamentary recriminations, whether well founded or not, and the weakness of the administration, were alike powerless to interfere with the magnificent outbursts of human thought and invention which signalled the first years of the young sovereign's reign. The change effected by the application of steam to the means of locomotion by sea and land was begin- ning to renew the face of the world, while no man could as yet measure its marvellous effects. Four railways were opened in England between 1837 and 1839. Navigation by steam was applied to the transatlantic voyage about the same time, and a line of steamships established between England and America. The first experiments with the electric telegraph date equally from this epoch of marvellous development of the human mind. Some time before this, the eminent mathematician, Joseph Marie Ampere, had discovered the principle and commenced the application of electricity to the transmission of news ; but his experiments were still incomplete and theoretic when Professor Wheatstone and Mr. Cooke took out a patent "for improve- ments in giving signals and sounding alarms in distant places by means of electric currents transmitted through metallic cir- cuits." Ariel had not yet set forth to "put a girdle round the earth in forty seconds," but his wings were already clearly to be discerned. The act ordering the transmission of the mails by railway wherever lines had been established, had scarcely been passed, in 1838, when an important reform was introduced which radically modified the post-office system in England, and Chap. I.] THE ACCESSION. 23 progressively throughout the entire world. The transmission of letters was expensive and difficult ; for the support of the department it had been believed necessary to fix very high rates , Mr. Rowland Hill proposed to reduce the postage on letters to one penny, asserting that the immense development of letter-writing consequent upon this reduction would fill, and more than fill, the deficit arising from the reduction of the tax. He had commenced his campaign as early as 1837, and his doctrines by degrees gained proselytes. The tax levied upon letter- writing weighed most heavily upon the lower classes, who did not profit by the franking privileges afforded to members of Parliament. Miss Martineau relates how the passion of Mr. Hill for his favorite reform was excited by a little incident witnessed by one of his friends, the poet Coleridge : " Coleridge, when a young man, was walking through the Lake district, when he one day saw the postman deliver a let- ter to a woman at a cottage door. The woman turned it over and examined it, and then returned it, saying she could not pay the postage, which was a shilling. Hearing that the letter was from her brother, Coleridge paid the postage, in spite of the manifest unwillingness of the woman. As soon as the post- man was out of sight, she showed Coleridge how his money had been wasted as far as she was concerned. The sheet was blank. There was an agreement between her brother and her- self, that as long as all went well with him he should send a blank sheet in this way once a quarter ; and she thus had tidings of him without expense of postage. Most persons would have remembered this incident as a curious story to tell ; but there was one mind which wakened up at once to a sense of the significance of the fact. It struck Mr. Hill that there must be something wrong in a system which drove a brother and sister to cheating in order to gratify their desire to hear of one another's welfare." 24 THE REIGN OF VICTORIA. [Chap. I. The excitement was great in the post-office department, and the resistance prolonged ; but it is the honor and strength of free countries that new and fruitful ideas always find some brave mind and persevering will to defend and propagate them. Gov- ernment was not convinced of the practical utility of Mr. Hill's proposition, ardently supported though it was in the Houses of Parliament ; but it was agreed to reduce the postage to four- pence for each letter not exceeding a half-ounce in weight, throughout the whole extent of the United Kingdom. A year later, in the month of January, 1840, the definitive reform was accomplished, and a uniform rate of a penny a let- ter was fixed, while the franking privileges accorded to mem- bers of Parliament and of the government were at the same time materially abridged. Free scope being thus offered to com- mercial and individual correspondence, its development has since surpassed all expectation ; the number of letters rising from eighty-two millions in the year 1839 to more than a thousand millions in the year 1875, in Great Britain and Ireland. The entire world profits by the persevering initiative of Sir Row- land Hill. Time and space had begun to yield before the in- creasing energy of the human mind, and it was reserved for his administrative faculty to inflict upon them a new defeat by bringing the interchange of letters within the reach of alL So much intellectual activity, so much material progress and increasing energy, naturally excite a people enjoying their beneficial effects. The abrupt change brought about in the social condition by the rapid extension of railways was of a nature to reveal, and did in fact bring to light, abysses of the rudest ignorance ; it excited passions and hopes, old and yet forever new. A half-insane leader, assuming a pretentious title, raised an insurrection in Kent, promising the peasants a regeneration in society, as once Wat Tyler and Jack Cade had done in the Chap. I.] THE ACCESSION. 25 same part of England. The winter had been severe ; suffer- ing was extreme ; most of the peasantry were utterly illiterate ; their chief promised them all this world's goods and eternal glory. A crowd gathered about him ; and when the author- ities sought to disperse them, a constable was killed. The mil- itary being called out, the officer in command was shot dead ; but at the first fire of the troops, the wretched fanatic who had incited the disturbance, John Nicholls Thom, or, as he styled himself. Sir William Courtenay, fell, with several of his partisans ; others were arrested, condemned, and transported. The insurrection was at an end ; but the ambitions and illu- sions seething in men's minds were not dispelled. A consolation amid the bitter strifes and constant agitations of our time is found in the ever-increasing interest felt by the more prosperous classes in the fate of those who suffer. Dr. Arnold, head-master of Rugb}', a man whose memory remains forever dear to all who have been within his influence, and whose power extended far beyond the institution of which he was the head, wrote in 1839 to one of his friends : " I would give anything to be able to organize a society 'for drawing public attention to the state of the laboring-classes through- out the kingdom.' Men do not think of the fearful state in which we are living ; if they could once be brought to notice and to appreciate the evil, I should not even yet despair that the remedy may be found and applied, even though it is the solution of the most difficult problem ever yet proposed to man's wisdom, and the greatest triumph over selfishness ever yet required of his virtue." The feeling of the working-classes themselves naturally went further than the wise foresight of the Tory chief. Their exist- ence was, without doubt, hard and precarious ; they felt all its bitterness, and desired its amelioration, but at the same time they had other desires which had been excited by the Reform 26 THE REIGN OF VICTOEIA. [Chap. I. Bill and the hope which it had kindled before their eyes. The battle had been fought in Parliament; the flag of Reform had been carried by the aristocratic leaders who had taken the cause in hand ; the working-classes had sustained it ardently, and even clamorously ; the middle-class had been admitted to a share in the government of the country, but the working-classes in no way whatever participated therein. They saw the door shut in their faces, and the career closed against the very men who had fought for the Reform Bill with the greatest ardor. Popular agitators resolved to carry forward the work which in their judgment had been but just commenced. At a confer- ence held between a few of the most radical members of Par- liament and the leaders of the working-men, a programme was adopted which afterwards became widely known. " There's your Charter," O'Connell said, " agitate for it, and never be content for anything less," and the " Chartists " soon gathered about their " Charter." Some of the points set forth in this " Charter " of the agi- tators have since become law in England ; others, happily for the nation's tranquillity, remain yet unaccepted. Voting by ballot has been adopted, as the programme of the Chartists in- sisted ; the property qualification required for members of Par- liament has been abandoned : but universal suffrage does not exist ; Parliaments have not been made annual ; members of Parliament are not paid ; the territory of England is not yet divided into equal districts, sending each its representative to the House of Commons. Still, it would be idle to deny that the progress of legislation and of public sentiment is forcing England as well as the nations of the continent in the direc- tion of democracy. The alliance between the aristocracy and the democracy is not yet broken ; the aristocracy is not dis- possessed of its rdle^ in general the authority is yet in its hands; it manages the affairs of the country, but it carries them on liilllilll IIIIIIIIIIJW I Chap. I.] THE ACCESSION. 27 more and more in sympathy with public sentiment and in obe- dience to the public will. While still preserving its social rank, it is to-day the servant, and not the master. The aristocracy governs, the democracy rules, and rules with a mastery too dreaded, and sometimes obeyed with too much docility. In 1839 the Chartists were divided into two classes, the partisans of moral force, and the partisans of material force ; the men of theories, and tlie violent agitators, ready to come to blows with a society which refused to them that which they regarded as their right. The first demonstration of these prac- tical demagogues took place at Birmingham, between the 4th and the 15th of July. The excitement was factitious, for man- ufactures were prosperous, and most of the woi'king-classes already possessed the right of suffrage, but the city was in a panic until the rioters had been forcibly suppressed. The same scenes were enacted at Sheffield and at Newport. In the lat- ter city, a former magistrate, well known for his advanced opinions, headed the working-men who rose in the name of the Chartist programme. He led them when they entered Newport on the 3d of December. The mayor of the city was attacked in the inn where he had established his head-quarters, and was wounded while defending himself. The troops soon repulsed the ill-disciplined multitude ; the leaders were arrested, tried, and finally transported. The agitation was destined to continue, for it arose from the condition of society itself, and from that instinctive and bitter envy which lies at the bottom of so many hearts ; but it was not destined to shake to its foundations the life of the English people. In 1848, when all the thrones of Europe trembled, after the fall of Louis Philippe in France, a Chartist demon- stration took place in London, and was immediately met by an impressive manifestation of the conservative spirit of the great majority of the people. " There was a great Chartist meeting 28 THE REIGN OF VICTORIA. [Chap. I. to-day at Kennington, near London," wrote M. Guizot, then in exile in England, to M. de Barante, his friend, " twelve or fifteen thousand, they say, who assembled to demand the half of what the Parisian Communists require. The walls are placarded with an official prohibition of all meetings or processions, exactly like Delessert's proclamation three weeks ago. Everybody, from the Duke of Norfolk and Lord Lincoln on the one side, down to the two thousand coal-heavers of the Thames on the other, all the aristocracy and all the middle class to its lowest degree, rallied to the government, and were sworn in as special con- stables in case of a riot, and there will be at Kennington more volunteers to repress than there will be to make an outbreak. This is grand, but for us a sad thing to see." The Chartist tumults were not yet appeased, and their leader Fergus O'Connor, presided over meetings and over mobs, when Queen Victoria, upon opening Parliament on the 16th of Jan- uary, 1840, announced to the nation her intention to marry her cousin Prince Albert of Saxe-Cobnrg Gotha, a union which she hoped would be as conducive to the interests of her people as to her own personal happiness. "Her Majesty has," said Sir Robert Peel, in the House of Commons, " the singular good fortune to be able to gratify her private feelings while she per- forms her public duty, and to obtain the best guarantee for happiness by contracting an alliance founded on affection." For some time the queen had been attached to her cousin, who was nearly of her own age, and had been twice in Eng- land. The marriage had already been for some months decided on when the queen announced it in Parliament. " In the year 1888," says M. Guizot, in his preface to the " Speeches of Prince Albert," " two centuries will have been completed since William of Orange, a foreign prince, and the husband of an English princess, was called into England by a revolution. There was doubt and embarrassment about the Chap. I.] THE ACCESSION. 29 extent of the power which he should exercise. 'And now,' says Lord Macaulay, ' William thought that the time had come when he ought to explain himself. He accordingly sent for Halifax, Danby, Shrewsbury, and some other political leaders of great note, and with that air of stoical apathy under which he had, from a boy, been in the habit of concealing his strongest emo- tions, addressed to them a few deeply meditated and weighty words. " ' He had hitherto, he said, remained silent ; he had used neither solicitation nor menace ; he had not even suffered a hint of his opinions or wishes to get abroad ; but a crisis had now arrived at which it was necessary for him to declare his intentions. He had no right and no wish to dictate to the con- vention. All that he claimed for himself was the privilege of declining any office which he felt that he could not hold with honor to himself and with benefit to the public. A strong party was for a regency. It was for the Houses to determine whether such an arrangement would be for the benefit of the nation. He had a decided opinion on that point ; and he thought it right to say distinctly that he would not be regent. Another party was for placing the princess on the throne and for giving him during her life, the title of king and such a share in the administration as she might be pleased to allow him. He could not stoop to such a post. He esteemed the princess as much as it was possible for man to esteem woman ; but not even from her would he accept a subordinate and a precarious place in the government. He was so made that he could not submit to be tied to the apron-strings even of the best of wives. He did not desire to take any part in English affairs, but if he did consent to take a part there was one part only which he could usefully or honorably take. If the estates offered him the crown for life he would accept it. If not, he should, without repining, return to his native country.' 30 THE REIGN OF VICTORIA. [Chap. I. " William III. was right. When he was called into England he was thirty- eight years of age. For sixteen years he had defended a great European cause against the greatest king in Europe. England had called upon him to come and defend for her, and upon her soil, this same cause by bringing a revolution to a happy and successful issue. The crown of England was above all a great additional strength in carrying on his struggle upon the continent. To fulfil the mission laid upon him he had need of all the power and all the prestige of royalty. If he had accepted a lower position, were it lower but in appearance only, he would have been weakened, instead of strengthened, he would have lost instead of gaining. "That which he insisted upon, while essential for his public career, required no effort, and occasioned no disturbance in his domestic relations. His wife, the Princess Mary, thought and wished as he did. When she learned that there was hesitation at London, in respect to the power and the title with which her husband should be invested, she wrote to Lord Danby that she was the Prince's wife, that she had no other desire than to be his subject, that the most cruel injury that any one could do her would be to establish a rivalry between herself and him, and that she should never regard as her friend, any person who should form such a plan. For eleven years, William had been king over his household ; there even he would have suf- fered a certain diminution of authority and dignity if he had not had equal rights and powers with his wife in the new kingdom. "When, in 1840, Prince Albert of Saxe-Coburg, married Queen Victoria, his position was very different ; he was young and unknown to the world. He married a young queen hereditarily established upon her throne, in a country most foreign to any necessity or any chance of revolution, a country governed as strongly as it was liberally. In his native land he had done nothing ; in the new country to which he came, Chap. I.] THE ACCESSION. 31 there was nothing for him to do ; England asked of him only to be a good husband to the queen, and to occasion in her govern- ment neither disturbance nor embarrassment. " Guided either by the excellence of his own judgment or by the wise counsels of his advisers, Prince Albert understood admirably the situation, and adapted his conduct to it with equal dignitj^ and good sense. He was at once active and modest, never seeking, in fact, avoiding any vain show of tak- ing part in the government. Although very seriously occupied in the public affairs of England, and the interests of the crown worn by his wife, he was for twenty-one years Queen Victoria's first subject and her first counsellor, her confidential and only secretary, silently associated in all her deliberations, in all her resolutions, skilful in enlightening her and in seconding her in her relations with her Cabinet without embarrassing or offend- ing the ministers themselves, exercising at the side of the throne a salutary and judicious influence, yet never going out of his place or interfering with the action of a constitutional government. " For these twenty-one years. Prince Albert was in his domes- tic life as excellent a husband as he was a wise and useful coun- sellor. He lived with the queen, his wife, in the most tender affection, assiduously occupied, in concert with herself, in the education of their children, uniting to a serenity of character and the charm of an affectionate nature, a suitable measure of conjugal and paternal authority, filling and animating the life of those about him, and giving to his royal family as much happiness as he received from them. It was a career as beauti- ful as it was unostentatious, rare in the domestic history of thrones, and pursued by Prince Albert without effort, without alternating periods of good and bad, by the natural impulse of an upright and elevated mind, an affectionate heart, and a con- science as sensitive as it was enlightened." 32 THE REIGN OF VICTORIA. [Chap. I. The marriage of Queen Victoria with Prince Albert took place February 10, 1840. The prince was received in England with a certain coolness which at times betrayed itself by absurd and unjust suspicions, and by uncivil procedures. Prince Albert was a free-thinker, some said ; others averred that he was a Roman Catholic. The proposition for an annuity for the prince was not accepted without debate in Parliament, and the amount was finally reduced from fifty thousand pounds to thirty thou- sand. Prince Albert was destined to be justly appreciated and to become thoroughly popular in his adopted country only after his death. Every year of his virtuous life was, however, to bring him increasing happiness in his family, and increasing con- sideration and respect in his country. And finally, all England was to lament him, feeling to this day the grief and void caused by his loss. Chap. II.] WARS AND RUMORS OF WAR. THE EAST. 33 CHAPTER II. WARS AND RUMORS OF WAR. THE EAST. THE queen's marriage with Prince Albert was celebrated in February, 1840, and in June of the same year the first of those attempts upon her life was made, which from time to time have alarmed and exasperated England. The assassin was one Oxford, a boy of seventeen, half crazy, and treated as such. No political motive was assigned for this attack, the act of a disordered mind and an insane thirst for notoriety. Five times more, at very irregular intervals, the queen was destined to be the object of similar attacks. No one of the assassins paid with his life for the criminal attempt ; no one even underwent a long imprisonment. A law, made expressly, fixed the punishment for such attempts at transportation for seven years, or imprisonment for not more than three years, " the culprit to be publicly or privately whipped as often and in such manner as the court shall direct, not exceeding thrice." Neither the queen nor the nation desired a vindictive punishment of these insane acts, which appear never to have been inspired by fanatical passions or instigated by secret societies, as were the attacks made upon Louis Philippe in France. More serious anxieties at this time occupied the statesmen of both England and France. The recent difficulties between the Sultan of Turkey and his great vassal, Mohammed Ali, Pasha of Egypt, threatened to kindle a war between the great Powers of Europe, protectors of one or the other of the belligerents. Sultan Mahmoud died (July 1, 1839) at the moment when his 34 THE REIGN OF VICTORIA. [Chap. II. troops sent to recapture Syria from the pasha had been defeated by the array of the latter. The new sultan, Abdul Medjid, was but sixteen years of age ; the audacity of the Pasha of Egypt was increased by this fact, and such was his influence over the very officers of the Porte, that the Capitan Pasha, or High- Admiral of the Turkish fleet, took his vessels to Alexandria and delivered them up to the viceroy. The courts of Europe offered their mediation, which was accepted by Turkey, and the difficulties of the situation increased daily. King Louis Philippe sent M. Guizot to London as ambassador. " My situation in entering upon negotiations in London upon the Turkish question was singularly hampered and difficult," writes M. Guizot in his MSmoires. " By our note to the Porte of the 27th of July, 1839, we had agreed to act upon that ques- tion in concert with Austria, Prussia, and Russia, as well as with England, and we had deterred the sultan from making any direct arrangement with the Pasha of Egypt, assuring him that the united action of the five great Powers was certain. Since that time, however, we had encouraged the pretensions of tlie pasha to the hereditary possession not merely of Egypt but also of Syria, and at the time that I was accredited to London, notwith- standing the obstacles we had encountered, we still persevered in this resolution. 'The king's government,' wrote Marshal Soult, in his instructions to me, dated February 19, 1840, ' has believed and believes still that, in the present position of Mohammed Ali, to offer him less than the hereditary throne of Egypt and Syria would be to expose ourselves to a certain refusal, which he would support, if need were, by desperate resistance, of which the result would be a severe shock, and perhaps total overthrow, to the Ottoman Empire.' Thus pledged on the one hand to a concert with the other great Powers, and on the other, to a support of the pasha's claims, we had against us in the negotiations : England, — she refused absolutely to the M. THIERS. Chap. II.] WARS AND RUMORS OF WAR. THE EAST. 35 pasha the hereditary possession of Syria ; Russia, who wished to preserve her exclusive protectorate over Constantinople, or would sacrifice it only in involving us in a quarrel with England ; and even Austria and Prussia, indifferent as to the territorial question between the sultan and the pasha, but determined to side, according to the occasion, now with England and now with Russia, rather than to unite with us in moderating the claims of either of those Powers. " The whole policy of the French Cabinet rested upon three convictions, which were not lessened upon the accession to power of M. Thiers and M. de Remusat (29th of February, 1840) : the utmost reliance was felt at Paris upon the persist- ency of Mohammed Ali in his claims upon Egypt and Syria, and upon his energy in supporting them by arms if he should be attacked ; the means of coercion which could be employed against him were regarded either as absolutely inefficient and futile, or as gravely compromising the safety of the Ottoman Empire and the peace of Europe ; finally, it was firmly believed that Russia would never abandon her exclusive or at least pre- ponderating protectorate at Constantinople. Firmly intrenched behind these convictions, the French Cabinet yielded willingly to the strong pressure of public opinion in favor of the Pasha of Egypt, and felt no urgent necessity to oppose it. It was my mission in London to obtain from the English government important concessions for the benefit of the pasha, and my weapons were to be the three conjectures which I have just mentioned in respect to the probabilities in case of war, and the necessity of a permanent union between France and England to maintain the integrity of the Ottoman Empire and the peace of Europe." The confidence of the French Cabinet was unfounded, as M. Guizot very soon perceived. The policy of the English ministry, under the influence of Lord Palmerston, threatened to 36 THE REIGN OF VICTORIA. [Chap. II. become more and more exclusively English, and to pay less respect to the wishes of France than was supposed at Paris. " I hope that nothing will be done without us, and I am working to that end," wrote M. Guizot to General Baudrand, first aid-de-camp to the Duke of Orleans, and one of his most trusted friends ; " but it is onl}'- a hope, and the work is difficult. English policy at times involves itself carelessly and very rashly in foreign affairs. In this affair, all the Powers, except our- selves, flatter England, and stand read}^ to obey her behests. We alone, her special allies, say, no ! The others only desire to please ; we are determined to be reasonable, at the risk of displeasing. It is not a very agreeable, nor even a very safe position. If the matter is well managed, and we have time enough, we may succeed ; but it will not do, in my judgment, to be sure of this. We must constantly be on our guard against some sudden and secret blow." Such was precisely the danger about to be encountered. Lord Palmerston had well comprehended the situation of Egypt and had taken care to aggravate the difficulties of the case. The insurrection in Syria, fomented by him, was an excuse for repulsing the French proposals which asked for Mohammed Ali the hereditary possession of Syria as well as of Egypt. Counter proposals, offering to divide Syria between the pasha- and the sultan having been in their turn refused by France, the negotiation diagged, and the Pasha of Egypt sought to enter into direct communication with the Porte. Lord Palmers- ton decided to exclude France from the convention which he considered urgently required by the interests of the Ottoman Empire ; he concluded, with Prussia, Austria, and Russia, the agreement of the 15th of July, 1840, in accordance with which, if the sultan's proposals to the pasha were repulsed, the Porte was empowered to call for the aid of the four mediating Powers to compel his vassal to obedience. Chap. II.] WARS AND RUMORS OF WAR. THE EAST. 37 This was to isolate France in Europe, and it was the most serious attack made upon that alliance between France and England which had been so strictly maintained since the acces- sion of Louis Philippe to the French throne. M. Guizot had already foreseen this. " The Eastern question occupies me much," he wrote ; " it was drooping, when Mohammed All's proposals to the sultan after the fall of Khousreff Pasha caused it to revive. This is regarded as the exclusive work of France, and has given offence. It is said, ' Since France has her sepa- rate policy and follows it, let us do the same.' The four Powers at once set at work ; Lord Palmerston is preparing a quadruple arrangement with this twofold basis : no Syria for the pasha ; coercion if necessary. I do not understand that the matter is settled. If the proposition of Mohammed Ali to the sultan should succeed, and bring about a direct settlement of difficul- ties, it will be for the best, and everybody must needs be content. But if nothing comes of it, we must not shut our eyes to the fact that our influence with the other European Powers will be enfeebled, and an agreement between them from which we are left out, will have a very good chance of success." When the convention of the 15th of July was known, the anger in France was great, — greater and more general than Lord Palmerston and the English Cabinet had foreseen. "Everything that I heard from Paris showed me how strong and general was the feeling, the displeasure, I may say, on this subject," writes M. Guizot in his Memoires ; "it arose as much from the unfriendly act of the English Cabinet as from the public good-will towards Mohammed Ali, and the French anger helped along the Egyptian cause. ' The public temper is incredibly warlike,' some one wrote to me, on the 30th of July ; ' the coolest heads, the most timid natures are carried away by the general impulse ; all the deputies whom I see, 38 THE REIGN OF VICTORIA. [Chap. II. pronounce in favor of a great display of strength ; the most peaceable among us are wearied with this question of war, always put off, but always recurring again ; we must put an end to this, they say. This disposition has reacted upon our anniversaries this month ; on the 28th there were between sixty and eighty thousand men under arms, and everybody was delighted to see so many bayonets at one time. Yesterday when the king appeared on the balcony of the Tuileries he was received with acclamations that were really very cordial, and when the orchestra performed the Marseillaise, there was a genuine outburst of enthusiasm.' " In England war was not desired. Lord Melbourne said to M. Guizot : " Lord Palmerston asserts that we shall succeed promptly and easily. In this expectation the experiment is made ; if we are mistaken, we shall not go on. The pasha is not a madman, and France is always there. France has indi- cated the terms of an agreement : Egypt and Syria made hered- itary for the pasha ; Candia, Carelia, and Adana restored to the sultan. The pasha can always fall back upon this propo- sition. Why should he not at once, if he declines the propo- sitions of the Porte ? And if it is refused now, why should he not bring it up again in the course of events when he has proved his strength, and has begun to prove Lord Palmerston in the wrong ? England wishes neither to quarrel with France nor to set Europe in a blaze. Austria is of the same mind with England. It is a pity, and it would be very serious ; but it can be avoided, and we desire to stop it, and France, who would not assist the four Powers in moving, will at least help them to stop." Lord John Russell was as anxious as Lord Melbourne ; the Tories were more uneasy than the Whigs, although they had not the responsibility of the decision. " We shall remain silent," said Sir Robert Peel ; " we shall leave all the responsibility to Chap. II.] WARS AND RUMORS OF WAR. THE EAST. 39 the Cabinet. We shall be like France in the East, motionless and watchful, waiting for events." The Duke of Wellington wrote to one of his friends : "God send that we may preserve peace between these two great countries, and for the world ! I am certain that there is no desire in this country, on the part of any party, — I may almost say of any influential indi- vidual, — to quarrel with, much less to do anything offensive towards, France. But if we should be under the necessity of going to war, you will witness the most extraordinary exertions ever made by this or any country in order to carry the same on with vigor, however undesirable we may think it to enter into it." M. Thiers was disposed to commence at once the warlike preparations whose possibility the Duke of Wellington had regretfully foreseen. " Stand firm," he wrote to M. Guizot, in a letter desiring him to return to Paris to decide, in a per- sonal interview, upon the course to be pursued ; " be cold and severe, except with those who are our friends. I have no wish to change anything in your conduct, except to render it more decided, if that be possible without exciting against your- self the ill-will of those who can influence the conduct of Eng- land." The sultan had already accepted the convention of the 15th of July, and had, in accordance, addressed to the pasha a summons to return to his allegiance. Mohammed Ali replied with the most explicit refusal. "That which I have gained by the sword I shall abandon only to the sword," he said to the consul-general of England. France intervened, and had obtained important concessions from the pasha, but the Eng- lish fleet was already off Beyroot before the treaty of the 15th of July had been ratified. On the 14th of September, with- out replying to the propositions of Mohammed Ali, the sultan pronounced sentence of removal upon his viceroy, and ap- pointed a new Pasha of Egypt. Three days later, September 40 THE REIGN OF VICTORIA. [Chap. XL 17th, Beyroot was first summoned to surrender, and then bom- barded by the English squadron, while Turkish troops, or those in the service of Turkey, landed in Syria. The treaty of July 15th was executed in all its consequences, whilst at London and Paris efforts were still making to prevent these results. The situation was critical in France. Preparations for war, already for some time in progress, were every day hastened more and more. The nation felt herself offended, and believed herself menaced. In the treaty of the 15th of July she saw an attack upon her dignity ; and the alliance of the four Powers to settle the Egyptian question without her, seemed in her eyes the presage of a new coalition against her, perhaps to come into existence in the near future. The enemies of the government of 1830 fomented this twofold sentiment, promising themselves an opportunity for the gratification of their passions and the success of their designs. The French Cabinet felt all the press- ure of the public anger and alarm, and took measures as serious as they would have done if the perils which seemed to threaten had in reality burst upon them. An augmentation of sea and land forces was ordered ; it was decided to fortify Paris. On the 8th of October the French Cabinet declared its determination not to consent to the overthrow of Mohammed Ali as Pasha of Egypt, and the Chambers were convoked for the 28th of the same month. M. Guizot did not believe that the war was necessary. On the 23d of September he wrote to the Duke de Broglie : " Ought France to make war for the sake of preserving Sj'ria to the Pasha of Egypt ? Plainly that is not an interest of sufficient importance to become a casus belli. France, who did not make war to save Poland from Russia, or Italy from Austria, cannot reasonably do it in order that Syria may belong to the pasha rather than to the sultan. The war would be either in the East and maritime, or continental and general. If maritime, AN EGYPTIAN TEMPLE. Chap, II.] WARS AND RUMORS OF WAR. THE EAST. 41 the inequality of forces is incontestable ; if continental and gen- eral, Fiance could sustain the war only by becoming once more revolutionary, that is to say, abandoning the honest, wise, and useful policy which she has followed since 1830, and b}^ her own act transforming the present alliance of the four Powers into a hostile coalition. It is, therefore, not for the interest of France to make the Syrian question a ground for war. The policy hitherto declared and maintained by France towards the East does not permit her to do it. We have constantly and loudly asserted that the distribution of territory between the sultan and the pasha concerned us but little ; that if the pasha wished to restore Syria to the sultan, we should o'ffer no oppo- sition whatever ; that the anticipation of his refusal, of his resistance, and of the perils which would arise thence for the Ottoman empire and for the peace of Europe, was the sole motive of our opposition to the exercise of coercion towards him. In making war for the sake of preserving Syria to the pasha, we should give ourselves the lie in a most conspicuous and disastrous manner. Is this equivalent to saying that France has nothing to do but to be an armed spectator at the execution of the agreement of the 15th of Jul}', and that her language, her attitude, her preparations must be, whatever happens, a demonstration, and nothing more ? Certainly not. "If the pasha resists, if the measures of coercion employed by the four Powers become complicated and prolonged, then, what France has announced may be realized. The Syrian ques- tion may bring up other questions. War may arise sponta- neously, necessarily, in consequence of some unforeseen inci- dent, the situation being perilous and critical. If war arise in this way, not by the will and the act of France, but in conse- quence of a situation for which France is not at all respon- sible, France must needs accept the war. From the present moment she is bound to hold herself ready to accept it." 42 THE REIGN OF VICTORIA. [Chap. XL Patriotic anger had been the first impulse in France, upon the news of the convention of July 15th, and revolutionary passions worked upon this patriotic anger, seeking to stimulate it to the most dangerous excesses. The conservative and prudent instinct awakened in presence of the wild extrav- agances of the newspapers and popular meetings. The necessity for the government to resist this popular excitement by resting upon the wisdom of the Chambers, was every day more keenly felt. The Cabinet of M. Thiers, hotly engaged in the struggle, was not adapted to rally the resisting force of France, nor to treat with England. " Send us away, Sire, send us away," M. Cousin, at that time Minister of Public Instruction, said to the king, " we shall lead you into war," Louis Philippe followed M. Cousin's advice : he recalled M. Guizot from London, and entrusted him with the duty of forming a new Cabinet. The peace policy prevailed, dignified, reserved, always ready to give proof of boldness and strength, in an isolation which might at any moment become an imminent danger, — the policy of peace, however, openly announced, and courageously supported. The English Cabinet greeted it with mingled satisfaction and embarrassment ; and events, justifying Lord Palmerston's policy, — the insurrection in Syria, the retreat of Ibrahim Pasha and his army, and the taking of St. Jean d'Acre, — destroyed the illusions of France in respect to Mohammed All's energetic resistance, and threatened to com- plicate the situation of Europe, by making the triumph of the four Powers too complete. Sir Robert Peel acknowledged this in a letter to M. de Bourgueney, French charge- d' affaires. In this perilous situation Mohammed AH resolved to follow the advice given him by Sir Charles Napier, then in command of the English squadron ; he offered, as soon as the heredi- Chap. II.] WARS AND RUMORS OF WAR. THP: EAST. 43 tary succession of Egypt should be assured to him, to send back to the sultan the Turkish fleet, and he gave orders to his son, Ibrahim Pasha, to evacuate Syria. The object of solicitude was now changed ; to secure the peace of Europe it was no longer a question of arresting the encroachments of Mohammed Ali upon the power of the Porte, but of preventing, in concert with France, the sultan from impairing the situation in which the Powers desired to maintain the Pasha of Egypt. " Nothing good or lasting is done without France," the Duke of Wellington used to say. For eight months the capricious alternatives of the Porte, the anger of Lord Ponsonby, the English ambassador at Con- stantinople, re-acting upon Lord Palmerston's designs, and Oriental finesse, seeking to explain documents or complicate proceedings, kept in suspense the conclusion of a treaty which all desired, though on different grounds, and which could alone put an end to a situation always full of danger. On the 13th of July, 1841, the agreement of the five Powers was signed, assuring to Mohammed Ali that Egyptian hered- ity, pure and simple, which had once been scornfully refused to him, and was now granted solely by reason of the protec- tion of France. " The Egyptian question was disposed of," writes M. Guizot in his Memoires ; " a question raised in 1840 far above its true importance, and in which we, ill-informed in respect to facts, became much more deeply involved than the strength of the pasha justified, or the interests of France required. Peace was maintained, and in the midst of peace, the pre- cautionary armaments made by France were maintained also; the fortification of Paris was carried on, the French govern- ment established itself in that isolation which had been caused by the failure of the Powers sufficiently to esteem her presence and advice. Europe became conscious of the void in 44 THE REIGN OF VICTORIA. [Chap. II. its counsels created by the absence of France, and showed easferness to recall her to them. France did not return thither until Europe came to beg her to do so, after requiring from the Porte the concessions claimed by the pasha, and mak- ing the declaration that the treaty of July 15, 1840, was de- finitively annulled. " Mohammed Ali, driven from Syria and threatened in Egypt itself, was at last established in the latter country with the hereditary succession, and upon equitable conditions, not by reason of his own strength, but on account of consideration for France, and because the Powers who had signed the treaty of the 15th of July were not willing to incur the risk of disunion among themselves, or of seeing new complications arise. " By the convention of July 13th, 1841, the Porte was with- drawn from the exclusive protectorate of Russia, and placed in the sphere of the general interests and the common deliberations of Europe. By these results, the failure of France, due to her mistake in this question, was limited and arrested ; she resumed her position in Europe, and assured in Egypt that of her client. In the end was done and obtained that which should have been done and obtained in the beginning." The affairs of Egypt, important as they were, were not the only ones to trouble the world. Many delicate negotiations had been brought to a successful issue during M. Guizot's residence in England. The remains of the Emperor Napoleon had been given up to France, not without a certain surprise upon re- ceiving such a request from the king, Louis Philippe. The difficulties existing between England and Naples on account of the sulphur mines were settled by French mediation. But the extreme East was agitated by serious conflicts, England had entered upon a war with China, and her difficulties with the Afghans became every day more threatening. China was still, in theory, an empire closed to all foreign Chap. II.] WARS AND RUMORS OF WAR. THE EAST. 45 civilization, interdicting to its subjects every form of intercourse with the merchants of the West. In fact, diplomatic and official relations did not exist, but American merchants and the English East India Company had succeeded in obtaining a foothold in a corner of the Celestial Empire, their establishments at Macao and at Canton being authorized. The East India Company's monopoly expiring in 1834, the conditions of European traffic in China were modified ; commerce becoming free, a consider- able number of English merchants henceforth became interested in it. The commerce of the Americans and the English with China was nearly of the same nature. European traders fur- nished to the Chinese the opium of which they made great use, in defiance of the prohibition of their own government, strictly forbidding its importation and sale. The Chinese government tolerated the culture of the poppy, it was urged ; it was there- fore unreasonable to object to the importation of opium. " It is an agricultural protection question," urged Lord Palmerston in the House of Commons against certain moralists in the oppo- sition who declaimed against the wickedness of the traffic. Superintendents were appointed by the English government to watch over the commerce of their countrymen at Macao and Canton, in the hope of avoiding the frequent difficulties sure to arise between two nationalities, one shut up in a narrow and antique civilization, with which they were proudly content, the other bold and enterprising, ignorant of the ideas and manners of the Chinese, and profoundly despising the narrowness of their prejudices. The English traders considered themselves protected by their government, and carrying on the opium trade ■ under the shelter of the British flag. The English government acted wrongly in leaving these superintendents for a long time without positive instructions in their delicate mission ; and when at last it was declared officially that government could not interfere to defend Eng- 46 THE REIGN OF VICTORIA. [Chap. II. lish subjects from the penalty of violating the laws of the country with which they traded, and that the traders must themselves bear any loss which might fall upon them in con- sequence of a stricter application of Chinese laws, it was already too late. The Emperor of China and his mandarins had determined to put an end to the trade. The opium in the possession of British traders was seized, the authorities required the warehouses to be given up, the persons as well as the property of English subjects seemed to be menaced ; and Captain Elliott, the chief of the superintendents, sent for aid to the Governor of India. War had begun. The result could not be doubtful. The Chinese displayed a persistent bravery which was entirely unexpected, and their heroic despair in defeat rendered their losses considerable. When conquered, they not unfrequently put their wives and children to death, and themselves perished under the ruins of their dwellings. Peace was made at last with the cession of the island of Hong-Kong, and the opening to British traders of five ports. Canton, Amoy, Foo-Chow-Foo, Ning-Po, and Shanghai. Diplomatic relations were established, and the Chi- nese engaged to pay a heavy indemnity to England, besides making up to the traders their losses in the opium destroyed. The wise principle laid down at the beginning by the Eng- lish government had been abandoned ; the cause of the opium traders had been supported, and, despite the remonstrances of the opposition, thanks were voted to government which had earned the gratitude of England by compelling the Chi- nese to admit the opium proscribed by their own laws. The excuse of the English public was, that it did not well un- derstand the question, and believed England bound to defend her citizens, and protect the honor of her flag. The cause which England had supported in China was not a good cause ; but her arms had gained an easy victory, and js^i^S^-'^^^^^-^^'^^^'y^ Chap. II.] WARS AND RUMORS OF WAR. THE EAST. 47 the product of the war-indemnity figured in the revenues under the title of " China money." The long-established En«flish dominion in India was to be the theatre of events more serious, painful, and humiliating to the country, and, for many years, fruitful in misfortunes. For the first time the Afghan name made itself heard in Europe, where it was des- tined to acquire a cruel and lasting renown. The kingdom of Cabul, or Afghanistan, forms the link between western and eastern India. It is the great highway from Persia to India, and among its population are mingled many nationalities, Hindoos, Arabs, and even Armenians, the Afghans being, however, the dominant race. They are a brave and haughty people, devout followers of Mohammed, and for ages governed by bold and able princes. In 1837, when the first difficulties arose between the Governor of India, Lord Auckland, and the Afghan princes, the throne of Af- ghanistan was occupied by Dost Mohammed, belonging to the powerful tribe of the Barukzyes, who had driven out of the kingdom the descendants of Ahmad-Shah, the great founder of the Afghan Empire. These latter princes retained nothing but Herat, and all the rest of Afghanistan was divided among Dost Mohammed and his brothers, who were favorably disposed towards England, and had already made overtures towards her. Anxiety in respect to the increase of Russian influence had always existed at the court of the English Governor of India, and it was particularly serious at this period. Dost Mo- hammed, while earnestly seeking the favor and protection of England, allowed it to be understood that if unsuccessful in this attempt, he should seek another alliance. Captain Barnes, a bold and experienced traveller, was employed to sound the intentions and judge of the sincerity of the Afghan prince, and the information he sent to Lord Auckland was 48 THE REIGN OF VICTORIA. [Chap. II. distinctly favorable to Dost Mohammed. Notwithstanding this, Lord Auckland seems to have had no confidence in Dost Mohammed ; it appeared to him that he should better secure English preponderance in Afghanistan by placing upon the throne a prince who should owe everything to England : a descendant of the exiled rulers of the country was living in retirement in India, and Lord Auckland resolved to restore this individual to the throne of his ancestors. On the 12th of October, 1838, the English governor published a manifesto, announcing the war and declaring his reasons. The presence of a Russian agent at the court of Dost Mohammed, and the fear of a Russian invasion of India across Persia and Afghan- istan, were evidently among the causes of Lord Auckland's decision. A general anxiety prevailed throughout English India, and the governor was in a degree forced by public opinion when, at the beginning of the year 1838, he entered upon the disastrous Afghan war. The campaign opened brilliantly. Ghuznee and Jellalabad were taken by assault. Dost Mohammed abandoned his capital, and the new prince, Shah Shooja, was installed in Cabul. The popularity, however, of which Lord Auckland had spoken so confidently in his proclamation, was entirely wanting to the new sovereign. His capital received him in gloomy silence, and only the acclamations of the English soldiers greeted his passage through the streets. This condition of public feeling soon manifested itself openly. Dost Mohammed himself had made more than one effort to re- cover his lost throne ; he had distinguished himself by his per- sonal bravery, but finally he seemed to have become convinced that it was useless to struggle against the power of England, and on the evening after a battle, which had at least been undecided, and might have been claimed by him as a victory, he made his way to the English headquarters and surrendered I Chap. II.] WARS AND RUMORS OF WAR. THE EAST. 49 his sword to Sir W. H. Macnaghten, the British envoy and minister at the court of Cabul. Thereupon he was sent to India, and his name replaced that of Shah Shooja upon the list of Great Britain's pensioners. But in the meantime the population of Cabul were becoming more and more dissatisfied with the new ruler, who, they averred, had sold the country to strangers. An insurrection was imminent ; Sir W. H. Mac- naghten was warned, but he paid no heed to the information. On the 2d of November, 1841, the populace broke out into insurrection ; Captain, now Sir Alexander Barnes, who had been deputed to act with Sir W. H. Macnaghten, was besieged in his own house, but refused to believe himself in danger, and sought to appease the frenzy of the mob by assuring them that he had always been their friend. His conduct, however, had laid him open to the suspicion of treachery. He had been the friend of Dost Mohammed, and he was now the confiden- tial adviser of Shah Shooja. What were his real sentiments is perhaps doubtful, since it has been well established that the despatches he sent home to the British government were tam- pered with before they were presented to the House of Com- mons. But the infuriated crowd regarded him as their enemy ; they forced the garden gate, and rushed into the house, utter- ing fierce threats against Sir Alexander and his brother. A Mussulman from Kashmyr offered to conduct the two brothers in safety to the forts, if they would trust themselves to him ; but no sooner had they quitted the house than the traitor cried out to the mob, " Here they are ! " and the two were instantly murdered. The English troops were quartered outside of the city, a few of them occupying the fortress. Every day they were threatened and insulted, and their position grew more and more dangerous. At this time a son of Dost Mohammed, Akbar Khan, a bold, intelligent, and unscrupulous young man, put 50 THE REIGN OF VICTORIA. [Chap. II. himself at the head of the insurrection. Sir W. H. Macnaghten was intending to fall back in the direction of India, in the hope of meeting the reinforcements believed to be on the way towards Cabal. He opened negotiations with the Afghan chiefs, who began by demanding unconditional surrender, a demand which was, of course, indignantly refused. Meantime dissen- sions existed among the English officers ; General Elphinstone, the commander-in-chief, was ill and enfeebled ; the second in command was a man of much greater ability, but through vanity and ill-humor unable to do his country good service. The winter had now set in with great severity, and snow fell heavily. On the 23d of December, Akbar Khan proposed a secret conference to the English envoy. The latter accepted it, and, accompanied by three officers, made his appearance at the place designated, where Akbar Khan, accompanied by a crowd of Afghans, met him. But a few words had been ex- changed when one of the English officers was seized by an Afghan who stood behind him, and Akbar Khan, fell upon Macnaghten ; he was thrown down; and Akbar Khan drawing a pistol, one of a pair Macnaghten had lately presented to him, shot the envoy. With him one of the English officers was also killed, and the others were carried off prisoners. "The look of wondering horror that sat upon Macnaghten's upturned face," says Kaye, in his " History of the Afghan War," " will not be forgotten by those who saw it, to their dying day Thus perished as brave a gentleman as ever in the midst of fiery trial struggled manfully to rescue from disgrace the repu- tation of a great country." The surprise of the English was such, and their situation so critical, that they dared not at once avenge this odious murder. Reinforcements were on the way, it was said ; but the officers resolved to capitulate. They accepted conditions the most humiliating : the abandonment of nearly all their artil- Chap. II.] WARS AND RUMORS OF WAR. THE EAST. 51 lery, the relinquishment of all the treasure, augmented by a considerable personal ransom, and the evacuation of Jellalabad by General Sale. Sis English officers were left as hostages in the hands of Akbar Khan. The caravan set out on the 6th of January, 1842. It con- sisted* of four thousand five hundred soldiers, most of them Asiatics, and twelve thousand English or Indian camp-followers. Some officers' wives and a number of children made part of this sad band. The Afghans had at first proposed to retain the women as hostages, but the officers, who had accepted so many humiliations, refused this in set terms. Fate, however, was soon to triumph over even this last resistance. Akbar Khan had required fresh hostages, which had been given him ; he now followed the march of this disorderly and despairing band, who were pressing on unaware into new dangers. The tribe of the Ghilzyes occupied the pass of Koord Cabul, a gorge five miles in length, between precipitous cliffs of great height, and traversed by a mountain torrent. From the rocky sides of the pass a shower of balls rained down upon the human mass struggling in this defile. Akbar Khan, it is said, strove to put an end to this fire, but he was utterly power- less to do it ; and when the English column emerged from the pass, three thousand dead bodies lay upon the ground. The women shared in the common fate ; many of them were in camel-panniers, a few — among them Lady Sale — on horse- back. The latter was severely wounded, and her son-in-law was killed. The Afghan chief from time to time appeared in the midst of the confusion. Finallj'- he announced, says Lady Sale, " that he had a proposal to make, but that he did not like to do so, lest his motives might be misconstrued ; but that, as it concerned us more than himself, he would mention it ; and that it was that all the married men with their families should come over and put themselves under his protection, 52 THE REIGN OF VICTORIA. [Chap. II. he guaranteeing them honorable treatment and safe escort to Peshawur. He added that it must have been seen from the events of the day previous — the loss of Captain Boyd's and Captain Anderson's children — that our camp was no place of safety for women and children." The women were not con- sulted. " There was but faint hope," says Lady Sale, " of our ever getting safely to Jellalabad, and we followed the stream. But although there was much talk regarding our going over, all I personally know of the affair is that I was told we were all to go, and that our horses were ready, and that we must mount immediately, and be off." The column continued to advance, the Asiatic soldiers drop- ping behind and falling under the severity of the cold. Finally the English gave way, one after another, until in the pass of Jugdulluk, barricaded by branches and trunks of trees, and held by the enemy, a massacre so horrible ensued that but twenty officers and twenty-five soldiers emerged alive. The following morning this little handful was again attacked ; they refused to surrender, a captain and a few men were made prisoners, others perished on the spot, six only reached Futtehabad, sixteen miles from Jellalabad, and before the last stage of the journey was completed, five of these six had perished. General Sale meanwhile was at Jellalabad, ignorant of what had befallen his comrades and his family at Cabul. Common rumor had already announced some great danger, when a letter arrived from General Elphinstone declaring that in virtue of a treaty made with the Afghans, the entire territory of Cabul was to be abandoned. General Sale was not sure that he should be able to lead his troops to Peshawur, and he resolved to disregard the instructions of Elphinstone and hold the position in which he was. On the 13th of February, a sentinel on the walls of Jellalabad perceived a man advancing in the distance whose horse seemed almost too fatigued to walk. They hastened out Chap. II.] WARS AND RUMORS OF WAR. THE EAST. 53 to meet him. Wounded, famished, worn out with suffering, Dr. Brydon brought news of the disaster which had over- whelmed the English column. Alone of all who had left Cabul on the 6th of January, he remained alive and at liberty, and he brought word to the English general that his wife and daughter were in the hands of Akbar Khan. In a soldier's heroism General Sale found what consolation was possible. " I propose," he said, " to hold this place on the part of government until I receive its order to the contrary." Akbar Khan immediately laid siege to the town, seconded by successive earthquakes which destroyed a portion of the ram- parts. But the English stood firm, repairing their walls and repulsing the enemy's attacks. They knew that General Pol- lock was on his way to their relief, and they decided to come out and attack the Afghans, without waiting for his arrival. On the 7th of April, three columns of infantry with a little force of cavalry made a sortie from Jellalabad. At the head of one of these columns marched Captain Havelock, as tranquilly resolute as when, later, he came to the deliverance of Lucknow. The Afghans were completely defeated, notwithstanding their superior numbers. On his part General Pollock had carried the Khyber Pass, where General Wild had been destroyed. Foreseeing that the enemy would, in accordance with their custom, occupy the heights, he had posted his own forces on still higher elevations ; the Afghans tried vainly to dislodge them, and in their turn perished by the same fate that they had designed for the English. The two victorious corps met at the gates of Jellalabad. The fortune of war had shifted, and English courage was in the ascendant. For a moment the vague hope had spread among the native populations of India that foreign dominion was approaching its end in their country. Shah Shooja was assassinated in Cabul ; Lord Auckland, how- ever, published a proclamation full of courage and hope : the 54 THE REIGN OF VICTORIA. [Chap. II. calamity which had overtaken the British arms was, he said, "a new occasion for displaying the stability and vigor of the British power, and the admirable spirit and valor of the British Indian army." This was the brave adieu of the governor-general to a country which he had inconsiderately involved in a disastrous war. Lord Auckland had just been superseded by Lord Ellen- borough. The first instinct of the new governor was to recall the troops at the earliest possible moment from Afghanistan. Lord Ellenborough was a man of much intellectual ability ; he was an orator, and extremely well informed in respect to Indian affairs, but he was often carried away by a love of rhetoric and theatrical effect into contenting himself and seeking to satisfy others with mere words. The brilliant style of his proclama- tions did not suffice to content the English generals, eager for vengeance, and burning to wash out the shame of their defeats. The military commanders gathered together their forces, and marched against the enemy. One by one, the cities which had fallen into the hands of the Afghans were retaken ; on the 15th of September, 1842, General Pollock entered Cabul, and, a few days later, set fire to the grand bazar where Akbar Khan had displayed to the Afghan populace the body of the murdered Macnaghten. The English hostages meantime remained in the hands of the Afghan prince; the conquerors were not forgetful of them, however, and Sir Robert Sale was appointed to attempt their deliverance. Whether he should find his wife and his daughter alive he did not know. From fort to fort, from defile to defile, the unhappy prisoners had been hurried by their keepers ; they had been shut up in the most horrible recesses, deprived almost of the necessaries of life, overwhelmed by physical and mental sufferings of every kind. Lady Sale in her journal relates the Chap. II.] WARS AND RUMORS OF WAR. THE EAST. 55 history of this captivity which Listed eight months. General Elphinstone very early succumbed under the hardships of the imprisonment. The women had preserved their strength won- derfully, and the health of the children seems not to have suffered. A hope of deliverance supported the prisoners, for sio-ns of weakness were evident in the position of Akbar Khan. The same conviction made its way among the inferior chiefs, to whom the custody of the English prisoners was confided. They allowed themselves to be won over by the promise of a heavy ransom, and the whole party were on their way towards General Pollock's camp when they met General Sale, coming in search of them. " Our joy was too great, too overwhelming for tongue to utter," wrote one of the rescued prisoners. "We felt a choking sensation which could not obtain the relief of tears." Other captives who had fallen into the power of the Ameer of Bokhara, to whom they had been sent as an embassy, were meeting with a very different fate. The feeble attempts that were made to deliver them ended only in establishing the cer- tainty that death has been to them a relief from insupportable sufferings. The intervention of the government of English India in the affairs of the native princes had borne bitter fruit. A proclama- tion by Lord Ellenborough announced that this course had been definitively abandoned. " To force a sovereign upon a reluc- tant people," wrote Lord Ellenborough, on the 1st of October, 1842, four years after Lord Auckland's proclamation in favor of the Shah Shooja, " would be as inconsistent with the policy as it is with the principles of the British government." He added that any government freely recognized by the Afghans them- selves would be accepted by Great Britain ; that the English troops would be withdrawn from Afghanistan; and that the English power in India would content itself with the limits which nature appeared to have assigned to it. 56 THE EEIGN OF VICTORIA. [Chap. II. Dost Mohammed emerged from captivity, and was restored to the throne of Cabul. All the sufferings, losses, and humilia- tions of the English army had been in vain ; at the end of four years, events had brought back the old chief to his kingdom, and restored the independence of the Afghan nation. The bones of those who had been the victims of this war remained scattered in the defiles of the mountains, while hostile and bitter memories lingered in the depths of many hearts. IAvlr.5 CALCUTTA. WINDSOR CASTLE. Chap. III.] SIR ROBERT PEEL AND THE CORN-LAWS. 5T CHAPTEK III. SIR ROBERT PEEL AND THE CORN-LAW QUESTION. WHILST England in the East was attaching her name to the opium trade with the Chinese, and to the defiles of the Afghan mountains, her interior government was undergoing important modifications, and the power passed from the hands of the Whigs to those of the Tories, from Lord John Russell and Lord Palmerston to Sir Robert Peel and Lord Aberdeen. " Ever since its two restorations in 1835 and 1839," says M. Guizot in his life of Sir Robert Peel, "the Whig Cabinet had been wearing itself out by continuing in office without growing in power. During the sessions of 1840 and 1841, it began again to totter, and it was easy to foresee that it would soon fall once more. The attacks of the opposition became more pressing. Peel no longer restrained the ardor of his friends. The Whigs began to perceive that his blows were more hardly dealt, and might soon prove mortal. They endeavored to intimidate or weaken him by foretelling the difficulties which would beset him in the exercise of power. 'I believe,' said Mr. Macaulay, ' that if, with the best and purest intentions, the right honorable baronet were to undertake the government of this country, he would find that it was very easy to lose the confidence of the party which raised him to power, but very difficult indeed to gain that which the present government happily possesses, the confidence of the people of Ireland.' " It was by the help of Ireland most of all, that the Whigs hoped to maintain themselves in power and to paralyze their 58 THE REIGN OF VICTORIA. [Chap. III. formidable opponent. Thej called on him to explain himself with clearness on this question, and generally to state the views and principles of conduct which would guide him if he were placed at the head of the government. Peel unhesitatingly accepted the challenge. ' Two demands,' he said, ' have been made by the opposite side, in the course of this discussion. The one, that he who is about to give his vote of want of confidence in the government should specify the grounds upon which this vote is given ; the other, that those who from their position may be regarded as the probable successors of the government which it is sought to displace, should state upon what principles of public policy they propose to conduct the affairs of their country. The absolute justice of the first of these demands I willingly admit. The other demand, namely, that I should explain in detail my views of public policy, is perhaps not equally imper- ative in point of strict obligation, but it is a demand to which, from considerations of prudence, I shall most willingly accede. There shall be no limit to the fulness and unreservedness of the answers which I will give, excepting your impatience. I know too well the little value that can be placed on that support which arises from misconception of one's real opinions. I have had too much experience of solemn engagements, entered into for the purpose of overturning a government, violated when that object had been obtained. I have so little desire to procure a hollow confidence, either on false pretences or by a delusive silence, that I rejoice in the opportunity of frankly declaring my opinions and intentions on every point on which you challenge unreserved explanation.' " Sir Robert Peel spoke for two hours, passing in review all the great public questions of the time, all his own opinions regard- ing reform, the principles of Parliament, the Poor Law, the Corn Law, Catholic Emancipation and the Administration of Ireland. II Chap. III.] SIR ROBERT PEEL AND THE CORN-LAWS. 59 " I have done," he said at last. " I have fulfilled the purpose for which I rose, by specifjang the grounds on which I withhold my confidence from the present government, and by declaring the course I mean to pursue on the great questions of public policy on which the public mind is divided. I cannot answer the question you put me, what principles will prevail if a new government be formed? But I can answer for it, that if the principles I profess do not prevail, of that government I shall form no part. It may be that by the avowal of my opinions I shall forfeit the confidence of some who, under mistaken impres- sions, may have been hitherto disposed to follow me. I shall deeply regret the withdrawal of that confidence ; but I would infinitely prefer to incur the penalty of its withdrawal than to retain it under false pretences. It may be that the principles I profess cannot be reduced to practice, and that a government attempting the execution of them would not meet with ade- quate support from the House of Commons. Still I shall not abandon them. I shall not seek to compensate the threatened loss of confidence on this side of the House by the faintest effort to conciliate the support of the other. I shall steadily persevere in the course which I have uniformly pursued since the passing of the Reform Bill, content with the substantial power which I shall yet exercise, — indifferent as to office so far as personal feelings or personal objects are concerned, — ready, if required, to undertake it whatever be its difficulties, — refusing to accept it on conditions inconsistent with personal honor, disdaining to hold it by the tenure by which it is at present held." It was not until the following session, on the 27th of May, 1841, that the vote of want of confidence in the Whig Cabinet, proposed by Sir Robert Peel himself, was carried by a majority of one. Determined to try every chance, the queen's ministers obtained the dissolution of Parliament. In the debate on the queen's address, the new Parliament, assembling on the 19th 60 THE REIGN OF VICTORIA. [Chap. III. of August, 1841, gave the Conservatives a majority of ninety- one votes. On the 30th of August, the Whig Cabinet resigned, and Sir Robert Peel took into his hands the government of his country. He came into power under the most brilliant yet precarious auspices, with a splendid array of strength, but also with hid- den sources of weakness. His triumph was no less legitimate than it was complete. The Whig Cabinet had given way before no accident or manceuvre ; it had slowly been worn out, in the open daylight of debate, and had retired before the posi- tive and well-considered vote of Parliament. The Cabinet just formed by Sir Robert Peel numbered in its ranks men illus- trious by their renown, their rank, their capacity, and by the general esteem of the public : in the House of Lords, the Duke of Wellington, who had no special office ; Lord Lyndhurst, equally skilled in political discussion and in the administration of justice ; Lord Aberdeen, a man of conciliating disposition and clear-sighted intelligence, prudent, patient, just, and better than any other person acquainted with the diplomatic inter- ests and traditions of Europe ; and Lord EUenborough, the most brilliant of Tory orators : in the House of Commons, Lord Stanley, concerning whom the noble ex-leader of the Whigs, Lord Grey, said, in 1840, that he considered him the direct descendant of the great oratorical school of Pitt and Fox ; Sir James Graham, eminent for administrative talent, a fertile and animated reasoner, full of resources in debate ; and around them a group of men still young, already highly distinguished, laborious, enlightened, sincere, and devoted, — Mr. Gladstone, Lord Lincoln, Mr. Sidney Herbert, Sir William FoUett. Be- hind this political staff stood a strong majority, trained by ten years of conflict, rejoicing and proud in their new triumph. Finally, at the head of this powerful party and this strong min- istry was Sir Robert Peel, the unquestioned and experienced Chap. III.] SIR ROBERT PEEL AND THE CORN-LAWS. 61 leader, accepted by all, enjoying the esteem of the public, invested with the authority of character, talent, experience, and victory. Never perhaps had a prime minister united, at his accession to power, so many elements and guarantees of a safe and strong government. But he was called to perform the most difficult of tasks, — a task in its very nature incoherent and contradictory. He was obliged to be at once a conservative and a reformer, and to carry with him in this double path a majority, itself badly cohering and ruled by interests, prejudices, and passions, which could neither be removed nor conciliated. Unity was lacking in his policy and union in his army. His position and the work which lay before him were alike complicated and embarrassed ; he was a commoner, charged with the duty of subjecting to severe reforms a powerful and proud aristocracy ; he was a Liberal, reasonable and moderate, but truly a Liberal, drawing after him the old Tories and the ultra Protestants. And this commoner, now become so great, was a man of reserved and unsympathetic character, of cold and ungraceful manners, able in guiding and ruling a public assembly, but ill suited to act upon men's minds by the charm of intimacy, of conversation, of frank and free interchange of sentiments, — rather a tacti- cian than a propagandist, more powerful to convince than to persuade, more formidable to his adversaries than agreeable to his friends. Better than himself, probably, his adversaries perceived, with the sagacity of party spirit, the difficulties which awaited him, and took no pains to remove them. Still in power upon the re-assembling of Parliament, and called upon to prepare^ as their last will and testament, the speech from the throne, the Whigs were very careful to define therein the double task which they themselves had not been able to accomplish, but which they imposed upon their successors. They said to the 62 THE REIGN OF VICTORIA. [Chap. III. two Houses : " The extraordinary expenses which the events in Canada, China, and the Mediterranean have occasioned, and the necessity of maintaining a force adequate to the protection of our extensive possessions, have made it necessary to con- sider tlie means of increasing the public revenue. Her Majesty is anxious that this object should be effected in the manner least burdensome to her people ; and it has appeared to her Majesty, after full deliberation, that you may at this juncture properly direct your attention to the revision of duties affect- ing the productions of foreign countries. It will be for you to consider whether some of those duties are not so trifling in amount as to be unproductive to the revenue, while they are vexatious to commerce. You may further examine whether the principle of protection, upon which others of those duties are founded, be not carried to an extent injurious alike to the income of the state and the interests of the people. Her Majesty is desirous, also, that you should consider the laws which regulate the trade in corn. It will be for you to deter- mine whether these laws do not aggravate the natural fluctu- ations of the supply ; whether they do not embarrass trade, derange the currency, and by their operation diminish the comfort and increase the privations of the great body of the community." Retiring thus with all possible advantages, the Whigs laid upon Sir Robert Peel the task of repairing their faults and making good their promises. He was required to re-establish authority and to reform the laws; to supply deficits and to lighten the burdens of the people. For five months, Sir Robert Peel studied the great questions which it was his duty to solve. Eager to resume the always easy role of an opposition, the Whigs reproached him for his dilatoriness. "What has been your neglect of duty," he re- torted, "in permitting five years to elapse without bringing Chap. III.] SIR ROBERT PEEL AND THE CORN-LAWS. 63 forward on the part of a united government, a proposition for the remedy of these abuses ! .... I do wish that the noble lord had taken the sense of the House of Commons — elected under his advice and under his auspices — with respect to the reasonableness and justice of the demand which I make upon its confidence, and had thus enabled me to judge whether the House of Commons approves or disapproves of the course which I mean to pursue." Parliament was, however, prorogued before Sir Robert Peel had stated his plans. It met again on the 3d of February, 1842, with unusual interest and enthusiasm. The Queen had recently given birth to the Prince of Wales, and a strong monarchical feeling animated both the nation and the Houses : addresses of affectionate congratulation were voted both to the Queen and to Prince Albert. Fortuitous and fleeting though they are, ebullitions of public joy are always serviceable to the administration which is in power at the moment. Addresses in reply to the Queen's speech were voted in both Houses with entire unanimity. They announced that measures would be at once proposed for the restoration of an 'equilibrium between the expenses of the State and its revenues, for the revision of the tariff and of the corn-laws, for the amendment of the bankrupt law, for the registration of voters, for regulating the jurisdiction of the ec- clesiastical courts, and for affording to the distress of certain manufacturing districts all the relief that legislation could apply. All hesitation and all slowness now ceased in the action of the Cabinet ; it immediately set the Houses at work, and for more than six months. Sir Robert Peel was constantly in the breach, either to explain and defend his plans in respect to the great questions under discussion, or to meet the attacks of the opposi- tion, and all the other incidents of government. The means which he adopted to restore the balance in the 64 TPIE REIGN OF VICTORIA. [Chap. III. finances of the State was the re-establishment of the income tax, a tax on all incomes above X150 a year, a measure originally- carried by Mr. Pitt in 1798. The tax which Mr. Pitt had proposed and obtained was, however, at the rate of ten per cent., while Sir Robert Peel desired but three per cent. He insisted unflinchingly upon his demand ; it was, in his eyes, a question of national honor as well as of administrative prudence. " We live," he said, " in an important era of human affairs. There may be a natural tendency to overrate the magnitude of the crisis in which we live or those particular events with which we are ourselves conversant ; but I think it impossible to deny that the period in which our lot and the lot of our fathers has been cast — the period that has elapsed since the outbreak of the first French Revolution, has been one of the most memorable periods that the history of the world will afford. The course which England has pursued during that period will attract for ages to come the contemplation, and, I trust, the admiration of posterity. That period may be divided into two parts of almost equal duration ; a period of twenty-five years of continued con- flict, the most momentous which ever engaged the energies of a nation, and twenty-five years, in which most of us have lived, of profound European peace, produced by the sacrifices made during the years of war My confident hope and belief is, that, following the example of those who preceded you, you will look your difficulties in the face, and not refuse to make similar sacrifices to those which your fathers made, for the purpose of upholding the public credit. You will bear in mind that this is no casual and occasional difficulty ; you will bear in mind that there are indications amongst all the upper classes of society of increased comfort and enjoyment — of in- creased prosperity and wealth ; and that, concurrently with these indications, there exists a mighty evil, which has been growing up for the last seven years, and which you are now ten O P K m CO 03 O pi [in O en c Chap. III.] SIR ROBERT PEEL AND THE CORN-LAWS. 65 called upon to meet. If you have, as I believe you have, the fortitude and constancy of which you have been set the exam- ple, you will not consent with folded arms to view the annual growth of this mighty evil. You will not adopt the miserable expedient of adding, during peace, and in the midst of these indications of wealth and increasing prosperity, to the burdens which posterity will be called upon to bear "Your conduct will be contrasted with the conduct of your fathers under difficulties infinitely less pressing than yours. Your conduct will be contrasted with that of your fathers, who, with a mutiny at the Nore, a rebellion in Ireland, and disaster abroad, yet submitted with buoyant vigor and uni- versal applause (with the funds as low as 52) to a property tax of ten per cent. I believe that you will not subject your- self to an injurious or an unworthy contrast " My confident hope and belief is, that now, when I devolve the responsibility upon you, you will prove yourselves worthy of your mission — worthy to be the representatives of a mighty people. You will not tarnish the fame which it is your duty to cherish as the most glorious inheritance. You will not impair the character for fortitude, for good faith, which, in proportion as tho empire of opinion supersedes and predominates over the empire of physical force, constitutes for every people, but above all for England, the main instrument by which to repel hostile aggressions and maintain extended empire." The Houses thought and felt with the minister, who hon- ored them by trusting to their integrity ; the great party that marched under Sir Robert Peel's leadership accepted the burden which he laid upon them, and order was re-established in the public finances. At the outset, and in appearance, the second of the measures proposed by the new minister was less serious: it consisted in the revision of the tariff. Twelve hundred articles were e6 THE REIGN OF VICTORIA. [Chap. III. comprised in the new list; the duties were reduced on seven hundred and fifty articles, and these reductions added to the reduced duties on coffee and on timber for building would, it was calculated, entail a loss of one million and forty thousand pounds on the exchequer. " Many gentlemen, who are strong advocates of free trade," said Sir Robert Peel, " may consider that I have not gone far enough. I believe that on the general principle of free trade there is now no great difference of opinion, and that all agree in the general rule that we should purchase in the cheapest market, and sell in the dearest ; . . . . but it is impossible, in deal- ing with such immense and extensive interests, to proceed always by a strict application of the general principle. I believe that the true friends to the general principle will argue that it is not expedient or proper to propose such a change as to cause gen- eral complaint and excite a strong sympathy We have proceeded with such care and caution as to produce as small an amount of individual suffering as was compatible with the end in view I sincerely hope that the general result of this and the other measures will be ample compensation for any individual suffering that may be inflicted ; and that they will increase the demand for the employment of industry, and thus increase the means of the people to command the comforts and necessaries of life. We have made this proposal at a time of very considerable financial embarrassment; but in doing so we have set an example to Europe, we have declared that we will not seek to improve our finances by increasing the duties on imports; we have trusted to other means for replenishing our exchequer." Sir Robert Peel had judged correctly in thinking that the advocates of free trade would find his reforms insufficient ; they directed their attacks against the modifications made by the Tory minister in respect to the legislation on corn. He had Chap. III.] SIR EGBERT PEEL AND THE CORN-LAWS. G7 maintained the principle of the sliding-.scale of duties on the importation of foreign corn, modifying it in the liberal direction. The Whigs, with Lord John Russell as their spokesman, pro- posed the substitution of a fixed duty for the sliding-scale ; Mr. Villiers, Mr. Cobden, and the radicals demanded the com- plete abolition of all duties upon corn. Mr. Christopher, in the name of the ardent partisans of protection, required that at every step of the sliding-scale the rates should be raised. Sir Robert Peel firmly supported the propositions of the ministry. With- out vehement confidence, without self-deception, without char- latanry, he proposed his plan as the most equitable compromise between the conflicting interests, but promised neither to him- self nor to others the final reconciling of these interests, or the cessation of the distress of the working classes in certain parts of the country. He was evidently perplexed, although resolute, and extremely harassed in his mind between his ardent desire to ameliorate the condition of the working classes, and the consideration that he owed, not only as a matter of parliamentary prudence, but also in justice and permanent necessity, to the landed interest and the national agriculture. These perplexities created embarrass- ments for him among the members of his Cabinet ; as soon as he manifested his intention to reduce the protective duties of the sliding-scale, the Duke of Buckingham, to whom he had given office as the most devoted representative of the agricultural interest, resigned, and the Tory party divided in the vote upon the amendment. Lord Palmerston took a malicious pleasure in calling attention to these difficulties of the Conservative party, suddenly abandoned, he said, by the leader to whom they had given their confidence. Sir Robert Peel haughtily vindi- cated his right to freedom of thought and action. " You told me last year," he exclaimed, repljang in the House of Commons to Lord Palmerston, " that I must be an instrument in the hands of 08 THE REIGN OF VICTORIA. [Chap. III. others, and that the power was denied me of enforcing my own principles. I declared then, as I declare now, that I consider office, its power, its distinction, its privileges, as nothing worth, except as the instrument of effecting public good. If it is to he held by sufferance, if it can be retained only on the condition of abandoning my own opinions and obejdng the dictates of others, it will not be held by me. My reward for all the sacri- fices it entails is the prospect of that honorable fame which can only be attained by steadily pursuing the course w^hich, accord- ing to the best conclusions of our fallible judgment, we honestly believe to be for the welfare of the country It is not by subserviency to the will of others, it is not by the hope of conciliating the temporary favor of majorities, that such fame can be acquired ; and in spite of all the noble lord has said, in spite of the rumors he has heard of concealed dissatisfaction among our supporters, we have the proud satisfaction of know- ing that we retain their confidence while we claim for ourselves the privilege of acting on our own opinions. From the com- mencement of the session to its close, we have received that generous support which has enabled us to overcome every diffi- culty, to carry triumphantly every measure we have proposed. There may have been shades of difference, there may have been occasional dissatisfaction and complaint ; but I have the firm belief that our conduct in office has not abated one jot of that confidence on the part of our friends which cheered and encouraged us in the blank regions of opposition ; and next to the approval of our own consciences and to the hope of future fame, the highest reward we can receive for public labors is their cordial support and their personal esteem." The confidence of Sir Robert Peel in his adherents was sin- cere and, to a certain extent, well-founded. In spite of evident differences of opinion and manifestations of ill-temper, the main body of the party had remained, and did remain, faithful to him ; Chap. III.] SIR ROBERT PEEL AND THE CORN-LAWS. 69 necessary to one another, agreeing in the fundamental principles of government, the leader and the majority of his army marched together, without asking questions ; they made no attempt to deceive one another, but they avoided undeceiving each other, and covered their dissensions and their disappointments with concessions or with silence. At the same time, useful as was this patient moderation, the situation was a false one, and could not last without becoming worse as it became more manifest. In Parliament the peril was beginning to appear ; in the nation, two important facts, the Anti-Corn-Law League and the condi- tion of Ireland, now hastened the march of events, and forced Sir Robert Peel to move more rapidly down the slope upon which he had entered. Bolton, in the county of Lancaster, not far from Manchester, a second-rate manufacturing town, having, however, fifty thou- sand inhabitants^, had been plunged by the commercial crisis into the severest distress. Disorder and crime, as well as suffering, went on increasing with frightful rapidity in this unhappy town. Nearly one-fourth of the houses stood empty, and the prisons were crowded with inmates. Parliament instituted inquiry into the extent and cause of this distress. Bolton was at this time represented in the House of Commons by Dr. Bowring, a politi- cal economist, enthusiastic, intelligent, indefatigable, ardently devoted to the cause of free trade, and supported in his philan- thropic zeal by his gratification at notoriety. The evil remained, and no remedy for it appeared. In August, 1838, an old physi- cian, Dr. Birney, gave notice that he would deliver a lecture in the theatre in Bolton, on the Corn-Law and its effects. A crowd filled the building, but the speaker, seized with sudden embarrassment, was unable to proceed. Disappointment and displeasure, in an audience already so disheartened, soon changed to anger. A riot seemed about to begin, when a 3'oung surgeon, Mr. Paulton, sprang upon the platform, and began to pour forth 70 THE REIGN OF VICTORIA. [Chap. III. an eloquent invective against the Corn-Law which was inflicting so much suffering npon the working classes. The assembly lis- tened and applauded with ardor. He was requested to repeat his address on another occasion. Dr. Bowring invited the young man to come to Manchester, where a committee had just been formed among the manufacturers for the purpose of investi- gating the public distress and suggesting means to remedy it. Mr. Paulton was sent by this committee on a tour through the principal manufacturing districts of England, with the design of inspiring everywhere the same zeal for the same objects. The Chamber of Commerce at Manchester addressed to Parliament a petition, desiring the complete and immediate abolition of the Corn-Law. Twenty-five thousand signatures were attached to a sort of declaration of war against these acts, and a permanent association was organized among the manufacturers for the pros- ecution of their object. A periodical publication was established, and a staff of lecturers employed to disseminate their view, a subscription of fifty thousand pounds being promptly raised to meet the expenses of the work. Thus began the formal organization of public feeling in behalf of an interest and an idea. An idea, however, is nothing without a man. Immediately one was found for the dawning institution. This was Richard Cobden, a manufacturer of printed calicoes, who had been for a few years established in Manchester, and had at once distin- guished himself by his acute, upright, and fertile intellect, and by his clear, animated, natural and bold eloquence, as well as by his honorable character and industrial success. He was popular and a man of wealth, and represented the borough of Stockport in the House of Commons. That union of instinct and prompt judgment which characterizes powerful minds and true missions, taught Mr. Cobden, upon his entrance into the association, that, in order to succeed, it must become general and national, in- Chap. III.] SIR ROBERT PEEL AND THE CORN-LAWS. 71 stead of remaining local and provincial, and that it must have for its headquarters the great centre of the country and the government, that is to say, London. In this he succeeded, but without destroying the influence of Manchester ; and the aim and principles of the association, its conditions and means of success, were debated and proclaimed in a sphere much more elevated and extensive than that in which it had originated. At one of these meetings Mr. Cobden had been describing the Hanseatic League, and other similar associations formed in the Middle Ages for the purpose of resisting aristocratic oppression and protecting the working classes. " Why do we not have a League?" cried some one in the audience. "Yes," rejoined Cobden, "an Anti-Corn-Law League." The suggestion was promptly and enthusiastically adopted; it spread rapidly wher- ever the Manchester movement had penetrated; and the asso- ciation henceforth had a striking name, a popular leader, unity, and grandeur. The London Times, which had hitherto taken little notice of the movement, changed its tone, and announced solemnly that the League was "a great fact; " adherents multi- plied and subscriptions became daily more considerable. It was finally resolved to form a new fund of one hundred thousand pounds, and at the first meeting held in Manchester more than one-eighth of this sum was immediately subscribed. At its very beginning, however, the League encountered a serious danger; this was the claim of the Chartists to lead in all assemblies for reform, and to proclaim everywhere their princi- ples and their projects. They refused to enter into any alliance with the League for the purpose of obtaining free trade, the sole aim of that organization ; and they plunged its chiefs, the manu- facturers, into the most extreme perplexity by counselling the factorj^-hands everywhere to suspend work, it being certain, they said, that when all sources of production and revenue were 72 THE REIGN OF VICTORIA. [Chap. III. thus dried up, government would be forced to give way, and to grant to the working classes whatever they might choose to demand. This advice bore fruit in several weeks of idleness and disorder, fatal to the work-people themselves and dan- gerous for the manufacturing interest which protected free trade. Mr. Cobden and his friends deplored a disturbance which the general distress and the ravings of the Chartist leaders had brought about ; they kept scrupulously aloof from it, and gladly resumed their own work when liberty of action had been restored to them by the subsidence of the Chartist agitation, and the general return of the factory-hands to their work. Public addresses became numerous in London, and soon in other cities of the kingdom ; at stated periods the most distinguished political economists, in the presence of crowded audiences, attacked the existing legislation, claiming free trade in the name of principles and interests, of science and of charity. The violence of the orators was extreme at times, a violence possible only among a people long accustomed to the exercise of liberty within the limits of a strongly established order. Mr. W. J. Fox, who shortly after became a member of the House of Commons, spoke thus, in Covent-Garden Theatre: " It is something, it is much to many here, that, through every station, in every rank of life, the pressure is felt ; the demon seems to be omnipresent, and they cannot escape his pestiferous influence. But even this is not the deadliest influence of the Corn-Laws. Did one want to exhibit it in this great theatre, it might be done ; not by calling together such an audience as I now see here, but by going out into the by-places, the alleys, the dark courts, the garrets and cellars of the metropolis, and by bringing thence their wretched and famished inhabitants. One might crowd them here — boxes, pit, and galleries, — with their shrunk and shrivelled forms, with their wan and pallid cheeks, Chap. III.] SIR ROBERT PEEL AND THE CORN-LAWS. 73 with their distressful looks, — perhaps with dark and bitter pas- sions pictured in their countenances, — and thus exhibit a scene that would appall the stoutest heart, and melt the hardest ; a scene that we would wish to bring the prime minister upon the stage to see, and we would say to him, 'There, delegate of majesty ! Leader of legislators ! Conservator of institutions ! Look upon that mass of misery. That is what your laws and power, if they do not create, have failed to prevent, have failed to cure or mitigate ! ' And supposing this to be done, — could this scene be realized, — we know what would be said. We should be told, ' There has always been poverty in the world ; there are numerous ills that laws can neither make nor cure ; whatever is done, much distress must exist.' They will say, ' It is the mysterious dispensation of Providence, and there we must leave it.' I would say to the premier, if he used such arguments, ' Hypocrite, hypocrite ! urge not that plea yet, you have no right to it. Strike off every fetter upon industry , take the last grain of the poison of monopoly out of the cup of poverty; give labor its full rights ; throw open the markets of the world to an industrious people ; and then, if, after all, there be poverty, you have earned your right to qualify for the unenviable dignity of a blasphemer of Providence ! ' " When an idea has been thus transformed into a passion and a virtue, when the element of truth contained in it thus com- pletely effaces and obliterates all objections and all the other truths which limit it, deliberation and discussion are at an end ; there is nothing left but to act; its partisans advance; they rush forward. The League made rapid progress, recruiting new and unexpected adherents. In the agricultural regions, and notably in Dorsetshire, meetings were held of farm-laborers, those espe- cial favorites of protection, who related their own distresses, almost equal to those of the manufacturing classes. " I be pro- tected," cried a peasant at one of these meetings, "and I be starving ! " 74 THE REIGN OF VICTORIA. [Chap. III. Sir Robert Peel followed with sympathetic but anxious eyes this great movement. A friend of the principles on which the League was founded, he was, nevertheless, shocked by the vio- lence of its language and the impatience of its demands ; he did not regard the Corn-Law as the source of all the public distress, nor free trade as a remedy for all the miseries which, in aifiicting the country, grieved him to the heart. The anger and alarm of the high-Tories redoubled ; their attacks against Peel for " the treason he had already consummated, and his obscure designs," became every day more violent. He was irritated rather than intimidated by these attacks ; but in the midst of this party turmoil, in the presence of so many hostile or com- promising passions, of so many problems and doubtful points, he judged it wiser to slacken rather than to hasten his advance in the difficult road upon which he had entered. He announced publicly that her Majesty's government did not have it in con- templation to propose extensive changes in the Corn-Laws. The irritation of the leaders of the League was extreme ; and the attacks against Sir Robert became personal. He, however, remained persistently silent, only letting the restored equilib- rium of the public finances speak for him, and the progressive abatement in the tax on a great number of articles of commerce. The income-tax was, however, still maintained, and the Corn- Law received no modification. The reserved character of the minister, his habits of reflection and solitary resolve, weighed equally upon his disturbed and disorganized party and upon his uneasy and suspicious adversaries. The Tories had a deep- seated conviction that Sir Robert Peel was removing himself from their cause and from their control, ruled by higher consid- erations than the spirit of party ; the Whigs dared not yet count upon his support, and sought at one time to urge him into the path where they themselves walked; at another, to supplant him in the exercise of power. All were conscious of the approach CiiAP. III.] SIR EGBERT PEEL AND THE CORN-LAWS. 75 of a great crisis in the interior administration of England, ordained not by political or social theories, but by a sentiment more elevated and more imperative, — the greatest good of the greatest number of human beings recognized as the supreme aim of human society and government. Such was the supreme law of which Sir Robert Peel made himself the minister ; its weight rested also upon all his opponents, some of them ruled as he was by this grand idea, others intimidated and paralyzed by it, as it was more or less clearly presented to their minds, either as an incontestable law or as an irresistible fact. This is, 'par excel- lence^ the democratic dogma of our day ; and it will be the glory of Sir Robert Peel, as it was his chief element of strength, that he was its most reasonable, honest, and, for a well-regulated state, its boldest representative. There was, however, great impatience at the delays and per- sistent hesitation ascribed to the prime minister. The distress of the agricultural laborers was the favorite argument of the advocates of free trade, and Mr. Cobden gave notice that he should ask for the appointment of a committee of inquiry into the causes of this distress. Asserting that the farmers were as much manufacturers as the weavers or the cotton-spinners, he appealed to the support of the English aristocracy, " Your fathers led our fathers," he exclaimed; "you may lead us if you will go the right way. But, although you have retained your influence with this country longer than any other aristocracy, it has not been by opposing popular opinion, or by setting yourself against the spirit of the age. In other days, when the battle and the hunting-field were the tests of manly vigor, your fathers were first and foremost there. . . . . You have always been Englishmen. You have not shown a want of courage and firmness when any call has been made upon you. This is a new era. It is the age of improvement ; it is the age of social advancement, not the age for war or for 76 THE REIGN OF VICTORIA. [Chap. III. feaclal sports. You live in a mercantile age, when the whole wealth of the world is poured into your lap. You cannot have the advantages of commercial rents and feudal privileges, but you may be what you always have been if you will identify yourselves with the spirit of the age. If you are indifferent to enlightened means of finding employment for your own peasantry ; if you are found obstructing that advance which is calculated to knit nations more together in the bonds of peace, by means of commercial intercourse ; if you are found fighting against the discoveries which have almost given breath and life to material nature, and setting up yourselves as obstructions of that which destiny has decreed shall go on, — why, then, you will be the gentry of England no longer, and others will be found to take your place." It was Mr. Sidney Herbert, and not the prime minister, who replied to Mr. Cobden, and the Tories accused the latter of abandoning more and more their cause. Mr. Disraeli, like a bold and capable scout, dashed forward in advance of the main body which one day he was destined to lead. " I remember," he said, " to have heard the right honorable baronet at the head of the government say that he would sooner be the leader of the gentlemen of England than possess the confidence of sovereigns. We don't hear much of the gentlemen of England now. But what of that ? They have the pleasures of memory — the charms of reminiscence. They were the right honorable baronet's first love, and though he may not kneel to them now as in the hour of passion, still they can recall the past. He does what he can to keep them quiet ; sometimes he takes refuge in arrogant silence, and sometimes he treats them with haughty frigidity ; and if they knew anything of human nature, they would take the hint and shut their mouths. But they won't. And what then happens ? The right honorable baronet, being compelled to interfere, sends down his valet, who says in SirF. &rojzt, FltA FSja. uy. .t/'//'y.. c/^l ^/^Jo'^l-r//-: Chap. III.] SIR ROBERT PEEL AND THE CORN-LAWS. 77 the genteelest manner, ' We can have no whining here.' And that is exactly the case of the great agricultural interest — that beauty whom everybody wooed, and one deluded. There is a fatality in such charms, and we now seem to approach the catastrophe of her career. For my part, if we are to have free trade, I, who honor genius, prefer that such measures should be proposed by the honorable member from Stockport (Mr. Cob- den), rather than by one who, by skilful parliamentary ma- noeuvres, has tampered with the generous confidence of a great people and a great party. For m3'^self, I care not what may be the result. Dissolve, if you please, the Parliament you have betrayed, and appeal to the people, who, I believe, mistrust you. For me there remains this at least — the opportunity of express- ing thus publicly my belief that a conservative government is an organized hypocrisy." The progress of the League, meanwhile, was as great as its most enthusiastic advocates could desire. Instead of being worn out by its protracted duration, the movement grew daily stronger and more general. The country districts united with the towns, working-men with their employers, laborers with political economists. It was no longer a question local in ex- tent, and special as regards legislation; free trade became a passion, democratic as well as scientific, and, in the instinct of the people as well as by the ratiocination of the learned, an affair of national interest. Sir Robert Peel had really not decided on his course, in spite of the efforts of those who believed they could read in his mind a secret tendency towards the reform which they demanded. Mr. John Bright, recently become a member of the House of Commons, and one of the most eloquent advocates of free trade, asserted this publicly in one of the Covent Garden meetings. " Sir Robert Peel," said Mr. Bright, " knows well enough what is wanted He has not been for nearly forty years in 78 THE REIGN OF VICTORIA. [Chap. III. public life, hearing everything, reading everything, and seeing almost everything, without having come to a conclusion that, in this country of twenty-seven millions of people, and with an increase of a million and a half since he came into power in 1841, a law which shuts out the supply of food which the world would give to this population cannot be maintained ; and that, were his government ten times as strong as it is, it must yield before the imperious and irresistible necessity which is every day gaining upon it. From his recent speech I would argue that he intends to repeal the Corn-Laws. He cannot say what he does, and mean ever to go back to the old foolish policy of protection He sprang from commerce, and until he has proved it himself, 1 will never believe that there is any man —much less will I believe that he is the man — who would go down to his grave, having had the power to deliver that commerce, and yet, not having had the manliness, the honesty, and the courage to do it." The hopes which the partisans of free trade founded upon Sir Robert Peel, and the advances, mingled with reproaches, which they had made towards him, disturbed and excited the Whig chiefs, long accustomed to lead in popular reforms, but up to this time faithful to the theory of a fixed tariff, moderately protective of native products. Lord John Russell was the first to make it a point of honor to carry forward that flag of Reform which he had borne so proudly. On the 2Gth of May, 1845, he proposed in the House of Commons eight resolutions which touched upon all the questions then occupying public attention, — the Corn-Laws, general freedom of trade, public education, colonization, the law in respect to the parochial settlement of the poor, — opening out prospects in every direction, and lavish- ing hopes, but without indicating any precise measures or any fixed conditions, the vague manifesto of a bold and noble ambi- tion, eager to grasp the supreme authority and promising to Chap. III.] SIR ROBERT PEEL AND THE CORX-LAWS. 79 make good use of it, without defining, or indeed taking much pains to determine, what that use should be. Almost at the same time, Mr. Villiers moved for the complete and immediate abolition of the Corn-Laws. Sir Robert Peel put aside the vague, liberal resolutions of Lord John Russell, as well as the radical proposal of Mr. Villiers. He introduced into the debate moral views distinct from the strict principles of free trade, and of a higher range than the arguments on which his adversaries relied. " Under the existing state of the law," he said, " there has grown up a relation between landlord and tenant which does not rest merely on pecuniary consid- erations According to the principles for which the honorable gentleman opposite contends, I apprehend that he would say, ' Let the landlord make as much out of his land as he can ; he has a right to do that.' On the same principle he has a right, commercially speaking, on the termination of a lease, to let his land for the utmost he can get for it ; let there be no reference to the relations that have existed, perhaps for centu- ries, between him and the family that occupies the land; let him have no regard for the laborer ; let him take the man who can do most for his ten or twelve shillings a week ; let the old and feeble receive no consideration, because they cannot per- form the labor which the young, the healthy, and the active can do. Though the land may be so regarded, yet, in everything but a purely commercial sense, in a social and moral point of view, I should deeply regret it. It would alter the character of the country, and would be accompanied by social evils which no pecuniary gain, no strict application of a purely commercial principle, could compensate." Lord John Russell was not, however, convinced, and his ardor for the fray increased with the reticence observed by Sir Robert Peel. On the 22d of November, a rainy autumn having aggra- vated the general distress by a late and insufficient harvest, 80 THE REIGN OF VICTORIA. [Chap. III. Lord John Russell, in a letter to his constituents of the city of London, suddenly abandoned the principle of a fixed and moderate duty on foreign corn, and passed completely over to the radical camp, announcing himself, like Mr. Villiers and Mr. Cobden, the advocate of unlimited free trade. With him went other leaders of the Whig party. The surprise was great, and the anger no less, among the Conservatives, on seeing the forces of their adversaries thus reinforced. For a moment Sir Robert Peel believed that he had carried his Cabinet with him in a bold resolve to suspend at once the operation of the Corn- Laws, but he failed. Two days later the ministry resigned, and Lord John Russell was called to form a new one. > The chief of the retiring Cabinet wrote thus to the queen : "Sir Robert Peel presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and influenced by no other motive than the desire to contribute, if possible, to the relief of your Majesty from embarrassment, and to the protection of the public interests from injury, is in- duced to make to your Majesty this confidential communication explanatory of Sir Robert Peel's position and intentions with regard to the great question which is now agitating the public mind " On the 1st of November last, Sir Robert Peel advised his colleagues, on account of the alarming accounts from Ireland and many districts in this country as to the failure of the potato crop from disease, and for the purpose of guarding against con- tingencies which, in his opinion, were not improbable, humbly to recommend to your Majesty that the duties on the import of foreign grain should be suspended for a limited period, either by Order in Council, or by legislative enactment ; Parliament, in either case, being summoned without delay. " Sir Robert Peel foresaw that this suspension, fully justified by the tenor of the reports to which he has referred, would compel during the interval of suspension the reconsideration of the Corn-Laws. Chap. III.] SIR ROBERT PEEL AND THE CORN-LAAVS. 81 "If the opinion of his colleagues had then been in concurrence with his own, he was fully prepared to take the responsibility of suspension and of the necessary consequence of suspension, a comprehensive review of the laws imposing restrictions on the importation of foreign grain and other articles of food, with a view to their gradual diminution and ultimate removal. " He was disposed to recommend that any new laws to be enacted should contain within themselves the principle of gradual reduction and final repeal. . . . . " Sir Robert Peel will support measures founded on that general principle, and will exercise any influence he may possess to promote their success." This was to play into Lord John Russell's hands ; still the latter was anxious to obtain more explicit engagements on the part of the great rival who now proposed to become his ally. Sir Robert Peel refused ; again claiming that liberty of thought and action upon which he had always insisted. A serious dis- agreement between two of the persons selected prevented Lord John Russell from forming a Cabinet, and the queen recalled Sir Robert Peel. He accepted anew the task confided to him , and Lord Stanley was the only one among the ministers who felt it his duty to persist in his resignation of office. By the formal declarations both of Lord John Russell and of Mr. Cob- den, the conservative party now found themselves obliged to choose between a sudden and absolute reform, and one of those measured and gradual reforms, which, amid the greatest tumult of conflicting interests and opinions, the government, the aris- tocracy and the people of England have so often had the wisdom to accept and accomplish. But neither the conservative party, nor the opposition — Whig or Radical, — nor the people of England, nor Sir Robert himself, were this time in a considerate and foreseeing temper of mind. For four years the conservative party had been slowly going to 82 THE REIGN OF VICTORIA. [Chap. III. pieces under the weight of the sacrifices which Sir Robert Peel demanded of it, and the repugnant tasks which he had imposed upon it without making them easier by any complaisance or confidence, by any skilful use of personal influence. Private interests now defended themselves hotly, taking no heed of the alleviations which the ministerial project offered them. The agricultural interest was not the only one attacked by his measures; for nearly all manufactures, as well as for the articles of food, the protective system was abandoned. In regard to the principal kinds of grain, instead of at once and completely abol- ishing the import duties, he contented himself with reducing them, leaving their entire abolition to take effect only after three years. The prudence of Sir Robert Peel, however, failed of its effect, in the presence of the ardent displeasure of his late friends now become his foes. The schism in the great conservative party had bitter results. A hundred and twelve members only, in the House of Commons, followed Sir Robert Peel in the bold course upon which he had decided. Henceforth, the "Peelites," as they were called, no longer belonged to the ancient ranks of the Tories, and the old edifice of party began to be shaken to its very foundations. Sir Robert Peel supported his measure in the House with that consummate skill which he possessed in the discussion of affairs, constantly bringing back his auditors to the question from which his opponents were perpetually straying. Mr. Dis- raeli and Lord George Bentinck directed their attacks in a great measure against the personal character of the minister ; he felt these attacks keenly, for with his reserve was mingled a proud and shy sensitiveness ; but he continually lifted the debate into the regions of the highest disinterestedness. On the 16th of February, after having for several hours defended his measure in all its details, he concluded as follows ; — Chap. III.] SIR ROBERT PEEL AND THE CORN-LAWS. 83 "This night is to decide between the pohcy of continued relaxation of restriction, or the return to restraint and pro- hibition. This night you will select the motto which is to indicate the commercial policy of England. Shall it be ' Ad- vance ! ' or ' Recede ! ' Which is the fitter motto for this great Empire? Survey our position, consider the advantages which God and nature have given us, and the destiny for which we are intended. We stand on the confines of Western Europe, the chief connecting link between the Old World and the New. The discoveries of science, the improvement of navigation, have brought us to within ten days of St. Petersburg, and will soon bring us within ten days of New York. We have an extent of coast greater in proportion to our population and the area of our land than any other great nation, securing to us maritime strength and superiority. Iron and coal, the sinews of manu- facture, give us advantages over every rival in the great compe- tition of industry. Our capital far exceeds that which they can command. In ingenuity, in skill, in energy, we are inferior to none. Our national character, the free institutions under which we live, the liberty of thought and action, an unshackled press spreading the knowledge of every discovery and of every ad- vance in science, combine with our national and physical advan- tages to place us at the head of those nations which profit by the free interchange of their products. And is this the country to shrink from competition ? Is this the country to adopt a retrograde policy? Is this the country which can only flourish in the sickly, artificial atmosphere of prohibition? .... "Choose your motto, Advance! or, Recede! Many coun- tries are watching with anxiety the selection you may make I counsel you to set them the example of lib- erality. Act thus, and it will be in perfect consistency with the course you have hitherto taken. Act thus, and you will provide an additional guarantee for the continued contentment. 84 THE REIGN OF VICTORIA. [Chap. III. the happiness, and the well-being of the great body of the people. Act thus, and you will have done whatever human sagacity can do for the promotion of commercial prosperity. You may fail. Your precautions may be unavailing. They may give no certain assurance that mercantile and manufactur- ino- prosperity will continue without interruption. Times of depression must perhaps return , unfavorable seasons, gloomy winters, may set in again; 'the years of plenteousness' may have ended, and ' the years of dearth ' may have come ; and again you may have to offer the unavailing expressions of sympathy and the urgent exhortations to patient resignation. " Commune with your own hearts, and answer me this question, — Will your assurances of sympathy be less con- solatory, will your exhortations to patience be less impressive, if, with your willing consent, the Corn-Laws shall have then ceased to exist? Will it be no satisfaction to you to reflect, that by your own act you have been relieved from the grievous responsibility of regulating the supply of food ? Will you not then cherish with delight the reflection that in this the present hour of comparative prosperity, yielding to no clamor, impelled by no fear, — except indeed that provident fear which is the mother of safety, — you had anticipated the evil day and, long before its advent, had trampled on every impediment to the free circulation of the Creator's bounty?" The House of Commons adopted Sir Robert Peel's plan by a majority of ninety-eight votes. In the House of Lords it was supported by the Duke of Wellington. "I am aware, my lords," he said, "that I address you on this occasion under many disadvantages. I address your lordships under the dis- advantage of appearing here as a minister of the crown, to press this measure upon your adoption, knowing at the same time how disagreeable it is to many of you with whom I have long lived in intimacy and friendship, on whose good opinion I have Chap. III.] SIR ROBERT PEEL AND THE CORN-LAWS. 85 ever relied, and whose good opinion I am happy to say it has been my good fortune hitherto to have enjoyed in no small degree I am aware that I address yo\iv lordships at present with all your prejudices roused against me for having adopted the course I have taken, a course which — however little I may be able to justify it to your lordships — I considered myself bound to take, and which if it were to be again adopted to-morrow, I should take again. 1 am in her Majesty's service, bound to her Majesty and to the sovereigns of this country by considerations of gratitude of which it is not necessary that I should say more to your lordships. It ma}^ be true, my lords, and it is true, that, under such circumstances, I ought to have no relation with party, and that party ought not to rel}'^ upon me I have stated to you the motives on which I have acted ; I am satisfied with those motives myself; and I should be exceedingly concerned if any dissatis- faction respecting them remained in the mind of any of your lordships. . . . . And now, my lords, I will not omit even on this night — probably the last on which I shall ever venture to address to jou any advice again — I will not omit to give you my counsel with respect to the vote you ought to give on this occasion I know the object of the noble lords who are opposed to this bill is that Parliament should be dissolved, that the country should have the opportu- nity of considering the question, and that it may be seen whether or not the new House of Commons will agree to the measure. Now, really, if your lordships have so much con- fidence in the result of other elections, I think that you might venture to rely upon those which must occur according to the common course of law, within a twelvemonth from this time ; and that you might leave it to the Parliament thus elected to consider the course which it will take on the expiration of the term of the bill now before you, for that bill is to last only till 86 THE REIGN OF VICTORIA. [Chap. III. the year 1849. Do not compel the queen to dissolve Parlia- ment." The bill was passed by the House of Lords, as it had been by the House of Commons, and the triumph of Sir Robert Peel was complete. The displeasure of the conservative party remained unabated against him, however ; and the Whigs had not abandoned their desire to complete by themselves the great work in which they had aided, under the flag of a leader foreign to their party, and but lately hostile to it. Upon the question of the repression of disorders in Ireland an alliance was formed between Lord George Bentinck, the Whigs, and the Radicals. Sir Robert Peel found himself in the minority, but Mr. Cobden had been careful to declare that his vote and that of his friends concerned only the bill in question, and affected in no degree the gratitude that the reform party felt towards Sir Robert Peel. Four days later, the minister announced in the House of Commons that her Majesty had accepted the resignations of the Cabinet, and had directed Lord John Russell to form a new administration. Recapitulating the various questions that had occupied public attention during the past five years, he con- cluded as follows : — " I have now executed the task which my public duty imposed upon me. I trust I have said nothing which can lead to the revival on the present occasion of those controversies which I have deprecated. Whatever opinions may be held with regard to the extent of the danger with which we were threatened from the failure in one great article of subsistence, I can say with truth that her Majesty's government, in pro- posing those measures of commercial policy which have disentitled them to the confidence of many who heretofore gave them their support, were influenced by no other motive than the desire to consult the interests of this country. Our Chap. III.] SIR ROBERT PEEL AND THE CORN-LAWS. 87 object was to avert dangers which we thought were immi- nent, and to terminate a conflict wliich, according to our belief, would soon place in hostile collision great and powerful classes in this country. The maintenance of power was not a motive for the proposal of those measures; for I had not a doubt that, whether those measures were accompanied by failure or success, the certain issue must be the termination of the existence of this government. It is perhaps advanta- geous for the public interest that such should be the issue. I admit that the withdrawal of confidence from us by many of our friends was a natural result. When proposals are made, apparently at variance with the course which ministers heretofore pursued, and subjecting them to the charge of inconsistency, it is perhaps advantageous for the country and for the general character of public men that the proposal of measures of that kind, under such circumstances, should entail that which is supposed to be the fitting punishment, namely, expulsion from office. I therefore do not complain of that expulsion. I am sure it is far preferable to the con- tinuance in office without a full assurance of the confidence of this House. " I said before, and I say truly, that in proposing our meas- ures of commercial policy, I had no wish to rob others of the credit justly due to them. I must say, with reference to honor- able gentlemen opposite, as I say with reference to ourselves, that neither of us is the party which is justly entitled to the credit of them. There has been a combination of parties gen- erally opposed to each other, and that combination, and the influence of government, have led to their ultimate success. But the name which ought to be associated with the success of those measures, is not the name of the noble lord, the organ of the party of which he is leader. Nor is it mine. The name which ought to be and will be associated with the success of 88 THE REIGN OF VICTORIA. [Chap. III. those measures, is the name of one who, acting, as I believe, from pure and disinterested motives, has, with untiring energy, made appeals to our reason, and has enforced those appeals with an eloquence the more to be admired, because it was unaffected and unadorned : it is the name of Richard Cobden. " I now close the observations which it has been my duty to address to the House, thanking them sincerely for the favor with which they have listened to me in performing this last act of my oflBcial career. Within a few hours probably, that power which I have held for the period of five years will be surren- dered into the hands of another, — without repining, without complaint on my part, — with a more lively recollection of the support and confidence I have received during several years, than of the opposition which, during a recent period, I have encountered. " In relinquishing power I shall leave a name, severely cen- sured, I fear, by many who, on public grounds, deeply regret the severance of party ties, — deeply regret that severance, not from interested or personal motives, but from the firm con- viction that fidelity to party engagements, the existence and maintenance of a great party, constitutes a powerful instrument of government. I shall surrender power, severely censured also by others who, from no interested motive, adhere to the principle of protection, considering the maintenance of it to be essential to the welfare and interests of the country. I shall leave a name execrated by every monopolist who, from less honorable motives, clamors for protection because it conduces to his own individual benefit; but it may be that I shall leave a name sometimes remembered with expressions of good-will in the abodes of those whose lot it is to labor and to earn their daily bread by the sweat of their brow, when they shall recruit their exhausted strength with abundant and untaxed food, the sweeter because it is no longer leavened with a sense of in- justice." Chap. III.l SIR ROBERT PEEL AND THE CORN-LAWS. 89 When, four years later, all England wept the death of Sir Robert Peel, a committee was formed to open among the work- ing-classes a penny subscription for the purpose of erectino- to him a "Poor Man's National Monument," and Mr. Cobden pro- posed that in its inscription should be inserted this last sentence of the speech with which the great minister closed his official career. 90 THE REIGN OF VICTORIA. [Chap. IV. CHAPTEK lY. IRELAND. AT the moment when the ministry of Sir Robert Peel went out of office, famine was decimating the population of Ireland, and the Irish question agitated and distressed the sister kingdom. It was the culminating period of a long-continued anxiety and a constant solicitude. The Catholic emancipation had been lately accomplished, as was afterwards to be the trade reform, by the Tory leaders, Sir Robert Peel and the Duke of Wellington, marching at the head of the Whigs ; and with this triumph of liberty and justice, it had been hoped that the violent passions which distracted Ireland would be appeased. Sir Robert Peel had never lost sight of the plan conceived by Mr. Pitt, when, in 1800, he had accomplished the union of the two countries. The emancipation of the Roman Catholics, a fixed endowment assured by the State to the clergy of that faith, and the establishment of public institutions in which they might receive the education which either they now lacked or were forced to seek upon the Continent, were the three measures by means of which it was believed that the union of England and Ireland would be made genuine and effectual. Under the lead of Mr. O'Connell and his agitators, Ireland now demanded some- thing very different : she claimed the repeal of the union itself, and, for the future, her own Parliament once more, and an inde- pendent national existence. The task before the sincere friends of Ireland was most severe. They had to reconstitute the whole system of society, DANIEL O'CONNELL. Chap. IV.] IRELAND. 91 and at the same time undo the results of all her history. Out of a mass of victors and vanquished, differing in race, religion, and speech, and after centuries of war or oppression, there must be made a nation of citizens, free and equal, and submissive to government like their neighbors of England and Scotland. All the successive Cabinets which had attempted this task, since the time of Mr. Pitt, had, like him, been deceived in respect to the difficulties of the work; they had sowed broadcast hopes and promises. The Irish troubles had become for England a grave danger ; her miseries oppressed the English with a weight of remorse. Animated with an ardent desire to bring to an end this unhappy condition of affairs, they deceived themselves as they did the people of Ireland in respect to the value of their measures, and the efficacy of their promises. The effect of cen- turies of tyranny cannot be abolished in a day ; a people cannot be regenerated by a few laws. The more hopes were held out to Ireland, the more that unhappy country became exasperated at her repeated disappointments. "The union," said Mr. O'Con- nell, "ought to have been the amalgamation of the two coun- tries, — the identification of the two islands. There should have been no rights or privileges for the one that should not have been communicated to the other. Th^ franchise should have been the same, all corporate rights the same, every civic privilege identical. Cork should have no more difference from Kent than York from Lancashire. That ought to have been the union. That was Mr. Pitt's object." The union had not as yet borne these fruits ; the condition of Ireland had never rendered them possible. O'Connell urged the repeal of the union. " The year 1843 shall be the repeal year," he said. For many years O'Connell governed Ireland, holding all hearts in his powerful hand, swayed by his eloquence and his ardent patriotism. He had sustained the Whig ministry, while often reviling its chiefs, and the agitation that he had fomented 92 THE REIGN OF VICTORIA. [Chap. IV. in Ireland, with the number of votes that he commanded in Parliament, assured him a considerable influence in England also. This " uncrowned king," as his fellow-citizens proudly- called him, made incessant appeal to the passions of his people, but he preserved a respect for the law that his partisans often io-nored. " The man who commits a crime gives strength to the enemy," he was accustomed to say, and all the strength of his mio-hty nature was exerted to maintain in material order a nation which, at the same time, he goaded to the utmost limits of moral tumult. The task was beyond his ability. Meetings called together to urge the repeal prepared not merely sedition, but the most shocking outbreaks. At a meeting held at Tara, August 15, 1843, five hundred thousand persons, it was said, were assembled to listen to their great orator. O'Connell was more bold and confident than ever before. " The overwhelming majesty of your multitude will be taken to England," he said, "and will have its effect there The Duke of Wel- lington talks of attacking us, and I am glad of it. I mean no disrespect to the brave, the gallant, the well-conducted soldiers that compose the queen's army; there is not one of you that has a single complaint to make against any of them. They are the bravest army in the world, and therefore I do not mean to dis- parage them at all; but I feel it to be a fact that Ireland, roused as she is at the present moment, would, if they made war upon us, furnish women enough to beat the entire of the queen's forces See how we have accumulated the people of Ireland for this repeal year. When, on the 2d of January, I ventured to call it the repeal year, every person laughed at me. Are they laughing now ? It is our turn to laugh at present. Before twelve months more, the Parliament will be in College Green The Irish Parliament will then assemble, and I defy all the generals, old and young, and all the old women in pantaloons — nay, I defy all the chivalry of the earth — to take away that Parliament from us again." Chap. IV.] IRELAND. 93 This was too much ; sedition became imminent. O'Connell announced openly, that, legal means being exhausted, Ireland must now depend upon herself. A "monster meeting" was called to meet at Clontarf, near Dublin, on the 8th of October. The entire programme of the day, the march, the arrival, the position, the ordering of the crowds, were formally arranged in advance, with an air of military precision, as if it were, not a popular assembly to be harangued, but an army to be reviewed on the eve of a battle. It was judged both in Dublin and in London that the moment was come to put an end to a situation* growing evezy day more dangerous. The meeting announced at Clontarf was forbidden, and a few days later, Mr. O'Connell, who had used all his power over the people to obtain their obedience to the royal decree, was arrested with his principal associates, their trial being appointed to take place in January, 1844. The great agitator and his companions were condemned by a jury into which no Roman Catholic had been admitted. They appealed to the House of Lords ; the judgment of the court was reversed, and they were set at liberty. But the power of O'Connell over the ardent and excitable people whom he had so long governed was shaken ; he had given way before the summons of the English government. A party began to be formed, more blindly Irish than his had been. Henceforth " Young Ireland " had its chiefs and its organs who no longer applauded or obeyed their old leader. On the 4th of September, O'Connell had been acquitted by the Lords. They had judged, with a magnanimous equity, that he, who had incessantly and violently attacked them, had not received from the tribunal where he had been condemned (Feb- ruary 2), the justice to which he had a right. Just at this time, Sir Robert Peel was presenting to the House the project of an extension of the college of Maynooth, devoted since 1795 to the 94 THE REIGN OF VICTORIA. [Chap. IV. education of the Roman Catholic priesthood. " I say, without the least hesitation," he argued, "that you must break up in some way or other that formidable confederacy which exists in Ireland against the British government and the British con- nection. I do not believe you can break it up by force. You can do much to break it up by acting in a spirit of kindness, forbearance, and generosity I do not guarantee the vote for Maynooth as a final and complete measure, .... but T do think it will produce a kindly feeling in Ireland." In spite of the violent and conscientious opposition of the ultra-Protestants, the bill passed both houses, but without pro- ducing on the moral condition of Ireland all those good effects which Sir Robert Peel had promised himself from it. The day was coming when all England was to be interested in behalf of a population so long oppressed, and grown so difficult to serve usefully and rationally. The potato crop had been poor for two years ; in 1845, it failed completely. In 1846, famine assumed frightful proportions in Ireland. By formal proclamation of the Lord Lieutenant, fifty-eight districts were declared to be in a state of distress. The suffering was so extreme that it is hard to believe even the authentic testimony concerning it. Almost the whole population was occupied in agriculture, holding from the proprietors, mostly absentees, small farms scarcely sufficing to support a family. Nothing but the cheapest of food was within their reach ; suddenly this failed, and in a single district, that of Skibbereen, out of a population of 62,000 inhabitants, 5,060 died in the space of three months. At Bantry, the officers whose duty it was to inquire into the causes of deaths, reported at one sesvsion forty verdicts: "died of hunger." "I have seen," said an English clergyman. Rev. Mr. Hazelwood, speaking before a meeting in Exeter Hall, " I have seen miserable creat- ures prick the cattle which they met on the road, and apply their lips to the wound, to appease their hunger by sucking Chap. IV.] IRELAND. 95 the animal's blood." Disease was added to famine; a fever, occasioned by lack of food, decimated the population. Mean- time, the efforts made in England to relieve the destitution of the Irish, had assumed great and generous proportions. O'Connell, almost dying, and so feeble that his voice could scarcely be heard in the House, though men held their breath to listen, drew a most pathetic picture of the sufferings of his countrymen. "I do not think," he said, "that honorable mem- bers are sufficiently impressed with the horrors of the situation of the people of Ireland. I do not think they understand the miseries — the accumulation of miseries — under which the peo- ple are at present laboring. Twenty-five per cent, of the whole population will perish, unless the House affords effective relief. They will perish of famine and disease, unless the House does something speedy and efficacious, not doled out in small sums, not in private and individual subscriptions, but by some great act of national generosity, calculated upon a broad and liberal scale It is asserted that the Irish landlords do not do their duty. Several of them have done their duty, others have not, .... but recollect how encumbered is the property of Ireland. How many of her estates are in chancery? How mauj' are in the hands of trustees? She is in your hands — in your power I If you do not save her, she cannot save her- self. And I solemnly call upon you to recollect that I predict with the sincerest conviction that one-fourth of her population will perish, unless Parliament comes to their relief ! " These last public words of the Irish patriot were spoken on the 8th of February, 1847 ; he left the House and England, eager to reach Rome, that refuge of so many famous men weary of life, and of so many exiles from their native land. He had not, however, time to arrive there, and died at Genoa, the 16th of May. Like many others, he was a striking example of that sad and noble union of egotism and self-sacrifice, of 96 THE REIGN OF VICTORIA. [Chap. IV. sincerity and falsehood, of high-mindedness and vulgarity, of greatness and vanity, which can exist in the human heart ! In 1840, M. Guizot saw O'Connell in London. " I found him," he wrote, " exactly what I expected. I saw him per- haps with pre-conceived ideas, but it is always a good deal if a man answers one's expectations of him. Tall, stout, robust, animated ; his head a little sunk between the shoulders ; an air of strength and shrewdness ; the strength everywhere, the shrewdness in the quick glance, a little stealthy, yet not false ; no elegance, yet by no means vulgar ; manners slightly embarrassed, yet decided ; a certain arrogance even, although concealed. Toward the Englishmen of rank, who were there, he was a little humble and yet imperious ; you felt that they had been his masters, and that he had won a power over them; he had undergone their domination and now he was receiving their cordial civilities. Upon being introduced, I said to him : ' You and I, sir, are great proofs of the progress of justice and good sense : you, a Catholic, are a member of the English House of Commons; I, a Protestant, am the French ambassador.' He talked much, relating the history of the temperance movement in Ireland under Father Mathew ; drunkards decreasing by thousands, the desire for neat clothing and more civil and decent manners increasing as drunkenness diminished. No one opposed the new move- ment. I asked him whether this was a caprice of popular whim, or a durable reform. He replied with gravit}^ : ' It will last ; we are a persevering race, as they are who have suffered much ! ' " The suffering of Ireland was at its climax when Mr. O'Connell died. If he had lived he would have seen all England, Parliament and people alike, moved toward Ireland with a compassion full of a secret remorse, and offering to her with lavish hands their wealth, their sympathy, and their intel- Chap. IV.] IRELAND. 97 lio-ence. It is the honor of Christian civilization that it had made repentance penetrate even the soul of nations. England repented that she had oppressed Ireland ; Europe repented of having practised slavery. Pagan antiquity never had these awakenings of the public conscience, these moral enlightenments suddenly changing the hearts of men, and shortl}', the social condition. Tacitus could only deplore the loss of the early virtues of Rome, and Marcus Aurelius but shut himself up sadly in the stoical isolation of the sage ; nothing indicates that these superior minds had even suspected the great crimes of their society in its best days, and aspired to reform it. The Christian world, from epoch to epoch, sees new truths and new virtues rise upon its horizon, revealing to it at once its grandeur and its faults, and, by purifying it, restoring its youth. Even before O'Connell had begged for them, England felt herself obliged to those acts of munificence toward Ireland which could alone, if not repair, at least expiate, the wrongs of ages. Parliament was not yet in session, but already immense public w^orks had been ordered and commenced in Ireland, works ill planned, and for the most part without aim or utility, real national charities under the name of employment, useful only for the moment to give bread to the starving and manifest a solicitude to relieve, on the part of those in authority. In the month of January, 1847, five hundred thousand workmen were thus employed in Ireland, each man earning, it was said, nearly sufficient to feed four persons, making in all two millions of individuals fed by government ; and on the 25th, when Lord John Russell took up the subject in Parliament, the expense for the month amounted to 700,000 pounds sterling. Parliament endeavored to regulate a little better the object and supervision of these works, and decided that the expense of them should not be levied on Ireland alone, but that England 98 THE REIGN OF VICTORIA. [Chap. IV. should bear her part of the burden. Considerable sums were advanced to the Irish proprietors for the purchase of seed, for the drainage of their lands, and the reclamation of bogs. Private endeavors were united with the public effort; every- where the charitable work of the |- ni)'- feelings toward England," said the czar ; " it is essential that the two governments, that is to say, — the English gov^ ernment and I, I and the English government, — should be on the best terms ; and the necessity was never greater thai at present. I beg you to convey these words to Lord Johi Russell. When we are agreed, I am quite without anxiety as to the rest of Europe ; it is immaterial what the others' may think or do. As to Turkey, that is another question; that country is in a critical state, and may give us all a great deal of trouble." The czar was about to turn away, after these vague but significant words, but the English ambassador was very anx- ious to hear more. He ventured to question the emperor, A MOHAMMEDAN AT PRAYER Chap. VIII.] THE CRIMEAN WAR. I73 who, after a little hesitation, continued : " The affairs of Turkey are in a very disorganized condition ; the country itself seems to be falling to pieces Stay: we have on our hands a sick man, a very sick man ; it will be, I tell you frankly, a great misfortune if one of these days he should slip away from us, especially before all necessary arrange- ments were made. But, however, this is not the time to speak to you on that matter." And, in fact, a fortnight later, Sir Hamilton Seymour was summoned to the palace, and there, in a confidential interview with the czar, was enlightened as to the designs which were fermenting in the brain of the autocratic master of the Russian empire. He referred to the Empress Catherine the origin of those dreams of Oriental dominion, which he had not how- ever inherited, he said. But, while desiring no increase of territory for himself, he was bound to watch over the inter- ests of the Greek Christians, subjects of Turkey. " The right of doing so is secured to me by treaty," said the emperor. " I may truly say that I make a moderate and sparing use of my right, and I will freely confess that it is one which is attended with obligations occasionally very inconvenient ; but I cannot recede from the discharge of a distinct duty. Our religion came to us from the East, and there are feelings, as well as obligations, which must never be lost sight of. Now Turkey, in the condition which I have described, has, by degrees, fallen into such a state of decrepitude that, as I told you the other night, eager as we all are for the prolonged existence of the man, — and that I am as desirous as you can be for the con- tinuance of his life, — I beg you to believe he may suddenly die upon our hands ; we cannot recuscitate what is dead ; if the Turkish Empire falls, it falls to rise no more ; and I put it to you, therefore, whether it is not better to be provided be- forehand for a contingency, than to incur the chaos, confu- 174 THE REIGN OF VICTORIA. [Chap. VIII. sion, and the certainty of a European war, — all of which must attend the catastrophe if it should occur unexpectedl}^, and before some ulterior system has been sketched. This is the point to which I am desirous that you should call the attention of your government I tell you plainly that if England thinks of establishing herself one of these days at Constantinople, I will not allow it For my part, I am equally disposed to take the engagement not to establish my- self there, as proprietor, that is to say ; for, as occupier, I do not say. It might happen that circumstances, if no provision were made, — if everything should be left to chance, — might place me in the position of occupying Constantinople." To these overtures of the czar, as communicated by the English ambassador, the English government replied, compli- menting the Emperor Nicholas upon the wise policy he had so long pursued, and admitting the utility of an agreement among the great Powers on the subject of Turkish affairs, upon condition that Austria and France should also take part in the transactions which England would not decline, acting in the interest of the Ottoman Empire. The English govern- ment thus placed itself in the attitude of expecting the pro- longed existence of this " sick man," whose estates the czar was already scheming to divide. The Emperor Nicholas did not regard himself as defeated. " If your government," he said, a month later to Sir Hamilton Seymour, "has been led to believe that Turkey retains any elements of resistance, your government must have received incorrect information. I repeat to you that the sick man is dying, and we can never allow such an event to take us by surprise. We must come to some understanding I have confidence in the English government. It is not an engagement, a convention which I ask of them ; it is a free interchange of ideas, and in case of need, the word of a gen- Chap. VIII.] THE CRIMEAN WAR. 175 tleman; that is enough between us You observe there are certain things that I will never allow: as regards ourselves first, I do not desire the permanent_occupation of Constantinople by the Russians, as I have already told you , but I am not willing on the other hand that Constantinople should ever be occupied by the English or by the French, or by any of the great Powers. Neither will I permit a reconstruction of the B^'zantine Empire, nor that Greece should receive such an accession of territory as would make her a state of any im- portance. Still less could I allow the empire of Turkey to be broken up into little republics, to afford shelter to the Kossuths, the Mazzinis, and the other revolutionary leaders of Europe, Rather than endure any such arrangements, I would make war, and carry it on as long as a man and a gun were left in my Empire Oh ! I see clearly, you think in England that it is better to put off the crisis as long as possible, and keep the Ottoman Empire alive. This is what my chancellor tells me every day. But the crisis will come ; it is inevitable, and we shall not be ready for it. In regard to Egypt, I understand per- fectly the importance of that territory for England. In case of a division after the fall of the Ottoman Empire, if you were to take possession of Egypt, I should offer no objection. I say the same in regard to Candia ; that island may be useful to you ; and I see no reason why it should not belong to England." This was making proposals and offering temptations in too distinct a form. The necessity of reserve had been felt by the czar himself, in 1844, when, in communicating to England his views on the Eastern question in a memorandum drawn up by Count Nesselrode, he had expressed the conviction that it was for the common interest of both England and Russia that the Ottoman Empire should be maintained. The czar also declared at that time that in the event of the destruction of the Turkish Empire he should not be willing to have England take posses- 17G THE REIGN OF VICTORIA. [Chap. VIII. sion of Constantinople, and for himself disclaimed any intention so to do. " In the uncertainty which hovers over the future," continues the memorandum, "a single fundamental idea seems to admit of a really practical application , that is, that the dan- ger which may result from a catastrophe in Turkey will be much diminished if, in the event of its occurrence, Russia and England have come to an understanding as to the course to be taken by them in common. That understanding will be the more bene- ficial inasmuch as it will have the full assent of Austria, between whom and Russia there already exists an entire accord." The appeal and the temptation were both replied to hy Lord Clarendon, who succeeded Lord John Russell in the Foreign Office. England, he said, desired no territorial aggrandizement, and could not participate in any arrangement by which she was to receive an advantage of that sort. Nor could she enter into any combination which must be secret from the rest of Europe. Lord Clarendon declared that it was the conviction of the queen's government that Turkey only needed indulgence on the part of her allies, their avoidance of any measures humili- ating to the sultan's dignity and independence, and lastly, to receive from them that friendly support, which, among states as well as among individuals, the weak have always a right to expect from the strong. This indulgence and consideration was precisely what the czar had resolved not to manifest towards Turkey. Already (February 28th) Prince Mentschikoff, one of the principal dig- nitaries of the Russian empire, had arrived at Constantinople, accompanied by a numerous and important staff. Relying upon former treaties, the prince demanded, in the name of the Em- peror Nicholas, an express engagement on the part of the sul- tan, securing to the czar the exclusive protectorate over the Christian subjects of the Porte. On the 5th of May, a formal ultimatum was addressed on this subject to the ministers of Chap. VIII.] THE CRIMEAN WAR. 177 the sultan, Prince Mentscliikoff, meanwhile, attempting to ob- tain from the sultan personally the concessions which he had hitherto failed to wring from the vizier. The alarm in Constantinople was extreme at first, but was soon in some degree abated by the support of the English am- bassador, Lord Stratford de Redcliffe, and by the even more significant attitude of France. On the 10th, a reply was made by the Turkish minister, in which it was declared to be the intention of the Porte to maintain unimpaired the rights of all the tributary subjects of the empire, and a willingness was ex- pressed to negotiate with Russia concerning the Holy Places at Jerusalem ; but the reply objected to that portion of the demands of Russia which concerned a protectorate of the Greek church in Turkey. Prince Mentschikoff was extremely offended. Pie did not, however, at once leave Constantinople, but a fur- ther interchange of notes ended finally by the departure of the Russian envoy on the 22d of May ' The czar had already taken his precautions in prospect of this negative response from Turkey. As early as the 6th of March, Colonel Rose, English charge d'affaires^ wrote to his govern- ment that Russia was advancing her forces into Turkish terri- tory, and provisioning her army in Moldavia and Wallachia, without having indicated to the Porte her causes of complaint ; " a thing unheard-of," wrote the charge^ " and contrary to the rights of civilized nations." The intention of Russia was mani- festly, in Colonel Rose's judgment, either to destroy the inde- pendence of Turkey or to make war upon her. On the 2d of July, the Russian columns crossed the Pruth, and three days later Prince Gortschakoff entered Bucharest. Meanwhile, on the 2d of June, the British fleet under Admiral Dundas was ordered to the neighborhood of the Dardanelles ; and three days later, the French squadron received instructions to proceed to Besika Bay. 178 THE EEIGN OF VICTORIA. [Chap. VIII. The English government had for a long time persisted in a benevolent incredulity with respect to the ambitious designs of the Emperor Nicholas upon Turkey. She was at last obliged to recognize them ; but the first steps in opposition to that aggres- sive policy were to be made by France. The latter country had no direct and personal interest in the question. France had not to guard, as had England, the road toward Oriental supremacy, but the balance of power in Europe was endangered, and also an occasion was offered for an English alliance, and the Emperor Napoleon was impelled towards it by that blending of personal obstinacy and vague hopes which so often characterized his policy. The combined action of France and England was sus- tained by Austria and Prussia in so far as it remained a question of diplomacy, the German Powers being disinclined to actual war. For some time a conference was in session at Vienna, pro- posing expedients, preparing notes , lured by the apparent con- cessions of the czar, irritated by the obstinate resistance of the Turks. A note was finally submitted to Turkey, backed by the recommendations of the four Powers ; but the Turkish goveruraent refused to accept the terms, which virtually were the same as those proposed by Prince Mentschikoff, in May. The Vienna note, although recommended by the four Powers, was really the work of the Austrian representative. Count Buol, and has long since come to be regarded as a trap laid by Russia tlu'ough Austria. That the sultan ventured to refuse it is now well understood to have been in great measure due to Lord Stratford de Redcliffe, the English ambassador in Turkey, who, while laboring assiduously to secure peace, had too wise a judg- ment and sincere a regard for the right to allow Turkey to be sacrificed. The sultan summoned his grand council, composed of nearly two hundred of the most distinguished men in the Turkish A BULGARIAN SOLDIER Chap. VIII.] THE CRIMEAN WAR. 179 Empire ; and this council at once recommended that Prince Gortschakoff be summoned to quit the Principalities within fif- teen days, his refusal to be regarded as a commencement of hostilities. For Turkey, the war had commenced. For France and Eng- land, it was soon to begin ; but even before that moment, the French and English fleets were ordered to enter the Dar- danelles. The first efforts of the Turks were crowned with success. Omar Pasha coolly and skilfully resisted Prince Gortschakoff; at certain points even, he took the offensive. Europe was yet depending upon the promised moderation of Russia, who designed merely, she said, to occupy the Principalities for the purpose of compelling Turkey to treat with her, when, on the 30th of November, the Russian Black Sea fleet, which had been for some days hovering in the neighborhood, attacked a Turkish squadron lying in the harbor of Sinope ; the action was short and sharp, the Turkish fleet was entirely destroyed, and the town of Sinope suffered severely from the bombard- ment. One steam-vessel alone escaped, and carried news of the disaster to Constantinople. German diplomacy essaj-ed to extenuate the character of the blow struck at Sinope, but England and France at once recog- nized it as a casus belli. Lord Clarendon at once directed Sir Hamilton Seymour to give notice to Russia that a repetition of the affair at Sinope must be prevented, and that every Russian ship thenceforward met in the Black Sea would be requested, and if necessary, constrained, to return to Sevastopol, or to the nearest Russian port. " We shall hold the Black Sea as a pledge until the evacuation of the Principalities and the restor- ation of peace," were the words of M. Drouyn de Lhuys, Min- ister of Foreign Affairs in France. On the 4th of Januar}^, 1854, the fleets of England and France moved up, and entered the 180 THE REIGN OF VICTORIA. [Chap. VIII. Black Sea. Diplomatic relations were broken off between France and England on the one side, and Russia on the other, and the ambassadors of the respective countries received orders to quit their posts. " There remains to us the shadow of a shadow of hope," said Lord Fitzwilliam in the House of Lords, at this criti- cal moment. The Emperor Napoleon wrote personally to the czar. " If your Majesty," he said, " desires as much as I do a peaceful conclusion, what more simple than to declare that an armistice shall be signed to-day, that affairs shall resume their diplomatic course, that all hostilities shall cease, and all belliger- ent forces be withdrawn from the places to which reasons of war have called them. Thus the Russian troops will abandon the Principalities, and our squadrons the Black Sea. Your Majesty, preferring to negotiate directly with Turkey, might appoint a plenipotentiary to deal with a Turkish plenipotentiary, their agreement to be submitted for confirmation to the four great Powers. If your Majesty will accept this plan, upon which the Queen of England and myseif are perfectly agreed, peace is restored, and all the world is content. But if, through motives difficult to comprehend, your Majesty refuses it, then France as well as England will be obliged to leave to the decision of arms and the hazards of war that which to-day might be decided by reason and justice." The national pride of Russia and the personal will of the czar were equally opposed to this proposal of an arrangement at the last moment. "I learn," replied the Emperor of Russia on the 8th of February, " that, while protecting the re-victualling of Turkish garrisons upon their own territory, the two Powers have resolved to forbid to us the navigation of the Black Sea, that is to say, apparently the right to bring supplies to our own coasts. I leave your Majesty to judge if this will facilitate the conclusion of peace, and if in the alternative proposed to Chap. VIII.] THE CRIMEAN WAR. 181 me, I can discuss, examine even for a moment, its propositions of an armistice, of the immediate evacuation of the Princi- palities, and of negotiation with the Porte of an agreement to be finally submitted to a conference of the four Powers? If 3^ou were yourself, sire, in my place, would you accept a simi- lar proposition? Would your national feeling permit it to you ? I boldly answer, no. Whatever may be your Majesty's decision, I shall not draw back before threats. My confidence is in God and in my right ; and Russia, I can answer for it, will know how to show herself the same in 1854 that she was in 1812." The remembrance of the disasters which had over- whelmed the Emperor Napoleon I. and the Grand Army during the terrible campaign in Russia, added strength to Russian hopes and Russian obstinacy. " Are we not now the same Russian nation of whose deeds of valor the memorable events of 1812 bear witness ? " said the imperial manifesto of the 11th of April, 1854. "May the Almighty assist us to prove this by deeds ! " On the day following the battle of the Alma, the Emperor Nicholas still held the same language : " Sevastopol may be taken, our fleet ma.}"- be destroyed, the Crimea may be lost by us for a time. Great sacrifices may become necessary in order to dislodge the enera3^ All these events shall not make me forget what I owe to the honor of Russia, and what Russia has the right to expect of me. Though any or all of them should occur, my language and my determination will remain the same." It was in this spirit of haughty and indomitable resolution that the czar received, on the 17th of March, the joint summons of France and England to withdraw his troops from the Princi- palities. A refusal, even though tacit, would be regarded as a declaration of war. " The emperor does not think it becoming to make any reply," Count Nesselrode said to the consuls of France and England, who had waited upon him to receive the answer of the czar. On the 27th of March, a message from the ^g2 THE REIGN OF VICTORIA. [Chap. VIII. queen and a message from the Emijeror Napoleon to the Houses of the two nations respectively, announced to all the world that war was declared between France and England, coming to the assistance of Turkey, on the one side, and Russia on the other, Austria and Prussia limited themselves to a proclamation of the necessity of maintaining the Ottoman Empire, and an agreement to enter into negotiation with no Power which should not from the beginning recognize the fundamental principle of the integ- rity of the Turkish territory. Peace had now reigned in Europe for forty years ; the nations luid unlearned the terrible art of war. Among the French, a series of campaigns in Algeria had kept up the military spirit natural to the nation, but the ability to organize great armies, the skilful and prudent administration which had once dis- tinguished the French generals, had disappeared, and a presump- tuous levity had often taken the place of experience. Diplomatic hesitations had been so prolonged, attempts at reconciliation had been so persistent, that it would seem as if military preparations might have been completed on both sides of the channel. This, however, was not the case. When war movements were first decided upon, their magnitude was not determined, and more and more troops were collected every day ; while the transporta- tion, the commissariat, and even the command of the forces, remained as yet unprovided for. The haste with which prepara- tions were carried forward was prejudicial to their efficienc}-. Marshal St. Arnaud, a brilliant soldier of fortune, whose life had been flung from one adventure to another up to the time when he had assisted in the coup d'etat of the 2d of December, had been placed by the Emperor Napoleon at the head of the French army. Upon his arrival at Gallipoli, where the troops were gathered, he wrote to his sovereign: " I say with regret to your Majesty that we are not organized nor in a condition to carry on war, as we are now ; we have here but twenty- four pieces of field Chap. VIII.] THE CRIMEAN WAR. 183 artillery, and five hundred horse, including chasseurs and dra- goons. The rest, personnel and materiel, is detained at sea by northerly winds, and will arrive God knows when. Our situa- ation is yet more unfortunate in the matter of provisions. I have biscuit for ten days, and I ought to have enough for three months at the least. It has been thought that I was jesting when I asked for three million rations, which would be only enough to last fifty thousand men twenty days, and it was pro- posed to give me one million ; no calculation could be more incorrect. It is impossible to make war without bread, without shoes, canteens, and camp-kettles. I am left with two hundred and fift}^ pair of shoes, forty camp-kettles, and about two hundred and fifty canteens. I beg pardon of your Majesty for these de- tails, but they will prove to the emperor the difficulties which sur- round an army six hundred leagues distant from its supplies. It is no one's fault , it is the result of the haste with which every thing necessarily has been done. The troops were sent out in steam- vessels, and supplies, munitions, and horses in sailing-ves- sels ; the men arrive and there is nothing here for them. We must allow forty days at least for sailing-vessels to come from France or Spain to Gallipoli." The commander-in-chief of the English forces. Lord Raglan, formerly aide-de-camp, under the name of Lord Fitzroy Somerset, to the Duke of Wellington, had learned the art of war on a grand scale, under the auspices of his illustrious chief ; he was reasonable, moderate, and of brilliant personal bravery. Lord Raglan found himself often embarrassed by. the rapid evolutions and the changes of plan of his French colleagues. Marshal St. Arnaud formed designs ; he prevailed on Lord Raglan to agree in them, sometimes against the latter's will ; then he himself be,came aware of the disadvantages of his own plans, and the English commander-in-chief was compelled to announce to the Englifeh government the relinquishment of the designs he had 134 THE REIGN OF VICTORIA. [Chap. VIII. but just now explained to them. When the allied armies, thirty thousand French, and twenty thousand English, finally selected Varna for the base of their operations, the plans of the com- manders had been repeatedly changed and modified, and the decisive advance was not yet determined upon. The resistance offered to the Russian forces by a small Turkish town had given the allies time to complete their movements, and at last collect their resources. The 19th of May Silistria had been besieged by the Russians, and Omar Pasha, the Turkish commander-in-chief, already regarded the place as lost. " Silis- tria will infallibly be taken," he said to Marshal St. Arnaud and Lord Raglan, when the two generals visited him in his camp at Schouvala. " I hope the place may hold out six weeks, but it may be taken in a fortnight. I am not strong enough to go to its help. I should be destroyed without having done any good." On the 20th of June Silistria was yet holding out, its Turkish garrison having been cheered and directed by two young Eng- lish officers, and afterwards by a third, who had come thither of their own free will. On the 23d of June the Russians raised the siege, and retreated across the Danube. - Meanwhile the allied forces had gradually arrived at Varna, and were now encamped in the neighborhood of the town, at the foot of a spur of the Balkan range. The country was rich and picturesque ; everywhere were gardens and cultivated fields. By degrees the material, so painfully lacking at the outset, had been accumulated, and was at the generals' orders; and now only the great question remained to be decided: upon what point should the blows of the allies be directed, upon what side should they make their attack ? The Emperor Napoleon assumed to direct, from afar, the operations of his army; and his orders succeeded one another by telegraph, contradictory at times, and difficult to under- stand, varying from day to day, as the somewhat vague will MAP OF 1 vr'-inslj! i3iTc; lirfzardith \ /'/./.,,/. ^f- I ^ 'it / /';-s / / ^ o Ilfr/ta (f^r -/^-,rtf ''-'■' ' irr HI s PfiiLppopoL i '< ri o , VdlKtlLOplf^ - '' IlilSOS f <|i» iMtdssa'%. wM'"f(fa " m OF ^VAK "Ot'idiopol ~~^ SEA. or A.Z OF 46 1 ^ > ^¥'^ C.TarUhiL Enpatai-ia^ ^ ^ ° ■ H / '^ A&ja^ojf txi-./t, 1 ' O o [Ejalajcnita- „ .^ SiiHforo])ol T/wodona, -Bav Sevastopol ® oJBcJrJdcn^^ ]^ Utfl! i *3fe.*-.."" '^I.timn c K\ A SiiLope *1« -],.i' 'K^auk00 o l>OI. lu' Allios J^n disliTVX'ox'ks . l.'>t)0 2000 I Chap. VIII.] THE CRIMEAN WAR. 201 began the sinking of trenches and formation of batteries. On the 8th, General Bizot, the French engineer in charge of the works, wrote : " It would be difficult to estimate in advance the length of time we shall be obliged to ^employ in the siege. We are before a place newly created, in respect to which no document or plan is within our reach ; we are going to make trial of material whose range and calibre is unknown to us. Lastly, it is impossible completely to invest the place." Up to the 16th, the woi'k went on, somewhat molested by the artillery of the Russians. On that evening the English had their batteries all established, and stood ready with the French, to open fire in the morning. The English had seventy-three guns in position, and the French, fifty-three. Against these the Russians had in position over two hundred guns. It was decided that the allied fleets, which lay off the roadstead of Sevastopol, should move up and join in the attack, assailing the great sea-forts, Constantine and Alexander. At half-past six on the morning of the 17th, the attack began by land, but it was after one o'clock before the first cannonading came from the fleet. From the batteries a tremendous storm of shot and shell was poured upon the town, to which the Russian guns responded with murderous precision. The positions of the French artillery had been badly chosen ; disastrous explo- sions took place in their works, the material damage was heavy and the loss of life great, and at half-past ten in the morning their batteries ceased fire. The English attack was more fortu- nate. The}^ demolished the Malakoff Tower, exploded its mag- azine and the magazine of the Redan, and nearly destroyed the Redan itself. Upon the whole, however, the advantage remained with the Russians. The attack upon the great forts M^as entirely un- successful, and the only irreparable calamity to the besieged was the loss of Admiral Korniloff. While examinins: the disasters £02 THE EEIGN OF VICTORIA. [Chap. VIII. suffered by the Malakoff, his thigh was shattered by a round shot. A group of officers at once surrounded him : " I entrust to you the defence of Sevastopol," he said to them in a firm voice , " never surrender it I " He was carried to the naval hos- pital, where in two hours he died. "Tell everybody," he said, "how pleasant it is to die when the conscience is pure ! " His last words were the prayer of a dying patriot : " O God ! bless Russia and the emperor ! ■ Save Sevastopol and the fleet ! " The bastion near which he had been wounded was thenceforth called by his name. Meanwhile Prince Mentschikoff was maturing a plan of attack, in the hope of forcing the allies to raise the siege. The position at Balaklava was manifestly weak, and here he decided to make his first attempt. A large Russian force Avas gathered in the valley of the Tchernaya, and, on the 25th of September, at five o'clock in the morning, the Russian columns moved forward to attack the outer line of the defence, a row of knolls strengthened' by redoubts and garrisoned by about one thousand Turks, with seven twelve-pounder guns. The redoubts were quickly taken, one after another, and the Russians continued their advance toward the English positions. The English cavalry meanwhile had been on the alert, and were posted to receive them, together with the 93d Highlanders. The English division of horse con- sisted of two brigades, the Light Cavalry and the Heavy Dra- goons. The general in command of the division was Lord Lucan ; and the Earl of Cai'digan and General Scarlett were at the head of the brigades. Sir Colin Campbell had command of the in- fantry, and of the general defences of Balaklava. After taking the redoubts, a body of Russian cavalry made an advance towards the gorge leading to the town, but being res- olutely' received by the Highlanders, turned their horses' heads and retreated rapidly. Meantime the main body cf Russian cav- alry advanced toward the west until it came within range of the Chap. VIII.] THE CRIMEAN WAR. 203 batteries on the plateau of the Chersonese, and received two shots. Upon this, the whole force, about three thousand strong, wheeled obliquely aside and turned southward. This movement brought them upon the English Heavy Cavalry, four squadrons of Greys and Enniskilleners. " The Russians," wrote Mr. Russell, who was an eye-witness of the scene, " advanced down the hill at a slow canter, which they changed to a trot, and at last nearly halted. Their first line was nearly double the length of ours, and it was at least three times as deep. Behind them was a similar line equally strong and compact. They evidently de- spised their insignificant-looking enemy, but their time was come. The trumpets rang out through the valley, and the Grej^s and Enniskilleners went right at the centre of the Russian cavalry. The space between them was only a few hundred yards; it was scarcely enough to let the horses gather way, nor had the men quite space enough for the play of their sword-arras. The Russian line brought forward each wing as our cavalry advanced, and threatened to annihilate them as they passed on. Turning a little to the left, so as to meet the Russian right, the Greys rushed on with a cheer that thrilled every heart. The wild shout of the Enniskilleners rose through the air at the same instant. As lightning flashes through a cloud, the Greys and Enniskilleners pierced through the dark masses of Russians. The shock was but for a moment. There was a clash of steel, and a light play of sword-blades in the air, and then the Greys and red coats disappeared in the midst of the shaken and quiver- ing columns. In another moment we saw them emerging with diminished numbers and in broken order, charging against the second line By sheer steel and by sheer courage, Enniskillener and Scot were winning their desperate way right through the enemy's squadrons, and already red coats and gray horses had appeared at the rear of the second mass, when, with irresistible force, like one bolt from a bow, the 4th Dragoon 204 THE REIGN OF VICTORIA. [Chap. VIII. Guards, riding straight at the right flank of the Russians, and the 5th Dragoon Guards, following close after the Enniskilleners, rushed at the remnants of the first line of the enemy, and put them to utter rout." The Russian cavalry fled in disorder, and did not draw rein till they had gone two miles, and were shel- tered behind their own guns and among their infantry. Gen- eral Scarlett pursued them a short distance, but stopped before coming under fire of the enemy's guns. Lord Raglan and Gen- eral Canrobert, with many officers from both of the besieging armies, watched this action from the edge of the plateau, and the delight and enthusiasm of the spectators was extreme. Shortly after, Lord Raglan, attentively observing the ground below him, perceived what seemed to be a movement on the part of the Russians to remove the guns from the captured redoubts. This was too much for the scrupulous honor of the general-in-chief, trained by the Duke of Wellington in the belief that an officer should never lose a gun. He sent down a message to Lord Lucan to the effect that the cavalry should advance and try to prevent the enemy from carrying off the guns. Lord Lucan, it appears, misunderstood the order, con- struing it to mean that the cavalry should not onl}'- advance but should attack, and the aid-de-camp Captain Nolan, who brought the message, shared in the misconception. After a few words, Lord Lucan rode up to the Earl of Cardigan, who, with the Light Cavalry, had remained a near but inactive spectator of the conflict between the Russians and the Heavy Dragoons. Lord Lucan delivered the order of the comman- der-in-chief. " Lord Lucan," says Lord Cardigan, in his testi- inony under oath, " then came to our front, and ordered me to attack the Russians in the valley. I replied, ' Certainly, Sir, but allow me to point out to you that the Russians have a battery in our front, and batteries and riflemen on each flank.' Lord Lucan said, ' I cannot help that ; it is Lord Raglan's positive CHARGE OF THE LIGHT BRIGADE. Chap. VIIL] THE CRIMEAN WAR. 205 order that the Light Brigade attacks immediately.' " Upon this Lord Cardigan turned to his soldiers, and said simply, " The brigade will advance." The Liglit Brigade was drawn up facing a valley which led to the bridge over the Tchernaya. The hills on the left of this valley were black with infantry, sixteen guns were in position, and a body of Cossack riflemen were extended as skirmishers on the lower slopes ; across the mouth of the valley stood the Russian cavalry, having in front of them a bat- tery of guns. On the right two redoubts were occupied, and more than half the Russian infantry, and a body of lancers, were in position. Riflemen were also extended along both sides of the valley. Six hundred and seventy-three men : the 13th Light Dra- goons, the 17th Lancers, the 11th Hussars, the 4th Light Dragoons, and the 8th Hussars, were the attacking force. Lord Cardigan rode in front of the centre of the first line, a con- spicuous figure in hussar uniform. He rode forward steadily, looking neither to right nor left, straight on towards the guns, themselves invisible, but indicating their location by the white bank of smoke cut every few minutes by jets of flame. The spectators upon the heights were filled with horror at the sight of this gallant handfal of men riding steadily to destruction, without blenching for an instant from their duty. Voices cried out, "Stop! Stop! this is madness 1 " But they were drowned in the tumult and the Light Cavalry galloped forward, involun- tarily increasing their speed until the advance had become almost a race, while still Lord Cardigan kept the regulation distance between himself and the foremost lines. The guns on their left, the battery in front, and guns from the redoubt were firing incessantly into their ranks ; the valley was strewn with men and horses dead or dying, while the survivors closed in with a regularity which had the effect of a terrible piece of mechanism, so prompt and incessant was its operation. 206 THE REIGN OF VICTORIA. [Chap. VIIT. At the battle of Essling, in defending the island of Loban, General Mouthon for four hours was under the fire of all the Austrian artillery, walking up and down through the lines, saying only, " Close up the ranks ! " as the soldiers fell all around him. During the charge of the Light Brigade at Balaklava, the thinned ranks closed up continually without orders ; and when at last the survivors disappeared from sight into the smoke which overhung the Russians' guns more than half of the brigade were already left behind disabled, no man stopping to look after his fallen companions. " It is magnificent, but it is not war ! " was the exclamation of General Bosquet, as he watched the advance of the decimated cavalry. At an early hour in the day reinforcements, both English and French, had been despatched from the besieging army on the plateau to join their comrades fighting on the lower ground, but the difficulties of their march had retarded them for several hours. At this time, however, the Chasseurs d'Afrique under General d'Allonville were standing, drawn up at the left of the ground whence the Light Brigade had started, and General Morris ordered them at once to attack the Russian batteries upon the hills at the left. The attack was most brilliant and successful ; the artillery was forced to retreat, and thus one of the flanking fires had been brought to an end, when the mo- ment came for the return of the Light Brigade. Arriving at the Russian battery, the squadrons charged in between the guns ; the Russian artillerymen still sought to defend them, but were finally cut down or put to flight. The Russian cavalry, posted behind the guns, showed signs of weakness, and, with strong reinforcements, a brilliant vic- tory might have been gained. The two hundred and thirty English horsemen who reached the Russian guns were not, how- ever, able to drive before them thousands of cavalry, and, by degrees, gathering themselves together, the shattered squadrons Chap. VIII.] THE CRIMEAN WAR. 207 extricated themselves and rode back through the battery and up the valley, to rejoin the rest of the army. On their return, one flanking fire still harassed them, and when they reached the open ground, only one hundred and ninety-five mounted men remained of the six hundred and seventy-three wYiq, twenty minutes before, had answered to Lord Cardigan's order, — "The brigade will advance." When the shattered band re-formed. Lord Cardigan rode up to the front: "Men," he said, "this has been a great blunder ; but it is no fault of mine." And the men cheered, and called out, " Never mind, my lord ; we are ready to go again ! " The charge of the Light Brigade was the last important event of the day. At four o'clock the final guns were fired, and, at dusk, the French troops and the British infantry divisions, with the exception of the Highland Brigade, returned to the plateau. The allies lost in killed and wounded, about six hundred offi- cers and men; the Russians about six hundred and thirt3^ The Russians remained in undisturbed possession of the ground which they had taken, and of seven English guns from the redoubts. The garrison in Sevastopol gave thanks for a vic- tory, and Prince Mentschikoff urged forward his hostile prepa- rations. On the 80th of October, he wrote to Prince Pasche- vitch, at Warsaw : " The enemy does not show himself outside of his lines ; we harass him incessantl}'', and kill his soldiers ; our squadrons make frequent raids and attacks. The enemy sends them a few shells, but the cavalry dares not risk itself from under cover of the batteries. The army is full of enthu- siasm. General Liprandi, whose coolness and resolution I can- not sufficiently praise, has thrown up earthworks, strongly armed, on the enemy's right flank, and, from the position he holds, threatens their rear. The enemy cannot operate with- out exposing himself to immense loss ; if the Aveather serves us, nothing can save him from complete destruction. All the world 208 THE REIGN OF VICTORIA. [Chap. VIII. will remember, I feel certain, the exemplary chastisement in- flicted upon the allies. When our beloved grand-dukes arrive, I shall be able to give over to them, intact, the precious trust which the emperor has confided to me. Sebastopol will remain ours. Heaven visibly protects Holy Russia." Prince Mentschikoff daily expected the arrival of the two sons of the Emperor Nicholas. He had been heavily rein- forced, and was now able to oppose one hundred and twenty thousand men (including the sailors of the fleet), to the sixty- five thousand remaining to the allies. On their part, the French and English worked with great industry at strengthening their position and advancing the siege works. It was the plan of the allied generals to open a fierce fire upon Sevastopol early in November, in the hope of taking the city by assault. But again attention was diverted from the siege by an aggressive movement on the part of Prince Ments- chilcoff. The right flank of the English position had always been the weak point of the entire line. Here valleys lying between the projecting spurs of the plateau gave access to an attacking force from below. Here an attack was, in fact, made and repulsed, on the day after the battle of Balaklava. The attention of the generals was called to the danger, but it seemed impossible to heed the warning. "The various exigencies to be provided for on other points at that time," afterwards wrote Sir De Lacy Evans, who was posted there with the 2d Division, " scarcely left it possible, I believe, to afford any material rein- forcements or means for the construction of defences." At five o'clock in the morning of Sunday, November 5th, General Soimonoff with nineteen thousand infantry and thirty-eight guns marched out of the eastern gate of Sevastopol and, climbing a ravine, reached the crest of the hill almost before his movements had been detected. On the preceding day unusual signs of activity had indeed been discerned in the region to the east of Chap. VIII.] THE CRIMEAN WAR 209 the plateau, distinguished by the ruins of the ancient city of Inkerman, but no important miKtary change had been dis- covered. On the morning of the fifth a heavy mist overhung the entire plateau, and the officer from headquarters, making the rounds before daybreak to ascertain if any change was observed in the attitude of the enemy, learned that the night had been unusually quiet. After a few minutes General Coding- ton, the officer commanding one of the brigades encamped on Mount Inkerman, rode to the front, as he was accustomed to do daily ; the relieved pickets had just come in, dripping with the fog and chilled by the cold ; and no advance had been detected. Suddenly a fire of musketry on the left was audible, and soon after the same ominous sound made itself heard from the right. The skirmishers of General Soimonoff's column had touched the line of English pickets at the left, while from the side of the Tchernaya, another column under General Pauloff was advanc- ing to co-operate with the troops under Soimonoff, upon the crest of the hill. The general at once galloped back to call out the division, and the troops formed in haste, while the sound of firing was now heard from almost every part of the twelve miles' front of battle which the enemy had prepared himself to present. The attack on Mount Inkerman was the central movement, but all along under the plateau towards Balaklava on the English right, Russian troops were posted and batteries established, while the whole garrison of the city made part of the line, ready for sorties upon the allied camps whenever the fortune of the day should favor such movements. The position upon Mount Inkerman was extremely open to attack. Some days before. Sir De Lacy Evans had remarked that such was the character of the ground occupied by his division, that the enemy might be upon them any day, almost without notice. The whole northern half of Mount Inkerman had been 210 THE REIGN OF VICTORIA. [Chap. YIII. deliberately left to the Russians, being so commanded by the batteries of Sevastopol and by the ships of war in the great har- bor as to be practically untenable. The formation of the ground is peculiar ; making the north-eastern angle of the Chersonese, it is separated by a deep ravine, running north-west and south- east, from the rest of the plateau. In length about three miles, and about two miles and a quarter in width at its northern extremity, it narrows irregularly toward the south, till the isthmus of land connecting it with the main plateau has only a width of about four hundred yards along its crest. The ground is extremely broken and irregular, a ridge running through it lengthwise and throwing out lateral ribs, and in the centre an elevation of considerable height, which was at the time called Shell Hill, (a point constantly shelled by the enemy) with its ribs to the right and left, offered a commanding site for the establishment of field batteries. Eastward, and nearer the Eng- lish camp, had been erected some earth-works, but these were soon after abandoned and disarmed ; but around one of them, known as the Sand-bag Battery, a parapet eight or ten feet high, the fight raged that day so fiercely that, taken and re-taken three times before nine o'clock in the morning, the French, arriv- ing later, could call it nothing but " the slaughter-house." At the isthmus lay encamped the 2d Division, and a low ridge of ground, the English Heights, protected them on the north. They threw out a chain of pickets to ground about a mile in advance of the camp, the chain being a good deal drawn in towards the camp at night. Rapidly and silently making the ascent by the ravines on the north-east and north-west of Mount Inkerman, the two Russian array corps reached the crest of the hill, General Soiraonoff, however, so much in advance that he had posted his batteries on Shell Hill, and opened fire upon the English camp, and thrown forward his infantry in an attack, before (jeneral Pauloff effected the designed junction. BALi kiWA- y'/*il=- mkmmm I Chap. VIII.] THE CRIMEAN WAR. 211 Meantime General Pennefather, who was, in consequence of Sir De Lacy Evans' illness, in charge of the 2d Division, was obstinately disputing every step of ground with the enemy. The attack in its early stages had not the appearance of being the opening of a great battle, for the English force was very small, and the Russians so held back that their immense num- bers, through the mist of the early morning, were quite unap- parent to those who stood opposed to them. For more than an hour this resistance was effectual. General Soimonoff, present in the thickest of the fight, was mortally wounded, and an English force, including in all about three thousand six hun- dred men, with the aid of some batteries, kept at bay twenty- five thousand, and even drove off the field no less than twenty battalions, consisting of fifteen thousand men. The immense numerical strength of the Russians, however, soon began to tell. Ten thousand fresh infantry, with ninety- seven additional guns, had just readied the summit of the hill. General Dannenberg, who was to take the supreme command in the field, had arrived, and the attack was renewed. Re- inforcements brought to General Pennefather were as follows: three field-batteries, and about three thousand infantry of the Guards and the 4th Division. Lord Raglan had been in the field for some time, not with the view of superseding General Pennefather, but of offering him succor, and of keeping him- self well informed of the progress of the battle. General Canrobert had also arrived, and it was agreed to call upon two battalions of French infantry belonging to General Bosquet's division. At a very early period of the engagement, General Bosquet — whose troops guarded the Col di Balaklava, and commanded the ground below, from their camp along the edge of the pla- teau whose extreme left was less than three miles from the camp of the 2d Division — had detected that the Russian attack 212 THE REION OF VICTORIA. [Chap. VIII. at the left was little more than a feint, and that the real point of dano-er was Mount Inkerraan. He ordered, therefore, a con- siderahle reinforcement to move up towards the isthmus, and hastened thither in person. On the yvay, he met Sir George Brown and Sir George Cathcart, and offered his aid, saying that he had some infantry and artillery already on the way, and should be able to send up more. The two generals de- clined the offer, and assuring General Bosquet that the Eng- lish reserves would be sufficient, begged him merely to watch the ground which had been specially intrusted to him. Upon this. General Bosquet sent back his battalions, but he did not dismiss his anxiety to be of service to the little band so hardly bested upon Mount Inkerman. Hence, Avhen messengers came from Lord Raglan, intimating that his assistance would be wel- come, he at once ordered Bourbaki to proceed to the scene of conflict with the same troops he had before ordered to advance: two thousand one hundred and fifteen infantry, and two troops of horse-artillery. He also ordered two battalions of the 3d Zouaves, a battalion of Algerines, and the two battalions of the 50th Resiment to follow. More than half of these six thou- sand troops were in time to bear a brilliant and important share in the day's events, and the remainder, though not sent into the active fray, were on the spot and ready, two hours before the battle ended. Vehement cheers from the English greeted the two battalions — the 7th L^ger and the 6th of the line — answering back the drums and clarions of the French, as the latter arrived upon the isthmus. They were halted for a few minutes, awaiting orders, then led over the ridge and into the battle. Other French battalions shortly followed them, and the contest was renewed with tremendous vigor. General Bosquet took the offensive, and Russian writers ag-ree that from the moment the French entered the field the fate of the day was decided. For Chap. VIII.] THE CRIMEAN WAR. 213 four hours eight thousand British troops had held their ground, defeating successively great masses of Russians, and now, the accession of fresh troops, fired with enthusiasm and eager for conflict, came at the very moment when their presence was able to turn the scale. The battle still raged for hours ; the Russian artillery still thundered upon the allies, and the heavy masses of Russian infantry moved forward with determined courage, and were driven back with the sharpest fighting. Between eleven and one o'clock, the aggressive movements gradually slackened. But the Russians had suffered heavily. Finally, General Dannenberg decided on a retreat, and gave his orders accordingly. Slowly and in good order the Russians fell back, the infantry guarding the withdrawal of the guns. A pursuit was judged inexpedient on the part of the allies, and it was eight o' clock in the evening when the last piece of cannon entered within the Russian lines of defence. A loss of nearly eleven thousand killed and wounded was reported by the Russians ; among their number were twelve officers of high position, — generals and colonels. The losses of the English were two thousand three hundred and fiftj^-seven, thirty-nine officers being killed and ninety-one wounded. The French loss was thirteen officers and one hundred and thirty men killed, and thirty-six officers and seven hundred and fifty men wounded. Victory remained with the allies, but it had been won at a cost that put an end to all hope of active operations on their part for the winter. Henceforth their object was to make themselves as secure as possible in the position they occupied. Lord Raglan, in a private letter to the Duke of Newcastle, explained the situation, dwelling especially on the smallness of the force under his command. " To speak frankly," he wrote, " we want every man you can send us." Since the arrival of the troops in the Crimea, they had suf- 214 THE REIGN OF VICTORIA. [Chap. VIII. fered extremely from illness. On the day before the battle of Inkerman more than seven thousand were reported unfit for- duty. Overwork and exposure constantly increased this num- ber. The ignorance and recklessness of the English soldiers were a surprise to their French comrades, and Lord Raglan himself felt the contrast between the two. The French soldier has but a half-pound of meat a day, while the Englishman, receiving three times as much, is more poorly fed. " My lord," General Bosquet once said, laughingly, to tlie English comman- der-in-chief, " let us make an arrangement which will be profitable to both nations: give me for one English soldier and one French one, your pound and a half of meat ; we can save our ration, one man shall make soup for both, and English and French soldiers will both fare well on it, I can promise you." The culinary talent of the French soldier was not put to this test, however, and the English continued to suffer. With the beginning of November, the severities of the climate were added to all the other hardships of the allied troops. Rain fell almost incessantly, and the earth changed to mud. On the 14th of November, a memorable storm burst upon the southern shores of the Crimea. Nearly every tent on the Chersonese was blown down, and its contents scattered. " The air," says Mr. Russell, " was filled with blankets, hats, great coats, little coats, and even tables and chairs ! Mackintoshes, quilts, india-rubber tubs, bed-clothes, sheets of tent canvas, went whirling like leaves in the gale towards Sevastopol." Heavy wagons were blown over ; and neither horse nor man could face the fury of the storm on the exposed plains. No fires could be lighted nor food cooked, and the sick with the well were all alike exposed, shelterless, to the fury of the weather. Upon the sea the storm was, if possible, more violent ; twenty- one transports were wrecked, loaded with the winter supplies II ij Chap. VIII.] THE CRIMEAN WAR. 215 for the army, and the ships that escaped were so much damaged, that the army was for a long time deficient in sea-transport, and hence unable to repair the ravages inflicted by the storm on stores of all kinds. When the people at home learned through the revelations of Mr. Russell and other war-correspondents, of the distress and privations endured by their sons and brothers in the Crimea, the heart of the English nation was deeply moved, and a most admirable outburst of useful liberality made itself manifest throughout England. In countless homes, supplies of all sorts — both garments and provisions — were made ready for the army in the Crimea. We, in France, know by experience of suffering, what the wealth and generous liberality of England can do in consoling and alleviating the miseries caused by war. In the winter of 1854-5, the sons of England suffered and fouglit side by side with our army, and upon her own children England had then occasion to lavish those fruits of her tender care which she would, one day, bestow upon us. Especially the condition of the hospitals excited distress and commiseration. Although more men and more supplies were sent out to the medical department in the East than were ever supplied to a force of similar strength, yet, from want of foresight and administrative skill, the department became almost inef- ficient in the presence of the unusual and unexpected demands upon it. Finally, to a woman belongs the honor of bringing order and system out of disorder and confusion. Anxious to remedy these great evils, Mr. Sidney Herbert made an appeal to a distinguished woman of his acquaintance. Miss Florence Night- ingale, who had long taken a deep interest in hospital work ; ho begged her to go out to Scutari and take charge of the hospital there, and offered her authority over all the nurses, and the un- limited power of drawing upon government for whatever she might judge needful for the success of her enterprise. Miss 21{; THE EEIGN OF VICTORIA. [Chap. VIII. Ni-Thtingale, a singularly amiable and attractive person, en- dowed, besides, with great intellectual gifts, had never felt willing to limit lier usefulness to the peaceful circle of an elegant and luxurious life ; she had long since recognized her vocation for the care of the sick, and was occupied in reorganizing a char- itable institution in London at the time of Mr. Herbert's appeal to her. She hesitated not a moment, and gathering about her a few women of her own station, who were fired by her noble ex- ample, and a band of trained nurses, set out for Scutari. The party consisted of ten Roman Catholic nuns, eight Protestant Sisters, and twenty nurses already experienced in hospitals. She went from one hospital to another, reforming and reorgan- izing ; everywhere respect and affection surrounded her, lighten- ing a task that her own feeble health made every day more heavy. The maladies from which the soldiers were suffer- ing in turn smote Miss Nightingale, but the moment she was able to walk she was once more at the bedside of the sick, the wounded, and the dying. " I have visited many thousand sick- beds," she said, " and I have never heard a word which could offend me." Her health in the end broke down utterly under the burden, but until the last day of the war, she remained at her l)0st, devoted to the mission of patriotism and charity which she had undertaken. Her name will be forever associated with the story of the Crimean war, and the fruits of her devotion have been of lasting benefit. Her example brought many vol- unteers to the service of the Red Cross, while in the quiet homes of her own country, to this day, many a sufferer has blessed the lessons which her practical experience recorded for the instruc- tion of persons having the care of the sick. The misfortunes of the English army in the Crimea wrought upon the pride as well as upon the pity of the nation. Parlia- ment met before Christmas, and, after the recess, Mr. Roebuck gave notice that he should move for an inquiry into the con- Chap. VIII.] THE CRIMEAN WAR. 217 dition of the army before Sevastopol, and the conduct of those departments of the government which minister to the wants of the army. Lord John Russell urged upon Lord Aberdeen the substitution of Lord Palmerston, as secretary of war, for the Duke of Newcastle. Lord Aberdeen refused to do this; and Lord John Russell, in spite of Lord Palmerston's earnest re- monstrances, resigned, being of opinion that Mr. Roebuck's motion could not be conscientiously resisted. Mr. Roebuck's motion, though opposed by Lord Palmerston and Mr. Gladstone, was accepted by a majority of 157. The ministry, being thus signally defeated, at once resigned, and Lord Palmerston was called upon to form a new Cabinet. On the 15th of February, the new premier wrote to his brother: " A month ago, if any man had asked me to say what was the most improbable events, I should have said, ' my being prime minister.' Aberdeen was there ; Derby was the head of one great party, John Russell of the other, and yet, in about ten days' time they all gave way like straws before the wind ; and so here am I, writing to you from Downing Street, as first lord of the treasury." The changes in the ministr}'- were at first more important than numerous. Lord Derby and Lord John Russell having succes- sively failed in the attempt to form a Cabinet, Lord Palmerston merely took Lord Aberdeen's place, and Lord Panmure, who had formerly, as Mr. Fox Maule, had the management of army affairs, took the place of the Duke of Newcastle as secretary of war; but after a time the changes became more radical. Lord Palmerston urged the House not to insist upon the inquiry for which Mr. Roebuck had called ; he had already dispatched two commissions to the Crimea, and promised that government would thoroughly investigate the whole question. But public opinion .was not satisfied. Lord Palmerston was forced to yield, and Sir James Graham, Mr. Sidney Herbert, and Mr. Gladstone resigned. 213 THE REIGN OF VICTORIA. [Chap. VIII. Sir Charles Wood, Lord John Russell, and Sir George Cornewall Lewis filled the offices thus vacated. About this time the allies were promised a reinforcement by the Sardinian contingent. The great minister who was to found the kingdom of Italy, Count Cavour, judged it useful for his country to take part in the wars of Europe in order to gain a right to take part in European councils. The brave Pied- montese regiments supported in the Crimea the cause of France and England against Russia, although it concerned them in no direct way. But this wise and far-seeing policy of Count Cavour had its result, and may be said to have laid the first stone in the edifice of the future greatness of their country and their sovereign. Meanwhile an event to which all thoughts turned as favorable for peace had occurred in Russia, -the death of the czar, on the 2d of March, 1855. His disease was said to be pulmonary apoplexy, but it might perhaps more truly have been stated that he died of a broken heart, like Mr. Pitt after the battle of Aus- terlitz. The failure of an attack directed against Eupatoria, a seaport town north of Sevastopol which the allies had held through the winter, drawing thence large supplies of cattle and forage, had filled the measure of the czar's disappointments. He was unable longer to struggle against the despair which overwhelmed him and had so many times sent him to his oratory to pass hours in prayer, prostrated before the holy pic- tures of his patron saints. The two grand-dukes, who had been in the Crimea since the battle of Inkerman, and Prince Ments- chikoff hastened to quit Sevastopol at the first news of the emperor's illness, but they had gone but a short distance on their journey when they received tidings of his death. The Emperor Nicholas had been accustomed to encourage himself with the recollection of 1812. " Russia has two generals upon whom she can always count," he used to say, " General January Chap. VIII.] THE CRIMEAN WAR. 219 and General February." An English caricature in Punch de- picted General February, turned traitor, laying an icy hand upon the emperor's breast, and leading him away to the tomb. The Emperor Nicholas died with a firm and simple tranquillity, and his eldest son Alexander was immediately proclaimed. As is often the case, the heir-apparent had not shared in all his father's views and ideas. He was believed to be opposed to war theoretically, and to be at the present moment favorable to- wards negotiations for peace. At the instigation of Austria, a new Vienna conference was assembled. Lord John Russell rep- resenting the interests of England, and at the same time protect- ing those of Turkey. One of the main points of his instructions concerned the limitation of the Russian power in the Black Sea; but here the Russian plenipotentiaries were inflexible. Meanwhile, in his first proclamation to his subjects, the new czar was addressing to heaven a prayer as ambitious as any of those of his late father. " May Providence grant," he said, " that, under Divine guidance and protection, we may make Russia strong in the highest degree of power and glory, and that, through us, may be fulfilled the wishes and designs of our illustrious predecessors, Peter, Catherine, Alexander the well- beloved, and our illustrious father of imperishable memory." The negotiations at Vienna came to an end. Lord John Russell returned home, where he was accused of having been ensnared by Austrian subtleties. He sought vainly to defend himself in Parliament ; he was obliged to resign and his office was filled by Sir William Molesworth. Meantime work continued in the trenches before Sevastopol ; and, on the Russian side, the fortifications of the town were con- tinually strengthened. The heights of Inkerman were now cov- ered by the English and French with strong field-works, so that all danger of an attack from that quarter was removed. From time to time sorties were made by the Russians, and sometimes a 220 THE REIGN OF VICTORIA. [Chap. VIII. heavy fire of guns was opened upon the working-parties and the outposts of the allies. Late in December, the hostile movements of the allies around Balaklava had so far intimidated the Russians as to remove all anxiety in regard to the safety of the port. The main work of the allies, however, consisted in advancing their trenches. Above ground and under it the belligerents labored, advancing their parallels, mining and countermining. January was, in a sense, the turning-point of the winter, for, although till the last of February the proportion on the sick-list constantly increased, yet the accommodations for the troops were better, the supplies had become abundant, and the roads and wharves built at Balaklava, together with a railway connecting it with the heights, abated the discomforts of the earlier season. In February, General Niel, one of the first engineers in the French army, and especially in the confidence of the Emperor Napoleon, was sent out to the Crimea, and, under his recom- mendation, the French took up ground on the plateau leading to the Malakoff, where they began to work with great vigor. Upon this the Russians -concentrated their energies at the same point ; they pulled down the tower ruined in the attack of the 17th of October, and began the construction of that enormous redoubt which so long defied its assailants. Large works were constructed to the right and left, which the allies in vain endeav^ ored to destroy, and the Russians took possession of a hill in front of the Malakoff, which was afterwards known as the Mam- elon, and raised the nucleus of a very formidable work. All along the town-front the same sj^stem was developed. Lodg- ments were made in advance of the bastions, and, quite at the left of the allied position, a large cemetery was converted into a strong post. The Russian works, both inside and outside their main line, were on a colossal scale, and their forts and trenches were endless. The command of the Russian army was now assigned to Chap. VIII.] THE CRIMEAN WAR. 221 Prince Gortschakoff, who arrived on the 21st of March, and soon proved himself a very capable soldier. A vigorous sortie was made by the Russians, but they were repulsed with heavy loss. Early in April, it was determined to bombard the town a second time, and a tremendous fire day after day, from the 9th of April to the 16th, was poured upon the devoted city, but the defences stood firm ; and the allies were a second time repulsed. At all times serious differences of opinion existed between the two commanders. Lord Raglan favored prompt and direct action ; while General Canrobert, in receipt of secret instructions from his emperor, inclined to more deliberate and guarded meas- ures, and operations more remote from the central point. This strife of contending influences did not extend to the two govern- ments, which appeared more closely united than ever. The Emperor and Empress of the French paid a visit in London, and were received with transports of popular enthusiasm. The emperor at this time had the idea of going out himself to take command in the Crimea. An attempt at his assassination made in Paris on the 25th of April, caused him to relinquish that idea, against which his most trusted advisers had already re- monstrated, while the general sentiment of the English army was strongly opposed to it. As a commander-in-chief, how- ever. General Canrobert had not the confidence of those about him. General Pelissier, who had lately arrived from Algeria, urged an attack upon Sevastopol. The general-in-chief was wearied out ; honest and brave, he felt himself, however, not strong enough for the burden which had rested on him since the death of Marshal St. Arnaud, and on the IGth of May he telegraphed to Paris begging to be relieved and to be permitted to return to his former rank of general of division. On being authorized to resign, he wrote on the 19th of May to Marshal Vaillant, minister of war : " I have to-day transferred to Gen- eral Pelissier, conformably to the authorization which the em- 222 THE REIGN OF VICTORIA. [Chap. VIII. peror has had tlie goodness to grant me, the command in chief of the army of the Crimea. In the presence of difficulties incessantly recurring, which aside from my army render ray task daily more heavy, it has seemed to me my imperious and first duty to commit the supreme direction to a general officer whom his age, his military antecedents, his capacity and the firmness of his mind and character recommend to the confidence of the army, while the}"" render him better suited than myself to surmount the inevitable difficulties arising from the juxtaposi- tion of allied armies having each its independent chief. The army which I transfer to him has emerged from the severest and most dangerous trials, finer, more enthusiastic and more confident than before ; it is an honor to France, and has been to me a source of the noblest consolation by the devotion which it has given to me up to this day. It is ready to accomplish the grandest achievements which the emperor's service and glory may require. For myself, Monsieur le Mar^chal, I beg you to obtain from his Majesty the confirmation of my appointment by General Pelissier to the command of my former division (first of the 2nd Corps). I am sure that I have no need to explain and justify the feelings which give rise to this request, to the fulfilment of which I attach the greatest importance. A gene- ral-in-chief who has sustained the morale of his soldiers amid the severest trials, who abdicates his authority and remains with them, ought to be brought as near to them as possible." General Canrobert obtained the gratification of his noble and modest wish. General Pelissier assumed the chief command of the army, coming to it with a reputation for courage and decision rarely fettered by scruples or hesitations ; his name had all at once become conspicuous throughout all Europe by the painful resolve to which he had not long before felt himself obliged in Algeria, where, in order to save the column which he commanded he had caused a body of Arab troops, who would not surrender, Chap. VIII.] THE CRIMEAN WAR. 223 to be suffocated in the caves of Dahra. Ludlow had once done the same in Ireland. At the battle of Austerlitz, the Emperor Napoleon had given orders to break up the frozen river under the feet of the Russians by firing into the ice. The progress of gentler manners had, however, made men regard with horror the rough deed of General Pelissier; he was attacked in the French Assembly, and was defended with difficulty; but Europe had not forgotten that he had been willing to assume the respon- sibility, heavy though it was. Great hopes, both in France and England, gathered about the new French leader. He at once took measures to free himself from the hindrances which had been thrown in the way of General Canrobert by the Emperor Napoleon's desire to direct the war from his cabinet in Paris, — writing to Marshal Vaillant : " I have already seen Lord Rag- lan ; we are perfectly agreed in respect to the position of affairs. Like all the army, I have faith in the future. I have measured the extent of my vast duties, but in order .to fulfil them success- fully for any length of time, I must ask you to solicit for me from the emperor that latitude and liberty of action indispen- sable in the conditions of the present war, and above all neces- sary for the preservation of the intimate alliance of the two countries." From this time the character of the war was changed ; hence- forth the siege was to be pressed with a new vigor. Vainly did the Emperor Napoleon and General Niel urge a series of exterior operations. General Pdlissier paid no heed, and intrepidly per- sued his own personal designs. " The march of two bodies of troops, one from Alooshta, the other from Baidon, upon Sim- feropol, is fraught with difficulties and uncertainties. A direct investment by securing the Mackenzie Heights would cost as dearly as an assault, and its result would be most uncertain. Lord Raglan and myself are agreed upon the capture of the advanced works, the occupation of the Tchernaya, and, finally, 224 THE REIGN OF VICTORIA. [Chap. VIII. an expedition to Kertch. The siege which we are caiTjdng on has almost nothing in common with those of which Vauban has consecrated the theory. The war which we are carrying on, with a line of ships and two seaports as our base of opera- tions, is almost equally unlike all ordinary wars. I sum up my ideas in expressing once more to you the desire that a sufficient latitude be left me for the direction of operations in whatever manner the course of events may render, in my judgment, most useful." The attack upon Kertch proved most successful. An im- mense amount of shipping and stores were destroyed. The expedition made the tour of the Sea of Azof; not one place escaped them, and thus the defenders of Sevastopol were de- prived of an enormous proportion of their supplies, just as preparations were making for an especially vigorous attack upon the town itself. The line of the Tchernaya was also occupied about this time by a combined force of French, Sardinians, and Turks. General Pelissier, meanwhile, was perfectly in agreement with Lord Raglan in respect to the method of carrying on the siege. The Malakoff had now become manifestly the 'key to the place, and an assault on the outworks protecting it, of which the Mamelon was chief, was decided upon. The bombardment began at half-past two in the afternoon of the 6th of June, one hundred and fifty-seven pieces of ordnance being put in battery by the English, and three hundred pieces by the French. The fire continued all night and until late in the following day. Finally, at 6.45 P. M., the storming parties which had been held ready for some time, under the command of General Bosquet, received the signal and dashed upon the works. The Mamelon was taken, and from that time remained in the posses- sion of the allies. On the 17th, a fourth bombardment of Sevastopol was com- TIELJD' MA2^SHAL LOMB RAQLA^^- Eates &. Lauriat. Bostoi^- Chap. VIII.] THE CRIMEAN WAR. 22.5 menced, and was kept up with tremendous vigor all day, and even continued through the night. The Malakoff and the Redan were nearly silenced; but, during the night, the enemy had been able to replace the guns and was ready to begin anew. It had been originally designed to precede the assault of the 18th by a three-hours' cannonade of the heaviest descri2:)tion, in order to prevent the Russian troops from being gathered in masses at any point, but this plan was relinquished, and the signal for the storming-parties was given before daybreak in the morning. All night long the troops appointed for the assault were movino- into their places. The trenches and the ravines were crowded with men, sitting under the parapets or lying on the ground in the ravines. Behind the Malakoff and the Redan and their con- necting parapets, and in the houses of the town, the Russians were waiting the attack. The gunners were ready beside their pieces, and the war-steamers in the harbor were all prepared for instant action. The allied assault was a little confused by a mis- taken signal, and commenced on the left too early. Accepting the mistake, the assault was ordered all along the line, and was made with heroic courage. At all the main points, however, it was unsuccessful. Driven back with heavy loss, the English and French retreated ; many officers were killed ; the English total loss amounted to about fifteen hundred, while that of the French was more than twice as heavy. Within the city the rejoicing and thanksgiving were great. The allies were extremely disappointed, for their hopes had been very sanguine. They were not discouraged, but the check reacted upon the health of the army ; the cholera, never quite subdued, at once increased with great virulence. Lord Raglan himself became ill ; on the 24th of June he wrote an autograph letter to General Pelissier, reassuring the latter in respect to his health. On the 28th of June the English leader was dead. Great grief was felt in the two camps. His loyalty, his gentle- 220 THE REIGN OF VICTORIA. [Chap. VIII. ness, his unshaken firmness had attached all hearts to him. On the 3d of July, a double line of infantry, French and English, stood from the English headquarters to Kasatch Bay, while the coffin, resting on a platform placed upon a nine-pounder gun, drawn by eight horses, moved slowly towards the sea. The four generals-in-chief, — General Simpson (succeeding Lord Raglan), General Pelissier, General La Marmora, and Omar Pasha, on horseback, accompanied the coffin ; then followed the dead soldier's favorite war-horse, and then the relatives and staff, with hundreds of officers of every grade from all the allied armies. Guns were fired at intervals, and solemn music played by military bands. At sunset the coffin was placed on board the Caradoc, and the mortal remains of the brave general-in- chief of the English army were borne homeward to rest in native soil. General Simpson, as the senior officer of the army, succeeded to the command, and the home government confirmed him in that difficult post at a moment of disappointment and of in- creasing danger. The harsh and domineering temper of General Pelissier had often offended his comrades, and it was at this time still more trying to his subordinates. Lord Raglan's death had taken from him a firm support. Disgrace threatened him, for his ene- mies found in the emperor's own mind the frequent echo of their complaints, and it was only with the greatest difficulty that Marshal Vaillant was able to defend the general-in-chief and calm the dissensions. The condition of the garrison within Sevastopol was far from being understood by the besieging armies ; the heroism of the defence had deceived all the world, and the Emperor Napoleon was out of patience at the length of the siege. He recurred incessantly to his own plans of operation, while all dreaded the idea of a second winter in the trenches, the Russians behind their shattered defences dread- ing it more than even did the allies. Chap. VIII.] THE CRIMEAN WAR. 227 General Todleben had been wounded in the bombardment of the 18th ; the anxiety was intense in respect to him, for his wound appeared to grow worse. " In the army and in the marine," says the French historian before quoted, " two names above all others were honored with the gratitude of the Rus- sians : Todleben and Nachimoff. Since the day of Todleben's injury, every morning at his bedside had been placed a fresh handful of flowers, sent by Nachimoff to his brother in arms. * Take care of Todleben, and do not be anxious about me,' had been his constant reply to those who begged him to spare him- self. 'If peace were concluded to-day, I should be ill with fever at once ; it is nothing but ceaseless excitement which sustains me.' One day, the 16th of July, the flowers were not sent. The evening before, Nachimoff was standing in the Mala- koff, near the spot where Korniloff fell, observing the enemy's works. Suddenly a ball buried itself near him in a sand-bag. ' They do not aim well,' he said, with a smile, to the officers who stood near him ; a moment later he fell, shot through the head. He lived two days but without recovering consciousness, and when he lay dead, covered by the Empress Marie's own flag, all the sailors of the fleet defiled past him and pressed his icy hand." The men, like the generals, perished in the besieged city ; the reinforcements asked by the commander-in-chief came in slowly, scarcely keeping the numbers good. The Russian empire itself was beginning to be exhausted ; transportation was growing difiicult; the long distances traversed by the new levies were strewn with those who had fallen by the way ; supplies became scarce, the ration was reduced one half since the first of June. The officers of the garrison besought the general-in-chief to make one desperate attempt ; at St. Petersburg the same cry was in the mouths of all ; but Prince Gortschakoff resisted the universal wish. On the 17th of Jul}^ he wrote to Prince Dol- gorouki : " It would be simply madness to take the offensive 228 THE REIGN OF VICTORIA. [Chap. VIII. against an enemy superior in number and entrenched in im- pregnable positions. I could, doubtless, some morning make an advance ; on the morrow I might drive back the enemy's outposts, and prepare a marvellous report of this military ex- ploit ; on the third day I should be defeated v^^ith a loss of ten or fifteen thousand men; and one day later, Sevastopol would be taken, together with the larger part of the army. I sin- cerely wish, my dear prince, that you could be convinced, as I am, that the circumspect conduct in which I persevere is really the one best suited to our present condition." But suffering and anxiety spoke louder than prudence ; on the 9th of August, not- withstanding the advice of General Todleben and that of Prince Gortschakoff, an attack was determined upon in a council of war, where General Vreskj^, the czar's aide-de-camp, just arrived from St. Petersburg, vehementl}- supported this decision. " It is useless to deceive ourselves," wrote the general-in-chief on the 15th of August, "we attack the enemy under most disadvanta- geous conditions. If things go badly, it will not have been my fault. I have done what I could, but the situation, ever since my arrival in the Crimea, has been too bad." Prince Gortschakoff was not deceived ; the Russian move- ment, carried out with great courage, had been well planned, but fatal mistakes in its execution brought it to naught. The attack was upon the French and Sardinian troops, with General Scarlett's English cavalry, who were established along the Tcher- naya. The Russians had commenced their sortie before mid- night, on the 15th of August with a force of about sixty thou- sand men ; they were sheltered by the fog in the early hours of the morning, and were at first successful in their attack on the French and Sardinians. But the tide of battle soon turned ; the Russians were driven back across the river, and routed with very heavy loss. The Russian loss was estimated at fifteen thou- sand men, while that of the allies fell below two thousand. Chap. VIII.] THE CRIMEAN WAR. 229 The fate of Sevastopol may be said to have been determined by the battle of the Tchernaya. Closer and closer the lines of the besiegers were drawn around the place, until in front of the Flagstaff and Central bastions the trenches were but a few yards distant from the Russian works. From the 17th of August the city was cannonaded day and night incessantly. On the other hand, the Russians, who had already one bridge over the harbor, were beginning another ; within the city they were throwing up a new interior line of defences, and from the battered earth- works the guns thundered as ever, and a bright and heavy fire of musketry from the parapets showed the courage and devotion of the garrison. The allied forces before the town now amounted — exclusive of the Turks — to about one hundred and fifty thousand men ; they had in battery eight hundred and three guns. The final bombardment of the town — that described by Gortschakoff as a "fire of hell" — began at daybreak, on the 5th of September. Over two hundred guns and mortars were brought to bear upon the Malakoff, and it was almost immediately silenced, but the Redan and the other principal batteries continued to fire all day long. Sometimes the fire of the allies would slacken a little, and then be renewed with redoubled fury. When night came it did not put a stop to this hurricane of fire and iron which beat upon the devoted town. For two days and two nights longer this bombardment continued, while a steady fire of musketry was directed upon the parapets from the advanced trenches. And now the assault was announced for noon of the 8th. That hour had been selected because it had been the custom, on both sides, during the hot weather, to slacken fire for two or three hours in the heat of the day, and it was believed the enemy would be deceived into the supposition that this was merely the usual respite ; and such proved to be. the case. On the 8th of September the grand assault was made. The 230 THE REIGN OF VICTORIA. [Chap. VIII. 1st Zouaves and the 7th of the line led the French attack. Leaping over the trenches, they ran forward, dashed into the great moat six yards deep and seven wide, scaled the steep slope of the opposing bank, and, climbing over the parapet and through the embrasures, crowded into the Malakoff redoubt. Inch by inch, the Russians gave way. New masses of French troops were poured in, until at least ten thousand men were collected within the great work, three hundred and fifty meters long and one hundred and forty-six wide. A great French flag was raised above the broken walls, signal to all the allied armies that the Malakoff was taken. The attack upon the Little Re- dan, a redoubt further to the right, was made with equal gallantry, but proved unsuccessful, the heavy guns in the second line of defence, with the guns of the Russian ships-of-war, forcing the assailants back at last with heavy loss. The English attack was destined to bear upon the Great Redan, but to reach it the storming-parties had to cross an open space of one hundred and eighty meters, swept by the guns of the Redan and of the Barrack batteries. Moreover, they could not hope to surprise the garrison, for the French flag was already flying above the Malakoff at the moment fixed for the English advance. The attack was made bravely, but was repulsed, and General Simpson was compelled to withdraw his troops, promising a new effort in the morning. The morrow came, but there were no longer enemies to be attacked. At four in the afternoon of the previous day Prince Gortschakoff, satisfying himself by a personal inspection that there was no chance to recover the Malakoff, had decided upon a retreat. As soon as it was dark, riflemen and artillerymen were placed in all the works left to the Russians with orders to keep up a steady fire. Behind them some battalions were posted as reserves, and all the rest of the troops were to march over the bridge to the north side. This being accomplished, the reserves I Chap. VIII.] THE CRIMEAN WAR. 231 were to follow ; then the rear guard was to spike their guns, fire the magazines and effect their retreat. These orders were carried out punctually, but so great a commotion could not entirely escape the notice of the allies. It had been detected from the Malakoff, from Mount Inkerman, and from the allied fleet. Before midnight the French had reconnoitred the Little Redan, and Sir Colin Campbell of the Highland Divisions posted for the attack of the Great Redan, had ascertained that this redoubt was also abandoned. But an anxiety in relation to mines kept back the allies from an advance, and their pru- dence saved them. Very soon explosions were heard in every direction within the town, and fires broke out. About four o'clock in the morning the magazines of the Redan and the batteries near it blew up with tremendous noise. Not less than thirty-five magazines exploded from the forts and bastions, adding to the general wreck of the town. Most of the ships had been scuttled ; two were burned where they lay. A thick smoke hung like a canopy above the town. " It is not Sevastopol that we abandon to them," wrote Prince Gortschakoff, " but the burning ruins of the city, which we our- selves have destroyed, having maintained the defence in a man- ner which our grandchildren will be proud to tell of to their posterity." It was with the greatest hesitation, and with endless precautions, that the allied armies ventured to take possession of the mutilated corpse of their conquest. For many months fires yet smouldered at certain points, and as late as the 10th of November the Quarantine sea-fort was blown up by the explo- sion of one of the garrison's mines. The last farewell of the Russians, on the afternoon of the 9th, had been the explosion of Fort Paul. Fort Nicholas alone, of all the forts on the south side, escaped destruction. On the 11th the Russians from the north side burned their last ships in the Great Harbor. Of the great Black Sea fleet, there were left only stumps of masts float- 232 THE REIGN OF VICTORIA. [Chap. VIII. ing on the water, or smoking pieces of timber which the waves bore on shore, and the allied soldiers picked up to feed their camp-fires. At the commencement of the war, when the allies laid siege to Sevastopol, the statesmen of Europe had been very careful to say that the taking of the city would not put an end to hostile operations, or bring about the defeat of Russia. In the month of September, 1855, after the long phases of the siege, and the unheard-of obstinacy of the defence, the fall of Sevastopol rep- resented the complete and final victory of the allies. All Europe felt this; and notwithstanding the resolute attitude of the Czar Alexander, who went himself to the Crimea to visit the brave defenders of Sevastopol, Russia felt it also. An unfruitful attempt upon Eupatoria, the little encounter at Khanghill, and the loss of Kinburn, a Russian fort at the mouth of the Dnieper, completely proved the exhaustion of the Russian army. The defence of Kars, a city of Asiatic Turkey, by Colonel Wil- liams, an English officer in command of a Turkish garrison, had attracted the attention of all Europe, lasting from the early part of June till late in November. Its fall, which circumstances rendered inevitable, gave to the czar that show of a success which, even though of small value, is precious to brave hearts sadly relinquishing their efforts at resistance. Fresh troops had been sent out to Crimea, making for the allies a total of over two hundred thousand men, of which nearly three-fourths were French, and there was some idea of another campaign to complete the conquest of the Crimea. Meanwhile, a complete demolition went on of what remained of the forts, docks, and barracks of Sevastopol, both the north and south sides. The destruction of the docks was a work of vast labor and difficulty, requiring almost as much skill as had been bestowed upon their construction. With this ended the military operations of the war. I Chap. VIII.] THE CRIMEAN WAR. 233 For some weeks Austria had busied herself once more with negotiations in the interests of peace. Russia was at last ready- to yield ; France was weary of a war, glorious indeed, but prac- tically unuseful to herself; England had gained the most by the war, and the English nation would not have consented to any terms but those specially to her advantage. When the con- gress, which opened at Paris on the 25th of February, adjourned (April 16th), those who in the English Parliament had advocated a prolongation of the war, found themselves reduced to silence. At the opening of the session. Lord Palmerston had expressed the opinion that the future chances of the war were in England's favor. "No doubt," he said, " the resources of the country are unimpaired. No doubt the naval and military preparations which have been making during the past twelve months, which are now going on, and which will be completed in the spring, will place this country in a position, as regards the continuance of hostilities, in which it has not stood since the commencement of the war. We should, therefore, be justified in expecting that another campaign — should another campaign be forced upon us — would result in successes which might, perhaps, entitle us to require, — might, perhaps, enable us to obtain even better conditions than those which have been offered to us and have been accepted by us. But if the conditions which we now hope to obtain are such as will properly satisfy the objects for which we have been contending — if they are conditions which we think it is our duty to accept, and with which we believe the country will be satisfied, then, undoubtedly, we should be want- ing in our duty, and should not justify the confidence which the country has reposed in us, if we rejected term§ of that de- scription, merely for the chance of greater successes in another campaign." Lord Clarendon and Lord Cowley represented the interests of England at the Congress of Paris ; in concert with the plenipotentiaries of France, Austria, Prussia, Russia, Turkey, 234 THE REIGN OF VICTORIA. [Chap. VIII, and Piedmont, they decided upon the conditions under which peace should be re-established in Europe. The exchange of conquered places ; a recognition of the dig- nity and independence of Turkey ; the " neutralization " of the Black Sea henceforth to the commerce of all nations, and its interdiction to the ships of war of all with the exception of a few light vessels belonging to the different nations as a kind of mari- time police, and the prohibition of any military or maritime arsenal on the shores of that sea; the free navigation of the Danube, and a rectification of the frontier of Bessarabia to the advantage of Moldavia ; certain regulations concerning the Dardanelles and the Bosphorus ; finally, a guarantee to the Principalities, Mol- davia and Wallachia, under the suzerainty of the sultan, of the immunities and privileges now enjoyed by them, no separate right of intervention in their affairs being claimed by any one of the contracting Powers ; these were the main points of the treatj' signed at Paris, March 30th. Meantime (February 21st), a firman had been issued by the sultan, granting, as a free con- cession, the right to hold and exercise all creeds in the Ottoman States, making all subjects of the Ottoman Empire eligible to public office, and instituting other important reforms. A special tripartite treaty was later agreed to for the protection of the Ottoman Empire. This was signed on the 15th of April, and the last days of the convention were occupied in regulating the right of search, and other rules of maritime war. Thus ended the Crimean war. It had cost England about twenty-four thousand men, and fifty-three million pounds ster- ling ; the French loss was about eighty thousand men. The Russian loss cannot be estimated with exactness ; from three to five hundred thousand men are believed to have perished on the field of battle, in hospitals, and along the roads. Sufferings such as these surely outweigh the advantages definitely attained. The Russian fleet had been destroyed, and the road to the East Chap. VIII.] THE CRIMEAN WAR. 235 made more secure for English commerce. At the same time, Eno-land had prolonged the existence of the Ottoman Empire. " The war may perhaps secure peace in the east of Europe for the next twenty-five years," Lord Aberdeen said. The practical o-ain from the war belonged, in the end, to England, notwith- standing her disappointments and failures, while the military glory fell to the share of France, intoxicated too often with suc- cesses in which are lacking the elements of real and lasting advantage. 236 THE REIGN OF VICTORIA. [Chap. IX. CHAPTER IX. THE INDIAN MUTINY. THE important advantages which she alone had derived from the Crimean war did not console England for the feeling of humiliation which weighed upon her. Her army's exploits had been glorious ; the indomitable courage of her soldiers had been conspicuous in every engagement ; the nation's strength and her liberality had been displayed before the eyes of Europe in all the phases of the struggle, but the broad daylight of free speech and a free press had revealed the faults of generals as well as the courage of the troops, the incapacity of the adminis- tration as well as the wealth of the country, which had, in the end, supplied all deficiencies, so that at the close of the war the English soldiers were better fed and better cared for than those of England's allies. The national pride still suffered keenly from those early failures in management which had revealed to England and to the entire world how serious was the disorgani- zation into which the army of Great Britain had fallen during the long years of peace ; the national pride was wounded by the last military episode of the war, terminating, as it did, immedi- ately after a disaster suffered by the English troops. This jealous susceptibility soon showed itself in the dissensions which broke out at the close of the year 1856 between England and China, and it weighed heavily in the political balance of the home government. A little boat — a lorcha, to use the local designation — had taken the name, the "Arrow," and sailed under the English flag. / Chap. IX.] THE INDIAN MUTINY. 237 Her crew was composed of Chinese, who occupied themselves in piracy. She was boarded in the river Canton by Chinese officers, and most of her sailors were arrested. The owners of the lorcha maintained that she was registered as an English ves- sel, and the English consul at Canton demanded that the sailors should be set at liberty. The Chinese governor, Yeh, formally refused. The registration of the "Arrow" had expired a few days before, and, in respect to the flag, the Chinese governor argued in this way : " A Chinese lorcha buys an English flag," he said ; "does that make her an English vessel ? " Upon this the English consul appealed to Sir John Bowring, the English plenipotentiary at Hong Kong, and the latter, with decision, sup- ported the demand of the consul and the pirates' claims: " It is no matter whether the lorcha 'Arrow' had the right to fly the Enf^lish flag or not; the Chinese government had not the right to board a vessel protected by the colors of Great Britain." Notwithstanding this haughty declaration, the Chinese authori- ties still declined to give up the prisoners, and Sir John Bowring ordered the bombardment of Canton by the English fleet. Upon this. Commissioner Yeh offered a reward for the head of every Englishman. From the 23d of October to the 13th of November the town was besieged ; the suburbs were destroyed, the forts reduced, and many Chinese war vessels captured. The English plenipotentiary was believed to have been actuated by a childish desire to make a formal entry into Canton. Upon the opening of the session of Parliament in February, 1857, the royal speech announced that war had existed for sev- eral months between Great Britain and China. Her Majesty informed the country that the insults offered to the British flag, and the infractions of treaties by the local authorities at Canton, had obliged her officers in China to have recourse to force in order to obtain the satisfaction which was refused them. On the 24th of February, Lord Derby brought forward in the 238 THE REIGN OF VICTOEIA. [Chap. IX. House of Lords a motion condemning the conduct of Sir John Bowring, and, two days later, Mr. Cobden moved in the House of Commons that " the papers which have been laid upon the table fail to establish satisfactory grounds for the violent meas- ures resorted to at Canton," and also asked for the appointment of a committee to inquire into the state of the commercial rela- tions of Great Britain with China. The aged Lord Lyndhurst condemned the violence which had been employed towards the Chinese, with all the weight of his eloquence and great legal attainments. " When we are talking of treaty transactions with Eastern nations," he said, " we have a kind of loose law and loose notion of moralitj'- in regard to them." In the House of Commons Mr. Cobden's motion was supported by men of all parties, convinced of the injustice of the proceedings and the principles that had been applied to the Chinese. The vote of censure in the House of Lords failed by a minority of thirty-six ; the measure proposed in the House of Commons was carried by two hundred and sixty-three votes against two hundred and forty-seven. Mr. Disraeli challenged the government to appeal to the coun- try. "I should like," he exclaimed, "to see the programme of the proud leaders of the liberal party, — no reform, new taxes, Canton blazing, Pekin invaded." Lord Palmerston took at his words the bold spokesman of the Tories. He announced a dis- solution, and his appeal to the electors of Tiverton proved that he well understood the temper of the English mind. The na- tional excitability, smouldering since the Crimean war, blazed up at the prime minister's voice, against the " insolent barba- rian," who had " violated the British flag, broken the engage- ments of treaties, offered rewards for the heads of British subjects and planned their destruction by murder, assassina- tion and poison." This was enough for the voters, in vain did the advocates of peace maintain that the Chinese were not PAGODA, BOMBAY. CiiAP. IX.] THE INDIAN MUTINY. ' 239 barbarians, that their logic was older than Aristotle's, and their moral code antedated that of Socrates. Lord Palmerston de- clared that the measures taken by the government had been censured by a faction which, if it were to come into power, would make advances to the Chinese government and offer it compensations. "Will the British nation," he asked "give their support to men who have thus endeavored to make the humiliation and degradation of their country the stepping-stone to power?" The electors responded with enthusiasm to the premier's adroit appeal ; his adversaries were defeated in their very strongholds. The supporters of peace at any price, as they were called, Messrs. Cobden, Bright, Milner, Gibson, Layard, and others, were not re-elected. The authority of Lord Palmerston emerged from the conflict consolidated and strengthened. The queen's speech on the opening of Parlia- ment announced that her Majesty had sent to China a pleni- potentiary fully entrusted to deal with all matters of difference, and that he would be supported by an adequate military and naval force in the event of such assistance becoming necessary. At this very time English troops were fighting in Cabul, in the cause of their old enemv Dost Mohammed, aidino- him to repulse the Shah of Persia, who had seized upon Herat in defiance of existing treaties. An expedition commanded by Sir James Outrara had set out from Bombay for the Persian Gulf. The campaign proved successful ; the Shah of Persia withdrew from Afghanistan and abandoned his claims to Herat. In March, 1857, peace was concluded between England and Persia. The haughty attitude of England, and her promptness to intervene in oriental quarrels, caused a secret feeling in the depths of the little native courts all through the regions of India which were under English supremacy. At the moment when England had been victorious over Persia, and was making ready 240 THE REIGN OF VICTORIA. [Chap. IX. to coerce the Chinese, a terrible revolt, whose germs were as re- mote as its outburst was violent and unlooked-for, broke out suddenly at many different points throughout British India. A few days after the celebration .in London of the hundredth anni- versary of the battle of Plassey, the news of the mutiny arrived there. For six weeks India had been in a blaze, and English rule had been shaken to its foundations ; Mahommedans and Buddhists, former conquerors or native population, all who had been subjected to the yoke of the white race, were in arms against it, and labored for its destruction. The immediate pretexts seemed trivial, and easy to have been avoided by the English rulers of India. It had been determined to arm the Sepoys with the Enfield rifle, and it was said that the cartridges employed with this weapon were greased with a mix- ture of bullock's fat and hog's lard. It was usual at that time to bite off the end of the cartridge in order to pour out the pow- der. To taste hog's lard was an abomination to the Mahom- medan ; to taste the grease of their sacred animal was a profana- tion to the Hindoo ; the former believed themselves defiled, thp latter would at once and forever lose caste ; both protested against the use of the English cartridges. The Indian govern- ment were conscious of their danger, and a proclamation at once denied the wide-spread report of the fatal mixture used upon the cartridges. The use of them was discontinued by order, in January, 1857. Still the rumor spread among the Sepoys that designs fatal to their religion were cherished in high quar- ters. Manifestations of a mutinous spirit appeared here and there, and several native regiments were actually disbanded. The half-concealed' anxiety of the native troops in respect to some attack upon their religion was not the only thing cast into the scale against British rule ; avast network of secret intrigues, independent one of another, yet all directed against the British government of India, spread through the courts of the various Chap. IX.] THE INDIAN MUTINY. 241 princes who had been successively dispossessed. Ten years before the breaking out of the revolt, a new governor-general, Lord Dalhousie, had been sent out to India. His great ability was already well known in England, and he had been a member of Sir Robert Peel's cabinet. His administration transformed the face of India. He introduced there the system of cheap postage ; he constructed railways, established the electric tele- graph, began great works of irrigation, opened new roads, and began the Ganges Canal. The question of schools attracted his attention, and he instituted a new system for the education of women, a matter so difiScult to deal with in the East. The crime of infanticide became rare under the severe legislation with which he punished it. The murderous association of Thugs was broken up, and the practice of the Suttee was absolutely prohibited. In spite of their manifest advantages, so many re- forms could not but wound the native population, whose inter- ests Lord Dalhousie thus promoted against their will. His activity did not stop there, however. During the nine years of his government he subjugated the Punjaub, incorporated part of the Burmese territory, and annexed Nagpore, Sattara, Jhansi, Berar, and Oudh. " We are lords-paramount of India," he said, " and our policy is to acquire as direct a dominion over the ter- ritories in possession of the native princes as we already hold over the other half of India." Pretexts were not wanting for an application of this policy. The native rulers of the Punjaub had caused, or, at least, permitted the massacre of some English officers. Lord Dalhousie at once invaded their territory The " Land of the Five Rivers " was peopled by Mussulmans, Hindoos, and Sikhs, the latter a new sect of reformed Hindoos. The Af- ghans lent their aid to their neighbors. Lord Gough, in command of the English troops, ventured an attack against an overwhelm- ing force, and was repulsed in the battle of Chillian wallah (Jan- uary 13, 1849). This disaster was soon repaired by the signal 242 THE REIGN OF VICTORIA. [Chap. IX. victory of Guzerat. The Sikhs were crushed, the Afghans driven back, and Lord Dalhousie annexed the Punjaub. The Mahara- jah of Lahore offered in sign of submission the famous diamond the Koh-i-Noor, now one of the crown jewels of England. The kingdom of Oudh had long been under the protection of the East India Company. The terms of the treaty imposed upon the native princes the duty of governing well the popula- tion submitted to their rule. The sovereigns of Oudh failed signally in keeping this engagement; their misgovernment was extreme, and its effects were felt by the neighboring nations, frequently molested by bandits in the service of the King of Oudh. Notwithstanding, these neighboring people were far from grateful when Lord Dalhousie seized upon the territory of Oudh in the name of outraged justice and humanity, and submitted the entire region to the regular and equitable rule of the British government ; everywhere existed the same feeling brooding beneath the heavy joke, now less odious because so firmly established. The discontent spreading among the Sepoy troops, the far-off rumor, strangely exaggerated, of English disasters in the Crimea, the uneasiness caused by the wars in Persia and China, served, in 1857, the bitter hate and long-cherished rancor of the Indian princes. The leaven of revolt was beginning to work in the hearts of all. All subsequent inquiries have not been able to establish the fact of a determined and general plan ; however, a concerted signal seems to have excited a simultaneous out- break at many different points. This was the mysterious dis- tribution of chupatties, or cakes of unleavened bread, through the villages of the north and north-west. Two of these would be brought by a native policeman to the head man of a village, with orders to make ten more, and give them in turn to the policemen of the five next villages. Like the fiery cross of Scotland, calling out the population more rapidly than the regular lAUSOLEUM AT LAHORE. Chap. IX.] THE INDIAN MUTINY. 243 orders of the best organized government could do it, these chupatties conveyed a mysterious intimation to be ready for some momentous event at hand. Nowhere in the villages still under the control of the Indian princes were these cakes distributed. It was against British rule that the population was thus called to revolt. The propitious moment for the outbreak appeared to be early in the year 1857, shortly after Lord Canning had suc- ceeded Lord Dalhousie, and it was in February of that year that the signal above described was given. The outbreak of the revolt was local, and manifested itself among the native troops who had been for more than a century employed by the East India Company under the name of Sepoys. Many times, in their various wars with the Hindoo princes, the English had tested the fidelity of the native regiments. The number of native soldiers in the employment of England through- out northern India at that time amounted to about one hundred and twenty thousand, and the European soldiers to about twenty- two thousand. In the whole extent of the three presidencies were nearly three hundred thousand native troops, and only forty-three thousand Europeans in all, of whom five thousand had just been detached for the expedition to Persia, and others had also been ordered for service in China. The native soldiers in the presidency of Bengal had been since the beginning of the year in more or less open mutiny. Some regiments had been disbanded, some Sepoys executed and others imprisoned. On the 9th of May, several of the Bengal Native Cavalry at Meerut, who had been tried by court-martial for refusing to use the cartridges, were put in chains in pres- ence of their comrades, preparatory to imprisonment for a term of years. On the following day, May 10, at five in the even- ing, all the native troops encamped at Meerut broke out into open mutiny. They fired upon their officers, killing some of them, broke open the jail, released their comrades and with 244 THE REIGN OF VICTORIA. [Chap. IX. them fourteen hundred convicts, and massacred some Euro- pean residents. The English troops rallied, and repulsed the Sepo3'S, but the latter made their escape and took the road to Delhi, thirt} -five miles away. There in a vast and fortified palace, a very lair of Oriental corruption and conspiracy, still dwelt the old King of Delhi, dispossessed of his sovereign authority, it is true, but richly endowed with pensions and privileges, the last representative of the Great Mogul. The revolted Sepoys of Meerut had conceived the idea of taking refuge with this prince, important as a symbol of the past dominion of his race. They were allowed to escape without being pursued, and at nine o'clock on the morning of the 11th, their advanced troops were seen approaching Delhi. They crowded into the palace, claimed the king's protection and promised him theirs, and planted his standard upon the walls. An attack was at once made upon all the white residents of the town, and a frightful scene of carnage followed. The English rallied and defended themselves with the courage of despair, but the Sepoy regiments in and near the town united with the mutineers. A few English officers finally made their escape; forty-three persons, chiefl}^ women and children, re- mained, who had taken refuge in the palace under the idea that the king would protect them, but on the 18th these were deliberately massacred. The blaze broke out in all quarters simultaneously. The Punjaub seemed particularly endangered, for it had been but recently annexed after a violent struggle. Sir John Lawrence, the governor, was, however, a man of distinguished ability, as reasonable and moderate as he was able and brave. The popu- lation had been well governed and they knew it. Sir John Lawrence was absent from Lahore at the moment when news was received by telegraph of the mutiny at Meerut and Delhi, — the last message sent from Delhi before the city fell into the Chap. IX.] THE INDIAN MUTINY. 245 hands of the mutineers. On the 12th a plot was discovered to seize the fortress in Lahore and massacre every white man. Mr. Robert Montgomery, judicial commissioner at Lahore, who had full authority in the governor's absence, gathering the English troops, ordered a parade of all the regiments, and just when the Sepoys were brought by their evolutions in front of twelve loaded cannon, ordered them to pile arras. They obeyed, and the Punjaub was saved. Similar action was taken at other points in the Lower Punjaub, and the province, remaining faith- ful to English rule, became a base for military and administrative operations which made it possible to stifle the rebellion and re- establish the authority of the English government. Lord Canning, the governor -general, was happily endowed with a calm, firm courage, and a generous equity capable of resisting the pressure of his own anxiety and the panic-terrors which at this time agitated all the English population of India. Anger, indignation, and alarm had invaded even the bravest souls, and rumor outran reality in its tales of terror. Calcutta was in a frenzy against the rebel Sepoys, and almost against her own governor, because he did not share in the frantic excite- ment of the hour. " Clemency Canning," he was called, with an irony converting the praise into an insult. Lord Canning's sympathy for the Sepoys was well known ; he had regarded them as the ignorant victims of an error not entirely contemptible, which it was necessary to correct without resorting to violence. When the insurrection broke out, Lord Canning displayed the most indefatigable activity, and the most indomitable resolution to remedy a terrible evil without at any time aggravating it by unwholesome irritation and reprisals unworthy of a Christian country and a Christian faith. Seconded in his difficult task by his noble wife, who shared all his fatigues and all his anxieties, he was destined, with her, to sink under the burden after having courageously borne it to the end. Lady Canning died without 246 THE REIGN OF VICTORIA. [Chap. IX. seeino- England again ; Lord Canning, a solitary and broken man, returned home only to die. When the news of the victorious insurrection at Delhi reached General Anson, the commander-in-chief of the army in India, he was at Simla, among the Himalayas. Orders were at once sent to assemble regiments and artillery to march upon Delhi. More than two weeks, however, elapsed before they were near the city. As soon as he received news of what had occurred at Delhi, Lord Canning dispatched orders to Ceylon, Madras and Mauritius for reinforcements, countermanded the regiments bound for China, and ordered the army from Persia to come to Calcutta. On the 23d of May, the Madras Fusiliers were dis- patched towards the scene of war. It was useless to count upon succor from England. Before reinforcements from home could arrive, either India would have saved herself, or else it would remain for the English government to reconquer a country all in arms against her, and intoxicated with success. Extreme per- sonal anxieties excited the ardor of the English troops, for the insurrection was spreading in every direction. All the stations were menaced ; the officers and soldiers knew that their own families were in imminent and terrible danger. General Anson, on the road to Delhi, had suddenly died, and Sir Henry Barnard took command. Meanwhile, from all points in the north-west, regiments of revolted Sepoys arrived at Delhi, coming to the defence of their commander and the new emperor of India. Everywhere the mask of submission was quickly thrown off, and hidden passions, excited almost to madness, broke out with a violence and spontaneity which left the little English garrisons no resource but a desperate resistance, ending often in a horrible massacre. It would be impossible to describe in detail all the isolated ^ tragedies which made the English authorities and residents at •.■ '' Calcutta shudder with horror. The headquarters of the mutiny II VIEW IN THE HIMALAYAS. Chap. IX.] THE INDIAN MUTINY. 247 was at Delhi ; at three other important points the revolt broke out with great intensity, and gave rise to unheard-of treachery as well as to the most heroic resistance. At Lucknow, at Cawn- pore, and at Jhansi, the influence and efforts of the Indian princes were clearly manifested, directing the fanatical frenzy of the native soldiers. The revolt of the Sepoys became the terri- ble instrument of royal revenge. The city of Lucknow, capital of the former kingdom of Oudh, stands upon the right bank of the river Goomty. Its population, said to number three hundred thousand, is crowded in narrow and winding streets ; the royal palace stood empty, the former king and his family having been transferred to a residence in the neighborhood of Calcutta. Around the deserted palace were the dwellings of the old courtiers, now deprived of their importance and almost of their means of existence, and regarding with sav- age hatred the conquerors who had thus reduced them to insig- nificance. The extreme of corruption prevailed among this col- ony of parasites, and extended thence into the city. There were about five hundred English soldiers in the cit}', while the native force amounted to five thousand men. From the beginning of the month, symptoms of revolt had manifested themselves in a regiment of Sepoys, but Sir Henry Lawrence, the noble brother of him who had so bravely secured the Punjaub, had immediately disbanded them, subduing the revolt for the mo- ment by the firmness of his attitude, the leaders of the mutiny being thrown into prison by the hands of their own comrades. The majority of the native troops appeared loyal, but the leaven was already at work ; the mutineers were secretly regarded as martyrs. On the 30th of M&j, the revolt broke out. Sir Henry Lawrence endeavored to drive out the rebels, but their number was too great ; malcontents in the town joined with the muti- neers. The governor found that his only resource was to fall back upon the Residency and the houses surrounding it, a vast 248 THE REIGN OF VICTORIA. [Chap. IX. fortified enclosure containing several buildings, many of them havino- large underground rooms. Here he made preparations to sustain a siege. A strong fort, known as the Muchee Bho- wun, commanding the bridge over the river was also occupied by the Enghsh ; and all the English population, the soldiers' families, the civilians and merchants in the town, were gathered in these two places of safety. Meantime the whole kingdom of Oudh was in a state of revolt, and a force of mutineers were known to be advancing upon Lucknow. Sir Henry Lawrence, with a small force of English and a few native troops who yet remained faithful, sallied out to attack them. An engagement ensued, disastrous to the English, who retreated, and were pur- sued back to the town. The Muchee Bhowun was separated from the Residency by a force of rebels, and by night the gar- rison of the fort made their way out of it and joined their com- panions, having laid mines beneath the Muchee Bhowun, which was blown up, destroying the powder and ammunition which the garrison had not been able to remove- On the 2d of July, Sir Henry Lawrence, exhausted with fatigue, lay upon the sofa in his room, preparing the morrow's w'ork with his nephew and another officer. Suddenly a shell burst in the room, filling it with smoke and murderous frag- ments of metal. " Sir Henry, are you hurt ? " cried one of the ojfficers, who had been knocked down by the explosion but was uninjured. There was a moment's silence, and then a voice faintly answered, " I am killed." The shell had wounded him so fearfully in the thigh, that there was no possibility of doing anything to save him. He died two days later, brave and calm in the midst of extreme suffering, winning more than ever at this last moment of his life the hearts of those who had been already devotedly attached to him. " Never surrender ! '* he repeated to those around him ; and he desired that there should be engraved upon his tomb : " Here lies Henry Lawrence, who Chap. IX.] THE INDIAN MUTINY. 249 tried to do his duty. . . . . Be merciful unto me, O Lord ! " Decimated by disease and casualties, and sorely afflicted by the loss of their brave and able chief, the little garrison at Lucknow still held its ground, the women equalling in cour- age the most heroic soldiers. Lord Canning was vigilant and prompt in devising measures for their relief. On the 20th of June, General Havelock, just returned from Persia, had been placed in command of the moveable column destined to operate in the kingdom of Oudh. Havelock was as brave as a lion, and one of those Puritans, devotedly religious in heart and life, who have at various epochs been an honor to the English army. A considerable number of his soldiers shared the religious con- victions of their leader, — "Havelock's Saints" they were called in the army. Alwaj's ready to endure fatigue and to brave dan- ger, the general and his subordinates derived from their faith a courage never soiled by any of those cruel passions too often excited at this fearful crisis. General Havelock cherished no illusions in respect to the task he undertook. On the 3d of July he wrote to his wife : " Mutiny and treachery have been gaining ground every day since I last wrote, and you must ex- pect to hear of great calamities. Lawrence still holds Lucknow triumphantly, but has great odds against him. It is believed that the force at Cawnpore has been entirely destroyed by treachery, having been unfortunately seduced into a treaty by its foes. I march to-morrow to endeavor to retake Cawnpore, and rescue Lucknow." When General Havelock set out from Allahabad on the 7th of July, Sir Henry Lawrence was no longer living, and the tragedy of Cawnpore was drawing to its close. The little Eng- lish army, about a thousand men with six guns, set out upon its avenging and succoring mission, at every step hampered on its march by attacks from the rebels scattered throughout the 250 THE REIGN OF VICTORIA. [Chap. IX. country. Dispatched for the relief of Lucknow, General Have- lock learned ou his route the fate of the Cawnpore garrison, and perceived that it would be his duty first to recover Cawnpore, and then to march to the relief of Lucknow. The military station of Cawnpore, midway between Lucknow and Allahabad, was, by its position, one of great importance, and had attracted many merchants and traders, who, with the civil and military servants of the East India Company, formed a considera- ble European community. It is situated on the right bank of the Ganges, at a point where that river, in the dry season, has a width of a quarter of a mile, — swelled, in the rains, to more than a mile. The city commands the bridge and high road leading to Luck- now, about forty miles away. There were three native regiments of infantry and one of cavalry in Cawnpore. There were also about sixty English artillery-men, and six guns. There were at Cawnpore the wives and children of one of the English regiments which was itself at Lucknow, and there were also the families of the English residents to be protected. Sir Hugh Wheeler, in command at Cawnpore, was an old veteran of more than fifty years' experience, and a good and brave soldier. On the 20th of May, Sir Hugh Wheeler began to make prepar- ations for defence, and collect the women and children under shelter. On the 21st, a company arrived from Lucknow, sent by Sir Henry Lawrence, and a week later one hundred and sixty English troops arrived with news that others were on the way. There were now in the garrison about four hundred and fifty men in all, and over three hundred women and children. On the 6th of June, the native cavalry revolted, and was shortly joined by the other regiments, and the siege commenced. A cruel and unscrupulous Hindoo, a man who had been believed a friend of the English, was the leader of the mutineers. Nana Sahib, whose real name was Seerek Dhoondoo Punt, lived at Bitlioor, a little town twelve miles up the river from Cavvn- t ii Chap. IX.] THE INDIAN MUTINY. 251 pore. He was the adopted son of Bajee Rao, Peishwah of Poonah, the last representative of one of the great Mahratta dynasties. This prince had been dethroned in consequence of his treachery towards the English, but he was in receipt of a large pension from the East India Company, and had been assigned a residence at Bithoor. Among the Hindoos it is held a great misfortune to die without sons who will render the last services to the dying, and perform the rites held to be indis- pensable for the safety of the soul, and adopted children fulfil the same duties and possess the same rights as the natural heirs. Upon the death of Bajee Rao, in 1851, Nana Sahib claimed the continuance of his pension ; Lord Dalhousie refused it. The Nana was not discouraged ; he sent a confidential agent to London, Azimoolah Khan, a person who had been a servant in an Anglo-Indian family, and had thus added some knowledge of the English language and of English manners to the natural sub- tlety of his race. The emissary of the Hindoo prince was well received in Eng- lish society. He was handsome, clever and insinuating ; he was overwhelmed with civilities of every kind, and his personal vanity was flattered to the most inordinate degree. He was iu London during the time when the Crimean war was causing a clamorous discontent, and he imagined that he could detect grave anxieties and a serious diminution of English power. On his return by way of Constantinople in the winter of 1855, he was confirmed in these ideas ; arriving in India, unsuccessful in his errand, he, however, entertained the Nana with an account of the decline of English power, and nourished in the mind of his master the hope of revenge. Nana Sahib had been allowed to succeed to all the personal possessions of his adoptive father, and he surrounded himself with all the luxury of Oriental life, attracting Europeans about him and lavishing upon them flat- teries and attentions. The English residents of the neiohbor- 252 THE REIGN OF VICTORIA. [Chap. IX. hood of Bithoor were frequent guests at his palace. Now, upon the approach of danger, Sir Hugh Wheeler believed him faithful to the English government, and called upon him for assistance. Nana Sahib at once promised lifteen hundred men, and led them himself to Cawnpore. From the day when he entered the city, the destruction of the English was sure. The place selected for defence by Sir Hugh Wheeler was unfortunate. It was an old military hospital, consisting of two low buildings large enough to accommodate one company of soldiers. A mud wall had been made by digging a trench and throwing the earth outwards, thus forming a shelter about five feet high. The space enclosed was about two hundred and thirty meters square. A few guns were placed in position, and there were large quantities of muskets and ammunition. Within the barracks were lodged the women and children, while the men fought outside. Outside of the hospital, in the city and in the suburbs. Nana Sahib reigned as master. He very soon abandoned all pretence ; it was a mortal enemy, bloodthirsty and cruel, whom the English general had introduced into the place. On all sides the rebels hailed him as their leader, while all the robbers and scoundrels in the province flocked around their fitting chief. A summons to yield had been addressed to Sir Hugh Wheeler ' on the 10th of June, by the Nana, who had now relinquished his first design of leading the mutineers to Delhi to swell the triumph of the new emperor of India. The lure of ambition had added itself to the desire of revenge, and stimulated by those around him and especially by Azimoolah Khan, he now proposed to establish an independent sovereignty upon the ruins of the English dominion. It was, therefore, in this character that he summoned Sir Hugh to surrender, and on refusal, opened fire upon the devoted garrison. From this time, night and day for twenty days, the firing continued. In a few days Chap. IX.] THE INDIAN MUTINY. 253 the original force of mutineers had increased until over ten thousand armed men were collected in Cawnpore. Meanwhile the greatest distress prevailed in the beleaguered garrison, who were exposed, almost without protection, to the burning rays of an Indian sun in midsummer. Once or twice muskets exploded from the mere heat. A single well within the enclosure supplied water, but it was entirely out of shelter, and men who went to draw water did so at the peril of their lives. The sight of a man going to the well was a signal for the assailants to take aim ; and at night, the sound of the creaking wheels as the men drew water brought upon them a shower of musket-balls. The diet was meagre, and sickness added its ravages to the extreme distress of the situation. In the three weeks that the garrison held out, two hundred and fift}' persons died. And still the indomitable courage of a hand- ful of men held in check the murderous wretches, greedy of blood, who howled like wolves outside the enclosure. Among the revolted Sepoj^s who had joined Nana Sahib were some of the best native troops in India, and, after a time, these men were again led to the assault ; again repulsed, a feeling be- gan to spread among them that it would be impossible to subdue their formidable opponents. The munitions of the garrison were diminishing as well as their numbers, but the English wasted not a ball nor a grain of powder ; their fire was deadly. The ardor of the Sepoys began to cool, and the prestige of Nana Sahib to diminish. Then the Hindoo prince, with perfidy in his heart, offered proposals for a capitulation. The extreme exhaustion of the little garrison seconded his projects ; vainly had the English courage shone out splendidl}'- in brilliant sorties day after day ; the force outside of men and guns could be constantly strength- ened ; the situation of the garrison was desperate, and they knew it better than did their enemies. A proposal was sent to the garrison by the hands of an Englishwoman whom Nana 254 THE REIGN OF VICTORIA. [Chap. IX. Sahib had captured in the town. It was addressed : " To the Subjects of her Most Gracious Majesty, Queen Victoria," and ran as follows : " All -"hose who are in no way connected wiih the acts of Lord Dalhousie, and are willing to lay down their arms, shall receive a safe passage to Allahabad." Provisions were promised for the journey, and Nana Sahib undertook to provide transportation. The agreement was signed on the 26th of June, and the imme- diate execution was demanded by those acting in behalf of Nana Sahib. The English general refused ; it was evening, and he preferred to wait until the next day. Nana Sahib threatened to open fire. " We have powder enough left to blow up the entrenchments and all w^ho attack them," replied Sir Hugh Wheeler. The surrender of the little fort was postponed till the following day. On the 27th of June, very early in the morning, the feeble garrison, which had held out so bravely, was on its march towards the river. Four hundred and fifty persons, men, women, and children, — the women and children upon elephants and in palanquins, the men, except the wounded, walking, — formed the sad procession. A sufficient number of covered boats had been provided, and at nine o'clock all were on board. At this moment the blast of a trumpet was heard. At this signal the native boatmen, setting fire to the straw roofs of the boats, leaped into the river and made for shore, while a shower of mus- ketry and grapeshot from both sides of the river was poured upon the boats. A great slaughter ensued ; only two or three of the boats Avere floating, the rest not having 3^et been pushed off, and of the former only one escaped, which, followed by bands of Sepoys, firing upon it, made its way down the river. This boat was finally sunk ; and of all its passengers four only at last escaped. When the firing had ceased, the surviving women and Chap. IX.] THE INDIAN MUTINY. 255 children were brought ashore and taken back into the city, where they were imprisoned in an old hospital, called the Savada House. From this place they were in a few days transferred to narrower quarters, where they were kept closely confined. Disease broke out among them, and several died. The Hindoo princesses, widows of Bajee Rao, commiserated the sufferings of the English captives, and declared that they would throw themselves out of the windows if any further harm Avere done to the prisoners. The fearful stories of wrong and outrage which later made the blood boil in the veins of every English- man, whether soldier or citizen, added exaggerated horrors to the cruel reality. The unfortunate women shut up in Cawnpore were destined to die, every one of them, but it was only death, and not shame, which awaited them. Nana Sahib, meanwhile, was proclaimed Peishwah of Poo- nah. He visited Bithoor, and there formally assumed the sov- ereignty. The town was illuminated in his honor, and salvos of artillery saluted the new sovereign. But already plots were rife against him in Cawnpore ; the Mussulmans were not disposed to accept the rule of a Hindoo ; the popula- tion began to dread the vengeance of the English, whose ap- proach was a matter of daily rumor, and they began to escape to the adjacent villages. The Sepoys also began to murmur, claiming their share of the plunder. The new prince returned to Cawnpore, disquieted and anxious, and striving vainly to stupefy himself by every form of excess, in his dread of the terrible anger of those who had been so long the masters of India. Notwithstanding the considerable successes of the re- bellion at different points, the more clear-sighted among the Hindoos began to perceive that the English power was by no means overthrown, and would soon re establish its empire. General Havelock was drawing near. On the loth of July, he wrote to his wife, after the battle of Futtehpore : " One 256 THE EEIGN OF VICTORIA. [Chap. IX. of the prayers oft repeated throughout my life since my school-days has been answered, and I have liVed to com- mand in a successful action I will here only say that I marched down upon this place yesterday with har- assed troops, intending to attack the insurgents next day, but their fate led them on. Out they sallied and insulted my camp, whereupon I determined to try an immediate action. We fought, and I may say that in ten minutes the affair was decided, for in that short time our Enfield rifles and cannon had taken all conceit of fight out of the mutineers. Amongst them was the 56th, the very regiment which I led on at Maharajpore. I challenged them : ' There's some of you that have beheld me fighting ; now try upon yourselves what you have seen in me ! ' But away with vain-glory ! Thanks to Almighty God who gave me the victory ! I captured in four hours eleven guns, and scattered the enemy's whole force to the winds. I now march to retake Cawnpore, where alas ! our troops have been treacher- ously destroyed, and to succor Lawrence at Lucknow." Havelock was advancing, fighting all the way, incessantly harassed by the enemy's bands, but constantly victorious in his encounters with them. On the 15th he secured a bridge which opened to him the road to Cawnpore, and had been vigorously defended by the rebels. The news of this defeat came to Nana Sahib in the night; his star was paling more and more before the reviving prestige of the English. Alarmed and exasperated, he resolved once more to manifest his vengeance upon a detested race. Four or five among the English prisoners were men; these he had called out and shot, and then a company of Sepoys were sent to the building where the women and children were imprisoned, with orders to fire through the windows ; but, still dreading their former masters, or, possibly, actuated by motives of humanit}'-, the Sepoys fired over the heads of the captives. Upon this Nana Sahib sent to the prison five men upon whom Chap. IX.] THE INDIAN MUTINY. 257 he could rely; they entered sword in hand, and immediately shrieks began to be heard from within. Twice one of the soldiers came out with his sword broken at the hilt and sup- plied himself with a new weapon. After awhile, the cries were heard no longer, the men came out, and locking the door went away. In the morning they returned with some attendants; and all the victims, some of whom were apparently not quite dead, were thrown into a dry well near by. On the 17th of July, when General Havelock with his army entered Cawnpore, the horror of one look into that crowded grave was enough to ex- cite in their minds transports of fury which scarcely their rigid Christian convictions were able to control. During their combat before Cawnpore, the English had been sustained by the hope that they were arriving in season to deliver their countrywomen ; at the moment of victory, how- ever, they learned what had happened, and simultaneously the noise of a tremendous explosion indicated that Nana Sahib had blown up the powder magazine. The rebel prince escaped to Bithoor, and thither English vengeance pursued him ; losing his adherents daily, he made no attempt to defend himself, and once more fled, setting fire to his palace. From this time he disap- peared ; he is believed to have taken refuge in Nepaul, but no Englishman ever saw him again. Having made themselves masters of Cawnpore, General Hav- elock and his troops were eager to make their way to the relief of Lucknow, but they were surrounded with enemies on all sides. The force at his command did not exceed one thousand men in all, and even this little number was daily wasted by disease. Until the 16th of August he continued in the field, but he was then obliged to fall back upon Cawnpore and await reinforce- ments. In the mean time, Sir Colin Campbell, the Crimean veteran, had been sent out to take command of the Indian army. The 258 THE REIGN OF VICTORIA. [Chap. IX. appointment was made immediately after news of General Anson's death had been received in London, and, on the 13th of August, Sir Colin arrived in Calcutta. His first care was to order reinforcements under Sir James Outram to join General Havelock, but it was not until the 15th of September that these troops actually reached Cawnpore. General Outram, invested with complete civil and military authority for the province of Oudh, would naturally have superseded General Havelock on his arrival, but this the generous soldier would not consent to do. He wrote privately to Havelock : " To you shall be left the glory of relieving Lucknow, for which you have already struggled so much. I shall accompany you only in my civil capacity, placing my military service at your disposal, should you please, and serv- ing under you as a volunteer." On his arrival he issued a divis- ional order as follows: "The important duty of first relieving Lucknow has been entrusted to Major- General Havelock, C. B., and Major-General Outram feels that it is due to this distinguished officer and the strenuous and noble exertions which he has already made to effect that object, that to him should accrue the honor of the achievement. Major-General Outram is confident that the great end for which General Havelock and his brave troops have so long and so gloriously fought, will now, under the bless- ing of Providence, be accomplished. The major-general, there- fore, in gratitude for and admiration of the brilliant deeds in arms achieved by General Havelock and his gallant troops, will cheerfully waive his rank on this occasion, and will accompany the force to Lucknow in his civil capacity as chief commit^^sioner of Oudh, tendering his military services to General Havelock as a volunteer." It was, therefore, as a volunteer at the head of a troop of cavalry that Sir James Outram took part in the battle of Mun- gulwar. The rainy season had now set in, impeding the march of the relieving army and also greatly adding to the discom- Chap. IX.] THE INDIAN MUTINY. 259 fort of the besieged in Luckriow, now every day more closely pressed by the enemy. The position fortified by the English at Lucknow was a piece of table-land crowned by the buildings of the Residency. Around these buildings were a number of other houses. A low rampart ran along the northern face of the position ; the north-eastern and eastern fronts consisted of houses connected by barricades and banks of earth; on the south a battery commanded the Cawnpore road ; on the west the line of fortified buildings continued, and finally an entrenchment completed the circle of defence. Within the outer line were inner posts, and at several points guns had been placed in bat- tery. Each point had its allotted defenders, while the women and children with the sick and wounded were lodged in the underground rooms of the Residency and the other buildings. Around this position were gathered the rebel hosts, who from batteries posted near by, from adjacent houses, and from the roofs and upper stories of the lofty buildings in the eastern part of the town, kept up an incessant fire upon it. The garrison consisted in all of about seventeen hundred men, of whom over seven hundred were natives, the few faithful Sepoys of the province, who had elected to cast in their lot with their masters. The force of the assailants varied from thirty thousand to more than three times that number. In the disorderly condition of the rebel government, if such it may be called, chiefs with large bands of retainers came and went at their will, thus suddenly augmenting or suddenly reducing the besieging force. The active operations of the siege went on, however, without inter- ruption, and the investment was so strict that until after the arrival of the relief in September, only one messenger had been able to get out of the place and return. Besides an incessant cannonading, the enemy attacked fre- quently by assault, and carried on a series of mining operations which the English were constantly obliged to counter-work. 260 THE REIGN OF VICTORIA. [Chap. IX. Brio'aclier Inglis, in command of the 32d Infantry, in a very- able report gives a view of the situation. " Had it not been," he says, " for the most untiring vigilance on our part in watch- ing and blowing up their mines before they were completed, the assaults would probably have been much more numerous, and might perhaps have ended in the capture of the place. But, by countermining in all directions, we succeeded in detecting and destroying no less than four of the enemy's subterraneous ad- vances towards important positions The labor, however, Avhich devolved upon us in making these counter- mines, in the absence of a body of skilled miners, was very heavy I can conscientiously declare my conviction that few troops have ever undergone greater hardships, exposed as they have been to a never-ending musketry fire and cannon- ade. They have also experienced the alternate vicissitudes of extreme wet and intense heat, and that too with very insuffi- cient shelter from either, and in many places without any shelter at all. In addition to having to repel real attacks, they have been exposed night and day to the hardly less harassing false alarms which the enemy have been constantly raising. The insurgents have frequently fired very heavily, sounded the ad- vance, and shouted for several hours together, though not a man could be seen, with the view, of course, of harassing our small and exhausted force, in which object they succeeded; for no post has been strong enough to allow of a portion only of the garrison being prepared, in the event of a false attack being turned into a real one. All, therefore, had to stand to their arms and remain at their posts until the demonstration had ceased ; and such attacks were of almost nightly occurrence. The whole of the officers and men have been on duty night and day, during the eighty-seven days which the siege had lasted up to the arrival of Sir James Outram, G. C. B I feel that any words of mine will fail to convey any adequate idea of Chap. IX.] THE INDIAN MUTINY. 261 what our fatigue and labors have been, — labors in which all ranks and classes, civilians, officers, and soldiers, have all borne an equally noble part Owing to the extreme pau- city of our numbers, each man was taught to feel that on his own individual efforts alone depended in no small measure the safety of the entire position. This consciousness incited every officer, soldier, and man to defend the post assigned to him with such desperate tenacity, and fight for the lives which providence had entrusted to his care with such dauntless determination that the enemy, despite their constant attacks, their heavy mines, their overwhelming numbers, and their incessant fire, could never succeed in gaining one inch of ground within the bounds of this straggling position, which was so feebly fortified that, had they once obtained a footing in any of the outposts, the whole place must inevitably have fallen. "During the early part of these vicissitudes we were left with- out any information whatever regarding the posture of affairs outside. We sent our messengers daily, calling for aid and askino" for information, none of whom ever returned, until the twenty- sixth day of the siege, when a pensioner named Ungxid came back with a letter from General Havelock's camp, informing us that they were advancing with a force sufficient to bear down all opposition, and would be with us in five or six daj^s The sixth day, however, expired, and they came not. We knew not then, nor did we learn till the 29th of August, thirty-five days later, that the relieving force, after having fought most nobly to effect our deliverance, had been obliged to fall back for rein- forcements ; and this was the last communication we received until two days before the arrival of Sir James Outram, on Sep- tember 25th." And now, on the 23d of September, General Havelock had arrived before Lucknow. The enemy were in position at the Alumbagh, a large park containing a royal palace outside the 262 THE REIGN OF VICTORIA. [Chap. IX. town. A hot encounter took place, the insurgents were routed, and General Havelock was master of the Alumbagh. The 24th was spent in devising plans of attack. It was decided to hold the park and palace as a base of operations, and thence to force a way through the palaces and large houses in the eastern part of the town up to the Residency. Before nine o'clock in the morning of the 25th, the troops moved out. Very shortly they came under fire ; musketry and grape mowed their ranks, but they pressed on. Early in the afternoon they had made them- selves masters of one of the palaces, and here there was a short halt and a discussion among the generals, whether to rest there for the night or complete the work and join their comrades in the Residency. General Outram was in favor of a halt ; Gen- eral Havelock desired to push on, and the eagerness of the soldiers was soon so manifest that the order was given to advance. The column led by the Highlanders dashed out into tlie streets with a loud cheer, the generals riding foremost. From the windows and roofs of the houses a rain of shot poured upon them, and the street itself had been cut by deep trenches, so that the artillery had to take another road. But the distance was short ; the Highlanders and Sikhs stormed up the street, loading and firing as they advanced, and in a few minutes Gen- eial Outram was dismounting at one of the long-unused gates of the Residency. Meanwhile the garrison had for two days been aware of the approach of their deliverers. Distant firing had been heard ; unusual agitation was visible in the cit}^ ; finally, the same mes- senger, who had before served them, brought word that General Outram was at the Alumbagh. " Finally," says an officer, in his diary of the siege, " the sound of musketry was heard, and the smoke of guns distinctly perceived, within the limits of the city ! Once fairly seen," continues the narrator, " all our doubts and fears regarding them were ended. And then the garrison's Chap. IX.] THE INDIAN MUTINY. 263 pent-up feelings burst forth in a succession of deafening cheers. From every pit, trench and battery ; from behind the sand-bags piled on shattered houses ; from every post still held by a few gallant spirits, rose cheer on cheer, even from the hospital. . . „ . It was a moment never to be forgotten." When the gate was opened and the soldiers entered, the scene was one of the wildest excitement. A special enthusiasm centred around the little group of women and children. The Highlanders crowded about them to grasp the ladies by the hand, and to take the children in their arms. The besieged garrison, on their part, were eagerly asking for news from outside, especially in respect to the progress that had been made in the suppression of the mutiny. For nearly four months they had been kept in ignorance of what was occur- ring in other parts of India, and their anxiety had, very nat- urally, reached the highest pitch. It had been expected that the garrison would be at once withdrawn from Lucknow, but the danger of this movement would have been very great, and Sir James Outram decided to reinforce the post and await further succor. The gar- rison remained within the lines they had so long defended, while General Havelock with a strong force occupied the palaces and buildings in the eastern part of the city which the troops had seized on their path. The English remained for eight weeks longer in a state of siege in Lucknow, till, finally. Sir Colin Campbell, arriving in person, completed the work Gen- eral Havelock and Sir James Outram had begun. Meanwhile Delhi had at length surrendered, after a long and arduous siege. About the middle of May, it will be remembered, upon the defection of the Sepoy regiments, the English officers and civilians who remained alive had made their escape from the city. A month later a little army of English and faithful native troops fought their way up to the very walls of Delhi, and sat 264 THE REIGN OF VICTORIA. [Chap. IX. down before the city in a siege which was destined to last three months. The position of the besiegers was strong and defensi- ble , they were, nevertheless, harassed by incessant attacks, which they repulsed gallantly, and often themselves were, in turn, the attacking party. Reinforcements, meantime, arrived on both sides, and the siege assumed daily more and more formi- dable proportions. The British army, at the beginning of July, amounted to nearly seven thousand men. Their force, how- ever was far inferior to that of the rebels, and it was only when the last reinforcements and the siege-train arrived that it was possible to assault successfully. On the 13th of September there had been made two .great breaches in the walls, and on the 14th the city was stormed. The assault was successful, and at night the English army had made a lodgment in Delhi. Four- fifths of the city remained still in the hands of the enemy, and it was not until the 20th that the victory was completed, every large building or fortified post having been taken or abandoned. The victory was saddened by the death of Brigadier-Gen- eral Nicholson, one of the most brilliant and highly esteemed officers of the Indian army. He was leading an attack upon the Lahore gate of the city when he fell, shot through the chest. He died on the 23d, and was buried outside the walls of Delhi. The old king, with three princes of his family, had taken shel- ter in the tomb of the Emperor Humayoun, a vast structure which, with the buildings surrounding it, formed a sort of suburb to the city. A young officer, Lieutenant Hodaon, begged permission to go and capture him. Hodson had once been in a civil charge in the Punjaub, whence he had been dismissed in consequence of his severity towards an important native chief. An ambitious, brave and able man, he had eagerly sought an opportunity to make a new path to success, and on the outbreak of the mutiny had gladly accepted a commission to raise a full regiment of Irregular Cavalry. He had also been Chap. IX.] THE INDIAN MUTINY. 265 made chief of the Intelligence Department, and he had already- distinguished himself more than once by the most brilliant and daring acts. It seemed to him that the capture of the royal family of Delhi was essential to complete the English victory. Having obtained the desired permission he rode out vv^ith fifty of his troopers to the tomb. The whole place was crowded with natives, but Hodson rode boldly up, and a negotiation was opened. His life being promised him the king surrendered, and, with his favorite wife and her son, were brought in prison- ers and delivered over to the English general. The old king was eventually tried, found guilty, and sentenced to transporta- tion ; and finally died five years later at Rangoon. The next day Hodson returned to complete his work by seiz- ing the three royal princes, who yet reuiained surrounded by their followers. The princes tried to obtain conditions, but this was denied them ; but it seems probable that they antici- pated that the same clemency which had been shown to the king would be extended also to them. They, therefore, yielded unconditionally and were taken away under escort. Then the crowd of their followers, five or six thousand in number, were ordered by Hodson to lay down their arms. They obej'ed for the moment, but as the little English band made their way back towards the city with their prisoners the crowd gathered again and pressed so closely around them that Hodson and his lieu- tenant began to feel that the danger was becoming too great. " I think we had better shoot them here ; we shall never get them in," Hodson said at last. He halted his troop, barred the road with a guard before and behind the cart in which the pris- oners were; then taking a carbine from one of his men he ex- plained who the criminals were and why they were to suffer death, and then shot them with his own hand. Some days before this Hodson had written in a letter to a friend that if he should get into the palace of Delhi the House 2G6 THE REIGN OF VICTORIA. [Chap. IX. of Tiraour would not be worth five minutes' purcliase. And on the day after he wrote, " In twenty-four hours I disposed of the principal members of the House of Timour the Tartar. I am not cruel, but I confess that I do rejoice in the opportunity of ridding the earth of such ruffians." Lieutenant Hodson, however, deceived himself; at this ter- rible moment he was actuated by that fierce and instinctive cruelty which had been aroused in the heart of almost all Englishmen at home as well as in India, at this moment of peril for English rule in India, and at the long cry of grief and terror raised by those who were victims of the mutiny. The moral sense was obliterated in almost jevery soul, and the few who, like Lord Canning, resisted the contagion, were accused of weakness and cowardice by their infuriated countrymen. At more than one point the savage character of the punishment testified to the fierce instincts of the human animal, excited by prolonged atrocities and maddened by the thirst for vengeance. Mr. Disraeli in the House of Commons, asserted this with indig- nant truth : " Public anger in India," he said, " is making Nana Sahib an example for English officers to imitate." Lieutenant Hodson was himself killed before the close of the war, but his action has remained the type of much that was done in India, and of yet more that was said in public and in private both in Calcutta and in England. Other successes followed the fall of Delhi. The tide had turned, and the full restoration of English authority in India was but a question of time. The final relief of Lucknow was now the matter in hand. Sir Colin Campbell occupied himself through the month of October in organizing a force which was collected at Cawnpore. Here, on the 5th of November, he ar- rived personally ; on the 9th he reached the Alumbagh, and on the 14th the advance was made. All the force which he had been able to collect amounted, at this time, only to about five thou- CiiAP. IX.] THE INDIAN MUTINY. 267 sand men, but the English in India were accustomed to great disadvantages in numbers, and their courage was not at all diminished by the conditions under which they were to fight. From point to point the English advanced, but the enemy was very strong, and disputed the ground inch by inch, so that it was not until the 17th that the lines of the Residency were reached, and Sir Colin Campbell had " the inexpressible gratifica- tion " of meeting face to face Sir James Outram and General Havelock. The two generals had supposed that Sir Colin would at once complete the capture of Lucknow ; but the necessity of other operations prevented this. To withdraw the garrison and treas- ure in safety was all that the commander-in-chief was now able to do, and this was accomplished with great skill. He directed a heavy fire against one of the enemy's strongholds, as if it were his design to storm it ; then, during the night of the 22d of No- vember, all within the Residency were withdrawn through the lines of pickets, first the sick and wounded, then women and children, the stores of grain and the large mass of treasure, finally, the troops, and halted in the Dilkoosha park and palace, not far from the Alumbagh. Thither, on the following day, they were transferred, and, on the 27th of November, Sir Colin Campbell, leaving a strong force in the Alumbagh under Sir James Outram, marched to Cawnpore, where his presence was urgently required. Before Sir Colin marched away, however. General Havelock died after a few days' illness, universally honored and lamented. He had just been made Knight Commander of the Bath, and had received the rank of baronet, a fitting reward for his long and brilliant services in India. Through the late campaigns the solicitudes of a father had been added to a general's anxieties. His son had fought by his side with a gallantry worthy of his name. Fighting his way up to the Residency in Lucknow, under 268 THE REIGN OF VICTORIA. [Chap. IX. a rain of fii'e, the moment General Havelock was within the gates, amid the acclamations and tears of the relieved garrison, liis first words had been, turning to the aide-de-camp at his side : »' Look to the boy, he is wounded." The father had been forced to see his son fall without himself turning an instant from his duty, but, the work accomplished, the father's heart at once remembered his wounded child, whose suffering saddened the victory. On the 24th of November General Havelock died. " For more than forty years," he said, " I have so ruled my life that, when death came, I might face it without fear." " On the 25th," says Mr. Brock, his biographer, " a grave was prepared for his remains in the Alumbagh, and Sir Colin Camp- bell with his surrounding comrades, who had followed him through so many vicissitudes, buried him out of sight, in sure and certain hope of the resurrection and eternal life." The rebels at Lucknow were held in check by General Outram while Sir Colin Campbell returned to Cawnpore. There he found the English troops besieged by the rebels. As soon as the general-in-chief had quitted the town, one of Nana Sahib's lieatenants, Tantia Topee, a Mahratta Brahmin, endowed with rare military talent, had advanced upon Cawn- pore at the head of a large hostile force. General Windham, who was left in command at Cawnpore had gone out against them, but being defeated, had been compelled to retreat into his intrenchments within the city while the enemy occupied Cawnpore. Sir Colin Campbell's arrival was most opportune; he was for a few days obliged to occupy himself in securing passage for the huge convoy from Lucknow to Allahabad, but as soon as he was free from these encumbrances, he at once made a sharp and prompt attack upon the rebels, defeating them with great loss. Thirty-seven guns were taken, the rebel force scattered in the. most demoralized condition, and Tantia Topee made his escape. In April, 1859, he at last fell Chap. IX.] THE INDIAN MUTINY. 269 into the hands of the English, when he was tried for his share in the Cawnpore massacre, and hanged. In March, 1858, Lucknow was finally completely subdued. For many months the campaign had now been carried on with a consummate skill which had not been possible amid the terror and difficulty of the first period. Strong reinforcements had also been sent out from England. The losses of the English had been numerically inconsiderable, those of the rebels were everywhere enormous. Among the officers who died at this time in India, Captain Sir William Peel, son of the great states- man, was one of the most lamented. He made part of Sir Colin Campbell's relieving army at the head of a sailor brigade, and conducted himself " with extraordinary gallantry," says Sir Colin Campbell. The attack upon Lucknow was directed by Sir Colin Camp- bell in person. Sir James Outram was also there. On the 4th of February, the siege began in form ; Lucknow was at this time defended by about one hundred and thirty thousand men, regulars and irregulars ; the English army did not exceed twenty-five thousand men. On the 11th, some of the most superb palaces of Lucknow were stormed, the Imambarra, the Kaiserbagh, and the Begum's Kothie. Mr. Russell, the Times correspondent, writes of the sack of these palaces : " It was one of the strangest and most distressing sights that could be seen. . . . . The men are wild with fury and lust of gold — literally drunk with plunder. From the broken portals issue soldiers laden with loot, shawls, rich tapestr}'-, gold and silver brocades, caskets of jewels, arms, splendid dresses. Some come out with China vases or mirrors, dash them to pieces on the ground and return to seek more valuable booty Lying amid the orange-groves are dead or dying Sepoys, and the white statues are reddened with blood. Leaning against a smil- ing Venus is a. British soldier, shot through the neck, gasping, and 270 THE REIGN OF VICTORIA. [Chap. IX. at every gasp, bleeding to death. Here and there officers are running to and fro after their men, persuading or threatening in vain." Far in the heart of Central India the standard of rebellion was held up vigorously to the very last by a woman's hand. When the territory of Jhansi had been annexed by Lord Dalhousie, the English governor had declined to recognize the adopted heir of the late rajah. Upon this the ranee, his wife, had refused to accept a pension from the English government, and as soon as the mutiny broke out in the north-west she eagerly instigated revolt among the native regiments in her city. There were in all but fifty-five Europeans in the city, including women and children ; they took refuge in the fort and for a couple of days defended themselves bravely. Finally, the ranee sent word that if they would surrender their lives should be spared, and they should be sent in safety to some other station. The little garrison surrendered, and marching out were received by the soldiery and murdered, men, women, and children alike. The ranee thus coming into full possession of the town, forti- fied it strongly in every waj', and held it almost undisturbed till late in March, 1858. At this time Sir Hugh Rose, in command of the Central India force, having swept the country round about, arrived before Jhansi and laid siege to the place. Tantia Topee, Nana Sahib's former lieutenant, was co-operating with the ranee, and on the arrival of the British troops he departed for Calpee to organize a relieving force. On the 5th of April, Jhansi was taken. The ranee made her escape, and, joining Tantia Topee, they took the field against Scindia, the prince of Gwalior. Scindia had remained faithful to the English, and the rebel chiefs resolved to dethrone him. Tantia Topee entered Gwalior in disguise, and intrigued so successfully with the lead- ers of the disaffected in the town, that, in a sortie ventured by Scindia on the 30th of May, his troops deserted him, with the SCINDIA, PRINCE OF GWALIOE. Chap. IX.] THE INDIAN MUTINY. 271 exception of a body-guard of horse. Scindia made his escape to Agra, while Sir Hugh Rose advanced upon Gwalior ; the rebel army in and near Gwalior was led by the ranee, dressed as a man, and fighting like one. Again and again she rallied her forces to the charge, and finally fell, mortally wounded, on the 17th of June. "The best man upon the side of the enem}'," wrote Sir Hugh Rose, in a general order, " was the woman found dead, the Ranee of Jhansi." The last sighs of the dying rebellion now no longer hfted the inert mass upon which weighed the English rule in India. The revolt was crushed, and order re-established. The offenders had been punished, their accomplices terrified ; and now the English government had time to express its approval of those princes and territories which had remained faithful, and to prepare their recompense. With less delay, the English, both people and government, had rendered homage to the brave men whose gallantry had saved the Indian Empire. On the 20th of December, 1858, Sir Colin Campbell, recently made Lord Clyde, announced officially to the governor-general at Calcutta that the campaign was at an end, and that there was no longer even a vestige of rebellion in the province of Oudh, the last remnant of the mutineers and insurgents having been finally driven across the mountains which form the barrier between the kingdom of Nepaul and her Majesty's empire of Hindostan. On May 1st, 1859, there was public thanksgiving in all the churches of England for the pacification of India. For more than two hundred and fifty years a commercial asso- ciation under the name of the East India Company had exer- cised a control over the interior affairs as well as over the commerce of the peninsula of Hindostan. For more than a century the victories of Clive and the base negligence of the government of Louis XV. had secured to the English the empire of India, an empire which France had for a moment gallantly 272 THE EEIGN OF VICTORIA. [Chap. IX. disputed with her. Province after province had been annexed to the territory which bore the yoke of the East India Company ; prince after prince of the native races had been dispossessed, imprisoned, or exiled; while, up to the day of the outbreak of the Indian mutiny, the great mass of the English people had re- mained absolutely ignorant of the events as well as of the inter- ests that were rife in their vast Oriental possessions, visited only by men eager to make a fortune rapidly, or by soldiers ordered for duty there. In his brilliant essay upon the life of Lord Olive, Lord Macaulay complains loudly that, while every school- boy knows the story of the Spanish conquests in America, the history of Montezuma, of Oortez, and of Pizarro, the majority of cultivated men in England are quite ignorant in respect to the conquests and growth of the English empire in India. Questions in Parliament relative to the government of this vast country were the affair of but a few persons, and seemed to excite no interest whatever in the public mind. As the lightning's flash suddenly tears the clouds which cover the sky, so the mutiny in India had torn the clouds of tradition, ignorance, and, indiffer- ence. All England desired to know this country which she had now, for the first time, learned to dread, the control of which, long negligently held, she had seen nearly slipping from her fo-rasp. The first emotion was that of surprise, followed immedi- ately by indignation and the desire of vengeance. When the mutiny had finally been extinguished, English statesmen began to ask themselves what had been the causes, whether these causes might not again recur, and whether the measures of repression employed had been in all cases just and moderate. In earlier times, when Lord Olive and Warren Plastings had ruled the Hindoos with despotic sway, the clear light of parliamentary investigation had been let in upon the darkness and intrigues of Oriental courts and upon all the procedures of the English ruler in his dealings with the native princes. With even stronger Chap. IX.] THE INDIAN MUTINY. 273 reason in 1858 was the government of this ever-increasino- empire destined to become the object of a discussion as search- ing as it was ardent and impassioned. The spontaneous act of Lord Ellenborough, one of tlie members of tlie Indian govern- ment, fiirnislied the first and a very legitimate pretext for this discussion. On tlie 3d of October, 1858, Lord Canning had issued a proc- lamation addressed to the chiefs of Oudh, announcing that, with the exception of the lands held by six loyal proprietors, all the territory of Oudh had become the property of the English crown, to be disposed of as might hereafter seem suitable. Their person- al safety was promised to all who should immediately surrender to the chief commissioner, with the exception of those personally guilty of the murder of English subjects. Their hope for any favors and indulgences, hereafter to be shown them, would de- pend entirely upon the justice and the clemency of the English government. The commissioner, Sir James Outram, at once protested against the wholesale confiscation ordered by Lord Canning, affirming that its effect would be disastrous since no doubt the land-owners would refuse to submit, and that it would be necessary to institute a guerilla warfare for their extirpation, in which thousands of Englishmen would be forced to sacrifice their lives. Lord Canning, however, persisted in his intentions. Naturally disposed to clemency, equable and moderate, as had been clearly shown in the early days of the mutiny, when the voices of all urged him to a severity which he was never will- ing to exercise, it was his design to use gently and generously the power he had arrogated to himself over the inhabitants of the revolted province. He judged, however, as Lord Durham had done years before in Canada, that a new life must begin in the relations between England and the province of Oudh, that the usual course of law was suspended by the fact of a 274 THE REIGN OF VICTORIA. [Chap. IX. rebellion, and that to exercise the power of a dictator was the surest and Lest way to re-establish order and justice in a ter- ritory but lately independent, revolting, as we have seen, almost immediately upon its annexation. A liberal reaction had now begun in England. Lord Can- ning's own supporters in his former policy of moderation and equity at once attacked a measure which they believed both unjust and illegal. Lord EUenborough went further. Presi- dent of the Board of Control, and himself formerly' governor- general of India, he condemned, with all the fiery enthusiasm of his nature. Lord Canning's proclamation, and took upon himself to make this known at Calcutta, through the medium of the secret committee of the Court of Directors, without con- sulting his colleagues upon the subject. " Other conquerors," wrote Lord EUenborough, " when they have succeeded in over- coming resistance, have excepted a few persons as still deserv- ing of punishment, but have, with a generous policy, extended tlieir clemency to the great body of the people. You have acted upon a different principle ; you have reserved a few as deserving of special favor, and you have struck, with what they feel as the severest of punishments, the mass of the inhabit- ants of the country. We cannot but think that the prece- dents from which you have departed will appear to have been conceived in a spirit of wisdom superior to that which appears in the precedent you have made." Lord EUenborough's lan- guage was as unsuitable as his conduct was unconstitutional, acting as he did without the advice of the council over which he presided. The wisdom, the indomitable courage, the mod- eration of Lord Canning had powerfully contributed to the re-establishment of the English power in India. He had de- served better of his country than to be lectured thus by Lord EUenborough, through the medium of the decrepit committee of an expiring Company. England felt this, and the question Chap. IX.] THE INDIAN MUTINY. 275 was at once laid before Parliament; and Lord Ellenborongh, takino- upon himself the entire responsibility for his act, re- signed his office. The opposition had endeavored to make this incident the crround for an attack upon the ministry ; but Lord Ellenbo- rough's resignation changed the situation, Mr. Disraeli com- mented on the disappointment of the opposition with his usual brilliant sarcasm : " It was like a convulsion of nature," he said, " rather than any ordinary transaction of human life. I can only liken it to one of those earthquakes which take place in Calabria or Peru. There was a rumbhng murmur, a groan, a shriek, a sound of distant thunder. No one knew whether it came from the top or the bottom of the house. There was a rent, a fissure in the ground, and then a village disappeared ; then a tall tower toppled down ; and the whole of the oppo- sition benches became one great dissolving view of anarchy." Parties were, however, much more divided on this matter than Mr. Disraeli's triumph would make us believe. In France, M. de Montalembert, always well informed in respect to the great questions which agitated the Parliament of England, and always eagerly desiring for his own country the noble enthusi- asms of a free government, summed up the question itself and the discussions upon it, in a pamphlet, entitled: "Z7;2 dehat, ou Vlnde dans le parlement anglais.'''' His powerful voice broke the silence which at that time reigned in France, and awakened painful comparisons; the article and the author were prose- cuted, and the eloquence of MM. Berrj^er and Dufaure did not suffice to obtain M. de Montalembert's acquittal. The discussion in Parliament was heard in the East only as a far-away sound, in no way affecting the conduct of Lord Can- ning, however bitterly he may have felt it. It had never been his desire to make a literal and strict application of the princi- ples he had judged it useful to lay down. Almost all the 276 THE KEIGN OF VICTORIA. [Chap. IX. great land-owners in the province of Oudh hastened to swear allegiance to the English government. They were responsible for the conduct of the villages, the supreme authority of Eng- land moderating their tyranny. The abuses of an earlier time had been abolished, and the native farmers felt themselves under a protection as equitable as it was strong. Lord Can- ning's plan, condemned in principle, had succeeded in practice, and soon had the suffrages of all, serving as the base on which was founded the great reform now proposed in the government of India by the English. The Indian mutiny was the death-blow to the famous East India Company. Mr. Pitt had made the Company's administra- tion completely subject to the English ministrj^ ; he, however, preserved the independence of the Companj'- in matters of pat- ronage and commerce, while Fox desired to place them under the control of a council nominated by the crown. The Com- pany had held the patronage of the Civil Service until 1853, at which time the system of competitive examinations was put in force. It was in support of this principle that Lord Macau- lay spoke for the last time in the House of Commons. A Board of Directors nominated partly by the crown and parti}' by the Company governed Indian affairs, but its decisions were reviewed and at times revised by the parliamentary Board of Control. The crown nominated the governor-general, but the Company had the power of recalling him. This mixed power necessarily brought about many delays and embarrassments, which made themselves strongly felt at a moment when prompt resolve and decided action were manifestly requisite to save English domin- ion in India. Public opinion ardently favored the crown's tak- ing possession of the government of India. The first measure to this effect was proposed by Lord Pal- merston in 1858, but his power was already weakened, and he was very soon to resign office. The bill presented by Lord Chap. IX.] THE INDIAN MUTINY. 277 Derby, which had been Lord Ellenborough's work, introduced into the formation of the council destined to rule the affairs of India so many complications that Parliament would not even listen to a second reading of it. The parliamentary resolutions called out by Lord John Russell served as the base for a new law, which came under hot discussion. The East India Com- pany did not accept its sentence of death with passive resigna- tion. Among the best servants of the Company were Mr. James Mill, and his son, John Stuart Mill ; the latter skilfully and elo- quently pleaded the Company's cause. In his essay on Repre- sentative Government the younger Mill referred to this subject: '' It has been the destiny of the government of the East India Company," he says, "to suggest the true theory of the govern- ment of a semi-barbarous dependency by a civilized country, and after having done this, to perish. It would be a singular fortune if, at the end of two or three more generations, this speculative result should be the only remaining fruit of our ascendenc}^ in India; if posterity should sa}'" of us that, having stumbled acciden- tally upon better arrangements than our wisdom would ever have devised, the first use we made of our awakened reason was to destroy them, and allow the good which had been in course of being realized to fall through and be lost, from ignorance of the principles on which it depended." Mr. Mill's presages of evil have not been realized ; the bill of 1858 put an end to the authority of the East India Company, but it did not sound the knell of the English rule in India. The governor-general is now a viceroy. The army of the East India Company has now become the queen's army. The bill declares that except for the purpose of preventing or repelling actual invasion of India, Indian revenues should not, without the con- sent of both Houses of Parliament, be applied to defray the expenses of any war outside of India. Also, that if a com- mencement of hostilities should be ordered in India, the fact 278 THE REIGN OF VICTORIA. [Chap. IX. shall be promptly communicated to Parliament. In the mat- ter of civil government, it was determined that the power pre- viously exercised by the Company and the Board of Control should be vested in a Secretary of State for India, assisted by a Council of fifteen members, seven of these to be elected from their own number, by the Board of Directors of the East India Company, and the remaining eight to be named by the crown.- Vacancies ensuing among the latter class were to be filled by the crown, and those among the former, after a certain time, by the secretary. The principle of competitive examinations was extended very widely and made permanent. In accoixlance with this bill, on the 1st of September, 1858, the government of the East India Company over India ceased forever, and in November of the same year the queen was pro- claimed throughout India. The treaties, dignities, rights, and usages then existing were confirmed. The Hindoo people re- ceived the assurance that the English government did not claim the right or entertain the desire to interfere in questions of caste or religion. Unconditional amnesty was proclaimed to all in arms against the government who should now return peaceably to their homes, with the exception of those who had been or should be convicted of having taken part in the murder of British subjects, and of those who had harbored such murderers or acted as leaders of the revolt. To the latter class only their lives were guaranteed. In respect to the former, the proclamation asserts, " the demands of justice forbid the exercise of mercy." India was by no means as yet pacified and submissive. More than once she was destined again to cause England the most serious anxieties, and be to her the occasion of many and grave faults; but she had felt the strong hand of her masters, and she now received from them for the first time, an established consti- tution and the acknowledgment of her rights. One viceroy after another, called to apply this grand charter of the British Chap. IX.] THE INDIAN MUTINY. 273 Empire in India, was to be chosen from among ihe most honored and honorable servants of the crown. Tlie first of all was, with good reason, the man who had held up the name and honor of England in India, at a moment when her subjects were in revolt against her all through the vast territory, and when the unreason- ing anger of her own children threatened to tarnish her glory. "The measures of reform and of economy which marked the last years of Lord Canning's government were the first steps in the new path so wisely and boldly marked out. In March, 1862, Lord Canning left India, and but a few months later, he was laid to rest in Westminster Abbey, that last home of England's great servants. 280 THE REIGN OF VICTORIA. [Chap. X. CHAPTEE X. THE TORY ADMINISTRATION. LORD PALMERSTON and his ministry had passed through momentous crises, the Crimean War and the Indian Mutiny. They had met and supported the domestic shocks caused by the financial panic of 1857, which had brought ruin to some of the most famous and well-established houses. The Bank Charter Act of 1844 had been suspended, and the Bank of England had been authorized to augment its circulation of notes to two millions sterling ; but already confidence was returning, the bank had remained well inside of the limits allowed it, and even a certain reserve had been established. Parliament ad- journed at Christmas, and the nation was rejoicing with its sovereign over the projected union of the Princess Victoria, eldest child of the queen, and Prince Frederick of Prussia, eldest son of Prince William, heir presumptive to the Prussian throne. Power seemed secure in the hands of the Whigs, and their sway established on solid bases. The new enterprise of a foreign con- spirator, in a foreign country, and against a foreign sovereign, was about to disturb this tranquillity by disturbing the judgment of the English ministry. Count Orsini was well known in England. Imprisoned by the Austrians in Mantua, he had made his escape and taken shelter across the channel. The incidents of his escape, his noble and handsome face, his expressive eyes and jet-black hair, and that natural eloquence which animates almost all the men of his race, had rendered him popular in all the English cities Chap. X.] THE TORY ADMINISTRATION. 281 where he had addressed public meetings, seeking to excite sym- pathy for oppressed Italy and wrath against her oppressors. The somewhat superficial enthusiasm of the English for all liberal causes has often deceived the exiled patriots of other lands, themselves superficial observers and ignorant of the principles, or, one may say, the instincts which govern the conduct of the Eno-lish nation. Like Kossuth and like Garibaldi, Orsini allowed himself to be deceived by the flattering welcome which he received personally, and by the sympathy openly and sincerely manifested for his cause. Imbued with the conviction, prevalent through- out Europe, that English public opinion governs England, fatally intoxicated by the empire he believed himself to hold over that public opinion, he hoped for an open intervention in favor of Lombardy and Venetia, an actual taking up of arms, like that of France eighteen months later. At one of Orsini's meetings in Liverpool, a merchant of that city had the courage and good sense to declare openly to the ardent patriot that he was cruelly deceived in respect to the value of the enthusiasm with which the crowd received him, and the practical results for his country to be expected from his generous efforts. Orsini himself soon became aware of the uselessness of his attempts. He was wounded and indignant; proud and incon- siderate, he did not attribute his failure to the mere force of circumstances, to the patriotic good sense of a foreign nation resolved never to be drawn into adventures, even though it may admire the adventurer. The Emperor Napoleon III. had just paid a visit to the Queen of England. Once him- self a conspirator, and not very long ago engaged in all the plots of the Italian patriots, the prince had forgotten his oaths ; he had sacrificed his promises to his ambition ; and now, one of the most powerful sovereigns in Europe, he was employing his power to support the oppressor in Italy and dissuade the English from lending aid to the liberal cause. The imagination of the disap- 282 THE REIGN OF VICTORIA. [Chap. X. pointed patriot grew heated at these thoughts ; he went so far as to believe that the emperor was the real obstacle to the interven- tion of Europe in favor of Italy ; that his death would remove this obstacle, and would be, indeed, the just punishment of his perfid3\ The secret societies of Europe had long accustomed their members to regard assassination as a legitimate method of serving the cause ; Orsini resolved to destroy the Emperor Napoleon III. On the 14th of January, 1858, as the emperor and empress were driving up to the door of the Opera House in the rue Lepelletier, three bombs went off under the horses' feet, and almost in the carriage. Ten persons were hilled and a hundred and fifty-six wounded. As in the case of the infernal machine of Ficschi, directed against King Louis Philippe, the innocent had been pitilessly sacrificed in the hope of destroying a danger- ous enemy. The attempt was as foolish as it was criminal ; it was directed against a man already favorably disposed towards Italy, whose mind was even then occupied with vague intentions which Count Cavour would soon persuade hira to execute. The odious and criminal act of Orsini was not, however, absolutely without effect; it remained and was destined during his life to remain in the mind of Napoleon III. as a warning and a menace. Prince Albert suspected this, without knowing what were the. engagements made by the emperor with Count Cavour, when he wrote April 1, 1858: "I fear the emperor is at this moment meditating some Italian development which is to serve as a lightning-conductor ; for ever since Orsini's letter, he has been all for Italian independence." It was an honor to Count Orsini, as it has been to more than one conspirator drawn into crime by political passion, that he cared nothing for his life, if he could by any means serve his cause after the failure of his attempt at assassination. Himself wounded by a fragment of shell, Orsini was tracked by his own Chap. X.] THE TORY ADMINISTRATION. 283 blood, and arrested without difSculty. He exhibited no anxiety except to exculpate a man unjustly accused of complicit}'; while avowing his attempt, he wrote to the emperor imploring his aid in favor of Italy. Righteously condemned, without the em- peror's natural clemency being permitted to avail in his favor, he was put to death with Pierri his comrade, and two other accomplices were condemned for life to the galleys. The pid^lic excitement was extreme, and the horror at the crime profound, even among those unfriendly to the imperial government and policy. The general anger was directed against England much more than against down-trodden and oppressed Ital}^ more even than against the criminal himself. " England is a den of brigands," it was said; "she gives shelter and sup- port to all who work to overthrow European society. Orsini's bombs were made in England; in England the whole plot was laid." The addresses of felicitation which rained down from all quarters upon the Tuileries almost all testified to this na- tional indignation ; the language of the colonels of certain French regiments was so insulting towards England that the government was obliged to apologize for having allowed them to be published in the Moniteur. Diplomatic communications were scarcely less aggressive. "Is hospitality due to assassins?" asked Count Walewski, Minister of Foreign Affairs. " Ought the English legislature to favor their designs and their attempts, and continue to protect persons whom their acts have placed outside the common law, and under the ban of mankind ? " The declarations of the Duke de Persigny, at that time French ambassador at London, were even more violent both in manner and in substance. " France does not understand this state of things," he said in reply to a deputation from the Corporation of London, " she cannot understand it, and there lies the dan- ger, for she may be deceived in respect to the sentiments of her ally, and cease to believe in England's sincerity." 284 TPIE REIGN OF VICTORIA. [Chap. X. Better than any other man the Emperor Napoleon III. did understand that state of things whose former advantages his early and constant friend, M. de Persigny, had for the moment foro'otten. All the plots of Prince Louis Napoleon had been matured in England. ; it was in England that he had found shel- ter after his various attempts to excite rebellion in France; there he had gathered his friends about him, waiting for the day when the wave of revolutions should once more bear aloft a name and. a memory. All political refugees, all exiles of all parties had sought and. found in London the shelter of which they had need, and that English protection of liberty which extends to opinions and causes the most diverse. In former days the Roman Catho- lic religion had offered to exiles the asylum of a kindly neutral- ity. Fugitive princes had found shelter in Rome ; but now, the Roman Catholic Church herself was no longer in safety there, and the shipwrecked crowd was flung upon the hospitable shoi'es of Great Britain. Lord John Russell openly acknowledged this in the liouse of Commons; he declared that it would be im- possible to put into execution the English law sgainst enlist- ments for the service of a foreign power, because all parties iu succession were in the habit of violating these laws. In 1820, the cause of Greece against Turkey had been publicly advocated in London by men of the highest distinction, and money, arms, and men were sent out to Greece without the slightest pretence at secrecy. At that very time a legion was recruiting to fight for Victor Emmanuel against the pope, and another to fight for the pope against Victor Emmanuel. In short, for all political refugees, London was at once a sanctuary and an arsenal, where they might at their leisure forge weapons against the gov- ernment that had driven them out. Undoubtedly this was a formidable privilege, and might become a danger and a menace, if the country granting it did not feel itself absolutely safe against the contagion of the political and moral maladies whose CiiAP. X.] THE TORY ADMINISTRATION. 285 germs were brought to it by all the winds of heaven, and remained confusedly working there. Upon Orsini's attempt, the French government took the alarm and demanded guarantees from England against the conspira- tors. "Full of confidence," said Count Walewski, "in the wisdom of the English Cabinet, we abstain from indicating to them the measures which it may be suitable to take. We rely upon them to carefully determine what decision will be most suitable, and we felicitate ourselves in advance upon the firm persuasion that we shall not have appealed in vain to their con- science and loyalty." Lord Palmerston was touched by the confidence which the emperor's government felt in him, and, from the beginning of the reign had been personally pledged to its support ; he felt himself obliged to comply with this request, and he advocated in the House of Commons the measures of conciliation which the popular feeling in France appeared to him to demand. A few days later he introduced tlie " Conspiracy to Murder Bill," which had the object of applying in England the same legislation which already prevailed in Ireland. Con- spiracy to murder had been heretofore a mere misdemeanor punished by imprisonment, while in Ireland, it had been made a felony, punishable by penal servitude for a period not less than five years. Lord Palmerston introduced his measure as one of needed reform in legislation, without making any refer- ence to the demands of France or Orsini's attempt upon the emperor's life. The opposition did not allow itself to be de- ceived by this apparent indifference ; the partiality of Lord Palmerston for the Emperor Napoleon was sharply commented on, and the total inefficiency of the proposed measure, — a fa- natic plotting the assassination of a foreign ruler, and deterred by the fear of a few years of penal servitude ! About this time, a Frenchman, accused of complicity in Or- sini's crime, was arrested in London, at the instigation, it was 286 TIIE REIGN OF VICTORIA. [Chap. X. said, of French emissaries, and public sentiment became every day stronger against Lord Palmerston's bill. Bernard was ac- quitted by the court before which he was summoned under the existing law. The bill, which had passed on the first reading, was hotly attacked on the second, Mr. Milner Gibson proposed an important amendment, and Mr. Gladstone also spoke eloquently a"-ainst it, Mr. Disraeli, who had up to this time, skilfully manoeuvred in the hope of not compromising himself, while at first voting for the law, now suddenly placed himself in opposi- tion to the proposed measure. Lord Palmerston was irritated and anxious as well as excited; his defence showed this, and the bill was rejected by a majority of nineteen, conservatives and liberals voting together. Lord Palmerston at once decided to resign. A Tory Cabinet was readily formed under the lead of Lord Derby. Mr. Disraeli merited and received the office of Chan- cellor of the Exchequer, and became the leader of the House of Commons. Lord Stanley, the eldest son of the Earl of Derby, became Colonial Secretary, and soon after Secretary of State for India. He had not inherited his father's oratorical talents, but his prudent and reserved character, his industry, and his devo- tion to the affairs intrusted to him, gave rise to great hopes in the Tory party, of which later he became one of the most able and trustworthy leaders. The new ministry was not, and did not feel itself to be, powerful in the Houses. Both brilliant oratory and long experi- ence rendered the opposition master of the situation whenever it should choose to open the campaign. But this was not the tendency of the moment. Lord Palmerston had lost public favor and the majority in the House of Commons ; Lord Derby dropped the bill, and the French government did not insist upon its demand, the fruit of a momentary panic. A good under- standing was promptly restored between the two nations so Chap. X.] THE TORY ADMINISTRATION. 287 lately, also, united by a war waged in common. The inter- nal government of India was reconstructed b}^ a tacit agreement with the chiefs of the Whig party. Questions of domestic polic}"- now occupied the Houses, The Whig Cabinet had laid before Parliament several important measures which had been the objects of serious debate ; and the Tory administration now followed in its footsteps. We "udll rapidly enumerate the im- portant reforms which were thus introduced into the legislation of England from 1857 to 1859. One of the first measures brought before the new Parliament in 1857 was a change in the procedures concerning divorce. This legal and complete separation had always been possible in England in the case of infidelit}^ proven against either party, but the decree could be pronounced only by act of Parliament, and entailed very considerable expense. It was now proposed to remove the jurisdiction from Parliament, and to establish a Court of Divorce expressly to deal with conjugal differences. The opposition was long and eloquent. Mr. Gladstone and many members of Parliament were opposed on principle to rendering divorces facile and within the reach of all. Bat they strove against a democratic tendency impossible to be resisted in a land where divorce had long been legal in the higher classes of so- ciety. The bill was passed, and Parliament was relieved from the scandalous discussions inevitable so long as it was the final arbiter in these unhappy affairs, while the new court was soon crowded with applicants. Another grave question came up about the same time, — that of the transportation of criminals- This means of getting rid of criminals dated from the reign of Charles II., in whose time magistrates for the first time authorized the deportation of certain convicts to the colonies of North America. The war of independence having set free the American colonies, it became necessary to establish a penal settlement at some more remote 288 THE REIGN OF VICTOEIA. [Chap. X. point, deportations having meanwhile been legally established by an act of Parliament in 1717. In 1787, the first vessel laden with criminals arrived at Botany Bay, on the eastern shore of New South Wales, and not far from the spot where to- day stands the large and thriving city of Sydney. Convicts were also transported soon after to Van Diemen's Land or Tasmania, and to Norfolk Island, a solitary island in the Pacific Ocean, more than eight hundred miles distant from New South Wales. This little spot, lost in space, became itself the penal colony of the other colonies ; convicts committing crimes after their deportation to Botany Bay or Tasmania being a second time transported to Norfolk Island. In theory, and for the good of the offender as well as for that of society which thus cast him out of its midst, the system of deportation appeared at once the most efficacious and the most humane. The crimes of these convicts had not been such as to call for the death-penalty, while yet rendering them unsuitable to live on terms of equality with honest men. At the same time that it relieved English society of their corrupting presence, deportation offered to them a new career, the possibility of re- form, and the means of commencing a better life, while the ticket-of-leave system admitted them to the privilege of working as free men in colonies where often the demand for labor far exceeded the ordinary supply. The law of 1717 declared that " in many of her Majesty's colonies and plantations in America there was a great want of servants who, by their labor and industry, might be the means, of improving and making the said colonies and plantations more useful to this nation." This was the sole solicitude of the statesmen of that period, and such their conception of their duty towards the country they served. The colonies them- selves were not slow in complaining. The crimes which had occasioned the deportation of the offenders were in general Chap. X.] THE TORY ADMINISTRATION. 289 of such a nature and brought about by such antecedents that the guilty persons brought to their new country more brutality than energy, more demoralization than zeal for labor. When the convicts occupied alone a district converted into a penal settlement, the place became a lair of demons ; when they were allowed to be at large in a colony, the honest population was filled with alarm at their crimes, and could with difficulty endure their presence. New South Wales protested against this infected importation. In 1840, Lord John Russell, then Colonial Secre- tary, turned away the torrent of criminals from the Australian territory, and from that time forward. Van Diemen's Land alone received them. Lord Stanley, when he became Secretary, prohibited the colonists from employing convicts at a price below that of free labor, thus depriving the former of the only advantage they could derive from an insupportable situation. The colonists in Van Diemen's Land protested, following the example of those of New South Wales. Mr. Gladstone for a time suspended the system of deportation. When Sir George Grey attempted to send a considerable number of criminals to the colony of the Cape of Good Hope, the colonists rose against this innovation, and prohibited the landing of the convicts. The difficulty became every day more serious. A parliamen- tary commission was appointed in 1837 to investigate the ques- tion. The state of affairs brought to light deeply agitated the firmest minds. Norfolk Island, given up to the most hardened of the criminals, had become a very image of the infernal regions. In the colonies where the deported were allowed to work in the service of the free inhabitants, they were under severe restric- tions, which, however, did not hinder the development among them of the most frightful corruption of morals. The result of the investigation made it clearly impossible henceforth to oblige the colonies to accept a burden which in general they re- pulsed with horror. In vain parliamentary commissions studied 290 THE REIGN OF VICTORIA. [Chap. X. the subject ; they found no issue. In 1853, penal servitude was substituted for transportation for the majority of criminals. Lord Grey proposed that the system of partial liberation, the ticket- of-leave system, practised in the colonies, should be applied to all criminals not under sentence of penal servitude, good con- duct being recompensed by a conditional liberation and the right to labor under certain conditions and with the inspection of the police. The system was applied in Ireland under a wise and careful direction ; its fruits were excellent, the moral effect upon the criminals real and lasting. But the conditions of success were not always and everywhere attainable ; liberation was too readily granted in all cases where the conduct of the prisoners had not been scandalously contrary to the laws of the penal establishment. A crowd of criminals, scarcely trained to submit to the interior discipline of the prison, and having undergone no moral change whatever, were thus every year returned to the ■ society whose laws they at once violated anew. Most of them fell back again into crime, the liberated convicts were again con- victed, and the public became more and more alarmed. In 1857, the system of deportation was definitively abolished, save in rare cases, and in a very restricted territory. The system of penal ser- vitude was generally substituted for it, — the ticket of-leave was suppressed or rendered difficult of application. A new attempt and a new experiment were thus substituted for the earlier systems, whose disadvantages had become manifest. A new step was essayed in the difficult path of punishment neces- sary for the protection of society, yet not such as to close the door upon the reform and restoration of the criminal, — a diffi- cult problem and often seemingly insoluble even to faith and charity, in presence of human free-will and the natural bent towards evil. About the same time, the legislation concerning marriage underwent, in Scotland, a first transformation, destined later to Chap. X.] THE TORY ADMINISTRATION. 291 become more radical and bring a remedy to the frequent irregu- larity in unions of this nature ; marriages contracted before a blacksmith at Gretna-Green were henceforth practically abol- ished, a residence of twenty-one days in Scotland became indis- pensable, elopements and hasty vows were no longer possible. Some years, however, were to elapse before legislation suppressed also the marriage by mutual consent before witnesses, much more dangerous in its inconsiderate application than the ancient prac- tice of the Roman Catholic Church, for that required at least the presence and witness of the priest. It was not until 1858, after long and persevering effort, that the Jews finally succeeded in obtaining recognition of their polit- ical rights in the person of Baron Lionel Rothschild, three times elected to Parliament by the City of London. The civil incapa- cities which had crushed the Jews throughout all Europe, and of which France had first broken the unjust tradition, yet weighed cruelly upon the English Israelites up to the beginning of Queen Victoria's reign. The oaths required upon entrance into all offices barred to them the doors. " The operation of the law was fatal," says Sir Erskine May, " to nearly all the rights of a citizen. A Jew could not hold any office, civil, military, or cor- porate. He could not follow the profession of the law as bar- rister or attorney, or attorney's clerk; he could not be a schoolmaster, or an usher at a school. He could not sit as a member of either House of Parliament, nor even exercise the electoral franchise, if called upon to take the electoral oath." By degrees the civil incapacities had been abolished. In 1850, Baron Lionel Rothschild presented himself to be sworn as member of the House of Commons. He accepted without difficulty the oaths of allegiance and supremacy ; but, when the oath of abjuration of the Stuarts was offered him, he omitted from it the words, "on the true faith of a Christian." Admittance to the House was refused him, and also, the year 292 THE REIGN OF VICTORIA. [Chap.X. followinof, to Mr. David Salomons, elected from Greenwich. This latter gentleman decided to bring the question to an issue : he resolutely took his place among the membei's, ex- plaining in a calm and moderate speech that he did so from a sense of duty towards himself and his constituents, and should withdraw if sufficient force were used to enable him to declare that he was acting under coercion. Upon this, the sergeant-at-arms, being ordered by the Speaker to remove Mr. Salomons, touched him on the shoulder, and Mr. Salomons at once withdrew. The question was thus brought before the Court of Ex- chequer, and it was there decided that the words must be held to constitute a specially Christian oath, which could be taken by no one but a Christian, and without taking which, no one could be a member of Parliament. It was not until 1857, and upon the proposal of Lord John Russell, that the House of Commons admitted Jews to a seat among their num- ber. The definite reform of the oaths took place some months later. Mr. Disraeli had the satisfaction of seeing, during his ministry, the doors of that English Parliament of which he has been one of the ablest chiefs, open to the ancient race whose descendant he is proud to call himself. Coincident with the abolition of the last political disabili- ties of the Jews, was the removal of the landed-property qual- ification of members of Parliament. The clauses of this law dated from the time of Queen Anne, and its application had been so often evaded, that in the reign of George II. candi- dates had been required to take oath that they possessed the property legally requisite. The actual practice remained, how- ever, the same : members well known to be without property were qualified by friends or patrons, who placed them in pos- session for the moment of the landed estate necessary. " After every general election," said Mr. Locke King, in the House Chap. X.] THE TORY ADMINISTRATION. 293 of Commons, " there are from fifty to sixty cases in which it is found that persons have declared themselves to be pos- sessed of the requisite qualification, who are notoriously not in possession of it." In 1858, a defeated candidate prosecuted his successful opponent on the ground of the latter's legal incapacity. The sentence was inevitable, and the new mem- ber was condemned to three months in prison. Upon this, a bill was at once introduced to modify the law, and the property qualification for English and Irish members of Parliament was abolished. The disturbance caused in the Houses by the dissension be- tween Lord Ellenborough and Lord Canning having ended in the latter's resignation as President of the Board of Council, and Lord Stanley becoming Secretary of State for India, Sir Edward Bulvver Lytton succeeded Lord Stanley as Colonial Secretary. The political life of Sir Edward had been, up to this time, irregular and erratic ; he had commenced life as a Radical, and now found himself in the ranks of the Conserva- tives. His literary reputation and his rare talent as a novel- ist were not of use to him in the new career upon which he had entered. Notwithstanding the oratorical facility which he soon displayed, and the industry upon which he prided him- self, the public were of opinion that the imaginative and ro- mantic element held too large a place in the government of the country when it presided both at the Exchequer and over the colonies. The persevering ambition of Mr. Disraeli and of Sir Edward Lytton did not suffer discouragement from these unfriendly dispositions, over which they were destined ultimately to triumph. The first personal act of Lord Lytton as Colonial Secretary was the formation of British Columbia, comprising all the terri- tories subject to the queen, bounded on the south by the United States, on the east by the principal chain of the Rocky Moun- 294 THE REIGN OF VICTORIA. [Chap. X. tains, on the north by Simpson's River and the Finlay Branch of the Peace River, and on the west by the Atlantic Ocean. Van- couver's Island was soon after annexed to British Columbia, and the whole colony was swallowed up in the Dominion of Canada in the year 1871. At the same time that he was establishing the colony of Columbia, Sir Edward Lytton was preparing England to re- nounce the protectorate of the Ionian Islands. From the time of the Treaty of Vienna, the Seven Islands had formed a kind of republic, whose protectorate had been, by general consent, con- fided to England. The Lord High Commissioner, generally appointed from the army or navy, combined the duties of com- mander-in-chief and civil governor. The Ionian senate consisted of six members, and its legislative assembly of forty. This little assembly, which owed its existence to the popular constitution granted, ten years before, to the young republic, loudly made known the discontent of the inhabitants of the islands under the English rule. It was useless to reiterate to them the as- surance that they were a republic, enjoying all the privileges of self-government, the Lord High Commissioner was able to dispense with the republican parliament whenever its volubility became annoying, and English soldiers were ever present to keep the Seven Islands in proper submission. They aspired to the liberty of independent action, not with a view of remaining free and isolated, but with the desire of uniting themselves to the little Kingdom of Greece and claiming their rights as Greek citizens. Ionian politicians secured popularity among their fel- low-citizens by denouncing the abuses of the foreign power and proclaiming the national aspirations towards liberty. The un- reasonableness of these claims appeared evident to many in England ; regardless of logic, they maintained that the discon- tent of the lonians was due to that free constitution of which the English nation itself was so proud; Sir Edward Lytton Chap. X.] THE TORY ADMINISTRATION. 295 judged otherwise. He had long maintained the principle of national independence, and in resolving to have an examination made of the serious opinions of the lonians he addressed himself to another spirit pledged in advance and by instinct to generous ideas. Mr. Gladstone had not been concerned in public affairs for several years. He had been an independent supporter of Lord Palmerston's Cabinet. His sympathy for the cause of the Greeks was well known; his Greek studies were equally a mat- ter of notoriety. To him Sir Edward Lytton confided the charge of examining the subject of the Ionian protectorate, under the title of Lord High Commissioner Extraordinary. In the month of November, 1858, Mr. Gladstone landed in Corfu. English policy and the English statesman were decided to employ great prudence in dealing with the Ionian patriots. Mr. Gladstone asserted at once and in the most public manner that his mission was solely to ascertain what advantages could be accorded to the inhabitants of the islands under the protec- torate of England. His precautions were useless. His reputa- tion counted for more than his assertions. He was everywhere received and welcomed as " Gladstone, the Philhellene." His arrival was regarded by all the lonians as the era of deliverance. In vain did Mr. Gladstone protest against the logic of the isl- anders and against his own personal popularity ; the public hopes became so eager that the National Assembly passed a resolution for union with Greece. It was all that Mr. Gladstone could do to prevent them from declaring upon the spot their independence and to prevail upon them to draw up a memorial addressed to the protecting Powers. The rumor of Mr. Glad- stone's popularity in the islands and at Athens caused much excitement in England. The Lord High Commissioner Ex- traordinary and his mission were attacked with violence. Mr. Gladstone was declared false to his country, and the madness and ingratitude of the islands excited the indignation of the 296 THE REIGN OF VICTORIA. [Chap. X. press as well as of the opposition in Parliament. More skilful than the lonians in discovering wherein consisted supreme felic- ity, the English papers declaimed violently against the natural and patriotic illusions of these people who wished to become Greeks again, at the price of losing the excellent administration which the English protectorate assured to them. The lonians, however, were obstinate, and took no account of the argu- ments of England; but Mr. Gladstone returned home without completing the work of their deliverance, whatever hopes his presence may have authorized. A new Lord Commissioner was sent out, less popular, and less compromised in the cause of Greek independence ; the conviction, however, remained among the people of the Archipelago that England would one day yield to their urgency. The revolution which, in 1863, drove King Otho from the throne of Greece, was to serve as a pretext and an occasion for bringing this false situation to an end. The great Powers were resolved to maintain the kingdom of Greece ; they had with much difficulty succeeded in finding a king for this little country, whose people seemed to be as hard to govern as their ancestors had been in the old Athe- nian days. The Greeks had asked for Prince Alfred of Eng- land, in the evident hope of securing a powerful protector. To this request Queen Victoria had replied as King Louis Philippe did, when, upon the first establishment of the king- dom of Greece, the Duke de Nemours had been offered its crown. The Emperor Napoleon III. cherished in secret a de- sire to place his cousin, Prince Jerome Napoleon, upon an independent throne whose duties would remove him far from France ; but Europe was no more inclined to see the balance of power lean towards the side of France than of England ; and it was upon a young prince of Denmark, the brother of the Princess of Wales, that the hopes of Greece and the good- Chap. X.] THE TORY ADMINISTRATION. 297 will of the diplomatists at last united. The new sovereio-n was proclaimed, and as a gift in honor of the occasion, Lord John Russell, in the name of England, renounced the pro- tectorate of the Ionian Islands, which were immediately united to the kingdom of Greece. The act was as politic as it was generous and sensible. It took its rise from a just convic- tion of the legitimate independence of all nations, even the smallest, and their imprescriptible right to control their own destinies. It met even then a lively opposition in England, and left behind a secret ferment of wounded pride and irri- tation, which many a time interfered with the true policy of the nation, and forced the English government into paths less wisely liberal than that followed by Sir Edward Lytton, by Mr. Gladstone, and by Lord John Russell in the affair of the Ionian Islands. It was not enough for the most moderate Liberals — really masters of the situation even while their opponents were in the Cabinet — to see Mr. Gladstone welcomed in Greece, and the principle of nationalities ardently supported by the Na- tional Assembly in session at Corfu, and of this Mr. Disraeli was well aware. He was from that time forward the true leader of the Conservative party. Lord Derby was now grow- ing old ; his ambition, never very ardent, had long been fully satisfied. He had loyally employed all the great gifts which race and nature had given him. Eloquent without effort, he bad ruled his country as by hereditary right ; he was a farmer, a sportsman, a judge of horses, as well as a man of letters and a translator of Homer. The thirst for power had never been excited in his soul ; he possessed naturally all that he could desire. Mr. Disraeli was still pursuing the objects of his am- bition, which destiny had not thrown at his feet; he had yet conquests to make, a position to secure and strengthen. The idea of Reform remained ever present to the minds of the 298 THE REIGN OF VICTORIA. [Chap. X. Liberals; it was, above all, ever present to the mind of Lord John Russell, the original author of the Reform Bill, which he had twice sought, in 1852 and in 1854, to render more ex- tensive and efficient. Mr. Bright, moreover, had lately reap- peared upon the political stage after a long absence occasioned by ill health. He was eloquent and bold, and as soon as his strength was re-established he began to work in behalf of electoral reform, holding great meetings in the north, and pre- paring a Reform Bill of his own. The constant reproach addressed to the Tories was their ill-will towards reforms of every kind. Mr. Disraeli resolved to make the attempt, and to contrive, if it were possible, formulas which might deceive the Liberal without revolting the Conservative instincts. He prepared a Reform Bill whose clauses were for the most part absurd ; the only serious modification of the existing law was, that it proposed to equalize the franchise in counties and boroughs. Mr. Bright and his friends had but one aim, and this was to admit the working-classes to a share in legislation ; the scheme of Mr. Disraeli proposed to give the franchise to clergymen, teachers, and professional men. It afforded to the Liberals no satisfaction, and at the same time it wounded the rigid and con- sistent Tories. Mr. Walpole and Mr. Harley withdrew from the Cabinet, resolved not to sustain measures which they would have opposed if brought forward by Lord Palmerston or Lord John Russell. The Liberals, on their part, were not contented with what the leader of the Conservatives offered them. Lord John Russell moved an amendment to the effect that the modifications offered by government would not be satisfactory to the House of Commons without a wider extension of the franchise in cities and boroughs being provided for. In vain did Mr. Gladstone skilfully defend the little boroughs, enumerating the eminent men who had made their debut in Parliament as representatives Chap. X.] THE TORY ADMINISTRATION. 299 of a very small number of electors whose votes had been con- trolled by some great land-owner. Lord John Russell's amend- ment was passed by three hundred and thirty votes against two hundred and ninety-one, and Parliament was at once dissolved. The o-eneral elections were favorable to the Conservative party, without, however, bringing into its ranks a reinforcement strong enough to secure them against the attacks of their oppo- nents. The patience of the Liberals was nearly at an end. It was becoming time for them to return into power. An alliance was concluded between the Whigs and the Radicals, and the Peelites consented to take part in it. Parliament met, and almost at once Lord Hartington, eldest son of the Duke of Devonshire, as yet a very young man, and but lately become a member of the House of Commons, proposed a vote of want of confidence. He was personally but little known, and this was his first step in the political career which was to make him one of the chiefs of the great Whig party. His resolution was accepted ; the ministry, which had foreseen its fate from the moment a coalition had been formed among the various sections of the opposition, resigned, and the queen entrusted Lord Granville with the formation of a new Cabinet. Lord Granville was an amiable and popular man ; he was still young, extremely well-informed in European affairs, and at the same time strongly English in tastes and principles. The queen had hoped to conciliate the ancient rivalry between Lord John Russell and Lord Palmerston by selecting a prime minister under whose more modest flag the two great Liberal chiefs might be willing to serve. This design failed by reason of Lord John Russell's determination not to take office under Lord Granville. He would have been willing, he said, to serve under Lord Palmerston, but would form no other alliance. This un- expected concession facilitated ministeiial combinations. Lord Granville promptly and willingly withdrew. Lord Palmerston 300 THE REIGN OF VICTORIA. [Chap. X. became prime minister; the Conservatives as well as the Liberals felt, without saying it, that he grasped the power with a tri- umphant hand, and that he would never let it escape him until that supreme moment when all human power is effaced before the uncontested authority of death. '■"^T' ■^.'^^ ''y%i ' eS^^% ' f/' i0^'^^' A' LORD JOHN RUSSELL. Chap XI.] THE LIBERALS WITHOUT REFORM. 301 CHAPTER XL THE LIBERALS WITHOUT REFORM. EASTERN DIFFI- CULTIES. I^HE Liberal Ministry was strongly constituted, and stretched its far-reaching roots through all the parliamentary soil. Mr. Gladstone was Chancellor of the Exchequer, Lord John Russell had the Foreign portfolio , Sir George Lewis was Home Secretary , and Mr. Sidney Herbert, Minister of War. Colonial affairs were entrusted to the Duke of Newcastle, the Irish Secre- taryship to Mr. Cardwell, and India to Sir Charles Wood. Lord Palmerston had even made advances to the Radical founders of the Manchester school, offering a place in the Cabinet to Mr. Cobden and to Mr. Milner Gibson. Mr. Cobden at the time of the formation of the ministry was at sea, on his way home from the United States ; as he set foot on shore his friends hastened to inform him that he had been elected member for Rochdale, that the Tory Ministry had fallen, and in the con- struction of the Liberal Cabinet, a place had been reserved for him by Lord Palmerston. He was urged to accept it, but refused to commit himself until he had had a personal inter- view with Lord Palmerston. His decision, however, was made ; he disapproved cf Lord Palmerston's foreign policy, and would not agree to serve under his flag. Nevertheless he counselled Mr. Milner Gibson not to follow his example, and that gentle- man did, in fact, enter the new Cabinet. The Whig Ministry had been formed at a moment of Euro- pean agitation, of which the shock was felt in England. The long ambition and foresight of Count Cavour were bearing fruit. 302 THE REIGN OF VICTORIA. [Chap. XI. The little kingdom of Piedmont was beginning to bring forth Ital}^ that ancient fiction of poets and patriots, until now with- out historic existence, without any real traditions. The battle- field of centuries was again opened in Lombard}-, and the Emperor Napoleon III., proclaiming that France was the only countrj^ in the world which made war for an idea, marched to deliver Lombardy and Venetia from the odious rule of the Austrians. The declaration of war had not been spontaneous, and the emperor had hesitated long before entering upon the performance of his engagements with Count Cavour. He was in no hurry to begin hostilities whose end no man could foresee. The military reputation of the Austrians was great ; personal renown had very small place in the mind of Napoleon III., who, in the depths of his soul, was not perfectly sure of his own mili- tary talent. Europe weighed heavily in favor of peace,' and England in particular strongly urged it. The influence of Count Cavour outweighed that of all Europe. Resolved to serve his country by all means, unscrupulous in the choice of them, Count Cavour went forward to his goal M'ith a will as determined as his intelligence was prompt and his deci- sions bold and judicious. " There are only two ambitious men in Europe," M. Guizot was accustomed to say at that time, " Count Cavour and Count Bismarck." Both of these two men have since attained their objects through the dark ways of poli- tics and the violence of war. Prince Bismarck was able to say on the morrow of his victory : " Force has the advantage over right." Count Cavour was too moderate in manner and too refined in language to risk an axiom like this, he simply limited himself to ignoring the right. In 1859, and by the support of the Emperor Napoleon III., he boldly put on the glorious mantle of liberal patriotism. It was in the name of Italian indepen- dence, too long oppressed, that he declared war; Italy rose beneath his hand to drive out the strancjer. The Italian war Chap. XI.] THE LIBERALS WITHOUT REFORM. 303 was as short as it was brilliant ; the power of the Austrians in Italy vanished, like their former military reputation ; the Em- peror Napoleon stopped suddenly in the career which he had announced his intention to follow out to its completion. The breath of deliverance did not reach as far as the Adriatic ; for some 3''ears longer Venetia was destined to remain under the German yoke, until German dissensions should throw her, as- tonished at her own liberty, into the hands of Napoleon as a trust to be held for the benefit of Italy. The peace of Villafranca disturbed Europe and caused great anxiety. Count Cavour could not be expected to stop there ; of this Europe was conscious; the annexation of Savoy and Nice seemed an exorbitant price for the assistance lately granted b}^ the emperor in the name of liberty ; the people of England were even more anxious than her government. The Italian question henceforth seemed to considerate minds to con- tain remote dangers, as well as other more evident ones. " The first time the subject was mentioned to Lord Palmerston," said M. Guizot, " he did not repulse it absolutely, but he said, ' It is strange ; the Emperor Napoleon declared in beginning the war that he .wished the integrity of the Papal States, and by no means the territorial aggrandizement of France ; and in closing it he seems to have obtained neither of his wishes.' " At this time M. Guizot wrote, " There is an effort made to persuade London to be satisfied that France should have Savoy and Nice, on condition of her approving and assuring the union of Central Italy to Piedmont. I incline to believe that we shall obtain it, perhaps at the price of some commercial concessions." The commercial question had already come up. The cause of Free Trade, fought for in England so brilliantly and with so much vigor, was henceforth won for all Europe, and it was England who was to be its propagandist. Mr. Gladstone, as Chancellor of the Exchequer and as an ardent follower of Sir 304 THE EEIGN OF VICTORIA. [Chap. XI. Robert Peel, supported, with all his personal and official influ- ence, Mr. Cobden, engaged unofficially in negotiating with the Emperor Napoleon. A treaty of commerce between France and England resulted from this bold and irregular conference. The somewhat confused ideas which crowded in the emperor's brain, aided by the practical information and the resolute firm- ness of his minister, M. Rouher, the influence of French politi- cal economists and a certain confidence which the emperor felt towards England and Mr. Cobden, inspired and effected the great change in the commercial relations of France with Great Britain, — a change too sudden not to excite grave remon- strances and bring after it enormous difficulties, but impossible to revoke, being as it was one of those forward steps which admit of no retrogression, however serious may one day become the doubts and the regrets in regard to them. The shock produced in France by the treaty of commerce made itself felt in England as an anxiety. The English nation was not at that time favorable to the emperor and to his policy ; the war in Italy and the results which had followed in the peninsula, as well as in France itself, had shocked and pained many good men. The Tories had no taste for Italian indepen- dence ; the Liberals troubled themselves very little about it. A new power was coming into existence which must be taken account of. The imprudence of a French policy creating with its own hands a compact state upon its frontier seemed so , incredible that all manner of dark and underhand designs were ascribed to the emperor ; even danger to public morals was apprehended in England from the establishment of free trade with France. French wines, freely imported into Great Britain, would bring about, it was believed, an increasing demoralization. Mr. Gladstone was accused of having sacrificed the national interests to his theories, and of rendering defenceless the fron- tiers of his country. The clamor grew louder when the able Chap. XI.] THE LIBERALS WITHOUT REFORM. 305 Chancellor of the Exchequer presented his budget, with consid- erable reductions upon the taxes. He had with great difficulty obtained in Parliament the acceptance of his treaty of commerce with France ; he had reduced or abolished a part of the burdens which weighed upon the press ; he now proposed an important abatement in the duty on paper. The manufacturers leagued with the great journals to oppose the reduction which, by lowering the price of paper, threatened to multiply periodical publications to an enormous degree, and the clamor increased from day to day. Mr. Gladstone carried his point, but his partisans diminished in number, and the measure was passed by only a majority of nine. The House of Lords, however, rejected it upon a proposition offered by Lord Monteagle and brilliantly supported by Lord Lyndhurst, eloquent and ardent even then, in spite of his eighty-nine years, although the infirmi- ties natural to so great age required for him the erection of a temporary railing in front of his seat, upon which he leaned while speaking. Lord Lyndhurst was even more afraid of the dangers with which England was menaced by the possible schemes of the Emperor Napoleon than of the development which journalism might take upon the reduction of the paper duty. His influence upon the House of Lords brought about a conflict between the two Houses which came near assuming the importance of a grave constitutional question. Lord Palmerston's parliamentary skill succeeded in turning away the difficulty by leaving the way open for the Lords to retrace their steps and vote at the following session the reduction in taxes which had been accepted by the House of Commons and had just been refused by themselves. The weakness of the majority in the Lower House had evidently brought on the conflict. Mr. Gladstone was disposed to attach to it more importance than did the head of the Cabinet ; he had characterized the act of the Lords as a " gigantic innovation, " 306 THE REIGN OF VICTORIA. [Chap. XI. and shared the impatience of the Liberals and their disapproval of Lord Palmerston's prudent ingenuity. From day to day, the Tory Liberal, brought up in the school of Sir Robert Peel, de- tached himself more and more completely from the party with which he had been at first allied and the principles he had long supported. The advanced Liberals congratulated themselves openly on seeing Mr. Gladstone separate from Lord Palmerston, and from the prime minister's home policy, which was always conservative, whatever might be his foreign sympathies, and their gratification was increased by Mr. Gladstone's manifest sympathy with themselves, whose leader he was eventually des- tined to become. Meantime, the Cabinet had in its turn proposed a Reform Bill. Lord John Russell had long urged its necessity, supported by the Radicals, but the moderate Whigs were opposed to the measure, and Lord Palmerston felt no interest in its success. Its clauses were simple, proposing to lower the county franchise to ten pounds and that of the boroughs to six. A considerable re- distribution of seats was made, to the advantage of the cities and the larger counties. A minority representation was assured to constituencies naming three members. Mr. Disraeli made a sharp attack upon the scheme as a whole. He had himself not long before proposed some measures not very dissimilar, but he felt that the law was unpopular in the Cabinet itself, and that it was abandoned to its fate by Lord Palmerston; he thought it well, moreover, to reserve for a possible future to his own party the honor of carrying through a Reform Bill, and he therefore was unsparing in his ridicule and criticism. The discussion was pro- longed in a languid and inefficient manner until on the 11th of June, 1860, Lord John Russell gave notice that the government had decided to withdraw their bill. Lord Palmerston had for- feited the good will of the Liberals ; once again he had mani- fested his determination not to serve them in the matter of trans- Chap. XI.] THE LIBERALS WITHOUT REFORM. 307 forming the English constitution which they had so much at heart, aud while he should live, Reform was evidently impossible. Of this Lord John Russell himself was perfectly aware. Mr. Pitt once promised George III. that he would never again bring up the question of the emancipation of the Roman Catholics, so long as the old king's life and his scruples barred the way. Without formal engagement and with a tacit submission. Lord John Russell consented to await the day when Lord Palmerston should yield to him the headship of the Whig party. It is a curious example of obstinate resolve and prudent moderation between these two rival statesmen, who had for so long a time disputed the supremacy in the House of Commons in the name of the Liberals, of whom, however, so large a number escaped their sway. Parliamentary struggles were not, however, the sole anxiety of England at this time : she was in constant fear of aggressions on the part of the Emperor Napoleon, and the Houses had already voted two millions sterling for strengthening the coast defences ; strikes in the manufacturing districts had brought disorder and great suffering ; finally, China was causing serious anxiety, with new probabilities of a war, more serious and wide-spread than it had before been. When in 1857 the Mutiny in India broke out, hostilities with China were at once suspended ; troops which had been destined for Canton were retained for the protection of the English dominion in India. In 1858 that terrific conflagration having been reduced to a few smoking brands, the English govern- ment had leisure to turn its attention to China, and accepted the co-operation of France, who had to avenge the wrongs done to certain missionaries. The allied forces attacked Canton ; the city was taken, and the Chinese commissioner, Yeh, sought shelter in some obscure corner. He was recognized by his enormous size, and a British officer laid hands upon this great 308 THE EEIGN OF VICTORIA. [Chap. XI. dignitary of the Middle Kingdom. The latter tried to escape, and a sailor seized the mandarin's pig-tail and twisted it so sharply that the unfortunate Yeh was obliged to surrender. He was taken on board an English ship and presently sent to Cal- cutta, where he died the following year. The remembrance of his cruelties long remained among the people of Canton; it was said that he had ordered the death of a hundred thousand rebels, but the English " barbarians " manifested no considera- tion for his importance. The two plenipotentiaries of France and England, Lord Elgin and Baron Gros, then signed a new treaty with China, by which the two countries were authorized on certain occasions to send ministers to the court of Pekin, and it was agreed that China should be represented at the French and English courts. Toleration was secured to the Christian religion ; the entrance into Chinese rivers was permitted to French and English mer- chant vessels ; and French and English subjects were allowed to travel freely in China. The Chinese Empire was to pay the expenses of the war. In Chinese ofl&cial language, the name "barbarians" was no longer to be applied to the European powers. Finally, the conditions of the treaty of Tien-tsin were to be ratified at Pekin, within a year from the date of signature, June, 1858. Lord Elgin had returned to England. His brother, Mr. Frederick Bruce, was appointed envoy extraordinary and min- ister plenipotentiary to China. He was instructed to insist upon the literal fulfilment of the stipulation that the treaty should be ratified at Pekin, which would be in itself a sign of the important concessions made to the allied powers by the treaty of Tien-tsin. In anticipation of obstacles which might be interposed by the Chinese functionaries, when it was a question of foreigners being permitted to penetrate into the capital of the empire, Mr. Bruce was instructed to have a PORCELAIN TOWER, PEKIN. Chap. XI.] EASTERN DIFFICULTIES. 309 sufficient naval force to make his entry into the river Peiho, and Admiral Hope, naval commander-in-chief in Chinese waters, received orders to furnish Mr. Bruce with the required vessels. The Peiho rises near the Great Wall of China, and flows in a south-easterly direction into the Gulf of Pe-chee-lee, in the north- east corner of the Chinese territory. Pekin, about a hundred miles inland from the mouth of the Peiho, is not built directly upon the river's bank but stands at a distance of several miles, and is connected with the river by a broad canal. Tien-tsin, on the Peiho, is the seaport of Pekin, from which it is about seventy miles distant. The entrance to the river is defended by the Takee forts. On the 20th of June, 1859, Mr. Bruce, with the French minister, arrived at the mouth of the Peiho, escorted by nineteen vessels of Admiral Hope's fleet. Three days before, the Chinese authorities had been notified of the approach of the plenipotentiaries, and Admiral Hope's messenger had found the forts defended and the river obstructed. The armed force at work upon the defences declared themselves to be militia, unin- structed in regard to the passage of the envoys, but willing to transmit messages to Tien-tsin and return answers. Upon the arrival of the envoys in person, it was found that a passage had not been cleared for them ; but rather that the defences had been strengtliened. An official sent down from Tien-tsin seemed disposed to make delays and the letter of which he was the bearer was not sufficiently respectful, it was thought, towards the great Powers whose representatives it ad- dressed. The English envoy believed that the occasion appre- hended by Lord Malmesbury had come, — that the Chinese were designing to interdict to the envoys the entrance into the coun- try ; and Mr. Bruce called upon Admiral Hope to open the way for him. On the 25th of June, the admiral attacked the barriers under fire from the forts. The Chinese gunners were more skilful than they had been believed to be. Four of the English 310 THE REIGN OF VICTORIA. [Chap. XI. gunboats were quickly disabled, and all got aground ; the ad- miral ordered an attack upon the forts ; it was beaten back, and a hundred and fifty men, out of the small attacking force, were killed or wounded. Admiral Hope was wounded himself, and so was also the French officer whose vessel had contributed its contingent to the storming-party. The situation of the allies was critical although they had had the good fortune to be sup- ported in their retreat by an American man-of-war, whose cap- tain could not endure the sight of Europeans destroyed by Chinese. The mission to Pekin was necessarily abandoned, and news of the diplomatic and military disaster of the pleni- potentiaries of France and England went home to Europe. The wrath and indignation of the English people was extreme. The Liberals had come into power ; Lord John Russell had succeeded Lord Malmesbury in the Foreign Office, and the instructions of the late minister were violently attacked and also the conduct of his envoy. Before the exchange of ratifi- cations the Europeans had not the right to ascend the Peiho, and nothing obliged Mr. Bruce to insist upon taking a route which was specially displeasing to Chinese pride. The Chinese had merely availed themselves of their natural defences, they had not employed perfidy, and the allies had not been the vic- tims of double-dealing. Admiral Hope knew in advance that the river was barred and that the forts were in a state of de- fence. However, the check received by England and France in attempting to enforce a point of international law, very doubtful though it was, could not be endured for a moment. The two diplomatists who had made the treaty of Tien-tsin, Lord Elgin and Baron Gros, were sent back to obtain in one way or another the ratification promised. Sir Hope Grant and General Montauban were placed in charge of the land forces. The naval armament was quite important; and in the spring of 1860, the allies again appeared off the Peiho. Chap. XI.] EASTERN DIFFICULTIES. 311 The Chinese were not disheartened ; they showed no signs of weakness, and made a courageous defence ; but this time the attack had been well-planned, the force was sufficient, and the most cordial harmony prevailed between the English and French commanders. The forts were taken, the entrances of the river forced, the European vessels went up as far as Tien-tsin, the troops occupied the city, and the plenipotentiaries at the head of their army advanced upon Pekin. Meantime one Chinese official after another vainly attempted to negotiate and retard the march of the victorious Europeans. Finally Lord Elgin consented to receive the Chinese commissioners at Tung-chow, a walled town, ten or twelve miles below Pekin. The secretaries of Lord Elgin and Baron Gros were sent to Tung-chow to make the necessary arrangements for an interview. Mr. Bowlby, the correspondent of the London Times, and a few English officers, were also of the party. In returning, the European party was obliged to pass through the lines of a large Chinese force en- camped upon the very ground which the Chinese commis- sioners themselves had designated for the use of the allies. A quarrel occurred between one of the French officers and some Tartar soldiers, and a general mellay ensued. Lord Elgin's secretaries and those of the French minister, with several more of the party, — in all, twenty-six Englishmen and twelve French- men, — were seized by the Chinese soldiers and dragged off to prison, with entire disregard of the fact that they bore a flag of truce, and that they were arranging a conference which had been begged for by the Chinese themselves. Thirteen English- men and several of the French officers died from the ill-treat- ment they had endured. Those who survived all bore traces of the cruelty they had suffered. Lord Elgin at once sent word to the commissioners that negotiations would not be pursued until the captives had been released ; meantime, he advanced rapidly upon Pekin. He was already before the city and about 312 THE REIGN OF VICTORIA. [Chap. XI. to force an entrance with his cannon, when Prince Kung, the emperor's brother and plenipotentiary, accepted the terms pro- posed, and it was only after entering the city that the envoys learned of the murder of the captives. Within the gates of the city of Pekin stood the Summer Palace of the Chinese emperor, an enormous enclosure filled with inde- pendent palaces, temples, and pagodas scattered through magnifi- cent pleasure-grounds, which were watered by artificial lakes and rivers, with ornamental bridges and terraces in the greatest vari- ety. Here had been accumulated for ages all the treasures and curiosities which Chinese art was able to produce at the period of its greatest perfection. The emperors had followed one another in this treasure-house of beautiful things, and each had added new embellishments to its magnificence. The French soldiery had already' entered and plundered this palace when Lord Elgin, on hearing of the murder of the European captives, resolved to give to all China a terrible proof of the power of the allies and of the vengeance which they would take for acts of treachery like that just committed. Baron Gros did not share in this determina- tion ; he did not, however, oppose it ; the pillage which he had allowed to the French soldiery effectually barred him from mak- ing any remonstrance. By order of Lord Elgin, the Summer Palace of the Emperors of China was given up to the flames, and absolutely destroyed ; there, the English prisoners had endured the most cruel outrages, there, a mass of ruins should testify to England's indignation. '^ This condition," wrote Lord Elgin, " requires no assent on the part of His Highness " (the Chinese plenipotentiary), " because it will be at once carried into effect by the commander-in-chief." Two days were scarcely enough to complete the destruction of the palace. The plunder was im- mense. General Montauban brought back to France a magnifi- cent collection of Chinese antiquities, acquired for the most part at this time ; but pillage was severely prohibited to the English GARDEN OF THE SUMMER PALACE, PEKIN. Chap. XI.] EASTERN DIFFICULTIES. 313 soldiers. When the desolation was completed, a monument was raised on the spot, on which was inscribed in Chinese characters : "Such are the rewards of perfidy and cruelty." The conduct of Lord Elgin was sharply attacked in England, and as vigorously defended. He himself acknowledged that the capture of the Englishmen was not an act of deliberate treach- ery on the part of the Chinese. " On the whole," he wrote, " I come to the conclusion that in the proceedings of the Chinese plenipotentiaries and commander-in-chief in this instance, there was that mixture of stupidity, want of straightforwardness, sus- picion, and bluster which characterizes so generally the conduct of affairs in this country ; but I cannot believe that after the experience which Sang-ko-lin-sin" (the Chinese general-in-chief) " has already had of our superiority in the field, either he or his civil colleagues could have intended to bring on a conflict, in which, as the event has proved, he was sure to be worsted. " The lesson which Lord Elgin had inflicted upon the Chinese em- pire was destined to protect in the future, in the extreme East, those messengers of peace whom all nations have agreed to hold sacred. Violence had presided over all the acts of this war, but in the one which crowned it, that violence brought with it its justification. The submission of China was complete ; the port of Tien-tsin was open to European commerce. Ratifications were exchanged, diplomatic relations formally re-established between China and the European Powers, and the emperor was obliged to pay a heavy war indemnity and also a large sum as compensation to the families of the murdered prisoners. Henceforth China was to have no hidden recesses, inaccessible to the inquisitive travel- ler ; the gates of the Middle Kingdom were to stand open, and ere long a tide of Chinese emigration was to set towards America and even Europe. With the walls of the Summer Palace crum- bled the barriers between Orient and Occident. 314 THE REIGN OF VICTORIA. [Chap. XI. It was not alone towards the extreme East that, in 1860, mili- tary and diplomatic solicitude was directed. In regions less re- mote than were the vast domains of the Chinese emperor, — upon the slopes of Lebanon, the hostility of races was awakened be- tween the Maronites and the Druses. A Maronite monk was found murdered, the Druses were suspected of the crime, and some of them were assassinated in turn. Anger was kindled on both sides. On the 28th of May, the Maronite villages in the neighborhood of Beyroot were attacked by the Druses, and also a large town, built near the base of Mount Hermon. The Turk- ish authorities in the town ordered the Maronites to lay down their arms, promising to protect them ; the Maronites obeyed, but were abandoned to their enemies, who made an indiscrimi- nate massacre. The Mussulman fury spread from point to point, and in July, Damascus was invaded b}^ a fanatical multi- tude, who destroyed the consulates of the European Powers and massacred more than two thousand Christians, in spite of the efforts of Abd-el-Kader, himself a resident of Damascus ever since his liberty had been restored by the Emperor Napoleon. The Turkish governor made no serious attempt to put a stop to the massacre. For a long time the Porte had felt a certain dis- trust of the Maronites, whom it regarded as disposed to shake off the Turkish yoke. The intervention of the great Powers in their favor (1840-41) had contributed to develop this idea. The population of Damascus in some way felt themselves authorized to murder the Christians and pillage their houses. In 1860, all the great Powers were interested in the re-estab- lishment of order in the Lebanon, for all had suffered outrage in the person of their representatives. France and England were intrusted with the duty of obtaining the reparation which the case demanded. France promised the necessary troops, and England sent out Lord Dufferin as commissioner to deal with the Turkish government. The Porte had become alarmed, and Chap. XI.] EASTERN DIFFICULTIES. 315 had shown great resolution in searching out and punishing the offending Druses. The Minister of Foreign Affairs, Fuad Pasha, was sent to tlie Lebanon, where he exercised without mercy the unlimited powers intrusted to him. The governor of Damascus and the commander of the Turkish troops were put to death, and about sixty persons with them, who were held to be more or less responsible for what had taken place. On every side were seen the results of their criminal indolence. "At Deir-el-Kamr," wrote Lord Dufferin, " almost every house was burnt, and the street crowded with dead bodies, some of them stripped and mutilated in every possible way. My road led through some of the streets, my horse could not even pass, for the bodies were literally piled up. Most of those I examined had many wounds, and in each case the right hand was either entirely or nearly cut off; the poor wretch, in default of weapons, having instinctively raised his arm to parry the blow aimed at him. I saw little children of not more than four years old stretched on the ground, and old men with gray beards." The intervention of the great Powers in the affairs of the Lebanon was efficacious in re-establishing peace in Syria. The conference decided that a Christian governor of the Lebanon should be appointed, in subjection to the sultan, it is true, but appointed neither upon the sultan's nomination nor at his desire. In 1861, the French troops evacuated Syria, after their pro- longed occupation had begun seriously to disquiet the English nation. The 26th of June, Lord Palmerston wrote to Sir Henry Bulwer, the British ambassador at Constantinople : " I am heartily glad we have got the French out of Syria, and a hard job it was to do so. The arrangement made for the future government of the Lebanon will, I dare saj^ work sufficiently well to prevent the French from having any pretext for return- ing thither." The sultan, Abdul-Medjid, had just died ; great hopes were 316 THE REIGN OF VICTORIA. [Chap. XI. conceived in respect to his successor. " If the accounts we have heard of the new sultan are true," Lord Palmerston wrote, '' we may hope that he will restore Turkey to her proper posi- tion among the Powers of Europe." Yet once more England had come to the aid of her "sick man," while openly acknowledging his feebleness. Turkey had scarcely been permitted to have any voice in the settlement of the Lebanon affair. The new conditions had been imposed upon her by a conference of the great Powers. She yet ex- isted, however, and her independence was recognized in theory, at least, if it was not in practice. Lord Wodehouse announced in Parliament the opinion of government that a new era was dawning upon Turkey. Her weakness and her vitality were destined for many a year yet to astonish Europe, and more than once to disturb its tranquillity. Chap. XIL] WESTERN TROUBLES. 317 CHAPTER XII. WESTERN TROUBLES. THE WAR IN THE UNITED STATES. EUROPE had watched with curiosity the war between Eng- land and China ; she had been interested in the burning of the Summer Palace ; she had been excited for a moment by the report of the massacre at Damascus, and had applauded, first, the generous interference of Abd-el-Kader in favor of the Christians, and afterwards the more efficacious intervention of the great Powers in the affairs of the Ottoman Empire, but she had never felt and she could not feel that interest in the shocks agitating the ancient East which was inspired in her by' the war which tore asunder a new country, rapidly grown to be one of the first in the world, and now threatened with being divided into two nations by the result of civil discords unexam- pled in their duration and bitterness. The whole world looked on in horror at the battles which ravaged America, and the diversity of opinions and impressions in Europe in respect to the two parties thus engaged across the Atlantic in a death- struggle, gave rise to the most complex passions. Nowhere were these sentiments more complicated than in England ; no- where did hidden motives act more manifestly in the form of eloquent arguments and public declamations. For months the dull rumblings of the coming earthquake had been audible to even the least attentive ears. John Brown, the enthusiastic apostle of abolition, had attempted for the last time an expedition for the purpose of liberating a few slaves ; he had been seized at Harper's Ferry, on the confines of Virginia and 318 THE REIGN OF VICTORIA. [Chap. XII. Maryland ; he had been brought to trial and suffered the penalty of death. He had died bi'avely, assured of the final success of his cause. " His gibbet," said Victor Hugo, " was to be the Calvary of the abolition of slavery." And the French poet was not in error. The cup of dissensions already full, overflowed by rea- son of this drop of legal iniquity ; the presidential election close at hand would manifestly strengthen the abolitionist party ; the southern states believed their existence menaced. The more inconsiderate and fiery of southern leaders demanded a separa- tion ; the wiser and more clear-sighted, while encouraging this project which served their designs, had broader and deeper views. They well understood that, in order to maintain its existence, a society founded upon slavery needed not only to be independent, but to be mistress of America. "In reality, the maintenance of the Union, even under the presidency of the most ardent abolitionist, would have been less dangerous for America than a separation, pure and simple, dividing the United States into two unequal parts : one of these sections would have had a population of eight million whites and four million blacks, supposing it to include all the slave states ; the other would have been composed of all the rest of the American Union, that is to say, of the entire mass of the free states, continuing to form, in the federal bond, a united nation from the Atlantic to the Pacific. From friendly or, at least, tolerant associates, they would at once have become formidable rivals and implacable enemies. Drawing from their vast population, from the fruitful principle of useful industry, and from their immense financial resources an irresistible force of colonization, they would have been at every point the victori- ous rivals of the southern states, hampered by slaver}^ divided into hostile castes, deprived of the resources which emigration supplies to a new continent. Within a few years, the free states would have completely surrounded the territory occupied Chap. XII.] WESTERN TROUBLES. 319 by slavery, and, barring its way to future aggrandizement, would have given it a death-stroke. The vast frontier of the free states would have been everywhere open to fugitives, from the moment that the shameful pact by which the United States agreed to return the fugitive negro had been destroyed with the Union in the name of which it was made. In spite of all artifical hindrances, a double contraband, on one side favoring the escape of the slave, would have brought, on the other, into the South an active abolitionist propaganda to work among an enslaved population whom the slightest gleam of liberty was sufficient to excite. This inevitable consequence of a sep- aration was long ago foreseen by the sagacious mind of M. de Tocqueville, who predicted the moment when sla- very would bring on in American affairs a terrible crisis, in the midst of which it would disappear. He therefore counselled the South to remain at all costs faithful to the Union, for, supported by the numerous population of the northern states, they could, he said, quietly abolish slavery, and at the same time preserve their social superiority ; whereas, if they should have the whites of the North for enemies, the latter could easily set free their slaves, without their aid and against their will." * The southern leaders were not willing to entertain the idea of abolishing slavery, which they regarded as a fundamental institution, indispensable to the existence, of society as they conceived it ; on the contrary they sought to strengthen and develop the sj^stem, and to this end they required the aid of the northern states. This aid they could obtain in two ways : either by reconstructing the Union to their advantage, or by dividing the North so that it should no longer form a com- pact nation at their side, and that among its fragments the slave * La guerre civile aux Etats- Unis, by the Comte de Paris. Vol. I. p. 196. 320 THE REIGN OF VICTORIA. [Chap. XII. power might find feeble states always ready to solicit the protection of the South. In order to lay the foundations of this new edifice which they hoped to construct upon the ruins of the Union, the southern leaders of the pro-slavery party took care to insist upon the original constitution prepared by the founders of the country, thus clothing themselves with the mantle of historic and traditional unity. Two important modifications, however, it was necessary for them to introduce, the first recognizing the right of secession, the second pro- claiming slavery as an indispensable element in civilized soci- et3^ In the name of these two new principles, inevitably destructive to the old Union, the South entered upon the struggle whence she hoped the triumph of her cause, and the definitive preponderance of her social theories. On the 4th of February, 1861, seven of the southern states, having solemnly withdrawn from the Union, sent delegates to a convention at Montgomery, Alabama, with the object of agree- ing upon a constitution. The Southern Confederacy was formed,* and Mr. Jefferson Davis of Mississippi being elected president, announced the determination of the South to maintain her independence by the sword, "if passion or lust of dominion should cloud the judgment or influence the ambition of the North." Two weeks later, Mr. Lincoln was inaugurated Presi- dent of the United States. He also had a declaration to make, less aggressive than that of Mr. Davis, but very serious, how- ever, notwithstanding its moderation. Mr. Lincoln announced that he had no intention of interfering with slaver}'- in the states where it already existed, that he had no right to do so, even if he had wished it ; but, on the other hand, that no state could by its own act, lawfully sever its connection with the Union, and that all resistance to the established authority of the United States * Consisting of South Carolina, Georgia, Florida, Alabama, Mississippi, Lou- isiana, and Texas. Chap. XII.] WESTERN TROUBLES. 821 must be conbiderecl insurrectionary or revolutionary. All that Mr. Lincoln claimed was merely the support of the status quo ; and this proclamation of the principles which were to actuate the conduct of the government, seemed of good augury to the friends of peace. A door even seemed to be opened to pacific negotiations on the subject of the dissolution of the Federal compact. This at least was a prevalent idea in England up to the time when the warlike impetuosity of South Carolina suddenly put an end to all hopes of peace. This state had been the first to proclaim the principle of secession. The inhabitants of Charleston, her capi- tal city, beheld daily just at the entrance of their harbor a little artificial island, upon which the heavy mass of Fort Sumter reared itself. Like all the forts in the land, this post was garri- soned by federal troops, and, in presence of the excitement pre- vailing in South Carolina, the general government had deemed it advisable to send thither additional troops. The vessel bring- ing reinforcements was fired upon, and on the 12th of April, the fort itself was bombarded. The little garrison could not oppose any prolonged resistance to the batteries on the shore ; it surren- dered, and the war was begun. On the 15th of April, President Lincoln issued a proclamation calling for seventj^-five thousand volunteers to protect the national capital and to suppress such combinations as had been made to resist the enforcement of the laws of the United States. At the same moment, the southern leaders were intriguing to ob- tain the control in the convention of Virginia, then in session, and at first indisposed to join in the rebellion. This attempt was successful; on the 17th of April, the State of Virginia seceded. Meanwhile, the Confederate government had organized and sent into the field a force of twenty thousand men. The city of Washington was at this time nearly defenceless, but the energy and ardor of the Northern States at once came to its aid. Sev- eral companies from Pennsylvania reached Washington on the 322 THE REIGN OF VICTORIA. [Chap. XII. ICth ; the Massachusetts Sixth, a regiment of volunteers, passing through Baltnnore, (where they were attacked by a mob) ar- rived in Washington a few days later ; and, being soon followed by others, the capital was speedily in a state of excellent de- fence. Immediately upon the fall of Fort Sumter, Mr. Davis issued a proclamation inviting applications for privateering service in which, under letters of marque and reprisal, private vessels might be fitted out to prey upon the commerce of the United States. On the 29th of April he wrote to the Confederate Con- gress that " it is proposed to organize and hold in readiness for instant action, in view of the present exigencies of the country, an army of one hundred thousand men." Between the 6th and 21st of May, three other states, Tennessee, Arkansas and North Carolina, solemnly separated from the Union and cast in their fortunes with the Confederacy. The war opened amid the greatest excitement on both sides: the two parties seemed to be of nearly equal strength. In England, from an instinct of a'ncient jealousy, of secret rancor, and of commercial rivalry, the general inclination was favorable to the southern cause, a cause morally difficult to defend, but wearing upon its exterior the air of a chivalrous impulse against the oppression and tyranny of the North. " The gentlemen of the South have risen against the northern shopkeepers," said the English newspapers ; and the people of Eiigland did not stop to inquire whether the southern gentlemen had risen in defence of their personal liberty, or merely in defence of their right to keep their fellow-creatures in slavery ; the English nation did not at all measure the sovereign importance of the struggle now beginning in the New World, upon the great question of free labor, or slave labor. The hour was come, in their judgment, when America was about to pay dearly for her separation from the English crown, her abandonment of the mother-country. Chap. XII.] THE WAR IN THE UNITED STATES. 323 Neutrality did not exist in the spirit of the English nation at the time when the English government officially proclaimed it. On the 8th of May, 1861, Lord John Russell announced in Parliament that, after consulting the law-officers of the crown, her Majesty's government were of opinion that the Southern Confederacy must be recognized as a belligerent power. On the 13th of May, neu- trality was proclaimed by England, and all English subjects were forbidden to enlist, either for sea or land, in the service of either party, to furnish munitions of war, to equip vessels for privateer- ing, to engage in transport-service, or in any manner to afford assistance either to Federals or Confederates. England thus pub- licly recognized the existence of the Southern Confederac3\ The promptness with which this recognition was made, rendered it still more offensive to the United States. Lord John Russell had not even waited the arrival of the American minister, then daily expected, who had been sent out expressly charged to ex- plain to the English government the condition of affairs beyond sea. On the other hand, it was urged that this recognition had been made in no spirit unfriendly towards America, but had been rendered imperatively necessary and urgent by a Union measure adopted upon the very outbreak of the war. This was the blockade of the ports of the seceded states, proclaimed by Mr. Lincoln on the 19th of April. The very fact of this procla- mation was a recognition by the United States of the Southern Confederacy as a belligerent power, inasmuch as a government cannot blockade its own ports. All that England had done was to accept the situation which the President of the United States had himself admitted. Later, and under the pressure of the growing excitement in England, the English Cabinet was to have great difficulty in supporting this blockade against those who claimed that it ought to be broken in the interests of European commerce. France was even more sympathetic than England in 324 THE REIGN OF VICTORIA. [Chap. XII. the cause of the seceded states, and the Emperor Napoleon III. would have very gladly persuaded England to join with him in recognizing the government of the Southern Confederation. But the attitude of the Radical party in the House of Commons, and the general sentiment of the working-classes in favor of the North, held back the Cabinet from this disastrous mistake. France, as well as England, was obliged to content itself with proclaiming its neutrality. The fortunes of war seemed at this moment to be on the side of the Confederacy. More accustomed than the "shopkeepers" of the North to the duties and fatigues of war, and animated by an ardor which rapidly recruited their ranks, the "gentlemen" of the South had not, however, begun by assuming the offensive. On the 21st of July, General Beauregard, on the plateau of Manassas near a little stream known as Bull Run, awaited the attack of the federal troops, under the command of General McDowell. This officer, who had been in part educated in France, was well informed in the art of war ; he knew perfectly that the forces under his command were but a crowd of men just taken from their fields, their workshops, their counting- rooms, and that he needed time to drill them, to discipline them, and to teach them how to employ their courage and their enthu- siasm. He saw himself compelled by the exigencies of the situa- tion and the insistance of government to engage at once in the struggle. General Beauregard's position was strong ; the result of the battle was doubtful until three o'clock in the afternoon, when reinforcements arrived for the Confederate troops. The Federal army was seized with panic, the defeat became a rout, and, disorganized and demoralized, the survivors retreated upon Washington. The alarm was extreme in the capital, which believed itself once more in danger, and the distress and anger of the North was unbounded. A corresponding triumph was felt through the South, their cause had received the consecra- Chap. XII.] THE WAR IN THE UNITED STATES. 325 tion of victory, and their popularity increased with their success. In France, and still more in England, a cry went up against the weakness and cowardice of "the Yankees." Everywhere, the victory of Bull Run was regarded as the assurance of the ulti- mate victory of the South. The men of the North had not lost courage ; and they had learned their lesson ; they perceived that their forces were not yet ready for battle; time must be spent in preparing them. The very prolongation of the war was in itself useful to the North, richer, more populous, and better able to sustain that long effort, without which all its courage and indomitable perse- verance would not be able to triumph over the heroic resolution of the Confederates. Congress was in session when the battle of Bull Run took place, and it promptly acceded to Mr. Lincoln's rep[uest for men and money. It even did more than he asked. Instead of four hundred million dollars and four hundred thousand men, there was placed at his disposal five hundred millions of money, and five hundred thousand men. The first Union army sent into the field, an inconsiderable and ill-prepared force, had been routed by the rebels ; in future, the federal government would see to it that its volunteers were well-trained, and the first care was to reorganize those forces which had suffered defeat at Bull Run. On the 25th of July, General McClellan was appointed to reconstruct and organize the army of the Potomac; he ac- quitted himself of this task with such ability that his soldiers and his operations became the foundation of the great manceu- vres of the succeeding campaign. For several months, during this period in which new armies were forming, the war remained in some degree suspended ; it was incessantly threatening and imminent, but did not break out in violent activity, for the southern leaders still retained their attitude of defence. Arms as well as armies were being made ready; an indescribable 326 THE REIGX OF VICTORIA. [Chap. XII. activity prevailed throughout the United States; everywhere the nation was astir in preparation for the great conflict, wisely accepting the early lesson of the inefficiency of improvised armies and raw levies of volunteers. The people of the north- ern states, true children of the Puritans, were resolved to en- dure all things, to put all things at stake, to suffer to the last extremity in this great conflict for supremacy between North and South, beneath which lay the supreme question of slavery, — that slavery once willingly tolerated by the statesmen of the Union as a condition of the federal pact, now sentenced to death by the universal judgment, and making one last and tremendous effort in the struggle of the southern planters, resolved to defend their hereditary possessions as well as the independence of their institutions. At first sight and from a theoretic point of view, the adherents to the Union had a right to expect and did in fact count upon the sympathy, if not the material support even, of Great Britain. Herself the first to enter on the path of the abolition of slavery, England had persuaded almost all the nations of Europe to follow in it ; she was accustomed to reproach her daughter, established beyond the sea, with having retained the blacks in slavery, so long tolerating this stain upon her free institutions. And now, when the United States of America were risking their ' very existence in the strife which was to destroy the system of slavery, the public voice in England accused the American aboli- tionists of hypocrisy, and the English government proclaimed its neutrality, while showing itself secretly favorable to the rebels. The indignation of the North against England was all the stronger because France alone, of all the European coun- tries, shared in this unfriendly attitude ; through sincere hatred of slavery, or through hatred of rebellion against constituted authorities, the majority of the European states proffered to the American government a sympathy which, if inefficient, was THE SAN JACINTO STOPPING THE TRENT. Chap. XII.] THE WAR IN THE UNITED STATES. 327 still very sincere. The difficulties which occurred between the United States and England borrowed from this condition of public feeling a bitterness not fully justified by the affairs themselves ; the temper of the public mind appeared even in diplomatic communications beneath the customary reserve and moderation of official language. The first cause of disagreement between the two countries was singularly aggravated by this condition of the public mind on both sides of the Atlantic. The Confederates, not content with the neutrality of England and France, were desirous to obtain the recognition of their independence, and with this end in view they hastened to establish their envoys at the two courts. Mr. Slidell was designated for France, and Mr. Mason for England ; escaping the federal cruisers, these two gentlemen made their way to Havana, and there embarked on the 7th of November on board the English, mail-steamer, the Trent. The United States sloop-of-war, the San Jacinto, was just at this time cruising in the neighborhood of the West Indies in search of the privateer Sumter, and Captain Wilkes, her com- mander, learning that the Confederate agents were on their way to England resolved to intercept them. For this end he posted himself in the Bahama Channel, and on the approach of the Trent hailed the English vessel, firing a shot across her bows to bring her to. An armed party then boarded the Trent, and after a search took off Mr. Mason and Mr. Slidell, against the protest of the English officers. The two emissaries were trans- ferred to the San Jacinto, and brought to New York, whence they were taken to Fort Warren, in Boston harbor. The protection of the English flag had thus been audaciously violated. It had been in past years the custom of England to claim a right of search in the case of neutral ships suspected of carrying contraband of war. The war of 1812 was caused by 328 THE REIGN OF VICTORIA. [Chap. XII. the attempt to exercise this right, and Mr. Lincoln and his Cabinet at once perceived the dangerous illegality of the act of Captain Wilkes. To all moderate and reasonable minds the question admitted of no doubt. The princes of the House of Orleans, who had come from England with the wish to serve this American cause, dear to their race, urged upon the Presi- dent and Secretary of State the necessity of reparation and release of the prisoners. On the 30th of November, Mr. Seward communicated to Mr. Adams, the American minister in London, a statement of the facts, with the assurance that Captain Wilkes had acted without instructions, and that the American government was prepared to discuss the matter amicably. Unfortunately the Secretary of the Navy had not been so prudent, and had officially congratu- lated Captain Wilkes upon his action, A vote of thanks had also been passed in the House of Representatives; public meetings were held to applaud his conduct, and an enthusiastic crowd fol- lowed his footsteps, and cheered him whenever he appeared in public. Captain Wilkes himself was astonished at the public approval, for his fir:^t instinct had been that it would be neces- sary to justify himself. The news of the insult to the British flag produced through- out England a legitimate indignation. The whole country felt itself injured by this violation of the right of asylum ; the entire nation shared in the feeling with which the passengers on board the Trent saw American marines occupying the vessel's deck ; neither laws nor precedents were brought up; a complete forget- fulness prevailed in respect to the aggressions of the British navy in the matter of the right of search at the beginning of the cen- tury, when Great Britain was the belligerent, and the United States the neutral. The enemies of the American republic, specially numerous in the upper classes, encouraged the public feeling by all means in their power. At their head was Lord Chap. XII.] THE WAR IN THE UNITED STATES. 329 Palmerston, the prime minister, who in spite of his politiciil sagacity had more than once allowed himself to be blinded by his prejudices. After a summary and partial investigation, the crown lawyers had declared that the seizure of the Confederate commissioners was illegal ; and the English government hastened to act as if war would at once be necessary. A great display of forces was ordered ; the exportation of arms and munitions of war was forbidden ; military preparations were hurried forward, and a considerable body of troops at once sent out to Canada. Pub- lic opinio-n insisted upon regarding these troops as sent out to co-operate with the South, and the latter, for their part, felt them- selves about to realize all their warmest hopes of English recog- nition and assistance. Meantime the two ministers. Lord Lyons, and Mr. Adams, were happily able to preserve their prudence and their equanim- ity ; and, the demands of England appearing evidently just, although her attitude was more menacing than the occasion required, President Lincoln and his Cabinet decided to yield to them. On the 26th of December, Mr. Seward addressed a note to Lord Lyons, in which he announced that the persons held in military custody at Fort Warren, would be " cheerfully liber- ated." He, however, reminded Lord Lyons of the former practice of England herself in regard to neutrals, and expressed his grati- fication that Great Britain had at last fully acceded to the Ameri- can doctrine, that " free ships make free goods." The libera- tion of the Confederate envoys produced but little feeling in America, and was received with indifference in England. It had become plain to both nations that Messrs. Slidell and Mason had been too much honored by having even for a moment rendered possible a war between England and the United States. The agitation caused by the Trent affair had scarcely subsided when other and more serious dissensions began to threaten the official good understanding between the two countries. At this 330 THE REIGN OF VICTORIA. [Chap. XII. time also, one of the wisest, as well as the most trusted of the queen's advisers, was taken away, an adviser whose last ex- pressed opinion on public affairs is believed to have been a recommendation of patient and moderate measures in the affair of the Trent. On the 8th of December, Prince Albert was reported to be slightly indisposed, confined to his room by a heavy cold. On the 11th it was announced that his illness, though without un- favorable symptoms, was likely to continue for some time. About midnight on the 14th, all London was surprised and disturbed by a very unusual sound, the tolling of the great bell of St. Paul's. The Prince Consort was dead. A few minutes before eleven he had expired, in the presence of his wife and three of his children. His last look had been for the queen, sole and tender object of his love, faithful thenceforward to his memory with a pathetic devotion rare in any station in life. But souls truly touched by love and grief are consoled by no grandeur. All England wept with their sovereign. It has been already said that Prince Albert had often to suffer from suspicion, that \ more than once he had seen melt away what degree of pop- V ularity had been slowly gained by him ; he had been accused af exercising an excessive influence in affairs of state contrary to constitutional principles, and habitually to the detriment of the Liberal cause. But amid all obstacles and under all shad- ows, the national esteem for him had on the whole gained strength ; the purity of his private life, his constant and mod- est devotion to the public welfare, the moderation and wisdom of his counsels, had by degrees conquered for the Prince Consort the place that he deserved in the public opinion of England. That which he held in the queen's heart had long been known to the nation ; consternation equalled regret. In the secret councils of her government the country, as well as the queen, Chap. XII.] THE WAR IN THE UNITED STATES. 331 had lost a safe and disinterested support, a modest and firm guidance, and the English people, as well as the queen, felt this. In the same measure that the happiness had been long and exceptional, did the sudden bereavement appear cruel. Vic- toria Regina was indeed " an unhappy queen," as she inscribed herself in presenting to M. Guizot a copy of Prince Albert's public addresses. Distrust had been followed by hostility in the relations be- tween England and the United States. The parade of English forces had offended the American republic ; the violation of the English flag had irritated British pride; public sentiment in Eng- land still remained divided, but the favor towards the South in- creased every day, it manifested itself loudly, and penetrated all parties, strengthened as it was by the success which had for the moment signalized the resumption of hostilities. The Liberals even went beyond the Tories in predicting the tri- umph of the Coufederac}'. It was a Liberal, Mr. Roebuck, who presented a motion in the House of Commons calling on government to recognize the Confederate States. It was Lord John Russell who attributed to the North, the thirst for em- pire, to the South, the thirst for independence. It was Mr. Gladstone who exclaimed that President Davis had made an army, had made a navy, still more, had made a nation. By their very existence as an opposition, the Conservatives were impelled to use more moderation in their language ; some, however, of the Liberals remained faithful to the principles of their life and of their former party ; the Duke of Argyll ar- dently supported the cause of abolition ; Sir George Lewis, Mr. Charles Villiers and Mr. Milner Gibson were favorable to the North ; Mr. Cobden and Mr. Bright recognized the justice of the war waged for the support of the Union. Even the suf- fering artisans of Lancashire, reduced to the most frightful dis- tress by the lack of the raw material accumulated in the ports 332 TPIE REIGN OF VICTORIA. [Chap. XII. of the Confederacy, resolutely opposed all measures tending towards breaking the blockade, considering the cotton famine a less evil than the continuance of slavery in America. With the great dumb mass of the working population, the cause of the North was almost everywhere preferred, while all the noise and glitter of public favor were on the side of the South. This public good-will manifested itself more than once by an indulgence on the part of the English government which amounted to a violation of neutrality. Mr. Gladstone was in error when he said that Mr. Jefferson Davis had made a navy ; he had merely ordered and paid for one. The vessels of war themselves had been built in English ship3^ards ; they were manned by English sailors ; they frequently sailed under the English flag, only running up the Confederate colors at the mo- ment of combat. Nearly all the privateers which attacked the merchant vessels of the United States during the war of seces- sion had been built in England, under divers pretexts. The English shipbuilders went even further, and constructed iron- clads for the service of the Confederate government, but the sailing of these vessels was, however, prohibited upon the reit- erated complaints of Mr. Adams. Against the fitting out of privateers, Lord Russell constantly refused to take any measures. Many of these had inflicted heavy damage upon American com- merce. The most conspicuous among these was the Alabama, commanded by Captain Semmes, who had formerly been in command of the Sumter. This vessel was destined to play an important part in the relations between England and the United States, and to bring about the decision of a capital point in international law. While the vessel was yet upon the stocks in the Messrs. Lairds' ship- yard, Mr. Adams notified the English government that she had been ordered by Mr. Davis for service under the Confederate government. Earl Russell requested proof of this. The United THE KEARSARGE AND THE ALABAMA. ADMIRAL FARRAGUT. Chap. XII.] THE WAR IN THE UNITED STATES. 33-3 States minister had provided himself with the legal opinion of an eminent English jurist to the effect that the permitted con- struction of this vessel was a flaOTant violation of the Foreio-n Enlistment Act; Lord Russell still hesitated, and in his turn asked legal advice, which not being promptly given, the Ala- bama was, meantime, completed ; she sailed out of the Mersey well equipped and well manned, and set forth upon her destruc- tive career, during which she captured nearly seventy Northern vessels. These captured vessels were, in general, set on fire. More than once the light of this conflagration at sea served to attract other ships to their destruction, the humane instinct of the sailor leading him to hasten to offer assistance, and so bring- ing him straight towards the Alabama, yet cruising near the burning wreck. Usually Captain Semmes kept away from the armed vessels of the United States. Once he engaged with a small block- ading vessel, the Hatteras, and sunk her in a few minutes ; a second encounter of this sort proved fatal to the privateer. Her antagonist was the ship-of-war Kearsarge ; the encounter took place off Cherbourg, and in an hour the Alabama was sunk. Captain Semmes being taken off by an English yacht, was carried to England, where for a short time he enjoyed immense popularity. For two years the Alabama had roved the seas, destroying American commerce, until finally ship-owners became unwilling to send out their vessels. She was now gone ; the waves swept above her shattered hull; but the damage she had inflicted upon American commerce and the claims of the American government for indemnification, kept her memory fresh in the minds of all. Lord Russell and Lord Palmerston entrenched themselves behind the doctrine of the rights of neutrals, and the fact that a few British subjects had been secretly enlisted for the Union service. The relative unimportance of this latter 834 THE REIGN OF VICTORIA. [Chap. XII. plea remained indisputable ; as did the indifference of the Eng- lish authorities in respect to the harm done by privateering, sometimes changing indeed into cordial sympathy towards these enterprises of the Confederacy. This controversy was destined to be protracted for many- years, and to be complicated with divers incidents. It was to pass from the hands of the Liberals into those of the Tories, more equitable judges of the question, and finally, under Mr. Gladstone's ministrj^ terminate by the arbitration of an inter- national tribunal in session at Geneva, whose decision, pro- nounced in 1872, was contrary to the claims of England. The indemnity which Great Britain was obliged to pay amounted to about three millions sterling, and even this was but a small part of the damage inflicted by the Alabama upon American commerce. The tribunal of arbitration consisted of five persons, to be respectively appointed by the Queen, the President of the United States, the King of Italy, the President of the Swiss Confederation, and the Emperor of Brazil. It was provided for by the Treaty of Washington (May 8, 1871). The im- portance of the decision reached was extreme. From the beginning the English plenipotentiaries who negotiated the Washington treaty openly acknowledged that the American claims should rightfully be regarded as national, in this re- spect taking a different ground from that on which in 1870, Lord Clarendon and Mr. Reverdy Johnson had negotiated a settlement which the United States refused to accept. The English commissioners expressed also " the regret felt by her IMajesty's government for the escape, under whatever circum- stances, of the Alabama and other vessels from British ports, and for the depredations committed by those vessels." The principles which were to preside over the arbitration were then sunnned up as follows : " A neutral government is bound, first. Chap. XII.] THE WAR IN THE UNITED STATES. 335 to use due diligence to prevent the fitting out, arming, or equip- ping witliin its jurisdiction of any vessel which it has reason- able ground to believe is intended to cruise or to carry on war against a Power with which it is at peace, and also to use like diligence to prevent the departure from its jurisdiction of any vessel intended to cruise or carry on war as above, such vessel having been specially adapted, in whole or in part, within such jurisdiction to warlike use ; secondly, not to permit or suffer either belligerent to make use of its ports or waters as the base of naval operations against the other, or for the purpose of the renewal or augmentation of military supplies or arms, or the recruitment of men ; thirdly, to exercise due diligence in its own ports and waters, and as to all persons within its jurisdic- tion, to prevent any violation of the foregoing obligations and duties." The English commissioners took the precaution to declare that these principles of international law were now for the first time established, but they agreed to decide the claims arising from the Alabama question in accordance with them, and also " to observe these rules between themselves in future, and to bring them to the knowledge of other maritime Powers, and to invite them to accede to them." The result of the Geneva arbitration was not well received in England, and Mr. Gladstone's influence was considerably impaired by it. It had, however, established an equitable prin- ciple, and definitively settled an important question of the recip- rocal duties of nations. The Trent affair had given a ratification to the decisions of the Paris Congress in respect to the flag of neutrals; the affair of the Alabama was the basis of an important negotiation ended by a treaty which did honor to all the con- tracting parties. The concessions made by England were just and proper; the United States on their side withdrew their "in- direct claims." In 1862, Mr. Adams prudently dropped the question of the Alabama ; when, after the triumph of the Union 336 THE REIGN OF VICTORIA. [Chap. XII. cause and the subsidence of public feeling in England, the sub- ject recurred, justice and moderation gained the victory over the excitement and exasperation of the earlier time. In 1862 and 1863, the public feeling was more excited than ever, and the efforts of the South were persistent to obtain a recognition of the Confederate government. The Emperor Na- poleon had for a long .time been favorable to this idea, which in his mind was connected with certain vague, ambitions proj- ects of his own. As early as 1861, he had engaged England and Spain in a diplomatic convention on the subject of Mex- ico. The state of anarchy which had for some years prevailed in that country had been the cause of various wrongs com- mitted against foreign subjects, a redress of which was now claimed b}" the European governments. The power was at this time in the hands of Benito Juarez, a man as violent and corrupt as his predecessors, but more energetic in out- ward appearance, and especially desirous of being on good terms with the established governments of Europe. In pur- suance of this design, he had pledged himself to the payment of certain indemnities, promising to make over for this pur- pose a part of the customs revenues. These indemnities, how- ever, had not been paid, and the Emperor Napoleon availed himself of this pretext to claim from Spain and England the fulfilment of the agreement into which they had entered. The protection of foreign subjects and their most pressing interests required, it was said, a military demonstration. The position of affairs in America gave reason to expect a final separation of the Northern and Southern States ; nothing was to be feared in the way of intervention ; the allied expe- dition, therefore, set sail. The English contingent was small. The projects of the Emperor Napoleon began already to excite suspicion. It was no longer a question of redressing the griev- ances of the foreign subjects resident in Mexico. But even here Chap. XII.] THE WAR IN THE UNITED STATES. 337 the claims of France proved too aggressive. The emperor had extended his protection to a M. Jecker, a banker of Swiss ori- gin, who claimed from the Mexican government an enormous sum, as payment of a debt which was in part fictitious. These unjust claims France supported with decision. The Emperor Napoleon was dazzled by the old traditions of Mexican treas- ures ; the men who surrounded him were greedy of gain ; finan- cial schemes were mingled with historic reminiscences and illusive theories of the dominant destiny of the Latin races. Napoleon resolved to found in Mexico a new empire which should be closely bound to him by all the claims of gratitude and the necessities of weakness. He offered the crown to Maximilian, brother of the Emperor of Austria, a brave, am- bitious, and imaginative man ; the ambition of the Archduchess Carlotta, daughter of Leopold I., King of the Belgians, took fire at the thought of imperial dominion; the archduke accepted, running blindly to his ruin. The demonstration against Mexico became a war of invasion, from which England and Spain at once withdrew, renouncing an alliance which had led them into an enterprise contrary as well to their views as to their interests. One French army corps after another was sent out to strengthen the invasion. Juarez was defeated, Pueblo taken, and the city of Mexico occupied, at immense cost of men and money ; the Emperor Maximilian was proclaimed in the capital of his new empire, while French soldiers surrounded the sovereign to protect him from his new subjects. The United States protested against the establishment of the Mexican monarchy, or rather against the French inter- vention which had founded it. Mexico had long been the object of their own desire, as was proved by the expedition of 1847. The Emperor Napoleon paid no heed to their pro- test ; he counted upon the triumph of the Confederacy and 338 THE REIGN OF VICTORIA. [Chap. XII. its good-will towards him in return for his constant sympathy. Meanwhile, however, affairs were changing their aspect in America. After their long and courageous efforts, after dis- asters so many times repeated that they had at last shaken the confidence of even the firmest partisans of the American Union, the soldiers of the North were at last gaining the advantage. General Meade had won the victory of Gettys- burg, (July, 1863) ; simultaneously the stronghold of Vicks- burg, on the Mississippi, had surrendered to General Grant. At that very time Mr. Roebuck's motion for the recognition of the Confederacy was before the House of Commons. But it did not come to a division. In the fashionable world of London the news of the Southern disasters was received for a time with incredulity ; but the evidence became overwhelm- ing, and the hopes lately so confident now faded gradually away. The decisive moment had passed, and though the war was bj'" no means at an end, the ultimate defeat of the Con- federates was no longer doubtful, every day bringing them new disasters. English opinion, however, still supported them with a sympathy colored by self-interest ; the English press kept alive the obstinate illusions of the public mind. As late as the 31st of December, 18G4, the Times complained that " Mr. Seward and other teachers or flatterers of the multitude still affect to anticipate the early restoration of the Union." On the 3d of April, 1865, the Confederate capital was occu- pied by the Union forces, and within two weeks from that time General Lee had surrendered, and President Davis was captured. The Confederacy was destroyed, the American Union re-estab- lished, and the emancipation of the blacks, a measure which had been forced by the exigencies of the war, was henceforth an established fact. And now, the United States, bleeding, exhausted, but victorious, and sure of the speedy return of their national prosperity, had leisure to look about them, and to un- Chap. XII.] MINOR WARS. 339 undertake the redressal of the wrongs they had suffered at the hands of foreign Powers ; and they commenced by signifying to the Cabinet of the Taileries that a longer occupation of Mex- ico by French troops could not be permitted. The Emperor Napoleon withdrew his army. Two months later the Mexican empire fell before the republican forces, Maximilian paid with his life for the brief and barren honor he had received, and, as a final stroke of misery in this sad incident, the Archduch- ess Carlotta, beloved daughter of the most sagacious prince in Europe, lost her reason at the news of her husband's death, and was brought home to the palace of her family, there to drag out a miserable and hopeless existence. The Mexican expedition had resulted fatally for Maximilian and his royal wife ; it had also the effect of deepening the abyss which already yawned beneath the feet of the French emperor. The frivolity, imprudence, and incapacity so long hid- den under a brilliant fortune began at last to be revealed. England became alarmed at the ambitious projects which she perceived forming in her neighborhood, her armaments were increased, and the distrust which she felb towards France grew stronger day by day. Lord Palmerston at last yielded to this national sentiment which he had resisted for so many years. More than any other English statesman he had contributed to render the Emperor of the French secure upon his throne : now, when age had abated his natural ardor without abating that dominant passion for the exclusive interests of England which gave him his strength, and had been almost always the cause of his errors, the octogenarian prime minister seconded, to the utmost of his ability, the efforts of the country in view of a possible invasion by the French. England was making ready the weapons wdiich she was not to be obliged to use, and Lord Palmerston looked on approvingly ; the country, he said, had now got rid of an apathetic blindness on the part of the 340 THE REIGN OF VICTORIA. [Chap. XH. governed and the governors, as to the defensive means of Eng- land compared with the offensive means acquired and acquir- ing by other Powers. While still expecting the final destruction of the American Union, England had not, however, remained an uninterested observer of the numerous incidents transpiring afar off iri the colonies, whither the bold subjects of Great Britain had gone to seek the space and the wealth which the narrow territory of their own island denies them. In 1862-3, these slight wars with barbarous tribes occupied attention, if they did not excite uneasiness, in England. In Australia, in Africa, and in Japan, English subjects were molested. The native population of New Zealand are a numerous, intel- ligent, and resolute race. A tribe of Maoris, living near Auck- land, had risen in insurrection, and the movement soon became general throughout the Maori nation. The encroachments of the colonists had long been a cause of irritation to the natives, themselves skilled in agriculture, and jealous of their posses- sions. They were also so well versed in the principles of attack and defence that, at the outset, they gave the English troops a somewhat serious repulse. They were, of course, defeated at last; and the legislature of New Zealand naturally justified the colonists. A vast amount of native lands were confiscated, and a dictatorial power over the native inhabitants was conferred upon the governor, Sir George Grey. The guarantee of a loan to cover the expenses of the war was hotly discussed in Parlia- ment, but finally passed. Mr. Roebuck set forth as a theory the practical fact, that wherever the savage and the white man met, the savage must disappear. The Maoris had not as yet accepted this necessity, but they were conquered and reduced to submission at England's expense. The King of the Ashantees was even less willing to be re- duced to obedience. Some of his slaves had fled into British Chap. XII.] MINOR WARS. 341 territory, and the governor of the Cape Coast Colony refused to give them back. The king raised troops, invaded the terri- tory of neighboring chiefs, and was drawing near the frontier of the English Colony. Upon this the English governor, antici- pating the probable invasion, sent a body of troops into Ashan- tee. It was during the pestilential heats of spring, and even the black troops from the West Indies could not endure the unhealthiness of the climate. The mortality was soon so great that it became necessary to withdraw the troops, leaving the king to express his triumph by practising horrible cruelties upon his subjects and his neighbors. Government obtained but the very smallest majority in the vote taken in the House of Com- mons, after a discussion of this expedition. In 1862, the kingdom of Japan was upon the eve of a revolu- tion destined to shake to its foundations the ancient order of its social life, to open its gates to Europeans, and to bring in the germs of a new civilization worth}^ of the most intelligent nation of the extreme East. The old restrictions were, however, still in force for the most part, and at the few points where they had given way, extreme bitterness of feeling guarded the ancient state of things. The English had establishments in Japan, and the right to move about freely within certain limits. A British subject, Mr. Richardson, was assassinated in September, 1862, within the territory open to Englishmen. The assassins be- longed to the household of Prince Satsuma, one of the most powerful among the great feudal lords who divided the author- ity of the kingdom with the established government. Repara- tion was demanded both from the government and from the prince personally. The government yielded to the demand of the English charge d'affaires. Colonel Meade, but Satsuma made no reply. On the 11th of August, 1863, Admiral Ku- per, naval commandant, entered the bay of Kagosima, Satsuma's capital, with his squadron, to obtain satisfaction. No steps were 342 THE REIGN OF VICTORIA. [Chap. XII. taken by the Japanese prince, and the admiral seized a few vessels ; upon this the forts protecting the town fired upon him. The admiral at once bombarded the city ; the buildings were mostly of wood, and, taking fire from the bombardment, ■were nearly all consumed. Satsuma then decided to pay the indemnity and promised justice upon the murderers. Severe attacks were made in England upon the admiral's conduct, but government had a majority in supporting him. The bombard- ment of Kagosima seemed to be the only resource of the English admiral ; time was given for the women and children to be with- drawn ; and the burning of the town was to be regarded as an accident. Amid these lesser warlike incidents, which were attracting the attention and exciting the interest of England, and amid the excitement caused by the desperate struggles of the American war, there occurred suddenly the explosion of another rebellion, which gained for itself the sympathies of almost all the world, without, however, presenting to any considerate mind, the slight- est prospect of success. In 1863, all Poland rose once again against Russian tyranny. As had been the case many years before in La Vendee, the rigors of an odious conscription gave the signal for the outbreak of an insurrection which had been long seething. The young men liable to conscription escaped to the woods and there formed armed bands. Profiting by the indulgence of Austria, which country has been always more favorable to Poland than were Russia and Prussia, her associates in the partition of that kingdom, the Polish insurgents from time to time crossed the frontier to escape from the Russian troops, returning again when they were in a position to resume their guerilla warfare. The effort of the Polish insurrection was merely to prolong the strife until the great Powers, for whose support they hoped, should at last decide to interfere. For a moment the Polish patriots might have believed their Chap. XII.] MINOR WARS. 343 cause successful with France and England. The excitement in France was extreme ; a sympathy for Poland had always been very strong in that country ; from every quarter partisans made themselves heard. M. de Montalembert pleaded the cause of this " nation in mourning, begging that its country be given Lack to it." Prince Napoleon in the Senate urged the duty of a prompt intervention ; Count Walewski pleaded the same cause in the intimate councils of the emperor. But the latter was unable to enter alone upon the struggle ; Mexico weighed yet upon France, a burdensome and expensive folly. England seemed upon the point of responding in her turn to the hopes of the Poles. Lord Russell addressed to Russia a note, in which France and Austria concurred, recommending to the Russian government a scheme of pacification for Poland, under the following heads : complete amnesty, a national repre- sentation, a national administration of Poles for Poland, liberty of conscience, official use of the Polish language, and the estab- lishment of a reGjular svstem of recruitino^. The friends of Poland, both on the Continent and in England, entertained the hope that in the very probable event of a peremptory refusal on the part of Russia to accept these recommendations, England, France and Austria would feel themselves obliged to take up arms in behalf of Poland. Bitter and oft -repeated illusion ! Lord Palmerston had made no difficulty at Lord Russell's manifestation in favor of Poland ; he was personally sympathetic with the Polish cause, and had no great liking for Russia, but he had now come to dread the Emperor Napoleon's ambition and to seek everywhere traces of the latter's machinations. The French misjht choose to oc- cupy the Rhenish provinces under pretext of holding Prussia in check; the occupation might be followed by annexing them; Lord Palmerston was determined to furnish no pretext for any invasion of this kind. Prince Gortschakoff's response to the 344 THE REIGN OF VICTORIA. [Chap. XII. English note was firm and positive. " The Emperor Alexander understood perfectly the responsibility he had incurred," said the Russian minister, " the Polish insurrection was the outbreak of a cosmopolitan revolution which menaced all the governments of Europe." The old Russian bitterness was discernible in all the words as well as in all the acts of repression and of oppression. Once more Poland fell into the hands of her tyrants, rendered implacable by the fear they had for a moment felt in respect to a European intervention — an intervention which was, in fact, impracticable, and of which it would have been far wiser never to hold out the hope. The Polish insurrection went out, there- fore, in the silence of death, of exile and of prison, while there arose in Europe a new question of peace or war, a new cause of discord, dissension, and oppression. For a long time the possession by Denmark of the duchies of Holstein, Lauenburg and Schleswig, had been to Germany the cause of an irritation largely theoretic, founded upon the deceitful principle of the unity of races and languages which has been the cause of so much injustice and has served as the pre- text of so many unscrupulous ambitions. As Duke of Holstein and Lauenburg, the King of Denmark had, of old, a seat in the Imperial Diet, and his rule over the duchies was much the same as had been that of the English kings over Hanover. The King of Denmark had not, however, that dominant sympathy for this portion of his states which the English sovereigns of the House of Hanover felt for their electorate. On the contrary, it was rather the royal desire to absorb these states into the monarchy, while it was the ambition of the Schleswig-Holstein provinces to enjoy a more independent existence, ruled, it is true, by the King of Denmark, but after the manner in which the kingdom of Hungary is ruled by the Emperor of Austria. In Germany, and in the depths of the soul of Count Bismarck — that grand schemer who had not as yet unveiled either the boldness of his views or the Chap. XII.] MINOR WARS. 345 fatal extent of his abilities — it was believed that the duchies would one day become, not merely German, but Prussian. Frederick VII., King of Denmark, died in November, 1863. He left no children, and the succession to the throne fell, as had been settled by the treaty of London in 1852, to Prince Christian of Schleswisf-Holstein-Sonderburcy-Gliicksburgj. The Prince of Holstein-Augustenburg, however, claimed the succession to the duchies, which right had been renounced by his father at the time of the European convention. The pretext was favorable for a separation of the duchies from the Danish monarchy. The sentiment of Germany was in accord with Count Bismarck's se- cret designs. Prussia championed the rights of the Duke of Augustenburg. The question came before the Germanic Diet, the King of Denmark refused to accept the conditions offered him, and was driven to the alternative of war. Austria and Prussia undertook the carr^'ing on of hostilities, and the little kingdom of Denmark found itself alone opposed to these two great mili- tary powers. The hopes of Denmark depended entirely upon England, who had many times advised them in the management of their affairs, and whose heir-apparent had very lately contracted marriage with the eldest daughter of the new King of Denmark. Repeatedly the counsels of the English ministry had availed to procure for the duchies an indulgent and equitable treatment, which they other- wise would not have received at the hands of the Danish govern- ment, while, in accepting the advice and sanction of England, the Danes had regarded themselves as sure of her protection. A few words by Lord Palmerston in the House of Commons, on the 23d of July, 1863, when the storm which was about to burst upon Denmark had begun to threaten in the horizon, had seemed to set the seal to the hopes entertained by Denmark : "We are convinced — I am convinced, at least — that if any vio- lent attempt were made to overthrow the rights, and interfere 846 THE REIGN OF VICTORIA. [Chap. XII. with the independence of Denmark, those who made the attempt would find in the result that it would not be Denmark alone with which they would have to contend." The hour of peril had now arrived ; the attempt was in process of execution ; the Austrian and Prussian armies had entered Schleswig and Hol- stein ; the Danes were fighting desperately against overwhelming odds, and England did not raise her hand in defence of them. In England public opinion was strongly in favor of Denmark, and the public indignation broke out everywhere, but the Eng- lish government would not enter alone into the struggle ; Eng- land had need of the French alliance, of the weight and influence of France in Europe. The same firmness of attitude, the same resolution with which the two allies entered upon the Crimean war, would in this case have very probably sufficed to arrest the im- pulse of German ambition ; the question would have become one of diplomacy rather than of war ; but the Emperor Napoleon had not recovered from his irritation at the coldness of England in the Polish question a few months before, and at the jealousy she had allowed to appear in respect to his possible designs upon the Rhenish provinces ; he therefore refused to join in the action of the English government, and the English government relin- quished all thought of intervention in behalf of Denmark. "The truth is," wrote Lord Palmerston to Lord Russell, " that to enter into a military conflict with all Germany on con- tinental ground would be a serious undertaking. If Sweden and Denmark were actually co-operating with us, our 20,000 men might do a great deal; but Austria and Prussia could bring 200,- 000 or 300,000 into the field, and would be joined by the smaller German states." England therefore contented herself with an isolated and necessarily inefficacious diplomatic action in the affair ; and in spite of their efforts and of the transports of joy with which their naval victory off Heligoland was received in England, the Danes were soon crushed. A suspension of arms was agreed Chap. XII.] MINOR WARS. 347 upon, and a conference of the great Powers was called together at London. The population of the duchies speedily became aware that their independence had never been at all considered in the case, and that they had merely passed from the hands of one mas- ter into those of another, who would probably be even less considerate of their rights. The delegates which the duchies sent to London were refused a seat in the conference. In the end, the Danes rejected all proposals for a settlement, and the war recommenced. Finally, however, it was with Prussia her- self that Denmark consented to negotiate. Europe had allowed a little nation to be crushed. One of the two conquerors was soon to receive the bitter wages of injustice. The successes of the principal oppressor had not yet reached their culminating point. England's pride, as well as her sense of right, was deeply wounded. 'Lord Malmesbury, in Lord Derby's absence, pro- posed a resolution censuring the Cabinet, and it was carried by a majority of nine. In the House of Commons Mr. Disraeli, on the 4th of July, 1864, offered a similar resolution. He called upon the House to express its regret that " while the course pur- sued by her Majesty's government has failed to maintain their avowed policy of upholding the integrity and independence of Denmark, it has lowered the just influence of this country in the capitals of Europe, and thereby diminished the securities for peace." The eloquent leader of the opposition attacked the weak- ness and inconsistency of the Cabinet with much skill. "Yes," he exclaimed, " France is equally responsible ; and how comes it then that the position of France in relation to Denmark is so free from embarrassment, and so dignified, that no word of blame is uttered anywhere in Europe against France for what she has done in regard to Denmark, while your position is one of infinite perplexity, — while you are everywhere accused and unable to 348 THE REIGN OF VICTORIA. [Chap. XII. defend yourselves ? How could this be but because of some fatal mistake, some terrible mismanagement? " Mr. Disraeli had not, however, correctly estimated the address and vigor of his adversary. Mr. Kinglake presented an amend- ment which gave the ministry an opportunity to evade the difficulty, and the opportunity was skilfully seized. Lord Palmerston closed the debate by a speech, in which, very soon dismissing the question of the Danish war and the hopes which he had raised only to disappoint, he brought before the House the entire policy of his administration, calling attention to the financial triumphs of Mr. Gladstone, and interposing the latter's name as a shield to ward off the blows which he had reason to dread from the extreme Liberals. The question was no longer one of foreign policy, of intervention or non-inter- vention, but of the existence of the Cabinet, of Lord Palmer- ston's power, still more of that of Mr. Glad;:tone. The Liberals rallied around the government, and Mr. Disraeli's motion was rejected by a majority of eighteen votes. For the last time the voice of Lord Palmerston had gained the victory in the House of Commons, where he had sat for near!}'' sixty years. Already he had been forced to call to his aid the name of another; another chief was coming foi'ward to seize the authority about to drop from his hands. The new elections were preparing;' many places were vacant in the parties as well as in society. The ranks were thinner of those names and acts that had made their country famous. Thej'' were destined to be thinned still more. Sir James Graham died in October, 1861; Mr. Sidney Herbert (late Lord Herbert of Lea), had preceded him by a few months. Sir George Lewis died in 1863; Lord Elgin, and his predeces- sors in the government of India, — Lord Dalhousie and Lord Can- ning, — were also dead. In 1864, the Duke of Newcastle died. Most of these statesmen were still comparatively young, " swept Chap. XII.] MINOR WARS. 349 awa}^" said Mr. Gladstone in a speech made at Glasgow, " in the full maturity of their faculties, and in the early stages of middle life — a body of men strong enough of themselves in all the gifts of wisdom and knowledge, of experience and of elo- quence, to have equipped a Cabinet for the service of the coun- try." In the month of February, 1865, died also Cardinal Wise- man, for many years actively occupied in the service of the Roman Catholic church in England, and caring but little for the popular clamor raised against him. A few weeks after this (April 2), Mr. Cobden expired, leaving to all, both friends and enemies, the conviction that the life just ended had been noble and pure, and that his death was indeed a public calamity. In the new Parliament about to assemble, new men were destined to fill the places left vacant by these their illustrious prede- cessors. Once more the prime minister had witnessed the assembling of a new Parliament. He had witnessed a Liberal victory, more decided and conspicuous than he himself would have wished. The democratic tendency of the times had always caused him alarm ; the Tories knew and felt that Lord Palmerston's author- ity was henceforth the only barrier against the advancing waves of reform. Meantime the minister was failing daily, the session of 1865 rarely saw him at his post, and when he did attend, he was evidently ill and weary. His physical as well as intellect- ual vigor had already lasted beyond the usual limits of human strength. To the last he bore the burden of pubHc affairs, but evidently now bent under it. The news of his severe illness reached London on the 17th of October, 1865 ; for some time he had suffered from the gout, the disease had now fastened upon the vital organs, and on the following day he was dead, close upon the completion of his eighty-first year. He fell on the field of battle where he had fought all his life. The policy of conservatism lost in England one of its firmest adherents. In 350 THE REIGN OF VICTORIA. [Chap. XII. foreigu affairs and European policy, age had abated his excessive and often injudicious ardor ; he had served his country with an intense and steady passion which sometimes blinded him in re- spect to the legitimacy of the measures he emploj^ed and the result toward which he was tending. Solely concerned with the present success of England and her interests of the moment, he had more than once contributed by his unscrupulousness to lower the moral level of diplomatic relations in Europe. Fortune had habitually served him ; his faults were in great part forgotten. England remembered the unbounded devotion he had always been ready to put at the service of that national sentiment which he obeyed without ever seeking to direct it. The regrets that he inspired were sincere, and the honors paid him were worthy of those regrets. A new era was beginning in the political destinies of England, and no man, whatever his party, could fail to be aware of the approaching changes. BOSTOH, ISTES iLAUBiA-T. Chap. XIII.] INSURRECTION IN JAMAICA. 351 CHAPTER XIII. INSURRECTION IN JAMAICA. CONTINENTAL CHANGES. AFFAIRS AT HOME. THE ABYSSINIAN WAR. THE Cabinet changes caused by Lord Palmerston's death were unimportant. Lord Russell became Prime Minister, and Lord Clarendon, Foreign Secretary. It was in the House of Commons that the revolution took place. Mr. Gladstone be- came the leader of the Liberal party ; the old Whigs as well as more recent recruits were still hesitating on the border of radi- calism ; Lord John Russell, raised to the peerage in July, 1861, had been thus withdrawn from all rivalry in the House of Com- mons with Mr. Gladstone, and henceforth the latter was to stand face to face with Mr. Disraeli, as his great opponent both in oratory and in statesmanship. All return towards the Conser- vatives was now cut off for Mr. Gladstone; the University of Oxford, so long faithful to him, had returned Mr. Gathorne Hard}^ at the last election, and Mr. Gladstone now represented South Lancashire. That which he soon after said, speaking of the Cabinet: " Tlie Rubicon is passed; the ships have been burned ; the bridges have been broken down," was yet more true of himself. Mr. Gladstone was destined henceforth to march at the head of the boldest reformers, without permitting himself to be deterred either by the memory of his past career, or by the astonished indignation of his former friends. Earl Russell had not yet relinquished, however, the leader- ship of his party upon the question which had been the guid- ing star of his life, amidst the almost regular alternations of the parliamentary tide which had so many times swept him into or 352 THE REIGN OF VICTORIA. [Chap. XIII. out of power. The Reform Bill of 1832 had been his first tii- umph ; he aspired to crown his parliamentary career by a new Reform, demanded, in his judgment, by the progress of libersd ideas, as well as by the development of popular prosperity and enlightenment. The moment, however, was not propitious for a measure of importance ; the House had just met, after the expenses and excitement of the general elections, and men were not disposed to undergo at once the shocks which a Reform Bill might involve. Lord Russell did not regard these sec- ondary considerations ; he counted upon the decisive action of all the supporters of Reform in Parliament and in the coun- try. He was occupied in the preparation of a bill when the news of insubordination in Jamaica, and of the measures taken to repress it, came suddenly, absorbing the attention of al], and turning away all thoughts from the theoretic question of an electoral law. In an English colon}', where the mother- country had of her own will broken the yoke of slavery, ne- gro insurrection had been suppressed with a severity at which all men stood appalled. To the first reports of the disturb- ances were soon added details of the vindictive pursuit which had followed the first legitimate and justifiable measures of repression. Letters of officers stationed in Jamaica depicted without reserve the rigid enforcement of martial law. " I vis- ited," wrote an officer to his superior, "several estates and villages. I burnt seven houses in all, but did not even see a rebel. On returning to Golden Grove in the evening, sixty- seven prisoners had been sent in bj^ the Maroons. I disposed of as many as possible, but was too tired to continue after dark. On the morning of the 2-4th, I started for Morant Bay, having first flogged four and hung six rebels. I beg to state that I did not meet a single man upon the road up to Keith Hall ; there were a few prisoners here, all of whom I flogged, and then proceeded to Johnstown and Beckford. At the latter Chap. XIII.] INSURRECTION IN JAMAICA. 353 place I burnt seven houses and one meeting-house ; in the for- mer four houses." Another writes: ''We made a raid with thirty men, flogging nine men and burning their negro houses. We held a court-martial on the prisoners, who amounted to about fifty or sixty. Several were flogged without court-mar- tial, from a simple examination. This is a picture of martial law. The soldiers enjoy it ; the inhabitants here dread it. If they run on their approach, they are shot for running away." A colored man named George William Gordon, a member of the Colonial Assembly, a Baptist, and a person of some influence with the negro population, had been accused of stir- ring up sedition. He surrendered himself to the governor at Kingston, and was placed on board a government vessel and carried to Morant Bay, where martial law had been proclaimed. He had a summary trial, was found guilty, and was immedi- ately hanged. There were no more rebels, but the punish- ments continued. The public voice was raised in indignation against the governor, and the colonial secretary sent out a Commission of Inquiry to investigate the matter. The abolition of slavery in Jamaica had left the colony in a condition both enfeebled and agitated. The troubles of 1839 recurred over and over again ; the colored population, naturally on bad terms with their former masters, could always depend upon the support of the officers of the crown, of the government and council ; the interests of the planters were rep- resented by the elective assembly. The bad condition of many estates left uncultivated after the cessation of slave labor, had caused a cession to the blacks of a considerable extent of territory, which they had been authorized to cultivate on con- dition of paying the arrears of quit-rent due to the crown. In one or more cases, however, the actual owner had en- deavored to repossess himself of his lands ; the negroes had resisted, and the case had been brought before a legal 354 THE REIGN OF VICTORIA. [Chap. XIII. tribunal. Meanwhile, a general anxiety prevailed among the planters, and a dread of one of those negro insurrections which more than once have terrified the colonies with their unspeak- able horrors. Military, precautions had been taken , and no sooner did the negroes, armed with sticks and knives, pre- sent themselves before the court house at Morant Bay, than the volunteer troops were there to receive them. The force, however, was not sufficient ; the court-house was set on fire, eighteen persons were killed and thirty wounded. Upon this, a general disturbance broke out through the neighborhood, which subsided at once upon the arrival of a small force of regulars, sent by the governor ; and the negroes who had been concerned in the outbreak fled in every direction. Such were the facts of the "insurrection," as established before the com- mission sent out from England. The chastisement inflicted was out of all proportion to the offence ; it could be explained only by the alarm with which the white population, always a very small minority, habitually regarded the subject of an insurrection of the negroes, who were in this case excited not only by the wrongs of which they complained in the matter of the land, but also by a lib- erty to which they were not yet fully accustomed. The Gov- ernor of Jamaica, Mr. Edward John Eyre, was a brave and intelligent man. He had been a successful explorer in Australia, and a resident magistrate there, also Lieutenant-Governor in New Zealand and the Leeward Islands, and everywhere had been esteemed an upright and kindly-tempered man. Yielding to the influence of the local terror. Governor Eyre had proclaimed martial law throughout the island, with the exception only of the city of Kingston. According to the report made by the commission, four hundred and thirty-nine persons were put to death, and more than six hundred suffered the cruel penalty of flogging, most of them, without any pro- Chap. XIII.] INSURRECTION IN JAMAICA. 355 cess of law whatever. A thousand houses were burned. The commission, in its report, declared that the punishments were excessive, and the repression cruel. Chief-Justice Cockburn declared that there was not a stone in the island of Jamaica which, if the rains of heaven had not washed off from it the stains of blood, might not have borne terrible witness to the manner in which martial law had been administered for the suppression of negro discontent. It is to England's honor that, in the distant administration of her numerous colonies, which it is impossible always to govern with strict legality, public sentiment and public indignation have always rectified abuses and effectually repressed that tyr- anny to which the possession of absolute power sometimes leads even the most moderate men. The tumult of indignation with which England received the report of Governor Eyre's severity, the prosecution at once instituted against him, the bitterness of Chief- Justice Cockburn's language in charging the grand-jury, were all guarantees against the possible recurrence of a similar iniquity. At the same time, Mr. Eyre's conduct was defended by some persons as hotly as it was attacked by others ; the ur- gency of the situation was pleaded, and, indeed, not unjustly, by way of palliation of the excesses of a government bewildered by the danger ; Governor Eyre was never brought to trial, but his official career was ended, and he retired into private life, overwhelmed by debts incurred in defending himself before the grand-juries, which debts were, however, finally paid by govern- ment. Public equity and humanity were satisfied; Jamaica henceforth was ruled by a new governor, and received a new constitution, but the traces of what she had suffered were not and could not be effaced ; countries which have long maintained slavery know that its imprint stamped for ages upon the soil and upon human souls, requires ages more before its traces can be finally obliterated. 356 THE REIGN OF VICTORIA. [Chap. XIIL While the deposed Governor of Jamaica was defending his conduct before his indignant countrymen, other disputes of a much wider importance were going on or being brought to a close in Europe. The despoilers of Denmark had quar- relled over their plunder, war had been declared between Austria and Prussia, and the battle of Sadowa fought and lost by Austria. Henceforth her power in Germany was forever weakened. The remnants of her Italian possessions were escap- ing from her ; Venetia had been abandoned to France by the conquerors, and France had given it up to Ital}'-. A new European state was developing with increasing rapidity; a threatening power was assuming vast proportions ; the Powers dominant in the past saw their authority and their strength diminishing ; they were bearing the penalty of their faults, and clear-sighted minds already perceived the grave consequences likely to ensue. M. Guizot thus judged of the victory of Prussia over Austria, and the preponderance Prussia had by this event suddenly gained in Germany: " Two great facts, one occurring in the eighteenth century, the other in our own times, have profoundly modified — I may say, have destroyed — the ancient organization of the German peoples. In the eighteenth century, by the political and military genius of Frederic II., Prussia, one of the states of the German Confederation, gained in territory and in internal strength, to the point of being able to dispute, and of disputing in fact, the preponderance in that confederation with Austria, who had for many centuries enjoyed it. The French Revolution and Na- poleon, by their ideas and their wars, put a stop, for the time, to this rivalry between the two great German powers, and, by turns, humiliated Prussia and Austria, the former even more than the latter. Reduced, both of them, to the last extremity, they then rallied together in the general rising of the German Chap. XIII.] CONTINENTAL CHANGES. 357 populations to shake off the yoke of Napoleon, and in the great struggle which brought about his fall. The German Confeder- ation rallied also at that time with many mutilations and a new organization, and again appeared the rivalry between Prussia and Austria, abated, however, and restrained by the prolonged effect of their late alliance, by the personal sentiments of their rulers, by their common fear of revolutions, and by the German dis- trust of all foreign influence, especially of that of France. Thirty- four years of European peace had exhausted in the German Confederation these causes of harmony, real or apparent, and had sowed the germs of new ambitions, more popular than royal. The revolution of 1848 developed these germs, and rekindled the rivalry of the two Powers. An apparently unimportant question, and one which the slightest European wisdom might have stifled or might have settled, — the question, namely, of constitutional rights in dispute between Denmark and Hol- stein, precipitated events. Allies for a moment, in order to perform together a joint act of superior power against the little nation of Denmark, Austria and Prussia soon entered upon a violent quarrel. At one blow the battle of Sadowa put an end to the struggle, and opened a question infinitely more important than that which had given cause for the movement. " It would be equally puerile to see in this great fact all that the victors at Sadowa or that systematic dreamers pretend to discern therein, or, on the other hand, to underestimate its im- portance The words and the ideas, ' German nationality,' and ' German unity,' played a vociferous part in this great event of 1866, but they did not constitute its real and serious character. It was a radical change accomplished by a German Power for its own profit, in the political condition of Germany and of Europe. There is no longer a German Con- federation ; there is no longer a struggle and balance of power between the great German States, and independence with 358 THE REIGN OF VICTORIA. [Chap. XIII. secured means of resistance for the secondary German States. The fact of Sadowa is a fact of aggrandizement and conquest, achieved by the military strength of Prussia, and by her influ- ence upon the intellectual life of Germany. It is the work of Frederic II. taken up and carried forward by his people, rather than by his successors upon the throne. It is a warlike, ambi- tious, and sagacious nation, which has unquestionably taken rank among the foremost Powers of Europe. " Without doubt there is cause here for the elder Powers to be most watchful and wary. This new German State creates for them all, and most of all for France, a new situation, full of obscure possibilities. This situation it would have been easy for them to prevent ; easily, by means of influence and diplomacy, might they have resolved the question between Germany and Denmark, on the subject of Schleswig and Holstein. Thus they would have stifled a war which has settled that trifling question only in raising other and much more serious ones. But foresight and decision were alike lacking at this crisis, to the great Powers of Europe. Through her German sympathies, Austria was betrayed into the enormous fault of uniting with Prussia to crush Denmark. Through hesitation or through mis- calculation in respect to the future, the French government not merely failed to take the initiative, which belonged to it in this affair, but refused the proposal of joint, and, if need should arise, decisive action, made by England. Russia, who seemed by geographical position, as well as by family ties, to be the natural protectress of Denmark, spoke only as a matter of form, will- ing at heart to witness divisions, uncertainties, and inertia among the Western Powers. Prussia alone acted judiciously and vigorously, pursuing a design clearly marked out and of admirable policy ; she had put herself at the head of the Danish event ; it was natural that she alone should profit by the Ger- man success and all that followed from it Since Chap. XIII.] CONTINENTAL CHANGES. 359 the fall of Napoleon, Europe had seen no war so rash as that made by Prussia and Austria in 1866, nor any success so prompt and decisive as the battle of Sadowa." * For more than twenty-five years, amid the diverse phases of the French revolution, the influence and the action of Eng- land had been dominant in Europe. From her island empire she had acted upon the destinies of the world by her policy, by her sacrifices, by her indomitable resolution, even at a time when her military forces were comparatively small and with difficulty recruited. Henceforth, at the close of a long peace, broken a few years before by the Crimean War and the Indian Mutiny, in presence of important changes in Europe and the new relative position of the Continental Powers, England resigned her share and control in the affairs of the Continent. She seemed to shut herself up in her narrow empire, extended only by commercial relations, and to abandon her interest in the world's history. Lord Palmerston had often pushed too far the tra- dition of English interference in European affairs. After his death, his country was silent in the councils of Europe. For more than ten years England had not a word to say in respect to foreign matters. Upon her own affairs, her do- mestic resources and home agitations, were concentrated all the efforts of English statesmen. "By degrees," wrote M. Guizot to Mr. Gladstone, in his letter of January, 1871, "England has ceased to consider foreign affairs as the main subjects of her policy; it is upon domestic questions, upon the condition and relations of the various parts of the British Empire, Ireland, India, the colonies, upon her own civil institutions and admin- istration, that her attention and her labor have been for the most part concentrated ; she has modified her parliamentary regime, her judicial, ecclesiastical, commercial, and colonial systems, her public instruction, her police ; and the government which was * La France et la Prusse devant l' Europe, par M. Guizot. 360 THE REIGN OF VICTORIA. [Chap. XIII. esteemed the most obstinately conservative has become the most active of reformers. "I am far from blaming this new direction of thought and of public administration among our neighbors ; I call in question neither the value nor the opportuneness of the reforms they have made. I am convinced that, taking everything into ac- count, England to-day is more equitably governed and is more prosperous than she has ever been. But she cannot, she should not forget that it is to her foreign policy during a period of forty years that she owes her wonderful gain in importance, and the world's unhesitating acknowledgment of her power. It is by reason of her energetic sympathy in the general affairs of Eu- rope, by reason of the share she has had in them, the part she has played in them, that the firmest partisans of order have been accustomed to consider her the type of strong govern- ments, and that the most faithful friends of liberty have been grateful to her for presenting at the same time the spectacle of a free people. In presence of new and grave European crises, England cannot to-day remain unconcerned and inactive with- out being accused of egoism and indolence, and without soon declining, morally and politically, in the opinion and considera- tion of the world." England remained and was to remain inactive, if not indiffer- ent, in the presence of the great events which took place and were to take place in Europe. In 1870 as in 1866, she was absorbed by the objects of her domestic policy, and too much occupied in mov- ing her pawns upon the parliamentary chess-board, to interfere in the great game then going on in Europe. In 1870, she was found- ing her system of public instruction; in 1866, she was again busy in parliamentary reform. It had been the general expecta- tion that Lord Russell would at once avail himself of his pre- dominance in the queen's councils to present a project of reform. The royal speech announced it, upon the opening of the new Chap. XIII.] AFFAIRS AT HOME. 361 session, but with a certain reserve which surprised the public mind. Information had been songlit for, it was said, in refer- ence to the right of voting in the election of members of Par- liament, and when the information should be complete " the attention of Parliament will be called to the result thus obtained with a view to such improvements in the laws which regulate the right of voting in the election of members of the House of Commons as may tend to strengthen our free institutions, and conduce to the public welfare." The Reform Bill presented in the House of Commons on the 12th of March had in fact that character of a compromise which the royal speech had foreshadowed. The county franchise was to be reduced from fifty pounds to fourteen, and the borough franchise from ten to seven. An additional clause extended the right of suffrage to certain classes outside these limits, but this was only a trifle. The redistribution of seats was to be the object of a second bill which Mr. Gladstone announced while skilfully and eloquently developing the ministerial project of reform. Disappointment was general among the ardent Liberals ; and the hostile and contemptuous indifference of the Conservatives soon extended to the moderate Whigs ; the reform measure was not popular with the public, and even less so in a House but just elected, and more eager to enjoy its electoral victory than to engage in a new struggle. The changes proposed appeared to all parties too insignificant to excite any enthusiasm or seri- ously to satisfy the public mind. In vain did Mr. Gladstone appear at public meetings during the Easter recess, and display the resources of his marvellous eloquence in the hope of en- kindling a general enthusiasm. In the House he was sustained by the most ardent reformers, but it was the ministry rather than the measure that Mr. Bright defended, and his contempt for the bill itself sometimes was manifest under his argument. 362 THE REIGN OF VICTORIA. [Chap. XIII. The Conservatives were not backward in the attack, but it was from among the Liberals themselves that came forth the most eager champion against the bill proposed by Lord Russell and Mr. Gladstone. Mr. Robert Lowe had twice been a member of Liberal administrations since quitting the practice of law in Australia ; he had always been a Liberal, and now he attacked the Reform Bill with a passion and an ability that he never again manifested upon any subject. For a moment Mr. Disraeli was thrown into the background by the zeal and eloquence of this new recruit. Mr. Bright compared the little party which had gathered about this unexpected champion of the Conservatives to the band of malcontents who collected in the cave of Adul- 1am under the leadership of David, and the name long clung to this new parliamentary group. Disorganization penetrated into the ranks of the Liberals. Mr. Gladstone foresaw the momentary check while predicting with confidence the final triumph of the cause which he sup- ported. "You cannot fight against the future," "he said. " Time is on our side. The great social forces which move on in their might and majesty, and which the tumult of our debates does not for a moment impede or disturb — those great social forces are against you ; they are marshalled on our side, and the banner which we now carry, though perhaps at this moment it may droop over our sinking heads, yet soon again will float in the eye of heaven, and it will be borne by the firm hands of the united people of three kingdoms, perhaps not to an easy, but to a certain and a not distant victory." This proud prophecy of the great Liberal leader betrayed the anticipation of a present defeat; and in this he was not de- ceived. Passing, by a very small majority, to its second reading, upon its third reading the bill was overwhelmed by amendments from all sides of the House. An amendment proposed by Lord Dunkellin, making the franchise in boroughs a little higher than Chap. XIII.] AFFAIRS AT HOME. 363 the government proposed, was finally passed by a majority of eleven. The ministry being thus defeated, resigned at once, and Lord Derby was invited to form a Cabinet. The burden was one to which the shoulders of the Tory leader were accustomed, having borne it many times before. But this time Lord Derby was reluctant to undertake the task ; he was now an old man, and in feeble health ; the parliamentary methods of the day were different from those which had ob- tained in his youth ; year by jea.v the faces with which he had been familiar were disappearing. The European situation was critical ; the domestic outlook was gloomy ; the cattle-pest ravaged the country ; a financial panic paralyzed business ; the failure of the great banking-house of Overend and Gurney had brought about innumerable disasters. Lord Russell at this time announced his intention to retire from the arena of politics, in which he had been so long an impetuous and disinterested champion ; and he nominated Mr. Gladstone as his successor in the leadership of the Liberal party. Lord Derby hoped, and not unreasonably, to recruit his party from the ranks of those whom Mr. Bright had named the Adullamites. He offered places to Mr. Lowe and his friends, but they all declared with one voice that, having overthrown the late ministry, they could not profit by its downfall without exposing to suspicion the purity of their motives, and Lord Derby was obliged to make up his Cabinet exclusively from the Conservatives. Mr. Dis- raeli naturally succeeded Mr. Gladstone ; Lord Stanley became Foreign Secretary ; Lord Cranbourne (afterwards Marquis of Salisbury), who, as Lord Robert Cecil, had been distinguished b}'- the uncompromising severity of his ideas, and by his political eloquence, had the care of Indian affairs ; Mr. Walpole accepted the office of Home Secretary. The country had remained indifferent to the project of Re- form proposed by the Liberals; the House had disdainfully 864 THE REIGN OF VICTORIA. [Chap. XIII. rejected it. No sooner had the power fallen into the hands of the Conservatives than the seeds of agitation sown broadcast during the discussion of the bill, germinated suddenly with a vigor and energy until then unknown. Everywhere leagues were formed, and Reform meetings held. The agitators in the capital had announced a monster meeting to be held in Hyde Park ; the authorities prohibited it, but the partisans of reform denied the right of the authorities so to do, and on the 23d of July, from all quarters of London, numerous processions with bands of music and banners marched towards the Park. The gates were locked, and a line of policemen stationed outside. The president of the League, Mr. Beales, a well-known lawyer, presented himself and demanded admittance. On being re- fused, he re-entered his carriage and drove to Trafalgar Square, followed by a considerable crowd. There a meeting was im- provised ; resolutions of thanks to the Reform leaders were passed, and an intention announced of pursuing the work of Reform. After this the meeting dispersed quietly ; the law had been scrupulously respected ; it was from the law that Mr. Beales and the wiser among his followers hoped the success of their cause. All of them were not of the same mind, however. The crowd which had gathered at the gates of Hyde Park was irritated and angry ; mingled with it were many turbulent men, at all times ready for scenes of disorder. The multitude were crowded against the rails, and by a sudden movement along the line, a general thrust was given, and the rails were thrown down. In an instant, the Park was invaded ; grass, shrubs, and flower-beds were trampled down by the crowd, intoxicated with its success, and violating at pleasure all the regulations for the maintenance of an ornamental pleasure-ground. A triumph of liberty was proclaimed ; occasional altercations with the police brought about small breaches of the peace ; but nothing serious VIEW IN HYDE PARK, LONDON. Chap. XIII.] AFFAIRS AT HOME. 365 occurred, and it was not found necessary to call out the sol- diery who were held in readiness near by. The crowd indeed cheered the soldiers, manifesting no ill-will or fear towards them. All through the next da}^ a throng of sight-seers visited the Park, to examine the scene of this popular victory. No serious disorder, however, occurred to aggravate the terror with which the peaceable citizens of London at first received the news of this invasion of forbidden ground. The chief importance of the Hyde Park riot was that it had a certain influence upon the Conservative Cabinet. The Reform party were conscious that it aided them, and redoubled their noisy efforts. In all the large towns meetings and speeches were multiplied; there were interminable processions and banners without number ; the organized trades-associations took more part in these demonstrations made to order than did the general public. That concealed power which had organized so many strikes was beginning to manifest itself in broad day and take part, for the first time, in a great political movement. The Conservative Ministry was placed in a position where it must itself propose Reform, or else yield to those who had lately failed in a similar attempt, and who had by their own lack of harmony been compelled to relinquish the authority, while they still retained a large share of effective power. The new session opened on the 5th of February, 1867. The royal speech bore the stamp of Mr. Disraeli's skill in the use of language. " Your attention," the queen said, " will again be called to the state of the representation of the people in Parlia- ment, and it is hoped that your deliberations, conducted in a spirit of moderation and mutual forbearance, may lead to the adoption of measures which, without unduly disturbing the bal- ance of political power, shall freely' extend the elective franchise." The ambiguity of the terms in which this wish was expressed left the government free; and on the 11th of February Mr. 866 THE REIGN OF VICTORIA. [Chap. XIII. Disraeli announced that it was his intention to present to the House, not a Bill of Reform prepared in advance, bat a consider- able number of resolutions, for the purpose of establishing certain principles on which the two parties could agree ; in this following the example set by Lord Russell at the time of the Indian Mu- tiny, when it became necessary to reconstruct the government of that distant land still trembling from the shock it had just endured. The two cases were not analogous ; upon the question of Elective Reform, political passions had been for a long time violently excited ; when the affairs of India came under dis- cussion, the sole desire of all parties was to promote the pub- lic good in a case of urgent necessity. The failure of Mr. Disraeli's plan was inevitable ; he abandoned it, and a few days later, presented a Reform Bill of a singularly incoherent and futile character. The bill was badly received by the House, and for the third time, the conduct formally announced by government was changed. Mr. Disraeli announced that in a few da.js he should present to the House a project of the most serious and thorough Reform. Two bills had been, it was said, pre- pared from the first. An effort had been made to satisfy the public demand at a cheaper rate ; this had failed, and Mr. Disraeli was ready for the alternative. Three members of the Cabinet resigned. General Peel, Lord Carnarvon, and Mr. Cran- bourne. " It is a leap in the dark," said Lord Cranbourne. He spoke truly ; the boldness of the Conservative Minister went far beyond that of all preceding Whig Cabinets. Lord Derby asserted that he could see no reason why a monopoly of Reform should be abandoned to the Liberals. From debate to debate, from one amendment to another, the bill went on, growing more and more democratic at ever}'' step. Mr. Disrael; had declared that the government would never introduce house- hold suffrage pure and simple. But when the last readings Chap. XIII.] AFFAIRS AT HOME. 367 and the last voting had made the bill a law, household suffrage, pure and simple, was made a right of the inhabitants of towns. This was more than Mr. Bright himself had asked. Mr. Gladstone began to fear that the excessive extension might in practice bring it down to that level of universal suffrage whose caprices and incredible surprises had more than once been exhibited in France. Mr. Bright and Mr. Gladstone were, however, powerless to restrain the ardor of the more advanced members of their party. A considerable group of Liberals refused to support Mr. Gladstone's amendment restricting the suffrage. Mr. John Stuart Mill proposed to extend the electoral right to women who possessed the legal qualifications of men. The Re- form League continued its noisy demonstrations, and a meeting was called for the 6th of May in Hyde Park. Mr. Walpole, the home secretary, issued a proclamation on May 1st, prohibiting this gathering and warning all persons not to attend it. The League took legal advice, and it was made clear that the law which gave the crown control over the parks, and the right to prosecute trespassers, did not give the right to anticipate tres- pass, and close the gates against a peaceable meeting. The pro- hibition was therefore removed ; the meeting took place without disorder and also without importance ; and Mr. Walpole, wearied by the difficulties of his office, resigned. On the 15th of August, 1867, the Reform Bill was passed. The work of the Reform League was thus achieved, and their agitations since that time have been superficial, and without serious influence upon the public opinion of the country. The measure was a radical one, and gave over the government of England to the masses of the people to a degree which had not been foreseen by the members of the Cabinet, who resisted at every new amendment and threatened to withdraw the bill. It enfranchised in boroughs all householders paying poor-rates, and all lodgers resident for one year and paying not less than ten 368 THE EEIGN OF VICTORIA. [Chap. XIII. pounds a year rent, and in counties all persons possessing prop- erty with an annual income of five pounds, and occupiers of lands or tenements, who paid twelve pounds yearly rent. Many small boroughs were disfranchised, the representation of others was reduced, and several new constituencies created. The great cities — Manchester, Liverpool, Birmingham, and Leeds — ob- tained each a third member. The University of London was to have a representative. For the purpose of securing a minority representation it was provided that in places returning three members, each elector should vote for only two. The choice of the minority might, however, be of the same party as his two colleagues, and owe his numerical inferiority only to some per- sonal unpopularity. Lord Cairns, who proposed the amendment, had not anticipated this possibility, and his project was only one concession more, added to all those which government had already consented to make. The electoral reform was com- pleted by the hands and in the name of the conservative party. With grave and keen irony, Mr. Lowe remarked, " All that remains to us to do now is, to educate our new masters." The reforms for Scotland and Ireland were postponed till the following year. The Scottish Reform Bill gave a borough fran- chise the same as that of England, and a county franchise nearly equivalent to the English. The Irish bill was extremelj"- unim- portant. The condition of Ireland, however, was now a matter of extreme solicitude. There had been for some time a secret anxiety felt by the English government on the subject of a conspiracy believed to be slowly maturing in Ireland, directed by distant hands and based upon that hatred of England which broods forever in the depths of the Irish heart. "If the majority of the people of Ireland," said Mr. Bright, "had their will and had the power, they would uumoor the island from its fastenings in the deep, and moor it at least two thousand miles to the west." Chap. XIII.] AFFAIRS AT HOME. 369 More than one English statesman endured the humiliation of this long and fruitless effort to unite two races, differing in manners, in religion, and in character. Shortly after, Mr. Glad- stone was destined to make a great and decisive effort, justifiable in right as well as in policy, yet not fully satisfactory to the Irish, while it shocked even his most faithful friends in Eng- land. In 1866, the government of which he was a member saw itself obliged to ask from Parliament the suspension of the Habeas Corpus Act in Ireland. On the 16th of Februar}'- the bill passed the two Houses, having received its three readings ; the royal authorization was not obtained from Osborne, whither the queen had lately gone, until after midnight. The bill became a law, and the Cabinet thus found itself endowed with an almost unlimited authority over the liberty of persons suspected of conspirac3\ A condition of treasonable intrigue had been for centuries the normal state of Ireland. She had endured long years of oppres- sion, and even the increase of liberty had not abolished the nation's private griefs ; plots had been, one after another, de- tected and defeated ; the leaders of Young Ireland had been imprisoned or banished ; then followed the Phcenix clubs recruited among the very peasantry, not even selecting its leaders from the higher or middle classes. The intrigues of these clubs were discovered ; some prosecutions followed, but the whole matter was of comparatively little importance. Far more serious was the Fenian movement, which took its rise among the Irish who had emigrated to the United States. In the new country where they had sought the means of exist- ence denied them at home, they had forgotten neither the traditions nor the griefs of their beloved land ; and it was the name of the ancient Irish militia that they now gave to the association founded by the Irish in New York. " Here we have the long arm of the lever," wrote one of the Irish con- 370 THE REIGN OF VICTORIA. [Chap. XIII. spirators of 1848, who had taken refuge in America, and had there acquired a wide influence. The kernel of the conspiracy was sheltered from English spies and from popular indiscretions. The Irish who had served in the American armies during the war of secession were numerous and well-trained ; they had learned to rely upon themselves, and they had formed close relations with their comrades in arms ; they hoped to profit by this in gaining the support of the Americans in their campaign against England. The state of parties in America added to the influence of the Irish there resident; Irish votes turned the scale at many an election ; the apparent sympathy of the people of the United States in the affairs of Ireland contributed to the agitation kept up by the Fenians in behalf of their native country. Also, the general irritation felt in America towards England at the close of the civil war lent its assistance to the Fenian hopes. As early as 1865, an address was issued by the Fenian leaders in America, to the effect that an Irish army was about to be raised in Ireland, recruited by Irish ofiScers from America ; and quite a number of bold adventurers landed one after another upon the Irish coast. Mr. James Stephens, the chief of the Fenian movement, did not hesitate to follow his subordinates, and was speedily arrested ; in a few days, however, he succeeded in making his escape. Meanwhile the association in the United States, deprived of its head, had broken into two parties, one clamorous for an expedition to Ireland, the other advocating an attack upon Canada. On the 31st of May, 1866, a band of Fenians crossed the river Niagara, seized Fort Erie, and repulsed the Canadian volunteers who had taken up arms against them. Other bands were already on the march to support this advanced guard, when the United States government interposed, forbidding the passage of the river, while the frontier was strictly guarded. Some of the adventurers paid for their temerity with their Chap. XIII.] AFFAIRS AT HOME. 371 lives, others escaped, and the enterprise ended in failure. Mr. Stephens meanwhile had returned to New York, and announced the intention of making an attack in Ireland. The recruits that crossed the sea to act under his orders were every day more and more numerous. Meanwhile the leader was in vain expected; in America it was believed that he had already returned to Ireland ; but neither on one shore of the Atlantic nor the other could he be found ; he had vanished, but the fate of the insur- rection was no longer in his hands. Too many lives, too many interests were concerned in the Fenian association, and agita- tion broke out everywhere. A plan had been formed among the English Fenians to march upon the city of Chester, capture the ancient castle, cut the telegraph wires, thence make for Holyhead, seize some vessels and cross over to Ireland. Gov- ernment received warning of this scheme, and the enterprise was never attempted. In March, 1867, a general insurrection was planned for Ireland. This time the weather contributed to the failure of the attempt. An unusual and heavy snow covered the hills and valleys, effacing all paths, betraying every foot- print. Some attacks were made on police-barracks at different points : at Cork, at Kerry, at Tipperary, at Limerick, at Louth ; all failed with but little bloodshed. The leaders were brought to trial, firm in their patriotic resolve. English sympathy at once awoke in their favor. 'A great meeting was held in St. James' Hall, London, to obtain the commutation of the capital penalty pronounced against one of the leaders, Colonel Burke. Mr. John Stuart Mill spoke ardently in the name of mercy; and the sentence of the condemned was, in fact, commuted. The rigor of justice was displayed, however, a few months later, when a prison-van, conveying two Fenians to jail, was attacked, at Manchester, by an armed band demanding the surrender of the prisoners. A policeman was killed in the performance of his duty, the two prisoners were rescued and 372 THE REIGN OF VICTORIA. [Chap. XIII. made their escape, but five of the liberators were captured, tried, and sentenced to death. Three of them underwent the penalty witli the habitual courage of the Irish conspirator. Of the other two, one, it Avas proved, had been arrested under a mistake, and the second in some way escaped as being an American citizen. Lord Derby, at that time prime minister, had absolutely refused to listen to extenuating circumstances in the case of the three who suffered the penalty of death, although public opinion in England was very strongly excited in their favor. A new F'enian attempt, however, shortly after, drove back the swelling wave of popular compassion. The three Manchester criminals, Allen, Larkin, and O'Brien, had been hanged on the 23d of November. On the 13th of December all London was startled and alarmed by the violent shock of a sudden detonation. In the hope of delivering the Fenians in prison at Clerkenwell, some of their friends had exploded a barrel of gunpowder under the wall of the prison. An enormous chasm was made in the wall; many small houses in the neighborhood were destroyed, a dozen persons were killed or mortally wounded, a hundred and twenty received injuries more or less severe. The prisoners whose deliverance had been thus attempted themselves escaped death only because the gov- ernor of the prison, warned by the authorities of the attempt that might be made, had confined them to their cells. The alarm and indignation were great throughout London. One man only was condemned and executed for the crime which had cost the lives of so many. Even this man was found guilty upon the evidence of an informer, and Mr. Bright spoke in the House of Commons in the prisoner's behalf. But though the verdict was confirmed, and the sentence executed, it did not seem to act as a warning to the crowd of known or unknown conspirators who successively tried their fortune in Ireland and England. The Fenian disturbances continued without signal Chap. XIII.] AFFAIRS AT HOME. 373 events, without great and general outbreaks, but always men- acing, and always in aim and origin exclusively Irish. If some- times it happened that one of the habitual agitators of the European democracy found himself by chance in their ranks, he made haste to get away. The Fenians pursued the idea of the deliverance of Ireland and of her vengeance upon Eng- land ; they concerned themselves with continental thrones no more than with the Red Republicans who strove to overthrow those thrones. The Fenians were not at this time the sole cause of anxiety and trouble to the English government. The misconduct and op- pression arising from those secret organizations known as trades- unions, were of late beginning to be very openly manifested. Workingmen who did not belong to the society which secretly ruled the workshops of their trade, or, if members, ventured to disobey orders, were conscious of being pursued, tracked, exposed to a thousand dangers in their work, and even in their homes and surrounded by their families. The first inquiries made by government failing to bring to light the truth, the ministry ordered, in 1869, a serious investigation, and the commissioners took evidence on oath in Sheffield, Manchester, and other great manufacturing centres. Everywhere the same state of things was found to exist. Almost everywhere a secretly organized tyranny pursued the workingmen whom it pretended to protect. The masters themselves suffered from the same tyranny when they ventured to discharge men who were members of the unions. The workmen had been sometimes pursued even to death by the vengeance of the secret societies. Employment of any kind was debarred them when they had incurred the displeasure of this mysterious power. The facts which were revealed and the light which was thrown upon the origin and continuance of strikes, awakened in serious and considerate minds doubts of the utility of the legislation, which, in making 374 THE REIGN OF VICTORIA. [Chap. XIII. trades-unions illegal, had forced the artisan into the dangerous paths of secret organizations. The question was made a matter of careful study, and was destined finally to result in new legis- lation on the subject, recognizing and regulating the rights of the workingman as well as those of the employer ; recognizing, also, the principle of association and establishing its legitimate limits, and authorizing the co-operative enterprises already in their early stages of development. In this way, the revelation of crimes committed by the secret societies of Sheffield and Man- chester, while exciting the horror and indignation of all England, was to bear fruits of wisdom and equity which the mysterious oppressors had never dreamed of. It is in this way that the daylight of publicity and the healthful air of freedom, existing together with order, bring a remedy and a cure to the maladies which have grown up in shadow. Strikes have not ceased entirely, but they have become less frequent and of shorter duration ; the tyranny of trades-unions has diminished and at some points disappeared, falling naturally under the hand of the law. The principle of combined action for the purpose of obtaining at the cheapest price the necessaries of life, has rapidly made its way through all classes of society and all associations. The poor flannel-weavers of Rochdale who established in 1844 a humble shop, where with great difficulty they gathered a stock of the most needful commodities, for the purpose of escaping the extor- tions of the tradesmen with whom they had before dealt, did not suspect that the day would come when the civil service would establish their great warehouses on the co-operative principle, nor dream that the influence of their humble enterprise was to make itself felt upon all the trade of Great Britain. Quietly and smoothly the work of Legislative Reform was going on at the same time in the most diverse directions. Early in 1868, an important change occurred in the Cabinet. Lord Chap. XIII.] AFFAIRS AT HOME. 375 Derby, suffering under the increasing infirmities of age and with a constitution much impaired by illness, had determined to withdraw from public life, and Mr. Disraeli succeeded him as prime minister. The hour of Mr. Disraeli's great political suc- cess was not yet come ; as a party leader he had been, in a sense, isolated in the House of Commons, never commanding the enthusiastic confidence of his adherents ; as prime minister he exercised an often disputed authority, yet one that increased daily, and was destined to reach much greater development. The last duty of the minister who had just resigned was to bring before Parliament a measure for the quasi-independent organization of the North American territories belonging to Great Britain. From this time, these provinces formed a confedera- tion, closely united among themselves, but destined to be more and more set free from the control of the mother-country. Al- ready the almost complete independence of Australia was begin- ning to dawn upon the political horizon. With wise foresight the home-government was gently breaking the bonds which might indeed retard the development of the colonies, but would bring neither strength nor profit to the mother-country. The children of old England remain proud of her name and of their common origin ; scattered abroad throughout the world, hence- forth their quarrels or difficulties are to bring no embarrassment to her. From colony to colony the same destiny awaits all the territories where the Anglo-Saxon race has established itself, founding its empire and slowly destroying the native populations by the sole force of its presence and its superiority. The East alone remains indefinitely bound to England ; the English do- minion in India cannot introduce liberty there. In the summer of 1867, nearly at the time when the Houses were accepting the new constitution of the Anglo-American provinces, the Sultan of Turkey, Abdul-Aziz, visited England, where he was eagerly followed by a crowd curious to behold him, 376 THE REIGN OF VICTORIA. [Chap. XIII. as it had beheld Kossuth, and later, Garibaldi, and, a few years after this, would follow and watch the Shah of Persia. The Turkish monarch in his turn looked about him with a somewhat unintelligent curiosity, surprised and pleased, however, to find himself welcomed by the popular good- will. He learned nothing of the great lesson of liberty, nor acquired new strength for his empire, in treading the soil of England. The " sick man," to hasten whose end the Emperor Nicholas had formerly labored, remained sick and feeble in spite of friends and enemies alike, destined to cause loug-protracted anxieties to Europe and vain hopes to his neighbors eager to seize upon his goods. The eyes of Abdul-Aziz were not clear-sighted enough to perceive the striking contrast between the policy of England, emancipating, one after another, her far-off colonies, and the weakness of the Sublime Porte, losing unwillingly province after province ; he was even less capable of comprehending the progress of good sense and justice presiding over the modifications introduced into the interior legislation of Great Britain. The prohibition of public executions ; the transfer of jurisdiction in the case of contested elections from the House of Commons itself to one of the judges of the superior courts at Westminster ; the practical relinquishment by the House of Lords of their ancient privilege of voting by proxy ; the concentration in the hands of govern- ment of all control over the telegraph system of England : these useful labors and reforms, salutary rather than brilliant, occupied the Houses during the sessions of 1867 and 1868, without excit- ing, very keenly, the interest of the nation at large. At this time much attention was directed towards the little force sent out to Abyssinia in search of certain English subjects, men and women, for some time held as prisoners in the hands of King Theodore. European curiosity has been from all time attracted by the wild tales of travellers who have visited that remote kingdom of Africa, over which have ruled a race of Chap. XIII.] THE ABYSSINIAN WAR. 377 Abyssinian princes from the time, it is asserted, of that Queen of Sheba who paid a visit to Solomon. Sir John Mandeville has related the history of Prester John, an Abyssinian king who was so charmed with a Christian church which he saw in Egypt, that he adopted the title of priest as an honorable distinction. The Travels in Abyssinia of Mr. James Bruce had revived this inter- est among the people of England. The captivity of Captain Cameron, British consul at Massowah, a Turkish island off the Abyssinian coast, and of certain other English subjects in the hands of King Theodore, excited the sympathy and offended the pride of Great Britain. The Abyssinian king was in reality a usurper. A former English consul at Massowah, Mr. Plowden, had supported him in putting down a rebellion, and had been killed in consequence. Captain Cameron, Mr. Plowden's suc- cessor, had taken no part in the domestic quarrels of the Abyssinians, being instructed by government to preserve entire neutrality. King Theodore resented this attitude of the consul, and even accused the latter of intriguing against him with Egypt. Captain Cameron, having imprudently ventured into Abyssinia, was seized, together with several other English per- sons, and thrown into prison, in Magdala, the Abyssinian capital. Several German missionaries with their wives, some of whom were Englishwomen, were among the captives in Magdala, and of these a few had been not less than four years in captivity. The assistant British resident at Aden, Mr. Rassam, who was sent by the English government to remonstrate with Theodore, was, in his turn, made prisoner b}'' the exasperated king, and sent with his companions to join Captain Cameron within the walls of Magdala. Upon this an ultimatum was despatched by Lord Stanley, requiring King Theodore to relinquish his captives within three months, on penalty of war. This ultimatum, it is believed, never reached the savage court of Magdala. About 378 THE REIGN OF VICTORIA. [Chap. XIII. tlie close of the year 1867, a military expedition set out from India, under the orders of Sir Robert Napier, commander-in- chief of the army of Bombay. The expedition in itself was an extremely difficult and perilous one, across wild regions without roads, exposed to all the rigors of a rude and variable climate, through mountain gorges and over heights ten thousand feet above the sea, for a distance of about four hundred miles. To add to the difficulties of the march no supplies could be ob- tained, and it was necessary to carry provisions for the entire march. Early in the month of April, 1868, Sir Robert Napier, with his little army, arrived at the foot of the rocky cliffs whereon stood the Abyssinian capital. The prisoners had tasted again and again all the bitterness of death before their liberators had been able to cross the deserts and mountains, and come to their relief. King Theodore fluctuated between paroxysms of rage and caprices of friendly intercourse with his prisoners ; he was at times boastful, but at last seemed to fall into increasing dejection. More than once the captives believed their last hour had come ; but, as if by an instinct of prudence, the barbaric sovereign still spared their lives, until at last the near approach of the English force was announced. The armed multitude of the Abyssinians flung themselves upon the invaders and were repulsed with heavy loss, while the little English army stood steadily under the shock. The attacks were renewed again and again. Finally, King Theodore sent down all the prisoners to Sir Robert Napier, but he himself still refused to surrender, and the English general ordered an assault. The fortress of Magdala was built upon a rocky height, the ascent to which was possible only by two narrow paths, each leading up to a strong gateway. Sir Robert Napier selected the northern side for his attack. The English soldiers made the ascent, forced the massive gates and rushed into the town. At Chap. XIII.] THE ABYSSINIAN WAR. 379 their first step inside the walls, they came upon the dead body of King Theodore. Unable to defend himself, he would not survive his defeat, and had fallen by his own hand. The fortress of Magdala was razed to the ground, and the town destroyed. " Nothing but blackened rock remains," wrote the conqueror. He had been unwilling to leave the place to become the almost inaccessible stronghold of a fierce Moham- medan tribe of the neighborhood, hostile to the Abyssinian Christians. The expedition had been conducted with a regularity and precision both in the plan and its execution that left no room for accident or for uneasiness. The task was accomplished ; King Theodore's widow had survived him but a few days, and their son, a boy of seven years, was taken charge of by Queen Victoria, and brought to England to be educated, where, how- ever, the climate soon proved fatal to him. The English general did not seek to interfere in the quarrels of the Abys- sinian chiefs who disputed for King Theodore's possessions among themselves. In less than a week after the taking of Magdala, the English troops were on their way to the coast. On the 21st of June, the first detachment of troops sent home from Abyssinia landed at Plymouth. Their victorious chief was made Baron Napier of Magdala, and the acclamations of all England saluted the success of his arms, skilfully and effectively employed toward a praiseworthy end, never for a moment overstepped, — a rare example of military precision and political good sense, doing honor to the leader and to the army who had wisely and bravely carried out the wise instruc- tions of their government. 380 THE REIGN OF VICTORIA. [Chap. XIV. CHAPTER XIY. MR. GLADSTONE'S ADMINISTRATION. THE Fenian Association openly formed in America for the service of Ireland and in her interests, the secret ramifi- cations of this society upon the Western Continent, and the outbreaks in Ireland and England which had already resulted from it, had excited the attention and the anxiety of many Englishmen, thus painfully made aware of the malady always secretly rife in Ireland. Mr. Gladstone had been more im- pressed by these signs of danger than had scnj other person ; and certain convictions which had long been forming in his mind suddenly came to maturity. Henceforth he felt that England had a duty to perform, that the complaints of Ireland, at one time uttered in low murmurs, at another, breaking into loud clamor, could no longer be disregarded, and that the evil had become so great as to demand an immediate remedy. The deep and indestructible antagonism between the two races did not, in his opinion, arise merely from their difference in religion, but from the fact that the Established Church, consisting of a very small minority, practised oppression towards the members of the Roman Catholic communion, who form the large majority of the population of Ireland. From this time, the project of establishing equality between the two churches which divide the sister kingdom became in Mr. Gladstone's mind a panacea for all the discords which had embittered and still saddened the union of Ireland and England. As courageous as he was posi- tive in his convictions, and always eager to bring a remedy En^f i}r GR.Hall. GLADS1H)NE Estes SclJauriat. Boston. Chap. XIV.] MR. GLADSTONE'S ADMINISTRATION. 381 where he perceived an evil, Mr. Gladstone determined to put an end to a state of things whose injustice was manifest to him, mitigated though it had been when the system of tithes was abolished in Ireland. On the 16th of March, 1868, at the close of a debate upon a series of resolutions offered by Mr. John Francis Maguire, an Irish member of Parliament, Mr. Gladstone distinctly announced his opinion that the time had come when the Irish Church as a state institution must cease to exist. All the reasons which have made the Established Church dear and precious in England as the mother of souls, the guardian of the faith, were so many arguments against her existence as a pre- dominating power in Ireland. The poet Moore has expressed this idea in one of his poetic allegories, where a profound mean- ing is veiled under the impassioned elegance of the language; the Irish peasant has a mistress whom he loves, whom he serves, to whom he will remain faithful even unto death ; what matter to him the splendors of the rival who would supplant her, the golden crown, the sumptuous palaces of the one he loves not? The Irishman has but one mistress, — one sovereign of souls, the only powerful and positive influence over an ignorant, passion- ate and excitable race. The Roman Catholic Church in Ireland, once persecuted and oppressed, now for many years free, and active and influential as ever, was about to be oflioially recog- nized by the English Parliament as a legitimate authority and one worthy of respect. Ireland had refused to abandon her hereditary faith, she had not become Protestant ; and the mis- sionary work that Protestant England had undertaken among the Irish population — a work sustained by all the efforts of a richly-endowed National Church — was henceforth to assume a different character. Protestants and Roman Catholics were henceforth to be placed upon the same footing, in a position of equality and independence ; the revenues of Ireland were no longer to be employed in supporting an establishment to which 882 THE REIGN OF VICTORIA. [Chap. XIV. she was hostile ; the religious interests of a small minority were no longer to be served at great expense, while the analogous needs of an overwhelming majority were totally neglected. Acquired rights were to be respected, all due consideration would be shown to the former order of things ; but inequality was to cease, and equity was to take the place of injustice. Such were the general outlines of the design which Mr. Glad- stone unfolded in three resolutions which he presented on the 30th of March, 1868. The issue already appeared clear and the fate of the Irish Church decided, when Lord Stanley pro- posed an amendment, reserving for a new Parliament the right to decide upon a new question of such great importance. This seemed, on the part of the Conservatives, to be merely asking for delay. The amendment, however, was rejected, , and Mr. Gladstone's first resolution was passed, some weeks later, after a discussion as brilliant as it was impassioned and violent. The defenders of an establishment in Ireland urged the danger of such a precedent, exposing to peril the English Church, so tenderly loved by so many hearts, the most solid pillar of the constitution as well as of social order. The partisans of Mr. Gladstone's resolutions maintained, on the other hand, that the Established Church in England was embarrassed and endangered b}^ the existence of a State Church in Ireland ; that she shared the reproaches and enmities justly falling upon the other ; that she would be free and more powerful than ever upon her own ground when she should be relieved from a burden which dragged her down. The success of Mr. Gladstone's measure was of a nature to bring about, and did in fact occasion, an appeal to the country. Parliament was dissolved on the 31st of July, and the general elections took place in the month of November. The great question was apparently on the subject of the disestablishment of the Irish Church ; in reality, however, the more important Chap. XIV.] MR. GLADSTONE'S ADMINISTRATION. 383 and underljang qnestion to be settled was that of the supremacy of one or the other of the two great parties dividing England, the Conservatives or the Radicals of all shades. In many places, the general expectation was disappointed, and the most unexpected variations in public opinion were manifested. Lan- cashire, once ardently devoted to the Liberals, returned to the Tories with a zeal that cost his seat to Mr. Gladstone himself ; but he had stood also for Greenwich, and was elected there. Lord Ilartington, Mr. Stuart Mill, Mr. Roebuck, Mr. Milner Gibson, were all unseated. The " workingmen's candidates " were everj^where rejected, whether they were simply persons appealing for the support of the new class of voters, or whether they appeared before the public as themselves members of that class. The purely democratic element found no favor, even among those to whom it owed its growth and power. The Lib- eral party made a great gain in the new Parliament. The Liberal side was represented by a class of men less advanced in their views and more moderate in their language than their predecessors had been. The majority secured to Mr. Glad- stone was, however, overwhelming, and Mr. Disraeli did not attempt to enter upon a conflict. Before the session opened the queen had accepted the resignation of her Cabinet, and had intrusted Mr. Gladstone with the formation of a new ministry. All the strength of the Liberal party rallied around their illus- trious chief, called into power just as he was entering his six- tieth year, ardent and vigorous in his conscientious enthusiasm as in the earliest days of his career, carried awaj^ sometimes beyond his own convictions by the rising tide of the opinions which served and supported him, and at times mastered him, unconsciously to himself. The task Mr. Gladstone now proposed to himself, and at once announced to the new Parliament, was one which had weighed, before his time, upon the most robust shoulders. It 384 THE REIGN OF VICTORIA. [Chap. XIV. was his intention to undertake to govern Ireland in accordance with the ideas and wishes of the Irish themselves ; the Irish Church, the question of the tenure of land, and that of univer- sity education, were in turn to be the objects of parliamentary consideration and discussion. Both Mr. Pitt and Sir Robert Peel had undertaken tasks analogous to this, more restricted, naturally, and less radical, as both these statesmen were limited by the spirit of their age, and by their own firm judgment. Neither had fully succeeded, yet both had certainly produced great ameliorations in the condition of Ireland. As might have been expected, the government formed by Mr. Gladstone was one of great strength. Lord Granville was Sec- retary for the Colonies, Lord Clarendon Foreign Secretary, the Duke of Argyll had the charge of India, Lord Hatherly was Lord Chancellor, and Mr. Bright entered the Cabinet as Presi- dent of the Board of Trade. Mr. Bright had not sought for office, and in a speech made at Birmingham he referred to his new position in terms which plainly indicated his views. " I should have preferred," he said, " to remain in the common rank of the simple citizenship in which heretofore I have lived. There is a charming story contained in a single verse of the Old Testament, which has often struck me as one of great beauty. Many of you will recollect that the prophet, in journeying to and fro, was very hospitably entertained by what is termed in the Bible a Shunammite woman. In return for the hospitality of his entertainment he wished to make some requital, and he called her and asked her what there was that he should do for her. ' Shall I speak for thee to the king or to the cap- tain of the host?' And it has always appeared to me a great answer that the Shunammite woman returned. She said, ' I dwell among my own people.' When the question was put to me whether I would step into the position in which I now find myself, the answer from my heart was the same — ' I wish to Chap. XIV.] MR. GLADSTONE'S ADMINISTRATION. 385 dwell among my own people.' " The independence of the Shu- nammite was to appear more than once in Mr. Eright's relations with his colleagues, as well as in his public language. The propositions of government for the disestablishment of the Irish Church were as radical in their scope as they were prompt in their effects. Mr. Gladstone's measure at once destroyed the position of the Irish Church as an establishment, and converted it into an independent Episcopal Church. The Irish bishops lost their seats in the House of Lords. A synodal body, entrusted with the government of the cliurch, was to be chosen from the laity and the clergy, and recognized by the State. The union was dissolved which had heretofore existed between the Churches of England and Ireland. The existing interests of the clergy of the Irish Church were to be suitably appraised and their hold- ers paid off or pensioned. The sums devoted to this purpose were very large; former endowments disappeared with the estab- lishment ; and, all claims being satisfied, there remained a consid- erable fund (about nine millions sterling) in the hands of government. This it was proposed to devote to the relief of "unavoidable calamity and suffering." The liberty left to gov- ernment in this matter, and the diversion to general philanthropic purposes of property left or given to the Irish Church, roused, with good reason, serious difficulties in enlightened and equitable minds. The principle was an arbitrary one, and the precedent dangerous. As formerly upon the question of Roman Catholic emancipa- tion, the bishops were divided in regard to the disestablishment of the Irish Church. The historian of Greece, Bishop Thirlwall, sustained, as he had always done, the liberal principle. The Bishop of Peterborough, Dr. Magee, combated the measure with eloquence and enthusiasm. For the last time was heard in the House of Lords the voice of Lord Derby, that voice which skilled judges of parliamentary eloquence were wont to rank 386 THE REIGN OF VICTORIA. [Cuap. XIV. with the most eloquent of the greatest oratorical periods of England. "I am," he said, " an old man ; I have already passed three-score years and ten ; my official life is entirely closed, my political life is nearly so, and in the course of nature, my natural life cannot now be long." He did, in fact, die before the Irish Church had ceased to exist. He had defended it with that pathetic accent vibrating from the edge of the tomb into the very depths of his listeners' hearts. On the 23d of October, 1868, Lord Derby died at Knowsley in Lancashire, the hered- itary residence of his illustrious race. He was a veritable English nobleman, occupying himself sincerely and naturally with the government of his country, as a man would with his own personal and domestic affairs ; he wielded power as a right which had cost him nothing, as a duty which he willingly accepted and conscientiously fulfilled. His son succeeded to his authority, in great measure, but not to the sweet and charming influence of his personal character. In spite of Lord Derby's efforts, and notwithstanding the ex- citement which prevailed in the House of Lords, Mr. Gladstone's measure passed to the third reading by a considerable majority. Numerous amendments had been attempted, but unsuccessfully. The Upper House yielded with regret before the violence of public opinion, which had free expression on both sides, but preponderated in favor of the measure among the mass of the nation, c.z it did in the House of Commons. The time fixed for the measure to take effect was in the month of January, 1871. As soon as Mr. Gladstone had decided the fate of the ecclesi- astical institutions of Ireland, he undertook the reconstruction of the relations existing from time immemorial between the Irish landed proprietors and their tenants. These relations were manifestly the result of the ancient conquest, embittered by long neglect on the part of the land-owners, and by the blending of idleness, improvidence and discouragement which often held in Chap. XIV.] MR. GLADSTONE'S ADMINISTRATION. 887 a state of extreme poverty the wretched cultivators of the soiL Great cities are rare in Ireland ; manufacturing establishments are but few ; hence it arises that the population, almost as a whole, live from the produce of the land in the precarious sit- uation of the farmer who is a tenant-at-will, liable at any time to be ejected without legal remedy or right to indemnity for improvements he may have made during his occupancy. Secret associations, acts of personal violence, the antagonism of the armed band, had been and still were the sole and guilty resource of the Irish peasantry against a tyranny which they sought to weaken by individual terrorism. In Ulster alone, where the Scottish Protestant emigrants had made their home, the customs which they had brought with them ameliorated the condition of things, although no difference existed in the laws regulating the relations of owner and tenant. In this favored country the tenants were in the position of farmers protected by a long lease. They were never dispos- sessed, so long as they continued to pay their rent. On giving up the land, they had a right to compensation for the improve- ments they had made. They even were allowed, with the authorization of the proprietor, to make over their rights to another. The condition of the farmers in Ulster was an object of envy to every intelligent and reasonable Irish peasant. Under the influence of this system, the industry of the farmers and the prosperity of the district had developed in equal measure. Mr. Gladstone cherished a hope of seeing the same progress inaugurated throughout Ireland. He adopted as the foundation of his new measures the principle of reciprocal rights between the land-owner and the tenants, as recognized in the county of Ulster. The Irish peasantry did not in all cases desire a change which would, at many points, raise the rent while it protected the rent-payer. The habits of foresight and systematic labor, hereditary among the descendants of the Scot- 388 THE REIGN OF VICTORIA. [Chap. XIV. tish Protestants, were rarely to be met in the other counties of Ireland. The great land-owners lived for the most part out of the country, strangers to the Irish life as they were in origin foreign to the Irish race, and spending in England or on the continent the meagre revenues which their agents wrung from the peasantry. These agents, on their part, were hostile to any modification in the state of things which would diminish their often despotic authority and reduce their personal gains. Too often the land-owners shared the views of their agents. More than one maintained, with Lord Palmerston, that "tenant- risfht is landlords' wrong:." Mr. Gladstone made no allowance for this conflict of interests and views existing in Ireland. He attacked the land question as resolutely as he had attacked the question of the Irish Church. The tenant-right of Ulster was made the law throughout Ireland, with this modification, that the owners were permitted to settle for themselves certain points in their relations to their tenants. This clause gave anxiety to the more zealous of the Irish reformers, and did, in fact, cause great suffering among the small farmers, ignorant of their rights or indifferent to them, and destitute of means, with whom the proprietors refused to deal upon the new bases. The bill, how- ever, was not seriously opposed by the Conservatives ; only a few votes were against it at the second reading. An amend- ment moved by Mr. Disraeli was defeated by a considerable majority ; and the House of Lords as well as the House of Com- mons adopted the measure after prolonged and serious discussion in committee, but without violence in the open debates. August 1, 1870, the bill received the royal assent and became law. The system of education alone remained to be discussed. The Irish Church had been dispossessed ; the tenant-right ques- tion had been re-adjusted, not without agitation, but without violent shock ; and Mr. Gladstone advanced triumphantly from one reform to another. He believed the time was come to Chap. XIV.] MR. GLADSTONE'S ADMINISTRATION. 389 undertake the subject of popular education in England, and that of national instruction in Ireland, an intellectual work, if ever such there were, and touching no material interest. There, however, lay the danger, the first step towards weakness and fall. Neither Mr. Gladstone nor the Liberals had any idea of this. Mr. Forster's bill, providing for public elementary instruc- tion in England and Wales, was presented February 17, 1870. It was not until three years later that the measure in respect to Irish University Education was brought before the House, and caused by its defeat the overthrow of the Liberal Administra- tion. Meantime public opinion was destined to undergo pro- found modifications, and public interest to be turned into other channels. While the English Parliament was yet discussing the Irish Land Bill, war, long threatening between Prussia and France, had broken out, — a war frivolous in its pretexts, inconsiderate and imprudent in its origin, and, from the first, disastrous to one of the belligerents. The Second Empire — imposed upon France by a coup d'etat as bold as it was unscrupulous, accepted through lassitude and love of repose — had long deceived France and all Europe by an outward show of proud strength and pros- perit}^ Suddenly, as by some unforeseen stage-trick, it fell before a foreign army, dragging down France in its own ruin, A third time the Bonaparte name and the principle of abso- lutism brought invasion upon France and unspeakable patriotic humiliation. The Emperor Napoleon III. was a prisoner in Ger- many, and the power which had risen upon the ruins of the empire, calling itself the Government of the National Defence, gathered around it all efforts, however hostile men's hearts might be to its origin and to a portion of the elements com- posing it. England's first sentiment had been, and justly, opposed to the imperial policy. War had been declared by France upon pre- 890 ' THE REIGN OF VICTORIA. [Chap. XIV. texts unworthy of a great nation and its sovereign. It had been entered upon with a levity and improvidence wliose bitter fruits the nation was soon obliged to gather. The success of Prussia in 1866 had already modified public opinion in England in respect to the worth of the Prussian army and the political skill of Prussian councils. Royal alliances had their weight in the popular balance as well as in the hearts of the rulers of the two nations. When, however, a series of disasters had scattered the French armies and all serious resistance was concentrated in Paris, besieged by the enemy, the eyes of all Europe were fixed upon this intellectual capital of the world, this centre of pleasure and of agreeable civilization, now the theatre of patriotic suffer- ings and of the patient courage of an immense population, ani- mated by the same spirit of indomitable resolution. And now all charitable effort and generous sympathy on the part of England were directed towards Paris and France, the noblest impulses act- uating the hearts of all, the English government alone remain- ing inert and apparently indifferent t3 the great struggle which was breaking down the balance of power in Europe. Inconsider- ate and inefficient, it seemed wholly occupied in guarding the English frontier, already sufficiently protected by nature against the evils which were desolating France. Eager to strengthen the treaty obligations which pledged the great Powers to main- tain the neutrality of Belgium, now believed to be menaced by the ambitious views of the Emperor Napoleon and by the schemes of Count Bismarck, — constrained also to yield to the demands of Prussia, who profited by the critical situation of Europe to modifj- the treaty of Paris and destroy the neu- trality of the Black Sea, Mr. Gladstone and the English govern- ment remained deaf to the most weighty and serious appeals of that large-minded and wise policy which had formerly estab- lished the English power in Europe. In January, 1871, M. M. GUIZOT. Chap. XIV.] MR. GLADSTONE'S ADMINISTRATION. 391 Guizot wrote to Mr. Gladstone, setting forth, in a letter after- wards made public, the interest that England had in European questions, the share that she ought to take in them, and the rQle that she was able to fill. " Without question, the events which have been taking place in Europe during the last few years, and the struggle between France and Prussia which has arisen out of them, are facts suf- ficiently grave and weighty to attract towards her foreign policy all the attention and all the energy of England. Is this equiva- lent to saying that she is necessarily called to take a part in the war and to unite her armies with those of the continent already eno-agfed in strife ? I am far from the thought ! It is not in carrying on war, it is, on the contrar}^ in bringing war to an end, that the mission of England to-day consists. She is not obliged, as formerl}^, to recruit armies, to form and main- tain coalitions, for the purpose of repelling and even of destroy- ing a hostile army and an aggressive and powerful sovereign. Of the two present belligerents, the one who declared war has fallen; he who now pushes war to an extreme has long been in the most friendly relations towards England; she decided in his favor at the beginning of the conflict, and she ought, therefore, to have the more influence .in persuading him to bring it to a close. The situation, the motives of action, the aim, — all is rad- ically different to-day from that which, sixty years ago, deter- mined the conduct of England. She has now infinitely less effort to make, less risks to run to attain an end infinitely less complicated, less contested, than that which she then sought, and yet one which will be, beyond doubt, no less salutary for Europe. It is in the interests of peace that England now ought to form a coalition of the great Powers who at this moment, Prussia alone excepted, have no other ambition than the restora- tion of peace. " But it may be said, that efficacious measures cannot be 392 THE REIGN OF VICTORIA. [Chap. XIV. employed by a government acting with sincerity to re-establish peace between belligerents when that government does not feel itself obliged to go so far as actual coercion, when, in a military sense, it desires to remain neutral? Have we then been so dom- inated, so subjugated by material force, either in the form of popular revolutions or of military despotism, that we have lost all confidence in the moral influences, in the authority of ideas of right, of justice, of humanity, when these influences, these ideas, have only pacific representatives? Can it be possible that these sublime ideas no longer have authority ? Is it fitting tliat a great people and a great government should recognize and declare that it can do nothing, when it does not stand ready to dispatch its fleets and its armies to the scene where it desires to exercise its power? It w^ould be a great retrogression for mankind, a great disgrace to our civilization, so proud of its progress. I do not admit this nullity of moral influences, and it is my profound conviction that he who learns how to employ them ojDportunely, with confidence, energy and perseverance, will find therein a power more efficacious than he perhaps him- self expected. " I will allow myself, my dear Mr. Gladstone, to bring to your notice on this subject an individual and contemporary example which I am able to cite with certainty, for it passed under my own observation, and I know well the man of whom I speak and the circumstances in which he was called to act. When, on the eve of our disasters. General Trochu was appointed Governor of Paris, he had for such a duty in such a position of affairs no material force, no organized means of action. He, however, suc- ceeded ; he drew Paris out of chaos and nothingness ; he made of her a living and powerful entitj^, devoted to the great work of national defence. How was General Trochu able to obtain a result like this? It was because he believed in moral forces; it was because, in the name of duty and right, of honor, and of Chap. XIV.] MR. GLADSTONE'S ADMINISTRATION. 393 the country, he made appeal daily, in every act and every word, to the population of Paris. They responded to his confidence, they regained confidence in themselves ; under this pure and brave inspiration, material strength was recovered, and Paris en- dured for four months the trials of a siege which, four months before, neither besiegers nor besieged would have deemed it pos- sible for her to support. " I cannot, I will not believe that Europe, Prussia included, will be more deaf to the voice of England, armed with moral influences, than was Paris to that of General Trochu. But it is not with timidity and hesitation, with a low voice and an air of doubt that the moral influences should and can be exerted. It is essential that those who interpret them should feel strongly and maintain boldly their worth and their authority. It is in the name of international equity, of justice, of humanity, in the name of the illegitimacy of the spirit of aggression and conquest that the present war should be censured and peace demanded. Eng- land has need to make use of this firm and noble language. Let her not deceive herself on this subject ; she is suspected of being always inclined to take undue advantage of her geographical se- curity, and to see with indifference the wars and sufferings of the continent, so long as she is not evidently and directly menaced by them. Egotism, an egotism overpassing the needs and rights of national self-interest, is the reproach habitually made against her policy, and her influence often suffers by it as much as does her moral honor. How often has it been said of late : 'Prussia may do what she pleases, England will not interpose.' But pre- cisely because of this general opinion, as soon as England shall act distinctly, her action will be efficacious, for, if she is believed egotistic, it is also believed that she is in earnest, and if her government take any action in the case, that action will not be insignificant in its results. *' Let not England fear, then, that unless she interposes with 394 THE REIGN OF VICTORIA. [Chap. XIV. material force in the present war, her action in behalf of peace would be in vain. After having firmly employed the moral influences and developed them to the utmost, if they prove insufficient to restrain the ambition of Prussia, England will still hold in her hands another measure of great weight; she will be able to declare that, if conditions irreconcilable with a real and lasting peace should be imposed upon France, the Eng- lish government will not recognize tlie changes of frontier aris- ing from such conditions, and will not give her consent to a European order thus rendered more than ever troubled and insecure. Who can doubt that an act like this would be a great obstacle in the way of Prussian ambition, and a great encouragement to French resistance ? In 1831, when the Bel- gian question engrossed the attention of Europe, if Austria and Prussia, without offering material resistance to the separation of Belgium and Holland, had refused to recognize the existence of the two kingdoms, is it credible that France and England, even tliough agreed, would not have experienced extreme diffi- culty in re-establishing a durable European peace and order? These are questions which cannot be truly settled without the consent of all Europe. England is in a position to declare, with- out effort and without danger to herself, that she will not regard the question now at issue between France and Prussia as de- cided, so long as the belligerents do not accept a solution which re-establishes and truly secures peace. I do not attempt to indi- cate here upon what precise terms such a peace is to-day possible between France and Prussia. Special questions, questions of the moment, exist therein which it would be unwise to enter upon in advance, since they can only be treated by the persons appointed to represent the contradictory interests of both sides, and fully informed in respect to the circumstances under stress of which the negotiations would be conducted. I desire only to call the attention of the friends of peace to the two great princi- CiiAP. XIV.] MR. GLADSTONE'S ADMINISTRATION". 395 pies which would be powerful, were they resolutely put in prac- tice, to second them in their pacific intentions, and to remove the most serious difficulties which weigh upon them. " History has already accepted the task of proving the effi- cienc}- of one of these ideas. When two powerful nations have long disputed the possession of a territory important by its geographical position, its population, its wealth, — when this country has been many times taken and re-taken by the belliger- ents, never definitively acquired by either, and continually com- promising the general peace, Europe has finally resolved to put an end to this situation by declaring the territory thus contested neutral, and placing its neutrality under the protection of the Great European Powers. It is thus that Switzerland and Bel- gium have become neutral states, no longer incessantly ravaged, no longer an apple of discord in European politics. This sal- utary principle of neutrality is susceptible of applications much more numerous and more varied than it has hitherto received. " When, in 1831, the neutrality of Belgium was established, guaranteed by the five great Powers, it was deterrnined to give a visible sign and a further pledge of this, by ordering the demo- lition of the principal fortresses constructed in Belgium against France. By the convention of December 16, 1831, the fortified towns, Menin, Ath, Mons, Philippeville and Marienbourg were accordingly dismantled, and all munitions and military stores withdrawn from them. Why should not two States establish between them, in a certain portion of the territory of each, a military neutrality, that is to say, the prohibition of all fortified places, arsenals and munitions, each at the same time preserving full and free political sway over the territory? Why should not, for example, the two banks of the Rhine cease to be, for France and Prussia, a perpetual menace and instrument of war, by each nation's relinquishing the right to cover a certain length and breadth of territory with fortresses and guns? Doubtless, in S96 THE REIGN OF VICTORIA. [Chap. XIV. order to have sucli an agreement equitable and efficient, it would be necessary to have it reciprocal, — Mayence and Landau must be dismantled as well as Strasburg and Metz ; and this would be the most certain token that France and Prussia were both sincerely desirous of a durable peace. And although by reason of our late reverses, this special neutrality of the banks of the Rhine would remain for some time incomplete and unequal, still, its adoption in principle, and the strength that it would receive from the guarantee of the other Powers, would not fail to have great weight. No one assumes to render war impossible ; what we can do is to make it more difficult, and, where it is unjust, to make its injustice more manifest; this is the maximum of human power and wisdom. " The second idea — I ought rather to say the second pacific force — to which I wish to call your attention, my dear Mr. Gladstone, is the idea of the European balance of power, and of the influence of congresses or conferences of the great Powers in defending or establishing this equilibrium. It is hard for reasonable and clear-sighted men to suppress a smile when they see with what disdain many people, even those of much intelligence, speak at the present day of the European balance of power, treating it as a vain chimera. Since when, then, has it been required that a princij^le should alwaj's keep its prom- ises, and a thing be done perfectl}'', before any merit be ac- knowledged or any good results recognized? Since when have good and evil ceased to be intimately blended in this world, and the good often defeated on some given day, while yet, on the whole and in the end, the good has triumphed over the evil? It is certain that during the last four hundred j^ears, that is to say, since the idea of a balance of power in Europe has entered into our history, European society, despite its errors and its crimes, its disturbances and its misfortunes, is by no means in a state of decadence ; it has been and is, upon the whole, much CiiAP. XIY.] MR. GLADSTONE'S ADMINISTRATION. 39T less a prey to violence and to chance, than it was during the previous centuries ; it is better regulated, more prosperous, more firm in, its advance towards justice for all, the well-being of all, towards that which we call, and rightly, general civiliza- tion. What has been the share in this progress of the principle of the European equilibrium, and the influence of European congresses gathered in its interest? I do not attempt to deter- mine the question ; I will only recall some historic facts, which may throw light upon it. "After our religious wars of the sixteenth century, it was the concert between France and England, between Henry IV. and Queen Elizabeth, — it was the great reign and the " Great Plan " of Henry IV. which saved Europe from falling under the gloomy tyranny of Philip II., which laid the foundations of religious liberty in France, and made the balance even between France and Austria. In the middle of the seventeenth century, it was the Congress of Westphalia which established in Ger- many the peace between Roman Catholics and Protestants, and crowned the success of Richelieu's labor for the security and grandeur of France. In 1712, the beginning of the eighteenth century, it was the renewed concert between France and Eng- land at the Conferences of Utrecht, that restored peace to Europe, repressing the ambition and pride of Louis XIV., with- out humiliating France. Lastly, in our own days, after our revolutionary shocks and the conquering despotism of Napoleon, it was the Congress of Vienna which restored to their places, so to speak, the principal members of the European body, and secured to the nations of Europe forty years of a repose which, notwithstanding its afflictive events, has not been without life and progress. Let it be admitted that all these Congresses, these reconstructions of the European equilibrium, have been full of omissions and of faults, that unworthy concessions and ignoble passions have had a large place in them ; I am as 398 THE EEIGN OF VICTORIA. [Chap. XIV. much aware of this as any man can be ; but I am equally con- vinced that the European equilibrium is and remains in prin- ciple a just, rational, and liberal idea, and that, upon the whole, its results have been extremely salutary in regard to the progress as well as to the peace of European society. " Undertake, my dear Mr. Gladstone, the cause of the Euro- pean equilibrium and of European peace ; defend it against the ambition and love of conquest now manifested. To do this has been in past ages the natural, historic, and illustrious role of England. For fifteen years you have had France for ah adversary in this great strife ; you will have her hencefor- ward — I ought indeed to say you have her now — for an ally. Modern France has passed through her fever of ambition and conquest. She has paid dear for it, and for her, destiny is yet severe ; the pain returns though the fever is gone, and the error seems to recur for a moment, only to prove that France will no more of it. There are still, I confess, in this quick-tempered and impetuous nation traces of its former inclinations and its former errors ; it still easily allows itself to be tempted by brilliant novelties, by military reputation and glory. And still, this is not its true bias nor its true aim ; it is the move- ment still agitating the surface of the ocean after a storm. What France to-day seriously desires is peace, and a free and fruitful scope for her own domestic activities. It is a land of assiduous labor, — agricultural, industrial, commercial, — of a civilization at once scientific and practical, animated and tran- quil. It eagerly desires to gather the fruits of the experiences through which it has passed, and of the institutions towards which, for three-quarters of a century, it has incessantly aspired without being really able to practise and preserve them. In this path England is its natural and most useful ally, and it is towards the English alliance, notwithstanding all memories of strife and rivalry, that the various governments which have Chap. XIV.] MR. GLADSTONE'S ADMINISTRATION. 399 had any claim to durability in France since 1815, have always turned. This was to be expected from the Restoration ; it owed much to you, and it remembered with dignity and inde- pendence its obligations. The government of 1880 owed you nothing; it made, nevertheless, the English alliance the habit- ual characteristic of its foreign policy ; and when, in the affair of Egypt and in that of Spain, it deviated from this line of conduct, France did not design to abandon it definitively, and made haste to return to it at the earliest moment. Even the Second Empire, notwithstanding many causes were contradic- tory and man}^ feeble attempts were made at diplomatic con- spiracies, also desired England as an ally. In almost all the great questions which have arisen, and the great events which have occurred, during this period, the two nations have walked together and acted in concert ; after having, in 1827, protected Greece against Turkey, in 1854 they protected Turkey against Russia, and their flags were united at Sebastopol as at Nav- anno. From 1830 to 1833, they united in establishing the kingdom of Belgium ; together they have maintained the inde- pendence of Switzerland and of Italy, and have assisted in the establishment of a constitutional monarchy in Spain and Por- tugal. " These facts have been by no means accidents, momentary im- pulses on the part of the different governments ; they have been the natural and necessary result of the true interest and the deepest instincts of the two nations. They are not obliged to require great sacrifices from each other, and they are able to do each other great services. You see it yourself: France, it is true, has become a lover of peace, but her pride and valor have not been lessened ; she manifests in defence the same ardor, the same heroic courage that she once showed in attack ; painful as is her position at this moment, she is not a troublesome ally nor one difficult to sustain. Let the two nations be well agreed ; 400 THE REIGN OF VICTORIA. [Chap. XIV. let them mutually feel the worth of their united strength, moral and material, and they will secure tranquillity to Europe and their own prosperity ; they will acquire glory of a new kind, which will cost contemporary generations neither blood nor tears, and they will leave to future generations a heritage good to receive, for it will not be laden with violent national hatreds and desires for vengeance." The effort was in vain. The English government did not understand the great work that M. Guizot pointed out to them, the great place that they might secure in Europe for their country. Vaguelj", confusedly, without great national ardor, England caught a glimpse of that which her government refused through weakness and a patriotic egotism as inconsiderate as it was selfish. The English government allowed France to be dismembered. English generosity exerted itself vainly to relieve the material wants which keenly excited national sympathy. The hour for efficient and powerful action went by. European preponderance had been once more within the grasp of Eng- land. Holding herself apart in her island she suffered it to escape her. Prudence is sometimes blind, and courage has its moments of unexpected timidity. Mr. Gladstone unhesitatingly shook to its foundations and modified the constitution of Great Britain. Venturesome even to rashness at home, he remained powerless and inactive in presence of extreme crises in European policy. He left France alone against Prussia, struggling and suffering with resolution and courage, amid the most frightful interior and exterior perils. Slowly rising from her disasters, painfully and with difiSculty defending herself from her domestic foes, France stands at last upon her feet, and still relies upon that recuperative power which God has bestowed upon her — a power she has so often manifested amid the most afflicting reverses. Labor upon great domestic reforms was not, meanwhile, Chap. XIV.] MR. GLADSTONE'S ADMINISTRATION. 401 slackened in England. For the first time, the English govern- ment entered upon the path of a serious attention to the neces- sity of public instruction. The Anglican Church, the dissent- ing sects, the landed proprietors, had labored long in this vast field; a great portion of it, however, still remauied neglected; notwithstanding the assistance of the State, two-thirds of the children in Great Britain were, it was said, absolutely without instruction. From this time, the State extended over them its powerful hand, and England adopted, in spite of herself and of all her former prejudices, the system that had for many years prevailed more or less widely among the nations of the Conti- nent. It was proposed to establish a system of School Boards in England and Wales, each Board being authorized to establish its own regulations, for the purpose of obliging all the children of the district between five and ten years of age to attend school. Government was reluctant to establish a system of compulsory education, and, on certain conditions, the schools already existing were recognized as institutions aided by the State, being submitted to the examination of an undenomina- tional inspector. A special clause, protecting liberty of con- science, was also to make part of their regulations. Where the povert}^ of the population manifestly required it, free schools were to be maintained. The principle adopted by Mr. Forster tended to admit at the outset to the number of schools aided b}^ the State those already established under the patronage of the Anglican Church, of dissenters, and of Roman Catholics. The religious instruction given in these schools was to be of a nature to give offence to no conscience. But Mr. Forster soon perceived that his pre- cautions had not been sufficient. The dissenting sects protested unanimously against religious instruction of any kind being given in schools receiving aid from the State. It was their wish that only secular instruction should be furnished by these 402 THE REIGN OF VICTORIA. [Chap. XIV, schools, leaving all religious training to home influences and to expressly religious teachers. This cause had the singular for- tune to be advocated by the most ardent religious believers, persons the strictest both in faith and practice, and, on the other hand, by free-thinkers, anxious to remove their children from all religious influences vi^hatever. A very large portion of the community, however, were opposed to these views, holding that no education was complete and useful unless religious teach- ing accompanied and guided it. The violent opposition of the dissenters more than once obliged the government to fall back for support upon the Con- servatives in order to secure the success of the measure ; this opposition weakened the ranks of the Liberals, and impaired Mr. Gladstone's authority with his own party ; but it did not succeed in banishing all religious instruction from the schools of a nation Christian both in principle and profession. The bill passed by a large majority in both Houses. The earlier School Boards were made up from the most eminent men of each district. Women were also eligible to this position and, in many cases, filled it. Popular instruction, in becoming a national institution, became a national care ; the principles on which the law rested were, in the main, sound, and the bases of education solid ; the germs of new progress were sown broadcast. The struggle did not, however, end ; the partisans of distinct religious instruction in schools, and the partisans of a purely secular education, still held their ground with ardor. The compromise which Mr. Gladstone's govern- ment had accepted was powerless to appease religious animos- ities and conscientious scruples ; yet once more, and on a point of importance, the great chief of the Liberal party had put bis hand to a work which he was not able to carry out to com- pletion. He continued his advance, however, bringing forward new ideas, shaking long-established prejudices and ancient institutions, sometimes rash in his undertakings and more con- Chap. XIV.] MR. GLADSTONE'S ADMINISTRATION. 403 siderate of the rights of the future than of those of the past, but always useful, efficient, and animated by a sincere and passionate zeal for the light, whatever might be his errors and his lack of foresight in moving toward his aim. In an affair of importance, public sentiment had reason to accuse the reforming minister of allowing himself to be carried away by his ardor beyond the legitimate limits of his authority. It was impossible that the army should escape Mr. Gladstone's reforms. The secretary of war, Mr. Cardwell, presented a plan for the general reconstruction of the regular army, the militia, the volunteers and the reserve, placing them for the future under the same discipline. A fundamental change was at the same time proposed in the method of officers' promotion, abolish- ing the sale of commissions among the officers themselves, and regulating promotion in accordance with personal merit. The established custom had come to be recognized in England as conducive to the high character of the service, since it effectually barred promotion to the lower classes of society. Prejudice and sincere conviction were leagued together against Mr. CardwelFs projected reforms, and he found himself obliged to sacrifice the larger portion of them, retaining only that which concerned the method of promotion. After a violent struggle the bill passed in the House of Commons, but the majority was small. In the House of Lords, the Duke of Richmond acting as spokesman of the Conservative party, proposed an amendment, declaring that the Upper House was unwilling to agree to the measure till a complete and comprehensive scheme of army reorganization should have been laid before it. The duke's amendment was adopted and the subject thus postponed to a future period. It was undoubtedly the right, as it had always been the practice of the House of Lords, to leave to public opinion the time to enlighten itself and free itself from passion in the matter of an important reform proposed by bold innovators. The delay which 404 THE REIGN OF VICTORIA. [Chap. XIV. would have been imposed upon the measure was not long ; but the determination to carry his point and the passion for reform had seized upon the mind of the premier ; he had recourse to an expedient, at once ingenious and rash. The sale of grades in the array had been regulated by the crown, a minimum price being fixed, which was always far exceeded by the real price in the actual transaction. The same power which had authorized was competent to interdict ; Mr. Gladstone announced that he had advised her Majesty to cancel all regulations made by herself or any of her predecessors authorizing the purchase or sale of com- missions in the army. A roj-al warrant was issued to this effect, to go into force on the 1st of November, 1871. The question was thus suddenly and definitively decided b}'- an act of royal authority, technically and strictly legitimate, it is true, but con- trary to the habitual practice as to the fundamental principles of a free government. The opposition gained a new weapon against Mr. Gladstone ; and among serious and sincerely liberal men, even of his own party, the prime minister was severely judged ; a slow change began to work in the state of public opinion, and the local elections began to be favorable to the Conservative party. The ballot question had for years agitated the House of Com- mons. It was asserted that the political influence of the upper classes, an influence legitimate and useful to the country, would be completely undermined by the proposed plan of secret, instead of public voting as heretofore ; on the other hand, it was urged that corruption and intimidation, as well as the disgraceful scenes of violence common at elections, would be rendered impossible under the new plan. The new elements introduced into the electoral system by the Reform Bill had not yet had time clearly to manifest their scope and tendencies, and already there was exhibited an eagerness to proceed further along this dark and unexplored path. Chap. XIV.] MR. GLADSTONE'S ADMINISTRATION. 405 The secret ballot was a fatal blow to natural influences, and the Conservative party oi^posed it resolutely. Among the Lib- erals themselves objections to it were numerous and serious. The discussion was prolonged intentionally, and the final dis- posal of the question was left over till the following year. When at last Mr. Gladstone's persistency carried it, over the secret reluctance of many of the Liberal party and the declared opposition of the Conservatives, the measure was accepted only as an experiment, and its action limited to a period of eight years, that is, the close of the year 1880, a satisfaction easily granted to regrets and scruples, but of little consequence in itself, and involving no serious results. It was one step more in that rapid march which is hurrjung even England herself towards the reign of a pure democracy. A superficial and momentary excitement seemed at that time to precipitate the coming of this transformation in the social condition and in the public opinion of England. As usual, the action of France was making itself felt; a republic had been established upon the ruins of the empire as the sole form of government which could rally around it the forces of the diverse parties, all interested in the restoration of the sick and enfeebled country. Entrusted once more to skilful and wise hands, the new regime seemed indeed to bring forth fruits of pacification and prosperity. The criminal attempts of the Commune had been suppressed ; labor and economy were resuming their sway. The English Radicals ascribed the honor of these renewed elements of prosperity to the republican form of government. For the first time since the Restoration, monarchy, as an institution, was attacked in an indirect manner in the Parliament of England. Sir Charles Dilke asked for an inquiry into the employment of the revenues of the Crown. He did not limit himself to this parliamentary proposition, supported by two of his colleagues ; for many months he had been travelling: through the north of England, 403 THE REIGN OF VICTORIA. [Chap. XIV. from county to county, presiding at popular meetings, and repeating to the crowds who gathered to hear him that royalty was for a nation an expensive toy, an extravagant luxury. Just at this time, the serious illness of the Prince of Wales, and the general anxiety caused thereby, had the effect of reviving the instincts of loyalty in hearts till then believed inaccessible to such an emotion. The attacks made by Sir Charles Dilke were received in the House of Commons with a storm of indignation and anger. Mr. Gladstone launched all the thunder of his elo- quence against the audacious person who had dared to raise a question contrary to all the principles of the English constitu- tion, hateful to the larger part of his audience, inopportune and premature, even in the judgment of those who, in theory, agreed with him. For the time, and for several years to come, Sir Charles Dilke and his friends were constrained to silence. " I hope and believe it will be a long time," wrote Mr. Bright to a person who asked his opinion, " before we are asked to give our opinion on the question of monarchy or republicanism. Our ancestors decided the matter a good while since, and I would suggest that you and I should leave any further decision to our posterit3\" Agitation was not, however, stifled every wliere. The suffer- ings of the agricultural laborers now began to occupy public attention. The miseries of this class seemed to be increasing. For the first time, at the instigation of certain agitators sprung from their own ranks, the cultivators of the soil began to gather in threatening masses, and agricultural strikes were organized in different parts of England. All persons at this time complain- ing had not so legitimate grievances as the unhappy tillers of the ground. One of Mr. Gladstone's reforms limited the num- ber of drinking-shops, reduced the hours of sale, and increased the penalties for drunkenness. The liquor-sellers protested in a body against this governmental tyranny. Ireland did not feel U'.L'ouK .oOUit- ; .He 'ITHE FlEEMqE @F WAJLKS. Boatou, Hates 8:Lauriat. Chap. XIV.] MR. GLADSTONE'S ADMINISTRATION. 407 satisfied with the reforms which had been made by Mr. Gladstone in her condition. Henceforth, the Protestants of Ireland were the leaders of the discontent, displeased with the measures that had despoiled their church, and with the decisive authority wielded in their affairs by the British Parliament. They were now in accord with the national Irish party who clamored for the government of Ireland by Ireland (Home Rule), so long the object of the fears and hopes of Irish patriots. Storms of every nature gathered in the horizon. The country was growing weary of the rapid reforms which the untiring energy of the great reform minister had laid upon them, and felt the need of pausing to take breath. Mr. Gladstone did not permit it. He had devised a further remedy to apply to the woes of Ireland. On the 13th of February, 1873, he introduced a measure for settling the question of university education in Ireland. A reform had been introduced into the regime of the English Universities, which was as useful as it was equitable. The religious test, which had closed to all dissenters the Universities of Oxford and Cam- bridge, had been suppressed. All could henceforth profit by the same instruction and compete for the same honors and re- wards. Mr. Gladstone's desire for equality and uniformity ex- tended farther in relation to Ireland. Two universities existed in Ireland, — that of Dublin, a strictly Protestant institution, and the Queen's University, where the instruction was exclusively secular. The Roman Catholics, five-sixths of the population of Ireland, were in the position of being, as such, excluded from one university, and, the heads of their church condemning the principle of secular instructions, they were debarred by their own convictions from entering the other. They therefore claimed the establishment of a Roman Catholic University. Mr. Gladstone proposed to centralize all the existing colleges, Roman Catholic as well as Protestant, around the University of Dublin, each college mak- 408 THE REIGN OF VICTORIA. [Chap. XIV. ing laws for its own government, and having the right to send members in proportion to its number of pupils to the governing council of the university. The university itself would not only give diplomas but also maintain chairs of instruction, — theology, moral philosophy and modern history being excepted, in order to maintain its strictly neutral position in matters of religion. The income of the university was to be derived from the revenues of Trinity College, Dublin, a very wealthy Protestant founda- tion, from the fund remaining after the disestablishment, and from students' fees. The plan was both complicated and revolutionary. It de- stroyed ancient and honored institutions, without satisfying the real wishes of either party. The senate of the University of Dublin condemned Mr. Gladstone's project as decidedly as did the Roman Catholic bishops. Dissenters, as usual, exclaimed against the design of spending the State's money upon denomi- national education. Objections rained down upon it from all quarters, bitter and passionate on the part of those very Irish for whom Mr. Gladstone had so many times endangered his authority, and whose cause he was about to defend once more with the last efforts of his eloquence. Mr. Disraeli made a violent attack upon the new scheme, and the certainty of triumph rang in his words. Mr. Gladstone felt himself defeated. He expressed the poignant regret that he felt in separating from his Irish friends, with whom he had so long worked successfully. It was, in fact, the votes of the Irish members which wrought his downfall. The measure was defeated by a majority of three ; it was, how- ever, defeated. The great liberal union which had since its accession to power changed the face of England by its reforms, fell to pieces before a secondary question, which it was difficult to make the country understand. Mr. Gladstone and his colleagues resigned office (March, 1873), and the queen sent for Mr. Disraeli ; but the latter declining to Chap. XIV.] MR. GLADSTONE'S ADMINISTRATION. 409 accept ofSce with the existing House of Commons, Mr. Gladstone consented to return. In the autumn, some elections were favor- able to the Conservative party. Various changes took place in the Cabinet, and symptoms of weakness and discord were plainly to be observed. The new year opened. Parliament had been summoned for the 5th of February, when suddenly and unex- pectedly, Mr. Gladstone decided upon a dissolution, with the view of testing the sentiments of the country. The general elections at once proved the change that had taken place in the public mind. In 1868, the elections had se- cured to the Liberals a majority of a hundred and twenty votes. In 1874, the estimates most favorable to the ministry indicated a Conservative majority of fifty. Mr. Gladstone did not wait to put his inferiority to the proof; he at once resigned, as Mr. Disraeli had done six years before. The great Liberal administra- tion fell, less wearied than was the country by its long-continued and mighty exertions, enfeebled, however, in its hidden springs. In its foreign and European policy it had more than once disap- pointed English pride and enthusiasm ; in its home adminis- tration it had frequently been in advance of popular wants and national aspirations. It was destined, however, to leave behind it deep and lasting traces. Amid many errors and grave faults, it had labored conscientiously to remedy evils and to found useful institutions. It had been serious and sincere ; and rivals and enemies themselves will not dispute its title to the honor posterity will decree it. THE END. KINGS AND Q Robert of Normandy. I William Fitz-Robert. WILLIAM I WILLIAM RUFUS. 6 RICHARD I. Ge< Arthur. Edward. I '^RICHARD IL Lionel. I Philippa. Roger Mortimer. i Edmund (Earl of March). Anne (married Richard Duke of York). John of Gaunt. I HENRY IV. Prince Edward. John of HENRY V. John of] I HENRY VI. Mar 19 HENI Arthur. 2^ HENRY Vin. 22 MARY. I ELIZABETH. 21 edW GEORGE IV. Elizabeth. I Sophia. 80 GEORGE L 81 GEORGE IL Frederick Lewis. 82 GEORGE IIL Frederick Lewis. CHARLES II. I 28+ MARY (married William of Orange). '"WILLIAM IV. 29 ANN Charlott( Victoria Albert (Crown-Princess of Prussia). (Prince of Wales). S OF ENGLAND. ONQUEROR, 3 HENRY I. I Matilda. I 6 HENRY n. Theobold. Ardela. STEPHEN. ' JOHN. 8 HENRY m. » EDWARD I. 10 EDWARD II. " EDWARD III. Edmund. Edward. Richard (Duke of York, married Anne Mortimer). Richard (Duke of York). 16 EDWARD IV. I ,-.... ^ '' RICHARD III. (Duke of Clarence). (Duke of Gloucester) Geoi-i EDWARD V. Richard (Duke of York). Margaret. James. Mary Stuart. 2* JAMES I. Mary. Marchioness of Dorset. I Lady Jane Grey. 25 CHARLES L ■^f S II. Ma'ry. HenAetta. UamerSl) *"" WILLIAM (III.) OF ORANGE. Duchess if Savoy, es ■les Edward Pretender). 1 (Duke of Kent). fCTORIA. Mred. He]6 Louise. Arthur. Leopold. I Beatrice GENERAL IKDEX. A. Abbeys, spoliation of, in reign of Henry VIII., ii. 190, 191. Abbeville, Marquis d', ambassador of James II. to Holland, iii. 348; dispatch to the kinjr, 349. Abbot, Charles (afterwards Lord Colches- ter, 1757-1829), as speaker, gives casting vote against Lord Melville, iv. 367. Abd-el-Kader, Emir, v. 104; war with French in Morocco, 108, 109. 110; etibrts to prevent massacre of Christians in Da- mascus, 314. Abd-el-Rhaman, Emperor of Morocco, his war with the French, v. 108, 109, 110. Abdul Aziz. See Turkey, Sultans of. Abdul Medjid. See Turkey, Sultans of. Abercromby, Sir Halph (1/38-1801), takes possession of the Antilles, iv. 331 ; his un- successful expedition against Holland, 343 ; wounded at Aboukir; his death, 354. Aberdeen, George Gordon, Earl of (1784- 1860), in Wellington's cabinet, iv. 418; in Sir Robert Peel's cabinet, v. 57 ; his char- acter, 60 ; desire for friendly relations be- tween England and France, 100 ; accom- panies Victoria to Chateau d' Eu, 101 ; conversation with Guizot, 104 ; position on Morocco question, 110; on Spanish mar- riage, 112-114; Guizot's sketch of, 114-118; advice to Palmerston on quitting the min- istry, 118 ; Peel's approbation of his policy, 133, 134 ; becomes prime-minister, 147 ; op- posed to emancipation of the Jews, 157 ; attached to peace policy, 171 ; resigns, 217 ; quoted, 235. Aberdeen, University of, founded, ii. 363. Abjuration Bill, proposed by Whigs, iii. 380. Abolitionists in ITnited States, their party strengthened by election of 1860, v. 318. Aboukir, battles" of, iv. 343, 354. Abraham, Heights of, taken by Wolfe, iv. 200; attempted recapture of, by French, 201. Absolutism, its decline, iv. 137. Abyssinia, Napier's expedition to, v. 376, 378, 379. Acadia, French territories in, ceded to Eng- land by treaty of Utrecht, iv. 68; depopu- lation of, 190. Ache, M. d', in command of French fleet in India, defeated by the English, iv. 208. Acre, taken by Crusaders, 1191, i. 191 ; re- taken from Templars by Kcladeen, 243. ■ , Joan of. See Joan of Acre. Acton, Sir Roger, friend of Oldcastle, pnt to death, i. 382. Adams, Charles Francis, United Statc:^ minister to England, v. 323 ; despatch from Seward concerning the Trent, 328 ; action in regard to the Alabama, 332, 333. 334. Adams, Daniel, prosecuted for political libels, iv. 325. Adams, John (1735-1826), interview with Mr. Oswald, iv. 277 ; minister to England, 280, 281. Adda, Ferdinand, Count of, papal nuncio, iii. 330, 335, .342. Addington, Henry. See Lord Sidmouth. Addison, Joseph, English essayist (1672- 1719), his connection with politics, iv. 85; secretary of state in cabinet of 1717, 113. Adelais, widow of Henry 1. of England, i. 143. i r, , Adige, the, becomes frontier of Cisalpine Republic by peace of Luneville, iv. 344. Admiralty, "English, courts of, ignore rights of neutrals, iv. 255. Adrian IV., Nicholas Breakspeare. See Popes. Adrian VI., Cardinal of Tortosa. See Popes. " Adullamites," Mr. Bright's name for followers of Robert Lowe, v. 362, 363. Afghanistan, government of, in 1837, v. 47. Afghans, their difficidties with England, v. 44; character of; their war with the Eng- lish, 49-55; independence secured, 55, 56; assist in defence of Punjaub, 241, 242. Agace, Gobin, conducts Edward III. to the passage of the Somme, i. 306. Agatha, wife of Edward Atheling, i. 75. Agenois, overrun by Black Prince, i. 321 ; ceded to English by treaty of Bretigny,329. Aghrim, battle of, ii'i. 388. Agincourt, battle of, i. 390-392. " Agreement of the People," republican pamphlet, iii 92. Agricola, Roman prjetor in Britain, i. 22-24. Agrippina, Roman Empress, i. 19. Ahmad-Shah, founder of Afifhan Empire, V. 47. Aiguillon, defended by Sir Walter Manny, i.311. ^ , Duke d', repulses invasion of Nor- mandy and Brittany, iv 197. AiNswoRTH, William Harrison, historical novelist, v. 168. Aire, John d', citizen of Calais, i. 316. Aix-la-Chapelle, peace of (1668), iii. 266; peace of (1748), England and Holland with 411 412 POPULAR HISTORY OF ENGLAND. France and other powers, iv. 180, 181 ; dis- content excited by it in France and Eu-^- land, 183. Akbak Khan, son of Dost Mohammed, v. 49 ; at licad of insurrection in Afjihanistan ; murders Macnaulitcn, 50 ; attacks the Eng- lish in pass of Koord Cabul, 51 ; his pro- posal to them, 51, 52 ; lays siege to Jellala- had. 53. Alabama, State of, joins Southern Confed- eracy, V. 320. , tlie, Confederate privateer, v. 332, 333; destroyed by the Kearsarffc, 333; controversy in rcfjard to between England and the United States, 332-335. Alamavou, son of King Theodore of Abys- sinia, brought to England; his death, v. 379. Alba, Duke of (1.508-1582), Spanish general in the Netherlands, ii. 298, 303, 306; his correspondence with Mary Stuart, 310 ; re- called to Spain, 317. Alban, historical name of Scotland, i. 141. Albany, Duke of, brother of Robert III. of Scotland, i. 365; assists Earl of Douglas, 367 ; imprisons his nephew, Rothesay, 373 ; liis ascendancy in Scotland, 374 ; negotia- tions with court of France, 399. , Duke of, brother of .Tames III. of Scotland, his conspiracy, ii. 70; death, 103. -, Duke of, sent to Scotland by Francis I., ii. 129; becomes regent, 130; his quar rels with Queen ISlargaret, 144 ; with Henry VIll. 145. Albemarle, Duke of, cousin of Richard II., joins Bolingbroke, i.357; divested of his title by Henry IV., becomes carl of Rutland, 361 ; betrays conspiracy against Henry IV., 363. , Duke of. See General Monk. , Duke of, son of General Monk, in command of militia, in Monmouth's insur- rection, iii. 315. -, Keppel, Earl of, influence with Wil- liam III., iv. 30; Portland's jealousy of, 32 ; his mission to Holland, 47 ; in com- mand at Denain, 74. Alberoni, Cardinal Giulio (1664-1752), prime-minister of Spain, his administra- tion, iv. 113; schemes for aggrandizement of Spain; expedition against Sardinia and Sicily, 114; retaliation for Ring's destruc- tion of Spanish fleet, 115 ; leagues with the Pretender, is connected with Ccllamare's conspiracy, 116; requests the Pretender to leave Madrid, 117; his illusions in regard to the French, 117, 118; attempts to incite revolt in France and England, is dis- missed from office and banished, 119; re- tires to Rome, 120. Albert (1819-1861), Prince of Saxe Coburg Gotha, his advice concerning the royal household, v. 21 ; marriage with Queen Victoria decided upon, v. 28; Guizot's es- timate of, 30, 31 ; marries the queen, 32; congratulateti by Parliament on birth of Prince of Wales, 63 ; meets Louis Philippe, 103; corrects translation of the king's ad- dress to London, 104 ; his anxiety concern- ing Sir Robert Peel, 134; his project for Great Exhibition, 136; letter concerning it, 139 ; criticism of Palmerston's conduct, 142; suspects Napoleon's Italian designs, 282 ; his death, his character, 330. Albert Edward, Prince of Wales, his birth (1841), v. 63; illness, 406. Albigenses, i. 203; Simon de Montfort, persecutor of (1208), 231. Albinus, Roman general in Britain, i. 24. Albret, Count d', assists Duke of Brittany against Charles VIII., ii. 95; aspirant for Anne of Brittany, 97. , John, King of Navarre. See Navarre. Alcazor, battle of. ii. 347. Alcoba, battle of, iv. 395. Aldermen, council of, i. 38. Aldred, Archbishop of York, crowns Wil- liam the Conqueror, i. 107, 109, 110. Alenqon, John, first Duke of, assumes badge of the Armagnacs, i. 375; death of, at Agincourt (1415), 391. , Duke of, taken prisoner at Verneuil, ii. 17; present at capture of .Jargeau, 26; his greeting to Lord Talbot, 27. Francis, Duke of, afterwards Duke of Anjou (1554-1584), negotiations for his marriage with Queen Elizabeth, ii. 310; his visit to England postponed, 314; con- spiracy against Henry 111., becomes Duke of Anjou, 316 ; visits England, receives proniise of marriage from Elizabeth, 318; his disappointment, his death, 319. Alexander II. See Popes. III. See Popes. ■ — , emperors of Russia. See Russia. ■■ , kings of Scotland. See Scotland. Alfred the Great (848-901), birth, i. 42; boyhood, 42, 43 ; taken to Rome, at the French court, 43 ; his marriage, defeated by Danes before Reading, victorious at Assen- don, 45; becomes King of Wessex, 46 ; un- successful war with the Danes, 46, 47 ; a fu- gitive, 47, 48; anecdote of, 48; discovered by his sulijects, undertakes to recover his kingdom, 49 ; defeats Danes at Ethandune, captures Godruii, compels him to cu)brace Christianity, 50 ; marches against Hastings, 51 ; defeats liim at Farnham, his genei-os- ity, 52; shuts up the Danes in Chester, constructs canal to stop their navigation, 53; opposes them with a navj', 54; finally subdues the Danes, organizes his kingdom, 54; relations with Danish kingdom in Northunibria, organizes his army, 55 ; re- lations with the clergy, 56 ; administration of justice, 56, 57; compiles code of laws, 57 ; laws in respect to serfs, 58 ; zeal for learning, 58-60; quoted, 59, 60; literary attainments, 60 ; measurement of time, 61 ; dying words to his son, 61 ; death, celebra- tion of his birthday in 1849, 62. •, son of Etheired the Unready, i. 73; lands in England (1042), and is taken pris- oner, 79; death of, 80. -, Prince, son of Queen Victoria, the crown of Greece oflfered to (1862), v. 296. Algarotti, Count, letter from Frederick the Great, iv. 212. Algeria, effect of war in, on the French, v. 182. GENERAL INDEX. 413 Algiers, bombarded bv Lord Exmouth, iv. 404. , Dey of, English expedition against, iv. 404. Allectus, ruler in Britain, i. 26. Allen, concerned in Feniun outbreak at Manchester, v. 371 ; hanged, 372. Alma, battle of the, v. 191, 192. Almaque, Henry of, assumes the cross, i. 239; is assassinated, 239. Almanza, battle of, iv. 57. Alice, Princess of France, imprisoned by Henry 11., i. 180, 181. of Thouars, daughter of Constance of Brittany, proclaimed by Bretons, i. 206. Alinago're (or God's Port), name given by ISurajah Dowlah to Calcutta, iv. 206. Alphonso X., King of Castile (1222-1284), threatens Guienne, i. 229. , ^on of Edward I., dies '• 248. Altiiokp, Lord. See Spencer. Alumbagi-i, park of, Sepovs defeated at, v. 261, 2o2. Alured, Colonel, devoted to cause of Long Parliament, iii. 226. Amboise, Cardinal d' (1460-1510), minister of Louis XII., his wise administration, ii. 128. Amell\, Princess, daughter of George II., present at her father's death, iv. 213. , Princess, daughter of George III., her death, iv. 394. Amekica, English colonies in, Granville proposes their taxation, iv. 222; their re- sistance to the Stamp Act, 223-225 ; Declar- atory Act in regard to, 227 ; grave aspect of affairs in, 230 ; oppose importation of English goods, 231, 233; their Declaration of Independence, 240. See United States. Amherst, Lord (1717-1797), English gen- eral in Canada, takes Ticonderoga from the French (1759), iv. 199, 200. Amiens, captured by Spanish army (1596), ii. 344. , peace of (1802), England with France, Spain, and Holland, iv. 354 ; dif- ficulties in regard to its execution, 356. Amnesty Bill, of Charles II., iii. 247. Amorant, Viceroy of Wales, under Alfred, i. 54. Amoy, port of, opened to British traders, v. 46. Ampere, Joseph Marie (1775-1836), his experiments in use of electricity, v. 22. Ampthill, residence of Catharine of Aragon, ii. 171. Amsterdam, Shaftesbury's arrival at, iii. 292, 293; its hostility to House of Nassau, 310; resistance to second Partition Treaty, iv. Anabaptists, persecuted under Henry VIII., ii. 175; by Presbyterians under Long Parliament, iii. 40, 41 ; engaged in plot against Cromwell, 187. Anastasius II. See Popes. Andrasta, British goddess of victor}', i. 22. Andre, Major, sent by Sir Henry Clinton to negotiate with Arnold for surrender of West Point, arrested as a sp}-, iv. 259 ; his trial, 260; letter to Washington, 260, 261; his execution, 261 ; monument in West- minster Abbey erected to, 261. Angles, invade Britain, i. 29-33. Anglesea, Lord, Hanoverian Tory, iv. 95. Anglesey, Isle of, taken possession of liy Edward I., i. 246. Anglia, East, Anglian kingdom of, founded, i. 31; accepts Christianity, 38; occupied by Danes, 44-51 ; Danish inhabitants rise against Ethelred the Unready, 68. Anglo-Saxons, i. 64. Angouleme, promised by Armagnacs to Henry IV., i. 376. ," Francis, Count of. See France, Francis I. -, Isabel of. See Isabel of Angou- leme. , Louis, Duke of (1775-1844) re-estab- lishes Bourbon monarchy in Spain (1823), iv. 416. Angoumois, becomes possession of English crown on accession of Henry II., i. 149. Angus (Archibald Douglas, "'Bell-the-cat ") fifth Earl of, at battle of Flodden (1513), ii. 125. , sixth Earl of, marries Margaret, widow of James IV., ii. 130; quarrels with her, 144; joins English army, 204; grand- father to Lord Darnley, 283. Anjou, bequeathed to Geoffrey, second son of Geort'rey Plantagenct, is retained hy Henry II., i. 149;" Cceur-de-Lion docs homage lor, to Philip .\ugustus, 181 ; no- bility of, in favor of Prince Arthur, 203; insurrection in, 206 ; regained by France (1203), 207; ravaged by English, 376; claimed by Henry V., 383; overrun by English, 405; restored to Rene, ii. 38; claimed by Henry VIII., 119. ■, House of, its claims to crown of Sicily, i. 248. ', Charles of, i. 241-243. -, Duke of, brother of Charles V. of France, Governor of Languedoc, i. 333. , Francis, Duke of. See Alencon. -, FuLKE, Count of, marries his daugh- ter to son of Henry I., i. 132. Henry, Duke of. Sec France, Henry III. -, I.,OUis, Duke of, sole representative of elder branch of House of Bourbon. See France, Louis XV. , Margaret of. See Margaret of An- jou. -, Mart of. See Mary of Anjou. -, Matilda of See Matilda of Anjou. -, Philip, Duke of. See Spain, Philip V. Anna, Infanta of Spain, negotiations for her marriage with Prince Hcnrv of England, ii. 394; with Prince Charles," 395-401 ; her marriage witli the King of Franco, 406._ Annates, suppressed by Parliament, ii. 171 ; vested in the crown, 186; restored to Holy See by Marv, 258; return to the crown, 269. Anne, Queen (1664-1714), daughter of James II. and Anne Hyde, her Protestant education, iii. 273 ; as princess, her friend- ship for Sarah Jennings, 345; resolution 414 POPULAR HISTORY OF ENGLAND. ajiainst Calliolicism, 346; oonvcr'sation with Lord Clarendon, 351 ; joins Prince of ()rang:e, 352; licr claims brouizlit forward by the Tories, 363; declared heir to the throne after children of Marv, 364; retires with Duchess of Marlborough to the coun- try on disgrace of the Duke, 31)2 ; asks per- mission to visit William after Mary's ticath, iv. 13; her interview with him, 14; Wil- liam refuses to make her regent in liis ab- sence, 15 ; her accession, 49 ; character, 50 ; resolution to carry on William's policy ; be- stows favors on Marlborough, declares war against France, 51; her j^rowing inditTcr- ence to Duchess of Marlborough, 58, 67 ; interview with Mesnager, 68 ; forbids Ger- man ambassadors to appear at court, 69; her cold reception of Prince Eugene, 71, 72 ; speech in Parliament on the peace, 73 ; dissolves Parliament, 76; death of her husband, 77 ; gives her consent to the union of England and Scotland, 79; for- mation of political parties in her reign, 80; establishes " Queen Anne's Bounty," 81 ; her atfection for Mrs, Masham, 82, 83 ; dissolves Parliament, 83; last interview with Duchess of Marlborough, 84 ; refuses to summon the Elector of Hanover to House of Lords, 86; proclaims reward for arrest of Pretender, 87; dismisses Oxford, transfers her confidence to Bolinghrokc, 88; her illness, 89; death, 90; landed- property qualitication for members of Par- liament dates from her reign, v. 292. Anne, Grand-ihichcss of Russia, Napoleon's negotiations tor marriage with, iv. 392. , of Austria (1602-1666), queen of Louis XIIL, icmark of Cardinal Retz in regard to, iv. 224. -, of Bohemia, queen of Eichard H., i. 350; her denth, 352. , of Brittany (1476-1514), daughter of Duke Francis, ii. 96; married to ]Maxi- milian of Austria, 97; annuls the mar- riage, marries Charles VIIL, 98; subse- quently wife of Louis XII., her death, 127. , of Burgundy, sister of Duke Philip, marries Duke of Bedford, ii. 15 ; her etibrts to renew their alliance, 29; her death, 35. , of Clevcs, fourth wife of Henry VIIL, ii. 196; her personal appearance, 196; mar- riage with the king, 197; is supplanted by Catharine Howard, accepts title of "adopted sister" of the king, 198. Mortimer, mother of Richard, Duke of York, ii. 42. • Nevil, daughter of Earl of War- wick, marries Edward, son of Henry VI., ii. 60; marries Richard of Gloucester, 65; is crowned, 77; her death, 81. Anselm. Sec Archbishops of Canterbury. Anson, Commodore George (1697-17(52), his expedition to Peru, circumnavigates the glolie, iv. 147. , General (1797-1857), commander-in- chief of English arm}' in India, his death, V. 246. Anti-Corn-Law League, formed, Chartists refuse to ally themselves with, 71 ; Fox's speech in support of, 72, 73 ; its rapid pro- gress, 73 ; its attacks on Sir Robert Peel, 74 ; further progress, 77. Antilles, the, D'Estaing's campaign in, iv. 253 ; Guichen and Rodney in, 25(i, 257. Antrim, Mai-shal Schomberg lands at, iii. 378. Antrim, Earl of, in command of Irish corps in Scotland, iii. 31. Antwerp, surrenders to Louis XV., iv. 179; to Marshal Gerard, 1832, 449. Annwar-ood-Deen, Indian Prince, iv. 203. Appeals, Statute of, voted by Parliament, ii. 171. Aquitaine, part of marriage portion of wife of Henry II., i. 147, 149; English princes do homage for, 164 ; desiuned bv Henry 11. for his son Richard, ' 174, 176, 205; C(ieur-de-Lion does homage for, to Philip Augustus, 181; revolts, 182; recognizes John (Lackland) as liege-lord, 203; in- trigues of Philip, the heir, to gain posses- sion of, 250, 251 ; recovered by Edward I., 258; Edward III. does homage for, to Philip of Valois, 295; Black Prince estab- lished in, 331 ; claimed by Henry V., 383. , Eleanor of. See Eleanor of Aqui- taine. Aragon, its claims to Sicily, i. 248; defended against the Bonapartes, iv. 385. ■, Catharine of. See Catharine of Aragon. -, King of, accompanies Henry II. against Toulouse, i. 152. Arapiles, battle of, iv. 396. Arbroath, Abliot of, bearer of BalioTs re- nunciation of homage to King of England, i. 253. Arc, Joan of. See Joan of Arc. Archbishopric of Canterbury founded,!. 36. Arcon, Chevalier d', French engineer, con- structs floating battei'ies at siege of Gib- raltar, iv. 273. Arcot, capital of the Carnatic, captured and defended by Clivc, iv. 204. Arden, Pepper, his motion to supply va- cancy occasioned by Mr. Pitt's acceptance of office, iv. 296. Argenson, M. d', Secretary of war to Louis XV., ncsitates to send Lally-Tollendal to India, iv. 207. Argyle, Archibald Campbell, fourth Earl of, governs Scotland with Earl of Arran, in name of Queen Mary, ii. 305. , Archibald Campbell, Mai-quis of, (1598-1661), attempts of Charles I. to ar- rest, ii. 440 ; made INIarquis, 441 ; defeated by Montrose in Scotland, iii. 58; his ad- vice to Scottish commissioners, 59; recep- tion of Cromwell at Edinburgh, 102 ; en- mity to Montrose, 135 ; present at his execution, 136 ; his treatment of Charles I., 138; rivalrv with Hamilton, 142; e.x- ccuted, 285. -, Archibald Campbell, ninth Earl of, imprisoned for making reservation in taking oath of submission, iii. 289; his escape, 290; in exile at the Hague, 309; at head of insurrection in Scotland in favor of Monmouth, 311; taken prisoner, 312; his execution, 1685, 313. GENERAL INDEX. 415 ArGVLE, Archibald Campbell, tcntb Earl of, {;il"ter\vai-ds first Duke, 1701), comniis- sioncr of Scottish parliament to William aiul Mary, iii. 37ii. , John Campbell, second Duke of, at meeting of privy council on illness of Queen Anne, iv. 89; commander-in-chief of royal troops in 1715, 99, 100; defeats Mariit Sheritfnniir, 101, 102; reinforced, 103 ; marches against insurgents, lOo. -, George Campbell, Duke cf, ardent supporter of abolition of slavery, v. 331 ; Indian secretary in Gladstone's cabinet (1868), 384. Akgyll. See Argyle. Arkansas, State of, joins Southern Confed- eracy, V. 322. Arlington, Henry Bennet, Earl of, (1618- 1685), member of Cabal ministry, iii. 265; in favor of Dutch alliance, 267; his impeach- ment proposed; leaves the ministry, 2/1. Armada, the Spanish, sets sail; dispersed by storm, ii. 310; its disasters, 311, 3i2. Akmagnac, Count of, afterwards constable of France, father-in-law of Duke of Or- leans, i. 375, killed in massacre of Armag- nacs in Paris, 1418, 393. Armagnacs, the, partisans of the House of Orleans, i. 375; their struggle with Bur- gundians, 384 ; powerful in Paris, 394, 395 ; massacre of, at Paris, 1418, 396. Army, of the Long Parliament, Parliament surrenders autiiority to, by Self-Denying Orilinance, iii. 59-60; under control of the Independents, 74; disbandment voted by Parliament, 78, 79; insurrection incited by Independents, 79,80; concessions of Par- liament to, 80; refuses to disband without further guarantees, 81 : removes the king from Holml3}', 82-84; advances on Lon- don ; demands expulsion of eleven Pi'es- byterian members, 85 ; consents to with- draw, 86; enters into negotiations with the queen, 86, 87; Independent members take refuge with, 88, 89 ; enters London, and restores the fugitive members, 89 ; assumes complete ascendancy, 90; disorders fo- mented by the liepublicans, 90, 91, 92, 93 ; outbreak of insurrection, 96; suppressed by Cromwell, 93,97; in alliance with the Republicans, causes expulsion of Presby- terian members from Parliament, 104, 105 ; insurrection incited by the Levellers, 126- 128; bill for its reduction passed, after battle of Worcester, 159 ; Cromwell seeks its support against Parliament, 186, 187 ; in opposition to Parliament, 201, 202, 203, 204 ; on good terms with the Republican Parliament, 211 ; the struggle renewed, 213-217; appoints commissioners to treat Avitli Monk, 220 ; oecomes disorganized, 224 ; is disbanded, 226. Arnold, Benedict, (1740-1801), American general, failure of his attempt against Canada, iv. 41 ; negotiations for giving up West Point to the English, 259; joins British army, 261 ; reply of American pris- oner to, 261, 262. , Mattuevv, English author, v. 169, 170. Arnold, Richard, shot for insubordination, iii. 93. , Thomas, Dr. (1795-1842), of Rugby, letter of, v. 25; his death, 167. -, the king's brewer, juror on trial of the seven bisiiops, iii. 342. Arran, James Hamilton, second Earl of, afterwards Duke of Cliatclhcrault, (re- gent of Scotland 1542-1554) and chief of Protestant party, ii. 205; retui-ns to Cathol- icism, 207 ; leader of Catholic party, 221 ; heir-presumptive to Scottish throne; his marriage with Elizabeth contemplated, 274; revolts against Mary Stuart, 284; flight to England ; reception by Elizabeth, 285; governs Scotland in Mary Stuart's name^ 305 ; his domains ravaged by Eng- lish troop-=, 303. , James Stuart, Earl cf, favorite of James VI. of Scotland, ii. 319; his power in Scotland ; imprisoned, 320. -, Earl of, son of Duke of Hamilton, proposes negotiations with James II., iii 360. Akras, congress assembled at (1435), ii. 33. "Arrow," the Lorcha, difficulties between England and China in regard to, v. 233- 237. Arteveldt, Jacques van, brewer of Ghent, contracts friendship for Edward III., i. 2J3; supports his cause in Ghent, 302; slain by the populace, 1345, 303. Philip van, killed at battle of Rose- becque, 1382, i. 350. Arthur, King, tradition concerning, ii. 91. Arthur (1187-1202), son of Geoffrey Plan- tageuct and Constance of Brittany, i. 203; attempts to become king of England, is imprisoned and put to death, 205. Arthur, Prince of Wales, son of Henry VII., (1486-1502), his l)irth, ii. 90; marriage to Catharine of Aragon; death, 110. Artois, ravaged by Edward III. i. 128; by Eai'l of Buckingham, 342. Artois, Robert of, brother-in-law of Philip of Valois, accompanies Countess of Mont- fort to Brittany, i. 300. , Count d', brother of Louis XVI., at siege of Gibraltar, iv. 273; fails to appear at ~Qnil)eron Bay, 328. See France, Charles X. Arundel, Archbishop of Canterbury See Canterbury. Arundel, Earl of, proposes truce between Stephen and Prince Henry, i. 147. ■, Earl of, arrested, i. 352 ; executed by Richard II., 357. -, Earl of, warns Queen Mary of Nor- thumberland's design against her, ii.239; announces his resolution to support her cause, 241 ; advances against Wjat, 248 ; favorite of Elizabeth, 278 ; joins Leicester, 300; leaves Elizabeth's court, 302; his im- prisonment and death, 321. -, Earl of, father of Lord Stafford, iii. -, Earl of, made privy councillor by 285. James II., iii. 330. Humphrey, heads insurrection against Edward VI., is executed, ii. 226. 416 POPULAR HISTORY OF ENGLAND. AsCALON, taken possession of by Cceur ile Lion, i. 192. AsciiAM, Roger, tutor of Elizabeth, ii. 266. AsGiLL, Captain, chosen to be iianged in re- prisal for execution of an American otKcer, iv. 27'>, ))ar(lonctl, 27'). AsGiLL, Lady, motiier of the above, applies to Marie Antoinette for rcleasse of her son, iv. 276. AsuAM, Anthony, adherent of Parliament, murdered at Mailrid, iii. blO. AsHANTEE, En^lisli expedition into, v. 341. Ashantees, Kinji" of, v. 340, 341. AsHBUitNHAM, valet of Charles I., iii. 73; his negotiation with Cromwell, 86 ; declines to treat with the soldiers, 88; cari-ies letter of the iiin.ii; to the army, 89 ; withdrawn from service of the kiny, 93; accompanies his tlijilit, 94, 9.). Ashe, Mr., moves the re-establishment of monarchy under Cromwell, iii. 178. Ashley, Ashley Cooper, Lord, iii. 23.t; member of "Cabal" ministry, 265; sus- pends payment of principal of loans advanced by Loudon, 268. See Shaftes- bury. AsKE, Robert, it head of insur^rents apainst llenrv VHI., ii. 187; overtures made to, 188; "executed, 189. Askew, Anne, preaches reformed doc- trines, ii. 210; burned, 211. Asi'ERN, liattle of, iv. 391. Ass.vs, Chevalier d', his heroism at siege of Wesel, iv. 213. AssENDON, battle of, i. 45. AssEK, historian of Alfi'cd the Great, quoted, i. 45-47; invited to court of Alfred, 59. ASTLEY, Sir Jacob, major-general in army of Charles I., iii. 26; defeated at Stow; taken prisoner, 72. AsTURiAS, Louis, Prince of, son of Philip v., in Spanish camp, iv. 118. Ath, taken by Marlborou;,'-h, 1706, iv. 56; its fortitications dismantled, 1831, v. 395. Atoeling, Margaret. See Marg-aret Atheling. Atheling Edg.'VR. See Ed^-ar Athclincr. , Edward. See Edward Atheling. Athelney, (Ethelingaia), Island of the No- bles, i. 48, 49. Athelstan, (895-940), first king of the An- glo-Saxons, i. 63, 64. Athens, Mr. Gladstone's popularity in, v. 295. Atherton Moor, battle of, iii. 34, Athlone, captured by Ginckcl (1391), iii. 388. Athlone, Earl of. See Ginckcl. Athol, Duke of. See Tullibardine. Athol, Marquis of, remains neutral during insurrection of Dundee, iii. 376. Atreb.\tes, lielgian tribe, i. 15. Atterbury, Francis, (1662-1732), made Bishop oi' Rochester, iv. 83; proposes pro- claiming James IIL on death of Queen Anne, 90; letter of Bolingbroke to, 94; member of council for conducting afi'airs of tiic Pretender; organizes plot in his favor; imprisoned in the Tower, 125; liis appeal to the House on his trial, 126-128; e.\ilcd to France, 128. Attv/ood, Mr., speech in Parliament on the general distress (1833), iv. 443. Auckland, capital of New Zealand, v. 340. Auckland, Lord, governor of India, his reasons lor entering on the Alghan War, v. 48; his proclamation, 53, 54; superseded by Lord EUenborough, 54. Audley, Lord, at head of insurrection against Henry VIL, ii. 105,106; executed, 106. Audley, Sir James, at battle of Poictiers, i. 325. Augereau, Marshal, his delay in joining Napoleon, iv. 398; Napoleon's reproaches, 399. Augustenburg, Duke of, his claim to the Schleswig-Holstein provinces, v. 345. Augustine, first missionary to the Anglo- Sa.xons, i. 34-37. AuLUS Plautius, Roman general in Britain, i. 18. Aumale, Count of, at capture of Verneuil, ii. 17. , Due d', his marriage with Queen Isabella projiosed, v. 112. Austerlitz, battle of, iv. 373. Austin, juror on trial of the seven bishops, iii. 342. Australia, penal colonies in, v. 288, 289; almost complete independence of, 375. Austria, conchules Ti'caty of Worms with France and Sardinia, iv. 153; accedes to peace of Aix-la-Chapclle, 180; concludes alliance with France, 192; weakened by the Seven Years' War, 220; concludes peace with Prussia (peace of Huberts- burg, 1763), 220-221; peace of Campo- Formio witli France (i 797), 334; joins coa- lition against French ReiMdilic, 343 ; con eludes peace of Luneville with France, 344; accedes to coalition against Napoleon (1805), 369 ; mediates between the allies and Napoleon (1813), 397; interferes in afiairs of Naples, 416; her policy in regard lo Turkish question, v. 34, 35; concludes with England convention of July, 1840, 36; concurs in treaty of 1841, 100; Hun- ' garian revolt against, 141; takes part in conference at Vienna, 178; her proclama- tion in favor of maintaining the Ottoman Empire, 182 ; instigates new conference at Vienna, 219; negotiates for peace, 233; Italian revolt against, 302; loss of power in Italy, 303; connives at Polish insurrec- tion, 342 ; concurs in scheme for pacifica- tion of Polantl, 343 ; her power weakened by war with Prussia in 1866, v. 356 : Gui- zot's estimate of her rivalry with Prussia and consequences of defeat in war of 1866, 356-359; folly of her alliance with Prussia against Denmark, 358. •, Archdukes of :■ Albert, takes possession of Calais, ii. 344; married to daughter of Philip II., 350. Charles. See Emperors of Germany. , son of Ferdinand I., ii. 278; nego- tiations for his marriage with Queen Elizabeth, marries daughter of Duke of Bavaria, 299. — — — , son of Leopold I., iv. 33 j made GENERAL INDEX. 417 Austria, Archdukes of (continued) : — heir to Spain by second Treaty of Parti- tion, 34 ; disputes the throne with Philip v., 54, o5; brought to Madrid, 66; pro- posed elevation to the empire, 68. See Germany, Charles VI. Charles, son of Leopold II., defends he- reditary states of Emperor of Austria, iv. 334 ; defeats Napoleon at Aspern (1809), 391. Leopold, plants his banner on the ram- parts of Acre, i. 191 ; leaves army of the Crusaders, 192 ; imprisons Richard Cceur- de-Lion, 196; excommunicated, 199. Maximilian. See Emperors of Ger- many. , proclaimed Emperor of Mexico, v. 337 ; his death, 339. Philip. See Sovereigns of Spain, Philip. -, Don John of. Governor of Low Coun- tries, his project to invade England, ii. 317, -, Don John of, Spanish general, iii. 190; defeated at battle of the Dunes, 191. , Duke of, ally of Edward I., i. 258. , Margaret of. See Margaret of Aus- , Emperors of: — Francis I. (II. of Germany), declares war against France, iv. 321 ; his army takes possession of Conde and Valenciennes, 325 ; subsidies voted for by Parliament, 333 ; his hereditary states invaded by French, 334 ; joins Holy Alliance, 1815, 403, 404. Leopold, iv. 320. See Germany, Leopold Francis Joseph, v. 337. Austria, House of, domains claimed by Elector of Bavaria, iv. 148; alliance with House of Bourbon, 192. Austrian Succession, war of (1741-1748), iv. 149. AuTEROCHE, Count d', at battle of Fontenoy, iv. 155. AuvERGNE, becomes possession of English crown on accession of lieur}- II., i. 149; overrun by the Black Prince, 321. AvAux, Count d', French envoy at the Hague, iii. 347 ; with James II. in Ireland, 389; his difficulties, 370 ; quoted, 371 ; his account of the battle of Newton-Butler, 373; returns to France, 383; recalled to Paris, iv. 40. AvEJOU, Bai-on, in army of William III. in Ireland, iii. 383. Avignon, first Pretender takes refuge in, iv. 107. AvRANCHES, William the Conqueror enter- tains Harold at, i. 90 ; regained by France, ii. 40. AxTELL, Daniel, in command of the guard at trial of Charles I., iii 112,114; excluded from amnesty of 1660, 253. Atala, Don Pedro, Spanish ambassador, ii. 107 Ayloffe, compromised in Whig conspira- cies, in exile in Holland, iii. 309; engaged in Monmouth's insurrection, 310 ; attempts suicide, interrogated by James II., 314. Aymebie of Pavia, Governor of Calais under Edward III., i. 318; put to death l)y Charguy, 319. Ayscough, Sir George, English admiral, iii. 156. Azelin, citizen of Caen, i. 119. Azimoolah Khan, emissary of Nana Sahib to London, v. 251 ; stimulates ambition of his master, 252. Azores, expedition against, ii. 345. Babington, Sir Anthony, his conspiracy in favor of Mary Stuart, ii. 324, 325. Baciocchi, Princess Elisa, sister of Napo- leon Bonaparte, Lucca bestowed upon her by Bonaparte, iv. 369. Bacon, Francis, Lord (1561-1626), his anecdote of Queen Elizabeth, ii. 268, 269; prosecutes Earl of Essex, 351, 352; joins Somei-set in intrigues against Parliament, gains name of Undertaker, 396; conducts trial of Somerset, 397 ; made Keeper of the Seals, disgraced, made Lord Verulam and Chancellor, 399; charges against him, his trial, confession, 404; sentence, literary works, death, 405. Bacon, Nicholas (1510-1579), Keeper of the Seals under Elizabeth, ii. 269; repri- mands the Commons, 308. Badajoz, capture of, by Wellington, 1812, iv. 396. Badlesmere, Lady, wife of Governor of Leeds Castle, i. 281. Bagnall, Sir Henry, defeated and killed at Blackwater, ii. 348. Bagnara, taken possession of by Richard Coeur-de-Lion, i. 188. Baillie of Jerviswood, refuses to inform against Whig conspirators, iii. 293. ■, General, his detachment destroyed by Hyder Ah, iv. 289. Bai'reuth, Margrave of, unsuccessful campaign on the Rhine. 1807, iv. 58. Bajee Rao, Peishwah of Poonah, v. 251. Bakara, Ameer of, English prisoners in his power, V. 55. Baker, Major Henry, takes command at Londonderry, iii. 371. Balaklava, v. 188, 197; British base of operations, in Crimean War, 199, 200. , battle of, v. 202-207- Balance of Power, in Europe, disturbed by Franco-Prussian War, v. 390 ; M. Guizot's estimate of its importance, 396, 397. Balcarras, Count, concerned in Dundee's insurrection in Scotland, iii. 374. Baldock, Chancellor, in reign of Edward I., his death, i. 284. Balfour, Sir William, Governor of the Tower, ii. 434; deprived of his position, 447 ; in command of cavalry under Earl of Essex, iii. 52. Baliol, Bernard, at battle of the Standard, I. 141. , Edward. See Sovereigns of Scot- land. -, Henry, brother of the above, killed at Annan, i. 294. 418 POPULAR HISTORY OF ENGLAND. Ball, John, priest, one of the insurgents in reign of llichard 11, hanged, i. 349. Balmekino, Lord, concerued in Jacobite re- bellion of 1745, his trial and execution, iv. 178. Baltic Sea, the, war between Sweden and Denmark in regard to, iii. 210; English expedition to, under Parker and Nelson, iv. 353; English tleet in, during the Cri- mean war, V. 188. Baltimore, Massachusetts regiment at- tacked by mob in, v. 322. Bangok, Abbot of, i. 37 ; monks of, massa- cred by SaM)ns, 37. Banistek, delegate to American Congress, Washington's letter to, iv. 250. Bank Charter Act of 1844, v. 280. of England, established in 1694, iii. 404; its jealousy of South Sea Company, iv. 122 ; attacked in the Gordon riots, 255 ; authorized to increase its circulation, v. 280. Bantry Bay, action in, iii. 399. Bar, Duchy of, Margaret of Anjou takes refuge in, ii. 55. , Earl of, son-in-law of Edward I., i. 254. Barante, M. de, Guizot's letter to, v. 27, 28. Barbazon, Sire de, defends Melun against Henry V., i. 403. Barbezieux, Marquis of. son of Louvois, secretary of state to Louis XIV., iii. 400. Barrier, Advocate, his journal quoted, ref- erence to Emperor Charles VII., iv. 150; remarks on assistance promised by France to Charles Edward, 163, 164; letter on French War in America, 189. Barcelona, captured by V^endome, iv. 23 ; by Peterborough, 54. Barclay, Sir George, heads plot for assas- sination of William III., commissioned by James, iv. 17, 18. Bardolf, Lord, friend of Earl of Northum- berland, dies of wound received at Bran- ham Heath, i. 374. " Barebones Parliament." See Parliament. Barfleur, taken by Edward IH.. i. 304. Barillon, ambassador ol Louis XIV. to England, iii. 294, 307, 308; quoted, 317; letter to Louis on revocation of Edict of Nantes, 323, 324 ; letters to Louis, 326, 327, 329, 333; interview with James II., 330; under influence of Sunderland, 347; ex- planation of James II. to him, 353 ; letter on return of James II., 357. Barkstead, Colonel, Lieutenant of the Tower under Cromwell, iii. 188. Barnard, Sir Henry, takes command of Indian army on death of Anson, v. 246. , Sir Alexander, agent of Lord Auckland in Afghanistan, v. 47; mur- dered, 49. , Dr. Robert, dependant of Thomas Cromwell, ii. 197; burned at the stake (1540), 198. Barnet, battle of, ii. 62, 63. "Baronetage," James I. creates title of, ii. 396. Barons, urge William the Conqueror to take the crown, 1. 107 ; council of, assembled to judge Odo of Bayeux, 115 ; invade France under the Conqueror, 117 ; their discon- tent under William Rufus, 120 ; assembled in London, proclaim Henry I., 126; di- vided in allegiance, 128, 129 ; convoked to swear allegiance to Prince Vvilliam, 132; protest against marriage of Empress Maud, 135; elect Stephen, 138; his popularity with the majority, 139; insurrections of those supporting Maud, 139, 140; unite in acknowledging her, 143 ; fortify them- selves in their castles, 146 ; council of, con- voked by Henry II., 168; their disloyalty to him, 182; do not support Longchamp, 197 ; remain faithful to liichard, 199 ; won over by John, 204 ; their discontent, 207, 209; convoked by Archbishop Langton, 211; their oaths, 212, 213; present their demands to John, 213; rise against him, 214 ; extort Magna Charta from him, 215 ; wage war against him, 216, 217; call in aid from France, 218 ; their discord, 219 ; acknowledge Henry III., 221 ; their quar- rels, 223; their assembly first called Par- liament, 224; refuse to'support war with France, 227 ; exact ratification of their lib- erties, 229; their demands, 230; under Simon of Montfort, 231 ; exact oaths from Henry III. and Prince Edward, 232 ; their dissensions encourage the king to resirt them, 233 ; defeat him at Lewes, 234 ; swear allegiance to Edward 1., 239 ; their resist- ance to him, 256, 257; demand ratification of his concessions, 261, 262 ; their victoiy, 263 ; discontent under Edward II., 273, 274 ; capture Gaveston, 275 ; execute him, 276; their jealousy of Despencer, 280; rise against Edward," 280, 281; depose him, 285. Barras, Count de (1755-1829), his power in France after 18th Fructidor, iv. 338. Barre, Colonel, Pitt's arrangement with him as to clerkship of the polls, iv. 301. BARRtKE, Bertkand (1755-1841), moves in the Convention, decree of no quarter to English and Hanoverians, iv. 326. Bart, Jean, French privateer, iii. 402. Barthelemy, M., envoy of French liepub- lic at Basle, iv. 329. Barton, Andrew, naval commander of James V. of Scotland, defeated and killed in engagement with Sir Edward Howard, ii. 121. ■, Elizabeth, Holy Maid of Kent, ii. 173 ; executed, 1534, 174. John, brother of Andrew, naval commander of James V., ii. 121. Barukzyes, tribe of, v. 47. Barwick, John, his letter to Edward Hyde, iii. 200. BAstLE, Monk of, Knight of King Philip of Valois, i. 308. Basle, Congress at (1794-1795), iv. 328, 331; peace of (1795), Tuscany, Prussia, and Sweden with the French Eepublic, 331. Bastille, the, fall of. Fox's exultation at, iv. 315. Bastwick, John, arrested, ii. 421 ; his sen- tence, 422. GENERAL INDEX. 419 Batby, John, heretic, burned at Smithfield, i. 381. Bateman, executed for giving assistance to Titus Gates, iii. 322. Bates, servant of Catesby, ii. 391. Bath, Bishop of, Thomas Ken, signs peti- tion against Declaration of Indulgence, iii. 338, 339. • , Eavl of, present at deathbed of Charles II., iii. 297. -, Earl of, William Pulteney, bis en- mity to Robert Walpole, iv. 134; in oppo- sition, 140; becomes Lord Bath, loO; Walpole's observation to him; declines office, 151. Battersea, country-house and birth-place of Bolingbroke, iv. 146. Battle Abbey, built by William the Con- queror near Hastings, i. 106. Battles: — Aboukir, 1798, iv. 343 ; 1801, 354. Aghrim, 1591, iii. 388. Agincourt, 1415, i. 390-392. Alcoba, 1810, iv. 395, Alma, the, 1854, v. 191, 192. Almanza, 1707, iv. 57. Arapiles, 1812, iv. 396. Ardoch Moor, i. 23. Aspern, 1809, iv. 391. Assendon, 871, i. 45. Atherton Moor, 1643, iii. 34. Austerlitz, 1805, iv. 373. Balaklava, 1854, v. 202-207. Bannockburn, 1314, 276-278. Barnet, 1471, ii. 62, 63. Bauge, 1421, i. 405. Bautzen, 1813, iv. 397. Baylen, 1808, iv. 387. Beachy Head, 1690. iii. 386. Bergen, 1759, iv. 210. Blenheim, 1704, iv. 53. Bosworth, 1485, ii. 82, 83. Botbwell Bridue, 1^79, iii. 284. Boyne, the, 1690, iii. 384. Brandy wine, 1777, iv. 246. Branham Heath, 1408, i. 374. Brentford, 1642, iii. 28. Brenville, 1119, i. 133. Bull Pam, 1861, v. 324. Bunker Hill, 1775, iv. 238. Camperdown, 1797, iv. 338. Canterbury, 839, i. 41. Chalgrove, 1643, iii. 33 Chevy Chase, 1388, i. 351. Chillianwallah, 1849, v. 241, Coleshill, 1157, i. 151. Copenhagen, 1801, iv. 353. Corhiesdale, 1650, iii. 134. Corrichie, ii. 282. Corunna, 1809, iv. 387. Crecy, 1346, i. 307-311. Crevant, 1423, ii. 15, 16. Crevelt, 1758, iv. 197. Cropredybridge, 1644, iii. 48. Culloden, 1746, iv. 173. Dantzic, 1807, iv. 381. Denain, 1712, iv. 74. Dettingen, 1743, iv. 153. Drayton, 1459, ii. 46. Dresden, 1813, iv. 397. Battles {continued) : — Dunbar, 1650, iii. 141. Dunes, battle of the, 1658, iii. 191. Duplin Heath, 1332, i. 293. Edgchill, 1642, iii. 27, 28. Essling. See Aspern. Ethandune, 878, i. 50, Evesham, 1265, i. 236. Eylaii, 1807, iv. 381. Falkirk, 1298, i. 262. , 1746, iv. 170. Farnhara, 884, i. 52. Flodden, 1513, ii. 125, 126. Fleurus, 1690, iii. 386. Fontenoy, 1745, iv. 154-156. Formigny, 1450, ii. 40. Friedlanil, 1807, iv. 381. Futtehpore, 1857, v. 255, 256. Germantown, 1777, iv. 246. Gettysburg. 1863, v. 338. Gravelines, 1558, ii. 262. Grossmont, 1405, i. 372. Guzerat, 1849, v. 242. Halidon Hill, 1333, i. 295. Hastenbeck, 1757, iv. 195. Hastings, i. 1066, 104. Hedgely Moor, 1464, ii. 55. Heligoland, 1864, v. 346. Hcliopolis, 1800, iv. 353. He.xham, 1464, ii. 55. Hochkirch, 1758, iv. 197. Hochstett, 1800, iv. 344. Ilohenlinden, 1800, iv. 344. Horaildon Hill, 1402, i. 367. Inkerman, 1854, v. 209-213. Inverlochy, 1645, iii. 58. Jarnac, l669, ii. 302. Jemmapes, 1792, iv. 322. Jena, 1806, iv. 378. Killicrankie, 1689, iii. 376, 377. Kolin, 1757, iv. 194. La Hogue, 1692, iii. 399. Langport, 1645, iii. 64. Lawfelt, 1747, iv. 170. Leipzig, 1813, iv, 397. Lexington, 1775, iv. 236. Ligny; 1815, iv. 401. Lincoln. 1141, i. 143. Lissa, 1757, iv. 196. Little Canglar, 1488, ii. 103. I London. 839, i. 41. Loudon Hill. 1307, i. 270. Lowestoft, 1665, iii. 261. Lutzen, 1813, iv. 397. Maida, 1806, iv. 380. Malplaquet, 1709, iv. 64. Marengo. 1800, iv. 344. Marignan, 1515, ii. 129. Marston Moor, 1644, iii. 49, 50. Meanee, 1843, v. 152. Methven, 1306, i. 267. Minden, 1759, iv. 210. Moncontour. 1569, ii. 302. Mortimer's Cross, 1461, ii. 49, Munguhvar, 1857, v. 258. Nancy, 1477, ii. 78. Naseby, 1645, iii. 61-63. Navarctte, 1367, i. 332. Neerwinden, 1693, iii. 402, 403. Nesbit Moor, 1402, i. 367. 420 POPULAR HISTORY OF ENGLAND. Battles {continued) : — Nevil's Cross, 1346, i. 301. Newburne, 1640, ii. 427. Newbury, 1643, iii. 39. , 1644, iii. 53, ni. Newton-Butler, 1689, iii. 372, 373. Nortliampton, 1460, ii. 46. Oaklv, 851, i.42. Orthez, 1814, iv. 400. Ouclenarde, 1708, iv. 59. Patav, 1429, ii. 27. Paviii, 1525, ii. 149. Pliilip-liau<(li, 1645, iii. 68. Pinkie, 1.547, ii. 222. Plassey, 1757, iv. 207. Poitiers, 1356, i. 322-325. Porto Novo, 1781, iv. 289. Preston, 1648, iii. 102. Prestonpans, 1745, iv. 161, 162. Princeton, 1776, iv. 242. Quatre Bras, 1815, iv. 401. Kamilies, 1706, iv. 55. Raucoux, 1746, iv. 179. Revoux, 207, i. 24. Rochester, 839, i. 41. Roncesvalles, 1813, iv 398. Rosbach, 1757, iv. 196. Rosebecqiie, 1382, i. 350. Sadowa, 1866, v. 356. St. Albans, 1455, ii. 45. , 1461, ii. 49. Saint-Aul)in-du-Cormier, 1488, ii. 95. Saint Vincent, 1797, iv. 334. Sedgemoor, 1685, iii. 317. Sherbournc, 1645, iii, 68. Slicrifimuir, 1715, iv. 101, 102. Siirewsbury, 1403, i. 369, 370. Sole Bay, iG72, iii. 269. Solway Moss, 1542, ii. 204. Spurs, battle of the, 1513, ii, 123, 124. Standard, l)attle of the (North Allerton), 1137, i. 141, 142. Stcinkirk, 1692, iii. 401. Stirling, 1297, i. 260. Stoke, 1487, ii. 93, Stow, 1646, iii. 72, Talavera, 1809, iv. 389, Tchernaya, 1855, v. 224, Teneriffe, 1656, iii. 186. Tewkesbury, 1471, ii. 63, Tinchcbrai; 1106, i. 130. Torrington, 1646, iii. 71. Toulouse. 1814, iv. 400. Towton, 1.561, ii. 52. Trafalgar, 1805, iv. 371, 372. Ushant, 1778, iv. 251. Valladolid, 1818, iv. 385. Valmy, 1792, iv. 322, Verncuil, 1424, ii, 17. Villa Viciosa, 1710, iv. 65. Vimeiro, 1808, iv. 386. Vittoria, 1813, iv. 398. Wagram, 1809, iv. 391, 392. Wakefield, 1460, ii. 48. Waterloo, 1815, iv. 401. Wilton, 1142, i. 146. Worcester, 1651, iii. 145, 146- Zorndorf, 17-58, iv. 197. Zutphcn, 1586, ii. 345. Baudin, French vice-admiral, his fleet dis- persed by English, iv. 394. Baudrand, General, M. Guizot's letter to, V. 36. Baudricourt, Sire de, his treatment of Joan of Arc, ii. 23, Baugi!:, battle of, i. 405, Bautzen, battle of, iv. 397. Bavaria, Duke of, his daughter marries Archduke of Austria, ii. 299. , Elector of, Maximilian Emanuel (1662-1726), death of iiis son, adopted iiy Charles II. of Spain, iv. 31 ; at head of German Princes, 34; (iovcruor of Low Countries, orders surrender of frontier towns to Louis XIV., 39, 40; joined by Tallard, 52 ; effects retreat after Blenheim", 53; harasses march of Prince Eugene, 58. -, Elector of, Charles Albert, (1697- 1745), his claim to part of dominions of Austria on death of Charles VI., iv. 148; becomes Emperor of Germany, 1742, 150. See Germany, Charles VII, -, Elector of, Maximilian Joseph, gains Tyrol by Peace of Presburg (1805), iv. 373. Electoral Prince of, adopted by Charles II. of Spain, his death, iv. 31. , Isabel of. See Isabel of Bavaria. -, Louis of, letter from Henry VIII to, ii, 138, Baxter, Richard, opposes Declaration of Indulgence, iii, 334, 335, Bayard, (1475-1524), Chevalier, marches to relieve Therouenne, ii. 123 ; his death, 149. Bayeux, regained by France, ii. 40. Bayeux, Odo, Bishop of, brother of William the Conqueror, i. 9.5-104; intrusted with government of England, 108; made Earl of Kent; his character; aspires to papacy, 114; imprisoned by the Conqueror, 115; supports Robert Curthose, 120, 121, Baylen, battle of, iv, 387. Bayonne, camp of Marshal Soult at, iv.400. Beachy Head, battle of, iii. 386. Beales, Edmond, President of Reform League, v. 364. Beaton, Cardinal David, his influence over James V., ii. 203; claims the regency; imprisoned, 205 ; regains his lii)erty; is reconciled with Arran, 207 ; his fanaticism ; his assassination, 209. Beauchamp, Lord, nephew of Earl of Es- sex, iii. 51. Beaufort, Cardinal, half-brother of Henry IV., as Bishop of Winchester, his speech in Parliament, i. 385; appointed to educate Henry VI., ii. 14; his quarrel with Glouce- ster; made cardinal, 19; sends reinforce- ments to Duke of Bedford, 28 ; his dispo- sal of remains of Joan of Arc, 34; crowns Henry VI., 35; at council of Arras, 32; his death, 39. Beaufort, Jane, marries James I. oi" Scot- land, ii. 16. , Margaret. See Richmond, Coun- tess of. Beaujeu, M, de, in command of French troops in America, defeats Braddock, iv. 19L GENERAL INDEX. 421 Beaitjeau, Madame de, sister of Charles Vlll. of France, ii. 98. Beaulieu, favorite of Charles VII. of France, ii. 20. Beaumarchais, M. de, (1732-1799), his in- terest in American ati'airs, iv. 243. Beauregard, coniederate general, defeats McDowell at Bull Run, v. 324. Beauvais, Bishop of, imprisoned at Rouen, i. 201. Becker, General, accompanies Napoleon in his flight, iv. 402. Becket, CiiLBERT, father of Thomas a Beck- et, i. 155, 156. , Thomas A. See Canterbury, Arch- bishops of. Beddingfield, Sir Henry, governor of the Tower, ii. 252. Bedford, opens its gates to barons, i. 214. , Duke of, (John), brother of Henry v., appointed regent in his absence, i. 385 ; relieves Harfleur, 393,394; repulses incur- sion of Scots, 395; iu Paris, with King Henry, 404; assumes command of English army, 406 ; intrusted by Henry with gov- ernment of France, 407 ; seizes power in France, ii. 13 ; chief mourner at funeral of Charles VI., 14; unopposed in France, 14; causes large towns in France to swear allegianee to Henry VI. ; marries Anne of Burgundy; despatches aid to Crevant, 15; sends James I. back to Scotland, 16; de- feats the French at Vcrneuil, 17 ; chosen as arbitrator between Gloucester and Bra- bant, 18; compelled to visit England, 19; returns to France, 20; receives reinforce- ments from England, 21 ; negotiates for surrender of Orleans, 22 ; his anger at Talbot's defeat, 27; receives fresh rein- forcements, 28; gives up command of al- lied forces, and retires to Normandy, 29 ; crowns Henry VI. King of France ; mar- ries Jaquette of Luxembourg, 35 ; his death, 37. Duke of, John Russell, (1710-1771), in Grenville's cabinet, iv. 227. , Earl of, imprisoned for heresy, ii. 263. ^ , Earl of, sent by Elizabeth to Scot- land, ii. 287; her instructions to, 288. -, Earl of, (William Russell) made Duke (1694), iii. 404. Bedloe, accomplice of Titus Gates, iii. 280. Belisme, Robert of, Earl of Shrewsbur}-, i. 129. Belgians, or Cymri, early invaders of Brit- ain, i. 13-18. Belgium, campaign of Marlborough in, iv. 55, 56 ; invaded by army of French Repub- lic, 322; again in possession of the allies, 325 ; under control of Bonaparte, 360 ; in- vaded by him, 401 ; kingdom of, its for- mation, 448; accession of Prince Leopold of Saxe-Coburg, 449; Louis Philippe re- fuses to accept throne of, for his sou, v. 11 1 ; its neutrality menaced, 390 ; separated from Holland in"l831, 394; its neutrality estab- lished, 395. -, Leopold L, king of (1790-1865), of George IV., iv. 405; his accession, 1831; marries Louise, daughter of Louis Phihppe, 449. Belhaven, Lord, imprisoned by Duke of York, iii. 289. ^ Bellayse, John, Lord, made Privy Coun- cillor by James II., iii. 330. Bellefonds, Marshal de, at battle of La Hogue, iii. 399. Belle-Isle, captured by English (1761), iv. 215. Belle-Isle, Marshal, his influence with Cardinal Fleury, iv. 148. Belliard, General, in command of French in Cairo, capitulates, iv. 354. Bellievre, ambassador extraordinary from Henry HI. of France to Elizabeth, ii. 331. ■, M. de, French ambassador to Charles I., iii. 76; recalled, 149. Beloochees, the, attack Hyderabad, v. 151, 152. Belleville, Joan of. See Joan of Belle- ville. Bembow, Captain, adherent of Cliarles II. executed, iii. 147. Benares, Chey-ta-Sing, Rajah of, driven from his country by Warren Hastings, iv. 290. Benedict HI. See Popes. , XII. See Popes. , XIII., anti-pope, annuls the second marriage of Jacqueliae of Ilainault, ii. 18. Bengal, becomes possession of Englaml, iv. 207 ; Clive appointed Governor-General of, 209, 210; his rcKjrganizatiou of, 281- 283 ; desolated by famine, 283 ; British su- premacy Anally estal)lished in, 285; Pres- idency of, its authority over possessions of East India Company, 286. Bentinck, Lord George, his attack on Sir Robert Pec], v. 82; forms alliance with Whigs and Radicals, 86; his remarks on results of repeal of the Corn-Laws, 99 ; growth of his reputation, 126. , William, his devotion to William of Orange, iii. 344; made Earl of Port- land. See Portland. Berar, annexed to British possessions in India, v. 241. Berbice, Dutch colony in Guiana, iv. 266. Berengaria of Navarre, i. 181 : marries Richard Cceur de Lion, 189. Beresford, Simon, accomplice of Morti- mer, hanged at Tyburn, i. 293. Bergen, battle of, iv. 210. Bergen-op-Zoom, besieged by the French, iv. 179. Berkeley Castle, Edward II. murdered at, i. 286, 287. , Admiral, present at the attack on Brest, iii. 405. -, Sir John, his negotiations in behalf of Charles I., iii. 86, 87, 88; urges the kin^; to consider proposals of the army, 89; removed from the king, 93 ; accompanies his flight, 94; carries letter from him to the army, 97. husband of Princess Charlotte, daughter I Berlin, Marlborough's negotiations at, iv. 422 POPULAR HISTORY OF ENGLAND. 58; capture of bv Russians, 212; deci- mated by Seven "X'ears' War, 220 ; entered by Napoleon, 378. Berlin Decree, issued by Napoleon, 1806, iv. 378. Bernard, accused of complicity in Orsini's plot, V. 285; acquitted, 286. Bernicia, Anglian king-ilom founded, i 32; its union with Deira forms Northumbria, 32, 33. BerniSre, Madame de, Voltaire's letter to, iv. 130. , President de, iv. 130. Bernis, Cardinal, Minister of Foreij^n Af- fairs to Louis XV., his love for peace, iv. 197 Berri, Charles, Duke of, frrandson of Louis XIV , the Enjjflish demand his renuncia- tion of right to the Spanish throne, iv. 70, 71. , Duke of,uncIe of Charles VI., assumes Armawnac badg'e, i. 37o ; effects reconcilia- tion between Orleans and Bur.i,^undy, 376; resists pretensions of Henry V., 383, 384; supports the Dauphin, Louis, 38-1; attempts negotiations with Henry, 38o; his advice at Ao^incourt, 388, 389. Berryer, M., advocate of Montalembert, v. 275. Bertha, Christian queen of Kent, i. 35. Berwick, captured by Edward I. 253; Par- liament convened at (1296), 254; falls into tiie hands of tlie Scotch, 279; besie^^ed by Edward III., 294; by the Scotch, 320; suri'enders to Henry IV., 372; ceded to the Scotch by Margaret of Anjon, ii. 53; peace concluded at, l)etweeu Charles II. and the Scotcli, 425. , James Fitzjames, Duke of, accom- panies James II. in his tiig-ht from Roclies- ter, iii. 359; commissioned to rouse Eng- lisli Jacobites, iv. 17 ; interview with James on return to France, 18; in service of Pliilip V. of Spain, 55; gains victory of Almanza (1707),57; quoted, 58, 88; inter- view with Bolingbroke, 96; criticism of Earl Mar, 99; censures the Pretender's folly in dismissing Bolingbrolce, 107; takes command in French armv against Pliilip v., 118. Bessi£;res, Marshal, defeats Spanish at Val- ladolid, iv. 385. Bethlehem, dispute for possession of sanc- tiuu'ics at, v. 171, 172. Beverning, Van, Dutch statesman, his let- ter to John De Witt, iii. 166. Beyroot, bombarded by the English, v. 40. Beverley, Saxon church at, attacked by Norm.ms, i. 111. Bible, forbidden to be read in public, ii. 201 ; Wicklifte's translation of ; Parker's, Cov- erdale's, 357. BiDASSOA, the, crossed by Wellington, iv. 398. BiGOD, Roger, Earl of Norfolk, liis replies to Henry III., i. 230-233 ; opposes com- mands of Edward I., 255; retires to liis estates, 256 ; resists the exactions of Ed- ward, 257-263. Bishoprics, British, i. 28 ; Saxon, 37 ; Eng- lish, their rich revenues, 154; offered for sale bv Richard I., 186 ; Anglican founded by Henry VIII., ii. 192. Bishops, Anglican, bill for their exclusion from Parliament, ii. 445; their declara- tion to Parliament ; impeachment resolved upon, 447 ; restored to House of Lords, iii. 256; endeavor to obtain from Monmouth profession of doctrine of non-resistance, 316; refuse to support James II. against Prince of Orange, 351; divided in regard to repeal of Test Act, iv. 120 ; on question of disestablishment of Irish Church, v. 385; in Scotland, efforts to introduce Eng- lish liturgy, ii. 423 ; in Ireland, their ad- dress to William IV., iv. 446; lose their seats in English Parliament, v. 485. , British, their dissensions with Roman missionaries, i. 34 ; take refuge in Wales, i.36, 37. , English, convoked to decide upon marriage of Henry I., 127 ; side with Henry I. against his brother, 128; condition im- posed by them upon Stephen, 138, 139; ratify accession of Maude, 143 ; in council of Clarendon, 157 ; propose arbitration of Louis IX. between Henry III. and his barons, 234 ; join with barons in drawing up Dictum of Kenilworth, 239; unsuccess^ ful resistance to Edward I., 255; protest against sentence of the Despencers, 281 ; Catherine of Aragon summoned before court of, ii. 171 ; commission of, composes liturgy of English church, 233; married, deprived of their sees l)y Mary, 245. -, Roman Catholic, in England, deposed by Cranmer, ii. 235; deposed by Elizabeth, 237; in Ireland, oppose Irish University Bill, V. 408. -, the Seven, protest against Declara- tion of Indulgence, iii. 338, 339; sent to the Tower, 340 ; allowed to return to their palaces, 340, 341; their trial, 341, 342; their acquittal, 343 ; their trial opens the eyes of the Tories, 346. Birch, Colonel, arrested by Colonel Pride, iii. 105 ; his speech on necessity of reliev- ing Londonderry, 372. Birmingham, obtains third representative in 1866, V. 368. Biron, Duke de, at battle of Fontenoj', iv. 155. , Marshal, his generosity to Rodney, iv. 257. Bismarck, Count, his ambition, v. 302 ; his projects upon Schleswig-Holstein prov- inces, 344, 345; designs upon Belgium, 390. BizoT, General, French engineer at siege of Sebastopol, v. 201. Blackfriars' Theatre, Shakespeare's first connection with, ii. 367 ; his direction of, 380. Black Friday in London, iv 168. Blackheath, Wat Tyler at, i. 345 ; Jack Cade encamped at, ii. 41, 42. " Black Hole " of Calcutta, iv. 206. BLAciiLow Hill, Gavcstou executed at, L 275. GENERAL INDEX. 423 Blockxess Castle, Cardinal Beaton im- prisoned at, ii. 207. Black Prince. See Edward, the Black Prince. Black Sea, occupied by Enp-lish and French fleets, V. Ijy, 180; its interdiction to ships of war, 234. Blackwateu, battle of, ii. 348. Blake, Admiral (1599-1657), his successes against Prince Rupert, iii. 152; captures French ships, 154; encounter with Dutch fleet, 156; victory over De Witt, 157; de- feated by Van Tronip, 157, 158; expedi- tion to Mediterranean, 173, 174; victory at Teneritfe, his death, 186 ; tomb dese- crated, 254. Blakeney, General, surrenders Fort St. Pliilip in Minorca to the French, iv. 192. Blanche of Castile, wife of Louis VIII. of France, niece of Kini? John, i. 219; her defence of Brittany, 224. Blanche-Tache, ford of the Somme, i. 306, 387. Blechindon, captured by Cromwell, iii. 60. Blenhei.m, battle of, iv. 53. • , palace of Duke of Marlborough, iv. 54. Blois, Charles of, nephew of Philip of Valois, i. 299, 300; made prisoner, 313. , Peter of, description of Henry II., i. ISO. Blount, Sir Thomas, renounces allegiance to Edward II., i. 286. Blucuer, Prussian general, at battles of Ligny and Waterloo, iv. 401. Boadicea, British ((iicen, i. 21, 22. Boccaccio, Decameron of, i. 343. Bohemia, claimed by Spain at tlcath of the Emperor Charles VI., iv. 148. • , Anne of. See Anne of Bohemia. , Sovereigns of- — John of Hainault, ally of Philip I. of France, i. 305 ; after battle of Crecv, 311. ^ Frederick V., Elector Palatine (1596- 1632), son-in-law of James I., called to throne of Bohemia by Protestant partv, his elevation opposed by the Catholics, ii. 403; driven from Bohemia, takes i-efuge at the Hague, 405; scheme of James I. for his re-establishmcnt, 406. Charles Albert, Elector of Bavaria (1697-1745), crowned, iv. 150. EoHUN, Sir Henry, killed by Bruce at Ban- nockburn, i. 276, 277. , Humphrey. See Hereford Earl of. , Lady Mary de, wife of Henry IV., i. 378. BoiLEAU, Racine's letter to, iii. 403, BoiSDALE, Macdonald of. See Macdonald. BoLEYN, Anne, maid of honor to Catharine of Aragon, ii. 153; King Henry's tlevotion to her, 154, 155; her enmity to Wolsey, 155; her illness, 157; her influence ex- erted against Wolsey, 160; her marriage with Henry VIII., 170; crowned, 172; ex- communicated, 172; her children declared legitimate successors to the throne, 173; exultation at death of Catharine, 181 ; ar- rest, 182 ; letter to the king, 183, 184 ; nul- lity of her marriage declared, 184; her death, 185; buried in chupcl of the Tower, 244. Bolingbroke, Henry St. John, Viscount (1678-1751), secretary of state in Harley's cabinet of 1710, his secret negotiations with the French, iv. 67; his reply to the Dutch delegate, 68; quoted in regard to peace of Utrecht, 69; transmits the (incen's onlers to Ormond, 72; his successful manoeuvres to secure peace with France, 73; finally arranges peace of Utrecht, 75 ; his political intrigues, 76; in council of Queen Anne, 81 ; beginning of his rivalry with Walpole, 82 ; his remark on trial of Sacheverell, 83 ; made secretary of state (1710), 84; his elo- quence, rivalry witb Oxford, 85; engages in Jacobite plots, 85 ; presents Schism 13111 in Parliament, 86; placed at heatl of com- mission for drawing up hills of attainiler against Jacobites, 87 ; the queen transfers her confitlcnce to him, 88; his intrigues in favor of the Pretentler, 88, 89; letter to Strafford, 89 ; forcetl to propose Shrews- bury as treasurer, 90; overthrow of his schemes, 90, 91; his disgrace, 94; flight, 94, 95; impeachment in Parliament, 95; in Paris, joins the Pretender, 96; made secretaiy of state by the Pretender, his ac- count of Jacobites in France, 97 ; the Pre- tender writes to liim from Scotland, 103; dismissed by the Pretender m favor of Or- mond, 106; abandons the Jacobites, 107; pardoned by George I., 128; permitted to return to England (1723), again retires to France and returns in 1725, 129; visited by Voltaire at Uxbridge, 130; his attempts to ruin Walpole, 134; interview with the king, 135; enmity to Walpole, 140; Wal- pole's attack on him, 141 ; inspii'es Wynd- ham's attack on Walpole, 142 ; leaves Eng- land (1734), his return, death, 146 Bologna, University of, declares m favor of the divorce of Henry VIII. from Cath- arine of Aragon, ii. 167. Bolton, agitation against Corn Laws in, v. 69, 70. Bolton Castle, Mary Stuart imprisoned at, ii. 295. BoMARSUND, captured liy Baltic fleet, v. 188. Bonaparte, Jerome, becomes King of Westphalia (1807), iv. 381, 382. , Joseph, becomes King of Naples, iv. 377; declared King of Spain, 385; quits Madrid in alarm, 386; letter to Napoleon, 386, 387; obliged to remain on throne of Spain, 387; established at Madrid, 387; defeated at Vittoria, 392. -, Louis, becomes King of Holland, iv. 381 ; abdicates, 395. -, Charles Louis Napoleon. See France, Sovereigns of. Boniface. See Canterbury, Archbishops of. VIII. See Popes. Bonner, Bishop of London, emissary of Henry VIII. to the Pope, ii. 172; judges Anne Askew, 210; discourse at St. Paul's Cross, 234; deprived of his see and im- prisoned, 235 ; -^et free, 243; «ives public thanks for cnfoicement of laws against 424 POPULAR HISTORY OF ENGLAND. heretics, 254 ; his zeal not equal to that of Queeu Mary, 255; rehutfecl by Elizabeth, 267 ; imprisoned by her, 273. BoNNiVET, Admiral, commands French army in Italy, ii. 147, 149. BoNKEPAUX, envoy of Louis XIV. to Eng- land, iii. 327 ; his criticism of James II., 337; conveys offers of Louis XIV. to James, 347. Booth, Sir George, revolts in favor of Charles II., iii. 212; imprisoned in Tower, 213. Book of Sports, the, ii. 398, 399. Bora, Catherine, wife of Martin Luther, ii. 152. Bordeaux, Earl of Derby besieged in (1346), i. 311 ; court of Black "Prince at, 331 ; sur- renders to English, ii. 43 ; is recaptured by Frencli (1453), 44; proclaims Bourbons (1814), iv. 400. , Archbishop of, bears message from Henry II. to his son Henry, i. 178. -, M. de, envoy of Mazarin to England, iii. 154, 155, 169; negotiates with Monk, 242. Borgo, Count Pozzo di, opinions in regard to fortifying Sebastopol, v. 186. Born, Bertrand de, poet of Aquitaine, in- trigues with the sons of Henry II. against him, i. 178; is taken prisoner and set free by Henry, 179; spoken of by Dante, 179. BoscAWEN, Admiral Edward (1711-1761), captures French vessels, iv. 189; his at- tack on Pondicherry, 203. Bosquet, General, at battle of the Alma, V. 191 ; his exclamation at Balaklava, 206 ; in command of French division at Inker- man, 211, 212; anecdote of, 214; com- mands storming party at the capture of the Mamelon, 224. BoSsuet, his eulogies of Queen Henrietta Maria and the Duchess of Orleans, iii 272. Boston, opposition to the Stamp Act in, iv. 224; to importation of tea, 233; port rights withdrawn, 234 ; British garrison besieged in, 236 ; evacuated by British, 238. Bosworth, battle of, ii. 83, 84. Botany Bay, transportation of criminals to, V. 288. Bothwell Bridge, battle of, iii. 284. Bothwell, Earl of, levies forces for Mary Stuart, ii. 287; accused of Darnley's mur- der, 289; acquitted, carries oif the queen, 290 ; marries her, nobles attempt to take possession of, 291 ; his escape from Car- bery, leaves the kingdom, 292; his corres- pondence with Mary, 293 ; Mary's accusa- tion of, 296; declares his divorce, 301. Bouchain, captured by Villars, iv. 74. BouciCAULT, Marshal, taken prisoner at Agincourt, i. 392. BouFFLERS, Marquis de, at capture of Namur, iii. 401 ; his defence of Namur, iv. 15; forced to capitulate, 16; plenipo- tentiary of France at Ryswick, 23 ; evacu- ates Lille, 59; at battle of Malplaquet, 64. BouiLLt, Marquis of, captures Dominique, iv. 253; recaptures St. Eustace, 266 ; cap- tures St. Christopher, 270. Bouillon, Duke of, nephew of Turenne, iii. 212. Boulogne, Hastings encamped at, i. 51 ; cap- tured by Henry VIII., ii. 208; restored to France, 230 ; Bonaparte's camp at, iv. 363. , Eustace of. Sec Eustace of Bou- logne. BouRBAKi, French general of division at Inkerman, v. 212. Bourbon, Charles, Constable de (1490- 1527), intrusted with government of Milan, ii. 131; his plot against Francis I., 147; at head of the emperor's army, defeats Francis I. at Pavia, 149; his death at siege of Rome, 153. , Duke of, Jean, (1381-1434), i. 364; taken prisoner at Agincourt, 392. -, Duke of, at storming of Gibraltar (1782), iv. 273 -, Duke of, Louis Henri (1692-1749), becomes regent upon death of Duke of Orleans, iv. 130, 131; breaks ott inarriage of Louis XV. with Infanta of Spain, 131; supplanted by Cardinal de Flciiry, 133. , John of, defeated by free bands, i. 330. -, House of, its growing poAvcr, iii. 152; Louis XV. sole representative of older branch, iv. 69; in Spain and France, di- vided against itself, 132 ; in alliance with House of Austria, 192; recognizes Ameri- can independence, 248; princes of, at head of emigrant army invading France, 322; dynasty in Spain overthrown iiy the Bona- parles, 383, 384 ; re-established in lh23, 416; its mamtenance in Spain ncccssai-)- to France, V. Ill, 112; England's attitude toward, 113; in Naples, declares war against England, 331. Bourchier, Cardinal- Archbishop, crowns Henry VII , ii. 85. , Sir John, partisan of Henry VII., ii. 89. BoURGES, Archbishop of, ambassador to England, i. 385. BouRGtrENEY, M. de, French charge-d'af-- faires, v. 42. Bourn, Canon of St. Paul's, ii. 243. Bower, Sir George, besieged in Barnard Castle, li. 304. BowLBY, " Times " correspondent, v. 311. Bowles, Dr., chaplain of Fairfax, iii. 222, BowRiNG, Dr., supports cause of free trade, v. 69, 70. , Sir John, orders bombardment of Canton, v. 237. Boyne, battle of the, iii. 384. Brabant, inherited by Philip of Burgundy, ii. 30. , Cliquet de, killed at battle of Agin- court, i. 390. , Duke of, ally of Edward I., i. 258. , Duke of, ally of Edward HI., i. 296. , Duke of, Anthony, killed at Agin- court, i. 391. , Duke of, John, mairies Jacqueline of Hainault (1418), ii. 18; assisted l)y Duke of Burgundy, 19; his death (1427), 20. Bkabantines, mercenaries in England, i. GENERAL INDEX. 425 ISO; in sei-vice of ITcniy II., 152, 176; in service of John, 217 ; of Isabel, wife of Edward II., 283; at Agincourt, 390. Brackenbury, Sir Robert, guardian of the Tower, ii. 78. Bkaddock, General, English commander in French war in America (1755), iv. 188, 189; defeat of his expedition against Fort Diiquesne, his death, 190. Bradford, reformed preacher, ii. 243. Bkadshaw, John (1586-1659), President of High Court of Justice for trial of Charles I., 107; conducts the trial, 109-113; made President of Council of State, 121 ; Crom- well's letter to, 140 ; protests against disso- lution of the council, 163; made President of High Court of Justice under Cromwell, 167; not elected to Parliament in 1656, 174 ; condemns action of the army, 216 ; his death, 217 ; disinterred and decapitated, 254. Brandon, Sir Charles. See Suffolk, Duke of. Brandtwine, battle of, iv. 246. Branham Heath, battle of, i. 374. Braose, William of, Lord of Bramber, i. 207, 208. Brazil, Emperor of, Pedrs II., appoints commissioner to the tribunal of arbitration at Geneva, v. 334. Breadalbane, John Campbell, Earl of, ne- gotiates for Master of Stair with Highland chiefs, iii. 395. Breakspeare, Nicholas, Pope Adrian IV., i. 149. Breda, conferences at, iii. 133 ; treaties of (1667), 261. Bremen, Duchy of, gained by George I., iv. 120. , recovered from the French by Fer- dinand of Brunswick, iv. 196. Brentford, battle of, iii. 28. , Earl, of, commander-in-chief of royal army, iii. 52. Bresson, M., employed in negotiations in regard to Spanish marriage, v. 122. Breteuil, William of, his quarrel with Henry Beauclerc, i. 125. Brethnolte, Earl, Dane settled in England, i.68. Bretigny, treaty of (1360), i. 329. Bretons, banished from England by Wil- liam the Conqueror, i. 113; in favor of Prince Arthur, 203; march into Poitou, 205 ; proclaim Alice of Thouars, 206 ; sum- mon French to their aid, ii. 94; unite against France, 95. Bretwalda, Chief of the Heptarchj-, i. 35, 37, 39. Brewster, Sir David (1781-1868), his name beginning to be known in 1837, v. 161. Breze, Rene de, partisan of Margaret of Anjou, ii. 54. Bridgewater, Duke of, his subscription to Pitt's loan, iv. 333. , Lady, daughter of old Duchess of Norfolk, imprisoned, ii. 199 ; condemned to imprisonment for life, 220. Bridgnorth, Henry 1. takes, i. 129. Bridport, Alexander Hood (1724-1813), Lord, English Admiral, in command against the French at Quiberon Bay, iv. 328; mutiny in liis squadron, 335; prom- ises redress and pardon, 336. Brigantes, British tribe, i. 19. Bright, John, speech on Peel's course with regard to Corn-Laws, v. 77,78; supports peace policy in atfair of the " Arrow," 2139 ; work in behalf of electoral reform, 298; his sympathy with United Stales, 331 ; his name for followers of Mr. Lowe, 362, 363 ; Disraeli's Reform Bill more than he had asked, 367; remarks on Ireland, 368; speech in behalf of Fenian prisoner, 372; in Gladstone's cabinet, 384; his speech in Birmingham, 384, 385; opinion on mon- archy in England, 406. Brisach, ceded by Louis XIV. at treaty of Ryswick, iv. 23. Bristol, surrenders to Charles I., iii. 35; hekl by Prince Rupert, 66; taken by Fair- fax, 67; Cromwell lantls at, 137*; held against Monmouth, 316; outbreak on re- jection of Reform Bill (1831), iv. 438. , Bishop of, Sir Johu Trelawney, signs petition against Declaration of Indulgence, iii. 338. , DiGBY, Earl of, ambassador of James I. at Madrid, letter to the king, ii. 407; recalled, 410. Britain, early inhabitants of, i. 13 ; early in- vaders of, 13; early commercial relations of, 13; invaded by Romans, 14-22; under Roman rule, 22-26; condition of, after de- parture of Romans, 27, 29; division of by Saxons, 33; becomes England, 33. Brito, Richard, murderer of Becket, i. 168. Britons, their wars with Romans, i. 14-22; mode of warfare, 16 ; wars with Cale- donians, 24, 25 ; converted to Christianity, 27, 28 ; conquered by Saxous, 30 ; in Wales, 63. Brittany, invaded by Henry II., i. 152; Becket's negotiations concerning, 154; taken possession of by Henry II., 163; English princes do homage for, 164; de- signed by Henry II. for his son, Geoffrey, 174 ; Coeur-de-Lion does homage for, to Philip Augustus, 181 ; revolts, 182 ; nobil- ity of, in favor of Prince Arthur, 203 ; ravaged by both parties, 204 ; insurrection in, organized by Philip Augustus, 205; regained by French, under Philip Au- gustus, 207 ; unsuccessful invasion of by Henry III., 224; conflicting claims to suc- cession, 299; war in, 299-301, 313, 318; annexed to France, 341 ; population of Normandy take refuge in, 395; partisans of Henry Tudor assemble in, 80 ; invaded by French, 94, 95; finally assured to crown of France, 98; Alberoni attempts to incite revolt in, iv. 119; war of Chou- ans in, 328. , Anne of. See Anne of Brittany. , Duke of (John ill.) dies without issue, i. 299. -, Duke of, assumes badge of Armagrn- aes, i. 375; expected at Agincourt with reinforcements, 390, 391 ; his private ulli- auce with Burgundy, ii. 15; declares iu 426 POPULAR HISTORY OF ENGLAND. fevor of Charles VII., 19; forced to break the alliance, 20. Bkittany, Duke of (Francis), his treatment of Henry Tudor, ii. 80; war with Charles VIII., 94-96. , Duke of, p^reat-grandson of Louis XIV., his death, iv. 69. , Pearl of. See Eleanor, Pearl of Brittany. Broc, Ranulph de, i. 166, 167, 170. , Robert dc, i. 167. Brock, biographer of Ilavelock, v. 268. Broderick, his letter to Hyde, iii. 246. Brogiiill, Lord, (Roger Boyle), makes overtures to Cromwell in regaril to resto- ration of Charles II., iii. 176; his opinion on the monarchy, 181; defends himself against Cromwell's charges, 188 ; adviser of Richard Cromwell, 202 ; desires Resto- ration, 203, 241. Broglie, Count (1647-1727), invests Mar chiennes, iv. 74 ; joins George I. in Ger- many, 132, 133; his opinion of George I., 133." , Duke of (1671-1745), Marshal of France, evacuates Bavaria, iv. 153. , Duke of (1718-1804), repulses Fer- dinand of Brunswick, iv. 210; generalis- simo of French army, 212. -, Duke of (1785-1879), M, Guizot's letter to, v. 40, 41 ; arranges treaty of 1845 between France and England, 100. Broke, Lord Wdloughby dc, in command of troops of Henry VII. iu Brittany, ii. Bromley, Secretary of State to Queen Anne, iv. 90. Brompton, Lady, Perkin Warbeck travels in her suite, ii. 101. Bronte, Charlotte, English novelist, v. 169. Brook, Lord, receives command of regiment in Parliamentary army, iii. 25; at battle of Brentford, 28. Brougham, Lord, Henry (1779-1868), his inquiiy into Holy Alliance, iv. 403 ; advo- cate of Queen Caroline, 407 ; his speech in her defence, 408-409 ; chancellor in Lord Grey's cabinet, 1830, 429; account of de- bate on Reform Bill of 1831, 432; inter- view with William IV., 434, 435; does not take othce in Melbourne's cabinet, 455 ; at- tackeil by opposition in Parliament, v. 19; his reproach to Melbourne's ministry, 21, 22 ; opposition to use Hyde Park for the Exhibition, 139. Brown, General, Presbyterian leader, iii. 129. , Sir George, his report in favor of invasion of Crimea, v. 187 ; at battle of Inkerman, 212. John, his attempt at Harper's Feriy, V. 317; his execution, 318. Browning, Elizabeth Barrett, English poet, V. 169. , Robert, English poet, v. 169. Brownists, tiie, their use as a sect, ii. 358; persecuted by Presbyterians, iii. 41. See Independents. Bruce, Edward, brother of King Robert, at battle of Bannockburn, i. 278; invades Ireland and is crowned king; defeated and killed at Fagher, 279. Bruce, Frederick, brother of Lord Elgin, appointed minister to China, v, 308; hi?* instructions, 308, 309; attempts to force his way to Pekin, 309; attack on his con- duct, 310. , James, his travels in Abyssinia, v. 377. -, Nigel, younger brother of Robert Bruce, put to death, i. 269. , Robert, Norman knight, i. 141. -, Robert. Sec Scotland, Sovereigns of Brueys, Admiral, defeated by Nelson at the battle of Aboukir (1798); his death, iv. 343. Bruges, truce concluded at, between France and England, i. 336; surrenders to Duke of Burgundy, (1708), iv. 58; given up to allies, 59. Brumairb, the 18th, (Nov. 9th, 1800), date of Bonaparte's overthrow of the Directory, iv. 344. Brunswick, pillaged by Marshal Riche- lieu, iv. 195 ; recovered in part from the French by Ferdinand of Brunswick, 196. , Caroline of. See Caroline of Bruns- wick. -, Duke of (1735-1806), commander-in- chief of Austrian and Prussian armies in France, iv. 322 ; refuses command of An- glo-Dutch army, 327. -, Prince Ferdinand of, in command of George II. 's army in Germany, iv. 193; defeats the French at Crevelt, 197 ; at Min- den, 1759, 210. Bruot, Admiral, governor of Tahiti, hid conduct in regard to Pritchard, v. 106. Brussels, evacuated by Villeroy, iv. 55; taken possession of by Marlborough, 56 ; retaken by French, 327 ; allied armies as- sembled at, 1815,401. Brydon, Dr., brings news of disaster at Koord Cabul, v, 53. Bucer, Martin, heretic, disinterred and burned, ii. 260. Buchan, Countess of, a fugitive with Robert Bruce, i. 268. , Earl of, John Stuart (1380-1424), ap- pointed Constable of France by the Dau- phin, i. 405 ; besieges Cosnc, 406 ; attacks Crevant, ii. 15 ; loses an eye, 16. Buchanan, George, tutor of James VI„ ii. 320 ; his History of Scotland, 364. BucKHURST, Lord, announces her sentence to Mary Stuart, ii. 330. Buckingham, Duke of (Stafford), allied with Richard III., ii. 72, 73 ; accomplishes his succession to the throne, 76; conspires in favor of Edward V., 77 ; supports Earl of Richmond, 78, 79; beheaded (1483), 79. Duke of (Stafford), accused of trea- son, ii. 137; executed (1521), 138. -, Duke of, George Villiers (1592-1628), favorite of James L, ii. 396; his influence with the king and Prince Charles, 397 ; conduct toward Bacon, 399 ; malversations, 399-400; favors Guiana Expedition, 400; letter to Spanish ambassador, 401 ; his part GENERAL INDEX. 427 in the disgrace of Bacon, 404 ; abandons him, 405; accompanies Prince Charles in his expedition to Spain, 407 ; responsible for his failure, 408 ; ceases lo favor Charles' marriage with the Infanta, 409; his part- ing with Olivarez ; his efforts to break otf the alliance, 410; opposition of Parlia- ment to ; his disastrous expedition to, 414 ; advises convocation of Parliament, 415 ; assassinated, 416. Buckingham, Duke of, George Villiers(1627- 1688), iii. 145; member of Cabal ministry, 205 ; in favor of French Alliance, 267 ; secret treaty with France concealed from, 268; ambassador to the Hague, 269; fol- lows Shaftesbury into opposition, 271 ; in favor of dissolution of Parliament, 275. ■ , Duke of, in Sir Robert Peel's cab- inet ; resigns, v. 67. Buckinghamshire, Lord, retires with Lord Sidraouth, iv. 367. Bucknek, Admiral, sends detachment to arrest Parker, the mutineer, iv. 337 Buddhists in India revolt against English, V. 240. BuEN Retiro, royal palace at Madrid, occu- pied by first Pretender, iv. 116. BuGEAUD, Marshal, governor-general of Al- geria, V. 108, 109, 110; quoted, 186. BuLLER, Charles, prepares Lord Durham's report, v. 19. Bull Run, battle of, v. 324 ; its effect on the North, 325. BuLWER, Sir Henry, English ambassador at Madrid, v. 114; his resignation, 120; foments revolutionary press in Madrid, 123; ambassador to Constantinople, 315. BuLWER Lytton. See Lord Lytton. Bunker Hill, battle of, iv. 238. Bunyan, John, opposes Declaration of In- dulgence, iii. 334, 335. Buol, Count, representative of Austria at Congress of Vienna, v. 178 BuRDETT, Sir Francis (1770-1844), in oppo- sition to Pitt, iv. 338. Burgh, Hubert de, defends Dover against barons, i. 219, 221 ; shares power with Pierre des Roches, 223 ; accusations against him, 224; his arrest, imprisonment in the Tower and escape, 225. Burgos, unsuccessful siege of, by Welling- ton, iv. 396. BuRGOYNE, General, British commander in America, defeated by Gates, surrenders at Saratoga, iv. 246. BuRGUNDiANS, faction of Duke of Burgundy, i. 375, 384 ; enter Paris, 395 ; massacre Armagnacs, 396; capture Montereau, 402; discontent with their English allies, 403 ; besiege Compi^gne, ii. 29 Burgundy, Duchy of, refuses oath of fidel- ity to Henry V., i. 401; invaded by Ger- mans, ii. 147 ; secured to children of Mary Tudor, 248. , Anne of. See Anne of Burgundy. , Bastard of, at court of England, ii. 57. , Duchess of, Maria Adelaide of Savoy, iv. 41 ; her death, 69. -, Duke of, John the Fearless, uncle of Charles VI. of France, i. 364 ; assassinates I Duke of Orleans, all-powerful in France, his struggle with Armagnacs, 375; his temporary reconciliation with them, 376; begins to incline toward English, quoted, 394 ; releases the queen, 395 ; enters Paris in triumph, 396; his negotiations with Henry V., his treaty with the Dauphin, i. 398; his murder by the Armagnacs, 399, 400 ; his character, 400. Burgundy, Duke of, Philip, as Count of Charolais, i. 392; his negotiations with Henry V., 400, 401 ; procures their accept- ance, 401 ; carries his father's body to Di- jon, 403 ; demands justice on his murderers, 404; allied with Henry V., 406; his treaty with Bedfortl and Brittany, ii. 15; assists Duke of Brabant, 19; recognized as heir by Jacqueline of Hainault, 20; consults Bedford as to surrender of Orleans, 22; in command of allied forces, 29; returns to Flanders, master of Brabant, 30 ; sep- arates himself moi-e and more from Eng- land, 35; relieved of his oaths to Eng- land by Congress of Arras, ii. 36; de- clares war against England, 37; refuses to receive Margaret of Anjou, 55; his death, 57. -, Duke of, Charles the Bold, as Count of Charolais, seeks Margaret of York in marriage, ii. 57; anger at Louis XI., 59; assists Edward IV., 61; fails to keep his agreement, 66; his death at battle of Nancy (1477), 68. -,"Duke of, Louis, (1682-1712), grand- son of Louis XIV., married to Marie Ade- laide of Savoy, iv. 41 ; captures Ghent, 58 ; his death, 69. , Mary of. See Mary of Burgundy Burleigh. See Cecil. Burke, Colonel, Fenian leader, commuta- tion of sentence, v. 371. , Edmund (1730-1797), private secre- tary to Lord Rockingham, iv. 227; his criticism of Chatham's ministry, 228 ; ac- count of reception in Parliament of Lord North's American bills, 247 ; supports pe- titions for economical reform, 254 ; defends bill in favor of Catholics, 256; attack on North's ministry, 267,268; paymaster of the forces in Rockingham's second cabinet, 269; opposes Parliamentary reform, 270; conducts inquiry into conduct of Warren Hastings, 290; bitter adversary of Hast- ings, 291 ; his accusation of Hastings, 292; opening speech on impeachment, 292, 293 ; separates from Fox, 293 ; supports Fox's Indian Bill, 296 ; eulogy of Fox, 296, 297 ; advocates abolition of slave-trade, 308; letter on French liberty, 315 ; severe judg- ment of opening measures of French Rev- olution, 316; breach with Fox on question of French Constitution, 317-319; letter to agent of French emigrants, 319 ; " Letters on Regicide Peace," 329, 330; pension f ranted to him, 330; letter to Pitt, 330, 31 ; death, 338. BURLEY, Sir Si.MON, tutor of Richard II., executed, i. 351. Burnet, Bishop, Gilbert (1643-1715), quoted on Catholicism of Mary Tudor, ii. 237 ; his 428 POPULAR HISTORY OF ENGLAND. *' Histoiy," iii. 261 ; quoted on the Plague, 261, 262; on interview of Louis XIV. and Montao:ue, '275, 276 ; on murder of God- frey, 279 ; criticism of Statibrd, 2b5_, 286 ; quoted on Charles II. 's dissohition of Par- liament, 287 ; present at execution of IjOrd Ilusscll, 294; interview with Mary, Princess of Orunge, 344, 345; translates nianifesto of Prince of Oranpe, 349; con- versation with Halifax, 354; informs Danhy of Mary's intentions as to jrovern- iiieut, 363 ; conversations with William 111., 380, 381 ; becomes Bishop of Salisbury, 3U ; memoirs quoted, 393; declares Wil- liam's ignorance of purport of order for de- struction of the Macdonalds, 395 ; at death- bed of Queen Mar}', 408 ; tutor of Duke of Gloucester, iv. 37 ; at deathbed of Wil- liam III., 47. BuRNEY, Frances, account of interview of Thurlow and Pitt with the king, iv. 311. , Dr., his lecture on the Corn-Law, V. 69. Burton, Nonconformist, arrested, iii. 421 ; his sentence, 422. , James, concerned in plots against James II., iii. 321. Bussy-Castelnau, lieutenant at Dupleix in India, iv. 204 ; his campaign in the Deccan, 206; retaliation upon English, 207; joins Lally-Tollcndal, taken prisoner, 208; in Gondeleur. relieved by De Sutfren, 272. Bute, John Stuart, Marquis of, favorite of George III., iv. 211; becomes secretarj' of state, 215 ; forced upon violent measures by public opinion, 218; concludes peace with France, 219; calls Henry Fox to his aid against Pitt, 220 ; resigns, 221 ; his unpopularity, 226, 227 ; his influence favor- ite tlieme for pamphleteers, 229. Butler, General, commander of Parlia- mentary army, iii. 230. , Samuel, English poet, iii. 301. Butlers, the, Irish clan, ii. 202, 347. Byng, Admiral, in command of English fleet at Minorca, defeated by Galissoniire, iv. 191 ; retreats to Gibraltar, is recalled to England and executed (1757), 192, , Sir George. See Torrington. Byrne, Irish conspirator, iv. 340 Byron, Sir John, governor of the Tower, ii. 448, iii. 17. , Lord (1788-1824), v. 161. C. Cabal, the. See Cabinets. Cabinets : — Aberdeen's, Coalition (1852-1855), v. 147- 217 Addington's, Tory (1801-1804), iv. 348, 362. Bolingbroke's (1714), iv. 88, 90. Bute's, Tory (1761-1763), iv. 218-221. " Cabal," (1667-1673), iii. 265-271. Carteret's, Earl Granville (1741-1744), iv. 138, 151-153. Chatham's, Tory (1756-1760), iv. 138-217; second (1766-1768), 227-229. Derby's, Tory (1852), v. 146, 147; second Cabinets {continued) : — (1858-1859), 286-299; third (1866-1868), 363-375. Disraeli's, Tory (1868), v. 375-383. Gladstone's, Liberal (1868-1874), v. 383; iv. 108. Goderich'9, Coalition (1827-1828), iv. 417. Godolphin, Whig (1702). iv. 80. Grafton's, Whig (1768-1770), iv. 229. Grenvillc's (George), Whig (1763-1765), iv. 221-227. Grenvillc's (Lord), All the Talents (1806- 1807), iv. 376-381. Grey's,Whig( 1830-1834), iv.429-447,v. 148. Harlcy's (1710-1714), iv. 83-88. Liverpool's, Tory (1812-1827), iv. 393. Melbourne's, Whig (1835-1841), iv. 455, V. 60. North's, Tory (1770-1782), iv. 229-269. North and Fox, Coalition, Duke of Port- land, premier (1783), iv. 281-292. Palmerston's Whig (1855-1858), v. 217- 286; second (1859-1865), 299-349. Peel's, Tory (1834-1835), iv. 451-455; second (1841-1846), v. 60-86. Pelham's (Henry), Whig (1744-1756), iv. 138. Perceval's, Tory (1709-1812), iv. 393-397. Pitt's (William), Tory (1783-1801), iv. 298-348; second (1804-1806), 362-375. Pitt and Newcastle, Coalition (1757-1761), iv. 217. Portland's, Tory (1807-1809), iv. 381. Rockingham's, Whig (1765-1766), iv. 227; second (1782), 269-281. Russell's, Whig (1846-1852), v. 115-146; second (1865-1866), 351-363. Shelburne's, Whig (1782-1783), 269-281. Shrewsbury's (1714), iv. 190. Sunderland's, Charles Spencer (1718- 1721), iv. 113-125. Sunderland's, Robert Spencer (1686-1688), iii. 307-350. Walpole's, Whig (1721-1741), iv. 125-150. Wellington's, Tory (1828-1830), iv. 417- 429. ■ Cabot, John, discoverer of Canada, ii. 112, 113. , Lewis, son of the above, ii. 112. , Sancho, son of John Cabot, ii. 112._ , Sebastian, discoverer of Canada, ii. 112, 113. Cabul, kingdom of. See Afghanistan. , capital of Afghanistan, Shah Shooja installed in, v. 48; popular insuirection against English in, 49; capitulation of the English in, 50 ; Shah Shooja assassinated in, 53. Cade, Jack, his insurrection in reign of Henry VI., ii. 41, 42. Cadiz, "taken by Earl of Essex, burned, ii. 345; .Jacobitesquadron armed at, iv. 116; French tleet seized at, 1385. Duke of, son of Francisco de Paula, proposals for his marriage with Isabella of Spain, v. 119; his claims supported by France, 121 ; his marriage with Isabella announced by the Cortes, 122; celebrated at Madrid, 123. Cadogan, General (William, Earl of Cado- GENERAL INDEX. 429 gnn), sent ap^ainst jnsnrpfcnts of 171"), iv. lUo. Caen, church of St. Stephen's at, burial- placc of the Conqueror, i. 119; captured by Edward III,, 305; by Henry V., 39.3; regained by France, ii. 40. Caebmabthen, Marquis of (Sir Thomas Osborne, Lord Dauby), minister to Charles II., iii. 274 ; connives at treaty with France, negotiates marriage of Princess Mary, 275; impeached, 277; his letter to Prince of Orange, 345; signs invitation to liim, 346; in favor of proclamation of Princess Mary, 362, 363 ; becomes member of Wil- liam's privy council, 368; entrusted with government in the King's absence, 379, bearer of Act of Grace to Parliament, 381 ; letter of Queen Mary to, v. 30. See Leeds. , Pekegeine, "Marquis of, iii. 394; leads attack on Brest, 405. Caiiobs, attacked by Thomas a Backet, i. 155. Caillemotte, M. de, brother of ISIarquis of Ruvignv, in command of Huguenots at battle of the Boyne, iii. 383 ; his death, 384. Cairns, Lord, proposes amendment to Dis- raeli's Reform Bill, v. 368. Caibo, its surrender to English (1801), iv. 354. Cajetan, Cardinal, speech in favor of Adrian of Tortosa, ii. 142. Calabkia, Normans established at, i. 126. Calais, besieged by Edward III., i. 311, 313,317; captured, 318; peace of Bretigny ratified at, 329 ; last English possession in France, ii. 40; Henry VIII. lands in, 122; recovered by France, 262; captured by Archduke Albert, 344. Calcutta, captured by Sui-ajah Dowlah, iv. 205; sufferings of Englisli prisoners in " Black Hole," 206 ; retaken by Clive, 206; supreme court established ".it, 286; anxiety at, on outbreak of the Indian Mu- tiny, V. 245, 246. Calderw^ood, banished for opposition to Episcopacy, ii. 398. Caledonians, early inhabitants of Scotland, attacketl by Agrieohi, i. 23; invade the Roman province of Britain, 24, 25 ; yield their place to the Picts, 26. Calvebley, Sir John, abandons Henry of Transtamare, i. 332. Calvin, Knox's confession of faith founded on his doctrines, ii. 277. Camalodunum, Roman colony in Britain, 1. 21 J < Cambbay, delivered from Spaniards liy Duke of Anjou, ii. 318; taken by Archduke of Austria, 344. Cambresis. ravaged by Edward III., i. 128. Cambeia (see Wales), i. 33. Cambridge, Earl of, marries daughter of Peter the Cruel, i. 332. See Edmund, Duke of York. , Earl of, marries sister of young Earl of March, i. 362; conspires to place him on the throne, is executed (1415), 386. , University of, letter of Latimer con- cerning, ii. 192; eight colleges founded at (1494-1584), 363; protected by Cromwell, iii. 173; opposition of its dignitaries to James II., 336 ; privileges restored, 349 ; rj~ ligious test for admission suppressed, V. 40/. Camden, Lord, Sir Charles Pratt (1711- 1797), Lord Chief Justice, iv. 221 ; pro- nounces acquittal of Wilkes, 2ii2, 22:3; member of Chatham's cabinet, 229; pi-c- diction as to American independence, 233; entrusted by Pitt with direction of House of Lords, 3 iO. , Marquis of, .John Pratt (1759-1840), son of Charles Pratt, Lord Lieutenant of Ireland (1798), iv. 339. Cameron, Captain, his captivity in Abys- sinia, V. 377. of Lochiel, Donald, is persuaded by Charles Edward to support his cause, iv. 158, 159; wounds himself in crossing the border, 166; wounded at CuUoden, 174. of Lochiel, Sir Evan, takes oath of allegiance to William HI.'s government, iii. 395. -, Richard, Scotch preacher, killed in insurrection against Charles II. (1680), iii. 289. Cameronians, in Scotland, effect of Presby- terian triumph upon, iii. .389. Camerons, clan of, in favor of .Tames II., iii. 375; first to join Charles Edward, 159; at battle of Prestonpans, 160. Camisards, insurrection of, in France (1704), iv. 52. Camp of Refuge, Ilereward's camp in Isle of Ely, i. Ill; destroyed, 112. Campbell, Captain, of Glenlyon, massacres the Macdonalds of Glencoe, iii. 396. , Sir Colin, in command at Balaklava, V. 202; at storming of llie Redan, 231 ; ap- pointed to command of Indian army, 257 ; his ai-rival in India, 258 ; at Lucknow, 263, 266; transfers garrison of Lucknow to the Alumbagh, 267; defeats Tantia Topee at Cawnpore, 268; made Lord Clyde, an- nounces end of the mutiny, 271. Campbells, the, clan of Argyle, iii. 310, 311, 375; hereditary hatred for the Mac- donalds of Glencoe, 395. Campeggio, Cardinal, sent to England, ii. 157; procrastinates, 1.58; adjourns tri- bunal, 159 ; leaves England, 160. Camperdown, naval battle of, iv. 338. Campes, treaty of (1546), ii. 210. Campion, .lesuit priest, executed, ii. 321. Campo Formio, peace of (1797), iv. 334. Canada, war between French and English in, iv. 188, 189; invaded by the English (1757), 198, 199 ; Wolfe's capture of Quebec, 200, 201 ; attempted recapture of Quebec by the French, 201; Montreal falls into the hands of the English, 202; Pitt's bill on administration of, 317; invaded by United States army in 1812,398; char.ac- teristics of the population of its two di- visions, V. 17; revolt in reign of Victoria, 17, 18; Lord Durham made governor of, 18 ; his report basis for i-eforms in its con- stitution, 19 ; Fenian attempts against, 370 ; reorganization of, 375. Candia, offered to England by the czar, v. 175. 430 POPULAR HISTORY OF ENGLAND. Candlemas, Burnt, name given to expedi- tion of Edward 111. into iScotland, i. 321. Cangi, British tribe, i. 19. Canning, Charles, Lord, succeeds Dal- hoiisie as governor-g'eneral of India (1855), V. 243; ins administration during tlie Tnutinj', 245 ; measures to obtain re- inforcements, 246 ; moderation during the mutiny, 266 ; confiscation of territory of Oudh, 273 ; Ellenborougli's attack on his policy, 274 ; success of his measures, 275, 276; his death (1862), 279. , George (1770-1827), his fidelity to Pitt, iv. 351 ; member of Bitt's second cabinet, 363 ; his displeasure at Pitt's re- conciliation with Addington, 365; attacks measures of government in regard to Prussia and Russia, 380; his treaty with Junta of Seville, 389; duel with Castle- reagh, resigns, 393 ; his Roman Catholic Relief Bill, 413 ; speech in support of it, 413, 414 ; opposes Parliamentary reform, 415 ; succeeds Castlcreagh, as foreign sec- retary, 416; his death, 417; influence on Catholics in Ireland, 420; his refusal to take possession of Tahiti, v. 105. , Lady, wife of Charles (Lord Can- ning), her death, v. 245. CanrobErt, General, surveys coast near Sebastopol, v. 187 ; succeeds St. Arnaud in command of French army, 199; present at battle of Inkerman, 211; resigns com- mand (1855), 221 ; letter to VailJaut, 221, 222. Canterbury, Archbishops of: — Anselm, expelled from England, i. 126; his justice toward the Saxons, 127; courted by Henry I., 128. Arundel, accuses Lord Cobham, 381 ; death, 382. Augustine, first archbishop, missionary to the Saxons, i. 34-37. Becket, Thomas a, story of his birth, i. 153 ; magnificence as chancellor of Eng- land, 154 ; respect for royal prerogative, 155; change of manners upon becoming Archbishop of Canterbury, 156; defends privileges of the clergy, 157 ; refuses to sign Constitutions of Clarendon, 158 ; is sentenced to fine, 158; appears before council at Southampton, 159-161 ; es- capes to France, 161 ; reception by the pope, 162; his friends proscribed by Henry II., 163 ; at conference of Mont- mirail, 164; reconciled with Louis Vfl., 165; his office usurped, 165; reconcilia- tion with Henry, 165, 166; returns to England, 166, 167; excommunicates Henry's favorites, 167; interview with conspirators, 168, 1G9; his courage, 169, 170; his murder, 170; spoliation of his tomb, ii. 191. BouRCniER, crowns Heniy VII., ii. 85. Boniface, in reiun of Henry III., i. 226. Chicheley, ardent against heresy, i. 382; causes execution of Cobham, 383. CoRBOis, William, in favor of election of Stephen (1135), i. 138. Cranmer, Thomas, chaiilain to Ilcnvj' VIll., writes in favor of his divorce, ii. Canterbury, Archbishops of (contintted) : 166 ; secret marriage, 167 ; declares nul- lit)-^ of Henry's first marriage, 170; of his second marriage, 184 ; endeavors to save some part of monastic institutions, 192; dares not protest against persecu- tions, 193 ; his influence defeated, 195 ; informs against Catherine Howard, 198; his subserviency, 202; at deathbed of Henry, 214 ; member of Privy Council of Edward VI., 218; controversy witli Gardiner, 232, 233; introduces liturgy, 233, 234 ; measures against obstinate prel- ates, 234, 235 ; signs sentence of Nor- thumberland, 243; sent to the Tower, 244 ; kept there on charge of heresy, 245, 246; his argument with the doctors, 256; his abjurations, 258; death, 259; his efforts to promote learning, 363. Dunstan, Abbot of Glastonbury, i. 64; influence over Edgar, 65 ; character, 66; crowns Ethelred the Unready (978), 67. Elphege, i. 72 ; murdered bv the Danes, 73. Ethelnoth, refuses to crown Harold Harefoot, i. 80. Fitz-Alan, brother of Lord Arundel, banished by Richard II., i. 353, returns to England with Bolingbroke, 356. Grindall (1575), his translation of the Bible, ii. 357. HowLEY, William (176.5-1848), goes to an- nounce her accession to Victoria, v. 14. Hubert, sent to England by John, to as- semble the barons, i. 203; declares the crown to belong to the worthiest claim- ant, 204. Lanfranc, sent to Rome by William the Conquei'or, i. 94 ; suppresses Norman insurrection in England, 112, 113; de- sired by the Conqueror to crown \\ il- liam Rufus, 118; administers oath to Rufus, 120; his death (1089), 121. Langton, Cardinal Stephen, nominated by Innocent III. (1207), i. 207; sent to Philip Augustus, 209 . joins English barons, 211 ; presents to them charter of Henry L, 211, 212; fidelity to their cause, 213 ; head of deputation to King John, 214 ; at Runnymede, 215 ; goes to Rome, 216 ; fails in his mission, 217. Laud, minister of Charles I. ; his char- acter, ii. 418 ; commissioner of the treas- my , 418, 419 ; enrolls Anglican church in' service of the king, 419; his severity to non-conformists : zeal for supremacy of Anglican church. 420; consequence's of his measures; fails to suppress Inde- pendents, 421 ; enforces Anglican litur- gy in Scotland, 423,424; assembling of Parliament fatal to him, 428 ; imprisoned in the Tower, 430 ; his farewell to Straf- ford, 437 ; summoned before bar of the Lords, iii. 41 ; condemned and executed (1645), 56. Morton, prime minister of Henry VII., ii. 105: his death. 111. Odo, i. 64 ; at head of austei"c party of the church, 65. GENERAL INDEX. 431 Canterbury, Archbishops of {continued) : — Parker, Matthew (1504-1575), repri- mauds the Commons, ii. 308,309; his translation of the Bible, 357. Pole, Reginald, ii. 177; his attack upon Henry VIII., 178; made cardinal and papal legate, 189; unsuccessful mission, 190; revenge of Henry on his family, 193, 194; excepted from amnesty, 220; projected marriage with Queen iVIary, 246; legate to England, 253; endeavors to motlerate Mary's zeal against heretics, 255 ; made archbishop, 260 ; opposes war with France, 261 ; death, 264. Rich, Edmund, in reign of Henry III., i. 225; excommunicates all who violate English charters, 229. Robert of Jumi6ges, in reign of Edward the Confessor, i. 85-94. Bancroft, at death-bed of Charles II., iii. 297 ; refuses to sit in Court of High Commission, 331; draws up petition against Declaration of Indulgence, 338; enthusiasm of the people for liim, 341 ; his conversation with James II,, 351; resigns his seat in the council, 356 ; in favor of regency, 362; his refusal to take the oath, 407. Simon of Sudbury, killed in the Tower by mob under Wat Tyler, i. 347. Stigand, chosen in opposition to Robert of Jumieges, i. 94 ; endeavors to organ- ize Saxon army, 106 ; swears fidelity to the Conqueror, 107 ; in Normandy, 108. Stratford, president of council of Ed- ward III. i. 298. Tenison, in reign of William and Mary, announces her approacliing death to the Queen, iii. 408; at death-bed of William III., iv. 47. Theobald, papal legate, i. 147 ; negotiates peace bel\teen Stephen and Prince Henry, 148 ; patron of Becket, 154 ; death, 155. TiLLOTSON, John (1630-1694), at execu- tion of Lord William Russell, iii. 294; defence of Anglican church, 334 ; death, 406, 407 ; popularity, 407. Warham, in reign "of Henry VIII., his letter to Wolsey, ii. 150. Whitgift (1530-1604), at deathbed of Queen Elizabeth, ii. 355 ; his struggle with the Puritans, ii. 358. Winchelsea, leader of resistance of cler- gy to Edward I., i. 256 ; joins barons against Gaveston, 274. , archiepiscopal see, founded, i. 36 ; Henry II. 's pilgrimage to, 171 ; cathedral of, the Black Prince buried at, 337. -, battle of, i. 41 Canton, East India Company's establish- ment at, authorized, v. 45 ; opened to British traders, 46; taken by English, 1858, 307. Canute, proclaimed King of England, i. 74 ; divides the kingdom with Edmund Iron- sides, 75; becomes King of all England (1016), 75; marries widow of Ethelred, 75 ; England under his rule, 76 ; anec- dotes of, 76, 77 ; his death (1036), 77. Cape Breton, island of, surrendered to France by Treaty of Aix-la-Ciiapelie, iv. 181. Capel, Lord, in army of Prince of Wales (Charles II.), iii. 64 ; joins him in Scilly Isles, 72; tried by High Court of Justice 123 ; executed, 123. Capitan Pasha, High-Admiral of Turkish iieet, V. 34. Caracalla, Roman emperor, concludes a peace with the Caledonians, i. 25, Caractacus, British chief, i. 18-20. Carausius, general io Britain, appointed Cjesar, i. 25. Carbery Hill, Mary Stuart meets insur- gents at, ii. 291. Cardenas, Don Alonzo de, Spanish Am- bassador to England, iii. 149, 152; 154, 169; returns to Spain, 174. Cardiff, castle of, Robert Curthose im- prisoned at, i. 131. Cardigan, Earl of, in command of Light Brigade at Balaklava, v. 202; his account of Lord Lucan's order, 205; leads the charge, 205-207. Cardwell, Irish secretary in Lord Palmer- ston's second ministry, v. 301 ; secretarv of war in Gladstone's cabinet, his plan for reconstruction of the army, 404. Carentan, taken by Edward III., i. 304. Cakew, Sir Alexander, governor of St. Nicholas, iii. 56; executed (1645), 57. , Sir Peter, takes arms to oppose Philip II., ii. 248; is defeated, 249. Carey, Sir Robert, carries news of Eliza- beth's death to James I., ii. 383. Carfinny, ancient title of Irish chiefs, i. 172. Cargill, Donald, executed for revolt against Charles II., iii. 289. Carisbrook Castle, Charles I. takes refuge at, iii. 95. Carleton, Sir Guy, appointed to command of British troops in America, his attempt to negotiate with Congress, iv. 276. Carlisle, taken by Parliamentarians, iii. 65 ; by Charles Edward, iv. 166 ; surren- dered ro3-al troops, 169. , Earl of, brother-in-law of Sir John Fenwick, iv. 22. , fortress of, Mary Stuart imprisoned at, ii. 294. Carlists, insurrection of, in Spain (1833), iv. 450. Carlos, Don (1545-1568), son of Philip II. and Isabella of Portugal, ii. 248 ; proposed by his father as husband for Mary Stuart, 282 ■, Don, son of Philip V. and Elizabeth Farnese, iv. 132. -, Don, claims throne of Spain on deatli of his brother Ferdinand VII., iv. 450; embarks for England, 451. Carlotta, Doiia, sister of Christina of Sweden, v. 121. , Empress, wife of Maximilian of Austria, v. 337 ; becomes insane, 339. Carlovingians, i. 68. Carlyle, Thomas (1795-1881), v. 162. Carnatic, Indian province, iv. 203; war be- tween the French and English in, 289. 432 POPULAR HISTORY OF ENGLAND. Carnarvon, Lord, member of Derby's cab- iuet of iy66, resigns, v. 3o6. Carnwath, lloBEKT, Eiirl of, in Royalist array at Naseb}-, iii. 62. , Robert, Earl of, condemned for high treason (171a), his pardon, iv. 108. Carolina, North, discovered by Sir Walter Raleigh, ii. 361 ; joins Southern Confed- eracy-, V 322, , South, member of Southern Confed- eracy, V 320; fires on Fort Sumter, 321. Carolinas, the. Sir Henrj' Clinton rallies the Royalists in, iv. 258. Caroline, Princess of Anspach, wife of George 11., her character, iv. 138; influ- ence over the king, 139; persuades him to retain Sir Robert VValpole, 139, 140; her reception of Lady Walpole, HO; friend- ship for Walpole, 142, 147; death (1737), 147. . of Brunswick (1768-1821), wife of George IV., her name erased from the liturgv, iv- 406, 407 ; reception in England, 407 ; trial, 408, 409 ; gains her cause, 409, 410; refused admittance to Westminster Al)bey, her death, 411. Carpenter, General, serves against insur- gents of 171o, iv. 100. Carr, Robert, favorite of James I., made Viscount Rochester, ii. 394. See Roches- ter. Carrick Castle, capture of, by Bruce (1307), i. 269. Carkick-Fergus, taken possession of by Schomberg, iii. 378; William III. lands at, 382. Carter, Rear Admiral, at battle of La ilogue, iii. 399, 400. Carteret, John, Viscount (1690-1763), quoted, iv. 110; secretary of state, his rivalry with Walpole and Townshend, 129; secretary of state, 138 ; driven from office by Robert Walpole, 140; his attack upon Walpole, 148; forms cabinet, becomes Lord Granville, 151 ; his character, 151, 152; resigns, 153. Carthagena, attacked by Admiral Vernon, iv. 148. Cartismantua, British queen, i. 19. Cartwrigiit, Thomas, excluded from his professorship for non-conformity, ii. 308. Cassii, a British tribe, i. 16. Cassiterides, Scilly Isles, i. 13. Cassivelanus, commander-in-chief of the Britons against Csesar, i. 16-18. Castanos, General, supports the Bourbons in Spaiu against the Bonapartes, iv. 385. Castelmelhor, Count, iii. 297. Castile, Sovereigns of: — Alphonso X., threatens Guienne, i. 229. Peter IV., the Cruel a334-1369), begs assistance of the Black Prince, i. 331; gains victory at Navarette, 332 ; regains his throne, his death, 333. Henry of Transtamare (1333-1379), gains the throne through assistance of Charles V. of France, i. 331 ; is defeated at Navarette, 332; kills his brother Peter the Cruel, 333; strengthens his alliance with France, 335. Castile, sovereigns o? (continued) : — Isabella the Catholic (1451-1504), wife of Ferdinand of Aragon, ii. 110; assists Columbus, 112; death, 114. , Eleanor of. See Eleanor of Castile. , Joanna of. See Joanna of Castile, Castillon, Charles Vll. besieges, ii. 44. Castlemaine, Barbara, Lady, iii. 261. , Roger Palmer, Lord, English am- bassador to the pope, iii. 335. Castlereagh, Viscount (1769-1822), assists Cornwallis in restoring order in Ireland (1798), iv. 340; eilorts in favor of union with England, 341; his bill passed, 343; lu favor of Catholic emancipation, 345 ; member of Pitt's second cabinet, 363; minister of war in 1807, 381 ; sends rein- forcements to Spain, 385; duel with Can- ning, 393 ; attacks of opposition upon, 403 ; opposes production of Holy Alliance, 404; demands of Queen Caroline, 407 ; predicts popular reaction, 411; his foreign policy resembles that of Metternich, 413; be- comes Lord Londonderry, his suicide, 415; character, 415, 416. Castries, M. de, sent to relief of Wesel, iv. 212. Cateau-Cambr£sis, treaty of, ii. 272. Catesby, Robert, his plot against James I. and Parliament, ii. 387; accomplices and designs, 388, 389 ; is betrayed, 388- 390 ; his death, 390. Cathcart, Sir George, at battle of Inker- man, V. 212, •, William Schaw, first Earl of (1755- 1843), in command with Wellesley of ex- pedition to Denmark (1807), iv. 382. Catharine ot Aragon (1483-1536), marries Prince Arthur, ii. 110; marries Henry Vlll., ii. 118; her letter to him, 126; aunt of Charles V., 133 ; Henry's neglect of, 153 ; his schemes for annulling his marriage with, 154 ; temporarily restored to favor, 157 ; her entreaties to Henry, 158 ; her appeal to the pope, 159; political impor- tance of her divorce, 166; her resistance to Henry, 170; her title of queen with- drawn, 171; her death, 181. of Braganza (1638-1705), her mar- riage with Charles II., iii. 259; unable to appear at his deathbed, 297. of France (1401-1437), daughter of Charles VI., asked in marriage by Henry V. of England, i. 383, 384, 398 ; married to him, 402; crowned at Westminster, 405; birth of her son, 406 ; accompanies her husband's body to England, ii. 13 ; marries Owen Tudor, 38 ; dies, 38. , Empress of Russia. See Russia. Catherine, Princess of Anhalt-Zerbst. See Russia, Sovereigns of. Catholic Association, its work in Ireland, iv. 420, 421. Emancipation Bill, Peel's (1829), iv. 422-424. Catholics. See Roman Catholics. Catinat, Marshal, obtains possession of Nice, iii. 392; in command of French army in Italy, iv. 41. Cato Ibtreet Conspiracy, iv. 410. GENERAL INDEX. 43? Catus, Roman procurator, i. 21. Cauciion, Peter, Bishop of Beauvais, claims Joan of Arc from Luxembourg:, ii. 30; cause of his hatred of Joan, presides over council of Inquisition, 31 ; becomes Bishop of Lisieux, 35. Cavaliers, name first used, ii. 446. See Royalists. Cavour, Count (1809-1861), his motive for takiny; part in Crimean war, v. 218; Napo- leon's engaijements with, 282; his fore- sijjht, 301 ; obtains alliance of Napoleon in behalf of Italian independence, 302 ; anx- iety in Europe in resjard to his policy, 303. Cavendish, chamberlain of Wolsev, ii. 16o. , William, Lord (1640-1707), after- wards Earl of Devonsliire, retires from privy council on dismissal of Shaftesbury, iii. 282. Cawdor, Lord, captures insurgents in Wales, iv. 334. Cawnpore, sieg-e and massacre of. See Indian mutiny. Cearls, i. 57. Ceawlin, Saxon king of Wessex, i. 35. Cecil, Sir Robert (Lord Cranborne and Earl of Salisbury), son of Lord Burleigh, ii. 343 ; negotiates for peace with Spain, 345; unable to replace his father, 346; enmity to Essex, 349 ; correspondence with King James, 353; at deathbed of Elizabeth, 355; management of the finances, 359; discourages the protective system, 360; secures the succession to James, 383; the new king at his house, 384 ; made treasurer, 392 ; his death and character, 393. ■ , Sir William, Lord Burleigh, (1520- 1598), adviser of Elizabeth, ii. 242; his counsels to her, 263 ; her orders to him, 266; despatches couriers announcing her succession, 267 ; makes known her wishes to Parliament, 269; supports Protestant policy, 274 ; urges Elizabeth to aid Prot- estant insurgents in Scotland, 275 ; his action impeded by Elizabeth, 276; quoted, 278; his plan for marriage of Leicester, ii. 284; informs Elizabeth of the birth of Mary Stuart's son, 287 ; his policy toward Mary Stuart, 294; his assurances to Mur- ray, 293; thwarts the scheme of Maitlanil, 297 ; his support of the Protestant cause, 298; his distrust of Norfolk, ii. 300; his toleration of the Puritans, 307; made Lord Burleigh, 312; convinced of the necessity of execution of Mary Stuart, 313 ; denies the charge of putting Campion to the torture, 321 ; his reason for desiring Mary's execution, 326 ; one of the com- missioners appointed for her trial, 327 ; his disgrace after her execution, 336 ; de- sires vacant office of Walsingham for his son, 343 ; his death, 346. Celestine II. See Popes. , III. See Popes. Cellamare, Prince of, Spanish ambassador to France, his conspiracy against the Re- gent Orleans, iv. 116. Celts, early inhabitants of Great Britain, i. 13, 18. Cerdic, first Saxon king of Wessex, i. 31. Ceotera, Spanish ships destroyed at. iv. 118. Ceylon, retained by England in Peace of Amiens, iv. 354. Chabannes, Comte de, at battle of Fonte- noy, iv. 155 . Chalgrove, battle of, iii. 33. Challoner, executed for complicity in Roy- alist plot, iii. 33. Chalmers, Dr., founder of Free Church of Scotland, v. 160. Chamber of Accounts, assembled at Paris, i. 401. Chambers, Richard, alderman of London, iii. 121. Champagne, ravaged bv English, i. 342; fortified by Napoleon, 1813, iv. 398. Chandernagore, captured by Clive, iv. 206 ; restored to France by treaty of Fon- tainebleau, 219. Chandos, Sir John, his advice to the Black Prince at Poitiers, i. 324, 325. Channel Islands submit to the Common- wealth, iii. 149. " Character of King Cromwell," pam- phlet, iii. 129. Chakibert, king of Paris, i. 35. Charleroi, restored by Louis XIV., at peace of Ryswick, iv. 23 ; taken by French, 179. Chargnt, Geoffry de, betrayed by Ay- merie of Pavia, i. 619. Charles I. as Prince, Catesby's design in favor of, ii. 389; negotiations for his mar- riage, 395 ; assumes title of Prince of Wales, 397 ; abandons Bacon, 405 ; nego- tiations for his marriage with Spanish In- fanta, 406, 407 ; goes to Spain to win the Infanta, 407; his reception at Madrid, 408 ; recalled to England, 409; his marriage with Henrietta Maria arranged, 411 ; ac- cession ; difficulties with his first Parlia- ment, ii. 413; dissolves second Parliament for attempt to impeach Buckingham; im- poses ship-money, 414; his struggle with third Parliament ; promises to grant Peti- tion of Right, 415; evades it; makes Wentworth member of his council, 416; dissolves Parliament for contumacy, and endeavors to govern alone, 417 ; gives his confidence to Stratford and Laud, 418; in- efficiency of his government ; his alliance with the Church, 419; forbids emigration of Puritans, 421 ; resistance of Hampden to his collection of ship-money, 422; at- tempts to establish Anglicanism in Scotland, 422-424; prepares to enforce obedience, 424 ; concludes temporary peace with the Covenanters; letter to Louis XIII. falls into his hands, 425 ; convokes Short Par- liament ; bis attempts at compromise, 426; dissolves Parliament; his army repulseil in Scotland, 427; forced to convoke Long Parliament, 428 ; reassures Stratford, 429 ; his intrigues with the army against Par- liament, "431 ; attempts to s'ave Strafford, 434,435; letter of Strafford to him, 436; his last effort to save Straftord, 437 ; the increasing weakness of his position, 438 ; 434 POPULAR HISTORY OF ENGLAND. his visit to Scotland, 439, 440; the object of his journey; liis conne<-tion with JNlon- trose, 440; compelled to favor Hamilton and Argylc, 441 ; entrusts Parliament with suppression of Irish insurrection, 442; his return to London, 444; receives remon- strance of Parliament; secures chiefs of royalist party in Parliament, 445, 446; ap- proves action of bishops, 447 ; his conduct in regard to pfovcrnorship of the Tower, 447, 448 ; refuses to grant guard, 448 ; or- ders accusation of the live members, iii. 13 ; his attempt to arrest them in the House, 14, 15; claims their surrender by the Common Council, 16; leaves London, 17; makes secret preparation for war, 18; promises redress of grievances ; his recep- tion of Petition of tlic Commons, 19; his concessions to Parliament, '20, 21 ; contin- ued negotiations between him and the houses, 21 ; his unsuccessful attempt to secure liidl, 22; attended Iw Parliamen- tary committee at York; convokes assem- blage ou Hay worth Moor, 23; his poverty, 24 ; his reception of propositions of recon- ciliation, 24, 25; raises his standard at Nottingham, 25 ; final attempts at negotia- tion; his army at Shrewsbury, 26; ad- vances on ]>ondon, 27 ; fights the battle of Edgehill, 27, 28; in winter-quarters at Oxford, 29, 30; his negotiations with Par- liamentary commissioners, 31, 32; declares the Long Parliament non-existent, 35 ; negotiations with Presbyterians and Inde- pendents, 42; concludes truce with Irish papists, 43; his desire to dissolve Parlia- ment, 43, 44; convokes royalist Parliament at Oxford, 44; attempts "to treat with Es- sex, 45; answer of Parliament to his let- ter, 46; besieged in Oxford, his escape, 48 ; is defeated at Marston Moor, 49, 50: attempts further negotiations with Essex, 51, 52; battle of Newbury, 53, 54; his reception of emissaries of Parliament, 54, 55 ; negotiations with Parliament at Ux- bridge, 57; withdraws his concessions, 58; marches to relieve Oxford, 62,63; is de- feated at Naseln', 62, 63 ; his secret corre- spondence falls into the hands of Parlia- ment, 63 ; wandcrintjs after battle of Naseby, 64, 65; letter to Prince Rupert, 65, 66 ; anger at Rupert's surrender of Bristol, 67 ; reverses of his partisans in Scotland, 68; his unsuccessful overtures for peace, 69; treaty with Irish Papists discovered, 70; letter to Vane; offers to return to London, 72; gives himself up to the Scots, 73 ; his projected alliance with the Presbyterians, 74, 75; secret proposals to Glamorgan, 75, 76 ; urged to accept terms of Parliament, 76 ; the Scots agree to surrender him, 77; delivered to the English, 78; arrested bj- Joyce at Holm- by, 82, 83 ; his reception by Fairfax, 83, 84; established at Newmarket, 84; accom- panies the army, 86; rejects proposals of Cromwell, 87; his double-dealing with the army, 87, 88; letter to the army, 89; at Hampton Court, 90; his promises to Crom- well; his duphcity, 91; seizure of his let- ter to the queen, 91,92; ominous change in his situation, 93; escapes to Isle of Wight, 94, 95 ; his letter to the generals, 97 ; concludes treaty with the Scots ; un- successful attempt to escape from Caris- brooke, 98; risings in his favor, 100, 102; further negotiations with Parliament, 102, 103 ; his letters to Ormond and Hopkins, 103; removed to Hurst Castle, 103, 104; to Windsor, 105, 106; his impeachment voted by Parliament, 106; court appointed for his trial, 107 ; removal to St. James's Palace, 108; his trial, 108-113; treatment by the soldiers; interview with Juxon, 114; parting with his children, 115; prep- arations for death, 116; conducted to the scaffold, 117; his death; burial, 118; effect of his execution in Europe, 149. Chakles II., as Prince of Wales, presents letter of his father to Parliament, ii. 437; at Greenwich, iii., 20 ; accompanies his father's flight from Oxford, 48; in com- mand of royalist army after Nasehj', 64; advised by his father to prepare for flight, 69 ; embarks for Scilly Isles, 71 ; secures intervention of Holland in favor of his fa- tiier, 111 ; proclaimed in Scotlanil and Ire- land, 129, 130; leaves Ormond to support him in Ireland, 133; letter to Montrose, 133, 134 ; signs treaty with Scotch Parlia- ment, 136, 137; embarks for Scotland, 137; his treatment by the Scots, 138, 139; at Perth, 141; crowned at Scone, 142; in- vades England, 143; advances to Worces- ter, 144; is defeated, 145, 146; his flight, 147; arrives in France, 148; reception of his ambassadors in Europe, 150, 151; fleet raised in his behalf, 151 ; at Court of France, 155; at Bruges, 177; unsuccessful insurrection in his favor, 212, 213; una- ble to negotiate with Mazarin, 213, 214; Monk's proposal to him, 240; offers of the Presbyterians, 240, 241 ; establishes him- self in the Netherlands, 242 ; his letters to Parliament, 244,245; his " Declaration of Breda," 246, 247; at the Hague, 247; ar- rives in England, 248; enters London, 249; characteristics ol" his reign, 250, 251 ; his ministers, 251 ; his promises to Pres- byterians, 253 ; promulgates Healing Dec- laration, 254; marries Catherine of Bra- ganza, 259; his ])rodigality, 259, 260; sells Dunkirk to France ; declares war on United Provinces, 260 ; concludes peace with France, Ilolland, and Denmark, 261 ; the Plague ; the fire in London, 262 ; his alien- ation from Clarendon, 264; ministry of the Cabal, 265; concludes secret treaty with France, 267, 268 ; declaration of in- dulgence for non-conformists, 268; de- clares war on Ilolland, 269; yields to re- ligious measures of Parliament, 270; dis- misses Shaftesbury; forced to conclude peace with Ilolland, 271 ; Shaftesbury's criticism of him, 273; secret treaty with Louis XIV., 274, 275; prolonged proroga- tion of Parliament, 275; tempcn'ary breach with Louis XIV., 276 ; position in"Europe, 277; disbelief in Popish plot, 278; pro- rogues Parliament to prevent passage of GENERAL INDEX. 435 Exclusion Bill; dissolves it, 281; recalls Duke of York; a;land and France, 310, 311; complete submission, 313. " China Money," v. 47. Chippenham, fortress of, i. 50. Chiswick, deutli of Charles Fox at, iv. 379- Cholera, in Crimean army, v. 187, 183, 29"). CliOiSEUL, Due de, minister of Foreij^n Af- fairs under Louis XV,, iv. 197; proposes a conjiiess, 21;"); his propositions for peace refused by Pitt, 216; liis hopes for rupture of Enjiland with her colonies, 243. CuoLMONDELEY, Sir HuGH, promises to sur- render Scarl)orough to the queen, iii. 31. CnouANS, the, war of (1794), iv. 328 CiiKiSTiAN, of Denmark. See Denmark. Christians, persecuted in Britain, in rei^n of Dioclcsian, i, 27; take refuge in Wales, 33 ; their celebration of Easter, 34 ; slaves, j-ranteil freedom by Alfred, 58 ; called to deliverance of Holy Sepulchre, 180. See Crusaders, massacre of, in Damascus, v. 314. Christianity, preached to Britons, i. 27 ; to Saxons, 35-39; accepted l)y Danes in Eng- land, 50, 69; propagated by Alfred, 55; its effect on Danes, 76 ; toleration of, secured in China bj' treaty of Tien-tsin, v 308. Christianna, Lady of the Isles, i. 269. Christina, Queen', wife of Ferdinand VIL of Spain, her views as lo marriage of her daughter. Queen Isabella, v. 118, 120, 121, 122." ^ Christina, of Sweden. See Sweden, Christine, Princess of France, negotiations for her marriage with Prince Henry of England, ii. 394. CiiRiSTiNOS, political party in Spain, v. 112. Cukistopiier, Mr., partisan of piotection, v. 67. CnuNDA Sahib, Indian prince, iv. 203; be- sieges Clive in Arcot ; his death, 204. " Chupatties," distribution of. bee Indian Mutiny. Church, British, organized, i. 28. of England, founded by Henry VIII., ii. 173; full of contradictions, 215; its liturgy introduced, 233. 234; forty-two propositions drawn up, 236 ; finall}- lost to the holy sec, 273 ; its thirty-nine articles of faith, 309; odious to Piu'itans, 308; finally established tinder Elizabeth, 357 ; estaljlL^hed in Scotland, 398; attempt of Charles I. to enforce its observance there, 423; its liturgy abolished by Long Parlia- ment, iii. 57; protected by Cromwell, 173; restitution of its property, 254; reinstated at tlic Restoration, 256-258; defended by Parliament of 1661, 270; its dread of James II. 's inclination toward Catholicism, 305 ; supports James II. against Monmouth, 323 ; struggle with James II., 336, 337, 346 ; alienated from him, 351 ; Royalist from taste and principle, 366; its distrust of William III., 367-368; disendowed in Ire- land 1)3' James II., 371 ; devotion of Eng- lish Jacobites to, 374, 375; Queen Anne's attachment to, iv, 80; Tories present bill against " occasional conformity," 81 ; Bo- linghroke's apparent zeal for, 83; the Pre- tender refuses to tolerate, 104; languor of, in time of Wesley, 185; separation of Wesley and Whitefield from, 186; etTcct of Methodist movement upon, 187 ; grow- ing toleration toward Catholics, 421 ; Ro- manizing tendencies in, led by Pusey and Newman, v. 137 ; popular edu(.'ation in its hands, 154 ; Evangelical and Tractariau parties in, 158, 159; its disestablishment in Ireland, 381, 382, 385 ; its work in direc- tion of public instruction, 401. Church, Greek, claims possession of sanc- tuai'ies in Palestine, v. 171. of Rome, severity to John (Lackland), i. 208; his submission to it, 210 ; he throws himself under its protection, 214 ; excom- municates Prince Louis, 222; abuse of its power in England, 235; persecution of Lollards in England, 381 ; condemns Joan of Arc, ii. 32; defended b)- Henry VIII., 138, 139; its corruption, 153; its indigna- tion with Henry VIII., 178; receives fatal blow in Scotland, 208; receives restitution from Mary, 245 ; England reconciled with, 253 ; England forever lost to, 273 ; its cor- ruption in Scotland, 275; James II. deter- mined to-establish it in Ireland, iii. 371 ; no longer in safety even in Rome (1858), v. 284; devotion of Irish to, 381. of Scotland, Presbyterian, demands banishment of Charles I. in case of his re- fusal of the Covenant, iii. 77; Scotland called to revolt in the name of, 311; its security provitled for in Act of Union, iv, 79; Victoria takes oath for its security, v. 15; its division on principle of organiza- tion, 159, 160; separation of Free Church from, 161. Churchilll, Lord. See Duke of Marl- l)orouiih. Cinque Ports, the, Pitt appointed warden of, iv. 321. Cinthio, Giraldi, Shakespeare's Othello- derived from, ii. 378. Cintra, Convention of (1808), iv. 386; dis- approved by English government, 387. Cisalpine Republic, organized, iv. 353; Bonaparte's disposal of its lesources, 360. Cistercians, order of. i. 163. CiUDAD RoDRiGO, Capture of, by Welling- ton, iv. 396. Cindadella, in Minorca, English garrison driven from, iv. 191. Closter Severn, Convention of, iv. 195. Civil Service, in India, v. 276. Clairet, Maitre Pierre, ii. 68. Clare, Eleanor de. See Eleanor de Clare. , Gilbert de, sends spurs to Bruce, i. 266. -, Lord, chancellor of Ireland, his re- ply to Lord Moira, iv. 339, 340 ; seconds Cornwallis in restoring order in Ireland, 340. -, Margaret de. See Margaret de Clare. -, Richard de. Sec Earl of Pem- broke. GENERAL INDEX. 437 Claremoistt, residence of Wan-en Hastings at, iv. 284. Clarence, Duke of, Lionel (1338-1368), third son of Edward 111., liis ixi'eat-^rand- son, Earl of March, heir to English throne, i. 362. , Duke of, Tliomas, second son of Henry IV., leads army into Franco in be- half of the Armagnacs, i. 376 ; at battle of Auincourt, 391 ; in Paris with Henry V., 404; at head of English army, killed at Bcange (1421), 405. , Duke of, (ieorge (1449-1478), brother of Edwai'd IV., his dissatisfaction at Ed- ward's marriage, ii. 56; marries daughter of Earl of Warwick, 58 ; abets insurgents against Edward, 59; allied with Lancas- trians, 60 ; deserts to Edward, 62 ; con- tends with Gloucester for inheritance of "Warwick, 65 ; excites jealousy of Edward, 68; is imprisoned and murdered, 69. -, Duke of, William Henry. See Wil- liam IV Clarendon, Constitution of, the, i. 157, 162. ■ , Lord, Edward Hyde (1608-1674), leader of Royalist party in Long Parlia- ment, ii. 443; attempts of the king to secure his support, 445 ; directs affairs of Charles in Parliament, 446; joins the king at York, iii. 23 ; his grief at loss of Falk- land, 40; dissuades the king from attempt to dissolve Parliament, 43, 44; letter on accession of Ricliard ("romwell, 196 ; letter from John Barwick, 200; receives account of fall of the Cromwells, 209; letter from England concerning chances of the Royal- ists, 213; mistake as to English feeling, 224; letter from Royalists, 230; joins Charles II. at Breda, 242 ; composes letters from him to Parliament, 245 ; letter from Broderick, 246; dissatisfied with recom- mendation of Monk, 248 ; becomes lord chancellor, 251; his character, 251, 252; marriage of his daughter to James, Duke of York, 255; his zeal for the English Church, 258; sketch of, by M. Guizot, 263; his impeachment and banishment, 264; his writings, death, 265. -— — , Lord, Henry Hyde (1638-1709), ap- pointed lord lieutenant of Ireland, iii. 307 ; dismissed from the office, 333 ; grief at his son's desertion to W^illiam HI., 351 ; advice to James II , 352 ; concerned in Jacobite plots, Mary signs warrant for ' his arrest, 387 ; W^illiam's lenity toward hnn, 394. • , Lord, George Villiers (1800-1870), succeeds Lord Russell as foreign secretary, his statement to Russia of England's policy in regard to Turkey, v. 176 ; orders to Sir Hamilton Seymour, 179; represents Eng- land at Congress of Paris, 233 ; negotiates with Reverdy Johnson, Convention of 1870, 334; foreign secretary in Lord Rus- sell's cabinet, 351 ; in Gladstone's cabinet, 384. Clarges, brother-in-law of General Monk, commissioner from English army to him, iii. 220, 221 ; bearer of letter to Charles XL, 245. Clarkson, Thomas (1760-1846), his efforts for emancipation of slaves, iv. 187, 188. Claude, Huguenot refugee in Holland, his pamphlet burned, iii. 329. Claudius, Roman Emperor, invades Britain, i. 18; merciful to Caractacus. 20. Clavekhouse, John Graham of. See Dun- dee. Clavering, General, chairman of council at Calcutta, iv. 288. Claypole, Ladv, daughter of Oliver Crom- well, iii. 189; liei- death, 192. , Lord, son-in-law of Cromwell, iii. 177. Clement VII. See Popes. XI. See Popes. Clement, Jacques, assassin of Henry HI. of France, ii. 344. Clergy, Sa.von, driven bv Danes into France, i. 47; relations with Alfred the Great, 56; quarrel with Edwy, 64, 65; influence in Middle Ages, 66"; English not in favor at Rome, 95; side with llenrv I. against Robert Curtliose, 128; support Stephen, 138; alienation from him, 142; support Empress Maud, 143 ; juridical rights, 157; benefit of, protects assassins of Becket, 171 ; attachment to Caur-de- Lion, 198; pronounce interdict in Eng- land, 207 ; resist Innocent IV., 230; favor- able to Simon of Montfort, 235; appeal to^ the pope against Edward I., 255; its un- easiness under Henry IV., 371, 372; their reservation concerning supremacy of Henry VIII., ii. 169; authority in convo- cation conferred upon the crown, 171; persecuted by Henry VIII., 179, 180; in- fluence in Scotlantl, 205, 206; refuse to take oath of fidelity to Commonwealth, iii. 121 ; forbidden to use controversy in the pulpit, 330 ; disapprove of Declaration of Indulg'ence,337 ; in Ireland, issue of bonds in their favor sanctioned by Parliament, iv. 442, 443; in Greek Church, their claim to custodv of sanctuaries in Palestine, v. 171, 172. " See also Bishops. Clerkenwell, Fenian attempt to blow up prison at, v. 372. Clermont, Comte de, defeats Kyriel at bat- tle of Formigny (1450), ii. 40. , Comte de (1709-1771), in command of French arnn'in Germany (1758), super- seded by Contades, iv. 197. Cleves, Anne of. See Anne of Cloves. , Duke of, brother of Anne of Cleves, sends ambassador to Henry VIII., ii. 199. Clifford, Lord, Thomas, killed at battle of St. Albans (1455), ii. 45. , Lord, John, son of the above, at bat- tle of Wakefield, ii. 48 ; kills Earl of Rut- land, 49. , Lord, Thomas (1630-1673), member of Cabal ministr\', iii. 265 ; resigns office, 270. -, Sir Robert, bribed to betray con- spirators in favor of Perkin Warbeck, ii. 102. -, Roger, made governor of Wales by Edward I., i. 246. Clifton Moor, skirmish at, iv. 169. 438 POPULAR HISTORY OF ENGLAND. Glinton, Sir Henry, English general in -:\.iUL'rica, iv. 246; made comumiKlor-in- : chief, 2f)2 ; withth'aws (>arrison from Khode Island, 2o4 ; rallies royalists of Georgia and the Carolinas, 258; receives overtures from Arnold, 259; encourages mutiny in Eng- lish army, 262 ; Washington's designs con- cealed from him, 263 ; recalled, 275. , Lord, in connnand of fleet on coast of Brittany in reign of Bloody Mary, ii. 262. ^ " J J' Clisson, Oliver de, beheaded by Philip of Valois, i. 3U1. , Oliver de, the younger, contests authority of Count de Monifort, i. 336. Clive, Robert, Lord (1725-1774), clerk in service of East India Company, iv. 203; takes possession of Arcot, is besieged by Chunda Sahib, his victories over the French, 204; retui'us to India after visit to England, 205; commands expedition against ISurajah Dowlah, his relations with the Hindoos, 206; gains battle of Plassey (1757), 207; returns to India as governor- general, 209, 210; appointed to organize interior administration of Bengal, 281 ; his measures I'ur establishment of English authority, returns to England, 282; accu- sations brought against him in Parliament, 283 ; acquitted, his death, 284 ; secures Empire of India to the English, v. 271; his despotic sway, 272. Ci-ONTAKF, " monster meeting " at, v. 93. CLOSTER-bEVERN, Capitulation of, iv. 195; George II. refuses to ratify it, 196. Cloth of Gold, Fjcld of, ii. 134. "Clubmen," bodies of pcasantrj' formed to resist pillage in the civil wars, iii. 64. Clyde, Lord. See Campbell. Coalition, European, against French Re- public (1799), iv. 343; against Napoleon Bonaparte, 369; against Bonaparte, end- ing by peace of Presburg, 373. CoBBETT, Lieutenant-general, transports Charles I. to Hurst Castle, iii. 103. COBDEN, EiCHARD (1804-1865), demands abolition of duties on corn, v. 67 ; his char- acter, 70; creates Anti-Corn-Law League, 71; holds aloof from the Chartists, 72; liis appeal to English aristocracy, 75, 76; dec- laration concerning Sir Pobert Peel, 86; I'eel's encomium of him, 87, 88; his propo- sition for inscription on Peel's tomb, 89; motion for inquiry into Chinese affairs, 238 ; loses his seat in Parliament, 239; refuses to take office in Palmerston's cabinet, 301 ; negotiates commercial treaty between Eng- land and France, 304 ; hissympaihy with tlie Lfnion cause in America, 331 ; death, 349. CoBiiAM, ELEANOTi, sccond wife of Hum- plircy of Gloucester, ii. 20; accused of sor- cery, 38. — , Lord, Sir John Oldcastle, leader of the Lollards, i. 381 ; his trial by the cler- gy ; rising in his favor, 382; his death, 1417, 383. -, Lord, disgraced on accession of James I., ii. 384; conspires against him ; betrays Raleigh; is condemned and par- doned, 385. CoBHAM, Sir Reynold, at battle of Poictiers, i. 325. COBURG, Prince of (1737-1815), generalissi- mo of allied army against French Repub- lic, iv. 326. Cochran, Earl of Mar, favoi-ite of James III. of Scotland, ii. 70. Cochrane, Sir John, connected with Ar- gyle's insurrection, iii. 311; arrested, 312; saves himself by turning informer, 320. Cockburn, Chief-Justice, his condemnation of (governor P^yre's conduct in Jamaica, V. 355. Code Napoleon, iv. 392. CODRiNGTON, General, in command of bri- gatle on Mount lukerman, v. 209. Coercion Bill, iv 442. C;(EUR-DE-LiON. See Richard. Coimbra, English forces under Wellesley concentrated at, iv. 389. Coke, Sir Edward (1552-1634), colleague of Bacon in prosecution of Essex, ii. 351 ; his accusations against Somerset, 397 ; marries grand-niece of Buckingham, 399; his aid in Buckingham's malversations, 400 ; leader of Parliamentary coalition against Charles I., 415. , John, sent to the Tower by House of Commons, iii. 326. , John, solicitor-general, reads indict- ment against Charles I., iii. 109. Colbert, minister of Louis XIV., ii. 165; iii. 270. Coleman, his letter to Pere I.,a Chaise, iii. 278, 279. CoLEPEPPER, Sir John, leader of Royalist party in Long Parliament, ii. 443 ; the king attempts to secure his support, 445; conducts the ail'airs of Charles in Parlia- ment, 446; member of Parliamentary dep- utation to the king, iii. 14; his opinion as to question of the soldiery, 20 ; with Prince of Wales after Naseby, 64. Coleridge, Samuel Taylor (1772-1834), Harriet Martineau's anecdote of, v. 23. COLIGNY, Admiral, leader of Protestants in France, ii. 281 ; killed at the St. Bai-tholo- niew massacre, 314. College, executed on charge of corrupting the royal guard, iii. 288. -, Sacred, affirm validitj' of first mar- riage of Henry Vlll., ii. 172. Collingwood, Admiral Lord (1748-1810), as Captain, coutrihutes to defeat of Span- ish fleet off Cape St. Vincent (1797), iv. 334 ; commands with Nelson at Trafalgar, 371; in command of fleet at Cadiz, 385; his death, 394. Cologne, archbishop of, aided by Louis XIV., iii. 348. -, electorate of, falls into possession of Grand Alliance at Blenheim, iv. 53. Ct^LPOYS, Admiral, commissioned to treat with delegates of mutineers at Spithead, iv. 335; forbids dclcijates to be received 336. Columbia, British, formation of, by Lord Lytton, V. 293; absorbed in Dominion of Canada, 294 Columbus, Bartholomew, brother of Christopher, ii. 112. GENERAL INDEX. 439 Columbus, Christopher, applies to Henry VII., ii. 112. CoMius, king- of Beln:ian Atrebates, i. 14. Commentaries, of Csesar, referred to, i. 15. COMMINES, liistorian, quoted, ii. 59, 61, 62, 65, 69; at Pecqui.cfny, 67; quoted, 69, 70. Committee of Public Safety (1793), in France, iv. 325. of Two Kinjrdoms, iii. 47, 51, 60, 70. CoMMODUS, Roman Emperor, i. 24. Commons, House of, its beginning, i. 235. See Parliament. " of Eniilancl," name assumed by in- surgents in reign of Richard II., i. 344. Commonwealth, established in England, iii. 121 ; colonies accept its authority, 149; recognized by Spain, 152; sends envoys to the Hague, 153 ; establishes relations with France, 154, 155; at war with llollund, 156-158; re-organized under Cromwell, 164-167 ; concludes peace with Holland 168, 169; alliance with France, 174; un- favorable to literary activity, 302. Commune, the French, suppressed, v. 405. Communists, Parisian, compared to Chart- ists by (juizot, V. 28. Comnenus, Emperor Isaac, made prisoner by Cceur-de-Lion, i. 190. CoMPiEGNE, defended by Joan of Arc, ii.30. COMPTON, Bishop of London (Henry, 1632- 1713), his speech in House of Lords, iii. 328; ordered to suspend Dr. Sharp, 330; suspended from his ecclesiastical functions, 331 ; unable to sign petition against Decla- ration of Indulgence, 338; signs invita- tion to Prince of Orange, 346 ; reinstated, 349 ; displeasure at elevation of Tillotson, 407. ■ , Sir Spencer (afterwards Lord Wil- mington), entrusted by George II. with communication to Privy Council ; Walpole draws up speech for him, iv. 139; his death, 153. Comyn, Sir John (the Red) , at head of Scot- tish council of regency, i. 262; betrays Bruce, is murdered at Dumfries, i. 266. , Sir Robert, murdered at Dumfries, i. 266. CoNDE, claimed by Dutch, iv. 60; taken pos- session of by Austrians, 325. — , Prince of (Louis I. de Bourbon, 1530- 1569), head of Protestant party in France, ii. 281 ; applies to Elizabeth for assistance, 298; his death, 302. , Prince of (Louis II. de Bonrbon, "the great Conde," 1621-1686), French general in service of Spain, iii. 190, 191; otl'ers assistance to Charles II. 212. Conflans, Marquis de, in command of French fleet for descent on England, iv. 197 ; defeated by Hawks in the Vilaine, 198; in command in the Deccan, 208. " Congregation of the Lord," ii. 275 Congregation, Lords of, head the Protes- tant rising in Scotland, 275, 276; rise against Darnley, 284. Congress, Continental (of American Colo- nies), assembled at Pliiladelpiiia, appoints Washington commantler-in-chiei', iv. 236 ; signs second petition to the king, 238; adopts Declaration of Independence, 240 ; invests Washington with full powers, 242; conditions of negotiation with England, 251 ; plans expedition against Canada, 252 ; loss of authority, 257; refuses to make peace without concurrence of France, 276 ; dispute with the army, 279. Congress, of United States, war measures after battle of Bull Run, v. 325; vote of thanks to Wilkes passed bv the House, 32S. CoNiNGSBY, Lord, impeaches Earl of Oxford, iv. 95. Connaught, Irish kingdom of, i. 172. Conquest, the Norman, i. 100-105. Conrad, son of Frederick 11. of Sicily, re- sists claims of Pope Innocent IV. i. 229. Conservatives, name adopted by Tories, iv. 432 ; Disraeli becomes leader of, v. 297 ; more moderate than the Liberals in sup- port of Southern Confederacy in America, 331; opposition to Russell's Reform Bill of 1866, 361, 362 ; come into power in 1866, 363; forced to propose Reform, 365; de- feated in election of 1868, 383; their oppo- sition to Gladstone's Army Bill, 4L)3, 404 ; to Ballot Bill, 405; restored to power in 1874, 409. " Conspiracy to Murder Bill," v. 285. Constance of Brittany, marries Geoffrey, son of Henry II. of England, i. 163. , of France, sister of Louis VII. be- trothed to Prince Eustace, son of Kiuy Stephen, i. 139. Constantine, Roman emperor, proclaimed in Britain, i. 27 ; first Christian emperor, 28. Constantinople, becomes capital of Ro- man Empire, i. 26; Russian protectorate of, V. 35; protectorate of Greek Church connected with possession of, 172; Nich- olas I. declares his policy in regard to, 175-176; Prince Mentscliikoff's embassy to, 176-177. Constantius, Chlorus, Roman governor in Britain, i. 26, 27. Gontades, Marshal, invades Hesse; defeat- ed at Mindcn, iv. 210. Conti, Prince of, commander-in-chief of army against Spain in 1719, iv. 118. Contrecoeur, M. de, French commander in Ohio Valley, iv. 188. Convention, National, of France, iv. 322, 323 ; declares war against Holland, 323 ; fall of the Girondists, 1793, 325; passes decree of no quarter to English and Hano- verians, 326. Conventions of 15th July, 1840, concluded, V. 36 ; its eti'ect on France, 37 ; accepted by the Sultan, 39. , of 13th July, 1841, v. 43. Convention Parliament, called by William of Orange, iii. 360. Conway, General, accuses government of bribery, iv. 300. CoNYERS, Sir John, made governor of the Tower, iii. 20. Cook, Colonel, attempts to persuade Charles 1. to escape from Carisbrook, iii. 103. Cooke, William F., takes patent for inven- tion in use of electricity, v. 22. 440 POPULAR HISTORY OF ENGLAND. Cooper, Ashley. See Lord Ashlev. COOTE, Colonel (Sir Eyre) (1726-1783), his capture of Fort Wandewash, iv. 208 ; his letter on Lally-ToUcndars defence of Poii- dicherry, 209 ; defeats Hyder Ali at Porto- Novo, 289. Cope, iSir John, in command of Enj^lish army a^jainst Charles Edward, iv. 1S9; de- feated at Prestonpans, 161, 162; carries the news to Berwick, 162. CoPELAND, John, makes prisoner of King of Scothiiul, i. 312. Copenhagen, battle of, iv. 353; bombarded by the En-'lish (1807), 382. COKBIESDALE, MoNTROSE, defeated at, iii. 134. CoRBOiS, William (see Archbishops of Can- terbury). Cordova, Don Joseph de, commander of Spanish fleet, defeated otf Cape St. Vin- cent, iv. 334. Cork, captured by Marlboroug'h, iii. 387; Fenian attempt at, v. 371. CoRNBURV, Edward, Viscount, son of Lord Clarendon, deserts to Prince of Oranyje, iii. 331. Cornish, cxccnted for complicity in Rye House Plot, iii. 322. Corn Laws, v. 58; Peel's proposed revision of, 63 ; free traders attack his revision of, 66,67; Birncy's Lectures on, 69; popular opposition to, 70; leaffue formed against (see Anti-Corn-Law League), 71; Fox's speech against, 72, 73; Peel's attitude with regartl to, 78 ; debate on, 79 ; bill for re- peal passed, 86. Cornwall, visited by Phoenicians, i. 13; subjugated by Egbert, 40; under Athcl- stane, 63; insurrection in, against Henry yiL, 105, 106, 107; faithful to Charles L iii. 35 ; Royalist successes in, 51, 53. • , Earl of (see Gavestou). , Richard of (see Richard of Cornwall, King of the Romans). Cornwallis, Lord (Charles, 1738-1805) in command of British army in America, be- sieged in Yorktown, iv. 263, 264; his sur- render, 264; lord-lieutenant of lieland, 1798,340; skilful tactics in Irish Parlia- ment, 341. Coromandel, English ch-iven from, iv. 208. Corporation Act, of Charles II. abolished, iii. 371. CoRRiCHiE, battle of, ii. 282. Corsairs, Barbary, appear in the English ciiannel, ii. 419;' repressed by Blake, 173, 174. Corsica, revolt of, against French Republic, iv. 327. Cortes, of Spain, ratify Philip V.'s renunci- ation of French crown, iv. 70; Isabella's marriage announced to, v. 122. Cortosphine, heights of, iv. 159. Corunna, junction of French and English liuets at, 'iv. 2.j6 ; battle of, 387. Cosne, l>esicged, i. 406. CouCY, Enguerrand de, left in command at London by Prince I.,ouis, i. 222. Council of Foreign Affairs under Charles II., iii. 252. Council op State, under Parliament, iii. 120, 121 ; takes measures to repel invasion of Scotch, 137 ; dismisses French ambassa- dor, 152; dissolved by Cromwell, 163; re- organized by him, 164; becomes Republi- can, 216, 217; secret meetings, 224, 225. Councils, Aries (314) i. 28. , Constance (1414), ii. 18. CouRCY, John dc, Earl of Ulster, governor of Ireland, i. 174. Courtenay, Sir Edward, made Earl of Devon b)- Henry VII. ii. 85. , Sir William, imprisoned for com- plicity in plot of Earl of Sutfolk against Henr> VII. . ii. 114. -, Lord Edward, son of Marquis of Ex- eter, Queen JMary's attachment to, ii. Ii46 ; opposes her alliance with Philip of Spain, 247 ; project i'or his marriage with Eliza- beth, 248 ; in the Tower, 250 ; removed to P'otheriugay, 252 . set at liberty, 254. Cousin, M., his advice to Louis Philippe. V. 42. Covenant, the, established in Scotland, ii. 424 ; devotion of Scotch Presbyterians to, iii, 75, 78; accepted by Charles II. 137; publicly burned in England, 257. CovenaIs'Ters, Scotch, raise army against Charles I. ii. 424; conclude tempoi-ary peace at Berwick; their letter to Louis XIII. 425; their army victorious at New- burne on tlic Tyne, 427 ; commission to negotiate with, 429; insurrection of, in Scotland, iii 262; their resistance to Lauderdale, 282; assassinate Archbishop Sharp, 283 ; defeated by Monmouth at Eothwell Bridge, 284; severities of Duke of York toward, 289; persecuted under Conventicle Act, 306; Argyle's confidence in their support, 310; do not join his in- surrection, 311, 312; regain freedom by revolution of 1688, 374; superstition con- cerning Dundee, 377. Coventry, Maiy Stuart imprisoned at, ii. 304. , Sir John, his treatment by Cavaliers, iii. 273. CovERDALE, MiLES, translator of the Bible, ii. 193, 357. Cowley, Abraham, English poet, iii. 301. , Lord, meets Victoria at Chalcati d'Eu, v. 101 ; represents England at Cou, gress of Vienna, 233. Craggs, James, secretary of state, bribed bj South Sea Company; his death, iv. 125. Craik, Dinah Mulock, v. 168. Cranbourne, Lord (Marquis of Salisbury), becomes Indian Secretary in Lord Derby') Cabinet, v. 363; resigns, 366. Cranmer (see Ar.-hbisbops of Canterbury) Crecy, ba:tle of, i. 307-311. Crequy, Due de, amlmssador of Louis XIV to Cromwell, iii. 191. Crespy-en-V ALOIS, negotiations at, ii. 208. Cressingham, Hugh de, treasurer of Scot land, i. 254; odious to the Scotch; hi death, 260. Crevant, battle of, ii. 15, 16. Crevant-sur-Yoijne. fortress of, i'. lb. Cbevelt, battle of, iv. 197. GENERAL INDEX. 441 Crewe, Presbyterian member of Parliament, iii. 238. Crillon, Due (le (1718-1796), besieges Fort St. Philip in Minorca, 1782; his otters to the Eng'lisli jieiieral, iv. 266 ; his reply on Murray's refusal ; captures the fort, 267 ; conducts siege of Gibraltar (1782), 273, 274. Crimean War, the controversy leading to, V. 171-179; Russians enter Danubian prin- cipalities, 177 ; destroy Turkish squadron at Sinope, 179; allied fleets enter Black Sea, 179-180; France and England declare war against Russia(18;D4), 182; Russians be- siege Silistria; retreat across Danube, 184; plans for invasion of the Crimea, 185-187 ; cholera in allied armies, 187, 193, 225; al- lies land in the Crimea, 188; march toward Sevastopol, 189; Russian position on the Alma, 189-190; allies victorious at the battle of the Alma, 191-192; Mentschi- koff's measures for defence of Sevastopol, 194-197 ; allies march toward Balaklava, 198; death of French commander; Eng- lish occupy Balaklava, 199; Todleben's defences of Sevastopol, 199-200; unsuc- cessful attack of the allies on Sevastopol, 201 ; Russians attack English position at Balaklava, 202; battle of Balaklava, 202- 207; weak position of the English at Inkerman, 208-210; battle of Inkerman, 209-213; sutFerinscs of allied armies before Sevastopol, 214-215 ; organization of hos- pitals under Miss Nightingale, 215-216; allies reinforced by Sardinian contingent, 218; failure of Russian attack on Eupa- toria, 218 ; Russian fortifications strength- ened, 219, 220; Gortschakotf made com- mander-in-chief of Russian army, 221 ; Pelisier assumes command of the French, 222-223 ; successful attack by allies, upon Kertch; battle of the Tchernaya; capture of the Mamelon, 224; unsuccessful assault on Sevastopol, death of Lord Raglan, 225 ; Russians defeated in sortie, 228 ; bombard- ment of Sevastopol, 229 ; final assault, 230 ; Russians evacuate Sevastopol, 230-231 ; end of the war, 232 ; peace signed at Paris (1856), 234; results of the war, 235. Croft, James. See Duke of Monmouth. Croft, Lord, guardian of Duke of Mon- mouth, iii. 284. Cromarty, Lord, concerned in Jacobite rebellion of 1745; pardoned, iv. 178. Cromwell, Oliver, his attempt to emigrate prevented by Charles I., ii. 421; political attitude during firj-t session of Long Parlia- ment, 431 ; remarks to Falkland concern- ing debate on remonstrance, 443-444 ; receives command of regiment in Parlia- mentary army, iii. 25; complaint of Parlia- mentar}' cavalry, 32; organizes "Iron- sides," 33 ; defeats Rupert at Marston Moor, 49-50; advice to Manchester, 50; speech urging vigorous prosecution of war, 55; secures appointment of Fairfax to command of Parliamentary army, 58; his resignation not aix'eptcd, 60; joins Fairfax, 61; in command of Ironsides at Naseby, 62; capture of royalist towns, 69 ; his command prolonged, 71 ; instigates discontent in the army, 79; appointed to treat with it, 80 ; declares necessity of the king's arrest, 83 ; accusations of Presby- terians against him, his speech, 84; places himself at the head of the army, 85; nego- tiations with the king, 86, 87 ; urues Charles to consiiler proijosals of the arm}', 89; distrusted by republicans in the army, 90; uncertain as to intentions of the king, 91 ; seizes letter of Charles to the queen, 92; his resolve in regard to the king, 93; insinuates to Charles the necessity of tlight, 94; notifies Parliament of the king's fiight, 95 ; suppresses insubordination of the army, 96 ; message to tiie king, 97 ; supports Ireton's motion to settle affairs without the king, 99; campaign against Scottish royalists, 100-102; returns to London, 103; approves of exclusion of Presbyterian members, 105; opinion on trial of the king, 106, 107 ; exhortation to the court before the trial, 108; signs warrant for the king's execution, ll6; at the cotlin of Charles, 118, 119; becomes member of Council of State, 120; votes for execution of Capel, 123 ; Lilburne's attack upon him, 125; suppresses mutiny in the army, 127; general of Irish expedition, 130; lands in Ireland, 131; capture of Droghe- da and Wexford, 132; skilful manage- ment of affairs in Ireland, 132, 133; returns to England, 137 ; appointed gen- eralissimo in place of Fairfax, invades Scotland, 138, 139; falls back on Dunbar, 140; defeats Lesley, 141; illness, 142; letter to Parliament in regard to Charles II. 's invasion of England, 143 ; defeats Charles at Worcester, 145, 146 ; estal^lishes himself at Whitehall, 148; intrigues to gain absolute power, 158-161 ; dissolves Long Parliament, 162, 163; re-organiza- tion of government, 164, 165 ; assumes title of Lord Protector, 166 ; incorporates Scotland with England, 167 ; treaty with United Provinces, 168, 169; convokes a Parliament (1654), 169; difficulties with it, 170; dissolves it, 171; imposes income- tax on royalists, 172; reliuious toleration, 173; rupture with Spain; treaty with France, convokes Parliament (1656), 174; aspires to title of king. 175; overtures of cavaliers to him, 176 ; intrigues to gain the crown, 177; invited to assume title of king, 178, 179; conference with Parlia- ment, 180, 181 ; opposition of his friends and the Republicans, 182; refuses the title, 183, 184; adoption of new constitu- tion; power concentrated in his hands, 184; his assassination proposed, 185; opens Parliament (1658), 185; his address, 186; appeal to the army, 187; conspiracy against him, 187, 188; forms High Court for trial of conspirators, 188; precautions against assassination, successes on the continent, 189 ; sends contingent to army of Turenne, 190; ratifies alliance with France, 191 ; domestic afflictions, his illness, 192, 193; his death, 194; his character, 194, 195 ; desecration of his remains, 254. 442 POPULAR HISTORY OF ENGLAND. Cromwell, Lady Elizabeth, widow of Oliver Cromwell, her Hight, iii. 144, , Henry, son of Oliver Cromwell, iii. 176; Tliurlow's letters to him, 192, 193, 194; his letler to his brother, 197; I.ord- Lieuteuaut of Irehmd, 19S-207; his resi<;- nation, 208, 209; disappointment of the lloyulists, 209-211. liiCHARD, son of Oliver Cromwell, iii. 175, 176; proclaimed his father's sue cessor, 195; petition of the army to, 197; his fiovernment revives electoral system of the monarcliy, 198; debate in railiament in regard to his recognition, 199, 200; vote for recognition passed, 200; his position between the army antl Parliament, 201- 204; dissolves Parliament, 204, 205; over- tures of the royalists to, 207; retires from Whitehall, 208. , Thomas, his suggestion to Henry VIII., ii. 168; his report, 169; secretary of state, 178; his measures against the monasteries, 179, 180 ; his fears for Car- dinal Pole, 190; desires to unite Hemy with a Protestant queen, 195; suggests Anne of Clcvcs, 196; arrested for high treason, coudeuiued and executed (1540), 197. Cropredy Bridge, battle of, iii. 48. Croulle, M. do, his letters to Mazarin, iii. 121-131 ; secretary of French ambassa'dor to England, 149; ordered to leave Eng- land, 152. Crusaders, meet at Vczclay, under Cceur- de-Lion and Philip Augustus, i. 189; be- siege Acre, 190; their dissensions, 191; capture Ascalon, 192; relieve Jatfa, under Cceur-de-Lion, 193, 194 ; attack Nazareth under Prince Edward (Edward I.), 242; disappearance from the East, 243. Crusades, the, begin to agitate Christen- dom, i. 123; under Pope Gregorj' VIII., 180; joined bv Coeur-de-Lion, 187-194; led bv St. Louis, 239; bv Prince Ed- ward "(Edward III.), 242; their end, 243. Crystal Palace, the, v. 139, 140. Cuba, taken by English (1762), iv. 218. CuESTA, General supports cause of Bour- bons in Spain, defeated in Valladolid, iv. 385. CuFFE, Secretary of Essex, ii. 350. CuLLODEN, battle of, iv. 173-175. Culpepper, executed for complicity Avith Catherine Howard, ii. 199. Cumberland, Uuke of, William Augustus, (1721-1765), son of George II., his cour- age at battle of Dettingen, iv., 153 ; com- mands allied armies in campaign of 1745, attacks the French at Fontcnoy, 154; congratulated by Konigseck on his victory, 156; his retreat, 156, recalled from Ger- many, marches against Charles Edward takes command of English army against Charles Edward, 167 ; pursues him on his retreat, 169; joins Hawlcy at Edinlnu'gh, 171; enters Stirling, 172; attacks Charles Edward at Cullodcn, 173; his victory, 174; his view of the rebellion, 175 ; his cruelty towards Jacobites, obtains name of the Butcher, 176 ; in command of English troops in Holland; difficulties with Wil- liam IV., 180; unpopularity in England, 184; in command of English army for defence of Hanover, driven back to the Weser, 194; forced to conclude convention of Closter-Sevcrn; wounded by his lather's anger, resigns his command, his death in 1765, 195 ; negotiates for Chatham's return to power, 227. Cumberland, Duke of, Ernest Augustus (1771-1851), son of George III., becomes King of Hanover, v. 16. Curtis, Captain, his rescue of Spanish sailors at siege of (Gibraltar, iv. 274. Custine (1740-1793), general of French Convention, invades Gei'many, iv. 322. Cymry, early invadei's of Great Britain, i. 13. Cyprus, island of, taken by Eichard Cceur- de-Lion, i. 190. r>. Dacre, Lord, in English army at Flodden, ii. 125; in command on English frontier, frightens Duke of Albany into an armis- tice, 145. , Lord Lennard, insurgent against Elizabeth, ii. 304, 305, D'Albinay', member of council of twenty- five, defends Rochester, i. 216, Dalhousie, Lord, George Ramsay (1770- 1838), governor-general of Canada, erects monuments to Wolfe and Montcalm, iv. 201. ■, Lord, James Ramsay (1812-1860), governor-general of India, his administra- tion, 241, 242; his death, 348. D'Allonville, General, attack on Russian batteries at Balaklava, v. 206. Dalrymple, Sir Hew, English governor of Gibraltar, iv. 285. , Sir James, of Stair (1619-1695), agent of ^^'illiam HI. in Scotland, iii. 394; obtains order for extirpation of Mac- donalds of Glencoc, 395, 396; displaced from otficc, 397. Damascus, massacre of Christians at, v. 314. Danby, Lord. See Marquis of Caermar- tlien. " Danegeld," Danish money, i. 68, 72. Danes, the, first invade England in reign of Egbert, i. 40, 41 ; in reign of Ethelwulf, 41; invade France; return to Enghuul, ascend the Thames and sack London ; are defeated by Ethelwulf at Oakley, 42; pen- etrate as far as Reading; overrun the country; in possession of East Anglia and part of Northumbria, 44 ; entrenched at Reading; their characteristics ; defeat Sax- ons at Reading; are defeated by Alfred and Ethelred at Assendon, 45; consent to peace with Alfred ; attack the coast of Dor- set; make peace again; resume hostilities, 46; overpower Alfred, 47; their cruel rule in England, 49; defeated by AllVed at Ethandune ; compelled to embrace Christi- anity ; settle in Northumbria, Mcrcia, and East Anglia, 50; unsuccessful invasion of; land in Kent, under Hastings, 51 ; opposed GENERAL INDEX. 443 by Alfred ; defeated at Farnham, 52 ; take refuge iu Chester; retreat to Isle of Mer- sey ; compelled to abandon their Heet, 53; finally subdued by Alfred, 54; land in East Ang'lia under Sweyn; exact tribute from Ethclred, 68; further invasions under Sweyn; required to accept Christianity, 69; invade England in revenge for the massacre of their countrymen; pillage and burn Exeter, 70 ; their ravages and exac- tions, 71-73 ; land at York and take posses- sion of the soil, 73; establish their dynasty in England under Canute, 74, 75; eli'ect of Christianity upon them, 76 ; end of their dynasty in England, 81 ; assist insurgents in Northumbria against William the Con- queror; their secret negotiations with Wil- liam, 110; threaten England during his reign, 115. Danes, the Northumbrian, i-elations of their kingdom with Alfred the Great, 55; their wars with the Saxons, 63, 64 ; invade Ire- land under Olaf and capture Dublin, 63 ; revolt against Edw}-, 65; rise iu support of the invasion of their countrymen under Sweyn, 68; their massacre by Saxons, 69, 70. Dannenberg, General, succeeds Soimonotf in command of Russians at Inkerman, v. 211, 213. Dante, quoted, i. 179. Dantzic, battle of, iv. 381. Darby, Admiral, re-victuals Gibraltar, iv. 272. Darcy, Loi;d, leader of insurgents against Henry VIII., ii. 188 ; is executed, 189. D' Argentine, Sir Giles, at battle of Ban- nockburn, i. 278. Darnley, Lord, cousin to Mary Stuart, ii. 283 ; marries her ; is proclaimed king, 284 ; Mary alienated from, 285 ; assists at mur- der of Rizzio, 286; refuses to take part in baptism of his son ; coldness between him and Mary, 287 ; his illness; Mary's appar- ent reconciliation with, 288; death, 289. Dartmouth, George Legge, Lord {1648- 1691), commander of James II. 's fleet, iii. 350; refuses to assist escape of Prince of Wales, 354; William III.'s lenity to him, 394. Daru, Comte (1767-1829), minister of Napo- leon Bonaparte, iv. 370. Daubeney, Lord, advances against insur- gents in 1499, ii. 106. , William, executed for complicity with Perkin Warbeck, ii. 102. D'AuBiGNY, Captain, provisional commander at Tahiti, v. 106. Daun, Marshal, co-operates with Admiral Byng- against Spain, iv. 115; defeats Fred- erick the Great at Kolin, 194; at Hoch- kirck, 197. Dauphin, title of, first used, i. 327. , Messire Guichard, sent to negoti- ate with Henry V., i. 390. David, brother of I^lewellyn, prince of Wales, supports Edward III. against his brother, i. 245; joins his countrymen, 246; his rebellion, 247; condemned to death, 248. David, Kings of Scotland. See Scotland. Davis, Jefferson, president of the bouth- eru Confederacy, v. 320; issues letters of marque, 322; Gladstone's declaraiion con- cerning, 331 ; orders navy in England, 332 ; taken prisoner, 338. , John, his voyages ; gives his name to a strait, ii. 360. Davison, secretary of state under Elizabeth, ii. 333; imprisoned for dispatcliiiig Mary Stuart's death-warrant, 336; supported by- Essex, 343. Day, Bishop of Chichester, imprisoned, ii. 235. Daylesford, family seat of Warren Hast- ings, iv. 294. Dean, Cornet, pardoned by Fairfax, iii. 128. Deane, General, Republican officer, iii. 222, 223. , Silas, American agent at Paris, iv. 243. Deccan, the, Indian province, iv. 203. Declaration of Indulgence, proclaimed at Edinburgh, iii. 330, 331 ; published iu Ennland, 337, the seven bishops protest against, 338, 339. of Rights, iii. 365; accepted by Wil- liam and Mary, 366. Decr^s, M., minister of finance to Napo- leon Bonaparte ; the emperor's letter to, iv. 369, 370. Decry, persecuted for opposition to Episco- pacy, ii. 398. Defender of the Faith, name bestowed on Henry VIII., ii. 139. De Foe, Daniel (1661-1731), his pamphlets in defence of Revolution of 1688, iv. 85. Deira, Anglican kingdom of, founded, i. 32 : its union with Bernicia forms Northum- bria, 32, 33. Delacroix, M. Charles, French minister of foreign atfairs, iv. 333. De la Pole, William, brother of Earl of Sutfolk, ii. 114. Delhi, insurrection of Sepoys at, v. 244; headquai-ters of mutineers, 247 ; siege of, 263, 264; surrenders, 264. King of, V. 244 ; takes refuge in tomb of Humayoun, 264; liis death, 265. " Delinquents," proceedings of Long Par- liament against, ii. 429; attitude of the Republicans toward, iii. 90. Demerara, Dutch colonies in Guiana, iv. 266. Denain, battle of, iv. 74. Dendermonde, taken by Marlborough, 1706, iv. 56. Denbigh, Lord, emissary of Parliament to Charles I., iii. 54, 55. , Lord, suppoi'ter of Bute in House of Lords, iv. 221. Denman, Thomas, afterwards Lord (1779- 1854), advocate of Queen Caroline, iv.407. Denmark, forms alliance with France, Eng- land and other powers against House of Austria (1624), ii. 411; at war with Swe- den (1659), iii. 210; concludes peace with England at Breda (1667), 261; war with Sweden ended by intervention of England (1720-1721), iv. 120 ; included in treaty of 444 POPULAR HISTORY OF ENGLAND. Hanover (1725), 133; joins Russia against En<;lancl, iv. 344; concludes armistice with England after battle of Copenhagen ( 1801 ), 353 ; its possession of Schleswig-Holstein provinces a source of irritation to Ger- many, V. 344; at war with Austria and Prussia for possession of those provinces 1863-1864), 345, 346; consents to negotiate with Prussia, 347. Denmark, Anne of, wife of James I. of England, ii. 392. , Prince George of. See George of Denmark. -, Sovereigns of: Christian IL (1481-1559), at Bruges, ii. 40. Frederick II. (1534-1588), sends his nephew, Duke of Holstein, to England as aspirant for Elizabeth's hand, ii. 278. Christian IV. (1577-1648), brother-in- law of James I., ii. 391 ; visits England, 392. Frederick V. (1723-1766), neutral in yevcn Years' War, iv. 195. ■ VI. (1768-1839), as crown-prince, concludes armistice with Nelson (1801), iv. 353; rejects alliance with England, 382. VII. (1808-1863), his death, v. 345. Christian IX., Prince of Schleswig Holstein, forced into war with Austria and Prussia (1864), v. 345. Denny, Sir Anthony, gentleman of the bed-cliamber to Henry VIII., ii. 219. Deputies, Chamber of. Marshal Soult's speech in, v. 16. Derby, limit of Scottish expedition into England, iv. 167 ; outbreak in, on rejection of Reform Bill (1831), 438. , Countess of, Charlotte de la Tvemoille, iii. 144 ; her defence of Isle of Man, 147. -, Earl of, in Guienne (1345), i. 301; in Gascony, 304; besieged in tjordeaux (1346), 311; at bridge of Nieulay, 314. -, Earl of, Thomas Stanlej-, at recep- tion of Charles V. in England (1520), ii. 133. -^^, Earl of, James Stanley (1606-1651), joins Charles II. 's invasion of England, is defeated by Lilburne, iii. 144; executed, 147. -, Earl of, Charles Stanley, son of the above, revolts in favor of Charles XL, im- prisoned, iii. 213. . Earl of, Eilward Stanley (1799-1869), prime minister (1852), v. 146 ; resigns, 147 ; his cabinet nominally in favor of protec- tion, 153; lails in aUcmpt to form cabinet on resignation of Aberdeen, 217 ; his mo- tion censuring Sir John Bowring, 238; his Indian Bill rejected, 277; becomes prime minister on resignation of Palmer- stoii, 286 ; character, 297 ; resigns, 299 ; prime minister on Russell's resignation (1866), 363; passage of Disraeli's Reform Bill dui'ing his administration, 366-368; his severity to Fenian leaders, 372; with- draws from public life, 375; speech in de- fence of Irish church, 385,386; death, 386. See Lord Stanley. Derwentwater, RatcliflFe, Earl of, joins insurrection of 1715, iv. 99; surrenders himself as hostage, 101 ; accused of high treason, 107 ; executed, 108. Desborough, General, Republican, brother- in-law of Oliver Cromwell, proposes to prolong income-tax on royalists, iii 177; urges Cromwell to refuse title of king, 178, 179; conversation with Pride, 183; Republican leaders assemble at his house, 197 ; urges Richard Cromwell to convoke council of officers, 201 ; instigator of dis- turbances in the army, 203; demands dis- solution of Parliament, 204; presents pe- tition of the army to Parliament, 215; appears before Council of State, 216; ex- cluded from amnesty, 253. Desmond, Earl of, attempts to incite rebel- lion in Ireland against Henry VIII., ii. 144. , Earl of, rival of Ormond, ii. 347 ; be- heailed (1579), 348. Despencer, Earl of Winchester, father of Hugh le Despencer, i. 282; executed by Queen Isabella, 284. , Hugh le, favorite of Edward II., i. 280; banished, recalled, 281 ; the qucen'3 hostilit}' to, 282; his advice to Edward, 283 ; arrested and executed, 284. Des Roches, Pierre, Bishop of Winches- ter, shares power with Hubert de Burgh, i. 223 ; their i-ivalry, 224. D'Este, Mary Beatrice. See Mary of Modena. Dereham, Francis, cousin of Catherine Howard, executed, ii. 199. Dettingen, battle of, iv. 153. Devereux, Walter, brother of Earl of Essex, killed at siege of Rouen, ii. 344. Devicotah, captured by Lally-Tollendal, iv. 208. Devil's Dyke, i. 32. Devizes, Castle of, fortified by Bishop of Salisbury, i. 145. Devon, Jetfrej-s' cruelty in, iii. 322. Devonshire, Duchessof, Georgiana (1757- 1806), partisan of Charles Fox, iv. 303. ■, Duke of, William Cavendish, (1640- 1707), as Earl signs invitation to Prince of Orange, iii. 346 ; accompanies William III. to Holland, 389; raised to dukedom, 404; sends Fenwick's confession to William, iv. 21 ; in council of Queen Anne, 81. -, Earl of, behoaded after battle of Towton (1461), ii. 52, 58. -, Earl of, tieiends Exeter against Per- kin Warbcck (1499), ii. 107. De Winter, Admiral, in command of Dutch fleet, defeated at battle of Camperdown, iv. 338. De Witt, Cornelis, brother of John De Witt, in command of Dutch fleet against Blake, defeated (1652), iii. 157; his report to the states-general, 167, 168 ; in com- mand of Dutch fleet with De Ruytcr, as- cends the Thames (1666), 261 ; killed in revolution in Holland (1672), 269. , Cornelis, his "History of Wash- ington " quoted, iv. 231. — , John, Grand Pensioner of Holland GENERAL INDEX. 445 (1625-1672), quoted, iii. 133; Beverninne treat}' with Enji'land, 247 ; creates his son Philip Ivinij: of Naples, 253; ahdicates, 261; death, 2()7; union of Spain with Germany and the Low Countries in his reign, v. 111. Feudinanu r. (reign, 1558-1564), brother of Charles V., ii. 278 ; elector of Bavaria claims Austria through his will, iv. 148. II., (reign, 1619-1637), project for his marriage with Spanish Infanta, ii. 408. Leopold I. (reign, 1658-1705), claims to regulate Spanish succession, iv. 24 ; hopes to secure it to his son, 33 ; recalls Prince Eugene from Italy, 52; otfers IVIarl- borough governmcut of Low Countries, 56. Joseph I., (reign, 1705-1711), his death, iv. 67. Charles VI. (reign, 1711-1740), iv. 75 ; op- poses conclusion of Peace of Utrecht, 76 ; concludes treaty of defensive alliance with England, 110; joins quadruple al- liance, 114; his army in Sicily, 118; his pragmatic sanction, concludes treaty of Vienna with Spain, 132; protests against George I.'s opening speech to Parlia- ment, 134; liis death (1740), 148. VII., Charles Albert of Bavaria, crowned (1742), iv. 150; a fugitive, 152; hopes for .assistance of France, 153 ; his death (1745), 154. Francis I., Duke of Lorraine, husband of IMaria Theresa, becomes emperor (1745), iv. 156. Leopold II. (1791, 1792), signs declaration of Pilnitz (1791), iv. 320; his death, 321. Francis II. See Austria. Gertruydenberg, conferences at, iv. 64, 65. Gettysburg, battle of, v. 338. Ghent, murder of Van Artevcldt at, i. 303; captured by the Duke of Burgundy (1708), iv. .58 ; given up to the allies, 59. G iiuzNEE, capture of, v. 58. Ghilzyes, tribe of, v. 51. GlAC, Dame de, i. 399. , Sire de, favorite of Charles VII. of France, ii. 20. Giant's Dyke, i. 32. Gibbon, Edward (1737-1794), his axiom in regard to rebels, iv. 108. Gibraltar, in possession of the English, iv. 54; retained by the English at peace of Utrecht, 75; Philip V. raises siege of, 134; besieged by English and Spaniards, 272-274 ; draws supplies from Tangier, v. 109. Gibson, ^Iilner, supports peace policy, V. 239; i)roposes amoudnient to con- spiracy bill, 286; member of Palmer- ston's second cabinet, 301 ; his sympathy with unionists in the IJnited States, 331 ; loses his scat in Parliament, 381. Giles, Dr., at death-bed of Hampden, iii. 34. Gilbert, Sir Humphrey, brother of Sir Walter Raleigh, ii. 361. Ginckel, General (1630-1703), accomplishes pacifi(\ition of Ireland, made Earl of Athlone, iii., 388. Girondists, moderate party in French convention, their fall, iv. 325. GisoRS, conference at, i. 176-180. Githa, mother of King Harold, escapes from Exeter, i. 109. Gladstone, William Ewart, associated with Sir Robert Peel's government, v. 60; commencement of his contests with Dis- raeli, 147; chancellor of excheciuer under Aberdeen, H8; resigns, 217; his speecU against " Conspiracy to Murder Bill," 286 ; suspends S3-stcm of deportation, 289 ; sent as commissioner to Ionian Isles, 295 ; returns to England, 296; wise policy in regard lo Ionian Islands, 297; defence of little bor- oughs, 298; made chancellor of exchequer under Lord Palmerston, 301 ; supports INIr. Cobden's negotiations with Emperor Napoleon, 303, 304; indignation at his treatj- of commerce, 304; his proposition for reduction of duty on i aper, 305 ; sep- arates himself from Lord Palmerston, 3i'.', 303; admiration for Jctferson Davis, 331; liis error, 332; settlement of Alabama claims during his ministry, 334; his inriu- cncc impaired by result of (ieneva arbi- tration, 335; speech at Glasgow, 349; lead- er of Liberal party, 351 ; CJuizot's letter to him on Enghunl's inilitference on foreign affairs, 359, 360; his pro]ihccy in regard to the future of Liberal pai'ty, 362; his amendment to Disraeli's Reform Bill, 367; his Irish measures, 369; resolutions for dis- establishment of Irish church, 380-382; becomes premier, 383; his cabinet, 384; measures in regard to Irish church, 385; his Irish Land Bill, 386, 387; reform in system of national education, 388, 389; preserves neutralit}' of England in Franco- Prussian war, 390, 400 ; letter of Guizot to him, 391-400; his authority impaired by the opposition to his Education Bill, 402; measures of reform for the army, 403, 404; calls in aid of royal prerogative, to abolish system of purchase in the army, 404; his Ballot Bill, 405; discouragement of liquor traffic, 406; Irish University Bill, 407, 408; resigns, 408; his temporary re- turn; final resignation, 409. Glamorgan, Earl of,' son of Marquis of Worcester, negotiates treaty between Charles I. and Irish Catholics ; arrested, iii. 70 ; released ; renews his intrigues, 71 ; the king's letter to him, 75, Glanville, R.\nulph de, i. 176; makes William of Scotland prisoner, 177; assists Henry II. to establish courts of justice, 477. GENERAL INDEX. 463 Glasgow, taken hy Montrose, iii. 66. , university of, Sir Kobert Peel elected rector, iv. 456. Glencoe, massacre of, planned by Sir John D;ih-vmplc, iii. 395; the massacre, 396, 397." Glendowek or Glendwyr, Owen, claims sovereiji'nty of Wales ; raises insurrection ajj'ainst Henry IV., i. 366 ; joins conspiracy of Hotspur, 338, 369; marries his daugh- ter to Edmund Mortimer; advances against England, 369 ; assisted hy the French, 371 ; his son made prisoner, 372 ; abandoned by his atlherents, 373 Glenfinnan, rendezvous of Charles Ed- ward and the Highland Clans, iv. 159. Glengarry, Macdonald of. See Macdonald. Gloucester, besieged liy Charles I., iii. 37, 38; siege raised, 39; English ships at, surrendered to the Americans, iv. '264. , Duchess of, aunt of Queen Victoria, V. 138. -, Duke of, Thomas, uncle of Richard II., as Earl of Buckingham, in command of army in France, i. 342; seizes reins of government, 350 ; his revenge on the king's favorites, 351; deprived of power, 352; arrested, 352 ; death, 353. -, Duke of, HLimphrey, brother of Henry V., made regent of England (1422), i. 407 ; receives title of Protector, ii. 14; falls in love with Jacqueline of Hainault, 17; marries her, 18; attacks Duke of Bi'a- bant; returns to England, 19; reconciled to his uncle, 19; marries Eleanor Cobham, 20; dissensions with Cardinal Beaufort, 28; claims dominions of his wife Jacque- line, 37; struggle for power with Cardinal Beaufort, 38; accused of high treason; his death (1447), 39. , Didation of Amer- ican colonies, 222-224 ; his Stamp Act passed, 224 ; obstinate ieil with hijich-treason, iii. 13; at- tempted arrest of; his escape,' 14 ; triumph- ant return to I'ariiamcnt, 17; receives eoinmand of regiment in Parliamentary army iii. 25; desires to renew battle of Edgehill, 28; his services to Parliament, 32 ; mortally wounded at Chalgrove, 33 ; his death, 34. Hampden, John, grandson of preceditip:, connected with Whig conspiracy against Charles II., 1682, iii 292, 293 ; ransoms liimself, 295 ; attack on Halifax, 368. Hampton Court, built by Wolsev, ii 165 ; Charles I. at, iii. 90; William HI. at, iv. 44; his accident, 46. Hanover, jealous of England, iv. 133; en- dangered by outbreak of war of Austrian succession, iv. 149; assumes neutrality for a year, 150; devotion of George II. to, 152, 153; George II. 's anxiety in regard to the Seven Years' War, 189; lost to him by convention of Closter-Severn, 195 ; al- lotted to Prussia; Napoleon's proposal to restore it to Georgelll., 377; George IV. 's visit to, 412; separated from the Enirlish crown on accession of Victoria, 1837, v. 16. , Elector of, Ernest- Augustus (1629- 1698), father of George 1. of Enghunl, iv. 39. , Elector of, iv. 75. See George I. of England. -, House of, Protestant succession of, I'ccognized by Louis XIV. at peace of Utrecht, iv. 75. -, treaty of (1725), iv. 133. Hanoverian, term of reproach applied to George II., iv. 153. Hanoverians, French decree against, iv. 326. Hanseatic Towns. Napoleon proposes to relinquish them, iv. 377 ; he unites them to France, 395 ; league of, described by Cobilen, v. 71. Harcourt, Godefroy d', French baron in England, i. 304. , Sir Simon, afterwards I^ord, Chan- cellor of England, iv. 86. Hardicanute, son of Canute and Emma of Normandy, inherits Denmark, i. 77 ; his claims to England supported by Godwin, 78, 79; pi-ovinces south of Thames allotted to him bj' Wittenaircmote, 79; becomes king, 80; his death, 81. HADRI.4.N, Roman emperor, i. 24. Haroy, Admiral, Sir Charles, hismanoeuv- ers against French and Spanish fleet, iv. 256. . , Gathorne, returned to Parliament by University of Oxford, v. 351. , prosecuted for political libels, iv. 325. HARFLE0R, captured bj- Henry V., i. 386. Hakley, Robert. Sec Earl of Oxford. ■ , withdraws fi-om Lord Derby's Cab- inet, v. 298. See Henley. Harold (Harefoot), son" of Canute, i. 77 ; supported by Leofric and Northern chiefs, 78 ; provinces north of the Thames allotted to him by WJttenagemote ; captures Al- fred son of Elhelred, 79; crowns himself; his death (104U), 80. Hauoli), sou of Earl (;od win, banished, i. R3 ; returns from Ireland and joins his fatlicr, 85; employed by Edward the Confessor to quell insurrection in Norlhumbria, 87; his desire to visit Duke of Normandy, 88; ac- companies him to Brittany, 89; 'oaths ex- torted from him by William, 89, 90; elected King of Eit^iland, 91; repudiates his oaths to William; marries daughter of Elfgar, Count of Mercia, i. 93; mai'chcs against Hardrada, 97 ; his conference with Tostig before the battle, 98; deieats the Norwegians, 99; hears of arrival of William of Normaiuly, 101 ; marches against the Normans, i. 102; refuses proposals of Wil- liam, 103; is defeated at Hastings, 104, 105; his death, 105. , llARDR,vr>A, Kinir of Norway, i. 93; invades England, 97; his death, 98. Haro, Don Luis dc, quoted, iii. 150; ne- gotiates with Mazarin, 213. Harrscii, Count, his indignation at second Partition treaty, iv. 34. Harrington, James, his Oceana, iii. 173. , Sir John, companion of Essex iu Ireland, quoted, ii. 349. Harrison, Thomas, in command of caval- ry in Parliamentary army, iii. 96. 144; removes Charles 1. to Windsor, 105; ap- pointed to draw up sentence against the king. Ill; defence of Cromwell, 161 ; as- sists at dissolution of Long Parliament, 162 ; refuses to recognize new government, 166; not elected to Parliament in 1656, 174; excluded from amnesty of 16G0; his death, 253. -, Virginia delegate to Congress, iv. 239. Harrowby, Lord, in charge of foreign af- fairs in Pitt's second cabinet, 1804, iv. 363; his resignation, 365; announces to Parlia- ment tlic king's confidence in his ministry, 381. Hartington, Lord, son of Duke of Devon- sbi\c, proposes vote of want of confidence in Derby's ministry, v. 299; unseated, 383. Haselrig, Arthur, bis attempt to emigrate, ii. 421 ; moves bill of attainder against Stratford, 432; charged with high-treason, iii. 13; attempted arrest of, 14; his escape, 15; triumphant return to Parliament, 17; opposed to continuance of the monarchy, 100; elected to Parliament in 1656, 174; refuses to sit in House of Lortls, 186 ; op- poses recognition of Richard Cromwell, 199, 200 ; his overtures to the officers of the arrav, 201; orders Richard Cromwell to quit Vvniitehall, 207 ; defends Parliament against aggressions of the army, 215, 216; rallies his friends at Whitehall,'225 ; leaves Parliament on reinstatement of the Presby- terians, 235 ; excluded from amnesty of 1660, 253. Hastenbeck, battle of, iv. 195. Hastings, battle of, i. 104. , Danish pirate, invades Kent, i. 51; defeated by Alfred at Farnham; ar- 468 POPULAR HISTORY OF ENGLAND. taclvs Mci'cia, 52 ; defeated at all points by Alfred, linally retires from Euirlaud, 53. Hastings, Lord, beheaded under Henry VI., i. 372. , Lorti, chamberlain of Edward IV., aceompanies the kin^'-to Pecqiiij>ny, ii. 67; interview with Clairet, 68 ; letter "to Duke of Gloucester, 72; at head of noblemen at the Tower, 73 ; arrested and beheaded, 74. -, Warken (1732-1818), successor of Clive in India, iv. 284; jjovernor of Ben- gal, 285; measures to obtain money, 285, 286 ; opposed by Francis ; appeals to Direc- tors in London, 286; causes death of Nun- comar; supported by Directors, 287; his refusal to abide by his resjfrnation, 288; duel with Francis; successful measures auainst Hydcr Ali, 289; cruel extortions; returns to England, 290; reception in Lon- don, 291, 292; impeachment voted by the Commons, 292; trial, 292, 293; acquittal, 293; death, 294; his rule in India, v. 272. Hatton, Sir Chkistopiiek (1540-1591), one of conunission for trial of JNIary Stuart, ii. 327 ; chancellor of Queen Elizabeth, 348. Hatiierly, Lord, lord chancellor in Glad- stone's cabinet, v. 384. IIavelock, General, Sir Henry, as cap- tain, his conduct at Jcllalabad, v. 53; marches to relief of Lucknow and Cawn- pore, 249, 250; letter to his wife, 255, 2.56; defeats the Sepoys, 256; enters Cawnpore, 257; reinforced by Outiam, 258; raises siege of Lucknow, 262, 263 ; receives bar- onetcy, 267 ; bis death, 268. " Havelock's Saints," v. 249. Havre, bombarded by Rodney, iv. 197. Hawke, Admii'al, Edward (1715-1781), ci-uiscs liefore Brest, iv. 197 ; defeats French licet in the Vikune, 198. Hawkesbury, Lord. Sec Liverpool. Hawkins, admiral of Queen Elizabeth, ii. 323, 339, 341. , eniraj^cd in the slave-trade, 360. Havvley, General, 'hter ; dispo- sal of her in niarriaf,''e, 135; his fears con- cerning her security upon tlie throne, 136; his clemency to partisans of William Cli- ton ; iiis death ; his character, 137 ; his charter, 211, 212. Henky, II., son of Empress Maud and Geoffrey Phmtagenet; his birth, i. 127; sent into Enghmd, 145; Ivnighted hy David of Scotland; receives investiture of Normandy; lands in England with army, 147 ; is adopted by Stephen ; recog- nized as heir to tiie throne, 148; becomes king, (1154) his marriage; his possessions in France; liis oatli to conform to his fa- ther's will, 149; his reforms; his treatment of his brother Geolfrey, 150; compels him to take refuge in Nantes; sid)dues the "NVelsi) ; takes possession of Nantes, 151 ; his arrangements for marriage of his sons ; lavs claim to Toulouse; his war with Louis V'll., 152; his atlection for Bcckct, 153, 154, 155; makes him archbishop of Can- terbury, 15S; beginning of his quarrels with Becket, 156, 157; convokes council, and draws up Constitutions of Clarcnilon, 157 ; his aniier at Becket's refusal to ratify them ; summons him before council at Southampton, 158 ; his fury at Becket's obstinacy, KiO ; his revenge upon him, 162, 163 ; his troidiles with the Welsh : takes possession of Brittany ; celebrates the marriage of his son Geoffrey with Con- stance of Brittany ; demands to have Becket sent away from Pontigny, 163; comes to an understanding with LouisVII. ; meets Becket at conference of Montmirail. 164; his reconciliation with him, 165, 166; his hasty speech concerning Becket, 167; convokes his barons, 168; his remorse and penance, 171, 172; his conquest of Ire- land, 172, 173; his government of it, 173, 174; liis qiuirrels with his sons, 174-177; establishes courts of justice, UT"; further troubles with his sons; his forgiveness of Henry, 178 ; of Bertrand de Born, 179 ; assumes the cross; makes treaty with France, 180; his treatment of Richard, 180, 181; prepares for war with France; refuses terms of Philip Augustus, 181 ; sues for peace; his illncs-, 182; his grief at the defection of his son John, 182, 183 his death, 183 ; renews charters of King Stephen, 212. III., son of John, i. 220; crowned at Gloucester (1216), vassal of the church, 221 ; liis character, 223 ; attempts to re- cover Brittany, 224 ; orders arrest of Hu- bert de Burgh, 225 ; his marriage with Eleanor of Provence; his disregard for his oaths, 226; his expedition to F'rance, 227 ; his expedients to rai-5 ; at war with England, 156-158; negotiates with Cromwell for peace, 167-169; allied with Denmark, at war with Sweden, 210; at 472 POPULAR HISTORY OF ENGLAND. war with England, 260; peace with 'Eng- land, 261 ; eiiiiaged iu Triple Alliance with Eng'land and fcjwedcn, 266; Chai-les II. de- clares war a^^ainst, revolution in, 269 ; peace concluded with En;ihind (1674), 271; alli- ance with Eni^'land on niarriay;e of Prince of Orang-e witli Princess Mar}-, 276; Eng- lish exiles in, 309; treaty of Defensive Alliance witli James II., 324; its devotion to republicanism, 367 ; religious toleration, 367; member of Grand Alliance against Louis XIV., 394; its tleet joined with the English, wins battle of La Hague, 398, 399; declares war against Louis XIV., iv. 51; desirousof peace, 56, 57; greatness of, due to position of mediator in Europe, 68; indignation in, at Treaty of Utreclit, 68; its decline after Troatv of Utrecht, 75; concludes Triple Alliance of 1717, HI, 112; concludes Peace of Paris (1727), 134; iu alliance with England against France and Bavaria in support of Austria (1741), 152; invaded by the French in 1747, 179; political i-evolution in, re-establishing stadtholderate, 179, 180; signs treaty of Aix-la-Chapcile with France and other powers (1748), 180; loss of ascendancy in Europe, 183; at war with England, 265, 266 ; possessions restored by treaty of Ver- sailles, 280; stadtholderate supported by England, 301 ; disturbances in, attack on Princes of Orange, 308; alliance with England and Prussia in Pitt's administra- tion, 309; French Convention declares war against, 323; seized by French Republic, 327; unsuccressfully attacked by English, 343; concludes Peace of Amiens with England, 354 ; new revolutionary move- ments in, 356; under control of Bona- parte, 360; under Ivouis Bonaparte, 381; separation from Belgium, 448, 449 ; separa- tion referred to liy Guizot, v. 394. Holland, I^adv, her account of Pitt in his childhood, iv.' 376. ■ , Lord, Henry Fox (1750-1774), his opinion of unprotected condition of Eng- land, iv. 163 ; in cabinet of Newcastle, 190 ; disagreement with Chatham, 192; desire for power, 193; in ministry of Lord Bute, 220 ; becomes Lord Holland, 221 ; pay- master of the forces, 259. , Lord, husband of Joan of Kent, i. 331. , Lord, in the army of Charles I. in Scotland, ii. 425 ; his suspicions in regard to the king, 439; trial by high court of justice, 122 ; execution, 123. -, Lord John, brother of Richard II., i. 347 ; assassinates servant of the king, 350 ; made Duke of Exeter, 353. -, Sir Thomas, Caen surrenders to, i. 305. IIOLLis, Denzil, joins Parliamentary coali- tion, against C'liarles I., ii. 415; h'is posi- tion in Long Parliament, 431 ; his advice to the king, 435 ; charged with liigli trea- son, iii. 13; attempted arrest of, his escape, 14; triumphant return to Parliament, 17; receives a regiment in Parliamentary ,^ army, 25 ; desires to renew battle of Edge- hill, 28; his quarters attacked at Brent- ford, 28; his accusations against Crom- well, 84 ; the army demands his expulsion from Parliament, 85. HoLMBV Castle, iii. 77, 78; arrest of Charles I. at, 82, 83. HoLSTEiN, duchy of. Sec Schleswig-Hol- steiu. , Duke of, nephew of king of Den- mark, ii. 278. HoLSTEiN-AuGUSTENBUKG, Princc of. See Augustenburg. Holy Alliance (1815), Russia, Austria, and Prussia, iv. 403, 404. Holt Cross, festival of, i. 145. League, ii. 119, 121, 122. Home, Lord, at Floddeu, ii. 125. " Home Rule," v. 407. HoMiLDON Hill, battle of, i. 367. HoNDSHOOTE, Prince of Orange defeated at, iv. 326. HoNG-Kong, island of, ceded to England, v. 46. PIoNOBius. See Popes. •, Roman emperor, i. 26. Hood, Admiral, unsuccessful efforts to in- tercept Frencli fleet; iv. 263; gains vic- tory with Rodney over Count de Grasse, 270'. Hooker, Doctor, his Laws of Ecclesiastical Polity, ii. 364. Hooper, Bishop, his attachment to the re- formed faith, ii. 235 ; burned at the stake, 255. Hope, Admiral, English naval commander in China, attacks Takee forts, v. 309; wounded, 310. Hopkins, letter of Charles I. to, iii. 103. IIoPTON, Sir Ralph, censured for defence of Charles I., iii. 22; supports Royalist cause, 35, devotion to Prince Charles, 71 ; joins liim in the Scilly Isles, 72. HoTHAM, Sir John, holds the city of Hull for Parliament, iii. 18; refuses to surren- der to Charles I., 22; disposed to surrender to the queen, 31,34; succeeded by Lord Fairfax, 36 ; accused of treachery, 56 ; executed, 57. Hotspur. See Percy. Hounslow PIeatii,' camp of James II. at, iii. 331; rejoicing of tlie garrison at ac- quittal of the bishops, 343. Howard, Catherine, fifth wife of Henry VIII., ii. 197; tlie kinu's discoveries con- cerning, 198, 199; her' trial, 199; Henry's severity to her relations, 199,200; her con- demnation and execution, 200. , Sir Edmund, atFloilden, ii. 125. •, Sir Edward, defeats John and An- drew Barton; his death before Brest, ii. 121. -, John, (1726-1790), efforts for prison reform, iv. 188. -, Loi'd, favorite minister of Edward IV., ii. 66. -, I^ord, partisan of Richard HI. See Norfolk. -, Lord, Hyde's letter to, iii. 196; aban- dons Richard Cromwell in favor of Charles II., 203. GENERAL INDEX. 473 Howard, Lord, arrested and released, iii. 28S; betrays Wliiji' conspiracy, 2^2, 293. ■ , Lord (of Effingham), lligh Admiral of Elizabeth's navy, ii. 33t>, 341, bombards Cadiz, 3i5. -, Lord William, imprisoned in the Tower under Henry VIII., 199, 200. -, Sir Robert, declares divine right of the people, iii. 331. -, Sir Thomas, son of Lord Surrey, in command of En.,dish fleet, ii. 121 ; his fe- rocious maxim, 123. Howe, Admiral Righakd, afterwards Lord, in America, iv. 252; re-victuals (iibraltar, 27-1; in cabinet of William Pitt, 1783, 299; in command of Enji'lish squadron at Tou- lon, 323; defeats French fleet, 327; his in- tervention employed in mutiny in 1797, 333. , General Sir William, brother of tlie above, British commander in America, com- pelled to evacuate Boston (1776), iv. 238; operations against PhiladelpJiia, 246 ; em- barrassed by necessity of holding Phila- delphia, 251 ; defeated by Washington at Monmoutli, 252. • , John, dissenting preacher, opposes abuse of royal powei', iii. 334, 335. Howie tc, Lord. See Lord Grey. HuDDLESTON, Catholic priest.at deathbed of Charles II., iii., 293, 297. Hudson, Dr., accompanies Charles I. to Scotland, iii. 73. Hudson's Bay, Frobisher's voyage to, ii. 330. Hugo, Count, betrays Exeter to the Danes, i. 70. • , Victor, quoted, v. 318. Huguenots, the, rise under Conde and Co- lio^ny, ii. 281 ; are subdued, 282; their con- spiracies, 293 ; disasters, 302 ; assisted by Elizabeth, 303, 309; massacre on St. Bar- tholomew's day, 313, 314; free exercise of their religion secured by peace of St. Germain's, 316; popularity of their cause in Englanil ; liberties assured by Edict of Nantes, 344; supported by Queen Eliza- beth, 358 ; cff'cct of revocation of edict of Nantes upon, iii. 323, aversion of James II. to, 329; in army of William III. in Ireland, 383, 384; toleration of, not in- cluded in treaty of Ryswick, iv. 25 ; de- sire of William III. to retain them in his army, 28, 31; disregard of justice in re- gard to, iv. 128. Hull, city of, held by Ilotham for Parlia- ment, 18, 22, 31, 34; Fairfax in command at, 36, 38. Humayoun, Emperor, tomb of, v. 264. Humbert, General, commander of French invasion of Ireland, iv. 340. " Humble Petition and .\dvice," iii. 184. Hume, David, historian of England, quoted, iv. 100. • , Lord, concerned in opposition to es- tablishment of the English liturgy in Scot- land, ii. 423. ■ , Sir Patrick, connected with Argyle's insurrection, iii. 311; escapes to the con- tinent, 312, Hundred Days, of Napoleon in France, iv. 364, "Hundred Years' War," i. 296, ii. 37, 53. HuNGEiiroKD, Lord, e.vecuted after battle of Hexham, ii. 55. , Walteu, at Aginoourt, i. 389. Hungary, claimed by Spain on detth of Emperor Charles Vl., iv. 148; revolts un- der Kossuth, v. 141; its rule by Emperor of Austria, 344. , Queen of. See Maria Theresa. Huntingdon, Countess of, Sclina (1707- 1791), Whitfield's exhortations at her house, iv. 185. , Earl of, David, younger brother of William the Lion, i. 249. -, Earl of, brotlier-in-law of Henry IV., brother of Richard II., concerned in con- spiracy of lords appellant, killed at Plesliy, i, 363. -, Earl of, a Jacobite, arrested, iii. 400, Huntley, Earl of, father-in-law of Perkin Warbeck, ii. 104. , Earl of, at Flodden, ii. 125. Earl of, supports Mary Stuart, ii.279 ; is defeated by Murray, 282; levies army for Mary, 287 ; his sister married to Both- well, 290 ; treats for surrender of Edin- burgh Castle, 315. -, Lord, challenges Somerset, ii. 221 ; made prisoner at Pinkie, 222. IIusKissoN, William (1770-1830), letter from Wellington, iv. 390; resigns with Canning, 393; comes into office with Can- ning, 416. Huss, John, his partisans excommunicated, ii. 28. Hutchinson, opposed to continuance of the monarchy, iii. 100; allies himself with the armv, 104; procures pardon of Sir John Owen, 123 ; elected to Parliament of 1660, 243 ; defends himself on charge of regi- cide, 247. Huy, captured by William of Orange, iii. 406. Hyde, Anne, daughter of Lord Clarendon, marries Duke of York (James II,), iii. 255 ; her death, 273. , Lawrence. Sec Rochester. Park, riot at, v. 364, 365 ; result of the riot, 365. Hyderabad, Napier's capture of, v. 152. Hyder Ali, iv. 271 ; allied with French against English in theCarnatic ; his death, iv. 272 ; founder of kingdom of Mysore, 289. Hyndford, Lord, conducts negotiations with Frederick II. of Prussia in behalf of Maria Theresa, iv. 149. Ibrahim Pasha, son of Mahommed All, his retreat, v. 42 ; ordered to evacuate Syria, 43. Iberville, M. d', French envoy in London, iv. 87 ; his letters to Louis XIV., 88, 89. ICENI, British tribe, i. 19. Ida, Anglian cliief, invades England, i. 32. Impey, Sir Elijah, president of supreme 474 POPULAR HISTORY OF ENGLAND. court of Calcutta, iv. 286; condemns Nun- eomar, 287 ; bribed to rcliuquisli his author- ity, 288; recalled, 290. Incuaffhay, Abbot Maurice of, at Bau- nockburn, i. 277. Independence, Declaration of, drawn up bv Jetferson, iv. 232, 240; unanimously adopted, 240. Independents (Brownists'), the, p-owing importance of, ii. 421; their rise, iii. 41 ; doctrines, 42; victory at Marston Moor owing to tiiem, 50; struggle with Presby- terians, 54; convinced of necessity of the war, 55; gi'owing ascendancy of, 56, 69; secret relations witli tlic king, 72; en- deavor to prevent his alliance with Presby- terians, 74 ; triumph at his determination to negotiate in London, 76, 77; uneasiness inspired by them, 79; ally themselves with the army, 88, 89; majority of, in wai- com- mittee, iOl ; defeated by Presbyterians on question of peace with 'the I'Cing, 104; ex- clude Presbyterians from Parliament, 105; services of their ministers refused by Charles, 117; included iii Declaration of Indulgence, 334. India, attempted discovery of new passage to, ii. 360; assigned to Archduke Charles, by second Partition Treaty, iv. 34 ; French and English at war in, 188; French su- premacy in, untler Dupleix, 202, 203 ; Eng- lish successes in, under Clive, 204, 206, 207 ; attempt of Lally-Tollenilal to retrieve the fortunes of tlie "French in, 207, 208; war of riyder AH and the French against the English, 271, 272; administration of Clive, 281, 282 ; of Warren Hastings, 284- 291. Indian Mutiny, its causes, v. 240 ; distri- bution of chupatties signal for outbreak, 242, 243 ; i-evolt of Sepoys at Meerut, 243 ; at Delhi, 214; Punjaub saved by Mont- gomerj', 245 ; spread of the mutinj', 24G ; revolt at Lucknow, 247; siege of Luck- now, 248, 249, 259-2G1; revolt at Cawn- pore, 250; siege of Cawnpore, 252, 254; massacre of the garrison, 254 ; battle of Futtehpore, 255, 256; massacre of English prisoners, 256, 257 ; llavelock takes posses- sion of Cawnpore, 257 ; relief of Lucknow, 262, 263 ; siege of Delhi, 263, 264 ; capture of royal family at Delhi, 264, 265; final operations against Lucknow, 266, 237 ; defeat of Sepoys under Tantia Topee, 268; storming of Lucknow, 269, 270; revolt of Ranee of Jhansi, 270, 271 ; end of the rautinj', 271. Indians, American, in French army at Braddock's defeat, iv. 191 ; decimated by the war, 199. Infanta of Spain. See Spain. Inglis, Brigadier, his report of siege of Lucknow, 260, 261. Ingoldsby, Colonel, one of the judges who signed the warrant for execution of Charles I., iii. 116; his warning to Cromwell, 162; urges Ricliard Cromwell to suppress arro- fance of the army, 203 ; his arrest of lambert, 242, 243 ; defends himself on charge of regicide, 247. Ingoldsby, General, at battle of Foutenoy, iv. 154. Inkerman, battle of, v. 209-213. Innocent 11. See Popes. HI. See Popes. IV. See Popes. VIII. See Popes. Inquisition, Council of, condemns Joan of Arc, ii. 31, 32. Invasions of Britain, Roman, i. 14-27; Saxon and Scandinavian, 25; Saxon, 29. of England, Danish, i. 40, 41, 42, 44, 46, 47, 51, 52, 53, 68-73; Norwegian, 97-99; Norman, 100-105; Scottish, 140. Invergary', Castle of, Charles Edward take3 refuge in, iv. 176. Inverlochy, battle of, iii. 58. Ionian Islands, seized by Sir John Stuart, iv. 390 ; constitution of, their discontent imder English rule, v. 294 ; Gladstone sent as commissioner to, 295; England re- nounces protectorate of, 296. Ireland, invaded by Danes, i, 63; its bar- barism, 172 ; conquest of liy Henry II., 172, 173; under John Lackland, 174; insurgents in subdued by Jolm, 208; Gaveston ap- pointed governor of, 273 ; invaded by Ed- ward Bruce, 279; insurgents in, subdued, in reign of Richard II., 352; elevated to rank of kingdom, ii. 202; its conditioa under Ilenrv VIIL, 202, 203; conditioa under Elizabeth, 342, 345, 347, 348 ; war in, continued under Mountjov, 353: Straf- I ford's administration in, 418; Catliolic in- surrection in, 441 ; abandoned to Papists by Charles I., iii. 43 ; Charles' alliance with Catholics of, 70 ; proclaims Charles II., 129, 130; Cromwell's expedition to, 131, 132 ; recruiting for foreign service in, 132, 133; subjugated by Ireton, 148; al- lotted thirty representatives under Richard Cromwell, 198 ; under Tyrconncl, 333 ; Protestant rising in, 368, 369; James II. lands in, 369; pacification of by Ginckel, 388 ; disturbances in under George I. on ac- count of recoinage of money, iv. 130; threatened disturbances in, 255 ; grant of legislative reform, 269; insurrections of United Irish (1798), 339, 340; Pitt's bill for union with England, 341 ; bill passed in English Parliament, 342; union voted by Irish Parliament (1800), 343; George IV.'s visit to, 411, 412; famine in (1822), 413 ; condition of lower orders in, 418, 419 ; work by Catholic association in, 420 ; in- fluence of O'Connell, 420, 421 ; his agita- tion for repeal of the union with England, 430, V. 91-93 ; renewed agitation of Roman Catholics in, 442, 443; Peel's intentions with regard to government of, v. 58 ; ques- tion concerning repression of disorders in, 86; condition of, 90, 91 ; potato famine in, 94, 95 ; measures adopted in England for relief of, 96, 97, 98; Peel's remedies for difHculties in, 99; famine breaks out again, 125; agitation of " Young Ireland " party, 127, 128; disastrous condition of, 128; Peel's propositions for relief of, 128-131 ; their success, 131 ; effect of recognition of ecclesiastical titles, 138; its condition in GENERAL INDEX. 471 1860, 368; Fenian movement in, 369, 370; (iliulstoue's measures I'or clisesiablishmcnt of Anjilican Church in, 3«0-;j82, 38."); tcnaut-riuht in, 387, 388; discontent ol' Protestants in, 406, 407; Ghulstonc's plan for reorganization of universities, 407, 408. Ireton, Henry, son-in-law of Cromwell, at battle of Naseln', iii. 62 ; Parliamentary commissioner to the army, 80; orders ar- rest of the kinE^, 83 ; considei'S expediency of restorin^i' him to authority, 86; his pi-o- posals to Charles, 87, 88; answers for the army, 89; promises of the king' to him, 91 ; his reception of Berkeley, 97 ; motion to dispense with the kin^, 98, 99; appointed to draw up sentence against Charles, 111 ; subjugates Ireland, his death, 148; mar- riage of his widow with Fleetwood, 160. Irish Brigade, in French army, iii. 388. Irish University Education Bill, causes overthrow of Gladstone's ministry, v. 389. " Ironsides," Cromwell's regiment, iii. 33, 60; at Naseby, 62; at Dunbar, 140, 141. Isabel of Angouleme, wife of Count of JNlarche, i. 204 ; abandons her husband to marry King John, 204; remarried to Count of Marehe, 223; sends her sons to the court of England, 226; urges her son, Ileniy III., to declare war with France, 227. of Bavaria, wife of Charles VI. of France, imprisoned at Tours by Ar- inagnacs, i. 394; released, 392; enters Paris with Burgundians, 396 ; death, ii. 37. ■ of France, daughter of Philip IV. (the Fair), betrothed to Edward II., i. 258; married, 272; her complaints of Gaveston, 273; left in hands of tlie barons, 275; re- fused admittance to Leeds Castle, 281 ; her hostility to the Despencers, 282; goes to France, 283 ; returns to P^ngland and is joined by barons, 283, 284 ; succeeds in establishing her son on the throne, 285; power intrusted to, under intiucnce of Mortimer, 286; intercedes for Mortimer, 292; imprisoned at Rising, 293 ; Henry V\, as her descendant, lays claim to Frencii crown, 383. of France, daughter of Charles VI., marries Richard II., i. 352; refuses to marry Prince of Wales, 364; returns to France, 365 ; marries Duke of Orleans, 375. of Portugal, wife of Philip of Bur- gundy, ii. 37. • of Warwick, daughter of Earl of War- wick (the king-maker), marries Duke of Clarence, ii. 58; biith of her son, 59. Isabella, grand-daughter of Godfrey of Bouillon, i. 191. of Castile. See Castile. of Hainault, wife of Philip Augustus, i. 187. of Portugal, first wife of Philip II. of Spain, ii. 247. Isle-Adam, Sire of, at the head of detach- ment of Burgundians, i. 395, 396; defends Pontoise, 398; ileprived of his command by Henry V., 404; enters Paris, ii. 37. Isle of France (Mauritius), seized by- English (IblU), iv. 3t»6. Isley, Bugcaud defeats Emperor of Morocco at, V. 110. Isocrates, translated by Elizabeth, i. 266. Italy, possessions of Spain in, secuied to the Dauphin by second Partition Treaty, iv. 33; hostilities in, against France, 41 ; Alberoni's expedhion against, 114; hostil- ities break out in (1799), 343; Napoleon assumes title of king ol', 369; gains \'en- ice by Peace of Preshurg (1805), 373 ; rises against Austria, v. 302; appoints conunis- sioner to tril)uual of arbitration at Gene- va, 334. IVKY, attacked by Duke of Bedford, ii. 17. Jackson, Judge, referred to by Peel, v. 129. , Mr., conducts negotiations of Eng- land with Denmark, iv. 382. Jack Straw, seditious priest, ringleader of insurgents in reign of Richard II., i. 344; hanged, 349. Jacobins, radical party in French Conven- tion, their ascendancy, iv. 325 ; their at- tempts against the Directory repressed by Bonaparte, 328 ; their supremacy after ISili Fructidor, 338. Jacobites, the, besiege Londonderry, iii. 371, 372; their dirt'erent characteristics in England, Scotland, and Irclanil, 374, 375; insurrection under Dundee, 374-378; army at Drogheda, 378, 382 ; defeated at battle of the Boyne, 384; their plots for restora- tion of James II., 387; finally defeated in Ireland, 388; their plots baffled, 389; Wil- liam III.'s lenity toward, 394; in Scotland, take oath of allegiance to William, 394, 395; attempts to 'counteract the etfect of James's manifesto, 398 ; plot the assassina- tion of William, iv. 17-20; renew their conspiracies, 85, 86; Bolingbroke's con- nection with, 87,88,89; their impatience for death of Anne, 92; in France, Boling- broke's sketch 'of, 97 ; their rising in Scot- land in 1715, 98-106; failure of the insur- rection, 106; repressive measures against, 108; French territory in-ohibited to, by the Triple Alliance, 'ill ; Alberoni's in- trigues in favor of, 115, 116; conspire un- der lead of Atterbury, 125; in French army at battle of Fo'ntenoy, 155; their rising under Charles Edward in 1745, 157- 179. Jacqueline of Hainault, wife of Duke of Gloucester, ii. 18; left to defend her in- heritance; escapes to Holland, 19; her marriage with Gloucester declared null, 20. "Jacquerie," insurrection of, i. 328. Jacques Bonhomme, name given to French serfs, i. 328. Jaquette of Luxembourg, marries Duke of Bedford, ii. 35 ; marries Sir Richard Woodville, 38 ; her children, 56. Jaffa, siege of, i. 193, 194. Jamaica, captured by the Enulish (1655), ni. 174; condition of, in reign of Victoria; 476 POPULAR HISTORY OF ENGLAND. bill for suspension of its constitution, v. 20; iusuboriiination in; severe measures of repression against, 3o2, 3ri3; condition of, after aijolition of slavery, 3.13 ; out- break of insurrection, SiA ; receives new constitution, 355. James I., succeeds to Enplisli throne (1603) ; his poverty, ii. 3S3 ; Journey to London, 384 ; conspiracy of Raleii;'h and Coliliani ajiainst, 384, 385; converted to Einscopacy, 385; liis measiu-es against Puritans; op- posed by Parliament; dissolves it, 386; secm'ity to Catholics, 386, 387; receives petition while hunting, 387; unsuccessful plot of Catesl)y and Fawkes against, 387- 390; examines (iuy Fawkes, 390; his in- creased severity to Catholics, 391 ; receives visit from King of Denmark ant! Prince of Vaiulemont, 391, 392; marriage with Anne of Denmark ; zeal for theology ; project for union of England anil Scot- land, 392; Parliamentary opposition to, 392, 393; his severity to'Arabclla Stuart, 393; his favorites; jealousy of his son, 394 ; conduct at death of Prince Henry, 395; pecuniary embarrassment, 395,396; attempts to coerce Parliament, 396 ; his join-ney to Scotland, 397 ; establishes epis- copacy there; composes Book of Sports, 398 ; makes Bacon Iveepcr of Seals, 399 ; sends Raleigh to Guiana, 400; arrests him to satisfy demands of Spain, 401 ; agrees to assist the Elector Palatine; his attempts to obtain subsidies for the purpose, 403; project to re-establish him in his posses- sions, 405, 406; negotiations for marriage of Prince Charles with Spanish Infanta, 406, 407 ; consents to Charles's journey to Spain, 407; iiis concessions to Spanish demands ; recalls Charles, 409; disap- pointed at failure of his plan, 410; nego- tiates the nuu'riage of Charles with Hen- rietta Maria, 411; his death (1625), 412. See Scotland, James VI.. • II., as Didord 301. CI: r mdon the convention of 1870, v. 334. • , Sir WILLL4.M (1754-1774), English officer, his expedition against Niagara, iv. 199, 200. Joinville, Prince de, in command of French squadron on coast of Morocco, v. 109; his victories, 110. , Sire, de (1224-1317), historian of Louis IX.. i. 194. Jones, Michael, governor of Dubhn, iii. 131. 478 POPULAR HISTORY OF ENGLAND. Jones, Paul., American pirate, ravages coast of bcotlarul, iv. '2o5. ■ , coiicerued in Babinj'ton's conspiracy, ii. 324. Joseph, blacksmith, concerned in insurrec- tion against lienrv VII., executed, 103. Josephine (1763-1814), wife of Napoleon I. divorced, iv. 393. JouRDAN (1762-1833), general of French Re- public, repulses the Austrians, iv. 327 ; de- feated at Vittoria, 1813, 398. Joyce, Cornet, arrests Charles I. iii. 82, 83. Juarez, Benito, his power in Mexico, v. 336 ; defeated, 337. Judith, niece of the Conqueror, wife of Waltheof, i. 112; betrays Waltheof, 112; punished by the conqueror, 113. , daughter of Charles the Bold, mar- ries Ethelwulf, i. 43. JuGDULLUK, massacre at pass of, v. 52. Julius Caesar, invades Britain, i. 14-18. de' Medici, Cardinal, See Pope Clement VII. II. See Popes. Jumieges, Robert of. See Canterbury, Archbishops of. JUMONVILLE, M. de, sent as envoy to George Washington; killed in attack of his cauip by Americans, iv. 188. Junius, his attacks upon Bute, iv. 229, 230; letters of, probably written by Francis, 286. JuNOT, General, occupies Portugal, iv. 383 ; supports Joseph Bonaparte against the Bourbons, 385; defeated at Vimeiro, 386. Junta, the Spanish, hesitation concerning the Bourbons, iv. 384, 385 ; convoked at Seville, swears allegiance to Ferdinand, 385; alliance with England, 388. , the Whig, iv. 82; goes out of power, 83. Jutes in England, i. 29, 31. Jutland, peninsula of, i. 41. JuxoN, bishop of London, made high treas- urer, ii. 420; his advice to Charles I. 435; last interviews with the king, 114, 115, 116; accompanies Charles I. to the scaffold, 117, 118; officiates at his burial, 119. K. Kaffirs, the campaign against, v. 152. Kagosima, capital of Prince Satsuma, v. 341 ; burned by the English, 342. Kaiserslautern, captured by Villars, iv. 76. Karekal, taken by English, iv. 208. Kars, defence of," by Colonel Williams, v. 232. Kaunitz, Count, his opinion in regard to second Partition Treaty, iv. 34. Kaye, his "History of the Afghan War," quotetl, V. 50. Kearsarge, the, encounter with the Ala- liania, v. 333. Keats. John (1795-1821), v. 161. Keith, Lord George, hereditary Earl Mar- shal of Scotland, ciigaiied in attempt for restoration of the Pretender, iv. 116, 117; enters service of King of Prussia, 117. Keldrummie, castle of, refuge of Bruce's family, i. 269. Kellermann, (1735-1820), general of French National Convention, defeats al- lies at Valmy, iv. 322; in Estremadiira, 390. Keladeen, Sultan, retakes Aci-e from the Templars, i. 243. Kemyss, Captain, in command of expedition up the Orinoco; liis death, ii. 401. Ken, Thomas, Bishop of Bath, at death-bed of Charles II., iii. 296; his letter to James II., 322. Kendal, Duchess of, favorite of George I., compromised in South Sea inquiry, iv. 124 ; pi'ocures pardon of Boling))roke, 129; ac- companies the king to Hanover, 131; secret enemy of Walpolc, 134. Kenilworth Castle, Queen Elizabeth's visit to, ii. 366. , Dictum of, i. 239. Kenmore, town of, refuge for Irish Prot- estants, iii. 369. Kenmure, Lord, in command of the forces of the Pretender in 1715, iv. 100; accused of high treason, 107 ; executed, 108. Kennington, Castle of, John of Gaunt takes refuge in, i. 338. Common, Chartist demonstration on, V. 126, 144. Kensington Palace, Victoria meets the Council at, v. 14, 15. Kent, Saxon kingdom of, founded, i. 30; invaded by Danes under Hastings, 51 ; added to A\^essex by Alfred, 54. , Duchess of, mother of Queen Vic- toria, V. 14. -, Duke of, Edward (1767-1820), father of Queen Victoria, iv. 405. , Earl of. See Odo, Bishop of Bayeux. -, Earl of, Edward, fatlicr-in-law of the Black Prince, i. 331. -, Earl of, brother of Richard II., be- headed by citizens of Cirencester, i. 363. -, Earl of, his harshness to Mary Stuart, ii. 333, 334, 335. -, Joan of. See Joan of Kent. Kenyon (Lloyd), Lord (1732-1802), con- sulted by George HI., iv. 346. Keppel, Admiral, his trial and acquittal, iv. 251. •, Arnold Van. See Albem.arle. Keppoch, Colin, in command of High- landers in favor of James II., iii. 375, 376. ■, Macdonald of. See Macdonald. Ker, Andrew, concerned in murder of Rizzio, ii. 286. •, Robert. See Carr. Kerr, General Mark, his remark to General Cope when he brought the news of Pres- tonpans, iv. 162. Kerry, Fenian attempt at, v. 371. Kersaint, Admiral, his expedition to Gui- ana, iv. 266. Kertch, successful attack of allies on, v. 224. Ket, tanner, heads insurrection against Ed- ward VI., ii. 226 ; is hanged, 227. GENERAL INDEX. 470 Khauscreff Pasha, v. 38. Khybek Pass, v. 53. KiFFiN, William, opposes Declaration of Induljjence. iii. 334, 335. KiLDARE, Earl of, lord lieutenant of Ireland, supports Lambert Simnel, ii. 91 ; does not support Warbeck, 100. , Earl of, chief of the Fitzgeralds, ii. 202. KiLLiECRANKiE, battle of, iii. 376, 377. KiLLiGREW, agent of Queen Elizabeth, ii. 315. , Sir Peter, negotiates armistice for Parliament, iii. 2S. Kilmarnock, Countess of, detains English general at her house, iv. 170. — ■ , Lord, concerned in Jacobite rebellion of 1745, his trial and execution, iv. 178. " Killing no Murder," pamphlet against Cromwell, iii. 285. KiNGBURN, Fort, loss of by the Russians, y. 232. KiNDERTON, Lord of, made prisoner at Shrewsbury, i. 370. King, concerned in Barclay's assassination plot, iy. 19. , Locke, speech on property qualifica- tion in Parliament, y. 2t)2, 293. ' KiNGLAKE, his amendment to Mr. Disraeli's resolution of censure, v. 348 King's Bench, Court of, W'olsey condemned by, ii. 163 ; seven bishop^! refuse to appear before, iii. 340 ; decision against City of London, 395. Book, the, ii. 201. College, Cambridge, built by Henry VI., ii. 39. "King's Friends," the, name taken by special adherents of George HI., iv. 227. Kingsley, Charles, v. 168. Kingston, City of, excepted from martial law proclaimed in Jamaica, y. 354. , lieutenant of the Tower, ii. 164. Kinsale, James II. lands at, iii. 339; cap- tured by Marlborough, 387. KiRBY, Captain, accomplice of Titus Gates, iii. 277, 278. Kirkcaldy of Grange, defends Edin- burgh Castle for Mary Stuart, his death, ii. 315. Kirke, Colonel Percy, his "lambs," his cruelty in insurgent counties, iii. 319; sent to relief of Londonderry, 372. Kirkmichael, village of, standard of the Stuarts raised in, in 1715, iv. 98, KiRKPATRiCK of Closeburn, kills Comyn at Dumfries, i. 266. Kitchen, Bishop of Llandaff, ii. 273. Kleber, General, in command of Bona- parte's army in Egypt, iv. 343 ; assassinated, 353. "Knights of the Lilt," i. 330. Knollys, Sir William, ii. 351. Knowles, Sir Robert, abandons Henry of Transtamare, i. 332; chief of free bands of Richard II,, leads them against fol- lowers of Wat Tyler, Froissart's allusion to him, 348. Knox, General, informed by Washington of Arnold's treachery, iv. 260. Knox, John, preaches in London before Edward VI., ii. 235; real chief of Prot- estant insurrection in Scotland, 275; his pamphlet upon female government, 276; his confession of faith adopted by Scotch Parliament, 277; his attacks on Queen Mary, 279; etlects of his preaching, 307. Koh-i-Noor, famous Indian diamond, y. 242. Kolin, battle of, iv. 194. Konigseck, Austrian general, at battle of Fontenoy, iv. 154, 155. Konigsmakk, Count, his supposed connec- tion with Electress of Hanover, assassin- ated, iv. 135. KoORD Cabul, disaster of the English in pass of, V. 51. Korniloff, Admiral, in the Crimea, y. 193; obliged to sacrifice his ship/j to close har- bor of Sevastopol, 192; in command on north side of the city, 196; his death, 201, 202. Kossuth, Louis,leader of Hungarian revolt, reception in England, v. 142. KuNG, Pi'ince, brother of Emperor of China, y. 312. KUPER, Admiral, y. 341, bombards Kagosi- ma, 342. Kyriel, Thomas, defeated near Formigny, ii. 40. L. La Bourdonnais, Mahb de, governor of Isle of France, his rivalry with Duplcix ; his death, iv. 202. La Cerda, Don Carlos de, Spanish pirate, i. 319. La Chaise, Pere, confessor to Louis XIV., 279. La Charit^;, taken by Earl of Buchan, i. 406. Lacordaire, Pere, leader of liberal Cath- olics in France, v. 157. Lacy, Hugh de, governor of Ireland i. 174. La Fare, Marquis de, quoted, iii. 302. La Fayette, Marquis dc, arrives in .Amer- ica, iv. 244; defeated at Brandywinc, 246; affection of Washington for him, 251 ; as- sists Washington to re-establish harmony, 252; returns to France, 253; lands again in America, 258; enthusiasm for the cause; informed of Arnold's trencheiy In- Washington, 260; letter on sufferings of American army, 262; harasses Cornwallis, 263 ; attempts 'to escape from France, and is imprisoned at Olmutz, 322. •, Seigneur de, at Bauge, i- 40o; as Marshal, taken prisoner at Verneuil, ii. 17. La Fleche, lord of, leader of revolt in Maine, i. 123. La Hike, at battle of Verneuil, ii. 17. La Hogue, Edward III. lands at, i. 304. , battle of, iii. 399. Lahore, Maharajah of, offers the Koh-i- Noor to England, v. 242. Laigle, Gilbert de, i. 134. Laird, Messrs. builders of the Alabama, v. 332. Lall'y-Tollendal, Count de ( 1 700-1 76 "O, appointed to command in India, iv. 207; 480 POPULAR HISTORY OF ENGLAND. first successes, 207 , 208 ; forced to raise ■ siege of Madras, besieged in Pondicherry, 208; capitulates; his execution, 209. La Luzerne, M. de, French Minister at Philadelphia, iv. 278. La Mare, Sir Peter de, arrested, i. 338. La Marjiora, General, in command of Sar- dinian forces in Crimean war, v. 226. Lambert, John (1620-1692), officer in Par- liamentary army, iii. 79; marclies ag'ainst Royalists in the north, 100, 101 ; ' with Cromwell in Scotland, 140; in command under Cromwell against Charles U., 144, 145; Lord Deputy in Ireland, 160; urges Cromwell to refuse title of king, 178; re- fuses to take oath to new constitution, 186; instigator of difficulties in the army, 203; defeats royalist insurgents, 212, 213; his proceedings after Lis victory, 214; dis- ' missed from his post ; heads Republican insurrection, 215; marches upon West- minster, 216; breaks up Parliament, 217 ; placed in command of army against Monk, 220 ; his agreement with Morgan against Monk, 221 ; his proposals to Charles II., 224; his army disbanded; retires to the country, 226; escapes from the Tower, 242; excluded from amnesty of 1600, 253 ; his condemnation; death, 259. , John, biu-ncd as a heretic, ii. 193. Lambeth, treaty of, i. 222. Lamoriciere, tiencral, his camp attacked by soldiers of Abil-el-Rhamau, v. 108. Lanark, Lord, Scottish commissioner to Charles I., iii. 91, 98. Lancashire, artisans of, devoted to North- ern cause in America, v. 331, 332. 1,ancaster, Duke of, John of Gaunt (1340- 1399), sent to assistance of Black Prince, 1.334; left in command in France, 335; aspires to crown of Castile, 335; returns to England, 336; his pretensions, 337; his palace mobbed, 338; unpopularity, 340; goes to France with army, 341 ; goes to Spain, 350; reconciled with his brothers, 352; in retirement, 354: death, 355. • , Duke of (Bolingbroke), i. 357. See Henry IV. -," Earl of (Thomas), cousin of Ed- ward II., i. 274, 275; at head of barons opposed to Despencer, 280 ; demands ban- ishment of Despeneer; enters into corre- spondence with Scots ; is made prisoner, 281; beheaded (1322), 282. , Earl of, Edward II. placed in his charge, i. 286; unsuccessful attempt against Mortimer, 291. -, House of, its union with York, ii. 88. Lancastrians, defeated at Drayton and Northampton, ii. 46; victorious at Wake- field, 48 ; at second battle of St. Albans, 49 ; defeated at Mortimer's Cross, 49 ; at Towton, 52; condemned by Edward IV., 53; defeated at Hedgely Moor; at Hex- ham, 55; defeated by Warwick, 59; at Barnet ; at Tewkesbury, 63 ; subdued, 64, 65; assemble in Brittany, 80; re-estab- lished in their rights, 86. " Land of the Five Rivers." See Pun- jaub. Landais, Pierre, minister of the Dnke of Brittany, ii. 80. Landau, retaken by the allies, iv. 53 ; taken by Villars, 71 ; M. Guizot's project for dismantling its fortifications, v. 395. LandoRj Walter Savage, living in early part of reign of Victoria, v. 161. Landrecis, Eugene, raises the siege of, iv. 74. Lanfranc. See Canterbury. Langdale, Sir Marmaduke, in royalist army at Naseby, iii. 62 ; in command of rovalist insurgents, 101 ; defeated by Crom- well, 102. Langley, Sir Robert, foreman of juiy on trial of seven bishops, iii, 343. Langport, battle of, 364. Langton, Cardinal Stephen. See Canter- bury. Lannoy, Sire de, his oath at Arras, ii. 36. Lansdowne, I^ord, arrested for complicity in Jacobite plot (1715), iv. 99. , Lord (Lord Shelburne), secretary of state in Rockingham's cabinet, iv. 269 ; prime minister on death of Rockingham, (1782), 274; recalls Sir Henry Clinton, 275 ; defeated on question of the peace, resigns, 281 ; opposes severe measures of Pitt, 329. La Pole, John de, made prisoner at Jar- geau, ii. 26. Larkin, concerned in Fenian outbreak in Manchester, v. 371 ; hanged, 372. Larochejacquelein, commander of insm*- gents in I^a Vendee, iv. 161. La Rochelle, stronghold of Huguenots, ii. 316; Buckingham's expedition to relief of, 414. Lascelles, burned as heretic, ii. 211. Latimer, Bishop, attached to refoi-med faith, ii. 235; his condemnation, 256; his death, 257. -, Lord, Minister of Edward HI., de- prived of his offices, i. 337 ; reinstated, 338. Latouche-Treville, Admiral, intrusted with command of Napoleon's fleet for in- vasion of England, liis death, iv. 363. La Tremoille, favorite of Charles VII., ii. 20-22. , commander of army of Charles VIII. ii. 95. L'Aubespine, resident French ambassador in London, ii. 331, 332; his reproaches to Elizabeth, 336. Lauderdale, John Maitland (1616-1682), Duke of, Scottish commissioner to Charles I., iii. 91-98; his tyranny in Scotland, 262; member of Cabal Ministrv, 265-268 ; hatred of him, 271; his administration in Scot- land. 282, 283. Lauenburg, Duchy of. See Schleswig- Ilolstein. Lannes, Marshal, his account of siege of Saragossa, iv. 388. Laurens, Henry (1724-1792), president of Continental Congress, captured by the English on his way to Holland, iv. 262. , John, (1756-1782), son of Henry Laurens, aid-de-camp of General WasH- GENERAL INDEX. 481 ington, sent on mission to France, iv. 262; succeeds in his mission, returns, 263. Ladtree, in command of army of Francis I. ii. 156, 157 ; his death, 158. Lauzun, Antoine, Due de, assists escape of Mary of Modeua and Prince of Wales, iii. 353; arrives in Ireland with troops, 382 ; returns to France, 387. La Vendee, war of, iv. 326, 327 ; conscrip- tion in, V. 342. Lawrence, Governor-General of India, his junction with Clive, iv. 204. , Sir Henry, in command at Luck- now, v. 247 ; death, 248. -, Sir John, governor of the Punjaub, V. 244 Law, John, his schemes in France, iv. 122, 123. Lawfelt, battle of, iv. 179. Lawson, Admiral, his fleet declares in favor of Parliament, iii. 225. Layard, Mr., supports peace policy, v. 239. Layer, executed for complicity in Jacobite plot, iv. 125. League, the, its fonnation in France, ii. 316. Leaguers, supporters of Guise, ii. 344. Leake, English admiral, successor in Italy, iv. 59. Lebanon, the, hostility between Maronites and Druses in, v. 314; order re-estab- lished in, 314, 315. Leclerc, Perkinet, opens Paris to the Burgundians, i. 395. Le Croe, French ambassador in Scotland, ii. 291. Le Crotoy, taken by Edward III., i. 307. Leczinzska, Maria, marries Louis XV., iv. 131. Le Despencer, Hugh. See Despencer. Lady, carries off Earl of March, i. 391. Lord. See Earl of Gloucester. Lede, Marquis of, commander of Spanish army in Sicily, iv. 118, 119. Lee, attorney-general in reign of George III., iv. 296. , Dr., marries Henry VIII. and Anne Boleyn, ii. 170. , Gcnci'al (Charles), disobeys Wash- ington's ordei"s in battle of Monmouth, iv. 352. , General (Richard Henry), surrenders to Grant (April, 1865), v. 333. Leeds, obtains third i-epresentative in 1866, v. 368. , Duke of, Thomas Osborne (Lord Danby), accusations against him, com- pelled to retire from public life, iv. lo. See Caermarthen. Legge, Chancellor of the Exchequer, refuses^ his signature to treaties of subsidy, iv. 189. Leicester, Earl of (Robert Dudley), par- tiality of Queen Elizabeth for, ii. 2/8; pro- posed by Elizabeth as husband of Mary Stuai-t, 283; his intrigue for liorfolk's marriage with Mary, 300, 301 ; his confes- sion, 301, 302; his secret marriage, 317, 318; at head of Protestant association. 322; appointed governor of Low Countries, 323; proposes to poi.son Mary Stuart, ii. 326; his incompetency, 337 ; at review of troops at Tilbury, 340 ; his death, 342 ; his eifects sold at auction, 343; festivi- ties at Kenilworth for Queen Elizabeth. 366. Leicester, Earl of, made governor of Ire- land in place of Strafford, ii. 441. , Prior of, reproaches Bccket, i. 156. Leinster, Irish kingdom of, i. 172. Leipzig, battle of, iv. 397. Leith, citadel of, held by Jacobites in 1715. iv. 100. Le Mans, siege of, i. 123. Lennox, Countess of, sent to the tower by Elizabeth, ii. 284. ■, Duke of, favorite of James VI., ii. 319; death, 320. Earl of, ii. 207; father of Lord Darnlcy, 283 ; Darnley sick at his house, 288; demands arrest of Bothwell, 28iJ ; sent to Scotland by Elizabeth, 305; his murder, 313. Lenthall, speaker of House of Commons in the Long Parliament, iii. 88; leaders of the army assembled at his house, 160; o|)- poses Cromwell's dissolution of Parlia- ment, 162; at head of tlie restored Loui,^ Parliament, 206; his encounter with Lam- bert's soldiers, 216 ; council of state assem- bles at his house, iii. 224; interview with Monk. 230; excluded from amnesty of 1660, 253. Leo IV. See Popes. X. See Popes. Leoben, preliminaries of peace between Austria and France signed at (1797), iv. 334. Leofric, Governor of Mercia, i. 78, 82, 83. Leofwin, son of Godwin, escapes to Ire- land, i. 83; joins his father, 85; at Hast- ings, 104 ; death, 105. Leopold, Archduke of Austria. See Aus- tria. , Prince of Saxe-Coburg, husband of Princess Charlotte, iv. 405 ; King of Bel- gium, 449, V. 337. of Saxe-Coburg, cousin of Prince Albert, proposals for his marriage with Isabella of Spain, v. 114; supported by Palmerston, 119; opposed by Aberdeen^ 120. Leria, Duke of, son of Duke of Berwick, in seiwice of Philip V. of Spain, iv. 118. Lerida, capture of (1707), iv. 57. Lescure, M. de, commander of insurgents in La Vendee,, iv. 161. Lesley, Alexander. See Leven. , David, in command of Scottish cav- alry, iii. 66; defeats Montrose at Philip- Haugh, 68; conduct of campaign against Cromwell, 139, 140; defeated by Crom- well at Dunbar, 141 ; appointed lieutenant- general of Charles II., 143 ; claims com- mand at Worcester, 145; conduct of his troops, 146. Norman, murderer of Beaton, ii. 209. I.,ESTER, one of the insurgents under \V at Tyler, is hanged, i. 349. 482 POPULAR HISTORY OF ENGLAND. Lethington, Maitland of, ii. 276 ; secre- tary of Mary Stuart, 290 ; his intrigues, 297 ; his death, 315. Levellers, followers of Everard, iii. 126 ; join Cavaliers, 128 ; their plots against Cromwell, 172, 187. Leven, Earl of, Alexander Lesley, com- mander, of Scottish array, ii. 424, 441, iii. 73; his reception of Charles I., 74. Leveson, Lord Granville, interview with Fox, iv. 362, 363. Levis, Due dc, Francois (1720-1787), at- tempts to recapture Quebec after death of ]\Iontcalm, iv. 201. Lewis, Sir Ceokge Cornewall, in Pal- nierston's first cabinet, v. 218; home sec- retary in Palmerston's second cabinet, 301 ; sympathy for United States, 331 ; death, 348. Lexington, battle of, vi. 236. LiiUYS, Drouyn dc, French ambassador at London, v. 132 ; French minister of for- eign atfairs, 199. Liberals, their policy of reform, v. 297, 298; discontentcil with Disraeli's bill, 298; ministry formed under Palmerston, 299, 300; inditferent to Italian indepemlence, 304; attempt a reform bill, 306; generally in favor of Southern Confederacy, 331 ; Gladstone becomes leader of, 351 ; disap- pointment at Russell's Ilcform Bill of 1866, 361, 362 ; defeated on the Reform Bill, 362 ; come into power under Gladstone in 1868, 383; weakened by opposition of dissenters to Education Bill, 402; defeated on Irish University Bill, 408. Lichfield", Bishop of, treasurer of England, cast into prison, i. 272. Light Brigade, charge of. See battle of Balaklava. LiGNY, battle of, iv. 401. Lilburne, John, pamphleteer, ii. 422; his warning to Cromwell, iii. 90; imprisoned for exciting sedition in the army, 125; excesses of his followers, 126 ; his protest atrainst their condemnation, 127 ; trial of, 128, 129; acquitted, 129; his second trial and acquittal, 166; death, 167. , Robert, officer in Parliamentary army, iii. 96 ; defeats the Earl of Derb^', 144. Lille, captured by Marlborough (1708), iv. 59; claimed by the Dutch, 60; ceded to Louis XIV. by treaty of Utrecht, 75. Lillebourne, assembly convoked at, by William the Conqueror, i. 95. Limerick, defended by Irish Jacobites, iii. 387; captured by Ginckel, 388; Fenian attempt at, v. 371. IviMOGES, captured by Black Prince, i. 334. Limousin, becomes possession of English crown on accession of Henrv II., i. 149; overrun by Black Prince, 321 ; ceded to Entzlish by treaty of Bretigny, 329; in- vaded by f'rench, 334. Lincoln, Abraham, president of United States, V. 320 ; his first inaugural address, 320, 321 ; proclamation calling for volun- teers, 321 ; blockade of Southern ports, 323 ; recognizes illegality of action of Cap- tain Wilkes, 328; surrenders confederate envoys, 329. Lincoln, Benjamin, American general, sur- renders Charleston (1780), iv. 258. , Bishop of, nephew of Roger of Salis- bury, arrested by Stephen, i. 142. -, Bishop of, confessor of Henry VIII., ii. 158. Bishop of, escapes from Gordon rioters, iv. 255; former tutor of William Pitt, 374. Earl of, adopts cause of Simnel, ii. 92, 93 ; killed at Stoke, 93. -, Lord, associated with government of Sir Robert Peel, v. 60; measure in re- gard to Irish emigration, 129, Lindsay, Earl of. commander of royal forces, mortally wounded at Edgehill, iii. 27. Lady Sophia, daughter-in-law of Earl of Argyle, iii. 290. , Lord, pardoned by Maiy Stuart, ii. 288; his visit to her at Loclileven, 292- 293. , Lord, protests against establishment of Anglican liturgy in Scotland, ii. 423. l^iNGARD, Dr., his his'toty of England, v. 162. Linlithgow, surrenders to Charles Edward, iv. 159. Lionel, third son of Edward III., his de- scendants heirs to English throne, i. 360. LiPRANDl, Russian general in the Crimea, V. 207. Lisle, Lady, her trial, iii. 320-321 ; execu- tion, 321. Lord, member of privy council under Edward VI., ii. 218. See Earl of War- wick. , Lord, son of the preceding, marries Lady Anne Seymour, daughter of Duke of Somerset, ii. 229. -, Lord, judge of Charles I., president of court for trial of conspirators against Cromwell, iii. 188 ; assassinated in Switz- erland, 321. LissA, battle of, iv. 196. Little Canglar, battle of, ii. 103. Liverpool, regained by Long Parliament, iii. 213; improvements in, v. 153; obtains third representative in Parliament, 1866, 368. , Lord (Lord Hawkesbuiy), nego- tiates for peace of Amiens, iv. 354; Home Secretary in Portland's Cai)inet, 381 ; Scc- retarA' of State in Percival's Cabinet, 393 ; Prime Minister at death of Percival, 397; attacked by opposition, 403; presents bill of Pains and Penalties against Queen Caroline, 407, 408: death (1827), 417. Llandaff, Bishop of, convicted of abuse of privileges, ii. 403. Llewellyn, Prince of Wales, tleclared a rebel by Edward I., i. 245 ; surrenders and is married to Eleanor of Moatport, 246 ; again rebels, 247 ; is killed, 247; ancestor of Glendower, 366. LoBAU, island of. General Moiiton besieged in, iv. 391. LocKHART, ambassador of Cromwell to France, iii. 190; in command of English contingent at the battle of the Danes, 191 ; GENERAL INDEX. 483 engaged with Mazarin in negotiating with ypaia, 210; Koyalists hope for liis revolt, 211; Mazarin's consideration for, 213. LoCHiEL. See Cameron, LocHLEVEN Castle, Mary Stuart impi-is- oned at, ii. 292-293. Loch, John, first English slave-trader, ii. 360. LocKYEK, Robert, shot for mutiny^ iii. 127. LoLLAKD, Walter, German heretic, burned at Cologne, i. 381. Lollards, the, persecution of, i. 381-382 ; under Henry VIII., ii. 175; laws against, revoked, 233. Lombards, monej'-lenders, i. 344. Lombardy, Orsiui's hopes for England's in- tervention in favor of, v. 281 ; Napoleon makes war on Austria for deliverance of, 302. London, an important city, n9 A. D., i. 21 ; threatened by Picts and Scots, 26 ; episco- pal see, 37 ; sacked by Danes, 42 ; its pe- tition to Empress Maud, 144; under an interdict in reign of John; English barons shut up in, 217; resistance toKing Jolin, 217, 218; faithful to Prince Louis, 222; obtains confirmation of its privileges, 223 ; heavy taxes under Henry HI., 228; loses its cliarter, 238; obtains fresh charter, 239; popular assembly convoked in by Edward I., 253; refuses to assist Edward II., 284; receives site for cemetery from Sir Walter Manny, 318; population of, joins insur- gents under Wat Tjder, 346; treaty of, ii. 220 ; devoted to Earl of Essex, 3o0 ; city of, sends petition to Charles I , 42S ; popu- lar agitation in, in favor of five members, iii., 16-17; Parliament addresses thanks to city of, 17 ; preparations for defence of, 27 ; alarm in, after battle of Brentford, 29 ; citizens demand restoration of Charles I., 87; alarm in, at invasion of Charles II., 143; hostile to military government, 225 ; revolts against restored Parliament, 231 ; merchants of, try to prevent sale of Dun- kirk, 260; plague in, 261-262; devastated by fire, 262 ; charter withdrawn, 295 ; re- stored, 349; riot against Catholics at, 355; the corporation charged with corrupting the king's ministers, iv. 14; popular ex- citement in, at discovei-v of Barclay's plot, 19-20 ; rejoicings in, alter treaty of Rys- wick, 26 ; objects to commercial stipula- tions of peace of Utrecht, 76 ; alarm in, at invasion of Charles II,, 168; distress in, during French revolution ; mob breaks Mr. Pitt's windows, 327; illuminated on dissolution of Parliament, 1831, 436; agi- tation against Corn Laws in, v, 72-73 ; citv of, presents address to Louis Philippe, 103-104 ; refuge for political outlaws, 284 ; . elects Rothschild to Parliament, 291. London, Bishop of (William), i. 85-86. , Bishop of, Wicklilfe summoned be- fore, i. 342. -, University of, obtains representative in Parliament, 1866, v. 368. " London Corresponding Society," rev- olutionary society, iv. 325. " London Society," the, sends missionaries to Tahiti, v. 105. Londonderry, refuge for Irish Protcst- auts, iii. 369; besieged by James 11., 371- 372. ■, Marquis of. See Castlereajrh. Long, Mr., his fidelity to Pitt, iv. 351 ; letter from Pitt on peace with France, 354. Long Island, Charles Edward, takes ref- uge in, iv. 176. Longbbard. See Fitz-Osbert. LoNGCHAMP, William, Chancellor of En;,'- land, i. 187; seizes power in England, 196; defeated by John, 197 ; his adventure with fish women, 197-198 ; visits Richard in person, 199, LoNGSwoRD, William, Earl of Salisbury, half-brother of King John, i. 212, 218. Longueville, Duke of, in command of French army, ii. 123. Loo, William'lll.'s chateau at, iv, 26; Par- tition treaty signed at, 27. " Lords Appellant," i, 361, 363. Lords, House of. See Parliament. LoRGES, Marshal, envoy of Louis XIV, to England, iii. 309. LoKN, Lord, nephew of the Red Comj-n, at- tacks Bruce, i. 263. LoRNE, Lord, son of Earl of Argyle, iii. 290. Lorraine, assigned to France in second Partition Treaty, iv. 34 ; fortified by Na- poleon against Wellington, 398. Lorraine, Cardinal of, uncle of Mary Stu- art, ii. 277. , Duke of, Re'ne, campaign of Charles the Bold against, ii. 68. -, Duke of, his duchy assigned to France by second Partition Treaty, iv. 34. -, Duke of, Francis (1708-1765), negoti- ations for his marriage with Maria The- resa, iv. 132; aspires to the Empire, 150; becomes Emperor, 156. See Germany, Francis I. London Hill, battle of, i. 270. Loughborough, Lord, Alexander Wedder- burn (1733-1805), suggests to the Prince of Wales to seize the regency, iv. 310 ; be- comes Lord Chancellor, 320-321 ; opposed to abolition of Test Act, 346. Louis, Kings of France. See Sovereigns of France. Dauphin of France, son of Charles VI., i. 384: his death, 394. -, Dauphin of France, son of Louis XIV., father of Philip V. of Spain, Span- ish possessions in Italy assigned to him bv second Partition Treaty, iv. 33 ; death, 69. -, Daupliin of France (1729-1765), son of Louis XV., with his father before Tournav, iv, 154, Louisa of Parma, wife of Charles IV. of Spain, iv. 331. Louisberg, :niiuly, i. 3i)S. Meuse, ilarlborouyh's eiiniiiaiun on, iv. 51. MiDOLEUAM, castle of the Earl of Warwick, ii. f)8. Middlesex, Wilkes electeil toParlianient as njcniber from, iv. 2'_'3. MiDDi.ETON, Parliamentary general, ortlered to join army of Essex, iii. ol. , lioyalist jieneral, iii. 145. . SirCHARLES, successor of Lord Mel- ville in .Vdmiralty, iv. 3t)S. , Earl of, (Charles), at death-bed of James 11., iv. -41. MUtNET, M. quoted, iv. 3"). MU'UEL, Don, claims Portuguese thi-one, iv. 450; reliniiuishes it, 451. Milan, duchy of. claimed by Louis XIL, ii. lU); ceded to Francis I., i'29; under Con- stable of Hourbon, 131 ; assiuned to Duke of Lorraine by second Partition Treaty, iv. 33-34, Bonaparte crowned king- of Italv at, 369. Decree, issued by Napoleon, 1807, iv. 383. -, DowaaxM' Duchess of, declines to marry llcurv VII 1., ii. li>5, -, DidvC of, sends aid to Charles VII., ii. 1(5. , Duke of, allied with Pope Clement, VII., ii. 1.V2. -, Valentine of, grandmother of Louis XII., ii. 119. ^Milanese, in service of France, ii. 17. Mile-End, mectini;-place of insurgents un- der Wat Tyler, i.347. Mill, James, servant of East India Compa- ny, V. 'J77. '- — , John Sti'art. son ol' the above, his defence of East India C\impany, v. "277; proposes extension of suffrage to women, 367; speech in behalf of Fenians, 371 ; un- seated, 381. Miller, High, his name first becomes known, v. 161. , Major, commands guard of General Monk. iii. '235, "236. Milton, .Iohn, his pamphlet justifying ex- ecution of Charles 1, iii. 1"21 ; reply to Eifcon Basilifci-, 1'24; death in 1674; works, 301; sells manuscript of Paradise Lost for five pounds, 407. MiNDEN, battle of, iv. 210. Minorca, island of, taken by the English, iv. 59; retained by the English at peace of Utreciit, 75; attacked bv the French in 1756, 191 ; captured by l-''rench and Span- iards in, 1782, 2(>6, 267 ; Spain confirmed in possession ot', by treaty of Versailles, 280. 'Minorites, chapel of, Comyn murdered at, i. 266. MiQiELON, captured bv En^rlish, 1778, iv. 253. MiRABELLE, ^L dc, Fi'oneh engineer in ser- vice of Charles Edward, iv. 171. MiRZAPUA, Juno, Indian prince, iv. 203. Mississii'ri, State of, joins Southern Confed- eracy, V. 320. MiTciii'L. John, leader of agitation iu Ire- laud ; death, v. 127. ^IiTciiELL, Sir Francis, prosecuted for abuse of monopolies, ii. 403. MoDENA, Duke of, his daughter marries James, Duke of York, (James 11.), iii. 273. , Mary of, her marriage to James, Duke ofl'ork, (James II.),Vii. 273; birth of her son, 341 ; escapes to France, 353 ; her husband's dying charge to her, 88. MooADOR, bombarded by Prince de Joiu- ville, V. 110. MoouL, the Grand, i-ecognizes sovereignty of Dupleix, iv. 203. Mohammed Ali, Pasha of Egypt, his difli- culties with the Sultan of Turkey, v. 33; (iuizot's account of French policy in regard to, 34, 35; French support of his claims; removed by the Sultan, 39; his otlers of compromise, 42, 43; Egyptian heredity se- cured to, 43. MoiRA, Lord, answer of Lord Clare to his speech on Irish question, iv. 339. Moldavia, Ku>sian army iu, v. 177; privi- leges guaranteed, 234. MoLESWORTH, l\onERT, Yiscount, speech against Soutli Sea Company, iv. 123. , Sir William, succeeds Lord .John Pussell in Pahnerston's cabinet, v. 219. Mole, Count, interview with Xapoleou on his arrival from Elba, iv. 400. MoLLER, Russian general, iu command of land-forces in Sevastopol, v. 196. Mo:mpesson, Sir Giles, prosecuted for abuse of monopdlies, ii. 403. MoNA, island of, (.Vnglesey), centre of Druidic worship, i. 20, 21. Monasteries, suppression of, bv Henry VIII. , ii. 179-181; its conseipiences, 186; restored bv Mary, closed ayaiu bv Eliza- beth; 274. ■ ■ " ' MoNCONTOi'R, battle of, ii. 302. ^loNK, General, with Cromwell in Scotland, iii. 141 ; suppresses Royalist revolt in Scot- laud, 148; made governor of Scotland l\v Cromwell, 167; in command of army of Protectorate in Scotland, 198 ; ofler of Richard Cromwell to him, 203; supports restored Long Parliament, 209, 210; Roy- alists hope for his revolt, 211; remains in Scotland ; his character, 217 ; his action at time of Royalist insin-rection, 218 ; address to his army at Edinlnirgh. 219; deelai-cs liis adherenee to Parliament, 220; confers with his officers, 221 ; comes to under- standing with Scotch, 222; negotiates witli Committee of Safety, 223.224; his march towaril London, 226; interview with Fair- fax, 226, 227 ; his silence in regnnl to his plans, 227 ; receives thanks of I'arliament, 228 ; demands removal of Parliamentary army; ret'uscs oath of abjuration, 230; or- dered to suppress revolt in London, 231, 232 ; demands free Parliament, 233, 234 ; reinstates excluded membei-s, 235 ; his dec- laration to the Republicans, 236; his pre- carious position, 237 ; interview with Gren- ville, 239; proposals to Charles II., 210; orders arrest of Lambert, 242 ; Parliament passes vote of thanks to. 243 ; his reception of tirenville, 244 ; sends letter to Charles II, 245 ; his rcceptiou of the king, 248 ; in GENERAL INDi:X. 491 ministry of Charles IT., 251 ; remonstrates against severities to llepuhlicans, 2'j'.i ; liis betrayal of Ar;ryle, 258 ; in ijondon durinj^ the Plague, 262 ; his death, 27^3 ; buried in Westminster, 273. Monk, Nicholas, brother of General Monk, iii. 219. , Mistress, wife of General Monk, iii. 246. MoxMOUTH, James, Duke of, son of Charles II., in command of En1) and Irish aux- iliaries in service of France, iii. 271; char^red with affairs of Seotiatid, 2HZ; de- feats Covenanters at Hotbwell Iiriil;re ; his marriage with dau^cliter of liiicclcu;;li, 281; Charles's attachment for him, 281- 28.0; sent to the continent, 28.5; returns to En;rland;his projrress throii;rh tiie king- dom, 290; his arrest, 290, 291; absent at his father's death, 297; in exile at the Hague, 309; prepares to take lead of in- surrection in En^rland, .310 ; Arzylc's insun-ectioa in favor of, 309-312; his de- scent upon En;;land, popular rising in his favor, 31.0; proclaimed kin^ at Taun- ton, 316; defeated at Sed^i'emoi-e, taken prisoner, 317; liis interview with .lames II., 318; his execution, 318, 319; popular- ity in England, 319. , Earl of, accompanies William III. to Holland, iii. 389. Mo.vs, captured by Gloucester and .Tacque- line of Hainault, ii. 19; captured by Louis XIV., iii. 392; restored at Peace of Itys- wick, iv. 23 ; suiTcnders to the French, 179; its fortiiications dismantled in 1831, V. 39.!i. MoxSTRELET, quoted, i. 40.5. Mon'TacijTE, Lord, adviser of Edward III., arrests Mortimer, i. 292. , Lord, executed as a relative of Car- dinal Pole, ii. 19i. Montague, Admiral, offer.? of Charles TI. to him, iii. 211 ; placed at head of Parlia- mentai-v fleet, 236 ; his letters to Charles II. 211-245; arrival at the Hague, 247; his death, 269. , Chaele.s, afterward Lord Halifax, (1661-1715), moves vote of a loan in Par- liament, iii. 402 ; his idea of the Bank of En^rlanrl ; made Chancellor of the Ex- quer, 404 ; draws up engagement of Par- liament for defence of William III., iv. 21 ; decline of his influence in Parliament, 36. -, Lord, younger brother of Earl of Montcalm, Madame de, sister of Duke of liichelieii, iv. 403. Marquis of, conducts the war in Warwick, ii.' 55; docs not oppose insur- rection in Yorkshire, 58; makes no de- fence against Edward IV., 62; killed at Barnet, 63. , Judge at Raleigh's trial, ii. 401. -, English aml>assador to Louis XIV., iii. 275; recalled, 276. MoxTALEMBERT, M. de, leader of liberal Catholics in France, v. 1.57 ; his pamphlet on Indian a;^ilation in India, v. 275; pleads cause of Poland, 343. MONTAUBAN, General, in charge of land forr'cs in China, v. 310; carries to France collection of Chinese antiquities, 312. America a;iainsl the En;ilish, iv. 191; iu command at Quebec, 199, '300; his death, 201 ; obelisk erected to hirn and Wolfe. 201. MoNTEAGLE, Lord, receives warning of Catesby's plot; carries it to Cecil, ii. 389. , Lord, his motion rejecting re[>eai of paper duty, v. .305. MoNTErrri, betrayer of Wallace, i. 265. MoNTEMOLiN, Count lie, son of Don Carlos, scheme for his marriage with Isabella of .Spain, V. 118. MoNTEUEAU, taken by Henry V. i. 402. MONTESCiUiKU, his "Notes on Eii;,dand," account of debate in Parliament, iv. 141. MoNTFEi'.iiAT, CoNKAij of, pretcudcr to the throne of .Jerusalem, i. 191. , FitEDEKiCK of, i. 196. MoNTFOKU, Sir Si.MON, executed under Henry VH., ii. 102. MONTFOUT, (ivY of, son of Earl of Leices- ter, i. 2.36-2:j8. , IIf-nkv of, son of Earl of Leicester, his greed, i. 2-36; dealh, 237. , John de, brother of .John HI. of Brittanv. i. 299; escapes from pi*ison and dies, .301'. , JofrN de, Duke of Brittany, i. 336; reduced to extremities by Dii Guesclin, 341 ; bani.ihed to England, Is recalled, 341 ; negotiates with council of regency .342. -, Simon of. Earl of I^eicester, at head of En^^'lish barons, i. 231, 2.32; raises his standard against Henry HI., 2-33; makes the kin;;: prisoner, 235; convenes a Parlia- ment, 235 ; his sons, 2-35 ; at Evesham, 237 ; his death and charactei-, 238. -, Simon of, son of the above, i. 236, 238. Montgomert, Earl of, his expedition to assist Huguenots, ii. 316. , Sir .Jame.s, agent in Jacobite in- trigues, iii. .304. -, lioBEKT, prevents outbreak of Sepoys in the Punjaul), v. 245. , Royalist general, iii. 145. MoNT-KJiE, French King-at-arms at Agin- court, i. 392. MoNTMiRAiL, conference at, i. 164. MoNTPEN.siER, Duc lic, son of Louis Phil- ippe, rof>fjsals for his maniagewith Spun- ish Infanta, v. 119, his rnarria^rc announced by the Cortes, 122; celebi-ated at Madrid, 12-3. Montreal, captured by EnglLsh, 1760, iv. 202. MoNTREUiL, M. de, French ambassador to Cliaries I., iii. 73. MoNTREUiL, treaty of, i. 264. MOXTUOSE, Earl of (James Orahame), at- ta-jhes himself to Charles I. ii. 440; his 7>lans to gain control of Scotland, iii. 3) ; defeats .\r^yle, 58 ; successes in Scotland, 61-66; defeated at Philip-Hau;rh, 68; exe- cution of his followers, 75 ; at the Hajrue with Charles II., 130; in Germany, 133; 492 POPULAR HISTORY OF ENGLAND. letter of Charles II. to, 133, 134 ; his last enterprise in Scotland, 134, 135; taken pris- oner, 135; his execution, 136. Montrose, Marquis of, presides at trial of Earl of Argyle, iii, 290. Moore, Sir John, Colonel under Aber- crombie at capture of the Antilles, iv. 331 ; in command of Eny James II., 3r;3. in reign of William III., convoked by William III. (1689), Convention Parlia- ment, iii. 260 ; debate as to vacancy of tlie GENERAL INDEX. 501 throne, 362-364 ; recofrnizes William and Mary, 364 ; formally offcis the crown, 33") ; dissolved, 369: in 1690, sustains jrovernment of William and Mary, 379; discussion of Abjuration Bill, 3!S0; proroji-ued, 381; grants liberal supplies, 389 : in 1691, Kinief of English army in the Crimea, embarrassed by designs of St. Arnaiul, V. 183-184; his visit to camp of Omar Basha, 184; views on the pracric- ability of invading the Crimea, 185 ; orders from liome, 186 ; lands with his army in the Crimea, 188 ; his desire to pursue the enemy after tlie Alma, opposed, 192 ; arrives in Baiaklava, 198 ; his order to Lord Lucan, 201; at battle of Inkcrman, 211, 212; his letter to Newcastle, 213; in favor of prompt action against Sevastopol, 221 ; his death, 225. Rainsborough, Colonel, Charles I. offers to surrender to, iii. 73. Rai.eigii, Sir Walter, ii. 323; his opinion in council of war, 339; sent to Spain, 345 ; destroys soldiers of the Pope in Ireland, 348; enmity to Essex, 349; at execution of Essex, 352; imprudent in not gaining- favor of .lames VI., 353; his expeditions to America, 3(51-3(i2; disgraced on accession of James, 384; .accused of conspiracy against him; tried, condemned, and par- doned, 385; in Tower, 394; his expedition to Guiana; death of his son, 400; impris- oned on return to England, 401 ; conduct at his trial; at his execution, 402. Ramilies, battle of, iv. 55. Ramsay, Lord Bothwell, spy of Henry VII., ii. 105. Randolph, Earl of Moray, at the battle of Baniiockburn, i 276,277; makes raid into England, 279 ; at the head of Scotch armv, 288 ; his death, 293. • , emissary of Queen Elizabeth, ii. 274 ; at work for Protestants in Scotland, 275 ; agent of Queen Elizabeth in Scotland, 320. -, Edmund, letter from Thomas Jef- ferson to, iv. 232, Rassam, Mr., British resident at Aden, made prisoner by King Theodore, v. 377; given up to Sir Robert jSTapicr, 378. Rastadt, peace of (March 6, 1714), iv. 76. , Congress of, dissolved (1799), iv. 343. Ratcliffe, Lord, in Westmoreland's insur- rection, ii. 304. Ratcliffe, Sir Richard, at Pontefract, ii. 74, 75. , Sir Robert, executed, ii. 102. Ratisbon, peace of, iii. 302. Raucoux, l)attle of, iv. 179. Raymond oTf St. Gilles, Count of Toulouse, i. 152. Raz de (Jatte, the, i. 134. Re, island of, liuckingham's attempt upon, ii. 414. Redan, the, fortification at Sevastopol, v. 200; nearly destroyed by English, 201; blown up, 231. Redcliffe, Lord Stratford de, English ambassador to Turkej-, v. 177; his regard i'or rights of Turkey, 178. Redwald, Anglian king, accepts Christian- ity, i. 37; Bretwakla, 37. Reformation, the, due in England and Bo- hemia to Wyclilfe's books, i. 343 ; through influence of Luther spreads rapidly in England, ii. 138 ; takes root in Enjiland under Edward VI.. 217-218; its progress, 231-232; its progress in Scotland, 275- 276; in France, 281; character in Eng- land, 420. Reformation-Tree, the, ii. 227. Reform Bill, Lord Grey's (1831), iv. 432- 438 ; Lord John Russell's (1832), 438-441 ; effect of, V. 13, 25-26. Reformers. See Protestants. Reform League, v. 364, 367. Regency, Council of, formed upon the death of Queen Anne, iv. 90 ; governs in absence of George I., 93. Regency Bill, iv. 312, 313. Remi of Fecamp, i. 96. Remusat, M. de, his accession to power, v. 35. Renard, ambassador of Charles V., ii. 253. Rene of Anjou, King of Sicily and Jerusa- lem, his character, ii. 38. Renee, daughter of Louis XII., promised in marriage to Charles V. of Germany, ii. 127 ; Wolsey's plan to marry her to Henry VIII., 155. Rennes, besieged by Charles VITL, ii. 96. Republic, English, established after down- fall of the Protectorate, iii. 208 ; its foreign policy, 210. , French. See France. Republicans, in Cromwell's army, iii. 90, 91; in Parliament, 100; their a-:cendencv, 105; introduce Dissolution Bill, 161, 162; protest against measures of Cromwell, 164; in Cromwell's Parliament, 170,171 ; not ad- mitted to Pnrliament in 1656, 174, 175; en- gaged in plot against Cromwell, 187, 188; present petition to Richard Cromwell, 197; oppose his recognition, 199; dcfeatetl, 200; lead opposition of the army to Parliament, ii. 201-204; exclude Presbyterians from re- stored Long Parliament, 207 ; their posi- tion in Eiii>'land, 211 ; act of General Lam- bert a de.ath-blow to, 217 ; trifle with iSIonk's emissaries, 223; dissensions of, in Parlia- ment, 228; Monk's protestations to, 238. Requesens, Grand Commander, successor of Alba in the Netherlands, his death, ii. 317. GENERAL INDEX. 511 Restoration, the, iii. 248, 249. See also Charles II. , poets of, iii. 301, 302. Retz, Cardinal de, on character of Anne of Austria, iv. 224. Revoux, battle of, i. 24. Revolution of 1688, its characteristics, iii. 365, 366; successful conclusion of, iv. 23. Reza Khan, Mohammed, minister of Prince of Bengal, removetl by Hastings, iv. 285. Rheims, besieged by Edward 111., i. 328; Charles VII. of France crowned at, ii. 28. , Archbishop of, ii. 27. Rhine, the, becomes frontier of French Re- public b}' peace of Luneville, iv. 3 14. Rhode Island, occupied by i3ritish troops, iv. 252; surrendered to Americans, 254. RlANZARES, Due de, V. 119. RiBAUMONT, Eustace de, his combat with Edward III., i. 319; before Poitiers, 322. Rice, Spring, opposed to repeal of union with Ireland, iv. 446. Rich, Colonel, assists Pride in excluding Presbyterian members, iii. 104. , Edmund. See Archbishops of Can- terbury. Lady Frances, daughter of Oliver Cromwell, iii. 185. -, Robert, son of Lord AVarwick, son- in-law of Cromwell, iii. 185; his death, 192. Richard (Cojur-de-Lion), his quarrels with his father, 175-178, ISO, 181 ; is reconciled, 182, 183 ; remorse after his father's death, 183, 184 ; liberates his mother, 185 ; is crowned, 186; sells royal domains, 186; concludes alliance with Philip Augustus and starts on crusade, 187; in Sicily, 188; breaks contract of marriage with Alice of France, 189; marries Berengaria of Na- varre, 190 ; enters Acre, 191 ; supports claims of Lusignan, 191 ; his military ex- ploits, 192; his rescue of Jaifa, 193," 194; concludes truce with Saladin and leaves Palestine, 194; his wanderings in disguise, 195, 196 ; imprisoned bv Leopold of Aus- tria, 196; England in absence of, 196-198; before Diet of the Empire, 199; returns to England, 200 ; his war with Philip Augus- tus, 200-202; his death, 202. II., son of the Black Prince, at Ken- nington, i. 338 ; his coronation, his popu- larity, 340; insurrection of Wat Tyler in reign of, 344—348 ; receives petition' of in- surgents, 347; his meeting with Wat Ty- ler, takes command of the mob, 348; marches against insurgents in Essex, 349; high-treason law voted by Parliament of, 349; proclaims amnesty, marries Anne of Bohemia, elevates his'favorites, 350; as- sumes direction of government, 351, 352; marries Isabel of France, i. 352; his re- venge on Gloucester and his friends, 352, 353; his character, 354; banishes Boling- broke and Norfolk, disaffection against, 355; in Ireland, deserted by his troops, escapes disguised, 357 ; taken prisoner, 358; his abdication, 359; imprisoned in Pontefract Castle, 362 ; death of, 363 ; his burial at Westminster, 380. Richard TIT., as Duke of Gloncester,dissatis- lied with his brother Edward's marriage, ii. 56 : accused of the murder of llcniy VI., 64; marries Anne of Warwick, 65'; suspected of murder of Clarence, 69; con- spires against James of Scotland, 70; swears tidelity to Edward V., 71; his ap- parent devotion to him, 72; made Pro- tector, 73; his arrest of Ilastings, 74; im- prisons the young king and the Duke of York in the Tower, 75 ; his schemes to se- cure the crown, 75, 76; feigns hesitation to at'cept it, 76 ; his coronation, 77 ; causes murtler of his nephews, 78; unsuccessful conspiracy against him, 78, 79; declared legitimate king by Parliament, 79; his agreement with Elizabeth Woodville, 80; death of his son and of his wife, 81 ; raises an army against Henry Tudor, 81 ; is de- feated at Bosworth, 82 ; his death, 83. of Cornwall, brother of Henry III. of England, i. 229 ; prisoner at battle of Lewes, 235 ; his death, 239. L, Duke of Normandy, his death, i. XL, Duke of Normandy, i. 69, 71, 74, 69. Richardson, British subject in Japan, assas- sinated, V. 341. Richelieu, Cardinal, favors marriage of Henrietta Maria with Prince Charles, ii. 411 ; inlluence of his policy declines in Europe, iv. 183; his Spani'sh policy, v. 111. , Louis, Due de (1696-1788), proposes to join Charles Edward, iv. 163 ; as mar- sh''il, captures Fort St. Philip in Minorca, 191, 192; overruns Hanover, oiitains capit- ulation of Closter-Severn from Duke of Cumberland, 195. Due de (1766-1822), negotiates treaty of peace with allies (1815), iv. 403. RiCHEMONT, Count of, prisoner at Agin- court, i. 392 ; marries Madame de Guienne, ii. 15 ; returns to his allegiance to Charles VII. , is made constable, 20; loses his in- fluence over the king, 21 ; at Patay, 26. Richmond, cupital of .southern Confederacy, taken bv Grant (1865), v. 338. , Countess of, Margaret Beaufort mother of Henry VII., ii. 78, 80 ; consulted bv her grandson, Henrv VIII., 118. -, Duchess of, sister of Earl of Surrey, arrested, ii. 213. -, Duchess of, her ball before battle of Waterloo, iv. 401. -, Duke of, son of Heniy VIII., his death, ii. 186. -, Duke of, James_ Stuart (1612-1655), sent to neirotiate with Parliament by Charles I., iii. 55; brings letter of Rupert to the kinii-, 65. -, Duke of, Charles Lennox (1735-1806). proposes recall of English forces m Amer- ica, iv. 248 ; reply to Pitt, 249 ; in Rock- ingham's second 'cabinet, 209; in Pitt's cabinet (1783), 279. ,„^,^ -, Duke of, Charles Lennox (1791-1861), member of Lord Grey's cabinet, resigns, iv. 446. 512 POPULAR HISTORY OF ENGLAND. Richmond, Duke of (Charles Lennox, son of the above), proposes amendment to Glad- stone's army bill, v. 403. ■ , Earl of, estates confiscated by Henry II., i. 151. Ridley, Bishop of Rochester, takes place of Bonner, ii. 235; his condemnation, 256; his death, 257. RiDOLFi, ajjent sent from Italy, ii. 303. RiPON, Earl, member of Lord Grey's cab- inet, resigns, iv.446. RiVEBS, Lord, brother of Elizabeth Wood- ville, and uncle of Edward V., ii. 71 ; ex- ecuted at Poutefract, 74. Rizzio, David, lavorite of Mary Stuart, ii. 285 ; murdered, 286. RoBEKT, of Jumieges, Norman priest. Arch- bishop of Canterbury under Elish, 326 ; ceded to Eng- land by Treaty of Bretifjny, 329. St. Paul's Ckoss, Bonner's discourse at, ii. 234 ; Mary proclaimed at, 241. St. Paul's, Dean of, attempts to convert Lady Jane Grey, ii. 251. St. Philip, Fort, in Minorca, captured by the French, iv. 2i37. Saint-Pie KUE, Eustache de, citizen of Calais, his devotion, i. 316. St. Pierre, captured by the English, iv. 253. St. Pol, Count of, father of Jacquette of Luxembourg, ii. 33. St. Quentin, capture of, ii. 261. Saintkailles, Armagnac knight, made pris- oner at Crevant, ii. 16 ; at Verneuil, 17 ; sent to Brabant, 19, Sainte-Rutii, M. de, in command of French reinforcements, killed at Anghrim, iii. 388. St. Sebastian, l;dls into hands of the French, iv. 118; captured by the English (1813)., 398. St. Simon, Due de, his Memoires quoted, iv. 32 ; his criticism of Louis XIV.'s policy in recognizing James III., 42, 43; quoted in regai'd to Cardinal Alberoni, 114. St. Stephen, King of Hungary, i. 75. St. Thomas, captured by the English, ii. 400. Saint-Valert-en-Caux, fleet of William the Conqueror sails from, i. 100. St. Vincent, retained by the English hy treaty of Fontaincbleau, iv. 219. , Cape, Rodney's victory off, iv. 257 ; naval action olf (1797), 334. -, Lord, neglect of department of the admiralty, iv. 367. St. Wilfred op Ripon, standard of, i. 140. Saladin, Sultan of the Arabs, attempts to relieve Acve, i. 190; retires into interior, 191 ; abandons Ascalon, 192 ; besieges Jaffa, 193 ; concludes truce with Richard, 194 ; his admiration for Richard, 194. Salamanca, battle of. See Arapiles. Sale, General, in command at Jellalabad, v. ol ; disregards Elphinstone's order to evac- uate the city, 52; his determination not to surrender, 53 ; appointed to attempt deliv- erance of English prisoners, 54; his meet- ing with them, 55. , Lady, wounded at Koord Cabul, v. 51; her account of the disaster, 51, 52; her captivity, 54, 55. Salic Law, Philip of Valois succeeds in consequence of, i. 295; Edward's allusion to, 301 ; in Spain, iv. 450. Salisbury, Bishop of, declares in favor of Henry VII., ii. 79. , Bishop of. See Burnet. , Bishop of, Roger. See Roger of Salisbury. -, Countess of, mother of Cardinal Pole, her e.vecution, ii. 194 , Earl of, Longsword, i. 212, 213. -, Earl of, commands army of Richard II., i. 357; beheaded by citizens of Ciren- cester, 363. Salisbury, Earl of, dispatched to relief of Crevant, ii. 15 ; besieges Orleans, his death, 21. Earl of, brother of Warwick, sup- ports cause of York, ii. 46 ; beheaded at Pontefract, 48. , Earl of. See Robei-t Cecil. -, Lord, commissioner to Mary Stuart, ii. 334. , Marquis of. See Lord Cranboume. , Thomas, concerned in Babington's conspiracy, ii. 334. Salomons, David, forced to withdraw from Parliament, v, 292. Saltoun, Fletcher of, demands protec- tion of Protestantism, iii. 289; joins insur- rection in "favor of Monmouth, 310 ; takes refuge in Hungary, 315. San Angblo, Castle of, Clement VII. takes refuge iu, 153; besieged by Imperialists, 153. Sanche of Provence, wife of the Duke of Cornwall, i. 383. Sandi LANDS, Sir James, ambassador to France, ii. 277. Sangatte, JNIount of, French army en- camped at, i. 314. Sang-ko-liu-siN, Chinese general-in-chief, V. 313, San Jacinto, the. United States sloop-of- war, under command of Captain Wilkes, V. 327. Santiago, attacked by Admiral Vernon, iv. 148. Santona, Spanish ships destroyed at, by French, iv. 118. Saragossa, first siege of (1808), iv. 386; second siege of, iv. 387, 388; capitulates (1809), 338 Sardinia, taken possession of by English, iv. 59; fiills into hands of Spain, restored to Duke of Savoy by Quadruple Alliance, 1 14 ; concludes treaty of Worms with Eng- land and Austria, 153. , sovereigns of: — • Victor Amadeus- See Savoy. CHARiiES Emanuel, son of the above, gains territory by treaty of Ai.v-la- Chapelle, iv. 183. Sardinians. See Piedmontese. Sarsfield, Lord, Patrick, in command of Jacobite army in Ireland, iii. 388; of Irish regiments in Normandy. 397. Sas de Gand, taken by French under Low- endall, iv. 179. Satsuma, Japanese prince, refuses repara- tion for murder of Mr. Richardson, v. 341 ; obliged to pay indemnity, 342. Sattara, annexed to British possessions in India, V, 241. Savage, concerned in Babington's con- spiracy, ii. 324, 325. Savannah, captured bv the English (1778), iv. 253. Savary, General, agent of Napoleon in Spain, iv, 384. Savona, imprisonment of Pius VII. at, iv. 392. Savoy, foi-ms alliance with England, France, and other powers against House of Austria GENERAL INDEX, 517 (1624), ii. 411; claimed by Victor Ama- dous, iv. 60; in possession of Frencii lie- public, 322; annexed to France, v. 303. Savoy, duckess of, sister of Archduke 'riiiiip, ii. 115. , Duke of, proposes for Princess Eliz- abeth, ii. 263. -, Duke of (Victor Amadens, king of Sardinia), adheres to Grand Alliance, iii 392; deserts it, iv. 21; generalissimo of French army, 41 ; returns to Grand Al- liance, 52; repulsed at Toulon, 57; tries to recover Nice and Savoy, 60 ; concludes peace at Utrecht, 75; as king of Sicily, exchanges Sicily for Sardinia; joins Quad- ruple Alliance, 114. -, Louise of. See Louise of Savo^' 8avoy-Cakignan, Prince Eugene of, opens hostilities in Italy, against France, iv. 41. Sawbriuge, Alderman, his proposal for parliamentary reform rejected, iv. 303. Sawyer, Sir Robert, Attorney-General in 1680, his opinion as to recognition of dis- pensing power, iii. 330; iv. 311. Saxe-Gotha, troops of disbanded on con- clusion of convention of Closter-Severn, iv. 195. Saxe-Meiningen, Adelaide of, wife of William IV., her influence over her hus- band, iv. 427. Saxe, Marshal (1696-]750), defeats allied army at Fontenoy (1745), iv. 154-156; gains victories at Haucoux and Lawfelt, 179; his prophecy to Louis XV.; makes overtures of peace, 180. Saxon Church, insubordination of, i. 94. Saxons, threaten Britain, i. 25; called upon by Vortigern, ravage the coasts, 29 ; over- come the Britons, 30; establish kingdoms in England, 31-33; receive Christian mis- sionaries, 35-36 ; accept Christianity, 33- 39 ; internal wars, 40 ; their characteristics, 41; wars with the Danes, 41-54; under Alfred the Great, 42-58; military customs, 55; modes of government, 56; their parlia- ments, 58; their dynasty in England, 63; subdue Northumbrian Danes, 64; massacre them, 69-70; overcome by Danes, 73; oppressed under Hardicanute, 80; their hatred for the Danes disappearing, 83 ; their warlike feats in Normandy, 89 ; de- feat Norwegians, 99; ancient customs be- fore battle, 103 ; defeated at Hastings, 104- 105 ; under William the Conqueror, 108 ; their resistance to him, 108-111; their subjection, 113; extortions of Odo, 114; strength of their character, 116; retain their own laws, 117; rally around William Eufus, 121 ; liis oppression of them, 122 ; popularity of Henry I. among them, 126 ; his favors to them, l27. 42. Say, Lord, minister of Henry VI., put to death by insurgents under Jack Cade, ii. Scarborough, Lord, friend of George II., sent to consult with Walpole, iv. 142. Scarlett, General, in command of heavy cavalry at Balaklava, v. 202, 204 ; Russian attack on his troops, 228. Schism Bill, the, iv. 86 ; repealed, 120. Schleswig-Holstein, provinces of, their desire for independence, v. 344; dispute as to succession of, leads to war of Denmark with Austria and Prussia, 345 ; their dele- gates refused admission to conference at London, 347. Schomberg, Count Frederic, marshal, embarks for Ireland, iii. 373 ; intrenched at Dundalk, 378 ; his letter to William HI., 378-379; joined by William III., 382; in command of Huguenots at the battle of the Boyne, 383, 384; his death, 384. School-boards, establishment of, v. 401, 402. SCHOUVALOFF, General, defeated by Rus- sians, iv. 196. ScHUTZ, Baron, minister of Hanover in I.,ondon, iv. 86. SciLLY Isles, i. 13. SciNDE, Napier's conquest of, v. 151-152. SciNDiA, prince of, Gwalior, faithful to the English, v. 270; escapes to Agra, 271. Scotland, early condition, i. 18; invaded for the first time, 23; invaded by Septira- ius Severus, 25 ; succession to the throne contested, 249; a dependency of England, 250; conquered by Edward I., 253, 254; rebels against him, 259, 260, 262; submits, 264; revolts under Bruce, 265-268; author- ity of Bruce established in, 276; inde- pendence established, 279 ; condition under government of Bruce, 288 ; invaded by Edward Baliol. 293; by Edward HI., 294, 295 ; allied with France, 312 ; ravaged by Edward III., 321 ; agitated by English i..- trigues, 327; invaded by Richard II., 350; hostilities on the frontier, 351 ; unsuccess- fully invaded by Henry IV., 365; gov- erned by Duke of Albany, 374 ; good gov- ernment of, by James I., ii. 16 ; Margaret of Anjou takes refuge in, 53 ; Perkin War- beck received in, 103 ; allied with Fiance, 121 ; arbitration of aftairs of, consigned to Wolsej^ 135 ; increasing disorder in, 144.; at war with England, 145 ; attached to Catholicism, 203 ; invaded by English, 204; claimed by Henry VIII., 205-206; war in, 221, 222, 224; Protestant insurrec- tion in, 275, 276 ; supremacy of Protestant- ism in, 277 ; religious and political factions in, 282; change of government, 319-320; English church established in, 398 ; James I.'s attempt to enforce episcopacy in, 422- 423 ; attempt of Charles I. to enforce its acceptance there, 423 ; formation of the "Covenant" in, 424; Montrose's designs upon, iii. 31; concludes alliance with Long Parliament, 40; its army in service of Parliament; (see Scots) o'utbreak of Roy- alists in, under Montrose, 53; proclaims Charles II., 130; rising of Montrose in, 134-135 ; invaded bv Cromwell, 139-142 ; subdued by Monk, 148; incorporated wiih England by Cromwell, 167 ; allotted thirty representatives under Richard Cromwell, 198 ; insurrection of Covenanters in, 262, 282, 283, 284; harsh rule of Duke of York in, 289-290; persecution of Covenanters in, under James H., 305-306; Argyle's vising in, in favor of Monmouth, 310-312 ; 618 POPULAR HISTORY OF ENGLAND. character of revolution of 168S in, 373-374 ; convention in abolishes episcopacy, 374; Diintlee's insurrection in favor of James II., 374-378; triumph of Presbyterians in, 389, 394; Highland chiefs take oath to the government, 394, 395 ; insurrection in favor of first Pretender in 171a, iv. 98-106 ; its consequences, 107 ; Lord Keith's (Earl Marshal), expedition to, 116-117 ; troubles in, on account of tax on beer, 130; difficul- ties in, in regard to smugglers, 146; insur- rection of Jacobites in, in favor of Charles Eilward, 1745, 157-179; religious schisms in, 255; desire of James I. to effect its union with England, 392; visit of James I. to, 397 ; his attempt to establish episcopacy there, 398; disturbances in, 410 ;_ George IV. 's progress in, 415 ; extension of elective franchise in, v. 368. Scotland, sovereigns of: — Malcolm II. (reign, 1003-1033), upholds rights of descendants of Ethelred to the throne of England, i. 76. Malcolm III. (reign, 1057-1093), mar- ries Margaret Atheling; espouses cause of her brother Edgar, i. 110. David I. (reign, 1124-1158), undertakes to support claims of Empress Maud, i. 139; invades England, 1137, 140, 141; bestows knighthood upon Henry II. of England, 147. Malcolm IV, (reign, 1153-1165), accom- panies Henry II. of England to France, i. 152. William the Lion (reign, 1165-1214), takes part with Prince Henry, son of Henry II., i. 176 ; taken prisoner, 177. Alexandek II. (reign, 1214-1249), comes to aid of English barons against King John ; is repulsed, i. 217. Alexander III., (reign, 1249-1286), his death, i. 248. John Baliol, claims Scottish crown, i. 249 ; crowned (1292), 250 ; resists preten- sions of Edwanl III., 251 ; submits, 253 ; use of his name, 259, 260. ROBEUT Bruce, Earl of Carrick, grandson of rival of Baliol, joins national party in Scotland, i. 259; his conspiracy with Comvn, 265, 266 ; is betrayed by him, 266 ;"crowned at Scone (1306), 266; de- feated by Pembroke at Methven,267 ; re- tires to the mountains ; is attacked by Lorn, 268; is prosci'ibed; his capture of Carrick Castle, 269 ; defeats Pembroke at Loudon Hill, 270 ; defeats English at Banuockburn, 276-278 ; makes war on England, 288 ; his death (1329), 291. Edward Baliol, son of John Baliol, his pretensions advanced, i. 293 ; crowned at Scone (1332), 294 ; takes refuge with Edward III., victorious at ilalidon Hill, 294; is reinstated, 295; driven back into England, 298; pensioned bv Edward, 321. David Bruce, son of Robert, betrothed to Princess Joan, i. 291 ; takes refuge in France, 295 ; returns to Scotland ; con- cludes armistice with Edward III., 299 ; invades England, 311-312; taken pris- ScoTLAND, Sovereigns of (continued) : — oner, 312 ; released, 326 ; proposes Eng- lish prince as his heir; his death (1371), 327. Robert II. succeeds liis uncle, King David (1371), i. 327; his death (1390;, 352. Robert IIL, (reign, 1390-1406), i. 353; summoned to pay homage to Henry IV., 365 ; attempts to send his son to France, 373 ; dies of grief, 374. James I. (reign, 1424-1437), sou of Robert HI., i. 373 ; imprisoned in England, 374 ; negotiations for his release, 405 ; in France with Henry V. ; besieges Dreux, 406 ; chief mourner for Henry v., ii. 13 ; marries Jane Beaufort ; returns to Scotland, 16 ; assassinated, 69, James II. (reign, 1437-1460), his govern- ment ; death of, ii. 69. Jajies ill. (reign, 1460-1488), succeeds to throne, ii. 69 ; conspiracy of Albany against, 70; killed, 103. James IV. (reign, 1488-1513), treaty with Henry Vll., ii. 90 ; revolt as Duke of Rothsay against his father, 103 ; sup- ports Perkin Warbeck, 104, 105, 106; marries Margaret Tudor, 110; demands upon Henry VIII., 121; declares war against him, 123 ; defeated at Flodden, 125-126; his death, 126. James V. (reign, 1513-1542), negotiations with Henry VIIL, ii. 178; betrothed to Mary of Guise, 195 ; his distrust of Henry, 203 ; bis army defeated by Eng- lish, 204 ; death, 205. Mary Stuart, birth of, 1542, ii. 205; promised in marriage to Prince Edward, 207 ; sent to France, 224 ; marries the Dauphin (1558), 262 ; her claim to Eng- lish throne, 267 ; quarters the arms of England on her escutcheon, 272 ; gives up her claim ; death of her husband (1560),277; her return to Scotland ; oppo- sition of Protestants to, 279 ; her claim to English succession, 280 ; negotiations concerning her marriage, 282-284 ; her marriage ^yith Darniey, 284 ; meets in- surgents at the head of her army ; joins Catholic alliance ; makes a favorite of Rizzio, 285 ; conspiracy against Rizzio, 286 ; birth of her son, 287 ; her negotia- tions with Elizabeth, 287-288 ; murder of her husband, 289; her relations with Bothwell, 269-290 ; marries him ; meets insurgents at Carbcry, 291 ; taken pris- oner ; signs act of abdication, 292 ; her escape from Lochleven ; defeat of her ai-my, 293; escapes to England, 294; her "reception by Elizabeth, 294, 295 ; her examination, 296 ; detained prisoner in England, 297; in custody of Earl of Shrewsbury, 298 ; Leicester's plot in her favor, 300 301 ; her attempted escape, 303 ; revolt of English nobles in her favor, 304 ; plan for her marriage with Duke of Anjou, 309; conspires with Spain, 310 ; her hopeless position, 313 ; negotiations concerning her; loses her last supporters in Scotland, 315 ; offers GENERAL INDEX. 5ia Scotland, Sovereigns of {continued) : — to abdicate in favor of her son, 320; plots of Catholics in her favor, 321-322 ; her useless appeals to her son, 323 ; Babington's conspiracy in her behalf, 324; severities of her captivity, 325; commission appointed for her tr^al, 326 ; her protest, 327 ; her trial, 327-329 ; her courage on receiving her sentence, 330 ; her last letter to Elizabeth, 331; her prep- aration for death, 333-335 ; her execu- tion (1587), 335. James VI., his birth (1566), ii. 287; crowned, (1567), 293 ; his party supported by Eliza- beth, 305; his favorites, 319; intrigues of Catholic party to gain possession of, 320- 321 ; his treaty of alliance with Eliza- beth, 322; his reply to his mother's ap- peals, 323; not prejudiced by sentence against his mother, 331 ; his indifference to his mother's fate, 332; his consolation after her death, 336; accused of plotting against Elizabeth, 34:6 ; is drawn into conspiracy of Essex, 350; succeeds to English throne (1603), 383. (Sec James I. of England). Scots, i. 28, 29, 63; invade England on behalf of Empress Maud, i. 140-142; in reign of Henry II. 176 ; call in Edward I. to arbitrate on succession, 249; ac- knowledge him as liege lord, 250; invade Cumberland ; are repulsed, 253 ; sub- jected by Edward, 254 ; revolt under Wallace, 259, 260 ; defeat Edward at Fal- kirk, 262; negotiate for peace, 264; their devotion to Wallace, 265; crown Bruce, 266 ; defeated at Methven, 267 ; victorious at Bannockburn, 276-278 ; invade Ireland under Edward Bruce, 279 ; make peace ■with England, 280; allied with Earl of Lancaster, 281 ; invade England, 288, 289 ; conclude peace, 290, 291 ; defeated by Edward Baliol, 293 ; dethrone Baliol, and invade England, 294 ; are defeated at liali- don Hill, 294, 295; allied with France, 311 ; invade England, 312; attack Berwick, 320 ; instigated by France, take possession of Berwick Castle, 341 ; cross the frontier in reign of Richard II., 350; invade Eng- land, and are defeated at Ilomildon Hill, 367 ; attempt incursion into England, 395; assist the French against Henry V., 405 ; against Duke of Bedford, ii. 16, 17 ; allied with Margaret of Anjou, 53; in- vade England under Pcrkiu Warbeck, 105; invade En;,riand under James IV., 124; defeated at Flodden, 123 ; attached to Catholicism, 203 ; defeated at Solway Moss, 204; opposed to pretensions of Henrv VIIL, 206; assisted by France, 207; de- feated at Pinkie, 222; take up arms against England, 262 ; opposed to Catholic suitors of Mary Stuart, 283 ; hopes founded on suc- cession of James VI. to English throne, 283; James' favor toward them, 384; in seiwice of Long Parliament, iii. 46, 47, 48, 50, 61, 65, 66, 67, 68 ; dissensions break out between them and Parliament, 69 ; Charles gives himself up to, 73 ; retire to Newcastle with the king, 74 ; their treatment of him, 75; negotiate with Parliament for his sur- render. 77 ; give him up with Newcaslle, 78 ; attempt to gain alliance of Charles, 91; Charles concludes treaty with, 98; rise in his favor under Hamilton, 100; the commissioucrs excite jiublic sympathy with Charles durinj^ his trial, lil; negotiate with Charles II., 130, 133; settle in Ulster under James I., v. 130. Scott, Tuomas, instructed to draw up sen- tence against Charles I., iii. Ill ; measures against Royalist invasion, 143, 144 ; elected to Parliament (1656), 174; president of se- cret assembly of Council of State, 224, 225; sent as delegate to General Monk, 228, 229-233; declaration in regard to exe- cution of the king, 238; elected to Parlia- ment of 1660, 243 ; excluded from general amnesty, 253. , John. See Lord Eldon. Sir Walter, at public mcetinj; Edinburgh, iv. 410 ; hooted by mob at Jed- burgh, 433; dead before Victoria's acces- sion, v. 161, 168. Scroop, Lord, of Masham, conspirator against Henry V., i. 386. ScROPii;, Lady, sister of Sir Robert Carey, ii. 383. Scudamore, son-in-law of Glendower, in- vades Shropshire, i. 373. Seafortu, Lord, engaged in Spanish at- tempt for restoration of Pretender, iv. 117. Sea-kings. See Danes. Search, Right of, England's claim of, v. 327, 328. Sebastiani, Colonel, his expedition to Egypt, iv. 356. " , Marshal, at Estremadura, iv. 390. Sebekt, Saxon king of Essex, adopts Chi'is- tianity, i. 37. Secession, of Southern States, v. 320. " Second Empire," fall of, in 1870, v. 389. Sedge.moor, battle of, iii. 317. Sealey, Catherine, favorite of James II.> iii. 328. Seignelat, son of Colbert, iii. 399. "Self-denying Ordinance," iii. 56; re- jected by the Lords, 57 ; slightly altered ; passed by both Houses, 59. Semmes, Captain R.vphael, commander of the Alabama, v. 332 ; popularity in Eng- land, 333. Senegal, river with its dependencies, ceded to France, iv. 280; French colonies at seized by English (1809), 393. Sens, taken by Henry V., i. 402. ■, Archbishop of, marries Hemy V., i. 402. Separatists, in Ireland, iii. 375. Sepoys, native troops in India, their revolt. See Indian Mutiny. Septennial Bill", debate on its repeal (1734), iv. 142, 146 Septimius Severus, Roman emperor, in Britain, i. 25. Serfage, under Alfred, i. 58. Serle, chamberlain of Henry IV., ^adopts cause of pretended Richard II., i. 371. Sevastopol, plans for attack upon, v. 186; confidence La its speedy surrender, 192; 120 POPULAR HISTORY OF ENGLAND. Prince Meutschikoff in command at, 193; harbor closed l)y sinkinj^' of Russian ships, 194, 195; its .situation, 195, 196; Mentschi- koir's plan for its defence, 196; description of the South side, 196, 197 ; attack upon, 201 ; fortifications strenjithened, 219, 220 ; assault upon, 225; bombardment of, 229; final assault upon, 230, 231 ; evacuated bj' the Russians, 231. Seven Islands, the. See Ionian Islands. Seven Years' War (1756-1763), iv. 192; closes, 220, 221. See also Frederick the Great, and Prussia. Seville, Junta of, convoked in favor of Ferdinand VII., iv. 385; concludes alliance with England, 388. , Treaty of (1729), iv. 140. Seward, William, Secretary of State in Lincoln's administration, his statement con- cerning affiiir of the Trent, v. 328; an- nounces to Lord Lyons the liberation of Confederate envoys, 329. Sexby, promises to raise insurrection in favor of Charles II., iii. 177; arrested for suy Prince Henry, 373 ; annexed to England, ii. 202; attempted invasion of, by Tate, iv. 334; bill for public instruction in, v, 389-401. , Prince of. See Albert Edward. ■, Princess of, Alexandra of Denmark, wife of Albert Edward, her brother becomes King of Greece, v. 296, 297. GENERAL INDEX. 533 Wales, Princess of, Aujrusta of Saxe Gotha, wife of Prince Frederick, ii. 177 ; her disputes with Duke of Cumberland, 184; opposition rallies about her, 190-211. Walewski, Count, French ambassador at London durintr liussell's ministry, v. 144, 145 ; French Minister of Forei, Earl of, joins Bolingbroke, i. 356. , Earl of, reprimanded for heresy, ii. 263. , Earl of, joins Norfolk's insurrection in favor of Mary Stuart, ii. 3di. Westphalia, becomes possession of Jerome Bonaparte, iv. 381, 382. Westphalia, Congress of, establishes peace between Catholics and Protestants in Ger- many, V. 397. , peace of, re-establishment required by Germany, iv. 60. West Point, Arnold's arrangements for be- trayal of, iv. 259. Wessex, Saxon kingdom of, founded, i. 31 ; 40, 44, 45. Wexford, capture of, by Cromwell, iii. 132. , County of, in Ireland, devastated in 1798, iv. 3i0. Whalley, officer in Parliamentary army, iii. 82; in charge of Charles I. at New- market, 84; insurrection in his regiment, 127. Wharton, Duke of, his quarrel with Stan- hope, causes death of the latter, iv. 124. , Lord, arrives in London with news of battle of Edu-ehill, iii. 27 ; speech against Abjuration Bill, 383. Marquis of, member of Whig .Junta, iv. 82 ; remark in regard to Bolingbroke' presentation of Schism Bill, 83. Wheatstone, Professor, takes patent for invention in use of electricity, v. 22. Wheeler, Sir Hugh, in command at Cawn- pore, v. 250 ; calls upon Nana Sahib for assistance, 252 ; besieyed by him, 252-254 ; agrees to surrender, 254. Wheeler, Mr., appointed as Governor-Gen- eral of India, iv. 288. Whigs, country party ; name first used, iii. 280; origin of the name, 282; note; their efforts to secure exclusion of Duke of York, 285, 286, 287, 288; re-actionary measures against, 288-289 ; their conspiracv, 291-292; their reliance on sincerity of James II., 304; difference of opinion as to deposition of James II., 331 ; assert ri^ht of the nation to choose its king, 362; jealousy of Tories toward, 368; propose Abjuration Bill, 380; i-ecalled to power, 303-404; demand bill of attainder against Fenwick, iv. 22 ; powerfully organized as a party, 23 ; tlieir indignation at French re- cognition of Pretender, 44; in power at Anne's accession; her aversion to them, 50; insist upon abandonment of Pretender by Louis XIV. as condition of peace, 61 ; displeased by the Tories, 67 ; attack peace of Rastadt, 76 ; party of progress ; form first cabinet of Queen Anne, 80; return to power under Sunderland, 82-90; out of power, 83 ; their precautions against the Jacobites, 89; restored to power, 91; severe measures against Jacobites, 107, 108; temporary discouragement in conse- quence of Triple Alliance, 112; changes in the ministry, 113; Walpolc fosters divi- sions in tlie party, 140; the members of the party in opposition to Walpolc take the name of "patriots," 140, 147, 148; 97 out of power in (1761), 617 ; temporary re- turn under E-ockingliam, (1765-1766), 227; struggle against measures of government against Armenia, 239; come into power under Shelburne (1782), 269; allied with Tories in Coalition Cabinet, 281, 295; schism among, 325; temporary return to power under Crrenville in (180(3), 376; go out (1807), 381; attack conduct of Penin- sular War (1809), 388; opposition to Liv- erpool's government, 413; attempted co- alition with Tories under Godcrich (1827), 417 ; comes into power under Lord Grey (1830), 427; William IV's dislike to them, 451 ; in power on accession of Queen Vic- toria, v. 16; continue to hokl the govern- ment, 21 ; their overthrow, 57, 60 ; speech from the throne on retiring, 62 ; propose fixed duty on corn, 67; their position in regard to Peel, 74; alliance with Ben- tinck and the Radicals, 86; return to power on resignation of Peel, 115; their ministry supported by Peel, 125, 132; allied with Peclites in Aberdeen's cabinet, 147 ; their power apparently secure, 280 ; opposed to Russell's Reform Bill, 303. Whitehall, Catesby's plot to destroy, ii. 388, 389; tlight of Charles I. from, iii". 17; Charles I. executed at, 117, 118. Whitelocke, introduces Navigation Act, iii. 154 ; his conversations with Cromwell, 160, 161; predictions to Cromwell, 166; negotiates with Christiana of Sweden, 169; speaks against dissolution of Parliament, 204 ; suspicions of Monk, 220 ; compelled to retire to the country, 288; quoted, 231. White Ship, the, i. 133,' 134. Whitfield, George, (1714-1770), asso- ciated with Wesley in religious movement; his eloquence, iv.'l85; his visit to Arme- nia ; separates from Wesley, 186 ; effect of his movement on Anglican Church, 187. Whitgift. See Archbishop of Canter- bury. Whitworth, Lord, English Ambassador to Paris ; his interviews with Bonaparte, iv. 357-358 ; leaves Paris, 359. WiCKHAM, English minister in Switzerland, iv. 329. Widdrington, Speaker of the House of Commons, iii. 180. Widdrington, Lord William, joins in- surrection of (1715), iv. 99; accused of high treason, 107; condemned and par- doned, 108. Wight, Isle of, part of Saxon kingdom of Kent, i. 30. WiGHTMAN, General, iv. 101 ; his proceed- ings airainst Scottish insurgents, 117. Wilberforce, William (1759-1833), his efforts for emancipation of slaves, iv. 187- 636 POPULAR HISTORY OF ENGLAND. 188; his bill for abolition of the slave- trade supported by Fox and Pitt (1788), 308; ajraiu presents bill (1792), 320; sepa- rates himself from Pitt's cabinet, 327 ; supports Pitt on question of French inva- sion, 332 ; disappointment at defeat in (1804), 366; his decision against Lord Melville, 336-337; remark on Pitt, 374; passage of his bill (1807), 379. Wild, General, killed in Khyber Pass, v. 53. WiLDMAN, John, imprisoned for conspiracy against Cromwell, iii. 172; concerned in Monmouth's insurrection, 310. "WiLFOHD, Ralph, pretender during the reign of Henry VII., ii. 109. Wilkes, Captain, captures Mason and Sli- dell, v. 327 ; views of the government in regard to his action, 328. Wilkes, John (1727-1797), editor of " The North Briton," imprisoned in the Tower for attack on the king's speech, iv. 222 ; his acquittal, 222-223 ; his subsequent career and death, 223 ; Bute's influence favorite theme for his attacks, 230. William the Conqueror, Duke of Nor- mandy, at the Court of Edward the Con- fessor, i. 84, 85; entertains Harold, 89. 90; hears of the election of Harold, 92; sends messages to Harold, 93 ; enlists the aid of the pope, 94 ; prepares for conquest of England, 95 ; convokes assembly at Lille- bonne, 95; his promises to the Normans, 96 ; sails from Saiut-Valery-en-Caux, 100; lands in England, 100 ; his arm}-, 102 ; his proposals to Harold, 103 ; defeats Harold at Hastings, 104, 105 ; overruns the coun- try, 106, 107 ; is crowned at Westminster Abbey, 107, 108 ; crosses into Normandy, 108; takes Exeter, 109; enters York, 109; retakes and burns York, 110; ravages northern counties, 110; invests Isle of Ely, 111; his generosity to Hereward, 112; gives Northumberland to Waltheof, 112; kindness to Edgar Atheling, 112; represses Norman revolt in England, 112, 113; quarrels with his son Robert, 113, 114; his treatment of Bishop of Bayeux, 115; his forest laws, 115; or- ders the compilation of Domesday Book, 116; his division of England, 116; estab- lishes the feudal system, 116, 117; wars ■with Philip I. of France, 117, 118; his dis- posal of his kingdom, 118; his death, 119; burial of, 119; charter of, 212. • RuFUS, declared king, i. 120 ; insur- rection against, 121 ; his passion for the chase, 122; his wars with Robert Curthose, 122 ; takes possession of Normandy, 123 ; death of, 125. III., as Prince of Orange, Cromwell's stipulations in regard to, iii. 168 ; recom- mended to States-General by Charles II., 248 ; at head of Dutch army in war against England and France, 269 ; marries Prin- cess Mary of England, 275; animosity of Shaftesbury to," 284 ; proposition of Shaftesbury in regard to, 287 ; visit to England, 289; begs Monmouth to leave Holland on accession of James II., 309 ; anxiety to please James II., 310, 311; his pardon of Jacobite conspirators, 332 ; sends to congratulate James on birth of his son, 341; position in Europe, 343, 344; rela- tions with his wife, 344 ; design of resist- ance to Louis XIV., 345; correspondence with English statesmen, 345 ; receives their invitation, 346; his anxiety, 347; farewell to States-General, 348 ; his mani- festo, 349; lands in England, 350; joined by army, 351, 352; proposals to James, 354 ; refuses conference with James, 356 ; prepares to occupy London, 357 ; receives deputation of the bar, 358 ; refuses to ac- cept the crown by right of conquest, re- ceives address of the peers, 359 ; of the Commons, assembles convention, 360; dec- laration to the Lords, 363, 364 ; declared king, 364; accepts the crown, 365; un- popularity in England, 366-368; dissolves Parliament, 369; proclaimed by Scottish Parliament, 374; accepts crown of Scot- land, 375 ; announces intention of goin,^ to Ireland, 379 ; causes modification of Abjuration Bill, 280; sends Act of Grace to Parliament, 381 ; farewell to Burnet, 381,382; arrival in Ireland, 382 ; prepara- tions for battle, 382, 383 ; defeats Jacobite army at tlie Boyne, 384 ; enters Dublin, 385 ; letter to Ileinsius on defeat at Beachy Head, 386 ; lenity toward Clarendon, re- turn to England, 387; ratifies Ginckel's treaty with Irish, 388, 389 ; voyage to Hol- land, 389; reception at the Hague, 390; address to States-General, 390, 391 ; to Con- gress of Grand Alliance, 391, 392 ; returns to England, 392 ; forced to remove Marl- borough from office, 392, 393 ; indulgence to English statesmen, 394; attempts to pacify Scotland, 394, 395 ; signs order against MaeDonald of Glcncoe, 395 ; re- turns to the continent, 397 ; conspiracies against him, 400 ; defeated at Steinkirk, embarrassed by action of Parliament, 401; defeateil at Neerwinden, 402,403; recalls the Whigs, 403, 404; visits Holland, 404; rejects advances of Marlborough, returns to England, 406; gives assent to Triennial Bill, 407 ; grief at death of Mary, 408, iv. 13; reconciliation with Princess Anne, re- ply to condolences of Parliament, 14; starts for the continent, lays siege to Namur, 15 ; captures it, returns to Eng- land, dissolves Parliament, 16; yields to Parliament in regard to his grants to Port- land, 17; conspiracy of Barclay against him, 17-20; increase"d popularity upon its discovery, 21 ; generosity to Sbrewsburj-, 22 ; sends Portland to negotiate treaty of Ryswick, 23; letter to Ileinsius, 24, 25; his influence in treaty of Ryswick, 25; re- ception in London after the peace, 26 ; pro- poses augmentation of the army, 27; in- dignation at its reduction by Parliament, 28; resolution to retire to Holland, 29; speech on consenting to bill for disbanding the army, 29; attempts to retain his Dutch guards, '31; sends Portland as ambassador to Paris, 31, 32; persuades Portland to ne- gotiate second Partition Treaty, 32, 33; GENERAL INDEX. 537 sinfnf? the tvcnty, 33 ; hears of death of Charles II. of Spain, 31; indignation on Louis XIV.'s acceptance of Spanish throne, 35, 36; opposition of Tories to Irisli land grants, 3(3, 37 ; prorogues Par- liament, 38; retains accused lords in his council, 39 ; anger at surrender of Dutch towns to Louis XIV., 40 ; goes to the conti- nent to reconstitute Grand Alliance, 40, 41; hears of Louis XIV.'s recof^nition of James III., 43 ; returns- to England, dis- solves Parliament, 44 ; speech on opening of Parliament of 1702, 44, 45 ; illness, fall from his horse, 46 ; last acts of his life, 46, 47; death, 48; always a stranger to Eng- land, 214; remarks of M. Guizot concern- ing, V. 28-30, William IV., sou of George Til. (1765-1837), accession (1830), iv. 427 ; his opposition to Reform Bill of 1831 ; interview with 13rougham, 434, 433 ; dissolves Parliament, 436 ; opposes creation of peers to effect passage of the Reform Bill, 439; requests Wellington to form a cal)inet on resigna- tion of Lord Grey, obliged to recall the Whigs, 440; yields in regard to the Re- form Bill, 440, 441 ; reply to Irish bishops, 446; intention of recalling Duke of Wel- lington, 447; Wellington's reply to him, 451 ; sanction of reforms, 457 ; death (1837), 458, V. 13. I. of Holland. See Orange. II., Prince of Orange and Stadtholder of Holland, marries Henrietta Maria, daughter of Charles I., iii. 18; assists Henrietta, Queen of England, 33 ; assists Charles, ii. 137 ; his devotion to the Stuarts, 150 ; his death, 153. III. of Holland. See William III. of England. IV., Stadtholder of Holland, iv. 180. v., Stadtholder of Holland, dissen- sions with Republican party, iv. 265, 308- 309, the Good, King of Sicily, i. 188. , Bishop of London, i. 85, 83. Cliton or Fitz-Robert, son of Robert Curthose, i. 31 ; at court of Louis the Fat, 132; at the head of confederation against Henry I., 133; revolts against Henry I., 135; marries a princess of Savoy, becomes Count of Flanders, and dies, 133. son of Henry I. of England, marrie Matilda of Anjoti, i, 133; drowned, 131; character, 135, , nephew of David of Scotland, i, 141, -, son of King Stephen, swears alle- giance to Henry II., i, 148. Williams, Bishop, keeper of the seals under James I., ii. 407 ; his opinion on Charles' journey to Spain, 407, 408. , Colonel, defence of Kars, v, 232. , Lord, at execution of Cranmer, ii 259. Williamsburg, its excitement over Stamp Act, iv. 225. Willis, Dr., physician of George III. dur- ing his insanity, iv. 311, 314; hearer of messages between the king and Mr. Pitt, 350. Willis, Sir Citaiiltis, informs Thurloe of Royalist movements, iii. 212, WiLLOUGHBY, Lord, reprimanded for heresy. ii. 263, Lord, unable to defend Lincoln- shire against Newcastle, iii. 34. , Sir Robert, partisan of Henry VII.. ii. 89. •' Wills, General, sei-ves against Jacobite in- surgents of 1715; attacks Preston, iv, 100; takes it, 101, Wilmington, Earl of. See Sir Spencer Compton. WiLMOT. signs letter to officers of the king'.q arrav, iii. 52 ; accompanies flight of Charles II,, '148, Wilson, Sir Robert, cashiered, iv, 411, Wilton, Lord Grey of, commands English army in Scotland, ii, 276, Wiltshire, Monmouth's insurrection in, iii. 316; Jeffi-ey's cruelty in, 322. , Earl of, beheaded after battle of Towton, ii, 52, -, Earl of, Sir Thomas Boleyn, ii, 366 ; employed in mission to Charles V,, 167, Windham, General, in command at Cawn- pore, V, 268, Windsor Castle, Earl of March impris- oned at, i. 362; Charles I. at, iii, 106, 108. Winter, commands English fleet, ii, 276. Wintei{, Thomas, accomplice of Catesby in plot against James L, ii. 388 ; death of, 390, WiNTOUN, Earl of, George, his trial for high treason; his escape, iv, 108, WisHART, George, reformed preacher, burned, ii, 209, Wistbkoom, one of the insurgents under Wat Tyler, is hanged, i. 319. WiTENAGEMOTE, i. 57, 58-75; convoked at Oxford, 79; Earl Godwin before, 83; ban- ishes Godwin, 86 ; proclaims Harold, son of Godwin, king, 91 ; chooses Edgar Athel- ing king of England, 106. Wolfe, Charles (1791-1823), his Burial of Sir John Moore quoted, iv. 387. , General James (1726-1759), in com- mand of expedition against Quebec, iv. 198, 199; takes possession of heights of Abraham, his victory, 200; death, torn!} erected to in Westminster Abbey, 200, WoLSELEY, General, his victory at Newton- Butler, iii, 372, 373. WoLSEY, Cardinal, his early relations with Henry VIII., ii. 122; his influence increas- ing, 124; his rapid advancement, 128; his power over the king, 129 ; favors Henry's alliance with Maximilian, 130; is gained over to Franco, 131 ; his secret agreement ■with Charles V., 132-133 ; concludes treaty between Francis I. and Henry, 135; causes the fall of Buckingham. 137; negoti.itinns with Francis 1, and the Emperor, 140, 141 ; aspires to the papal throne, 141; is disap- pointed, 142; his popularity declines, 14.3; resisted by the Commons, 145, 146; his ambition again disappointed, ii. 148; insm-- rections against him, 150 ; temporaiy cool- ness of Henry toward, 152 ; liis opposition to Henry's marriage with Anne Boleyn, 538 POPULAR HISTORY OF ENGLAND. 155; his responsibility concerning' the king's divorce, 156, 157; his anger with Suffolk, 159; l.is disgrace, 160; resigns the great seal, 161 ; attempts to regain tlic king's favor, 162 ; arrested for high trea- son, 163 ; his last Avords, 164 ; his death, 165. Wood, Sir Charles, in Palmerston's Cabi- net, V. 218; ill Palmerston's second Cabi- net, 301. Woodstock, INfanor of. See Blenheim. "Woodstock, Thomas of, youngest son of Edward III., ii. 72. WooDviLLE, Sir Edward, uncle of Eliza- beth of York. ii. 95. ■ , Elizabeth. Sec Elizabeth Wood- viUe. , Sir John, brother of Elizabeth Wood- villc, beheaded, ii. 58. -, Sir PiCHARD, marries widow of Duke of Bedford; thrown into prison, ii. 38; made Earl llivers, 57; beheaded, 58. Worcester, battle of, iii. 145, 146. • , Earl oi', his advice to Hotspur, i. 369 ; made prisoner at Shrewsbury, 370. -, Marquis of, leader of Catholic party. iii. 65, 67, 70. Worms, Diet of, Luther before, ii. 139. , treaty of, 1743, ii. 153. WORONZOW, Count, Russian ambassador in Lonilon, iv. 360. WoTTON, Sir Henry, quoted, ii. 341. Wriothesley, Cliancellor. See Southamp- ton. WuLFNOTH, son of Godwin, hostage with William the Conqueror, i. 88. WuRTEMBURG, Duke of, (Frederick I.), marries Princess Royal, daughter of George III., iv. 336. Wyat, Sir Thomas, incites rebellion in fovor of Elizai)eth, ii. 248; price set upon his head, 249 ; sent to the Tower, 250 ; protests Elizabeth's innocence to the last, 251. Wycliffe, John, first of the Reformers, i. 342; translates the Bible, his death, 313; his translation of the Bible, ii. 357. Wykeham, William of. Bishop of Win- chester divested of his revenues, excluded from amnesty, i. 338. Wyndham, Sir William, Bolingbrokc's let- ters to, iv. 96, 97 ; arrested for complicity in insurrection of 1715, 99; in opposition to Walpole, 140; defends Bolingiiroke in House of Commons, 141; his attack upon Walpole (1734), 142-143; Walpole's reply, 144-146 ; leads opposition against Walpole, 147. ■ , William (1750-1810"), one of the managers of impeachment of Warren Hastings, iv. 292 ; separates from Crey and Sheridan, i. 293; Addinjrton refuses to ad- mit him to the Cabinet, 3-"i8; member of Lord Granville's Cabinet, 376. ■^. Yarmouth, Lady, at death of George II., iv. 213. Yeii, Chinese governor, v. 237 ; taken pris- oner, 307 ; his death, 308. Yelverton, Sir IIenrt, attornej'-general, prosecuted for abuse of monopolies, ii. 403. Yester, Lord, made prisoner at Pinkie, ii. 222. YoNGE, Charlotte M., v. 169. , Sir William, Walpole's remark to, iv. 139. York, city of, Septimius Severus dies at, i. 25; taken by William the Conqueror. 109; recovered by Saxons, retaken by William and ravaged, 110; Jews besieged at, 186; deprived of its charters by Henrv IV., 372; Charles I. at, iii. 18, 21, 22, 23, 24, 25; Royalists besieged in, 47 ; surrenders, 48, 50. , Archbishop of, Aldred. See Aldi-ed. , Archbishop of, Scrope, conspires with Hotspur against Henry IV., i. 368; beheaded, 372. -, Archbishop of, brother of Earl of Warwick, ii. 58. -, Archbishop of, imprisoned, ii. 74 ; received into favor by Richard HI., 77. -, Cardinal of, Henry Stuart (1725- 1807), as Duke, project for sending him to assistance of Chiirles Edward, iv. 163; second son of first Pretender, 183. -, Duke of, Edmund (1341-1402), son of Edward HI., uncle of Richard II., i. 350; his authority over the king, 352; I'egent in absence of Richard, 356; joins Bolingbroke, 356. -, Duke of, son of the above, formerly Earl of Rutland, his arrest for attempt to rescue Earl of March, i. 371 ; brother of Earl of Cambridge, 386 ; in France with Henry V., 388 ; killed at Agiucourt, 392. Duke of, Richard Plantagenet, nephew of the above, father of Edward IV., temporary regent of France, ii. 37; his successful government of Ireland, 42; his revolt and arrest, 43 ; made Protector of England, 44; defeats King Henry at St. Alban's, resigns and retires, 45; again takes arms, 46; lays formal claim to tiie throne, 47; his compromise with Henrv, his defeat and death (1460), 48. -, Duke of, Richard, son of Edward IV., imprisoned with his brother in the Tower, ii. 75; murdered, 78. , Duke of, James. See James II. -, Duke of, Frederick (1763-1827), son of George HI., iv. 309 ; declaration in Par- liament as to Prince of Wales, 312; com- mands English in allied army, repulsed before Dunkirk, 326 ; general order in re- sponse to French decree of no quarter, 326, 327 ; recalled, 327 ; directs unsuccess- ful attempt against Holland, 343 ; remarks on negotiations for Pitt's return to office, 359. -, Elizabeth of. See Elizabeth of -, Margaret of. See Margaret of York. York. Yorkists, victorious at St. Albans, ii. 45; at Drayton and Northampton, 46 ; defeated at Wakefield, 48 ; at second battle of St. GENERAL INDEX. 539 Albans, 49 ; victorious at Mortimer's Cross, 49; crown Edward IV. at London, 50; victorious at Towton, 52 ; at Hedgely Moor and Hexham, 55 ; at Barnet, at Tewksbury, 63 ; triumphant, 64, 65. YoRKTOWN, Lord Cornwallis hesicj^ed in, iv. 263, 264 ; surrenders, 264, 265. "Young Ireland," party of, v. 93; agita- tion under Mitchel, 127 ; its disappearance, 128. Young, Robert, his pretended discovery of a plot, iii. 400. Yres Taillebois, favorite of the Conqueror, i. 111. Z. Zeelanders, sent to the aid of Elizabeth, 11. do9. Zell, recovered from the French by Ferdi- nand of Brunswick, iv. 196. ZoRNDORF, battle of, iv. 197. Zouthemann, Admiral, his account of the battle olf the Dogger-bank, iv. 266. Zulestein, Count, envoy of William of Orange to James II., 341, 357; accom- panies William to Holland, 390. ZuTPHEN, battle of, ii. 345. 1155 79 J -.'0*- v---*<^' "^.-♦'^^'y* \--f.r.\^^ ^ -^ ^s- -^°r^. 'o V •*- ^°v '^s- A" APR 79 «.Vi=j/^7 N. MANCHESTER, O .^L\-''^