Class ._!__ ■\ Book_jjJ > i \84-4- nil. / Harper's Stereotype Edition, LIVES AND VOYAGES,, (0 DRAKE, CAVENDISH, AND DAMPIER? WCLUrcNG AN INTRODUCTORY VIEW OP THE EARLIER DISCOVERIES IN THE SOUTH SEA, AND THE HISTORY OF THE BUCANIERS. WITH PORTRAITS ON STEEL N-EW-Y.QRK; < If ASP BR & ftVoVlTERS, % 88 6 L .1 f F-S 1 •■•• •••• ••**• 1M4. -■ ; >i • < < .♦ • • PREFACE. This volume is devoted to the Lives of three of the most eminent men that England has ever sent forth into the field of her highest achievement. The relation of their Voyages, Discoveries, and Adventures is in so far the history of the rise of her naval power. If it be that the first inspiring thoughts of our youth are* inseparably connected with maritime enterprise, — with the perils, vicissi- tudes, new scenes, romantic incidents, the bold- ness, fortitude, and endurance of men tasked to the utmost of man's physical and moral powers, which are displayed in the narratives of the elder voyagers, — this work cannot want interest. It contains, from the very nature of the subject, much curious and valuable information, gleaned from many sources, and in every instance verified by scrupulous examination and reference to the foun- tain-head ; while it is believed that, together with the voyages, fuller and more accurate personal memoirs of Drake, Cavendish, and Dampier are given here than any that have yet been submitted to the public. Early Spanish discovery in the South Sea, and the first circumnavigation of the globe in the ever-memorable voyage of Magellan, form a subordinate, but it is hoped an appropriate 10 PREFACE. branch of the work : and the History of the Buca- neers, those daring rovers, whose wild adventures afford so much to charm the youthful mind, is so closely interwoven with the Memoirs of Dampier as to form one tissue. Instead of proving a blem- ish, it is therefore presumed that the brief history of this remarkable fraternity may be found no in- congruous episode in a volume intended by the author as a contribution to popular nautical his- tory, of which the subject, though complete in itself, forms : also an interesting chapter in the annals of maritime enterprise and adventure. Edinburgh, November, 1831. V* CONTENTS. CHAPTER I. SFSTCH OF EARLY DISCOVERIES IN THE SOUTH SEA. Drake sees the Pacific— Spirit of Maritime Enterprise in England- Notice of Early Attempts to reach India by the West— Voyages to discover a Passage to the Spice Isles through the Continent of Ame* rica— Attempts of Columbus— Pinzon— Juan Ponce— Vasco Nunez beholds the South Sea— Voyage of Magellan — He discovers and passes the Straits— The Patagonians— Discovers the Ladrones— The Archipelago of St. Lazarus— Customs and Manners at Mazagua and Zebu — Conversion of the King and People — Battle at Matan — Magellan killed— Massacre of the Spaniards— Progress and further Discoveries of Magellan's Squadron — Customs of Borneo — The Moluccas — The Vitoria returns to Spain, having circumnavigated the Globe— Expe- dition of Loyasa — Discoveries of Saavedra— Voyage of Villalobos — Spanish Settlement in the Philippines— Discoveries of Juan Fernandez and Mendana — Robinson Crusoe's Island — The Solomon Isles— Sum- mary of Discovery in the South Sea prior to Drake's Circumnaviga- tion Page 15 DRAKE. CHAPTER IL LIFE OF SIR FRANCIS DRAKE. Drake's Birth «md Parentage — He goes to Sea— Purser of a Biscay Trader— Voyage to the Guinea Coast— Sir John Hawkins— Slave Trade— Afiair at St Juan de Ulloa— Drake returns to England— Ex- pBKrnental Voyages — Expedition to Nombre de Dios — Journey across ths Isthmus— Rich Booty— Returns Home— Fits out Frigates— Irish "Bebellion— Patronage of Essex ; of Sir Christopher Hatton— Intro- duced at Court 53 CHAPTER m. drake's circumnavigation. The Queen approves the new Expedition— Drake's Squadron— Capa Cantin— Muley Moloch— Cape Blanco— Mayo and Brava— The Bra- zilians—Ostriches—Natives of Seal Bay— Their Manners and Dis- position— Patagonians— Unfortunate Affray — Stature of the Indians —Port St. Julian— Doughty's Trial and Execution— Passage of the XU CONTENTS. Strait— The Natives— The Fleet separated— Tienra del Fuego— Fata of the Shallop's Crew — Cape Horn — The Elizabethides— Capture of Spanish Prizes— Lamas with Treasure— Capture of the Cacafuego— The Hind proceeds in Search of the North-west Passage— Indiana of New Albion discovered— Singular Manners cf the Indians — Drake crosses the Pacific — The Ladrones — The Moluccas — Remark- able Preservation— Baratane— Java— The Voyage Home— The Cape of Good Hope— Arrival at Plymouth— Drake's Fame — The Queen visits his Ship 63 CHAPTER rv*. EXPEDITIONS TO THE WEST INDIES. Commencement of Hostilities with Spain— Drake captures St. Jago— Cruelty of the Portuguese — Storming of St. Domingo and Carthagena — The Fever of the West Indies — Sir Walter Raleigh's Colony — Drake destroys the Spanish Shipping— Observations on his Character —The Spanish Armada— Capture of the Galleon of Don Pedro Valdez — Expedition to restore Don Antonio — Expedition with Hawkins to the Spanish Settlements in the West Indies— Attempt against Porto Rico— Failure of Baskerville's Expedition across the Isthmus — Death of Sir Francis Drake — Estimate of his Character and Public Services 110 CAVENDISH. CHAPTER V. VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD. Policy of Queen Elizabeth— Public Spirit of the English Nobility- Ancestry of Cavendish — His Voyage to Virginia — Equipment of his Squadron— Discovery of Port Desire—Colony of Pedro Sarmiento — Misery of New Settlers— Sarmiento made Prisoner— Natives of the Straits— Indian Tributaries of Santa Maria— Escape of Tome Her- nandez—A Watering Party cut off— Capture of Spanish Ships— Use of Torture by Cavendish— Paita stormed — Cacique of Puna— Skir- mish with the Spaniards— March into the Woods — Progress of the Squadron— Capture of the SantaAnna 123 CHAPTER VL SECOND VOYAGE TO THE SOUTH SEA. New Expedition to the South Sea— Attack on the Portuguese Settle- ments — Delay of the Squadron — Letter of Cavendish — Relation by Jane— Sufferings in Magellan's Straits— Separation of Davis— Davis's Southern Islands — Piety of the Captain — Natives of Port Desire — Nine Men lost — Homeward Voyage of Davis — Adventures of Caven- dish— He loses twenty-four Men— Unfortunate Affair at Spirlto Santo —Fury and Indignation of Cavendish — Separation of the Roebuck — Discontent of the Crew— Firmness of the Commander— They miss St. Helena— Death of Cavendish— His Character 149 CONTENTS. Xlll DAMPIER. CHAPTER VII. THE BUCANIERS OF AMERICA. Origin of the Bucaniers— Cattle-hunters of Hispaniola— Policy of France and England — Cruelty to the Caribs — Seizure of St. Christo- pher's — Bucanier Settlement of Tortuga — Customs of the Buca- niers— Their Maxims— Manner of dividing their Spoils— Their Char- acter—Capture of Jamaica — Enterprise of Legrand— Portugaes and Mansvelt — The Bucanier Chief Lolonnois — His Cruelties — Manners of the Bucaniers— Montbar the Exterminator— First Expedition of Morgan — Pillage of Puerto del Principe — Storming of Porto Bello — Heroism of the Spanish Governor — Capture of Maracaibo and Gibral- tar — Stratagems of Morgan — Projected Bucanier Settlement — Storm- ing of the Castle of Chagre — March of the Bucaniers to Panama — Battle with the Spaniards— Cruelty of the Freebooters— Return of the Bucaniers to Chagre — Perfidy of Morgan — Proclamation of the Governor of Jamaica— Concluding History of Morgan— The Buca- niers again increase — Capture of Vera Cruz — They direct their Atten- tion to Peru— Narrative of Dampier 164 CHAPTER Vm. ADVENTURES AMONG THE WOODCUTTERS AND BUCANIERS. Ancestry and Education of Dampier — His Voyage to India — Goes to Jamaica as a Planter — Becomes a Logwood-cutter in Campeachy — Habits of the Wood-cutters — Appearance of the Country — Its Natural Productions— The Wild Pine— Snakes— Ants— The Humming-bird — Alligators— Dampier loses himself in the Woods — Copartnership with three Scotchmen— Dreadful Hurricane in the Bay— Its Consequences — Beef Island — The Indians — John d'Acosta — Mode of hocksing Cattle — Dampier joins the Bucaniers — The Manatee, or Sea-cow — The River Tobascc— Indians under the Spanish Priests— Their Manners and Condition — Attack of Alvarado— Escape of the Bucaniers from the Spanish Armadilloes— MM?y'ac&— Dampier rejoins the Logwood- cutters— Returns to England 204 CHAPTER IX. ADVENTURES WITH THE BUCANIERS. Dampier leaves England for Jamaica— Joins the Bucaniers— Assault of Porto Bello — Description of the Mosquito Indians — Their Ingenuity in Fishing— In using the Harpoon— Acuteness of their Senses— Their Customs— The Bucaniers under Captain Sharp cross the Isthmus of Darien — Sea-fight in the Road of Panama — Differences among the Bucaniers— Sharp leaves the South Sea— Retreat of Dampiei and a Party of Bucaniers across the Isthmus — Difficulties of the Journey —They reach the Samballas Isles— Cruise of Dampier with the Buc- aniers— Adventures of Wafer among the Indians of the Darien— B XIV CONTENTS. Carthagena, and the Monastery there— Dutch Governor— Wreck of the French Fleet— Stratagem of a French Bncanier — Pillage of Rio de la Hacha— Pearl-fishery— The Tropic-bird— Iguanas— Negro Doc- tor— Dampier's farther Adventures indicated 232 CHAPTER X. CIRCUMNAVIGATION OF THE GLOBE. Dampier's New Voyage — Cape de Verd Isles — Bachelor's Delight— Falk land Isles— Mosquito William— Nautical Remarks of Dampier— June tion of Cook and Eaton — The Galapagos Islands — Death of Cook- Escape of the Bucaniers — Descent at Amapalla — Spanish Indians— The Bucaniers separate— La Plata and Manta— The Cygnet joins the Bucaniers— Descent on Paita — Attempt on Guayaquil — Dampier'a Scheme of working the Mines — Indians of St. Jago — The Bucaniers watch the Plate-fleet— Battle in the Bay of Panama— Assault of Leon — Dampier remains in the Cygnet — His Sickness — Crosses the Pacific — Island of Guahan — Mindanao — Its Customs — The Bucaniers desert Swan— Future Cruise of the Cygnet— Pulo Condore— The Bashee Isles— Character and Manners of the Islanders— Cruise to New-Hol- land—The Country and People — The Nicobar Islands — Dampier leaves the Bucaniers — His Voyage to Acheon — Voyages with Captains Bowry and Weldon — Remains at Bencoolen — Prince Jeoly — Dampier's Return to England— Publication of his Voyages— Employment by the Admi- ralty 240 CHAPTER XL VOYAGE TO NEW-HOLLAND. Voyage of Discovery to New-Holland and New-Guinea— Dampier on the Coast of New-Holland — Dirk Hartog's Reede — Appearance and Productions of the Country— Discoveries on the Northern Coasts- Plants and Animals — Appearance and Character of the Natives — Voyage to New-Guinea — New Islands and their Productions — Dis- covery of King William's Island— Slingers' Bay— Manners of the Natives — Discovery of Cape St. George and Cape Orford — Natives of Port Montague — Their suspicious, inhospitable Character — Affray with the Natives— Volcanic Island— Discovery of Nova Britannia— Islands in Dampier's Strait — Return to King William's Island, and Second Voyage to the Coast of New-Holland — Dampier's Shipwreck— Un- grateful Reception— His Voyage in the St. George— Bad Conduct of his Officers— Dampier's Imprisonment by the Dutch— Return to Eng- land — Voyage in the Duke — Testimony borne to his Merits — Reflec- tions on his Character and Fate— The End 307 PORTRAITS. Sir Francis Drake To face the Title-page. Thomas Cavendish Page 123 William Dampier 104 LIVES OP EARLY ENGLISH NAVIGATORS, &c. CHAPTER I. Sketch of Early Discoveries in the South Sea. Drake sees the Faciflc— Spirit of Maritime Enterprise in England- Notice of Early Attempts to reach India by the West — Voyages to discover a Passage to the Spice Isles through the Continent of Ame- rica — Attempts of Columbus — Pinzon — Juan Ponce — Vasco Nunez beholds the South Sea— Voyage of Magellan— He discovers and passes the Straits — The Patagonians — Discovers the Ladrones — The Archipelago of St. Lazarus— Customs and Manners at Mazagua and Zebu— Conversion of the King and People— Battle at Matan — Magellan killed— Massacre of the Spaniards— Progress and further Discoveries of Magellan's Squadron— Customs of Borneo— The Moluccas— The Vitoria returns to Spain, having circumnavigated the Globe — Expe- dition of Loyasa — Discoveries of Saavedra — Voyage of Villalobos — Spanish Settlement in the Philippines— Discoveries of Juan Fernandez and Mendana — Robinson Crusoe's Island — The Solomon Isles— Sum- mary of Discovery in the South Sea prior to Drake's Circumnavigation. The early records of maritime enterprise relate no inci- dent more striking than the adventure of Captain Francis Drake forcing his way across the Isthmus of Darien, and ascending that " goodly and great high tree" from which he could look back upon the eastern shores of the Atlantic where his ship lay, and forward in the distance descry that new and mighty ocean, the subject of so many golden dreams and ambitious hopes. When we read that in the enthu- siasm of that moment Drake lifted up his hands, " and be- sought Almighty God of his goodness to give him life and leave to sail once an English ship upon that sea," time and space are forgotten as we unconsciously breathe " Amen," to a prayer so gloriously fulfilled. 16 DRAKE SEES THE SOUTH SEA. Though the previous voyages of Magellan and his suc- cessors deny Sir Francis Drake the honour of being the first navigator in the South Seas, he was not only the first Englishman that traversed a large portion of the Pacific in its length and breadth, and circumnavigated the terraqueous globe, but an eminent and successful discoverer in the most brilliant era of maritime adventure. Drake is remembered for other qualities more essentially English ; for firmness, skill, the talent of command, perseverance, generosity, and bravery. In the age of Drake navigation as a science was still very imperfect ; but the spirit of enterprise had reached the height, and among the more distinguished of the early voyagers was animated and guided by soaring and gene- rous motives. Inspired by the love of adventure, and the ambition of discovery and conquest, the leaders regarded the spoils, which formed the sole object of their mercenary bands, chiefly as the means of rewarding faithful and gal- lant service, and of stimulating to new exploits. The same zeal and gallantry which led the Spaniards to propa- gate the faith or extend the empire of their sovereign in the New World animated the English in extending the glory of England and of Elizabeth, and in chastising and despoiling the " proud Don," now regarded as the national enemy. These reigning motives gave a character of lofti- ness and a tincture of chivalry to the early emprises of the English in the New World, even when their expeditions were undertaken to promote private and mercenary inter- ests. In the instance of Raleigh, " chivalry had left the land and launched upon the deep ;" and Sir Philip Sidney, the knight who " nourished high thoughts in a heart of courtesy," would have been the volunteer companion of the enterprises of Drake, and was only overruled in this pur pose by the commands of his royal mistress. Before entering upon the life of Drake, — or, more prop erly the narrative of those adventures and exploits which form its interest and an animating episode in English his- tory, — it may be necessary to give a brief and rapid sketch of the voyages and discoveries of some of the early navigators in the South Sea previous to his memorable circumnavigation, selecting the more interesting and suo cessful of these attempts. DISCOVERIES OF COLUMBUS. 17 In attempting to discover a passage to Eastern India by the west, a short road to the gums and spices, the gold and gems of known and of imaginary regions, Columbus had, as it were by accident, stumbled upon America, — on those islands of the Western Indies which he at first concluded to be the rich countries his sagacity and boldness had taught him to search for in this new direction. The discovery of the continent soon followed that of the islands of America ; and though the real wealth and importance of this New World could not be magnified beyond their value by the exaggerations and flatteries of the first voyagers, they were soon overlooked, and ambition and cupidity pointed to other regions of more abounding riches and higher civilization, overflowing with all that the sordid covet or the ambitious desire- The discoveries of the Portuguese had extended to regions where the harvest of the European adventurer was prepared before he visited the field. This inflamed the avidity of the Spaniards ; and the land discovered by Columbus, after a time, came to be regarded as almost an impediment to the progress of adventure which might be crowned with like rewards. Cortez had not yet discovered Mexico ; Peru and New Spain were still unknown ; and though the few strange animals and beautiful birds, and the rich vegetable productions brought home as the first- fruits of discovery in a savage and unsettled country, were admired as specimens and symbols, these were not the wealth which the Old World valued, nor were the lands that pro- duced them the regions which were to realize the romantic dreams of an immediate and overflowing acquisition of the most rare and precious commodities of the East. Colum- bus had at first mistaken the islands he discovered for those of Eastern India. Cuba he fancied a part of Asia ; but, once convinced of his mistake by the discovery of the con- tinent of America, and by farther research, his bold genius and instinctive sagacity suggested the necessity of a sea farther west, washing the opposite side of the new conti- nent, and dividing it, probably by a narrow passage, from the land he sought. It has been alleged that his conjecture was confirmed by very early information of the actual ex- istence of this western sea ; and, as we shall afterward see, the shores of the new continent were explored from the Gulf of St. Lawrence to Rio de la Plata, to discover 82 18 MERIDIAN OF PARTITION. the strait which must form the channel of communication. The search for this passage to the oriental islands was the last labour in which Columbus engaged, — his final and most disastrous voyage being undertaken for this especial object. But the discovery remained a legacy, which this great man bequeathed to spirits cast in similar mould with his own. From the mount he had obtained a view of the promised land, but was denied the felicity of reaching it, or of tasting its fruits. The court of Spain was soon fully aware of the import- ance of following up the researches to which Columbus fell a martyr, and in which so many brave men had perished, though their fate only enkindled anew the ardour of dis- covery. The New World was become the grand lottery of the Old, in which each adventurer, unwarned by the fail- ure and disappointment of his predecessor, promised him- self the great prize. State policy and ambition were thus powerfully seconded by individual enterprise, zeal, or ra- pacity. Portugal and Spain, in their successive discoveries, reacted upon each other. The discoveries of the naviga- tors of the former nation, so rapid and splendid in the ear- lier part of the fifteenth century, and the more illustrious success of Columbus, had now planted the cross and the devices of their sovereigns and nations, as the insignia of conquest and possession, on many a league of barbarous coast in Africa and in America ; and though those unex- plored dominions may be thought to have lain too far apart to produce clashing interests, the discovery of the Brazils by the Portuguese on the one hand, and the probability of the Spaniards attaining easy access to their East India pos- sessions on the other, begot great international jealousies. Rome was still the court of final appeal to Christendom, and the pope the source whence all new rights of sove- reignty were derived. A bull of donation issued by the too famous Alexander VI. fixed as limits of partition a meridian drawn 100 leagues west of the Azores and Cape de Verd Islands ; and assigned to Spain the dominion of all lands newly discovered, or to be discovered, as far as 180 degrees to the west of this line ; and to Portugal all that lay within the same extent eastward of the meridian assumed. Neither England nor France acknowledged any right inherent in the pope to make such magnificent gifts of JOHN cabot's voyage. 19 unknown territory. The former power sent out discoverers without demanding leave of his holiness ; and the French king shrewdly remarked, that he should like to see the will of Father Adam before he believed such donations were made exclusively to these favoured princes. Though neither Spain nor Portugal questioned the inherent right of the pope to gift the world to them as a theatre for plunder and spoliation, where they might at their pleasure rob the hea- then or gentiles, as the Indians were called by the early voyagers, the limits of partition became a long and fertile subject of difference between themselves. After the discovery of Cuba by Columbus, it was for a time believed to be a part of Asia, and the continent so ar- dently sought ; and, by a subtle and selfish interpretation of the papal grant, the Spaniards pretended to believe that all lands reached by a course taken from the west of this must be their territory, and that Portuguese discovery and lawful dominion could only be prosecuted and acquired from the east. This belief, real or pretended, afforded Spain an- other motive to the prosecution of more distant discoveries in the western direction. But time passed on ; and though the existence of the South Sea, long a probable conjecture, became every year more confirmed, little progress was made in useful discovery previous to the memorable voyage of Magalhanes ; though repeated attempts, which we shall briefly notice, had been made by different nations to discover the desired ocean. So early as 1496 the English, emulous of the maritime glory recently acquired by Spain and Portugal, and indiffer- ent to the pope's charter of donation, fitted out an armament ibr discovery, which was conducted, under letters-patent from Henry VII., by John Cabot, a native of Venice, and his three sons, Sebastian, Lewis, and Sanctius. It appears to have been his object to seek for a western passage to the north of the new Spanish discoveries, and to reach Cathay in India by this route. In prosecution of this great scheme Cabot, in 1497, discovered the American continent, proba- bly at Newfoundland ; and his son Sebastian, in two suc- cessive voyages performed in 1498 and 1517, explored a great extent of the coast, from Hudson's Bay on the north as far as Virginia on the south. Although unsuccessful in the attainment of their immediate object, these voyages have 20 THE CORTEREALS. justly entitled the English to the high distinction of being the first discoverers of the American continent. Thus early was the idea of a north-west passage cherished in England. Three years after the voyage of Cabot (in 1500) Gaspar Cortereal, a Portuguese gentleman, under the sanction of King Emanuel, pursued the track of the Cabots for the same object. Sailing along the east coast of New- foundland, he reached the northern extremity of that island, and discovered the mouth of the St. Lawrence, which, with some appearance of probability, he concluded to be the open- ing to the west which he sought. He sailed also along the coast of Labrador, and appears to have reached nearly to Hudson's Bay, whence he returned to Portugal to report his discovery. There is a painful interest connected with this early navigation. On a second voyage undertaken to complete the discovery the ship was wrecked, and his brother, Michael Cortereal, fitted out three ships, and sailed into these unknown seas in search of Gaspar. The vessels ar- rived at a part of the coast where there were several inlets and rivers' mouths ; and each ship, in the hope of discover- ing the wrecked mariners, took a different course, agreeing to meet on a fixed day. Two of the vessels found the ap- pointed rendezvous, but the unfortunate Michael shared the fate of the brother he had come to succour. Neither of them were ever heard of more. The third and eldest Cortereal still remained, and held a high appointment at the court of Emanuel. He would now have devoted himself to the search of his brothers, probably still surviving and languish- ing upon some barbarous coast ; but his affectionate design was overruled by the king, who would not consent to a third sacrifice. In memory of the disastrous fortunes of the Cor- tereals, it is said that the sea at the entry of the St. Law- rence was long called by the Portuguese The Gulf of the Three Brothers. Though important discoveries and improvements were made in nautical and geographical science during the fif- teenth century, navigation remained for many generations subsequent to the voyages of the Cortereals uncertain and imperfect ; nor was it till the era of Cook that those subor- dinate contrivances and that system of discipline and inter- nal regulation which now ensure the health and comfort of seamen on k> ig voyages were at all known. All distant VICENTE YANEZ PINZON. 21 maritime undertakings were attended with uncertainty, if not with great peril ; and in the early periods of American discovery the loss of life was immense, though it often arose as much from privation and hardship as from shipwreck. There is, however, a class of hardy and resolute spirits on whom danger acts as the strongest stimulant to renewed effort ; and a single instance of success, or the report of one, was sufficient to obliterate the memory of a hundred fail- ures. No sooner was one band destroyed than a new one embarked in the same perilous track, in the pursuit of fame and wealth, or impelled by that restless and roving spirit of adventure which marks the man who is born a sailor. Among the most renowned of these adventurous voyagers was Vicente Yanez Pinzon, one of three intrepid brothers, who by their means and their influence aided Columbus in overcoming the many obstacles which opposed his daring and doubtful enterprise, and became the companions of his first great voyage. Dissensions and jealousies afterward sprung up among these friends, and their succeeding enter- prises were prosecuted apart. Of these the most memo- rable was undertaken by Vicente Yanez after the death of his elder brother, Martin Alonzo. In December, 1499, he sailed from the small port of Palos,* in Andalusia, with an armament of four caravels, and accompanied by two sons of his deceased brother and some of the seamen and pilots who had sailed with Columbus in his late expedition to the coast of Paria. Passing the Cape de Verd Islands, the ex- pedition sailed about threef hundred leagues south-west. They had scarcely passed the equinoctial line when the fleet was overtaken by a fearful tempest. The ships drifted on before the hurricane at a furious rate, and drove so far south, that when the storm abated and the heavens brightened the polar star was no longer to be seen. The dismay of these mariners, in the middle of the ocean, deprived of their only guide, may be conceived. The beautiful constellation of this * Tn the neighbourhood of Palos the descendants of the Piuzons flou- rish to this day, in much the same condition as when their ancestors embarked with Columbus, " a stanch, enpuring family, which for three centuries has stood merely upon its virtues." For this knowledge we are indebted to Mr. Washington Irving, whose pilgrimage to Palos forma a romantic sequel to his Life of Columbus t In Mr. Washington Irving's relation of this voyage the distance is made seven hundred leagues, which is evidently a misprint. 22 VICENTE YANEZ PINZON. new hemisphere, the South Cross, was not yet become the cynosure of the wanderer in these untracked seas. But the continent had now been discovered ; and Pinzon, aware of the rich field which lay before him, was resolutely bent on exploring its coasts. He made sail south-west, and, pro- ceeding about two hundred and forty leagues, in 8 degrees south, on the 20th January, 1500, beheld land in the dis- tance, which they named Santa Maria de la Consolacion, now known as Cape St. Augustine, a point on the most prominent part of the immense empire of Brazil. Pinzon went on shore, and with the usual formalities took posses- sion of this territory for the crown of Spain. At this time no natives were seen, though large footprints were traced on the sand ; but at night fires were beheld on the coast, and next day the Spaniards landed, and were encountered by a band of Indians of a more fierce and warlike character than any of those in more northern latitudes with whom previous experience had familiarized them. They were men of large stature, armed with bows and arrows, of ferocious features and haughty looks, who regarded the glittering toys and trinkets spread out to gain their friendship with indifference or contempt. They were a nomadic race, and prowled about chiefly in the night. Baffled here, Pinzon held south- west along the coast, and approached one of his greatest discoveries. At its threshold a painful adventure occurred. Coming to the mouth of a river too shallow to admit the ships, he sent the boats on shore filled with men well armed. From the banks of the river they saw a number of Indians on an adjoining height ; and a single Spaniard, armed with his sword and buckler, ventured to approach them, making signs of amity, and inviting a return of kindness. He threw them a string of hawks' bells, the jingle of which made this a favourite toy with the simple children of the New World. While he picked up a piece of gold which the natives threw to him, they rushed down to overpower and seize him, but not before he stood on the defensive, wielding his sword so dexterously that he held them at bay till his comrades came up to his assistance. The single-handed valour of the soldier had at first somewhat discomfited the Indians ; but they speedily rallied, killed eight or ten of the Spaniards with their darts and arrows, and pursued the whole party even into the water, where they seized and bore VICENTE YANE2 PINZON. 23 off one of the boats. The desperate defence of the Span- iards, who pierced through or ripped up many of the natives, only served to inflame the valour and ferocity of theii brother- warriors ; and the Europeans, defeated and dis- heartened, were glad, after severe loss and complete defeat, to retire to their ships unrevenged. On sailing north-west forty leagues farther, the seamen were astonished to find the water of the ocean so fresh that it could be employed for the ordinary purposes of the fleet, and even to fill the casks* From this circumstance Pinzon naturally inferred the size of that mighty river, the streams of which actually fresh- ened the Atlantic for many leagues from the shore, and also the extent of the vast continent whence its waters were col- lected and through which they flowed. Thus was discov- ered the far-famed Maranon, now known as the river of Ama- zons, or rather as the Orellana and the Amazon. At seve- ral of the islands lying along the banks of this immense river Pinzon's company landed. The natives were found a free-hearted, kindly, confiding race, ready to share whatever they possessed with their visiters, who, after the approved custom of Spanish navigators, repaid this trustfulness and hospitality by making thirty-six of the Indians captives. Still holding northward, the crew, after many perils, had the felicity once more to greet the polar star. Passing the Oronoko, Pinzon, in the Gulf of Paria, took in a cargo of that wood which gives the name of Brazil to so large a por- tion of the continent ; and issuing by the Dragon's Throat* the fleet steered for Hispaniola. This voyage, which was full of vicissitude and perilous adventure, terminated in nothing of present importance, though Pinzon was willing to flatter himself that he had found the East Indies ; and carried home whatever gaudy weeds attracted the notice of his people, as specimens of the valuable spices and drugs which were known to abound in these regions. The only valuable production was the die-wood ; and the greatest curiosity an opossum, which found far more favour at the court of Spain than any other of its fellow-passengers. Seven years later, a new voyage was undertaken by Vicente Yanez and De Solis, for the specific purpose of discovering the western passage to the East Indies. He had previously examined the whole coast from Paria to 24 LAST VOYAGE OF COLUMBtTS. Darien. This new expedition sailed in June, 1508, and the navigators being now familiarized with the track, they at once stood for Cape St. Augustine. Coasting to 40 de- grees south, they here and there landed and erected crosses, the usual signs of taking possession for the King of Cas- tile. Jealousies and disputes, the bane of so many con- joined maritime expeditions, terminated this unsatisfac- torily ; and the commanders returned in the following year to Spain, to refer their disputes to the government, which ended in De Solis being for a time thrown into prison. Roderigo de Bastida, a Spanish gentleman, in 1500, fitted out an expedition of two ships, in partnership with John de la Cosa, who had been a pilot under Columbus, and was accounted an experienced and skilful mariner. They steered directly for the continent, and discovered the land now called the Spanish Main. Though they encoun- tered many difficulties their voyage was prosperous ; — but the desired strait was not yet found. In the year following the shipwreck of the Cortereals, 1501, Americus Vespucius, a Florentine in the service of the King of Portugal, explored the coast of South America, which did not then bear his name, for 600 leagues to the south, and from Cape St. Augustine 150 leagues to the west, without, however, falling in with the Rio de la Plata, which, when subsequently discovered, was imagined the entrance to a strait leading to the Western Ocean. , Columbus, haunted to his last hour with the desire of penetrating to India through the sea which he confidently believed lay to the west of the New World, now far ad- vanced in life, and suffering the penalties of a premature old age, was vainly soliciting at the ungrateful court of Fer- dinand and Isabella the means of prosecuting his great discovery to a favourable termination, when the Portuguese fleet, loaded with the most precious and rare commodities of oriental countries, returned to Lisbon. From the do- minions of those " gentile nations," existing in the East in a state of high civilization and refinement, and where commerce, industry, and the arts had long flourished, Spain had hitherto derived no advantage. Avarice and ambition were aroused by the view of her rival's prosperity ; and what had been refused to the prayer of Columbus was granted to the hope of fresh conquest, and of spoils from VASCO NUNEZ DE BALBOA. 2ft that seat of pomp, riches, and elegance which might be reached by a nearer and more secure path that should belong exclusively to Spain. Columbus accordingly ob- tained a small armament, but once more failed in his main object, though he made several important discoveries. The issue of this last voyage was, however, most disas- trous to himself; and, foiled and baffled, persecuted and heart-broken, he abandoned for ever his darling scheme of pursuing that grand discovery of which the West Indies and the American continent now appeared to him but the first step. In the years immediately subsequent, many discoveries were made on the Atlantic coasts of America, sometimes when the adventurers were in pursuit of wild and fantastic objects. Among the wonders of the New World was the Fountain of Youth, situated, according to Indian tradition, in the fabled island of Bimini, and possessing the power of renewing youth and restoring vigour to whoever dipped in its waters. It is but fair to suppose that some of these marvellous legends were employed by the adventurers as pious frauds to engage their mutinous but credulous fol- lowers in dangerous and difficult enterprises. While in search of this marvellous fountain, Juan Ponce discovered the blooming coast which he named Florida. But, amid many discoveries, no nearer approach was made to that ocean which, it was now clear to demonstration, must wash the western shores of the new continent, as it was unques- tionably ascertained that the east coast of China was bounded by an open sea. The discovery made in 1513 by Vasco Nunez de Balboa, governor of a colony established at Santa Maria in Darien, was confirmation beyond dispute. He had seen this ocean with his eyes, and had plunged into its waves. The de- sire of gold, the main object of all the subordinate adven- turers, was the ultimate cause of the discovery of the South Sea. Vasco Nunez, a man of talents, and of the highest courage and capacity, was one of the most illustrious of the companions of Columbus. While living at his little government he made many incursions into the interior, and, being of a free and generous nature, he often gained the good-will of the caciqpes whom he had conquered. He and Lis followers in these predatory adventures had tlio? 20 FURTHER DISCOVERIES. acquired a considerable quantity of gold, — which the In- dians justly called the god of the Spaniards, — and also knowledge of the interior. The first distinct intimation of the mighty ocean to the west was indirectly given while the followers of Vasco Nunez quarrelled about the division of their spoils. " Why," exclaimed a young cacique, indig- nantly throwing the gold out of the scales, — " why quar- rel for this trash 1 If you are so passionately fond of gold, as for its sake to abandon your own country, and disturb the tranquillity of ou*s, I will lead you to a region where the meanest utensil is formed of this metal which seems so much the object of your admiration." Balboa eagerly caught at the indication, and, with incredible hardship, crossed the Isthmus of Darien, that great glen of the New World, and, from the summit where Captain Drake after- ward stood, beheld the South Sea rolling below, and stretching away in boundless perspective. Coming to a vast bay, which he named the Gulf of St. Michael, Balboa, displaying a banner, marched knee-deep into the rushing tide, and took possession of all those seas and shores. He exacted contributions in gold and provisions ; and being told by the natives of a country to the south where the people possessed abundance of gold, and used beasts of burden, the rude figure of the lama traced on the beach suggested to him the camel, the slave of man in the East, and confirmed him in the opinion of the close vicinity of the East Indies. Tidings of this great discovery were immediately transmitted to Spain, and received with de- light and triumph. After the premature and violent death of Vasco Nunez, the colony on the Darien continued to extend their know- ledge of the Pacific, and to make excursions in small barks, and form trifling settlements. Larger vessels were soon constructed ; and violently taking possession of some small islands in the Gulf of St. Michael, which they named the Pearl Islands, the Spaniards exacted from their conquered subjects a large annual tribute in pearls. Such were the first-fruits of European dominion in the Pacific. As the hope of reaching the oriental Spice Islands by a passage through a strait decayed, the design was formed of establishing a regular intercoulse across the isthmus, and an entrepot between the Old and the New World; EXPEDITION OF MAGELLAN. 27 and a settlement was formed at Panama, from whence vessels were to visit those eastern isles. This scheme also failtd ; and after the return to Spain of an expedition of discovery frustrated by the accidental death of De Solie, who, in discovering the Rio de la Plata, was murdered by the natives, the voyage of Magellan was undertaken. Fernando Magalhanes was a native of Portugal, and had served with reputation under Albuquerque in India. Disgusted at the neglect shown to him by his own court,* he offered his services to Charles V. ; and they were doubly welcome, as his cosmography enabled him to demonstrate that the Molucca Islands, which he undertook to reach through a strait in the American continent, fell within the boundary of the pope's grant to Spain. Following the approved fashion of too many courts, and discovering too late the merit they had contemned, the Portuguese re- monstrated through their ambassador, and even tried to bribe back the man they had insulted. But Magellan preferred the service of Charles V. ; and on the 20th of September, 1519, the five ships which formed his squadron sailed from San Lucar on one of the most celebrated voyages the world had yet witnessed. On the 26th the fleet took in wood and water at Tenerifte ; and on the 13th December came to anchor in a port they named Santa Lucia, in the 20th degree of south latitude, and on the coast of Brazil. This has sometimes been supposed the Rio de Janeiro of the Portuguese, but modern observation does not confirm the opinion. The natives immediately surrounded the ships in their canoes. They appeared a confiding, credulous, good-hearted race, and readily gave provisions in exchange for trifling wares. Pigafetta Vicentia, a chronicler of the voyage and a lover of the marvellous, says, " It was not uncommon to see men of 125 or 140 years old among them." They were believed to be without religion, and lived in large communities rather than in households, one noisy cabin containing a hundred families. Of these peo- {)le we are told, that on first seeing the ships' boats un- oosened, they named them the children of the ships, and fancied they had been sucking their mothers. That they * In an old voyage we see It stated, that the cause of Magellan's dis- gust was being refused an addition to his pay, which would amount to about an English crown a month i 28 HE REACHES PORT ST. JULIAN. really believed what the structure or the poverty of their language indicated to the Spaniards is beyond proba- bility. They brought the Spaniards baskets of potatoes, or batates, the name they gave to a species of the root now known over all the civilized world ; Pigafetta says they resembled turnips, and tasted like chestnuts. These na- tives of Brazil had short curly hair. They ate their ene- mies, painted their faces and bodies, and the men perfo- rated their lips in three places, into which ornaments made of flint were introduced. Weighing anchor on the 27th December the squadron sailed southward, and on the 11th January reached Cape Santa Maria on the Rio de la Plata, and took in wood and water. Near this place Juan de Solis had about seven years before been murdered by the natives, and the Indians now kept at a wary distance from their visiters. Sailing north- ward, and touching at different places, the fleet, on Easter Eve, 1520, came to an anchor in a port which they named St. Julian ; and there Magellan remained for five months. Discontent, and at last open mutiny, broke out in the fleet, and was only quelled by great,though, in the circumstances of Magellan, justifiable severity, as the ringleaders were among the Spanish officers, who grumbled at the authority of a Portuguese commander. While the fleet lay in Port St. Julian, the Santiago, one of the ships, made an exploratory cruise, and on the 3d May, the feast of the Holy Cross, discovered the river named Santa Cruz, in which the vessel was afterward wrecked. The crew, after suffering great hardship, ulti- mately rejoined the squadron. The long period which the fleet passed in Port St. Julian enabled the Spaniards to form an intimate acquaintance with the natives. They had at first concluded the country uninhabited ; but one day an Indian, well made and of gigantic size, came caper- ing and singing to the beach, throwing dust upon his head in token of amity. A Spanish seaman was sent on shore, and directed to imitate the gestures of this merry savage, who was of such immense stature that a middle-sized Cas- tilian only reached to his waist. He was large in propor- tion, and altogether a formidable apparition, his body being painted all over, his broad face stained red, save a yellow circle about his eyes. A couple of stag's horns adorned DRESS AND MANNERS OF THE PATAGONIANS. 29 each cheek. His favourite colour seemed to be yellow, which has a good effect upon a dark ground. His hair was covered with a white powder. His clothing, formed of the skins of the guanaco,* covered his body from head to foot, wrapping round the arms and legs, and was sewed together all in one piece, like the dress of the ancient Irish. Shoes made of the skins of the same animal, which made the feet of the Indians appear round and large, procured for these tribes the name of Pata-gones, or clumsy-hoofed, the origin of the term Patagonians. The arms of the Patagonian were a stout bow and arrow, — the former strung with gut, the latter tipped with flint-stones sharpened. The voice of this man was like that of a bull. He went aboard the ship of the captain-general, where he appeared quite at his ease, ate, drank, and made merry, till, seeing his own image in a large looking-glass, he started back in alarm, and threw down four Spaniards. The good reception of the first giant brought more to the beach, who were taken on board and feasted, six of them eating as much as would have satisfied twenty Spaniards. The first Indian had pointed to the sky, as if to inquire whether the Europeans had descended from thence ; and they all wondered that the ships should be so large and the men so small. They were in general dressed and armed like the first visiter. They had short hair, and carried their arrows stuck in a fillet bound round their heads. They ran with amazing swiftness, and de- voured their meat raw as soon as it was obtained. These tribes practised bleeding by rudely cupping the part affected, and produced vomiting by thrusting an arrow eighteen inches long down the throat of the patient. Magellan wished to carry home some of this singular race, and Eu« ropean craft was basely opposed to Indian confidence and credulity. Fixing on two of the youngest and handsomest of the Indians, he presented them with toys, trinkets, and iron, till their hands were filled ; then, as ornaments, ring# of iron were put upon their legs, by which they were fet- tered. Their struggles for freedom, and shrieking to their * The camelus hunanaeus of Lmnceus, a species of lama. This animal, described by Pigafetta as having the body of a camel, the legs of a stag, the tail of a horse, and the head and ears of a mule, excised grew amazement among the Spanisl se*men. t 2 80 DISCOVERY OF THE STRAIT OF MAGELLAN. god Setebos,* only excited the mockery of those who, infe- rior in strength, had overmastered them by cunning and treachery. Their chief demon could not emancipate them from the power of the inhospitable Spaniards. A plan to secure two females, that the breed of giants might be in- troduced into Europe, failed, and Magellan lost one of his company in the infamous stratagem employed to entrap the women. On the 24th August the fleet left Port St. Julian, after taking possession of the country for the King of Spain by the customary ceremonial of erecting a cross, — the symbol of salvation so. often degraded into an ensign of usurpation, if not of rapacity and cruelty, in the fairest portions of the New World. Two months were afterward passed at the newly-discovered Santa Cruz, where the squadron was well supplied with wood and water ; and on the 18th October they stood southward, and discovered Cape de las Virgines, and shortly afterward the desired strait. After careful examination of the entrance, a council was held, at which the pilot, Estevan Gomez, voted for returning to Spain to refit ; while the bolder and more resolute spirits were decided to proceed and complete their discovery. Magellan heard all in silence, and then firmly declared, that were he, instead of the slighter hardships already suffered, reduced to eat the hides, or the ship's yards, his determination was to make good his promise to the emperor. On pain of death every one was forbidden to speak of the shortness of provisions or of home, — which, though a somewhat un- satisfactory mode of stifling the pangs of hunger or the long- ings of affection, equally well answered the purpose of the captain-general. The fleet were now in the strait, and on the first night saw on the south shore many fires, and gave that land the long familiar name of Tierra del Fuego. As we must hereafter follow the navigation of Drake through Magel- lan's Straits, it is enough to record, that, thirty-seven days after he had discovered Cape de las Virgines, Magellan, on seeing the South Sea expanding before him, burst into a passion of tears, and ordered public thanksgiving to be + The demon of Caliban's dam, and supposed to be borrowed by Shaks peare from the narrative of this voyage. ARCHIPELAGO OF ST. LAZARUS. 31 made by the fleet. The strait was found to be 110 leagues in length. The loss of the Santiago, and the desertion of the St. Antonio at the eastern entrance, had now reduced the fleet to three ships. With these Magellan held a northerly course, to reach a milder climate, the crews having already suffered severely from extreme cold,- and also to escape the storms encountered about the western opening of the strait. On the 24th January, 1521, they discovered un island, which was named San Pablo in memory of the last of the two captive Patagonians, who died here after receiving bap- tism ; and on the 4th February another small island was seen, and called Tiburones, or Sharks' Island. The fleet had now suffered so much from the want of provisions and fresh water, and from the ravages of the scurvy, that, depressed by their condition and prospects, they named the next discoveries the Unfortunate Islands. The sufferings of the crews, for three months after entering the Pacific, are too painful to be related. Twenty died of mere ex- haustion, or of scurvy ; and the condition of the remainder, reduced to chew the leather found about the ropes of the ship, and to drink salt water, was one of the severest dis- tress. Their only solace was a series of delightful weather ; fair winds carrying them smoothly onwards. To this cir- cumstance the South Sea owes its name of Pacific, a title which many succeeding seamen have thought it ill deserved. Now we first hear of Europeans seeing from the Pacific the star of the South Pole. On the 6th of March land was discovered ; at first three fair and apparently fertile islands, inhabited and likely to afford succour to the fleet. The Indians immediately came off to the ships in their canoes, bringing cocoanuts, yams, and rice. On these poor island- ers, whose thievish propensities obtained for this group the appellation of the Ladrones, Magellan took signal vengeance for small offence. A skiff was stolen from the side of the Capitana, or admiral's ship, upon which Magellan landed with ninety men, burnt huts, plundered provisions, and killed some of the natives, who are described as a simple, and harmless, unresisting race. From the 16th to the 18th of March other islands were discovered, forming the group then called the Archipelago of St. Lazarus, but now known 32 MANNERS OF THE ISLANDERS. as part of the Philippines. The inhaoitants were found to be a friendly and comparatively civilized people. They wore ornaments of gold ; and, though otherwise nearly naked, had headdresses of embroidered silk. They were tattooed, and perfumed their bodies with aromatized oils. They cultivated the land, raised crops, and formed stores of spices. On the 25th the fleet left Humunu, the principal island of the group, and afterward touched at different islands of the same archipelago. The picture given of these islanders by the early navigators is especially attractive and interesting, from being the first account obtained by Euro- peans of the tribes of Polynesia ; but, in the voyages of Drake and Dampier, we shall meet with them again un- changed in any respect, and under the observation of more enlightened and accurate historians than the credulous Pigafetta. At a small island named Mazagua, and supposed to be the Limasava of modern charts, a slave on board the fleet, by name Enrique and a native of Sumatra, was able to make himself understood by the natives, and acted as the interpreter of Magellan in explaining the reasons of the visit of the Spaniards, and the terms of peaceful commerce and friendly intercourse which they wished to establish between themselves and the islanders. Mutual presents were made, and ceremonial visits exchanged ; the captain- general doing every thing likely to impress the Indians with the power and superiority of Europeans, and the dignity of the king his master. At this island the chief, with whom Magellan formed a close friendship, was served in vessels of porcelain and of gold. The Spaniards saw can- dles made of gums, rolled up in palm-leaves. The chief, or king, was a remarkably handsome man, of olive com- plexion, with long black hair ; his body elegantly tattooed, and perfumed with gums and vegetable oils. He was adorned with gold earrings, and on each finger wore three rings.* About his middle he wore a tunic of cotton cloth embroidered with silk and gold, which descended to the knees ; and wrapped around his head was a turban or veil * There is a learned dispute among the old critics on the early i voyages, whether the Latin narrative is here accurately translated^ —rings of gold oo the fingers,— instead of spots of sold on the teeth. ISLAND OF ZEBU. 33 of silk. A long dagger worn at the side, with a handle of gold, and a scabbard of exquisitely-carved wood, completed the handsome costume of this semi-barbaric prince. At this island we first hear of the betel and areca. At meals the chief sat cross-legged in the Turkish fashion ; and, Pigafetta says, made the sign of the cross before eating, though entirely ignorant of Christianity ; — before drinking, the king always raised his hands to heaven. His native title was rajah. The people here acknowledged one Su- preme Being whom they called Abba, and whom they wor- shipped lifting their heads and clasped hands towards heaven. Magellan was at this time first seized with the violent desire of making proselytes, in which he easily succeeded. A cross was erected on a hill-top, which, the natives were told, if duly adored would defend them from lightning, tempest, and all calamities. Such were the first Christian missionary labours among these Indian islands. Gold was seen here in some abundance, vessels and ornaments being made of it ; but iron was more valued, a native preferring a knife to a double pistole offered in ex- change for his rice and bananas. The commodities brought to the ships were hogs, goats, fowls, rice, millet, maize, cocoanuts, oranges, citrons, ginger, and figs. On the re- quest of the rajah, part of the Spanish crew went on shore to help in gathering in the rice-harvest ; but the poor prince, who had assisted on the previous day at mass, and afterward at a banquet given by Magellan, had either sur- feited himself, or had got so drunk that all business was deferred till the next day, when the seamen discharged this neighbourly office, and in two days saw harvest-home in Mazagua. On the 5th of April the fleet sailed, the king attending it in his pirogue. Being unable to keep up with the squadron, he was taken on board with his retinue ; and on the 7th April they entered the harbour of Zebu, — an island memo- rable from the death of Magellan, and as the place where the first settlement of the Spaniards in the Philippines was afterward made. The accounts which the captain-general had received of the riches and power of the King of Zebu made it a point of good policy to impress that prince and his subjects with the greatness of the Spaniards. The ships entered the harbour with all their colours flying ; and 34 CONVERSION TO CHRISTIANITY. a grand salute from all the cannon caused great consterna- tion among the islanders. An ambassador, attended by the interpreter Enrique, was sent on shore, charged with a message importing the high consideration which the King of Spain, the greatest monarch on earth, and his captain- general Magellan, entertained for the King of Zebu. He also announced that the fleet had come to take in provisions, and give merchandise in exchange, and that the captain- general wished to pay his respect* to a prince he had heard so handsomely spoken of by the chief of Mazagua. The king, who acted through his ministers, gave the strangers welcome, but would not dispense with the payment of cer- tain port-dues, which, however, were passed from when he came to know that the " greatest monarch on earth" would pay dues to no man ; and that, though his servants came in peace, they were prepared for war. The representations of a Moorish merchant then in the port, who had heard of Portuguese conquest in the East, swayed the chief of Zebu ; and in a few days, every requisite ceremony being observed, a treaty offensive and defensive was formed. The descrip- tion of this people is curious and interesting : — In manners and in social condition they did not appear to differ from the natives of Mazagua. Their religion, whatever it was, sat lightly upon them ; for in a few days Magellan, whether as politician or good Catholic, had converted and baptized half their number. The rite was administered on shore, where a rude chapel was erected. Mass was performed, and every ceremony was observed which could deepen the impression of sanctity. The royal family, the Rajah of Mazagua, and many persons of rank were among the first converts. The king received the name of Carlos, in honour of the emperor. Among the sudden Christians were the queen and forty ladies of the court. Baptism was also administered to the eldest princess, the daughter of the king and wife of his nephew and heir-apparent, a young and beautiful woman. She usually wore a white veil or mantilla which covered her whole body, and on her head a tiara of date-leaves. A miraculous cure, performed on the king's brother, who on being baptized instantly recovered of a dangerous illness, completed Magellan's triumph. Pigafetta gravely relates, " we were all ocular witnesses to this miracle." Tha fashionable religion of the court spread rapidly. The idols BATTLE OF MATAN. 35 iveie broken, the cross set up, and in less than fourteen days from the arrival of the squadron the whole inhabitants of Zebu and the neignbounng islands weTe baptized, save those of one infidel village, which the captain-general burnt in punishment of their obstinacy, erecting a cross amid the ashes and the ruins he had made. Magellan now regularly attended mass on shore, and the queen and her ladies also repaired in state to the chapel. She was preceded by three young girls bearing her three broad umbrella-shaped hats formed of date-leaves ; she was dressed in black and white, and wore a veil of silk striped with gold, which covered her head and shoulders. Her ladies wore the same sort of screen, but were otherwise naked, save a girdle or short petticoat of palm-cloth. Their hair hung loose. Magellan sprinkled these fair Christians with rose- water, in which gallantry they appeared to delight. Among other customs, the Zebuians drank their wine by sucking it up through a reed. At an entertainment given by the prince, the heir-apparent, four singing-girls were in- troduced. One beat a drum, another the kettle-drum, a third two small kettle-drums, and the fourth struck cymbals against each other. They kept excellent time, and the effect was pleasing. The kettle-drums were of metal, and in form and effect somewhat like European bells. The young girls played on gongs, and the islanders had another musical instrument resembling the bagpipe. Their houses were raised on posts, and divided into chambers, the open space below serving as a shed for the domestic animals and poultry. Provisions were plentiful, and the Indians every- where showed hospitality to their visiters, constantly in- viting them to eat and drink. They appeared to enjoy the pleasures of the table, at which they often remained for four or five hours. His majesty of Zebu had been somewhat of a self-seeker in his sudden conversion. Reasons of state had mingled with his faith, and tainted its purity. He had been told, or had flattered himself, that a change to the religion of the Spaniards would render him invincible to his enemies, and was now about to prove his strength and his friendship for these new allies in vanquishing the chief of Matan, a neigh- bouring island. This chief had refused to pay a tribute haughtily demanded by Magellan in token of fealty and submission to the emperor, replying, with commendable 36 DEATH OF MAGELLAN. spirit, that as strangers he wished to show the Spaniards courtesy, and sent them a present, but he owed no obe- dience to those he had never seen before, and would pay them none. This spirited reply greatly incensed the cap- tain-general, now above measure elated with the success that had attended his late labours, apostolic and political. He forthwith resolved to punish the insolent chief Of Matan, and refused to listen to the dissuasions of his officers, and particularly those of Juan Serrano, who remonstrated with him on the impolicy of this design. On the 27th of April, attended by forty-nine Spaniards clothed in mail, the attack was begun on from 1500 to 3000, or even 6000 Indians, — so variously are they esti- mated. The King of Zebu attended his ally with a force ; but his active services were declined, Magellan calculating upon an easy victory, and he remained in his boats. The battle, between crossbows and musketry, and lances and arrows, raged for many hours. The Indians, brave from the onset, rose in courage towards evening, when they had become familiarized with the Spanish fire, which did com- paratively little execution. They had now learned to take aim at the faces and legs of the Spaniards, which were not protected by mail, and had succeeded in cutting off and surrounding a party detached by Magellan to burn a vil- lage. The islanders, who had conducted themselves all day with the greatest firmness, now pressed closer and harder upon the Spaniards, who fell into disorder, and gave way on all sides. Magellan was wounded in the leg by a poisoned arrow. He was also repeatedly struck on the head with stones ; his helmet was twice dashed off; and his sword-arm being disabled, he could no longer defend himself. His men were hurrying in disorder to the boats, and bis new Christian ally still sat gazing on the combat, which had doubtless produced a considerable change in his notions of Spanish prowess. The fight continued down to the water's edge. Six or seven Spaniards were all that now remained with their chief. They fought bravely, till, pressed and hemmed in on all sides by a multitude, an In- dian struck Magellan on the leg. He fell on his face, and stones and lances soon terminated his life. " Thus," say the early accounts, " perished our guide, our fight, and our •upport." Though the rash warfare waged by Magellan TREACHERY OF THE ISLANDERS. 37 on the unoffending chief of Matan, who only maintained his own independence, cannot be defended on any principle of justice, the premature and violent death, in the very middle of his career, of a navigator and discoverer second only to Columbus and Gama, will ever be a cause of melan- choly regret. Magellan was eminently endowed with the qualities necessary to a man engaged in adventures like those which he undertook. He had the true and rare talent of command ; being no less beloved than respected by the crews, though Spanish pride and national jealousy made the officers sometimes murmur against his authority. He was a skilful and experienced seaman ; prompt, resolute, and inflexible, often carrying perseverance to the point of ob- stinacy. His former voyage to India, when he had reached Malacca, and the bold navigation he had just made, entitle Magellan to be named the first circumnavigator of the globe. Eight Spaniards fell with their leader, and twenty-two were wounded. Though tempting offers were made to the people of Matan to give up the body of the captain- general, they would not part with so proud a trophy of victory. The result of the fatal battle of the 27th dispelled the illusions of the Christian king, and his opinion of the superiority of the Spaniards fell more rapidly than it had arisen. He wished to make his peace with the offended chief of Matan ; and with the help of the treacherous slave Enrique, who on the death of Magellan his master was im- properly if not cruelly treated, the Christian Carlos formed a plan of seizing the ships, arms, and merchandise, and, to effect this, of murdering the crews in cold blood. The officers were invited on shore to receive, previous to their departure, a rich present of jewels prepared before the death of Magellan for his most Catholic majesty. These were to be delivered at a solemn banquet. Some of the officers suspected treachery, and among others Juan Ser- rano ; but they landed to the number of twenty-eight. From the king's brother, on whom the miracle had been wrought, taking aside the almoner, and leading him into his own house while the others proceeded to the banquet, Juan Carvallo, the pilot, and another Spaniard, confirmed in their original suspicion, returned to the ships. They had scarcely reached them, when the shrieks of the victims were heard from the banqueting-house ; and the natives D 38 BOHOL AND BORNEO : were immediately seen dragging their dead bodies to the water-side. The anchors were instantly raised, and several shots fired upon the town, the ships meanwhile crowding all sail to leave this fatal harbour. At this time Captain Juan Serrano, who had landed with extreme reluctance, was seen dragged to the shore, wounded, and tied hand and foot. Earnestly he entreated his countrymen to desist from firing, and to ransom him from this cruel and treache- rous people. They turned a deaf ear to his prayers ; and Serrano, second in command, as in ability and courage, to Magellan, was thus left at the mercy of the islanders, while, kneeling on the beach, he implored his countrymen not to abandon him. Pigafetta relates, that " finding all his en- treaties were vain, he uttered deep imprecations, and appealed to the Almighty at the great day of judgment to exact account of his soul from Juan Carvallo, his fellow- gossip." " His cries were, however, disregarded," con- tinues the narrator, " and we set sail without ever hearing what became of him." This unmanly and cruel abandon- ment of a friend, commander, and countryman is imputed to the hope Carvallo entertained of succeeding to the com- mand on the death of Serrano, the captains of the other ships being already massacred. It is but justice to the people of Zebu to mention, that one narrative of the voyage imputes the indiscriminate massacre of the Spaniards to a quarrel arising between them and the natives, from the former insulting the women. Some years afterward, it was incidentally heard, that instead of being all murdered, eight of the Spaniards were carried to China and sold for slaves. But the truth was never clearly ascertained. The armament of Magellan next touched at the island of Bohol, where, finding their numbers so much reduced by sickness and the battle of Matan, they burned one of the ships, first removing the guns and stores into the others, now commanded by Carvallo. At Zebu they had already heard of the Moluccas, their ultimate destination. They touched at Chippit in Mindanao on their way, and after- ward at Cagayan Sooloo. At Puluan they first heard of Borneo. Having procured a pilot, they reached that island on the 8th July, 1521, and anchored next day at three leagues from the city, which was computed to contain twenty-five thousand families. It was built within high- MANNERS AND CUSTOMS. 39 water mark, and the houses were raised on posts. At full tide the inhabitants communicated by boats, the women thus selling their various commodities. The religion of Borneo was the Mohammedan. The island abounded in wealth, and the people exhibited a high degree of civiliza- tion and refinement. Letters were known, and many of the arts flourished. The king, though attended only by females, employed ten men as secretaries in state affairs. The people had brass coin in circulation in their commerce, end they distilled arrack from rice. Presents were here exchanged, and the ceremonial of in- troduction and the offer of a treaty of commerce were made and accepted. Elephants were sent to the water-side for the Spanish embassy ; and a feast of veal, capons, and fowls of several kinds was placed before them, served in elegant porcelain dishes. They were supplied with golden spoons to eat their rice ; in their sleeping apartment wax flambeaux burned in silver candlesticks, and men kept watch all night to supply with oil the lamps which also illuminated the chamber. The king was a stout man about forty. When admitted to an interview, the deputation, on the curtain of the royal saloon drawing up, found him sur- rounded by three hundred guards armed with poniards. — He sat at a table with a little child, and was chewing betel. Close behind him were ranged his female attendants. He received the Spanish gifts with merely a slight movement of the head, discovering no eager or undignified curiosity, and returned presents of brocade and cloth of gold and silver. The courtiers were all naked, save a piece of cloth of gold round their waists. On their fingers they wore many rings ; and their poniards had handles of gold set with gems. The curtain of the royal saloon, drawn up when the ceremony began, at the conclusion dropped, and all was over. Pigafetta asserts that the king had two pearls as large as pullets' eggs, and so perfectly round, that, placed on a polished table, they rolled continually. The natural productions of Borneo were rice, sugar canes, gin- ger, camphor, gums, wax ; and fruits and vegetables in great variety. The people were peculiarly skilful in the manufacture of porcelain, which formed a principal article of their merchandise. Their pirogues were ingeniously formed, and the state ones carved on the prows and gilt 40 THE MOLUCCA ISLES. The Spaniards, who seldom or never left any port they visited on good terms with the people, in real or affected alarm for an attack, seized several junks in the harbour, in which they knew there was rich booty, and. made some persons of quality captives, in reprisal for three seamen absent or detained in the town. The authority of Carvallo, which had. never been re- spected, was now set aside by the choice of Espinosa as captain-general. Sebastian del Cano, a Biscayan, was also made a commander, and the Spaniards forthwith com- menced what more resembled a privateering cruise than a peaceful voyage of discovery and traffic, pillaging all the small vessels they met, of whatever nation, and holding the passengers to ransom, or making them prisoners, sometimes after obstinate engagements. Going near several islands, they touched at one, and seized two natives, whom they compelled to act as their pilots to the long-sought Moluccas, which they at length reached, and on the 8th November anchored at Tidore. They met with a hospitable and kind reception. The ships were visited by Almanzor, the king of Tidore ; a traffic in spices was commenced, and a fac- tory established on shore, where trade soon became brisk, spices being readily given in exchange for red cloth, drink- ing-glasses, knives, and hatchets. The king, Almanzor, was a Mohammedan, to which faith the conquests of the Moors, at a period comparatively recent, had converted as many of the native princes of the East Indian islands as they had stripped of their power. The King of Tidore was but a late convert. The Molucca Islands were found to be five in number, lying on the west coast of a large island called Gilolo.- They were named Tidore, Terrenate, Motir, Bachian, and Maquian. They are seen from each other, and one was distinguished by pyramidical mountains, presumed to be volcanic. They were governed each by its own prince/ — - The spices produced were nutmegs, cloves, mace, ginger, and cinnamon, which grew almost spontaneously. The other natural productions were much the same as in the Archipelago of St. Lazarus. The houses were built on piles or posts, and fenced round with cane hedges. In the island of Bachian a species of bird of exquisite beauty was found, which the natives called " the bird of God," saying HOMEWARD VOYAGE. 41 it came from Paradise. This bird and the clove-tree, of which Pigafetta gives a flowery description, are now welt known. By the middle of December, from the quantity obtained, and the plunder previously made in these seas, the spice cargoes were completed ; and the Spanish com- mander, ready to depart, was charged with letters and presents, consisting of the rarest productions of the island, sent to the emperor his master by the King of Tidore, his most Catholic majesty's faithful ally, if not sworn vassal. When ready to sail, the Trinidad was found unfit for sea ; and the Vitoria proceeded alone on the homeward voyage, with a crew of forty-seven Europeans, thirteen Indians, and also Molucca pilots. These islanders entertained the seamen with many a marvellous oriental legend. While steering for Mindanao, before coming to the Moluccas, Pigafetta had heard of a tribe of hairy men, very fierce and warlike, who inhabited a cape on the island Benaian, wearing long daggers, and consuming the hearts of their prisoners raw with a sauce of lemon or orange juice ; and by the Molucca pilots he was told of a people whose ears were so long that the one served them for a mattress and the other for a coverlet.* He also heard of a tree on which birds perch, of size and strength to pounce upon an ele phant, and bear him up into the air. The Vitoria touched at different places in the voyage to Spain, and after a mutiny and the loss of twenty-one men, passed the Cape of Good Hope on the 6th May, 1522. — Being reduced to the greatest extremity for want of provi- sions, and choosing rather to fall into the hands of the Portuguese than to perish by famine, they anchored on the 9th July, a Wednesday according to their reckoning, in the harbour of St. Jago, where the time proved Thursday, arid the 10th,— a difference and loss of a day which, though very easily accounted for, was extremely perplexing to the first of the circumnavigators, who, setting out from the west, returned by the east. A certain quantity of provisions was obtained before the quarter from whence the ship came was * The classic reader will be amused by the coincidence between the marvellous legends of the Molucca pilots and the wonders related by a story-teller of remoter antiquity and higher authority, Strabo, who re- counts this among other legends brought from the East by the soldiers of 4'exander the Great 1)3 42 THE VITORIA AND TRINIDAD. suspected ; but the truth being discovered, the boat on the third trip was seized, and the Spaniards in the ship, not unobservant spectators, seeing preparations making for an attack, crowded sail and escaped from the island. On the 6th September, 1522, after a voyage of three years' duration, in which 14,160 leagues of sea had been traversed, Sebastian del Cano brought the Vitoria into St. Lucar, and on the 8th the vessel went up the river to Seville. Pigafetta, from whom every historian of this re- markable voyage borrows so largely, concludes his narrative almost poetically : — " These were mariners who surely merited an eternal memory more justly than the Argonauts of old. The ship, too, undoubtedly deserved far better to be placed among the stars than the ship Argo, which from Greece discovered the great sea ; for this our wonderful ship, taking her departure from the Straits of Gibraltar, and sailing southward through the great ocean towards the Antarctic Pole, and then turning west, not by sailing back, but proceeding constantly forward ; so compassing the globe, until she marvellously regained her native country, Spain." The crew on reaching Seville walked barefooted in procession to two churches to return thanks for their safe return, eighteen being now all the Europeans that survived of the crew of the Vitoria. The ship itself became the theme of poets and romancers, and was carefully pre- served. The commander, Sabastian del Cano, escaped the neglect which was the common fate of all Spanish dis- coverers. He was liberally rewarded, and obtained letters- patent of nobility. The Trinidad was less fortunate than its consort. After being refitted, she attempted to recross the Pacific, but was nearly wrecked ; and being driven back, the crew were made prisoners by the Portuguese, whose jealousy of Spanish enterprise in these parts was now violently inflamed by the late transactions at the Moluccas. The voyage of Magellan was attended by many import- ant results ; it demonstrated the existence of a communi- tion between the Atlantic and the Pacific Oceans, and as- certained the southern boundary of the American continent. In its progress Magellan discovered the Unfortunate Islands, several islands of the group of the Ladrones, and the Ar- chipelago of St. Lazarus ; he also demonstrated the form EXPEDITION OF LOYASA. 43 of the earth, and accomplished what had baffled, even on the threshold, every navigator who had made the same attempt. All the sea and land discovered by Magellan were claimed by Spain as its sole possession, — an assumption of right which the other European states, and especially Portugal, were unwilling to acknowledge. The passage to the Mo- luccas and those islands themselves, the principal advan- tage gained by the discoveries of Magellan, were claimed by the double title of the pope's grant and the alleged ces- sion of the native princes to the King of Castile. John III., king of Portugal, was equally tenacious of his rights. The old dispute of the boundary and partition-line was re- newed, and referred to a convocation of learned cosmogra- phers and skilful pilots, who met at Badajos, and parted as they met ; the commissioners of both parties being alike tenacious of the claims of their royal constituents. The re- spective governments were thus left to establish their right of possession as they found most convenient ; and Spain lost no time in fitting out another expedition to establish her claims, and secure to the utmost the advantages of Magellan's discovery. This armament consisted of four ships, of which Garcia Jofre de Loyasa, a knight of Malta, was appointed captain- general ; Sebastian del Cano, and others of the survivors of Magellan's voyage, going out under his command. The squadron sailed from Corunna on the 24th July, 1525, and was expected to reach the Spice Islands by Magellan's Straits in no long time. Every precaution was taken to ensure the celerity and success of the voyage, and the ex- pedition at first proceeded prosperously. To the still imperfect state of nautical science we must impute many of the subsequent disasters of Loyasa. The strait so lately discovered was already the subject of un- certainty and dispute ; Sebastian del Cano's vessel was wrecked near Cape de las Virgines ; the captain-general was separated* from the fleet ; the other ships were injured ; * The Spaniards claim a notable discovery from this separation of the feet. The St. Lesmes, a barque commanded by Francisco de Hozes, is reported to have been driven to 55° south in the gale, and the captain affirmed that he had seen the end of the land of Tierra del Fuego. This some Spanish historians of Magellan's expedition suppose Cape Horn ; 44 NEW GUINEA. through the strait, which it was April before they entered, the passage proved tedious and dismal, and several of the seamen died of the extreme cold. The stupendous scenery described on this passage presents many of those gigantic features which nature assumes in the New World. On the 26th May the fleet entered the South Sea, but was almost immediately dispersed in a storm. One of the vessels steered for New Spain, the others held north-west. Both commanders were now sick ; and four days after crossing the line, on the 3d of August, 1 526, Loyasa died, and Del Cano, who had braved and weathered so many dangers, ex- pired in a few days afterward. Alonzo de Salazar, who succeeded to the command of the fleet, steered for the La- drones, and, in 14° north, discovered St. Bartholomew. Between Magellan's Strait and the Ladrones thirty-eight of the seamen died, and the whole crew were so enfeebled that it was found necessary to entrap eleven Indians to work the pumps. Salazar, the third commander died ; and it was November before they came to anchor at Zamafo, a port in an island belonging to their ally, the King of Tidore. Disputes immediately arose between the Spaniards and the Portuguese governor settled at Terrenate, and a petty maritime warfare ensued, which was prosecuted for many years with various degrees of activity and success, — the people of Tidore supporting the Spaniards, and those of Terrenate the Portuguese settlers. In the course of this year, 1526, Papua, long since called New Guinea, was discovered by Don Jorge de Meneses, in his passage from Malacca to the Moluccas, of which he had been appointed governor by the court of Portugal. About the same time a Portuguese captain, Diego da Rocha, discovered Se- queira, believed the modern Pelew Islands. In the course of the summer of 1527, the fourth commander of Loyasa's 6quadron died, or, it is alleged, was taken off by poison at the instigation of the Portuguese governor ; and the prin- cipal ship was so much damaged in repeated actions, that it was found unfit for the homeward voyage. while the geographers of other nations name it Staten Land, the certain discovery of which is, however, of much later date. The extent of pro- jecting land between the eastern entrance to the strait and Cape Horn makes it improbable that it could have been seen by the crew of the St. Lesmes FOYAGE OF SAAVEDRA. 45 In the same season the celebrated Hernan Cortes equipped three ships for the Spice Isles, which sailed from New Spain on All Saints' Day, under the command of his kinsman Alvaro de Saavedra. Two of the vessels were almost immediately separated from the admiral, who, pursuing his course alone, after leaving the Ladrones, discovered on Twelfth Day a cluster of islands, to which, from this cir- cumstance, he gave the name of the Islands de los Reves. The men here were naked, save a piece of matting about their middle, — tall, robust, and swarthy, with Jong hair and rough beards. They wore broad hats as a shelter from the sun, had large canoes, and were armed with lances of cane. When Saavedra reached the Moluccas, which was in little more than a two months' voyage, his direct approach from New Spain would scarcely be credited. He was imme- diately attacked by the Portuguese, but was supported by his countrymen, the residue of Loyasa's fleet, who had now built a brigantine. After completing his cargo, he sailed for New Spain on the 3d June, an eastward voyage, that for a series of years baffled every successive navigator. Land was reached, which the Spaniards named Isla del Oro, from believing that gold abounded. There is, however, reason to conclude that this was Papua, afterward called New Guinea, from the resemblance between the natives and the negroes on the Guinea Coast. They were black, with short crisped hair or wool ; and had the features of that distinc- tive race of Polynesia, since termed Oceanic negroes, who are found in many of the islands scattered throughout the vast Pacific, sometimes mixed with the other great family by which these islands are peopled, but generally apart. Saavedra was driven back to the Moluccas ; nor was his second attempt to reach New Spain in the following year more fortunate. In that voyage he once more touched at Papua. When formerly here he had made three captives. On again seeing the beloved shores of their native land, two of these poor Indians plunged into the sea while the ship was yet distant ; but the third, who was said to be more tractable, and had by this time been baptized, re- mained to act as ambassador between his new friends and his countrymen, and to establish an amicable traffic. When the vessel neared the beach, he also leaped into the water ; but, without being allowed to land, was at once assailed by 46 DISCOVERY OF CALIFORNIA. his former friends, and murdered, as an outcast and repro- bate, in presence of his Christian patrons. A group of small islands in 7° north, seen afterward, were, from the natives being tattooed or painted, named Los Pintados. The people were fierce and warlike, and from a canoe boldly attacked the ships with showers of stones thrown from slings. To the north-east of Los Pintados several low inhabited islands were discovered, and named Los Buenos Jardines. Saavedra came to anchor here, and the natives drew to the shore, waving a flag. A band of men, and a female, supposed to have been a sorceress, came on board, to enable, it was imagined, the latter to use her skill and spells in making discoveries. The natives were light-com- plexioned and tattooed. The females were beautiful, with agreeable features and long black hair : they wore dresses of fine matting. Saavedra, on landing, was met by men and women in procession, with tambarines and festal songs. These islands afforded abundance of cocoanuts and other vegetable productions. The commander died soon after leaving the Good Gar- dens Islands ; and after vainly attempting to reach New Spain, the ship once more returned to the Moluccas. To Saavedra is ascribed the bold project of cutting a canal from sea to sea through the Isthmus of Darien.* In the same year, 1529, the Emperor Charles V., who left his subjects in the Moluccas to defend themselves as they could, mortgaged, or ceded to Portugal his right to those islands for 350,000 ducats. Though several voyages were attempted as private enterprises, they all proved abor- tive, and the passage by Magellan's Straits, from its storms and terrors, was abandoned. The discoveries opening in other quarters likewise contributed to divert attention from this point of enterprise. The peninsula of California was about this time discov- * This project, which has been fifty times revived, very early engaged the attention of Spain. It is discussed in Jos. Acosta's Moral and Phy- sical History of the Indies, — who urges against the design an opinion which is not even yet either established or abandoned, namely, that one sea being higher than the other, the undertaking must be attended by some awful calamity to the globe. Very recent observations, however, made under the patronage of Bolivar, seem to prove that either a canal or a railway is quite practicable See Royal Society Transactions for EXPEDITION OF VILLALOBOS. 4? ered by Cortes. Its gulf and outer shores had been exam- ined ; new settlements were also every year rising in Mex- ico and Peru, which engrossed the cares of the Spanish governor ; and it was not till the year 1542 that, forgetting the cession or mortgage to Portugal, a squadron was once more fitted out, destined for the Archipelago of St. Laza rus. This was the work of the Viceroy of Mexico, and the command was intrusted to his brother-in-law, Ruy Lopez de Villalobos. He discovered the island of St. Thomas, in latitude 18° 30' north, and a cluster of low islands, which were named El Coral. On the 6th January, 1543, at 35 leagues from the Coral Isles, the fleet passed ten islands, which, from their fertile appearance, they called The Gar- dens (Los Jardines). The squadron coasted along Min danao, making some miscalculation in their course ; and on reaching Sarrangan, an island near the south part of Min- danao, determined there to fix that settlement which was the chief purpose of their expedition. This the natives, though at first hospitable and friendly, stoutly opposed ; but the captain-general, having already taken formal possession of all the islands for the emperor, determined to make good his point, and the Indians were subdued, and retreated to other islands. Here the Spaniards raised their first harvest of Indian corn in the Philippines, — the name now given by Villalobos to all these islands, in compliment to the Prince- royal of Spain. The inhabitants of several of the islands in a short time became more friendly ; traffic was estab- lished ; and Spanish success once more excited the jealous apprehensions of the Portuguese, and begot numerous petty intrigues among the native chiefs who favoured the differ- ent European leaders. In the progress of events, the con- duct of Ruy Lopez de Villalobos was marked by perfidy to the Indian allies he had gained, and treachery to Spain. In despite of the remonstrances and honourable counsels of his officers, he accepted unworthy terms of personal safety from the Portuguese, one condition being a passage home. On his return to Europe by the east, in a Portuguese ship, he died at Amboyna, of sickness and chagrin, — thus eluding the justice of Spain, which he had betrayed. The certainty of conquering the Philippines had been demonstrated even by the treachery of Villalobos ; and, as another preparatory step, search was made on the exterior 48 EXPEDITION OF LEGASPI. coast of California for a harbour, as an intermediate port or place of shelter to ships passing between those islands and New Spain, the Straits of Magellan being still abandoned in despair. The features of the various expeditions under- taken for many subsequent years, while the course lay through those fatal straits, may be described in few words. Some missed the entrance, but most were wrecked on the coast. The commencement of a new reign is a period prover- bial for energy and activity, whether the implement wielded by the ruler be a broom, a baton, or a sceptre. Among the first acts of Philip II. was an order issued to the Viceroy of Mexico for the final conquest of the Philippines. This new expedition was rather fertile in discovery. It was con- ducted by Miguel Lopez de Legaspi, and under him by a man of much greater talent, the Fray Andres de Urdaneta, a celebrated cosmographer and navigator, who, after sail- ing with Loyasa, had become a monk. To Urdaneta the honour was given of nominating the captain-general, his profession forbidding him to hold any secular rank, though no one was so well qualified to act as a " holy guide, to un- furl and wave the banner of Christ in the remotest of these islands, and to drive the Devil from the tyrannical posses- sion he had held for so many ages." The expedition sailed on the 21st November, 1564. On the 9th January, 1565, they discovered a small island, which they named De Los Barbudos, and next morning a chain of islands, which were called De los Plazeres, from the shoals. On the 12th an- other chain was discovered, and named Las Hermanas or The Sisters. These islands are supposed to be the Pisca- dores and Arrescifes of modern charts. The squadron touched at the Ladrones, where, on the island Guahan, the Padre Urdaneta would have formed the desired settlement ; but the sealed orders of the king, opened at sea, decreed that it should be established in the Philippines. The In- dians here, a blithe and good-tempered race, still, however, retained the propensity to thieving which had obtained for these islands their European designation. Their dwellings were neatly formed and lofty, raised on stone pillars, and divided into chambers. They had boat-houses or dry docks for their canoes. In Loyasa's voyage, we hear that the only creatures seen among them were turtle-doves, FIRST SPANISH SETTLEMENTS. 49 which they kept in cages, and taught to speak. They wor- shipped the bones of their ancestors. Without seeing other land the fleet made the Philippines ; and, on the 3d Febru- ary, 1565, anchored near the east part of the island Tan- daya. The natives wore the semblance of friendship ; and the captain-general made a covenant of alliance with the chiefs, according to the customs of their country, the par- ties to the treaty drawing blood from their arms and breasts, and mingling it with wine or water, in which they pledged mutual fidelity. The Indians, however, were not the dupes of European policy. With much shrewdness, they remarked that the Spaniards gave " good words but bad deeds." The fleet sailed from place to place, but small progress was made in gaining the confidence of the people, who were now fully alive to the intentions of their visiters. One station after another w T as abandoned, and Zebu was at last selected as the point of settlement. There the Spaniards carried matters in a higher tone than they had hitherto assumed. The tardiness of the people to acknowledge the oifered civilities of the voyagers was used as a pretext for aggres- sion, and the foundation of the first settlement of the Span- iards in the Philippines was laid in the reeking ashes of the sacked capital of Zebu. Hostilities continued to be waged for a time between the islanders and the invaders ; but mutual interest dictated peace, and the late unprovoked atrocities of the Europeans were at last viewed as a just though severe retribution for the treacherous murder of Magellan's crew by their ances- tors forty years before. The news of the settlement was carried back to America by the Fray Andres Urdaneta, the pilot-monk, who sailed on the 1st June, and on the 3d of October reached Acapulco — a navigation highly extolled at the time, as the passage across the Pacific from west to east, so necessary to facilitate the communication between the Philippines and the mother country, had hitherto baffled every navigator. By following a course to the 40th degree of north latitude fair winds were obtained ; and the home- ward voyage long continued to be made to New Spain by the same track, which obtained the name of Urdaneta's Passage. The name of the friar became celebrated among all the European navigators ; and to him we find English seamen attributing the fabled discovery of the North-west E 50 ROBINSON CRUSOE'S ISLAND. Passage, long before Sir Francis Drake had attempted an enterprise which Britons still appear so reluctant to aban- don as hopeless. Legaspi's expedition laid the foundation of Spanish powei securely in the Philippines. The settlement of Manilla soon followed that of Zebu ; the former place being then, what it still remains, the capital of all the islands going under the general name given them by Villalobos. Other discoveries in the South Sea, memorable, if not important, preceded the voyage of Drake. Maritime sci- ence was now advancing surely, though slowly ; and indi- vidual sagacity, boldness, and experience were occasionally anticipating its progress. Juan Fernandez, a Spanish pilot, who often made the passage from Peru to the new settlements in Chili, in the hopes of finding favourable winds for the south, to which contemporary navigators made tedious and difficult voyages, creeping timidly along the coast, had stood out to sea ; and in the progress of his voyage discovered the island which bears his name — a name dear and familiar to readers over the whole globe as Robinson Crusoe's Island. This discovery of a land offer- ing what the seaman most requires,— wood, water, anchor- age, and vegetables, — was made in the year 1563, in 33° 45' south latitude, and distant from the coast of America 115 geographical leagues. Cocos Island, so named from its most plentiful production, and the Galapagos, or Turtle Islands, afterward celebrated as the haunts of the English Buccaneers, had now been discovered, and also the group named the Solomon Islands. The narrative of the navigation of Mendana, undertaken tor the purpose of discovery in the South Sea, and in which he saw the land named the Solomon Islands, forms an in- teresting chapter in the early Spanish voyages. Alvaro de Mendana left Callao, the port of Lima, on the 10th Janu- ary, 1567, and, sailing 1450 leagues, discovered in 6° 45' south, the Isle of Jesus, and after other trifling discoveries the island of Saint Isabella of the Star, and successively the group to which the name of Solomon Isles was affixed, that it might attract attention by indicating great wealth in gold and other precious commodities. In that age these islands were by the ignorant believed those from which Solomon had obtained gold and sandal-wood, and the rare THE SOLOMON ISLES. 51 materials employed in erecting the Temple. The islanders were found of various characters ; though it may be, the difference consisted more in the mood of the moment than in original or permanent causes. At Saint Isabella they were mulattoes, with crisp hair. Their food was roots and cocoanuts. The Spaniards supposed them to be cannibals, though some distinction ought perhaps to be drawn between habitual men-eaters and those tribes who, merely in the gratification of brutal vengeance, devour their enemies. They were nearly naked, and worshipped reptiles and toads. Some of the islands produced in abundance yams and bread-fruit ; in one a volcano was seen, then smoking. A. brigantine was built for the purpose of further discovery m this interesting archipelago, round which the pilots cruised, threading many channels. During the ceremony of erecting a cross on one of the islands, and taking pos- session, the Spaniards were attacked. If they sometimes showed humanity, in no case did they study forbearance. Two natives were shot, and the rest fled. In a river which the Spaniards explored to some distance gold was found. Other islands and a populous coast was seen, with which the Spaniards for some time maintained a friendly inter- course. But aggressions on the gentiles by their Christian visiters was not then considered a more forbidden pastime than the cruel violence practised on the natives of Africa in later days. The seizure of a boy by the captain-gene- ral gave just offence to a chief, who had till then been hos- pitable and friendly ; and the refusal to give up his subject was revenged, in their fashion, by the murder of ten Span- iards, belonging to a watering-party which the Indians had surprised. This was the signal for wide-spreading ven- geance. Houses were burned, and many of the natives killed ; nor did the outrages of the Spaniards terminate here. Landing on an island they had named San Christo- val, they were boldly opposed by the natives, of whom two were shot, and the rest fled, leaving their houses to be plundered by the invaders. Mendana returned to Lima. The romantic accounts of the wealth and fertility of this new Ophir gave rise to a project of settlement, but it died away ; and, on the rapid extension of the continental settlements, his discovery nearly faded from recollection, or survived merely in the 52 SOUTHERN CONTINENT. imperfect charts and journals of the navigators. Thirty years afterward, when Mendana undertook another voyage, he could not fall in with his former discovery, and the Solo- mon Islands remained unvisited till refound by M. Surville in 1769, two centuries after the visit of Mendana. They have since been visited, at different times, both by English and French navigators. Such was nearly the amount of discovery in that great sea, itself but lately known, previous to the voyage of Drake, — a claim set up for Juan Fernandez of having seen the coast of New Zealand being still a subject of doubt and dispute. A continent to the south was a favourite and natural idea among the navigators of that age ; and Fernandez, already a discoverer of some note, and a skilful pilot and bold sea- man, reported that in one of his periodical voyages between Chili and Peru, sailing about 40 degrees off the coast of Chili, and lying upon courses between west and south, he found a fair and fertile portion of an unknown continent, inhabited by white people, who were dressed in woven cloth, and were in their manners kind and hospitable. The skep- tical may question the relation altogether ; the charitable will conclude that New Zealand was seen, or some large island still unknown to modern voyagers, many of which the Pacific is sufficiently capacious to contain. Another important discovery is claimed by the Spaniards, but not supported by evidence. In 1 576, the year preceding Drake's voyage, a navigator named Gali is said to have discovered an island which he named Table Mountain from its exter- nal appearance, and which, it is stated, was the Owhyee of the Sandwich group. If the discovery was ever made, it was completely forgotten ; which is not likely when the im- portance of such a midway station for the Spanish fleet and ships passing between Mexico and the Philippines is con- sidered. Some abortive voyages to Magellanica are omitted here, the chapter having already extended to considerable lengtn ; and now, taking leave of the early Spanish discoverers, we turn to the career of that illustrious navigator who first launched an English ship into the South Sea, and carried the fame of the nation which his discoveries enriched to tht> uttermost part6 of the globe. f 531 DRAKE. CHAPTER II. Life of Sir Francis Drake. Drake's Birth and Parentage — He goes to Sea— Purser of a Biscay Trader — Voyage to the Guinea Coast — Sir John Hawkins — Slave Trade— Affair at St. Juan de Ulioa— Drake returns to England— Ex- perimental Voyages— Expedition to Nombre de Dios — Journey across the Isthmus— Rich Booty— Returns Home— Fits out Frigates— Irish Rebellion — Patronage of Essex; of Sir Christopher Hatton — Intro- duced at Court. Francis Drake, in common with many of the great men whose names impart lustre to the annals of England, may be termed the son of his own brave deeds. His family and the rank of his father have, however, been made the subject of much unprofitable discussion. In the heroic ages the birth of so illustrious a man, if at ail obscure, would at once have been derived from the gods, — an origin of extreme con- venience to such biographers as, influenced by the prejudices of descent, disdain to relate the history of a poor man's son. Modern skepticism and coldness of imagination making this no longer possible, a struggle is nevertheless made for dis- tinguished origin of some kind. The godfather of Drake was Sir Francis Russel of Tavistock, afterward Earl of Bed- ford ; and though various authorities are given for his father having been in orders, there remains no doubt that he was an honest mariner belonging to the same place. An attempt has been made to reconcile the contradictory accounts of Camden and Stowe by assuming that the father of Drake, originally a seaman, was converted to the reformed faith in the reign of Henry VIII., fell under the cognizance of some of his capricious and arbitrary edicts, and, fleeing into Kent, obtained orders, first read prayers to the fleet, and afterward was appointed vicar of Upnore on the Medway, in which E2 54 drake's ancestry. river the royal fleet then usually rode. Though Johnson, following Camden, without hesitation assumes the fact of the elder Drake being a clergyman, it is superfluous to cite the dates and accurate authority which disprove what both the annalist and the sage had a strong inclination to be- lieve. Stowe and the Biographia Britannica restore to the " honest mariner of Tavistock" the son of whom he had been innocently deprived by the real or imaginary vicar of Up- nore ; and Burney, in later times, though searching and accurate, does not even advert to a claim of birth which could add nothing to the renown of Francis Drake. The credit of having had Sir Francis Russel for his godfather is also disputed ; and with this too Drake could dispense, especially as he is allowed to have gained nothing by this distinction save the Christian name which he bore. But whatever were his ancestry, it is clearly ascertained that Francis was the eldest of twelve sons, who, with few exceptions, went to sea. It is said that he was brought up and educated by Sir John Hawkins, who was his kinsman. The degree or existence of the relationship is not clearly made out, and it is certain that young Drake was not long a charge upon any patron; for at a very tender age his father, having a large family, put him apprentice to a neigh- bour who traded to Zealand and France. Here he speedily acquired that practical knowledge of his profession which made him early in life as experienced and expert a seaman as he afterward became an able commander. His fidelity and diligence in this service gained the good-will and regard of his master, who, dying a bachelor, bequeathed his vessel to young Drake ; and thus in the active and vigilant dis- charge of his first humble duties was laid the sure founda- tion of future eminence and prosperity. At the early age of eighteen Drako was made purser of a ship trading to Biscay, and soon afterward engaged in the Guinea trade, which had lately been opened by the enterprise of his re- puted relation, Captain John Hawkins. The cruelty and injustice of this traffic was the discovery of a much later age. The regular course of the trade, the most lucrative in which England had ever been engaged, was for ships to re- pair first to the Guinea coast for the human cargo obtained by fraud, violence, and the most inhuman means, and then SIR JOHN HAWKINS. 55 to the Spanish islands and the colonies on the main, where the Africans were bartered for silver, sugar, hides, &c. &c. The history of the first voyage to the Guinea coast is that of every succeeding one : — " Master John Hawkins, coming upon the coast of Sierra Leone, staid for some time ; an<7 partly by the sword, and partly by other means, got into his possession three hundred negroes at the least." Few voyages had been made from England to this new El Dorado when Drake, at the age of twenty, desirous of extending his professional knowledge and participating in the gains of the slave-trade, embarked for Guinea in the squadron of Captain John Hawkins. Though Hawkins for his exploits on the Guinea coast had already obtained for his coat-of-arms, by patent from the herald's office, " a deroi- Moor in his proper colour, bound with a cord," he was not knighted till after he had obtained distinction in the public service. Whether Drake sailed from Plymouth captain of the Judith, one of the smallest ships of Hawkins's squadron, in the expedition undertaken to Guinea in 1567, or obtained this honour during the voyage, or in the harbour of St. Juan de Ulloa, is not clear ; though it is asserted in the relation of Miles Philip that he went out captain. It is sufficient that in the desperate rencounter at St. Juan de Ulloa be- tween the Spaniards and the English squadron, he held a command, and honourably distinguished himself. But this 6omewhat anticipates the order of events in the first remark- able period of Drake's history. Having completed his cargo of slaves, Hawkins and his company took the usual course to the Canaries and Spanish America, to exchange the Africans for other wares more valued in England. In passing, he took the town of Rio de la Hacha, because the governor did not choose to trade with him. This circumstance is noticed, as it affords the only shadow of palliation for the subsequent treachery dis- played by the Spaniards in the port of St. Juan de Ulloa, whither Hawkins was driven in to obtain shelter and re- freshments by the severe gales which on his way to Eng- land were encountered on the coast of Florida. When the squadron of six ships entered the port, they were believed by the inhabitants to be a Spanish fleet then hourly expected ; and those who came on board were in some consternation on discovering the mistake. Hawkins, who from the firsi 56 AFFATR OF ST. JUAN DE ULLOA. professed that he came in peace and friendship, to obtain shelter from stress of weather, and provisions for his money and merchandise, treated them with civility, but thought it prudent to detain two persons of consequence as hostages till assured of the terms on which he was to be received. The temptation of twelve merchant-ships lying in the port, with cargoes estimated at 200,000/., did not shake his in- tegrity, though he was aware that they might easily be overmastered by his force. It is, indeed, candidly confessed by Hawkins that he dreaded the displeasure of the queen A messenger was despatched to the Viceroy of Mexico ; but before any answer could be returned to the demand of Haw- kins the expected fleet appeared, and his situation became uneasy and critical. The Spanish fleet had on board a cargo valued at six or seven millions. If Hawkins pre- vented them from entering the harbour, they ran imminent risk of destruction ; and if admitted, his own safety was put in jeopardy ; the port being confined, the town popu- lous, and the Spaniards ready, he believed, and fatally ex- perienced, to practise any treachery. At last the fleet was admitted, the governor of Mexico agreeing to the terms stipulated, which were, the exchange of hostages, a supply of provisions on fair terms, and -that a fortified island which lay across and commanded the port should be given up to the English till their departure. On the faith of this treaty the Spanish fleet were allowed to sail in, mutual salutations were fired by the ships of both nations, and visits and civili- ties exchanged between the officers and the seamen. Save for embroiling England in war, and thereby incur- ring the wrath of Elizabeth, and perhaps endangering his own neck, Hawkins, dissatisfied and rendered suspicious by the tardiness of the late negotiation, would certainly have put all to the hazard of a fight, and have gained glory and the seven millions, or have lost himself; but he was now lulled into temporary security on the faith of a treaty which the Spaniards had never meant to observe longer than until they were able to violate it with impunity. Their fleet was reinforced by a thousand men secretly conveyed from the land. An unusual bustle and shifting of men and weapons from ship to ship was noticed by the English, and their de- mand for explanation of these symptoms was answered by on instant attack on all sides. The Minion and the Judith SPANISH TREACHERY. 57 (the small vessel commanded by Drake) were the only Eng- lish ships that escaped ; and their safety was owing to the valour and conduct of the commanders, and only ensured after a desperate though short conflict. The other four vessels were destroyed, and many of the seamen were rather butchered in cold blood than killed in action. The English who held the fortress, struck with alarm, fled to reach the ships at the beginning of the fight ; and in the attempt were massacred without mercy. Such an engagement in a nar- row port, each of the English vessels surrounded and attacked by three or four of those of Spain, presents a scene of havoc and confusion unparalleled in the records of mari- time warfare. By the desperate valour of the English in this unequal combat the Admiral and several more of the Spanish ships were burnt and sunk. Placed between the fortress and the still numerous fleet, it was by miracle that even one English vessel got away. Hawkins reached England in the Minion, which suffered incredible hardships in the homeward voyage. She left the port without provisions or water, and crowded with seamen who had escaped the general slaughter, many of them wounded. The relation of their hardships, produced as they were by the basest treachery, must have made an in- delible impression in England, where the Spaniards were already in bad odour. The details given by Miles Philip of the hardships of the voyage are too revolting to be trans- ferred to this narrative, but may be imagined from the words of Hawkins : — " If all the miseries and troublesome affairs of this voyage be thoroughly written, there would need a painful man with his pen, and as great a time as he that wrote the Lives of the Martyrs." The Judith, Drake's ves- sel, which parted from the Minion on the fatal night — (" forsook us in our great misery" are the words of Haw- kins) — made the homeward voyage with less hardship and difficulty than the Minion. Here Drake had lost his all, and here was laid the founda- tion of that hatred and distrust of the Spaniards which must have palliated many of his subsequent actions, and recon- ciled his countrymen to conduct they might not so readily have pardoned in one less sinned against. The chaplain of the fleet obtains the credit of expounding the justice of making reprisals on all Spaniards £>i the wrong inflicted by 58 NEW EXPEDITION. a few ; but this might well be a spontaneous feeling in a brave young man burning with resentment at the perfidy by which his comrades had been murdered and himself betrayed and beggared. It has been quaintly said that "in sea- divinity the case was clear. The King of Spain's subjects had undone Mr. Drake, and therefore Mr. Drake was enti- tled to take the best satisfaction he could on the subjects of the King of Spain." This doctrine was very taking in England, where " the good old rule, the simple plan," was still followed, — " That they should take who have the power, And those should keep who can." The scheme of Drake for a new expedition to the Spanish American colonies was accordingly no sooner made public than he found numbers of volunteers and friends ready to promote so praiseworthy a design as that which he was pre* sumed to entertain, and who, having no personal quarrel of their own, were quite ready to adopt his, if the issue prom- ised any share of those treasures with the fame of which Europe rung. But Drake was not yet prepared for the full development of his projects, and in all probability it was but gradually that they arose in his own mind. The infamous transactions of St. Juan de Ulloa took place in September, 1568, and in 1570 Drake undertook his first voyage with two ships, the Dragon and the Swan. In the following year he sailed with the Swan alone. That the means of undertaking any voyage were placed in the hands of a man still so young is highly creditable to his character and good conduct. These might be called preparatory or experimental voyages, in which he cautiously and carefully reconnoitred the scene of future exploits ; and improving his acquaintance with the islands and coasts of South America on the only side hitherto supposed accessible to Englishmen, amassed the wealth which enabled him to extend his sphere of enterprise, and enrich himself and his owners while pay* ing back part of his old debt to Spain. Drake's first bold and daring attempt at reprisal was made in 1572. His squadron consisted of two vessels of small weight, — and this kind of light bark he seemed always to prefer, — the Pacha of seventy tons burthen, which he commanded, and the Swan, once again afloat, a vcsse! ATTACK ON NOMBRE DE BIOS. 59 of twenty-five tons, in which he placed his brother Mr. John Drake. His whole force consisted of seventy-three* men and boys. Instead of setting out, as has been alleged, with so slender a force as twenty-three men and boys, to take ships and storm towns, it is probable that Drake, aftei leaving England, recruited his numbers from vessels' with which he fell in among the islands, as Lopez Vaz relates that at Nombre de Dios he landed 150 men. This town was at that time what Porto Bello, a much more conve- nient station, afterward became,— the entrepdt between the commodities of old Spain and the wealth of India and Peru ; and in riches imagined to be inferior only to Panama on the western shore. It was, however, merely a stage in the transmission of treasure and merchandise, and not their abiding place ; and at particular seasons the town, which did not at any time exceed thirty houses, was almost de- serted. On the 24th March, Drake sailed from Plymouth, and on the 22d July, in the night, made the attack on the town. A relation of this adventure, written by Philip Nicols, preacher, and afterward published by Sir Francis Drake, nephew, heir, and godson of the navigator, is both less ac- curate and circumstantial than the narrative of Lopez Vaz, who, if not an eyewitness, was near the spot, and conver- sant with the actors and spectators. Drake's force is esti- mated at 150 men, half of which he left at a small fort, and with the other division advanced in cautious silence to the market-place, when he ordered the calivers to be dis- charged, and the trumpet to be loudly sounded, the trum- peter in the fort replying, and the men firing at the same time, which made the alarmed Spaniards, startled out of their sleep, believe the place was attacked on all sides. Some scarcely awake fled to the mountains ; but a band of fourteen or fifteen rallied, and, armed with arquebuses, * In Campbell's Lives of the British Admirals the number of men is stated at twenty-three, which is evidently a misprint or mistake. The Biographia Britannica, from which the Life of Drake in the Lives of the Admirals is taken almost \erbatim, makes their number seventy-three, which is further confirmed by the narrative of Lopez Vaz, a Portuguese, Who wrote a relation of the adventures of Drake in this voyage, which was afterward found in the custody of Vaz, when he was made prisoner *»y the English in Rio de la Plata, in 1587. 60 ISTHMUS OF DARIEN. repaired to the scene of action. Discovering the small number of the assailants, they took courage, fired and killed the trumpeter, and wounded one of the leaders of the party, — Drake was also wounded. The men in the fort, hearing the trumpet silenced, which had been the preconcerted signal, while the firing continued more briskly than before, became alarmed, and fled to their pinnaces. Lopez Vaz relates that Drake's followers, retiring on the fort and finding it evacuated, shared in the panic, hastened I to the shore leaving their equipments behind, and by wading i and swimming reached the pinnaces. One Spaniard look- I ing out at a window was accidentally killed. Disappointed of the rich booty expected in the town, I Drake, on information obtained from the Symerons, a tribe I of Indians in the Darien who lived in constant hostility with the Spaniards, resolved to intercept the mules em- ployed to carry treasure from Panama to Nombre de Dios. Leaving his small squadron moored within the Sound of Darien, he set out, with a hundred men and a number of Indians, to attack and plunder this caravan of the New World. The plan, so well laid, was in the first instance frustrated by a drunken seaman. It was in this expedition across the isthmus that Drake, from the first sight of the Pacific, received that inspiration which, in the words of Camden, " left him no rest in his own mind till he had accomplished his purpose of sailing an English ship in those seas." The account of this ad- venture, alluded to in the beginning of this volume, is in one original history so interesting and picturesque that we transfer it without mutilation : — " On the twelfth day we came to the height of the desired hill (lying east and west like a ridge between the two seas) about ten of the clock ; where the chiefest of the Symerons took our captain by the hand and prayed him to follow him. Here was that goodly and great high tree, in which they had cut, and made divers steps to ascend near the top, where they had made a convenient bower, wherein ten or twelve men might \ easily sit ; and from thence we might see the Atlantic j Ocean we came from, and the South Atlantic so much de- \ sired. South and north of this tree they had felled certain | trees that the prospect might be the clearer. " After our captain had ascended to this bower with the i RETURN OT DRAKE. 61 chief Symeron, and having, as it pleased God at this time by reason of the breeze, a very fair day, had seen that sea of which he had heard such golden reports, he besought of Almighty God of his goodness to give him life and leave to sail once in an English ship in that sea, and then, calling up all the rest of our men, acquainted John Oxnam espe- cially with this his petition and purpose, if it should please God to grant him that happiness." This enthusiasm of a noble, ambition did not, however, divert the thoughts of the adventurer from enterprises of a more questionable kind. Disappointed at Nombre de Dios, and again of intercepting the mules, he stormed Venta Cruz, a half-way station for the lodgment of goods and refreshment of travellers making their way through the difficult and fatiguing passes of the isthmus. According to Lopez Vaz, six or seven merchants were killed ; and as no gold or silver was obtained to satiate the thirst of the English seamen, goods were wantonly destroyed to the amount of two thousand ducats. It is however not easy to say whether it was before or after this outrage that a string of treasure-mules was by accident surprised. The gold was carried off, and as much silver as it was possible to bear away. The rest was buried till a new voyage should be .undertaken, and Drake and his company regained their ships just in time to escape the Spaniards. — " Fortune so favoured his proceedings," says Vaz, " that he had not been above half an hour on board when there came to the seaside above three hundred soldiers, which were sent of purpose to take him ; but God suffered him to escape their hands to be a further plague unto the Spaniards." In this expedition a trait of Drake's character is recorded, which at once marks his generosity and enlightened policy. To the cacique of the friendly Symerons he had presented his own cutlass, for which the chief had discovered a true In- dian longing. In return the Indian gave him four large wedges of gold, which, declining to appropriate, Drake threw into the common stock, saying, " he thought it but just that such as bore the charge of so uncertain a voyage on his credit should share the utmost advantage that voyage produced." And now, " God suffering him to be a further plague to the Spanish nation, he sailed away with his treasure." This was considerable, and good fortune 62 DRAKE'S NEXT PROJECT. attended Drake to the end of his voyage ; for, leaving Florida, in twenty-three days he reached the Scilly Isles, probably the quickest passage that had yet been made. It was in time of public service, on Sunday the 9th August, 1573, that he returned to Plymouth; and "news of Cap- tain Drake's return being carried to church, there remained few or no people with the preacher ; all running out to observe the blessing of God upon the dangerous adventures of the captain, who had spent one year two months and seme odd days in this voyage." The next undertaking of Drake was of a more ambitious character. With the wealth acquired thus gallantly, and in the opinion of his contemporaries fairly and honourably, though the means may not stand the test of the morality of a more enlightened and philosophic age, Drake fitted out three stout frigates, which, with himself as a volunteer, he placed at the disposal of Walter, Earl of Essex, father of the unfortunate favourite of Elizabeth. Of these he was, as a matter of course, appointed commander, and per- formed good service in subduing the rebellion in Ireland. His former reputation and his late exploits had now ac- quired for Drake high fame and noble patronage, He be- came known to the queen through the introduction of her favourite and privy-counsellor, Sir Christopher Hatton, a distinction doubly desirable as it promised assistance in "that haughty design which every day and night lay next his heart, pricking him forwards to the performance." Though, in the enthusiasm of the moment of inspiration, Drake had betrayed his project, when the tims came for its accomplishment he maintained an almost suspicious re- serve, meditating his great design without " confiding it to any one." His character through life was that of a man who listens to every one's counsel, but follows his own ; and doubtless in the purpose he meditated there was no judgment so well informed and ripe SPEECH OF ELIZABETH. 63 CHAPTER III. Drake's Circumnavigation. The Queen approves the new Expedition— Drake's Squadron— Cape Cantin— Muley Moloch— Cape Blanco— Mayo and Brava— The Bra- zilians—Ostriches—Natives of Seal Bay— Their Manners and Dis- position— Patagonians — Unfortunate Affray — Stature of the Indians —Port St. Julian— Doughty's Trial and Execution— Passage of the Strait— The Natives— The Fleet separated— Tierra del Fuego— Fate of the Shallop's Crew— Cape Horn— The Elizabethides— Capture of Spanish Prizes— Lamas with Treasure— Capture of the Cacafuego— The Hind proceeds in Search of the North-west Passage— Indians of New Albion discovered— Singular Manners of the Indians — Drake crosses the Pacific— The Ladrones— The Moluccas— Remark- able Preservation— Baratane— Java— The Voyage Home— The Cape of Good Hope— Arrival at Plymouth— Drake's Fame— The Queen visits his Ship. Spain and England were still nominally at peace, though the national animosity was continually breaking out in fits of aggression and violence ; and if Elizabeth did not absolutely discountenance, her policy forbade open appro- bation of a project so equivocal as that which Drake con- templated. It is however certain that the plan of his voyage was laid before the queen ; and her majesty, once convinced of its importance, and the glory and advantage which might be derived to her kingdom from its prosperous issue, was easily reconciled to the justice of what appeared so expedient. The plan accordingly at last received her decided though secret approbation. In one relation of the voyage it is even affirmed that Drake held the royal commission, though this is not probable. What follows is more true to the character of Elizabeth, subtle at once and bold. At a parting interview she is said to have pre- sented Drake with a sword, delivered with this emphatic speech, "We do account that he who striketh at thee, Drake, striketh at us." Even this verbal commission saves Drake from the charge of having made a piratical voyage, or divides the shame with his sovereign. The high estimation in which Drake was now held may 64 THE SQUADRON. be gathered from the readiness with which friends and admirers placed in his hands their ships, and the means of equipping a squadron to go on some expedition of which the destination lay hid in his own bosom. Nor, though the horrible sufferings of Hawkins's crew and more recent disasters were still fresh in the public memory, did he lack both officers and seamen, from among the most bold, able, and active of that age, who were ready to follow him blind- fold to the end of the world. Some of the more sordid might from afar smell the spoils of the Spaniards, but many were actuated by nobler motives. The squadron was ostensibly fitted out for a trading voyage to Alexandria, though the pretence deceived no one, and least of all the watchful Spaniards. It consisted of five vessels of light burthen, the largest being only 100 tons. This wao named the Pelican, and was the captain- general's ship. The others were, trie Elizabeth, a bark of 80 tons belonging to London, and commanded by Captain John Winter ; the Swan, a fly-boat of 50 tons burthen, Captain John Chester ; the Christopher, a pinnace of 15 tons, Captain Thomas Moone ; and the Marigold, a bark of 30 tons, Captain John Thomas. The Benedict, a pin- nace of 12 tons, accompanied the Elizabeth. The frames of four pinnaces were taken out, to be set up as they were wanted. The anxiety displayed for the proper outfit of the squadron, the extent of preparations in provisioning the ships, and laying in arms and stores equal to a very long voyage, and the improbability of Drake, after his late exploits, undertaking a peaceful expedition for traffic, had betrayed in part his design before the fleet left England ; but when, out of sight of the land, the captain-general, in case of separation, appointed a rendezvous at the island of Mogadore on the Barbary coast, there was no remaining doubt that his enterprise pointed to a place more distant and important than Alexandria. Though it is probable that traversing the Pacific was a subsequent idea arising from the condition in which we shall find him after leaving the coast of New Albion, Drake is not the less entitled to the praise he has often received for attempting an enterprise like that of passing the Straits of Magellan with so small a force, and adventuring into wild, stormy and unknown seas with ships of so little SPANISH SUPERSTITIONS. 65 weight. The passage of the straits, even to a man not se obnoxious to the Spanish nation, was a project which could only rationally be entertained by a bold and com- manding genius, relying implicitly on its own resources- The dangers and difficulties of Magellan's Strait had made it be for a long period of years almost abandoned by the Spaniards, and it was come to be a saying among them that the, passage had closed up. A superstitious prejudice was conceived against all farther attempts in the South Sea, which, it was asserted, had proved fatal to every one who had been celebrated as a discoverer there, — as if Providence had a controversy with those who were so daring as to pass the insuperable barriers placed between the known and the unknown world. Magellan had been killed by the heathen in this new region, which Europeans had no sanction to approach ; Vasco Nunez de Balboa, the European who first saw the South Sea, put to death by his countrymen ; and De Solis cruelly murdered by the na- tives of Rio de la Plata, when proceeding to the strait. Most of the commanders had successively perished of dis- eases produced by the hardships and anxiety attending the voyage. The mariner De Lope, who from the topmast of a ship of Magellan's fleet first saw the strait, had a fate still more dreadful in the eyes of the good Catholics of Castile, as he had turned a renegado and Mohammedan. None of these real and imaginary dangers deterred Drake* and he, who at all times preferred vessels of light burden, as of greater utility in threading narrow and intricate channels and coasting unknown shores than ships of large and unwieldy size, selected those mentioned above. Besides the cargoes usually exported for trading, both with civilized and savage nations, Drake, who knew the full value of shows and pageants, and whatever strikes the senses, had taken care to equip himself with many ele- gancies seldom thought of by early navigators. His own furniture and equipage were splendid, and his silver cooking utensils and the plate of his table of rich and cu- rious workmanship. He also carried out a band of musicians, and studied every thing that could impress the natives in the lands he was to visit or discover with the magnificence and the high state of refinement and of the arts in his own country. FS 66 MOGADORE. On the 15th November, 1577, the squadron sailed from Plymouth, but, encountering a violent gale on the same night, were forced to put back into Falmouth : the main- mast of the Pelican was cut away, and the Marigold was driven on shore and shattered. This was a disheartening ouset ; but after refitting at Plymouth, they sailed once more on the 13th December, and proceeded prosperously. On Christmas-day they reached Cape Cantin on the coast of Barbary, and on the 27th Mogadore, — an island lying about a mile from the mainland, between which and it they found a safe and convenient harbour. Mogadore is an island of moderate height ; it is about a league in circuit. Having sent out a boat to sound, they entered by the north approach to the port, the southern access being found rocky and shallow. Here Drake halted to fit up one of the pinnaces for service ; and, while thus engaged, some of the Barbary Moors appeared on the shore, display- ing a flag of truce, and making signals to be taken on board. Two of superior condition were brought to the ships, an English hostage being left on shore for their safe return. The strangers were courteously received and hos- pitably regaled by the captain-general, v/ho presented them with linen, shoes, and a javelin. When sent on shore, the hostage was restored ; and next day, as several loaded camels were seen approaching, it was naturally presumed their burdens were provisions and merchandise, and the English sent off a boat to trade. On the boat reaching the shore, a seaman more alert than his neigh- bours leaped among the Moors, and was instantly snatched up, thrown across a horse, and the whole party set off at a round gallop. The boat's crew, instead of attempting to rescue their companion, consulted their personal safety by an immediate retreat to the ships. Indignant at the treach- ery of the Moors, Drake landed with a party to recover the Englishman and take vengeance ; but was compelled to return without accomplishing his object. Time, which cleared up the mystery, also partly exculpated the Moors. It was ascertained that the seaman had been seized to be examined by the king, the famous Muley Moloch, respect- ing an armament then fitting out by the Portuguese to in- vade his territory, — an invasion which soon afterward took place, and of whicl the results are well known. Before the GAPE BLANCO MAYO. 67 prisoner was dismissed the fleet had sailed ; but he was well treated, and permitted to return to England by the first ship that offered. The fleet, having taken in wood, sailed on the 31st De- cember, and on the 17th January, 1578, reached Cape Blanco, having on the cruise captured three caunters, as the Spanish fishing-boats were called, and two, or else three, caravels, — the accounts on this, as on several other minor points being often contradictory. A ship which was surprised in the harbour with only two men on board shared the same fate. At Cape Blanco they halted for five days' fishing; while on shore Drake exercised his company in arms, thus studying both their health and the maintenance of good discipline. From the stores of the fishermen they helped themselves to such commodities as they wanted, and sailed on the 22d, carrying off also a caunter of 40 tons bur- then, for which the owner received, as a slight indemnifica- tion, the pinnace Christopher. At Cape Blanco fresh water was at this season so scarce, that instead of obtaining a supply, Drake, compassionating the condition of the na- tives^ who came down from the heights, offering ambergris and gums in exchange for it, generally filled their leathern bags without accepting any recompense, and otherwise treated them humanely and hospitably. Four of the prizes were released here. After six days' sailing they came to anchor on the 28th at the west part of Mayo, — an island where, according to the information of the master of the caravel, dried goat's flesh might be had in plenty, the inhabit- ants preparing a store annually for the use of the king's ships. The people on the island, mostly herdsmen and husbandmen, belonging to the Portuguese of the island of St. Jago, would have no intercourse with the ships, having probably been warned of danger. Next day a party of sixty men landed, commanded by Captain Winter and Mr. Doughty, — a name with which, in the sequel, the reader will become but too familiar. They repaired to what was de- scribed as the capital of the island, by which must be un- derstood the principal aggregation of cabins or huts, but found it deserted. The inhabitants had fled, and had pre- viously salted the springs. The country appeared fertile, especially in the valjeys ; and in the depth of the winter of Great Britain they feasted on ripe and delicious grapes. The island a 'so produced cocoarwits, and they saw abun« 68 ISLA DEL FOGO BRAVA. dance of goats and wild hens ; though these good things, and the fresh springs, were unfortunately too far distant from the ships to be available. Salt produced by the heat of the sun formed here an article of commerce, and one of the prizes made was a caravel bound to St. Jago for salt. Leaving Mayo on the 30th, on the south-west side of St. Jago, they fell in with a prize of more value, — a Portu- guese* ship bound to Brazil, laden with wine, cloth, and b general merchandise, and having a good many passengers , on board. The command of this prize was given to Doughty, who was however soon afterward superseded by L Mr. Thomas Drake, the brother of the general. This is ] the first time we hear of offences being charged against the E unfortunate Doughty. It is said he appropriated to his L own use presents, probably given as bribes to obtain good ' usage, by the Portuguese prisoners. These captives Drake ; generously dismissed at the first safe and convenient place, jg giving every passenger his wearing apparel, and present- i ing them with a butt of wine, provisions, and the pinnace he had set up at Mogadore. Only the pilot was detained, Nuno de Silva, who was acquainted with the coast of Brazil, , , and who afterward published a minute and accurate account ;i of Drake's voyage. Here, near the island named by the Portuguese Isla del Fogo or the Burning Island, where, says the Famous Voyage, " on the north side is a consuming fire, the matter whereof is said to be sulphur," lies Brava, described in the early narratives as a terrestrial paradise, — " a most sweet and pleasant island, the trees whereof are always green, and fair to look upon ; in respect of which they call it Isla Brava, that is, The Brave Island." The " soil was almost full of trees ; so that it was a storehouse of many fruits and commodities, as figs always ripe, cocoas, plantains, oranges, lemons, citrons, and cotton. From the brooks, into the sea do run in many places silver streams of sweet and wholesome water," with which ships may easily be supplied. There was, however, no convenient harbour nor anchoring found at this " sweet and pleasant" island, — the ▼olcanic tops of Del Fogo " not burning higher in the air" than the foundations of Brava dipped sheer into the sea. * Portugal was at this time annexed to the crown of Spain, which enabled the English navigators to reconcile an attack on the Portuguese ■hips to consciences net however particularly scrupulous RIO DE LA PLATA. 69 The squadron now approached the equinoctial line, sometimes becalmed, and at other times beaten about with tempests and heavy seas. In their progress they were in- debted to the copious rains for a seasonable supply of water. They also caught dolphins, bonitos, and flying- fish, which fell on the decks, and could not rise again "for lack of moisture on their wings." They had left the shore of Brava on the 2d February. On the 28th March their valu- able Portuguese prize, which was their wine-cellar and store, was separated in a tempest, but afterward rejoined at a place which, in commemoration of the event, was called Cape Joy. The coast of Brazil was now seen in 31^°* south. On the 5th April the natives, having discovered the ships on the coast, made great fires, went through va- rious incantations, and offered sacrifices, as was imagined, to the Devil, that the prince of the powers of the air might raise storms to sink the strangers. To these diabolical arts the mariners doubtless attributed the violent lightning, thunder, and rain which they encountered in this latitude. About Cape Joy the air was mild and salubrious, the soil rich and fertile. Troops of wild deer, "large and mighty," were the only living creatures seen on this part of the coast, though the footprints of men of large stature were traced on the ground. Some seals were killed here, fresh provisions of any kind never being neglected. On the 14th of April, Drake anchored within the entrance of Rio de la Plata, where he had appointed a rendezvous in case of separation after leaving the Cape de Verd Islands ; and here the caunter, which had separated in a gale on the 7th, rejoined, when the expedition sailed 18 leagues farther into the river, where they killed sea-wolves (seals), — " whole- some but not pleasant food." Still farther in, they rode in fresh water ; but finding no good harbour, and having taken in water, the fleet, on the 27th, stood out, and after- ward southward. The Swan lost them on the first night, and the caunter, ever apt to go astray, was separated ten days afterward. In 47° south a headband was seen, within which was a bay that promised safe harbourage ; and hav- ing, on the 12th May, entered and anchored, Drake, who * Another account says 38° south. In determining the latitude or ion. gitude, the authority of Burney is generally followed in this volume, as bis eminent practical skill makes his observations on the discrcDanciHS in the different accounts of great value 70 INDIANS OF RIO DE LA PIATA. seldom devolved the duty of examination on an inferior officer, went off in the boat next morning to explore the bay. Before he made land a thick fog came on, and was followed by bad weather, which took from him the sight of the fleet. The company became alarmed for their pro- tector and general, in whom all their hopes of fortune, fame, and even of preservation were placed. The Mari- gold, a bark of light weight, stood in for the bay, picked up the captain-general, and came to anchor. In the mean while the other ships, as the gale increased, had been com- pelled to stand out to sea. The fog which had fallen be- tween Drake and the fleet also took from his sight an In- dian, who, loudly shaking a rattle, danced in time to the discordant music he made, and by his gestures seemed to invite the strangers on shore. Next day Drake landed, and several Indians came in sight, to whom a white flag was waved in token of amity, and as a signal to approach. The natives acknowledged the symbol of peace, but still kept at a wary distance. Drake now ordered fires to be lighted as signals to the ships ; and they all rejoined, save the two vessels formerly separated. In a sort of storehouse here, above fifty dried ostriches were found, besides other birds laid up, dry 'or drying for provision, by the Indians. It was believed by some of the English that these had been left as a present ; and Drake, whether believing or not in so rare an instance of hospi- tality, appropriated the dried birds to the use of his com- pany. It is a charitable conjecture that some of his own wares were left in return. The manner in which these ostriches, whose flesh supplied food while their feathers furnished ornaments, were snared deserves notice. Plumes of feathers were affixed to a stick, made to resemble the head and neck of the bird. Behind these decoys the hunter concealed himself and, moving onwards, drove the ostriches into some narrow tongue of land, across which strong nets were placed to intercept the return of the bird, which runs, but cannot fly.* Dogs were then set upon the prey, which was thus taken. * It is to be understood that in this volume objects of Natural History are often described according to the notions of early voyagers, and no! as farther research and observation, and the discoveries and classifies tions of science, warrant. DRESS AND MANNERS OF THE INDIANS. 71 The choice of the place in which the fleet now lay had been dictated by necessity alone. On the 15th it was abandoned, and on the 17th they anchored in a good port, in 47^° south. Here seals were so plentiful that upwards of 200 were killed in an hour. While the crews were fill- ing the water-butts, killing seals, and salting birds for fu- ture provision, Drake in the Pelican, and Captain Winter in the Elizabeth, set out on different courses in quest of the Swan and the Portuguese prize. On the same day Drake fell in with the Swan, and, before attempting the straits, formed the prudent resolution of diminishing the cares and hazards of the voyage by reducing the number of his ships. The Swan was accordingly broken up for firewood, after all her materials and stores had been removed. When the ships had lain here a few days, a party of the natives came to the shore, dancing, leaping, and making signs of invitation to a few of the seamen then on a small island, which at low water communicated with the main- land. They were a handsome, strong, agile race, lively and alert. Their only covering was the skin of an animal, which, worn about their middle when walking, was wrapped round their shoulders while they squatted or lay on the ground. They were painted over the whole body after a grotesque fashion. Though fancy and ingenuity were dis- played in the figures and patterns, and in the contrast and variety of colours, it is reasonable to conclude that the practice had its origin in utility, and was adopted as a de- fence against cold, ornament being at first only a secondary consideration, though, as in more refined regions, it some- times usurped the place of the principal object. These Indians being first painted all over, on this groundwork many freaks of fancy were displayed: white full-moons were exhibited to advantage on a black ground, and black suns on a white one. Some had one shoulder black and the other white ; but these were probably persons who carried the mode to the extreme. On seeing that the signals made were interpreted in a friendly way, Drake sent a boat to the shore with bells, cut- lery, and such small wares as were likely to be attractive and acceptable to the tastes of the natives. As the boat neared the shore, two of the group, who had been standing on a height, moved swiftly down, but stopped short at a little distance 72 DEPARTURE FROM SEAL BAY. The presents were fastened to a pole, and left on the beach , and after the boat put off they were removed, and in return such feathers as the natives wore, and the carved bones which they used as ornaments, were deposited near or fast- ened to the same pole. Thus a friendly, if not profitable or useful, traffic was established. For such trifles as the English bestowed they gave in return the only articles they possessed to which value was attached. These were bows, arrows made of reeds and pointed with flint, feathers, and carved bones. Their mode of exchange was to have every thing placed on the ground, from whence the goods were removed, and the article bartered for substituted. By some of the voyagers these people are described as of gi- gantic stature. They were of a gay and cheerful disposi- tion ; the sound of the trumpets delighted them ; and they danced merrily with the sailors. One of their number, who had tasted wine, and became, it is stated, intoxicated with the mere smell before the glass reached his lips, always afterward approached the tents crying, "Wine, wine !" — Their principal article of food was seals, and sometimes the flesh of other animals ; all of which they roasted, or rather scorched for a few minutes, in large lumps of six pounds' weight, and then devoured nearly raw, — " men and women tearing it with their teeth like lions." The fleet sailed from Seal Bay, as this place was named, on the 3d June, and on the 12th came to anchor in a bay where they remained for two days, during which they j stripped the caunter, and allowed it to drift. Drake had thus reduced his force to a more compact and manageable form. The place from which this vessel was sent adrift is sometimes called the Cape of Good Hope, but seems to have been named Cape Hope. From the 14th to the 17th May the fleet cruised about in search of the Mary, the ! Portuguese prize, and then came to anchor in a bay 50° 20' south. On the 19th the missing vessel was found, and next day the whole squadron anchored in the Port St. , Julian of Magellan in 40° 30' south ; where, says one L relation, " we found the gibbet still standing on the main where Magellan did execute justice upon some of his re- , bellious and discontented company." So soon as the ships l were safely moored, Drake and some of his officers went . off* in a boat to examine the capabilities of this part of the L ( UNFORTUNATE AFFRAY. 73 coast, and on landing met two men of immense stature, who appeared to give them welcome. These were of the Patagonian tribes of Magellan. A few trifles presented to * them were accepted with pleasure, and they were apparently delighted by the dexterity with which the gunner used the English bow in a trial of skill, sending his arrows so far beyond their best aim. Nothing, however, can be more fickle and capricious than the friendship of most savage tribes. An Indian of less amiable disposition than his companions approached, and with menacing gestures sig- nified to the crew to be gone. Mr. Winter, an English gentleman, displeased with the interruption given to their pastime by this churlish fellow, between jest and earnest drew a shaft, partly in intimidation, but also to prove the superiority of the English bow and skill. The bowstring unfortunately snapped ; and while he was repairing it a sudden shower of arrows wounded him in the shoulder and the side. Oliver, the gunner, instantly levelled his piece ; but it missed fire, and the attempt proved the signal for his destruction. He was pierced through with an arrow, and immediately dropped. At this critical moment Drake ordered the rest of the party to cover themselves with their targets and advance upon the Indians, who were fast mustering. With ready presence of mind, he directed his men, at the same time, to break every arrow aimed at them, as the assailants must thus soon expend their stock. The captain-general might at this juncture have remembered that in the melee where Magellan lost his life the same arrows were picked up by the people of Matan, and repeat- edly shot, as they drove the Spaniards into the water. — At the same instant in which he gave the order, Drake seized the gunner's piece, and taking aim at the man who had killed Oliver and begun the affray, he shot him in the belly. This turned the fate of the hour, and probably pre- vented the massacre of the whole party of English ; for many more of the Patagonians were seen hastening from the woods to support their countrymen, when the hideous bellowing of the wounded man struck with panu* those already engaged, and the whole fled. It was not thought prudent to pursue them, nor even to tarry on shore ; Mr. Winter was therefore borne off to the ships ; but in the haste of embarkation the body of the gunner was left. — 74 STATURE OF THE INDIANS. Next day, when looked after, the body was found uninjured, save that an English arrow had been thrust into the left eye. The clothes were in part stripped off, and formed into a pillow or truss, which was placed under the head of the corpse. Winter soon afterward died of his wounds. This unfortunate affray appears to have been more the consequence of misunderstanding than design ; and the usage of the dead body and subsequent conduct of the natives evince a less revengeful and ferocious disposition than is usually displayed even among the mildest savage tribes when inflamed by recent ba f tle. During the remainder of the time that the fleet lay here no further molestation was offered to the English. The stature of these tribes, and of those in the straits, has been the subject of dispute among navigators from the voyage of Magellan to our own times, each succeeding band being unwilling to yield an inch to their precursors, or to meet with " giants" less formidable than those which had been previously seen. Cliffe, however, says, " they were of ordinary height, and that he had seen Englishmen taller than any of them ;" and then, like a true seaman of the period, he imputes their exaggerated stature to the " lies" of the Spaniards, from whom no good thing could come ; and who, in the imaginary impunity of escaping de- tection from the navigators of other nations, related these marvellous tales. " The World Encompassed" makes the height of these people seven feet and a half. It is not un- likely that the mists, haze, and storms through which the natives were often partially seen in the straits, or on those wild coasts, perched on a rock or grovelling on the ground, may be the origin of the pigmies and giants of the early navigators ; but that tribes of tall though not gigantic sta- ture were seen in the South Sea islands, and also on the western coasts of the continent of America, from its south- ern extremity as far north as was then explored, does not admit of doubt.* * The Patagonian race is still among the least known of all the South American tribes. There is no doubt, however, of its existence, nor of the fact that it is characterized by proportions exceeding the ordinary dimensions of mankind. The Patagonian people are of limited numbers, and inhabit the eastern shores of the most southern point of the New World, under a cold and steril clime. They wander a\xrot from one TRIAL OF DOUGHTY. 75 While the fleet lay at Port St. Julian an event occurred, which, as the contradictory evidence is viewed, must either be termed the most heroic or the most questionable act in the life of Admiral Drake. Mr. Thomas Doughty, a man of talent, and too probably of ill-regulated ambition, had served as an officer in the fleet, and it is said enjoyed in a high degree the affection and confidence of the captain-gen- eral, who must voluntarily have selected him as one of his company. Doughty was at this place accused of conspiracy and mutiny ; of a plan to massacre Drake and the prin- cipal officers, and thus defeat the whole expedition ; as if the first-imagined crime did not constitute sufficient guilt. The details of this singular affair are scanty, obscure, and perplexed ; and no contemporary writer notices any spe- cific fact or ground of charge. The offence of Doughty is purely constructive. Cliffe dismisses the subject in one seaman-like sentence, merely saying, " Mr. Thomas Doughty was brought to his answer, — accused, convicted, and beheaded." The account in " The World Encom- passed" is more elaborate, and for Drake apologetic, but not much more satisfactory. It contains strong general charges, but no record of facts, nor a shadow of proof of the general allegations. These early chroniclers appear either thoroughly convinced of the guilt of the culprit, or indiffer- ent to the propriety of convincing others of the justice and necessity of their captain's sentence, or they were fully con- vinced that the accused merited his fate. Doughty had pre- viously been called in question for his conduct in accepting gifts or bribes while in the Portuguese prize, and he had afterward strayed once or twice with the same vessel, which district to another, and are but imperfectly civilized. Their disposi tions, however, are peaceable, although their great bodily strength would seem to fit them for warlike enterprise ; but it sometimes hap- pens that gigantic forms are not accompanied by a corresponding increase of physical energy. The average height of these people is about six feet,— an altitude which is also extremely frequent among the chiefs and nobles of the South Sea islands. The complexion of the Patagonians is tawny ; their bair, of which the colour is black or brown, is lank, and for the most part very long. It appears that this tribe have succeeded in the training of horses,— an unusual accomplishment in a tribe other- wise so uncivilized ; but this, of course, must have been a compara- tively modern exercise of their ingenuity, as horses were unknown in America prior to the period of the Spanish conquest. 76 EXECUTION OF DOUGHTY. was burnt to prevent like accidents. According to one ac- count his treason was of old date ; and before the fleet left Plymouth he had been hatching plots against his com- mander, who refused to believe " that one he so dearly loved would conceive evil against him, till perceiving that lenity and favour did little good, he thought it high time to call those practices in question, and, therefore, setting good watch over him, and assembling all his captains and gentle- men of his company together, he propounded to them the good parts that were in this gentleman, and the great good- will and inward affection, more than brotherly, which he had, ever since his first acquaintance, borne him, and after- ward delivered the letters which were written to him (Drake), with the particulars from time to time, which had been observed not so much by himself as by his good friends ; not only at sea, but even at Plymouth ; not bare words, but writings ; not writings, but actions, tending to the overthrow of the service in hand, and making away his person. Proofs were required, and alleged so many and so evident, that the gentleman himself, stricken with remorse, acknowledged himself to have deserved death, yea, many deaths ; for that he conspired, not only the over- throw of the action, but of the principal actor also." The account continues in the same strain, asserting that forty of the principal men of Drake's band adjudged the culprit to deserve death, and gave this judgment under their hand and seal, leaving the manner to the general, who allowed the unfortunate man the choice of being either abandoned on the coast, taken back to England to answer to the lords of the queen's council, or executed here. He chose the lat- ter, requesting, it is said, that he might " once more receive the holy communion with the captain-general before his death, and that he might not die other than the death of a gentleman." The circumstances of the execution are striking. Mr. Fletcher celebrated the communion on the next day. Drake received the sacrament with the con- demned man, and afterward they dined together " at the same table, as cheerfully in sobriety as ever in their lives they had done ; and taking their leaves, by drinking to each other, as if some short journey only had been in hand.'* Without further delay, all things being in readiness, Doughty OPINIONS OF CAMDEN AND FLETCHER. 77 walked forth, requested the bystanders to pray for him, and submitted his neck to the executioner. Camden's version of this transaction does not differ ma- terially from the above. The chaplain of the fleet, Mr. Francis Fletcher, left a manuscript journal of the voyage, now deposited in the British Museum, which contradicts many of the important statements in the other relations. He asserts that the criminal utterly denied the truth of the charges against him, upon his salvation, at the time of com- municating, and at the hour and moment of his death. Mr. Fletcher likewise affirms that no choice of life or death was given him upon any conditions. It is evident, that in the opinion of the chaplain Doughty was an innocent and a murdered man ; the victim of a conspiracy not rigidly sifted by the general, and in which the actors too probably con- sulted his secret wishes. The fleet had not long left England when the affair of the Portuguese prisoners, in which there might be dishon- our, but no crime deserving severity of punishment, and still less death, was brought against him. But in Port St. Ju- lian, Fletcher remarks, " more dangerous matter is laid to his charge, and by the same persons (John Brewer, Ed- ward Bright, and others of their friends), namely, for words spoken by him to them in the general's garden at Plymouth, which it had been their part and duty to have discovered them at the time, and not have concealed them for a time and place not so fitting." Besides the vague charges made of plots and mutinous conduct, and the anomalous offence of being " an emulator of the glory of his commander," another cause is assigned for the death of Doughty, which, if it were supported by reasonable proof, would fix a deeper stigma on the character of Drake than all his other questionable deeds put together. In England the age of dark iniquitous in- trigue had succeeded the times of ferocity and open vio- lence ; but the dependants and partisans of the leading men in the state were still as criminally subservient to the flagi- tious designs of their patrons as when their daggers had been freely drawn in their service. It was alleged that Captain Drake had carried this man to sea to rid the pow- erful Earl of Leicester of a dangerous prater, and in time aed place convenient to revenge his quarreL G2 78 CHARACTER OF DRAKE. It is probable that the intimacy of Doughty with Captain Drake had commenced in Ireland, as both had served under Essex ; and it is affirmed that the real crime of the former was accusing Leicester of plotting the secret murder of his noble rival, of which few men in England believed him wholly guiltless. On the other hand, Essex was the patron of Drake, who, it is reasonably urged, was thus much more likely to protect than punish a friend brought into trouble for freedom of speech on an occasion that would have moved stocks or stones. It may be further pleaded in be- half of Drake, that, with the exception of the chaplain, whose relation has however every mark of sincerity and good faith, no man nor officer in the fleet has left any re- cord or surmise of objection to the justice of the execu- tion, though the affair, after the return of the expedition, was keenly canvassed in England.* In his whole course of life, Drake maintained the character of integrity and hu- manity ; nor did he lack generosity in fitting season. He at all times discovered a strong sense of religion, and of moral obligation, save in the case of the Spaniards and " Portugals," for which, however, " sea-divinity" afforded an especial exception. That he could have put an innocent man to death to conceal the crimes, or execute the ven- geance of Leicester, is too monstrous for belief; and that, conscious of the deepest injustice, he should have gone through the solemn religious observances which preceded the perpetration of his crime, presents a picture of odious hypocrisy and cold-blooded cruelty more worthy of a demon than a brave man. The case resolves itself into the simple necessity of maintaining discipline in the fleet, and sustain- ing that personal authority which, in a commander, is a duty even more important than self-preservation. Drake's notions of authority might have been somewhat over- strained ; nor is it unlikely that he unconsciously imbibed slight feelings of jealousy of " this emulator of his glory." Every one who mentions Doughty speaks of him as a man * In an old relation (written by himself) of the adventures of "Peter Carder, a shipwrecked Seaman," belonging to Drake's fleet, we find that when, alter his long detention and miraculous escape from tha savages and the "Portugals," he returned to England, on being examined before the queen, and relating his marvellous haps, she questioned him "of the manner of Master Doughty's execution." 79 of great endowments. Mr. Fletcher is warm in his praise. "An industrious and stout man," says Camden, even when relating his crimes, and one, it appears, of sufficient con- sequence to be imagined the cause of disquiet to the still all- powerful Leicester. Immediately after the execution, Drake, who to his other qualities added the gift of a bold natural eloquence, addressed his whole company, " persuading us to unity, obedience, love, and regard of our voyage ; and for the better confirma- tion thereof, wished every man the next Sunday following, to prepare himself to receive the communion as Christian brethren and friends ought to do ; which was done in very reverent sort, and so with good contentment every man went about his business." Doubt and darkness will, however, always hang over this transaction, though probably only from the simple reason of no formal record being kept of the proceedings. Doughty was buried with Mr. Winter and the gunner on an island in the harbour, and the chaplain relates that he erected a stone, and on it cut the names of these unfortunate Englishmen, and the date of their burial. The ships, by the breaking up of the Portuguese prize, were now reduced to three ; and being " trimmed" and sup- plied with wood and water, and such other necessaries as could be obtained, they sailed from this " port accursed" on the 17th August. ClifFe relates, that while they lay here, the weather, though in July and August, was as cold as at mid-winter in England. On the 20th they made Cape de las Virgines, entered the strait, and on the 24th anchored 30 leagues within it. There is a considerable variation in the relations of Drake's passage of the straits. The statements are even absolutely contradictory on some points, though the dis- agreements, when the facts are sifted, are more apparent than real, every narrator noting only what he had himself witnessed or casually gathered from the information of others. The original narrative of the passage by the Por- tuguese pilot, Nuno de Silva, is among the most interesting and accurate ; but in the present account an attempt is made to combine whatever appears most striking and important in the different relations. The eastern mouth of the strait was found about a league broad ; the land bare and flat. 80 PIGMIES IN THE STRAITS. On the north side Indians were seen making great fires ; but on the south no inhabitants appeared. The length was computed at 110 leagues. The tide was seen to rise (set- ting in from both sides) about fifteen feet. It met about the middle, or rather nearer the western entrance. The me- dium breadth was one league. Where the ships came to anchor on the 24th were three small islands, on which they killed 3000 " of birds (penguins) having no wings, but short pinions which serve their turn in swimming." They were as " fat as an English goose." " The land on both sides was very huge %iud mountain- ous ; the lower mountains whereof, although ihey be very monstrous to look upon for their height, yet there are others which in height exceed them in a strange manner, reaching themselves above their followers so high that between them did appear three regions of clouds. These mountains are covered with snow at both the southerly and easterly parts of the strait. There are islands among which the sea hath his indraught into the straits even as it hath at the main entrance. The strait is extreme cold, with frost and snow continually. The trees seem to stoop with the burden of the weather, and yet are green continually, and many good and sweet herbs do very plentifully increase and grow under them." Such are the natural appearances described. Near the western entrance a number of narrow channels, with which the whole of that side abounds, occasioned some difficulty in the navigation ; and Drake, with his usual caution, brought the fleet to anchor near an island, while he went out in his boat to explore these various openings to the South Sea. In this expedition Indians of the pigmy race, attributed to a region abounding in all monstrous things, were seen ; though both the gigantic and diminutive size of these tribes are brought in question even by contempo- rary relations. Yet these pigmy Indians were seen close at hand, in a canoe ingeniously constructed of the bark of trees, of which material the people also formed vessels for domestic use. The canoes were semicircular, being high in the prow and stern. The seams were secured by a lacing of thongs of sealskin, and fitted so nicely that there was little leakage. The tools of these ingenious small folks were formed of the shell of a very large species of THE FLEET ENTERS THE SOUTH SEA. 81 muscle, containing seed-pearls, which was found in the straits. These shells they tempered, if the word may be used, so skilfully that they cut the hardest wood, and even bone. One of their dwellings, which might, however, be but a fishing-hut, was seen rudely formed of sticks stuck in the ground, over which skins were stretched. Early in September the western entrance was reached ; and, on the 6th of the same month, Drake attained the long-desired happiness of sailing an English ship on the South Sea. The passage of Drake was the quickest* and easiest th&t had yet been made, fortune favouring him here as at every other point of this voyage. The temperature was also much milder than had been experienced by former navi- gators, or the English seamen might probably be more hardy and enduring than those of Spain. One main object of Drake in leaving England was un- doubtedly the discovery of a north-west passage, by follow- ing the bold and novel track his genius chalked out, and in which he might still hope to anticipate all other adventurers, whether their career commenced from the east or the west. On clearing the straits he accordingly held a north-west course, and in two days the fleet had advanced 70 leagues. Here it was overtaken by a violent and steady gale from the north-east, which drove them into 57° south latitude, and 200 leagues to the west of Magellan's Straits. While still driving before the wind under bare poles, the moon was eclipsed at five o'clock in the afternoon of the 15th, but produced neither abatement nor change of the wind. " Neither did the ecliptical conflict of the moon improve our state, nor her clearing again mend us a whit, but the accus- tomed eclipse of the sea continued in his force, we being darkened more than the moon sevenfold." On the 24th the weather became more moderate, the wind shifted, and they partly retraced their course, for seven days standing to the north-east, during which land was seen, near which a vain attempt was made to anchor. Their troubles did not end here, — once more the wind got back to its old quarter, and with great violence ; and on the * Lopez Vaz makes the time spent in passing the straits only twelve days, and it could nut be above fifteen, where months had been occupied bvless fortunate or skilful navigators. 82 RETURN OF CAPTAIN WINTER. 30th the Marigold was separated from the Elizabeth and the Golden Hind, as Drake on entering the South Sea had named his ship, in compliment it is said to his patron Sir Christopher Hatton. They made the land ; but the Marigold was borne to sea by the stress of the gale, and was never heard of more ! We do not even find a conjecture breathed about the fate of this ship. On the evening of the 7th October the Golden Hind and Elizabeth made a bay near the western entrance of Magellan's Straits, which was afterward named the Bay of Parting Friends ; and here they intended to he by till the weather improved. During the night the cable of the Hind broke, and she drove to sea ; nor did Captain Winter, in the Elizabeth, make any attempt to follow his commander. Heartily tired of a voyage of which he had just had so unpleasant a specimen, he next day entered the straits, secretly purposing to return home. Edward Cliffe, who sailed in the Elizabeth, and whose relation stops with her return to England, stoutly denies for the seamen the craven intention of abandoning their commander, Captain Drake ; and even asserts that some efforts, were made to find the admiral's ship, though of a very passive kind. Anchoring in a bay within the straits, fires were kindled on the shore ; so that, if Drake sought them in this direction and on that day, there was a chance of his finding them. This duty discharged, they went into secure harbourage in a place which they named Port Health, from the rapid recovery of the crew, who had lately suffered so much from cold, wet, and fatigue. In the large muscles and other shellfish found here they obtained pleasant and restorative food ; and remained till the beginning of No- vember, when the voyage was formally abandoned, "on Mr. Winter's compulsion, and full sore against the mariners' minds." Winter alleged that he now despaired of the captain-general's safety, or of being able to hold his course with the Elizabeth for the imagined Ophir of New Spain. It was the 11th November before the Elizabeth got clear of the straits, — an eastward voyage that had only been once performed, and by a Spanish navigator, Ladrilleros, twenty years before, and believed to be next to impossible, —and June in the following year before Winter returned to England, with the credit of having made the passage of the THE CREW OP THE SHALLOP. 83 straits eastward, and the shame of having deserted his commander, while his company, with nobler spirit, showed unshaken fidelity and unabated ardour. There is more interest in following the fortunes of the Hind, which we left tossed about in the misnamed Pacific. Drake was once more carried back to 55° south, when he judged it expedient to run in among the islands or broken land of Tierra del Fuego ; where, together with a supply of seals and fresh water, a season of repose was found from the continual fatigues of the last month. But this interval of ease was of short duration ; they were once more driven to sea in a gale, and suffered the further calamity of being parted from the shallop, in which were eight seamen with almost no provisions. While the Hind drove farther and farther south, the shallop was in the first instance so far fortunate as to regain the straits, where the men salted and stored penguins for future supply. They soon lost all hope of rejoining the captain-general ; so, passing the straits, they contrived to make, in their frail bark, first for Port St. Julian, and afterward Rio de la Plata, where six of them, wandering into the woods in quest of food, were attacked by a party of Indians. All were wounded with arrows ; but, while four were made prisoners, two escaped, and joined their two comrades left in charge of the boat. , The Indians pursued, and the whole four were wounded before the natives were beaten back and the shallop got off. The Englishmeri made for a small island at three leagues' dis- tance, where two of their number died of their wounds : — nor was this the last calamity they were to endure ; the shallop was dashed to pieces in a storm. A melancholy interest is connected with this fragment of Drake's original company. On the desolate island in which they remained for two months no fresh water was to be found ; and though they obtained food from eels, small crabs, and a species of fruit resembling an orange, their sufferings from intense thirst came to an extremity too painful and revolting to be made the subject of narra- tive. At the end of two months a plank ten feet long, whieh had drifted from Rio de la Plata, was picked up, smaller sticks were fastened to it, and a store of provision was laid in ; then committing themselves to God, paddling and clinging to this ark, they in three days and two nights 84 drake's discoveries in the south. made the mainland, which had so long tantalized their sight. In relating the issue of this adventure, the words of Peter Carder, the survivor, are adopted : — " At our first coming on land we found a little river of sweet and pleasant water, where William Pitcher, my only comfort and com- panion, although I dissuaded him to the contrary, overdrank himself, being perished before with extreme thirst ; and, to my unspeakable grief and discomfort, died half an hour after in my presence, whom I buried as well as I could in the sand." The subsequent adventures of Peter Carder among the savages on the coast of Brazil, and his captivity among the Portuguese of Bahia de Todos los Santos, form an amus- ing and interesting section of Purchas's Pilgrims. After a nine years' absence he got back to England, and had the honour of relating his adventures before Queen Elizabeth, who presented him with twenty-two angels, and recom- mended him to her lord high admiral, Howard. — To return to Drake. His ship, now driven southward farther than before, again ran in among the islands. This is an import- ant stage in the navigation of Drake as a voyage of dis- covery. He had reached the southern extremity of the American continent, and been driven round it ; for " here no land was seen, but the Atlantic and South Sea meeting in a large free scope." On the 28th October the weather, which since the 6th September, when they entered the Pacific, had been nearly one continued hurricane, became moderate, and the Golden Hind came to anchor in twenty fathoms water, though within a gunshot of the land, in a harbour of an island of which the southern point has long been known as Cape Horn. Sir Richard Hawkins, the son of Sir John, and the re- puted kinsman of Admiral Drake, relates that he was in- formed by the navigator himself that " at the end of the great storm he found himself in 50° S.,"* which was sufficient proof that he had been beaten round without the strait ; and, moreover, that from the change of the wind not being able to double the southernmost island, he anchored under the lee of it, cast himself down upon the extreme point, and * The only authority now to be found makes the latitude 50° S. ; but H is probably a mistake of the amanuensis or printer, and should be 56° ATTACK OF THE CHILIANS. 85 reached over as far as was safe ; and after the ship sailed told his company that he had been " upon the southernmost point of land in the world known or likely to be known, ant? farther than any man had ever before ventured." Mr. Fletcher, the chaplain, also landed here. He found this island three parts of a degree farther south than any of the other islands. To all the islands discovered here Drake gave the general name of the Elizabethides, in compliment to his royal mis* tress. They were inhabited, and the natives were fre- quently seen, though little appears to have been learned of their character or customs. Having thus discovered and landed on the southernmost part of the continent, Drake changed the Terra Incognita of the Spanish geographers into the Terra bene nunc Cog- nita of his chaplain, and on the 30th October, with a fair wind from the south, he held a course north-west ; but being bent on exploring, afterward kept east, not to lose the coast. On the 25th November they anchored at the island of Mocha, off the coast of Chili, where the captain-general landed. Cattle and sheep were seen here, and also maize and pota- toes. Presents were exchanged with the Indians, and next day a watering party, which Drake accompanied, rowed to- wards the shore, in full security of their pacific dispos: 'ions. Two seamen who landed to fill the water-casks were in- stantly killed, and the rest of the party narrowly escaped an ambush laid for them in case they should come to the assist- ance of their countrymen. They were fiercely assailed with arrows and stones, and every one was wounded more or less severely. The general was wounded both in the face and on the head, and the attack was continued so warmly and close that the Indians seized four of the oars. This unprovoked attack was imputed by the ship's company to the hatred which the inhabitants of Chili bore the Span- iards, whom, it was presumed, they had not yet learned to distinguish from other Europeans. In this view it was for- given by men whose prejudices and animosity were equally strong with those of the Indians. Sailing along the coast, with the wind at souths on the 30th November they anchored in a bay about 32° S., and sent out a boat to examine the shores, which captured and Drought before the captain an Indian found fishing in his H 86 CAPTURE OF THE GRAND CAPTAIN. canoe. This man was kindly treated. A present of linen and a chopping-knife gained his affections, and b.3 bore the message of Drake to his countrymen, who, induced by the hope of like gifts, brought to the ship's side a fat hog and poultry. It was at this time of more consequence to one main object of the voyagers, who, doing much for the glory of England and Elizabeth, wished at the same time to do a little for themselves, that an intelligent Indian repaired to the ship who spoke the Spanish language, and, believing them mariners of that nation, unwittingly gave them much valuable information. From him they learned that they had by six leagues oversailed Valparaiso, the port of St. Jago, where a Spanish vessel then lay at anchor. The innocent offer of Felipe, when he saw their disappointment, to pilot them back was eagerly accepted. On the 4th December they sailed from Philip's Bay, as they named this harbour in honour of their Indian pilot, and next day, without any difficulty, captured the ship, the Grand Captain of the South Seas, in which were found 60,000 pesos of gold, besides jew- els, merchandise, and 1770 jars of" Chili wine. This was a joyful beginning ; each peso was reckoned worth eight shil- lings. The people of the town, which consisted of «uly nine families, fled ; and Drake's followers revelled in the unforbidden luxury of a general pillage of wine, bread, bacon, and other things most acceptable to men who had been so long at sea, both for present refreshment and also for storing the ship. In every new Spanish settlement, however small, a church rose as it were simultaneously. The small chapel of Valparaiso was plundered of a silver chalice, two cruets, and its altar-cloth, which, to prevent their desecration and to obtain a blessing on the voyage, were presented to Fletcher, the pastor of this ocean-flock. They sailed on the 8th with their prize, taking, however, only one of the crew, a Greek named Juan Griego, who was capable of piloting them to Lima. Their Indian guide Fe- lipe was rewarded, and sent on shore near his own home. From the most southern point of this coasting voyage Drake had been continually on the outlook for the Marigold' and Elizabeth; and the Hind being too unwieldy to keep in near the coast in the search, a pinnace was intended to be built for this duty as well as for other operations which the captain- general kept in view. A convenient place for thia CAPTURE OF TREASURE. 87 fmrpose had been found at Coquimbo. Near the spot se- ected the Spaniards had raised or collected a considerable force ; and a watering-party of fourteen of the English was here surprised, and with some difficulty escaped from a body of 300 horse and 200 foot. One seaman was killed, owing, however, to his own braggart temerity. In a quieter and safer bay the pinnace was set up, and Drake himself embarked in it to look after the strayed ships ; but the wind becoming adverse he soon returned. They quitted this harbour on the 19th January, 1579, invigorated by a season of repose, by the refreshments and booty ob- tained, and by the hopes of richer plunder and more glorious conquest. With few adventures they sailed along the coast, till accidentally landing at Tarapaza they found a Spaniard asleep on the shore, with thirteen bars of silver lying beside him, as if waiting their arrival. Advancing a little farther, on landing to procure water, they fell in with a Spaniard and an Indian boy driving eight lamas, each of which was laden with two leathern bags containing 501bs. of silver, or 8001bs. in all. The lamas, or Peruvian sheep, are described by the old voyagers as of the size of an ass, with a neck like a camel, and of great strength and steadiness, forming the beast of burden of these countries. They were indeed the mules of the New World, but a much more valuable ani- mal, as the wool is fine and the flesh good. The credulity of the most credulous of the family of John Bull — his sons of the ocean — was here amusingly displayed. If the coast of Peru was not literally strewed with gold, pure silver was found so richly mixed with the soil that every hundred-weight of common earth yielded, on a moderate calculation, five ounces. The eight lamas and their precious burden being brought on board, the Golden Hind next entered the port of Arica, where two or three small barks then lay. These, when rifled, were found perfectly unprotected, the crews being on shore, unable to imagine danger on this coast. Arica is described as a beautiful and fertile valley. The town con- tained about twenty houses, which, the Famous Voyage states, " we would have ransacked if our company had been better and more numerous ; but our general, contented with the spoil of the ships, put to sea, and sailed for Lima" in pursuit of a vessel very richly laden, of which they had ob- 88 THE CACAFUEGO. tained intelligence. The ship, of which they were now m hot pursuit, got notice of her danger in time to land the treasure with which she was freighted, — eight hundred bars of silver, the property of the King of Spain. Drake, now preparing for active measures, rid himself of every encum- brance by setting all the sails of his prizes, and turning them adrift whithersoever the winds might carry them. The arrival of these tenantless barks on some wild coast or lonely island may yet form the theme of Indian tradition, though more probably they must all have been dashed to pieces. Tidings of the English being upon the coast had by this time been despatched overland to the governor at Lima ; but the difficulty of travelling in these still tangled and trackless regions enabled Drake to outstrip the messenger, and on the 13th September to surprise the Spanish ships lying in Callao, the port of Lima. The spoil was trifling for the number of vessels. In boarding a ship from Panama, which was just then entering the port, an Englishman was killed. Another account says he was shot from a boat while pur- suing the crew, who were abandoning the vessel. In one ship a chest of ryals of plate and a considerable store of linens, silks, and general merchandise were obtained. From the prisoners Drake learned that ten days before (Lopez "Vaz makes it but three) the Cacafuego, laden with treasure, had sailed for Panama, the point from whence all goods were carried across the isthmus. This information at once de- termined the course of our navigator ; and as ships from Callao to Panama were in the habit of touching at interme- diate places, he reckoned the Cacafuego already his prize. As a measure of precaution the mainmasts of the two largest prizes found here were cut away, the cables of the smaller ones were severed, and, the goods and people being pre- viously removed, the whole were abandoned to the mercy of the winds and waves ; while Drake bore northward in mil sail, or when the wind slackened, was towed on by the boats, each man straining to reach the golden goal. But this rather anticipates the course of the narrative. When intelligence of Drake's ship at last reached Lima, it was presumed some of the Spanish crews had mutinied, and that the Golden Hind was a Spanish vessel turned pi- rate, so little was an attack by the English on this side of MEASURES OF THE VICEROY. 89 the continent deemed possible, or that the ships of any na- tion save Spain could pass the intricate and fatal Straits of Magellan. On being apprized of the real fact and of the danger impending, Don Francisco de Tol°do, the viceroy at Lima, immediately repaired to the port with a force esti- mated by Lopez Vaz at 2000 horse and foot. The Golden Hind still remained in sight of the port, and nearly becalmed. Two vessels, in each of which 200 fighting men were em- barked, were equipped in all haste, and the capture of Drake, the pirate-heretic, was already confidently reckoned upon. At the same hour in which they left the port to make the attack a fresh gale sprung up, and the English ship pressed onward. The flight and pursuit were continued for some time, as it was not the policy of Drake, with his very infe- rior force, to risk an action. By an oversight, most for- tunate for the English, the Spaniards, in their eagerness and confidence of an easy conquest, had neglected to take provisions on board. Famine compelled them to abandon the pursuit, but Don Francisco lost no time in remedying this inadvertence. A force of three ships, fully equipped, was despatched under the command of Pedro Sarmiento de Gamboa, but arrived too late. The same commander after- ward long watched, and waited in vain, the return of Drake by the straits. On his recommendation they were after- ward fortified and a colony planted, — an abortive attempt which cost Spain much treasure and many lives. Near Payti a small vessel, in which some silver ornaments were found, was rifled and dismissed ; and on passing Payti, from the crew of a vessel which was searched they learned that the Cacafuego had the start of them now only by two days. Every nerve was fresh-braced for pursuit ; but the future advantage hoped for did not lead them in the mean time to despise present small gains. Two more vessels were intercepted, rifled, and turned adrift, the crews being first landed. In one of these some silver and 801bs. of gold were found, and a golden crucifix, in which was set "a goodly and great emerald." They also found a good sup- ply of useful stores and a large quantity of cordage, which made most part of the cargo. On the 24th February they crossed the line, the Cacafuego still ahead and unseen ; and Drake, to animate the hopes and quicken the vigilance of his company, offered as a reward to whoever should first H2 90 CAPTURE OF THE CACAFUEGO. descry the prize the gold chain which he usually wore. The reward was gained by Mr. John Drake, who at three o'clock in the afternoon of the 1st of March, from the mast-head, discerned the prize, which by six o'clock was boarded and taken. This capture was made off Cape Francisco. The captain, a Biscayan named Juan de Anton, was so little aware of his danger, that seeing a vessel coming up to him under a press of sail, he concluded that the viceroy had sent some important message, and struck his sails to await the approach of the Golden Hind. When aware from closer inspection of his mistake, he tried to escape ; but he was already within reach of Drake's guns, and possessed no defensive weapons of any kind. Yet, with the brave spirit of his province, the Biscayan refused to strike till his miz- zenmast was shot away and he himself wounded by an arrow. This ship proved to be a prize worth gaining. It con- tained 26 tons of silver, 13 chests of ryals of plate, and 80 lbs. of gold, besides diamonds and inferior gems, — the whole estimated at 360,000 pesos. Among the spoils were two very handsome silver gilt bowls belonging to the pilot, of which Drake demanded one ; which the doughty Spaniard surrendering, presented the other to the steward, as if he disdained to hold any thing by the favour of the English. The " Famous Voyage" records some capital salt-water jests made on this occasion at the expense of the Spaniards. It must be owned that the laugh was wholly on the side of the English. Had Drake, thus richly laden, now been assured of a safe and an easy passage to England, it is probable that the Golden Hind might not on this voyage have encompassed the globe. The advanced season, however, and the out- look which he was aware the Spaniards would keep for his return, forbade the attempt of repassing the straits ; while the glory of discovery, and the hope of taking his immense treasure safely to England, determined him in the resolu- tion of seeking a north-west passage homeward. Though not in general communicative, his plans were no sooner formed than he unfolded them to the ship's company, with the persuasive eloquence of a man eminently fitted for com- mand. The crew were now in high spirits, and full of con- fidence in their skilful, bold, and successful leader. His PLUNDER OF GUATALCO. 91 counsel, which carried all the weight of command, was " to seek out some convenient place to trim the ship, and store it with wood, water, and such provisions as could be found, and thenceforward to hasten our intended journey for the discovery of the said passage, through which we might with joy return to our longed homes." With this resolution they steered for Nicaragua, and on the 16th March anchored in a small bay of the island of Canno, which proved a good station to water and refit. The pinnace was once more on active duty, and a prize was brought in laden with honey, butter, sarsaparilla, and other commodities. Among the papers of the prize were letters from the King of Spain to the governor of the Philippines, and sea-charts, which afterward proved of use to the Eng- lish. While Drake lay here a violent shock of an earth- quake was felt. From Canno they sailed on the 24th March, the captain-general never loitering in any port be- yond the time absolutely necessary to repair the ship and take in water. On the 6th April they made another valua- ble prize. Being already well supplied with stores, their choice was become more nice and difficult ; and selecting only silks, linen, delicate porcelain, and a falcon of finely- wrought gold, in the breast of which a large emerald was set, the vessel Has dismissed, and of her crew only a negro and the pilot detained, who steered them into the harbour of Guatalco. Landing, according to their approved good prac- tice, to ransack the town, it is related in the Famous Voyage that they surprised a council then holding on cer- tain negroes* accused of a plot to burn the place. To their mutual astonishment, judges and culprits were hurried on board in company, and the chief men were compelled to write to the townspeople to make no resistance to the English. The only plunder found in ransacking this small place, in which there were but fourteen persons belonging to Old Spain, consisted of about a bushel of ryals of plate. One of the party, Mr. John Winter, seeing a Spaniard taking flight, pursued and took from the fugitive a chain of gold and some jewels. This is related with great exulta- tion, as a feat of peculiar dexterity and merit. All the * Probably Indians, the name Negro or Indian being used indiscruw Hately by tbe early voyagers. 92 DESCRIPTION OF THE CALIFORNIANS. Spaniards on board the Golden Hind were now set at lib erty. The Portuguese pilot, Nuno Silva, who had been brought from the Cape de Verd Islands, was also dismissed, and probably at this place wrote the relation of the voyage from which quotations have been made in this memoir. Silva's account was sent to the Portuguese viceroy in India, and long afterward fell into the hands of the English. Satiated with plunder on sea and shore, Drake, on the 16th April, sailed on that bold project of discovery formerly communicated to his company, and by the 3d of June had gone over 1400 leagues, in different courses, without see- ing land. They had now reached 43° north, the cold was become very severe, and, in advancing two or three degrees farther, so intense, that meat froze the instant it was removed from the fire, and the ropes and tackling of the ship became rigid from the influence of the frost. On the 5th, being driven in by the winds, land was seen, and they anchored in a small bay, too unsheltered, however, to permit of their remaining. Drake had not expected to find the coast stretching so far westward. The wind was now become adverse to holding a northerly course, although the extreme cold, and the chill, raw, unwholesome fogs which sur- rounded them had made such a track desirable. The land seen here was in general low ; but wherever a height ap- peared it was found covered with snow, though now almost midsummer. The land seen was the western coast of Cali- fornia. On the 17th June they anchored in a good har- bour, on an inhabited coast. As the Hind drew near the shore the natives approached, and. an ambassador or spokes- man put off in a canoe, who made a formal harangue, ac- companied with much gesticulation. When the oration was concluded, he made a profound obeisance and retired to the land. A second and a third time he returned in the same manner, bringing, as a gift or tribute, a bunch of feathers neatly trimmed and stuck together, and a basket made of rushes. Of these rushes it was afterward found that the natives fabricated several useful and pretty things. The females, though the men were entirely naked, wore a sort of petticoat composed of rushes, previously stripped into long threads resembling hemp. They also wore deer- skins round their shoulders ; and some of the men occa- sionally used furs as a covering. It was remarked, that the THEIR SINGULAR MANNERS. 93 Indians appeared as sensible to the extreme severity of the weather as the English seamen, — cowering, shivering, and keeping huddled together, even when wrapped up in their furs. The basket brought by the Indian ambassador or orator was filled with an herb which, in some of the original relations of the voyage is called tabah, the native name, and in others tobacco. The Indian was either afraid or unwil- ling to accept of any present from the English in return for this simple tribute, but picked up a hat which was sent afloat towards him. The kindness of Drake ultimately gained the confidence of these people. The ship had some time before sprung a leak, and it was here found necessary to land the goods and stores that she might be repaired. On the 21st this was done, though the natives appeared to view the movement with suspicion and dissatisfaction. They, however, laid aside their bows and arrows when requested to do so, and an exchange of presents further cemented the growing friendship. They retired apparently satisfied ; but had no sooner reached their huts, which stood at a considerable distance, than a general howling and lamentation commenced, which lasted all night. The females especially continued shrieking in a wild and doleful manner, which, if not absolutely appalling to the English, was yet to the last degree painful. Drake, whose presence of mind never forsook him, and who was seldom lulled into false security by appearances of friend- ship, mistrusting the state of excitement into which the Indians were raised, took the precaution of intrenching the tents, into which the goods and the crew had been removed while the repairs of the ship were in progress. For the two days following " the night of lamentation" no native appeared. At the end of that time a great number seemed to have joined the party first seen ; and the whole assembled on a height overlooking the fortified station of the ship's com- pany, and appeared desirous of approaching the strangers. The ceremonies were opened by an orator or herald making a long speech or proclamation, with which the audience were understood to express assent by bowing their bodies at the conclusion, and groaning in chorus — oh ! or oh ! oh ! After this friendly demonstration, for as such it was in- tended, a deputation of the assembly stuck their bows into the earth, and, bearing gifts of feathers and rush baskets 94 CEREMONIAL OF THE NATIVES. with tabah, descended towards the fort. While tnis was passing below, the women, mixed with the group on the height, began to shriek and howl as on the " night of lam- entation," to tear their flesh with their nails, and dash themselves on the ground, till the blood sprung from their bodies. This is said, in the Famous Voyage, to have been part of the orgies of their idol or demon worship. Drake, it is said, struck with grief and horror, and probably not without a tincture of superstition, ordered divine service to be solemnized. The natives sat silent and attentive, at proper pauses breathing their expressive " oh .'" in token of assent or approbation. With the psalms, sung probably to one of the simple solemn chants of the old church, tbey appeared affected and charmed ; and they repeatedly after- ward requested their visiters to sing. On taking leave they declined the gifts tendered, either from superstitious |j dread, or as probably on the same principle which makes a clown at a fair afraid to accept the tempting shilling offered by a recruiting sergeant, — from no dislike to the coin, or reluctance to drink the king's health, but from great distrust of the motives of the giver. The voyagers, with amusing self-complaisance, ascribe this fear or delicacy to the deep veneration of the natives, and to their thinking " themselves sufficiently enriched and happy that they had free access to see us." The Indians here managed their foreign relations with | ceremonial that might have sufficed for more refined socie- ties. The news of the arrival of the English having spread, on the 26th two heralds or pursuivants arrived at head- quarters, craving an audience of the captain-general on the part of their hioh or king. The precursor of majesty ha- rangued a full half-hour, his associate dictating to, or prompting him, and concluded by demanding tokens of friendship and safe conduct for the chief. These were ( cheerfully given. The approach of the hioh was well arranged, and impos- ing in effect. First came the sceptre or mace-bearer as he is called, though club-bearer would be the more correct phrase. This officer was a tall and handsome man, of noble presence. His staff or club of office was about five feet in length, and made of a dark wood. To this were attached two pieces of «*t-work or chain-work, curiouslj PROCESSION OF THE NATIVES. 95 and delicately wrought, of a bony substance, minute, thin^ and burnished ; and consisting of innumerable links. He had also a basket of tabah. These net-cauls or chains were supposed to be insignia of personal rank and dignity, akin to the crosses, stars, and ribands of civilized nations, — the number of them worn denoting the degree of conse- quence, as the importance of a pasha is signified by the number of his tails. The king followed his minister, and in his turn was succeeded by a man of tall stature, with an air of natural grandeur and majesty which struck the Eng- lish visiters. The royal guard came next in order. It was formed of 100 picked men, tall and martial-looking, and clothed in skins. Some of them wore ornamental head- dresses made of feathers, or of a feathery down which grew upon a plant of the country. The king wore about his shoulders a robe made of the skins of the species of marmot afterward described. Next in place in this national procession came the common people, every one painted, though in a variety of patterns, and with feathers stuck in the club of hair drawn up at the crown of their heads. The women and children brought up the rear, carrying each, as a propitiatory gift, a basket, in which was either tabah, broiled fish, or a root that the natives ate both raw and baked. Drake, seeing them so numerous, drew up his men in order, and under arms, within his fortification or block- house. At a few paces' distance the procession halted, and deep silence was observed, while the sceptre-bearer, prompted as before by another official, harangued for a full half-hour. His eloquent address, whatever it might im- port, receiving the concurrent " oh /" of the national assem- bly, the same orator commenced a song or chant, keeping time in a slow, solemn dance, performed with a stately air, the king and all the warriors joining both in the measure and the chorus. The females also moved in the dance, but silently. Drake could no longer doubt of their amicable feelings and peaceful intentions. They were admitted, still singing and moving in a choral dance, within the fort. The orations and songs were renewed and prolonged ; and the chief, placing one of his crowns upon the head of the cap- tain-general, and investing him with the other imagined insignia of royalty, courteously tendered him his whole 96 AFFECTION FO& THE ENGLISH. dominions, and hailed him king ! Songs of triumph were raised, as if in confirmation of this solemn cession of terri- tory and sovereignty. Such is the interpretation which the ' old voyagers put upon a ceremony that has been more ra- L tionally conjectured to resemble the interchange or exchange of names, which in the South Sea islands seals the bonds I of friendship ; or as something equivalent to a European i host telling his visiter that he is master of the house. Lj " The admiral," it is shrewdly observed, " accepted of this new-offered dignity in her majesty's name, and for her use ; f it being probable that, from this donation, whether made in It'j jest or earnest by these Indians, some real advantage \\ might hereafter redound to the English nation and interest 4 in these parts." We are expressly informed that the natives- U afterward actually worshipped their guests ; and that it U was necessary to check their idolatrous homage. They >4 roamed about among the tents, admiring all they saw, and \ss of strength, not soon if ever recovered ; and many suf- fered the decay of memory and impaired judgment ; so that, hen a man began to talk foolishly and incoherently, it be- came a common phrase in the fleet to say that such a one ijad been seized with the calenture. The design of attempting Nombre de Dios and Panama, there to strike the stroke for treasure," of which they had Hitherto been disappointed, was abandoned in a council of war ; and sailing by the coast of Florida, they burnt St. * The calenture, ague, bilious, and yellow fever, — for by all these names is the Carthagena fever known, — has never been more truly and vividly described than in Roderick Random, and in Smollett's account of he " Expedition against Carthagena," where the sufferings of Drake's expedition were acted over again. In Raynal's History of the Indies we find the same causes assumed for this fatal distemper to which it was attributed by Drake's company, the pestiferous night-dews of a climate where even the long-continued rains of the wet season neve* cooled the air, and where the night is as hot as the day. The men on watch were found peculiarly liable to its attacks. Though there is some difference of opinion about the causes of the disease, the symptoms were the same in 1585 as in our own day. " The disease," says Ray- nal, " manifests itself by vomitings, accompanied by so violent a de- lirium, that the patient must be confined to prevent him from tearing him- self to pieces. He often expires in the midst of these agitations, which seldom last above three or four days." He adds that the fever of Carthagena, like the small-pox and some other diseases, is never taken but once, — a point, however, like many others) on which doctors differ in opinion. DRAKE DESTROYS THE SPANISH SHIPPING, 1x5 Helena and St. Augustin, two forts and small settlements of the Spaniards, and brought off from Virginia Mr. Lane, the governor, with the remains of an unfortunate colony sent out under the auspices of Sir Walter Raleigh in the former year.* It was in July, 1586, before the armament returned, bring- ing 200 brass and 40 iron cannon, and about 60,000Z. in prize-money, of which 20,000/. was divided among the men, and the remainder allotted to the adventurers. Though the private gains resulting from the expedition were trifling, the dismantling of so many fortresses at the beginning of a war was a service to the country of no inconsiderable value. It was but the first of many which our navigator performed jn its progress. The next exploit of Drake was wholly for the public ser- vice. The rumour of that formidable armament fitted out 2>y Spain to invade England, and first in fear, though after- ward in jest, named the Invincible Armada, had spread general alarm. In a noble spirit of patriotism, the mer- chants of London, at their own expense, fitted out twenty- six vessels of different sizes, to be placed under the com- mand of Drake, to annoy the enemy, and, if possible, frus- trate or delay the boasted design of invading England. To this armament the queen added four ships of the royal fleet ; and with this considerable force Drake bore for Lisbon, and afterward for the harbour of Cadiz, where he had the good fortune to burn and destroy 10,000 tons burthen of ship- ping, either destined for the threatened invasion or subser vient to this purpose. Here he remained for a short time annoying the enemy's galleys, which he destroyed piece- meal, though his great enterprise had been accomplished in one day and two nights. Drake, having thus happily ac- complished his public duty, was impelled by gratitude and gallantry to attempt a stroke which might enable him to re- ward the spirited individuals who had enabled him so essen- tially to serve their common country. Having private in- * The colony carried home at this time by Drake, with the tobacco which they brought along with them, first, according to Carnden, intro- duced the use of that commodity into Britain, where it now yields about 3,000,900Z. of yearly revenue. In Virginia they had learned the uses of wheherb. It however still remains undecided whether tobacco was intro- duced into England by Raleigh or Drake. To Drake the introduction G* potatoes is universally ascribed 116 DRAKE APPOINTED VICE-ADMIRAL. formation that the St. Philip, a Portuguese carrack from the East Indies, was about this time expected at Terceira, he sailed for the Azores. Before he fell in with the prize the fleet became short of provisions ; but by dint of promises and threats, Drake prevailed with his company to bear up against privations, and soon had the felicity of bringing in triumph to England the richest prize that had ever yet been made, and the first-fruits of the numerous captures to which his success soon led the way both among the Dutch and English. The name of the prize was hailed as an omen of future victory to England. Drake is blamed for discovering undue elation at the close of this triumphant expedition. He is said to have become boastful of his own deeds, though the only ground of charge is gayly describing his bold and gallant service as " burning the Spanish king's beard." But surely this may well be forgiven to the hero who, de- laying the threatened Armada for a year, laid the founda- tion of its final discomfiture.* Nor were Drake's eminent services to his country limited to warlike operations. In. the short interval of leisure which followed this expedition he brought water into the town of Plymouth, of which it was in great want, from springs eight miles distant, and by a course measuring more than twenty miles. In the following year his distinguished services received the reward to which they were fully entitled, in his ap- pointment of vice-admiral under Lord Charles Howard of Effingham, high-admiral of England. * So keenly were the deeds of Drake resented by the court of Spain even before this great stroke at the maritime power and strength of that country, that, when terror was presumed to be struck into the very heart of the nation, and the queen quailing with dismay, expecting the formi dable armament every day to put to sea, the Spanish ambassador had the temerity to propound terms for her acceptance, wrapped up, in the pe dantic fashion of the time, in Latin verses, which are thus translated :- "These to you are our commands : Send no help to the Netherlands. Of the treasure took by Dake Restitution you must make ; And those abbeys build anew Which your father overthrew." To this insolent demand the lion-hearted Protestant princess replied in the same vein :— " Worthy king, know this your will * 4 t Lattar Lammas we'll fulfil." THE INVINCIBLE ARMADA. 117 Drake had hitherto been accustomed to give orders, not to obey them ; and his vivacity under command had nearly been productive of serious consequences. Positive infor- mation had been received of the sailing of the Invincible Armada, but it was likewise known that the fleet had been dispersed in a violent tempest ; and, believing that the attempt would be abandoned at this time, orders were despatched to the lord-high-admiral to send four of his best ships back to Chatham, as the frugal government of Elizabeth grudged the expense of keeping them afloat a? hour longer than they were positively required. This order had hardly been given, when Howard was mads aware by the information of Thomas Fleming, the captain of an English pinnace,* of the close approach of the fleet ; and it soon after passed Plymouth, where he lay taking in supplies after cruising on the Spanish coasts looking out for it. It was four in the afternoon of the 19th July, 1588, when the intelligence of Fleming put the lord-high-admiral upon the alert ; and by next day at noon his ships were manned, warped out, and in fighting trim. At the same hour the Spanish fleet came in sight; and on the 21st, Howard, with his greatly inferior force, ventured the attack which, by the blessing of Heaven on the valour and skill of the English, was continued from day to day in various quarters, till the proud Armada was swept from the Eng- lish channel. On the night of the 21st, Drake, who had been appointed to carry the lantern, forgot this duty, and gave chase to several hulks which were separated from the fleet, and thus so far misled the high-admiral, that, following the Spanish lantern under the idea that it was carried by his own vice-admiral, when day dawned he found himself in the midst of the enemy's ships. The high-admiral instantly extricated himself ; and Drake am- ply atoned for this oversight by the distinguished service performed by his squadron in harassing, capturing, and destroying the Spaniards. On the day following this err- ing night he performed a memorable action. Among the * The honour of giving this important intelligence is claimed for Scotland, to which country Fleming, who only followed the exampla of his betters in plundering on the high seas, is said to have belonged At the instance of Howard the queen granted him a pardon, and also pension for the notable service he had performed 118 EXPEDITION WITH SIR JOHN NORMS. fleet was a large galleon commanded by Don Pedro de Valdez, a man of illustrious family and high official rank, with whom nearly fifty noblemen and gentlemen sailed. His ship had been crippled and separated from the fleet, and Howard, in hot pursuit, had passed it, imagining that it was abandoned. There was on board a crew of 450 persons ; who, when summoned to surrender in the for- midable name of Drake, attempted no resistance. Kissing the hand of his conqueror, Don Pedro said, they had re- solved to die in battle, had they not experienced the good fortune of falling into the hands of one courteous and gentle, and generous to the vanquished foe ; one whom it was doubtful whether his enemies had greater cause to admire and love for his valiant and prosperous exploits, or dread for his great wisdom and good fortune ; whom Mars, the god of war, and Neptune, the god of the sea, alike favoured. To merit this high eulogium, Drake behaved with the utmost kindness and politeness to his involuntary guests, who were sent prisoners to England. Two years afterward he received 3500Z. for their ransom. In the ship 55,000 ducats were found, and liberally divided among the crew. The broken running fight between the fleets was renewed from day to day, and from hour to hour, as the superior sailing of the light English vessels promised ad- vantage, till the Spaniards were driven on that line of conduct which ended in the complete destruction of their mighty armament. In the fight of the 29th, which was desperate on both sides, Drake's ship was pierced with forty shot, two of which passed through his cabin. Of 134 ships which left the coast of Spain only 53 returned. In the following year Drake, as admiral, commanded the fleet sent to restore Don Antonio of Portugal, while Sir John Norris led the land-forces. Differences arose between the commanders about the best mode of prosecut- ing their joint enterprise. The failure of Norris's scheme gives probability to the assertion that the plan of operations suggested by Drake would, if followed, have been success- ful. It is at least certain that the expedition miscarried, which had never happened to any single-handed under- taking in which Drake engaged. Don Antonio, taken out to be made a king by the prowess of the English, returned as he went. Before the Queen and council Drake fully EXPEDITION WITH SIR JOHN HAWKINS. 119 justified his own share of the affair, and the confidence placed in his ability and skill remained undiminished. This was the first check that the fortunes of Drake had ever re- ceived, — and it would have been happy for him, it has been said, had he now withdrawn his stake. The prin- cipal and fatal error of his succeeding expedition was once more undertaking a joint command. The war in 1595, though it languished for want of fuel to feed the flame, was not yet giving any prospect of draw- ing to a conclusion ; and, in conjunction with Sir John Hawkins, Drake offered his services in an expedition to the West Indies, to be undertaken on a scale of magnifi- cence which must at once crush the Spanish power in that quarter, where the enemy had already been so often and effectually galled by the same commanders. Elizabeth and her ministers received the proposal with every mark of satisfaction. The fleet consisted of six of the queen's ships and twenty-one private vessels, with a crew, in sea- men and soldiers, amounting to 2500 men and boys. They sailed from Plymouth in August, having been de- tained for some time by the reports of another armada being about to invade England. This rumour was art- fully spread to delay the fleet, of which one object was known to be the destruction of Nombre de Dios and the plunder of Panama. They had hardly put to sea when the demon of discord, which ever attends conjunct expeditions, appeared in their councils. Sir John Hawkins wished at once to accomplish an object recommended by the queen ; but time was lost in an attempt, suggested by Sir Thomas Baskerville, to invade or capture the Canaries, and again at Dominica. All these delays were improved by the enemy in the colonies, in preparing for the reception of the English. A few days before sailing, information had been sent to the fleet of a Spanish galleon richly laden, that had been disabled and separated from those ships which annually brought plate and treasure from the Indies to Spain ; and the capture of this vessel was recommended to the commanders by the English government as an especial service. The galleon now lay at Porto Rico ; but before this time five frigates had been sent by the Spaniards to convey it away in safety. On the 30th October, Sir John Hawkins made sail from the coast of Dominica 120 ATTEMPT AGAINST PORTO RICO. where the ships had been careened, and had taken m water ; and on the same evening he sustained the misfor- tune of having the Francis, one of his vessels, captured by the enemy's frigates. This stroke, which appeared fat tl to the enterprise, by informing the Spaniards of his approach and putting them on their guard, gave him inex- pressible chagrin. He immediately fell sick, and on the 12th November, when the fleet had got before Porto Rico, died of combined disease and grief. He was succeeded by Sir Thomas Baskerville, who took command in the Garland, the queen's ship in which Hawkins had sailed. The English fleet, meditating an instant attack, now lay within reach of the guns of Porto Rico ; and while the officers, on the night of Sir John Hawkins's death, were at supper together, a shot penetrated to the great cabin, drove jhe stool on which Drake sat from under him, killed Sir Nicolas Clifford, and mortally wounded Mr. Brute Browne and some other officers. An attack, this night decided upon, was attempted next day, with the desperate valour which has ever characterized the maritime assaults of the English. But the enemy were fully prepared ; the treas ure had been carefully conveyed away, and also the women and children. The fortifications had been repaired and placed in good order ; and though the hot impetuous attack of the English inflicted great suffering on the Span- iards, to themselves there remained but a barren victory. After lying two or three days before the place, it was judged expedient to bear off and abandon this enterprise. They stood for the main, where Rio de la Hacha, La Ran- cheria, and some other places were taken, and, negotia- tions for their ransom failing, burnt to the ground. The same course was followed with other petty places ; but Drake began seriously to find, that while giving the enemy this trifling annoyance, he was gradually reducing his own force without gaining any substantial advantage. His health was injured by this series of disappointments, and from the first misunderstanding with Hawkins his spirits had been affected. On the morning of the assault on Porto Rico, in taking leave of Mr. Brute Browne, then breathing, his last, he exclaimed, " Brute, Brute, how heartily could I lament thy fate, but that I dare not suffer my spirits to sink now." DEATH OF SIR FRANCIS DRAKE. 121 The Spanish towns, from which every thing of value Was taken away, were rather abandoned to the occupation than taken by the arras of the English. In this way Santa Martha and Nombre de Dios fell into their hands with scarce a show of resistance. They were both burnt. On the 29th December, two days after the capture of Nombre de Dios, Sir Thomas Baskerville, with 750 soldiers, at* tempted to make his way to Panama through the fatiguing and dangerous passes of the Isthmus of Darien, the Span- iards annoying his whole line of march by a desultory fire of musketry from the woods. At certain passes fortifica- tions had been thrown up to impede their progress ; and coming upon these unexpectedly, they were exposed to a, sudden fire, by which many fell. About midway the design was abandoned, and the party turned back, still exposed in the retreat to the fire of the Spaniards from the woods. Destitute of provisions, and suffering great privation and fatigue, they returned to the ships depressed and disheart- ened. This last and most grievous of the train of disap- pointments that had followed Drake throughout an expe- dition from which the nation expected so much, and wherein he had embarked much of his fortune and risked his high reputation, threw the admiral into a lingering fever, accom- panied by a flux, under which he languished for three weeks. He expired while the fleet lay off Porto Bello. The death of Admiral Drake took place on the 28th Janu- ary, 1596, and in his fifty-first year. His remains were placed in a leaden coffin, and committed to the deep with all the pomp attending naval obsequies. Unsuccessful as his latest enterprises had been, his death was universally lamented by the nation. The tenderness of pity was now mingled with admiration of the genius and valour of this great man, "whose memory will survive as long as the world lasts, which he first surrounded." Drake is described as low in stature, but extremely well made ; with a broad chest and a round compact head. His complexion was fair and sanguine ; his countenance open and cheerful, with large and lively eyes ; his beard full, and hist of their companions by the desire 1>F THE WOOD-CUTTERS. 211 ©f accumulating money sufficient to enable them to enter Upon a better way of life. The logwood-groves were near the sea, — this wood grow- ing and thriving best in low wet ground, and among timber of lower growth. The trees were from two to six feet in circumference. They resembled the white thorn of Eng- land, save in size. The heart of the trunk, which is red, is alone used as a diestuff, the spongy outer part being shipped away. It is a heavy wood, and burns well ; and for this reason the hunters, wood-cutters, and Bucaniers always, when it could be obtained, preferred it for harden- ing the steel of their firearms. Bloodwood, another die- stuff much esteemed, was found in the Gulf of Nicaragua, and sold at double the price of the logwood, — the latter sell- ing at 1 51.* per ton, when the bloodwood cost 307. Through five days, the logwood-cutters, while the indus- trious fit was upon them, plied their labours in the groves, and on Saturday hunted in the savannas as a recreation, and also to store their larders for the ensuing week.f When a bullock was shot, it was cut up where it lay, divided into quarters, and the large bones taken out, when each man thrust his head through a portion, and trudged home. If his load became too weighty, part was cut off and flung to the beastr and birds of prey which ever prowled and hovered near the hunter. But this mode of lightening their burdens was rarely resorted to from necessity. The wood-cutters were sturdy, robust fellows, accustomed to carry loads of wood of from three to four hundred weight ; though their burdens, like every thing else, were regulated by their own pleasure and discretion. During the rainy season, when the logwood-grounds were flooded, they would step from * Valuable as this wood was, the French Bucaniers who capturea Campeachy, on one occasion, displayed their enthusiastic loyalty by burning 42,000/. worth in celebrating the birthday of their king, or the festival of St. Louis. t Dampier says, that Saturday was employed by his party for hunting ; but his predecessors had not been so scrupulous in their observance of the Sabbath. Raynal tells, that a Bncanier, when one of his helpers (engag- s, or indented men) expostulated with a hunter for compelling him to work on Sunday, saying, God had forbidden this practice when He gave the commandment, " Six days shalt thou labour, and on tha seventh rest."—" And I," replied the ruffian, " say to thee, six days thou ehalt kill bulls and day them, and on the seventh day thou shalt carry them to the store." 212 NATURAL PRODUCTIONS OF THE BAY. their high bed-frames into two feet of water, and remain thus all day, — improving this cool season as that mos* favourable to a good day's work. If there were more than four about the killing of a bullock, while two or three dressed the meat the others went in search of more game, — a car- cass being the ordinary weekly allowance of four persons. In this part of the Bay of Campeachy the dry season commences in September and continues till April or May, when the wet weather sets in with fierce tornadoes, and continues thus till June, from which period rain falls almost incessantly till the end of August. By this time the rivers have risen, and the savannas and all the low grounds are overflowed ; and in this state they remain, the savannas appearing like inland lakes till December and January, when the water begins visibly to drain off, and by the mid- dle of February leaves the land dry. About the beginning of April the pools in the savannas are dried up, and the whole country is so parched, that, but for a beautiful pro- vision of nature, the human beings and the birds and beasts, so lately surrounded with water, must perish of thirst. During the fervid consuming heats of this season the wood-cutters betook themselves to the forests in search of the wild pine, which afforded them a hearty and refreshing draught. This interesting plant is minutely described by Dampier, in that clear and succinct manner which charac- terizes all his notices of natural productions :- — " The wild pine," he says, " is a plant so called because it somewhat resembles the bush that bears the pine ; they are commonly supported, or grow from some bunch, knot, or excrescence of the tree, where they take root and grow upright. The root is short and thick, from whence the leaves rise up in folds one within another, spreading off at the top. They are of a good thick substance, and about ten or twelve inches long. The outside leaves are so compact as to contain the rain-water as it falls. They will hold a pint and a half, or a quart ; and this water refreshes the leaves and nourishes the root. When we find these pines, we stick our knives into the leaves just above the root, and that lets out the water, which we catch in our hats, as I have done many times to my great relief." Dampier's account of all the natural productions of this country is equally curious. The animals, besides those termed domestic, were the squash* MONKEYS. 213 the waree, and pecaree, a species of wild hog, the opossum, tiger-cat, monkeys, ant-bears, armadilloes,* porcupines, land-turtle, and the sloth, besides lizards, snakes, and igua- nas of many varieties. The general features of the country in this part of the bay are, the land near the sea and the lagunes, always wet and " mangrovy" A little way back from the shore the soil is a strong yellow clay, with a thin surface of black mould. Here logwood-trees and low- growing timber of many kinds thrive. As it recedes farther from the sea the land rises, and trees of taller growth are met with, till the forests terminate in large savannas covered with long grass. These flats or natural meadows are gene- rally three miles wide, and often much more. The soil of the savannas is black, deep, and rich, and the grass luxuriant in growth, but of a coarse kind. As an easy mode of hus- bandry which suited them well, the cattle-hunters at the close of the dry season set fire to the grass of the savannas, which, immediately after the setting in of the rains, were covered by a new and delicate herbage. These plains are bounded by high ridges and declivities of the richest land, covered with stately trees ; and these alternate ridges and. flats, fine woodlands and grassy plains, stretch from ten to twenty miles into the interior, which was as far as Dam- pier's knowledge extended. In the woods monkeys abound, ranging in bands of from twenty to thirty, leaping from tree to tree, incessantly chat- tering with frightful noise, making antic gestures, and throwing sticks and other missiles at the passers-by. When first alone in the woods Dampier felt afraid to shoot at them. They accompanied him on his ramble, leaping from branch to branch, swinging overhead with threatening gestures, as if about to leap upon him, and only took leave at the wood-cutters' huts. Though they were easily shot, it was difficult to take them, as after being wounded they pertina- ciously clung to the high branches by their tails or claws while life remained. " I have pitied," says our navigator, " the poor creature, to see it look on and handle the wounded * The armadilloes, of which many species are now ascertained, belong to the genus dasypus of naturalists. They are entirely confined to the New World, of which they inhabit chiefly the warmer portions. They are animals of omnivorous habits, dwelling in woods, and preying o» insects, eggs, small birds, and the roots of plants. 814 SLOTH, GREEN-SNAKE, SPIDERS, ANTS, limb, and turn it about from side to side." The sloths feed on leaves, and are very destructive to trees, never forsaking one on which they have pitched till it is stripped as bare as winter. A sloth requires eight or nine minutes to move one of its feet three inches forward, and it can neither be provoked nor frightened to move faster. Of some of the species of snakes, Dampier relates that they lurk in trees, " and are so mighty in strength as to hold a bullock fast by one of his horns," if it comes so near the tree as to allow the snake to twist itself about the horn and a limb of the tree at the same time. The Bucaniers sometimes ate them, I though Dampier makes no favourable report of this kind oi food. An anecdote which he relates of a snake in the bay I gives a rational account of what is termed fascination in birds. The green-snake, which is from four to five feet J long and no thicker than a man's thumb, lurked among green leaves, from which it could hardly be distinguished, and preyed upon small birds. Dampier was one day about to take hold of a bird, which, to his astonishment, though it fluttered and cried, did not attempt to fly away. He dis- covered that about the upper part of the poor bird a green- snake had twisted itself. Spiders of prodigious size* were seen here, some almost as big as a man's hand, with long small legs like the spiders of Europe : — " They have two y teeth, or rather horns, an inch and a half in length, and of a proportionable bigness, which are black as jet, smooth as glass, and their small end sharp as a thorn." These the Bucaniers and wood-cutters used as toothpicks, as they |" were said to cure toothache. They also used them to pick their tobacco-pipes. The country abounded in ants of dif- ferent species, some of which had a sting " sharp as a spark of fire." They build their habitations between the limbs |, of great trees ; and some of the hillocks were " as large as a hogshead." In this manner the ants provide against the consequences of the rainy season, when their hillocks, if on the ground, must be overflowed. One species marched in troops, always in haste, as if in search of something, but * The Epeira curvicauda, described by M. Vaulicr (Annates de* Sciences Naturelles, torn. i. p. 261), is remarkable for the posterior en- •argement of its abdomen, which is terminated by a couple of arched ami •longated spines,— See plate 50 of the new edition of the EncydoptefU* Britannica, THE HUMMING-BIRD AND SUBTLE JAtB. 215 ■ steadily following their leaders wherever they went. Some- 1 times a band of these ants would march through the cabins c of the wood-cutters, over their beds, or into their chests, — wherever the foremost went the restali following. The ! j logwood-cutters let them pass on, though some hours might be spent in the march. Frequently as the humming-bird has been described since : | it was seen by Dampier, his account of this, the most deli- ■ cate and lovely of the feathered tribes, is as fresh and beau- J tiful as when the young seaman, charmed with its loveli- I ness, first entered a description of it into his rude journal : !' — " The humming-bird is a pretty little feathered creature, I no bigger than a great overgrown wasp ; with a black bill 1 no bigger than a small needle, and with legs and feet in j proportion to his body. This creature does not wave its wings like other birds when it flies, but keeps them in a ; continued quick motion, like bees or other insects ; and like them makes a continued humming noise as it flies. It is very quick in motion, and haunts about flowers and fruit like a bee gathering honey ; making many addresses to its delightful objects, by visiting them on all sides, and yet still keeps in motion, sometimes on one side sometimes on the other, as often rebounding a foot or two back on a sudden, and as quickly returns again, keeping thus about one flower five or six minutes or more." The wood-cutters and hunters in their out-door and syl- van life became familiar with all the living creatures of these prolific regions, and gave them English names signifi- cant of their habits. They adopted the superstition of the Spaniards against killing the carrion-crows, which were found so useful in clearing the country of the putrid car- casses of animals. Trains of these birds gathered from all quarters about the hunters, and regularly followed them into the savannas for their own share of the prey. A bird which they named the Subtle Jack was about as big as the pigeons of the bay. It suspended its nest from the boughs of lofty trees, choosing such as, up to a considerable height, were without limbs. The branches selected were those that spread widest ; and of these the very extremity was chosen. The nests hung down two or three feet from the twigs to which they were fastened, and looked like " cab- bage-nets stuffed with hay." The thread by which it is 216 ALLIGATORS OF CAMPEACHY suspended, like the nest itself, is made of long grass inge* niously twisted and interwoven, small at the twig, but thickening as it approaches the nest. On trees that grow singly and apart th^birds build all round ; but where the trees stand in proximity to others, the Subtle Jack chooses only those that border upon a savanna, pool, or creek ; and of these the limbs that stretch over the water or the grass, avoiding such as may be easily approached from neighbour- ing trees. The nest has a hole at the side for the bird to enter: — " 'Tis pretty," says Dampier, "to see twenty or thirty of them hanging round a tree."* In these savannas and primeval forests an endless ; variety of birds and insects engaged the attention of the r young seaman, to which we cannot now advert. The i creeks, rivers, and lagunes, as well as the open shores, were it equally prolific of fishes unknown in the English waters, a No place .in the world was better stored with alligators ';. than the Bay of Campeachy. These the Bucamers, wno '. scrupled at no sort of food, never ate, save in cases of great : necessity, as even their intrepid stomachs were offended by * the strong musky flavour of the flesh of this hideous crea« ture. The alligators of the bay were generally harmless when not molested ; though accidents sometimes occurred, of which one is recorded by Dampier that merits notice. >, In the height of the dry season, when in those torrid ■ regions all animated nature pants with consuming thirst, a - party of the wood-cutters, English and Irish, went to hunt ) in the neighbourhood of a lake called Pies Pond, in Beef p * It is sometimes by no means easy to connect the observations of In the sailor abroad with the lucubrations of the man of science at home; L and each perhaps regards the designations of the other as barbarous. There is, however, frequently more meaning in the names bestowed by ' the practical observer than in those of the closet-naturalist. The chief jli objection to popular names is, that they too often proceed upon merB i analogies in habits, rather than on identity of specific forms. Thus the h carrion-crow, frequently mentioned by Dampier and other voyagers * along the American shores, is not a crow but a species of vulture. In !l regard to the Subtle Jack, there are several species of birds which con* t t struct their nests in the ingenious and elaborate manner above men- i tioned. Of these one of the most noted is the Hang-nest-oriole (Orio- f lus nidipendulus of Latham), described by Sir Hans Sloane in his His- : tory of Jamaica. It builds in woods, and forms its nest of the internal i fibres of a parasitic plant, popularly known in the West Indies by the title of old man's beard. The nest is suspended from the extreme twigs ©f the tree. ADVENTURE WITH AN ALLIGATOR. 217 Island, one of the smaller islands of the bay. To this Eond the wild cattle repaired in herds to drink, and here the unters lay in wait for them. The chase had been prose- cuted with great success for a week, when an Irishman of the party, going into the water during the day, stumbled upon an alligator, which seized him by the knee. His cries alarmed his companions, who, fearing that he had been seized by the Spaniards, to whom the island belonged, and who chose the dry season to hunt, and repel their unwel- come neighbours, instead of affording assistance, fled from the huts which they had erected. The Irishman, seeing no appearance of help, with happy presence of mind quietly waited till the alligator loosened its teeth to take a new and surer hold ; and when it did so, snatched away his knee, interposing the butt-end of his gun in its stead, which the animal seized so firmly that it was jerked out of the man's hand and carried off. He then crawled up a neighbouring tree, again shouting after his comrades, who now found courage to return. His gun was found next day, dragged ten or twelve paces from the place where it had been seized by the alligator. At the same place, Pies Pond in Beef Island, Dampier had a remarkable escape from an alligator. Passing with some of his comrades through a small savanna, where the water lay two or three feet deep, in search of a bullock to shoot for supper, a strong scent of an alligator was per- ceived, and presently Dampier stumbled over one and fell down. He cried out for help, but his companions ran to- wards the woods to save themselves. No sooner had he scrambled up to follow them, than in the agitation of the moment he fell a second and even a third time, expecting every instant to be devoured, and yet escaped untouched , but he candidly says, " I was so frighted, that I never cared to go through the water again as long as I was in the Bay." On the first Saturday after he commenced wood-cutter, Dampier followed his employers in the humble capacity of raising and driving the cattle out of the savannas into the woods, where the hunters lay in wait to shoot them. The following Saturday his ambition took a higher flight. He i thought it more honourable to have a shot himself than to drive the game for others ; and, after going five miles by T 218 DAMPIER S ADVENTURE water and one by land, to the hunting-ground, he gave his companions the slip, and rambled so far into the woods that he lost himself, going at every step farther astray through small strips of savanna and skirts of woodland — a maze of plain and forest which seemed interminable. The rest of this youthful adventure, from which Dampier drew a beneficial lesson for the regulation of his future life, can- not be better narrated than in his own words. " This was | in May (the dry season), and it was between ten o'clock | and one when I began to find that I was, as we call it, j marooned, or lost, and quite out of the hearing of my comrades' guns. I was somewhat surprised at this ; but, however, I knew that I should find my way out as soon as the sun was a little lower. So I sat down to rest myself, resolving, however, to run no farther out of my way, for the sun being so near the zenith I could not distinguish how to direct my course. Being weary, and almost faint for want of water, I was forced to have recourse to the wild pines, and was by them supplied, or else I must have perished with thirst. About three o'clock I went due i north, or as near as I could judge, for the savanna lay east and west, and I was on the south side of it. " At sunset I got out into the clear open savanna, being about two leagues wide in most places, but how long I know not. It is well stored with bullocks, but by frequent nunting they grow shy, and remove farther up into the li country. There I found myself four or five miles to the west of the place where I had straggled from my compan- ions. I made homeward with all the speed I could ; but it being overtaken by the night, I lay down on the grass a good distance from the woods, for the benefit of the wind to keep the mosquitoes from me ; but in vain, for in less ! than an hour's time I was so persecuted, that though I en- deavoured to keep them off by fanning myself with boughs, and shifting my quarters three or four times, yet still they so[j» haunted me that I could get no sleep. At daybreak I gotMm up and directed my course to the creek where we landed, ■ a from which I was then about two leagues. I did not one beast of any sort whatever in all the way, though the day before I saw several young calves that could not follow their dams; but even these were now gone away, to my great vexation and disappointment, for I was very hungry , IN THE FORESTS. 2 IS) But, about a mile farther, I espied ten or twelve quaums* perching on the boughs of a cotton-tree. These were not shy : therefore I got well under them, and having a single bullet, but no shot, about me, fired at one of them and missed it, though I had often before killed them so. Then I came up with and fired at five or six turkeys with no better suc- cess, so that I was forced to march forward, still in the savanna, towards the creek ; and when I came to the patli that led to it through the woods, I found to my great joy a hat stuck upon a pole, and when I came to the creek an- other. These were set up by my consorts, who had gone home in the evening, as signals that they would come and fetch me. Therefore I sat down and waited for them ; for although I had not above three leagues home by water, yet it would have been very difficult, if not impossible, for me to have got thither overland, by reason of those vast im- passable thickets abounding everywhere along the creek's side, wherein I have known some puzzled for two or three days, and have not advanced half a mile, although they laboured extremely every day. Neither was I disappointed of my hopes, for within half an hour after my arrival in the creek my consorts came, bringing every man his bottle of water and his gun, both to hunt for game and to give me notice by firing, that I might hear them ; for I have known several men lost in the like manner, and never heard of afterward." Dampier had the more reason to congratulate himself on the issue of this adventure, that shortly before the captain and six of the crew of a Boston ship had wandered into the woods, part of whom were never again heard of. The captain, who was found in a thicket in a state of extreme exhaustion, stated that his men had dropped one by one, fainting for thirst in the parched savannas. When his first month's service was ended, Dampier re- ceived as pay the price of a ton of wood, with which he bought provisions, and entered into a new engagement, on the footing of comradeship, but with other partners. Of the formar company to which he had been attached, some * The quaum, quan, or guan, is a species of the genus Penelope. It A frequently domesticated in Brazil for the sake of the flesh, which is excellent eating. Another species of the genus (Penelope pipile of Temminck) is known under the name of the Yacou Turkev 220 FORMS A NEW ENGAGEMENT. went to Beef Island to hunt bullocks for their skins, which they prepared for sale by pegging them strongly down to the ground, turning first the fleshy and then the hairy side uppermost, till they were perfectly dry. It required thirty- two pegs, each as thick as a man's arm, to stretch one hide ; afterward they were hung in heaps upon a pole, that they might not touch the ground, and from time to time well beat with sticks to drive out the worms which bred in the skins and spoiled them. Before being shipped off, they were soaked in salt water to kill the remaining worms. While still wet they were folded up, left thus for a time, and once more thoroughly dried and packed for exporta- tion. To this trade Dampier preferred wood-cutting. His part- ners were three Scotchmen, Price Morrice, Duncan Camp- bell, and a third, who is called by his Christian-name of George only. The two latter were persons of education, who had been bred merchants, and liked neither the em- ployment nor the society of the bay ; they therefore only waited the first opportunity of getting away by a logwood- ship. The first vessel that arrived was from Boston, and this they freighted with forty tons of diewood, which it was agreed Duncan Campbell should go to New-England to sell, bringing back flour and other things suited to the mar- ket of the bay, to exchange for hides and logwood ; while George remained making up a fresh cargo against Camp- bell's return. And here Dampier makes an observation on the character of his associates which deserves to be noticed as the result of the experience of a man who had seen and reflected much upon life and manners. " This," he says, 11 retarded our business, for I did not find Price Morrice very intent on work ; for 'tis like he thought he had log- wood enough. And I have particularly observed there, and in other places, that such as had been well-bred were gene- rally most careful to improve their time, and would be very industrious and frugal when there was any probability of considerable gain. But, on the contrary, such as had been mured to hard labour, and got their living by the sweat of their brows, when they came to have plenty, would extrava- gantly squander away their time and money in drinking and making a bluster." To make up for the indolence of his comrade Dampier TREMENDOUS HURRICANE. 221 kept tlie closer to work himself, till attacked by a very sin- gular disease. A red and ill-conditioned swelling or Hie broke out upon his right leg, which he was directed to poultice with the roasted roots of the white lily. This he persisted in doing for some days, " when two white specks appeared in the centre of the bile, and on squeezing it two ears to have been in former times The females of one or other of the species, in common with the Indian THE MANATEE AND MOUNTAIN-COW. 22? The Mosquito Indians were pecu'iarly dexterous in fish* tng, and also in striking manatee and catching turtle ; for which purpose the Bucaniers always tried to have one or two natives of the Mosquito Shore attached to their com* pany as purveyors on their cruises. In the river of Tobasco, near its mouth, abundance of manatee was found, there being good feeding for them in the creeks. In one creek, which ran into the land for two ot three hundred paces, and where the water was so shallow that the backs of the animals were seen as they fed, tbe^ were found in great numbers. On the least noise the J dashed out into the deep water of the river. There was also a fresh-water species resembling those of the sea, but not so large. The banks of the creek which they frequented were swampy and overgrown with trees ; and the same place afforded great abundance df land-turtle, the largest Dam- pier ever saw save at the Gallapagos Islands, in the South Sea, — the very head-quarters of turtle. On the borders of the Tobasco lie ridges of dry, rich land, covered with lofty " cotton and cabbage-trees, which make a pleasant land- scape," and in some places guava-trees, bearing large and finely-flavoured fruit ; there were also cocoa-plums and grapes. The savannas, on which herds of deer and bul- locks were seen feeding, especially in the mornings and evenings, were fenced with natural groves of the guava Dampier appears to have been delighted with the aspect of this "delicious place." While he was here, a party hunt- ing in the savannas late in the evening shot a deer ; one of them, while skinning the animal, was shot dead by a com- rade, who in the twilight mistook him for another deer. dugong, are supposed, from the peculiarity of their appearance in the Water, to have given rise to the stories of mermaids, syrens, and other imaginary monsters. The mountain-cow of Dampier and the earlier voyagers, which from being occasionally seen in the water they sometimes confounded with the manatee, is a species of tapir (tapirus Americanus), and has no alli- ance with the hippopotamus, which never occurs in the New World. From a supposed resemblance, however, to that animal in form or habit, it was named hippopotamus terrestrisby Linnseus. It inhabits the east- ern shores of South America, from the Tsthmus of Darien to the Straits of Magellan ; and although it breeds in dry places on the sides of hills, it also frequents moist and marshy stations, and is an excellent swim- mer. When hunted, it takes to the water, and descends for safety to the bottom. Its food consists of wild fruits and the delicate sprigs and branches of various shrubs. It also searches eagerly after a kind of ni- trous earth called barrero ?28 INDIANS OF THE RIVER TOBASCO. For above twenty miles up the river there was no settle- ment ; after which there was a small fort, with a garrison consisting of a Spaniard and eight or ten Indians whom he commanded, whose business was rather to spread alarm into the interior if the Bucaniers approached than to resist their attacks. Their precautions were, however, useless when opposed to the address and activity of the Bucaniers, who had frequently pillaged the towns and villages on this river, though latterly they had sometimes been repulsed with loss. In some of these towns there were merchants and planters, cocoa-walks being frequent on both sides of the river. Some parts along the banks were thickly planted with Indian towns, each having a padre, and also a cacique, or governor. These Indians were free labourers in the cocoa-walks of the Spanish settlers, though a few of them had plantations of maize, plantain-walks, and even small cocoa-walks of their own. Some of the natives were bee-hunters, searching in the hollow trees in the woods for hives, and selling the wax and honey. These Indian bee-hunters were so ingenious as to supply the wild bees* with trees artificially hollowed, and thus increased the number of hives and the profits of their traffic. " The Indians inhabiting these villages live like gentlemen," says Dampier, " in comparison of many near any great towns, such as Gampeachy or Merida ; for there even the poorer and rascally sort of people that are not able to hire one of these poor creatures will by violence drag them to do their drudgery for nothing, after they have worked all day for their masters." The Indians of the villages on the Tobasco lived chiefly on maize, which they baked into cakes, and from which they also made a sort of liquor, which, when allowed to sour, afforded a pleasant, refreshing draught. When a beverage for company was wanted, a little honey was mixed with this drink. A stronger liquor was made of parched maize and anotta, which was drunk without straining. The In- dians reared abundance of turkeys, ducks, and fowls, — the * All the bees native to the New World at the period of its discovery by the Spaniards were found to be distinct from those of Europe. The honey-bee {apis mellifica) is now common in America, but it was im- ported thither for its economical uses. Many swarms have cast in the woods ; and the European bee, itself of Asiatic origin, may now be found wild at great distances from any human habitation. We cannot nam* with certainty the precise species alluded to by Dampier. ASSAULT ON ALVARADO. 229 padte taking such strict account of the tithe that it was necessary to procure his license before they durst kill one. They also raised cotton, and manufactured their own cloth- ing, which for both sexes was decent and becoming. Under the sanction of the village-priest all marriages were contracted ; the men marrying it fourteen, the women at twelve. If at this early agb they had made no choice, then the padre selected for them. These early marriages were one means of securing the power and increasing the gains of the priest ; and the young couples themselves were contented, happy, and affectionate. They inhabited good houses, lived comfortably by the sweat of their brows, and on holy eves and saints' days enjoyed themselves under the direction of their spiritual guides, who permitted them the recreation of pipe and tabor, hautboys and drums, and lent them vizards and ornaments for the mummings and other amusements which they practised. The village churches were lofty compared with the ordinary dwelling-houses, and ornamented with coarse pictures of tawny or bronze-coloured saints and madonnas, recommended to the Indians by the tint of the native complexion. To their good padres, not- withstanding the tithe-fowls, the Indian flocks were submis- sive and affectionate. We cannot here follow the minute account which Dam- pier has given of all the rivers of Campeachy during his cruise of eleven months around this rich country. The far- thest west point which he visited was Alvarado, to which the Bucaniers with whom he sailed went in two barks, thirty men in each. The river flows through a fertile country, thickly planted with Spanish towns and Indian villages. At its mouth was a small fort placed on the declivity of a sandbank, and mounted with six guns. The sandbanks are here about 200 feet high on both sides. This fort the Bucaniers attacked ; but it held out stoutly for live hours, during which time the country was alarmed, and the inhabitants of the adjoining town got off in their boats, carrying away all their money and valuables and the best part of their goods. The Bucaniers lost ten men killed or desperately wounded ; and when they landed next morn- ing to pillage, it being dark before the fort yielded, little booty was found. Twenty or thirty bullocks they killed, salted, and sent on board, with salt fish, Indian com, and U 230 ESCAPE OF THE BUCANIERS. abundance of poultry. They also found and brought away many tame parrots of a very beautiful kind, yellow and scarlet curiously blended, — the fairest and largest birds of their kind Dampier ever saw in the West Indies. " They prated very prettily." Though little solid booty was obtained, what with pro- visions, chests, hencoops, and parrots' cages, the ships were rilled and lumbered ; and while in this state seven Spanish urmadilloes from Vera Cruz, detached in pursuit of the Bucaniers, appeared, coming full sail over the bar into the river. Not a moment was to be lost. Clearing their decks of lumber by throwing all overboard, the Bucaniers got under full sail, and drove over the bar at the river's mouth, before the enemy, who could with difficulty stem the cur- rent, had scarcely reached it. The Spanish vessels were to windward, and a few shots were of necessity exchanged ; and now commenced one of those singular escapes from tremendous odds of strength of which Bucanier history is so full. The Toro, the admiral of the Spanish barks, was of itself more than a match for the freebooters. It carried 10 guns and 100 men, while their whole force was now dimin- ished to 50 men in both ships, one of which carried 6, the other 2 guns. Another of the Spanish vessels carried 4 guns, with 80 men ; and the remaining five, though not mounted with great guns, had each 60 o" 70 men armed with muskets. "As soon," says Dampier's journal, "as we were over the bar, we got our larboard tacks aboard, and stood to the eastward as nigh the wind as we could lie. The Spaniards came quartering on us ; and our ship being the headmost, the Toro came directly towards us, designing to board us. We kept firing at her, in hopes to have lamed either a mast or a yard ; but failing, just as she was sheer- ing aboard we gave her a good volley, and presently clapped the helm aweather, wore our ship, and got our starboard tacks aboard, and stood to the westward, and so left the Toro ; but were saluted by all the small craft as we passed them, who stood to the eastward after the Toro, that was now in pursuit and close to our consort. We stood to the westward till we were against the river's mouLh, then wo tacked, and by the help of the current that came out of the river we were near a mile to windward of them all. Then we m.'vde sail to assist our consort, whe was hard put to it * DAMPIER'S MARRIAGE. 231 but on our approach the Toro edged away towards the shore, as did all the rest, and stood away for Alvarado ; and we, glad of the deliverance, went away to the eastward, and visited all the rivers in our return again to Trist." These visits produced little booty. They also searched the bays for munjack, " a sort of bitumen which we find in a lump, washed up by the sea, and left dry on all the sandy bays of the coast." This substance the Bucaniers, who were compelled to find substitutes for many necessary things, tempered with tallow or oil, and employed as pitch in re- pairing their ships and canoes. On the return of Dam pier to the Island of Trist, the effects of the dismal hurricane of the former year had dis- appeared, and he resumed his labours among the woodmen. This employment was probably more profitable than his bucaniering cruise ; as in the course of the following season he was able to visit England, intending to return to the bay when he had seen his friends. He sailed for Jamaica in April, 1678, and in the beginning of August reached London. Cutting diewood was still a profitable though a labo- rious trade ; and Dampier shrewdly remarks, " that though it is not his business to say how far the English had a right to follow it, yet he was sure that the Spaniards never received less darcge from the persons who usually followed that trade than when they had exchanged the musket for the axe, and the deck of. the privateer for the logwood- groves." During his short residence in England at this time Dam- pier must have married ; for, though a trifling matter of this kind is too unimportant to be entered in a seaman's journal, we long afterward, while he lay off the Bashee or Five Islands, learn that he had left a wife in England, as, in compliment to the Duke of Grafton, he named the north- ernmost of the Bashee group Grafton's Isle, " having, aa be says, "married my wife out of his dutchess : s family, and leaving her at Arlington House at my going abroad." 232 DAMPIER RETURNS TO THE WEST INDIES CHAPTER IX. Adventures with the Bucaniers. Oampier leaves England for Jamaica— Joins the Bucaniers— Assault of Porto Bello — Description of the Mosquito Indians — Their Ingenuity in Fishing — In using the Harpoon — Acuteness of their Senses— Their Customs— The Bucaniers under Captain Sharp cross the Isthmus of Darien — Sea-fight in the Road of Panama — Differences among the Bucaniers — Sharp leaves the South Sea— Retreat of Dampier and a Party of Bucaniers across the Isthmus— Difficulties of the Journey — They reach the Samballas Isles— Cruise of Dampier with the Buc- aniers— Adventures of Wafer among the Indians of the Darien — Carthagena, and the Monastery there— Dutch Governor— Wreck of the French Fleet— Stratagem of a French Bucanier— Pillage of Rio de la Hacha— Pearl-fishery— The Tropic-bird— Iguanas— Negro Doc tor— Dampier's farther Adventures indicated. After spending five or six months with his wife and his friends, Dampier, in the beginning of 1679, sailed as a pas- senger for Jamaica, intending immediately to return to his old trade and companions in the Bay of Campeachy. He took out goods from England, which he meant to exchange at Jamaica for the commodities in request among the wood- cutters. Instead, however* of prosecuting this design, Dampier remained in Jamaica all that year, and by some means was enabled to purchase a small estate in Dorset- shire. This new possession he was about to visit, when induced to engage in a trading voyage to the Mosquito Shore. It promised to be profitable, and he was anxious to realize a little more ready money before returning to England to settle for life. He accordingly sent homo the title-deeds of his estate, and embarked with a Mr. Hobby. Soon after leaving Port Royal, they came to anchor in a bay in the west end of the island, in which they found Captains Coxon, Sawkins, Sharp, and " other privateers," as Dampier gently terms the most noted Bucanier com- manders of the period. Hobby's crew deserted him to » CAPTURE OF PORTO BELLO. 233 man to join the Bucanier squadron ; and the Mosquito voyage being thus frustrated, Dampier "was the more easily persuaded to go with them too." Their first attempt was on Porto Bello, of which assault Dampier gives no account, and he might not have been present at the capture. Two hundred men were landed ; ind, the better to prevent alarm, at such a distance from the town that it took them three days to march upon it, as during daylight they lay concealed in the woods. A negro gave the alarm, but not before the Bucaniers were so close upon his heels that the inhabitants were completely taken by surprise, and fled in every direction. The Buc- aniers plundered for two days and two nights, in moment- ary expectation of the country rising upon them, and overpowering their small number ; but, from avarice and rapacity, they were unable to tear themselves away. To the shame of the Spaniards they got clear off, and divided shares of 160 pieces of eight a head. Inspired by this success, they resolved immediately to march across the isthmus. They knew that such strokes of good fortune as this at Porto Bello could not longer be looked for on the eastern shores of America, and for some time their imagi nations had been running upon the endless wealth to be found in the South Seas. They remained for about a fortnight at the Samballas Isles, and during this time, pre- paratory to their grand attempt, endeavoured to conciliate the Indians of the Dcrien, by gifts of toys and trinkets, and many fair promises. The}' also persuaded some of the Mosquito-men to join them, who, on account of their ex- pertness in fishing, and striking turtle and manatee, besides their warlike qualities, were useful auxiliaries either in peace or war. Of this tribe, so long the friends, and, as they named themselves, the subjects of Britain, Dampier has given an exceedingly interesting account. In his time the clan or sept properly called Mosquito-men must have been very small, as he says the fighting-men did not amount to 100. They inhabited a tract on the coast near Cape Gracios Dios, stretching between Cape Honduras and Nicaragua. "They are," says our navigator, who appears partial to these Indians, " very ingenious at throw- ing the lance, fisgig, harpoon, or any manner of dart, being bred to it from their infancy; for the children, U2 234 THE MOSQUITO INDIANS. imitating their parents, never go abroad without a lance in their hands, which they throw at any object till use hath made them masters of the art. Then they learn to put by a lance, arrow, or dart ; the manner is thus : — Two boys stand at a sm:dl distance, and dart a blunt stick at one an- other, each of them holding a small stick in his right hand, with which he strikes away that which is darted at him. As they grow in years they become more dexterous and coura- geous ; and then they will stand a fair mark to any one that will shoot arrows at them, which they will put by with a very small stick no bigger than the rod of a fowling-piece ; and when they are grown to be men they will guard them- selves from arrows though they come very thick at them, provided they do not happen to come two at once. They have extraordinary good eyes, and will descry a sail at sea, and see any thing better than we. Their chiefest employ* ment in their own country is to strike fish, turtle, 01 manatee. For this they are esteemed and coveted by all privateers, for one or two of them in a ship will maintain 100 men ; so that when we careen our ships we choose commonly such places where there is plenty of turtle 01 manatee for these Mosquito-men to strike, and it is very rare to find a privateer destitute of one or more of them, la when the commander and most of the crew are English ; but they do not love the French, and the Spaniards they hate mortally. " They are tall, well-made, raw-boned, lusty, strong, and nimble of foot, long-visaged, lank black hair, look stern, hard-favoured, and of a dark copper complexion. When they come among the privateers they get the use of fire* arms, and are very good marksmen. They behave them- selves very bold in fight, and never seem to flinch nor hang back ; for they think that the white men with whom they are know better than they do when it "is best to fight, and, let the disadvantage of their party be never so great, they will never yield nor give back while any of their party stand. I could never perceive any religion nor any cere- monies or superstitious observations among them, being ready to imitate us in whatsoever they saw us do at- any time. Only they seem to fear the Devil, whom they call Willesaw ; and they say he often appears to some among them, whom our men commonly call their priests, when THEIR MANNERS AND CUSTOMS. 235 they desire to speak with him on urgent business. They til say they must not anger him, for then he will beat them ; and he sometimes carries away these their priests. They marry but one wife, with whom they live till death leparates them. At their first coming together the man makes a very small plantation They delight to settle near the sea, or by some river, for the sake of striking fish, their beloved employment ; for within land there are other Indians with whom they are always at war. After the man hath cleared a spot of land, and hath planted it, he seldom minds it afterward, but leaves the managing of it to his wife, and he goes out a-striking. Sometimes he seeks only for fish, at other times for turtle or manatee^ and whatever he gets he brings home to his wife, and never stirs out to seek for more till it is eaten. When hunger begins to bite, he either takes his canoe and seeks for more game at sea, or walks out into the woods and hunts for pecaree and waree, each a sort of wild hogs, or deer, and seldom returns empty-handed, nor seeks any more as long as it lasts. Their plantations have not above twenty ot thirty plantain-trees, a bed of yams and potatoes, a bush of pimento, and a small spot of pineapples, from which they make a sort of drink, to which they invite each other to be merry. Whoever of them makes pine-drink treats his neighbours, providing fish and flesh also." At their drinking-matches they often quarrelled, but the women prevented mischief by hiding their weapons. The Mosquito-men were kind and civil to the English, who en- deavoured to retain the regard of such useful allies. For this purpose it was necessary to let them have their own way in every thing, and to return home the moment they desired it, for if contradicted there was an end of their ser- vices ; and though turtle and fish abounded, they would manage to kill nothing. They called themselves, as has been noticed, subjects of the King of England, and liked to have their chiefs nominated by the Governor of Jamaica, which island they often visited. Pity that in subsequent periods the fidelity and regard of this brave and ingenious tribe were so ill and ungratefully requited by their powerful and ungenerous allies. The Bucaniers commenced their march across the Isthmus on the 5th April, 1680, about 330 strong, each 236 SEA-FIGHT IN THE ROAD OF PANAMA. man armed with a hanger, fusil, and pistol, and provided with four cakes of the bread which they called doughboys. Their generalissimo was Captain Sharp ; and the men, marshalled in divisions, marched in something like military order, with flags and leaders. They were accompanied by those Indians of Darien who were the hereditary enemies jf the Spaniards, whom they had subsidized with the hatchets, knives, beads, and toys with which they provided themselves at Porto Bello. These auxiliaries furnished them with plantains, venison, and fruit, in exchange for European commodities. The march was easily performed, and in nine days' journey they reached Santa Maria, which was taken without opposition, though this did not prevent the exercise of cruelty. The Indians cruelly and delibe- rately butchered many of the inhabitants. The plunder ob- tained falling far short of the expectations of the Bucaniers made them the more desirous to push forward. They accordingly embarked on the river of Santa Maria, which falls into the Gulf of St. Michael, in Indian canoes and pirogues, having previously, in their summary way, de- posed Captain Sharp, and chosen Captain Coxon com mander. On the same day that they reached the bay, whither s'ome of the Darien chiefs still accompanied them, they captured a Spanish vessel of thirty tons burthen, on board of which a large party planted themselves, happy after the march, and being cramped and huddled up in the canoes, again to tread the deck of a ship of any size. At this time they divided into small parties, first appointing a rendez- vous at the island of Chepillo, in the mouth of the river Cheapo. Dampier was with Captain Sharp, who went to the Pearl Islands in search of provisions. In a few days the Bucaniers mustered for the attack of Panama, and on the 23d April did battle for the whole day with three Spanish ships in the road, of which two were captured by boarding, while the third got off. The action was fierce and sanguinary ; of the Bucaniers eighteen men Were killed, and thirty wounded. The resistance was vigorous and brave ; and the Spanish commander with many of his people fell before the action terminated. Even after this victory the Bucaniurs did not consider themselves strong enough to attack the lew city of Panama, but they DIFFERENCES OF THE BUCANIERS. 237 continued to cruise in the bay, making valuable prizes. In the action with the Spanish ships Captain Sawkins had greatly distinguished himself by courage and conduct ; and a quarrel breaking out among the Bucaniers while Coxon returned to the North Seas, he was chosen commander. He had not many days enjoyed this office, when, in an attack on Puebla Nueva, he was killed, leading on his men to the assault of a breastwork ; and on his death Sharp, the second in command, showing faint heart, the Bucaniers retreated. New discontents broke out, and the party once more divided, not being able to agree in the choice of a leader ; of those who remained in the South Sea, among whom was Dampier, Sharp was chosen commander. For some months he cruised on the coast of Peru, occasionally landing to pillage small towns and villages ; and on Christ- mas-day* anchored in a harbour of the Island of Juan Fernandez to rest and refit. Here they obtained abundance of crayfish, lobsters, and wild goats, which were numerous. Sharp, who had always been unpopular, was once more formally deposed, and Captain Watling elected in his stead. Having enjoyed themselves till the 12th of January, the Bucaniers were alarmed by the appearance of three vessels, which they concluded to be Spanish ships of war in pursuit of them. They put off to sea in all haste, in the hurry leaving one of their Mosquito Indians, named William, upon the island. They again cruised along the coast, and the attack of the Spanish settlements by hasty descent was resumed. In attempting to capture Arica Captain Watling was killed, and the Bucaniers were repulsed, having had a narrow escape from being all made prisoners. For want of any more competent leader, Sharp was once more raised to the command, and the South Sea had so greatly disappointed their hopes, that it was now agreed to return eastward by recrossmg the isthmus. But another quarrel broke out, one party would not continue under Sharp, and another wished to try their fortunes farther on the South Sea. It was therefore agreed that the majority should retain the * At any season of the year, when the Bucaniers, after a period of watching and toil, had obtained booty, provisions, and liquor, they often w»L A to some of their nearest hunting places, " to keep a Christmas, 1 ' an 'hay chose to term their revel. 238 RETREAT ACROSS THE ISTHMUS. slap, the other party taking the long-boat and canoes. Sharp's party proved the most numerous. They cruised in the South Sea, on the coast of Patagonia and Chili, ior the remainder of the season of 1681, and early in the fol- lowing year returned to the West Indies by doubling Cape Horn, but durst not land at any of the English settlements. Sharp, soon afterward going home, was tried in England with several of his men for piracy, but escaped conviction. In the minority which broke off from Sharp was William Dampier, who appears at this time to have been little dis- tinguished among his companions. The party consisted of forty- four Europeans and two Mosquito Indians. Their object was to recross the isthmus, — an undertaking of no small difficulty, from the nature of the country and the hostility of the Spaniards. Before they left the ship they sifted a large quantity of flour, prepared chocolate with sugar, as provision, and entered into a mutual engagement, that if any man sank on the journey he should be shot by his comrades, as but one man falling into the hands of the Spaniards must betray the others to certain destruction. In a fortnight after leaving the ship near the Island of Plata, they landed at the mouth of a river in the Bay of St. Michael, where, taking out all their provisions, arms, and clothing, they sank their boat. While they spent a few hours in preparing for the inland march, the Mosquito-men caught fish, which afforded one plentiful meal to the whole party; after which they commenced their journey late in the afternoon of the 1st of May. At night they constructed huts, in which they slept. On the 2d they struck into an Indian path, and reached an Indian village, where they obtained refreshments ; but were uneasy on understanding the closeness of their vicinity to the Spaniards, who had placed ships at the mouths of the navigable rivers to look out for them, and intercept their return eastward. Next day, with a hired Indian guide, they proceeded, and reached the dwelling of a native, who received them with sullen churlishness, which in ordinary times the Bucaniers would ill have brooked ; " though this," says Dampier, " was neither a time nor place to be angry with the Indians, all our lives lying at their hands." Neither the temptation of dollars, hatchets, nor long knives would operate on this intractable Indian, till one of the seamen, taking a sky- CONTINUATION OF THE JOURNEY. 239 coloured petticoat from his bag, threw it over the lady of the house, who was so much delighted with the gift, that she soon wheedled her husband into better humour ; and he now not only gave them information, but found them a guide. It rained hard and frequently on both days, but they were still too near the Spanish garrisons and guard ships to mind the weather or to dally by the way. The country was found difficult and fatiguing, without any trace of a path, the Indians guiding themselves by the rivers, which they were sometimes compelled to cross twenty or thirty times in a day. Rainy weather, hardship, and hunger soon expelled all fear of the Spaniards, who were, besides, not likely to follow their foes into these intricate solitudes. On the 5th day they reached the dwelling of a young Spanish Indian, — a civilized person, who had lived with the Bishop of Panama, and spoke the Spanish language fluently. He received them kindly, and though unable to provide for the wants of so many men, freely gave what he had. At this place they rested to dry their clothes and am- munition, and to clean their firearms. While thus employed Mr. Wafer, the surgeon of the Bucaniers, who had been among the malecontents, had his knee so much scorched by an accidental explosion of gunpowder, that, after drag- ging himself forward during another day, he was forced to remain behind his companions, together with one or two more who had been exhausted by the march. Among the Indians of the Darien Wafer remained for three months, and he has left an account, which is considered the best we yet possess, of those tribes. The march was continued in very bad weather, this being the commencement of the rainy season, and thunder and lightning frequent and violent. As the bottoms of the valleys and the rivers' banks were now overflowed, instead of constructing huts every night for their repose, the travellers were often obliged to seek for a resting-place, and to sleep under trees. To add to their hardships their slaves de- ierted, carrying off whatever they could lay their hands Upon. Before leaving the ship, foreseeing the difficulties of the journey, and the necessity of perpetually fording the rivers, Darnpier had taken the precaution to deposite his journal in a bamboo, closed at both ends with wax. In this wav r 440 CRUISE OF THE BUCANIERS, his papers were secured from wet, while the journalist f?e« quently swam across the rivers which so greatly impeded the progress of the march. In crossing a river where the current ran very strong, one man, who carried his fortune of 300 dollars on his back, was swept down the stream and drowned ; and so worn out were his comrades, that, fond as they were of gold, they would not at this time take the trouble to look for or burden themselves with his. It was the eighteenth day of the march before the Bucaniers reached the river Conception, where they obtained Indian canoes, in which they proceeded to La Sound's Key, one of the Samballas Islands, which were much frequented by the Bucaniers. Here they entered a French privateer, commanded by Captain Tristian ; and, with better faith than Bucaniers usually displayed, generously rewarded their Indian guides with money, toys, and hatchets, and dismissed them. The Bucaniers of this time were some- what less ferocious in manners than those under Morgan and Lolonnois, though it never entered into their thoughts that there could be any wrong in robbing the Spaniards. Sawkins and Watling maintained stricter discipline than had been customary in former periods, approximating their discipline and regulations to those of privateers, or ships of war. They even made the Sabbath be observed with outward signs of respect. On one occasion, when Sawkins's men, who like all Bucaniers were inveterate gamblers, played on Sunday, the captain flung the dice overboard. In two days after Dampier and his friends had gone on board the French vessel, it left La Sound's for Springer's Key, another of the Samballas Islands, where eight Buc- anier vessels then lay, of which the companies had formed the design of crossing to Panama. From this expedition they were, however, diverted by the dismal report of the newly-arrived travellers ; and the assault of other places was taken into consideration. From Trinidad to Vera Cruz the Bucaniers had now an intimate knowledge of every town upon the coast, and for twenty leagues into the interior ; and acquaintance with the strength and wealth of each, and with the number and quality of the inhabitants. The preliminary consultations now held lasted for a week, the French and English not agreeing; but at last they sailed for Carpenter's River, going first towards the Isle ADVENTURES OF WAFER. 241 of St. Andreas. In a gale the ships were separated ; and Dampier, being left with a French captain, conceived such a dislike to his shipmates, that he and his fellow-travellers in crossing the isthmus induced a countryman of their own, named Captain Wright, to fit up and arm a small vessel, with which they cruised about the coast in search of provisions, still, however, keeping their jackals, the Mosquito-men, who caught turtle while the Bucaniers hunted in the woods for pecaree, waree, deer, quaums, par- rots, pigeons, and curassow birds,* and also monkeys, which in times of hardship they esteemed a delicate morsel. At one place several of the men were suddenly taken ill from eating land-crabs which had fed upon the fruit of the man- chineel-tree. All animals that fed on this fruit were avoided by the freebooters as unwholesome, if not poison- ous. In selecting unknown wi-d-fruits the Bucaniers were guided by the birds, freely eating whatever kind had been pecked, but no bird touched the fruit of the manchineel. On returning to La Sound's Key from this cruise, they were joined by Mr. Wafer. He had been for three months kindly entertained by an Indian chief, who had offered him his daughter in marriage, and grudged him nothing save the liberty of going away. From this kind but exacting chief he escaped under pretence of going in search of Eng- lish dogs to be employed in hunting, thr Indian being * Of the Curassow birds (genus Crax), so named, we presume, from Curassow in Guiana, several species are known to naturalists. They belong to the gallinaceous order, and are of large size, easy domestica- tion, and much esteemed for the flavour of their flesh. They feed on fruits and seeds, and build as well as perch on trees. Many of them are distinguished by a singular contortion in the trachea or windpipe, of which an account was published by Dr. Latham in the fourth volume of the Linn. Trans. The crested Curassow {Crax alector) is a beautiful bird, nearly three feet in length. It inhabits Guiana, Mexico, Brazil, and Paraguay. A curious variety, or hybrid, is described by Temminck as having sprung from the intermixture of this species with the Crax rubra. This latter species has likewise a fine crest, and is nearly as large as a turkey. The globe-bearing Curassow (Crax globicera) is characterized by a remarkable tubercle at the base of the beak. The Whole of the plumage is of a fine black, with a tinge of green ; the abdo- »ien, under tail-coverts, and tips of the tail-feathers, are white. It jihabits Guiana. A new species, called the carunculated Curassow iCrax carunculata), was discovered and described by M. Temminck. The upper parts of the plumage are black with green reflections ; the abdomen is of a chestnut colour. It measures about three feet in length and inhabits Brazil. X 242 MONASTERY AT CARTHAGENA. aware of the superiority which dogs gave the Spaniards ?a the chase. Mr. Wafer had been painted by the women ol the Darien, and his own clothes being worn out, he wa* now dressed, or rather undressed, like the natives ; whom, under thi3 disguise, he resembled so much, that it was some time before Dampier recognised his old acquaintance the surgeon. From the Samballas they cruised towards Carthagena, which they passed, having a fair view of the city, and cast- ing longing eyes upon the rich monastery on the steep hill rising behind it. This monastery, dedicated to the Virgin, is, says Dampier, " a place of incredible wealth, by reason of the offerings made here continually ; and for this reason often in danger of being visited by the privateers, did not the neighbourhood of Carthagena keep them in awe. 'Tis, in short, the very Loret'~ of the West Indies, and hath in- numerable miracles reiatel of it. Any misfortune that befalls the privateers is attributed to this lady's doing; and the Spaniards report, that she was abroad that night the Oxford man-of-war was blown up at the Isle of Vaca, and that she came home all wet ; as belike she often re- turns with her clothes dirty and torn with passing through woods and bad ways when she has been upon an expedi- tion, deserving doubtless a new suit for such eminent pieces of service." The company of Captain Wright pillaged several small places about Rio de la Hacha and the Rancheries, which was the head-quarters of a small Spanish pearl-fishery. The pearl-banks lay about four or five leagues off the shore. In prosecuting this fishery, the Indian divers, first an- choring their boats, dived, and brought up full the baskets previously let down ; and when their barks were filled, they went ashore, and the oysters were opened by the old men, women and children, under the inspection of a Span- ish overseer. In a short time afterward, the Bucaniers captured, after a smart engagement, an armed ship of twelve guns and forty men, laden with sugar, tobacco, and marmalade, boun& to Carthagena from St. Jago in Cuba. From the disposal of this cargo, some insight is afforded into the mysteries of bucaniering. It was offered first to the Dutch governor of Ouragao, who having, as he said, a great trade with the WRECK OF THE FRENCH FLEET. 243 Spaniards, could not openly admit the freebooters to this island, though he directed them to go to St. Thomas, which belonged to the Danes, whither he would send a sloop with such commodities as the Bucaniers required, and take the sugar off their hands. The rovers, however, declined the terms offered by the cautious Dutchman, and sailed from St. Thomas to another Dutch colony, where they found a better merchant. From hence they sailed for the Isle of Aves, which, as its name imports, abounded in birds, espe- cially boobies and men-of-war birds. The latter bird was about the size of a kite, black, with a red throat. It lives on fish, yet never lights in the water ; but, soaring aloft like the kite, " when it sees its prey, darts down, snatches it, and mounts, never once touching the water." On a coral reef off the south side of this island the Count d'Estr^es had shortly before lost the French fleet. Firing guns in the darkness, to warn the ships that fol- lowed him to avoid the danger on which he had run, they imagined that he was engaged with the enemy, and crowd- ing all sail, ran upon destruction. The ships held together next day till part of the men got on shore, though many perished in the wreck. Dampier relates, that those of the ordinary seamen who got to land died of fatigue and famine, while those who had been Bucaniers and were wrecked here, " being used to such accidents, lived merrily ; and if they had gone to Jamaica with 30/. in their pockets, could not have enjoyed themselves more ; for they kept a gang by themselves, and watched when the ships broke up to get the goods that came out of them ; and though much was staved against the rocks, yet abundance of wine and brandy floated over the reef, where they waited to take it up." The following anecdote of the wrecked crew is horribly striking : — " There were about forty Frenchmen on board one of the ships, in which was good store of liquor, till tho after-part of her broke, and floated over the reef, and was carried away to sea, with all the men drinking and singing, who, being in drink, did not mind the danger, but were never heard of afterward." In a short time after, this island was the scene of a clever bucaniering trick, which Dampier relates with some glee. The wreck of the French fleet had left Aves Island a per- fect arsenal of masts, yards, timbers, and so for 244 TRICK CF A FRENCH BTJCANIER. hither the Bucaniers repaired to careen and rent their ships, and among others Captain Pain, a Frenchman. A Dutch vessel of twenty guns, despatched from Curacao to fish up the guns lost on the reef, descried the privateer, which she resolved to capture before engaging in the busi- ness of her voyage. The Frenchman abandoned his ship, which he saw no chance of preserving, but brought ashore some cf his guns, and resolved to defend himself as long as possible. While his men were landing the guns, he per- ceived at a distance a Dutch sloop entering the road, and at evening found her at anchor at the west end of the island. During the night, with two canoes, he boarded and took this sloop, found considerable booty, and made off with her, leaving his empty vessel as a prize to the Dutch man- of-war. At this island Dampier's party remained for some time, careened the largest ship, scrubbed a sugar-prize formerly taken, and recovered two guns of the wreck of d'Estrees's fleet. They afterward went to the Isles of Rocas, where they fell in with a French ship of 36 guns, which bought ten tons of their sugar. The captain of this vessel was a^ knight of Malta. To Dampier both he and his lieutenant were particularly attentive and kind, and offered him every encouragement to enter the French navy. This he declined from feelings of patriotism. Here he saw, besides men-of-war birds, boobies, and nod- dies, numbers of the tropic-bird.* It was as big as % pigeon, and round and plump as a partridge, all white, save two or three light-gray feathers in the wing. One long feather or quill, about seven inches in length, growing out of the rump, is all the tail these birds have. They are never 6een far without the tropics, but are met with at a great dis- tance from land. After taking in what water could be ob- tained, they left Rocas, and went to Salt Tortuga, so called to distinguish it from Dry Tortuga near Cape Florida, and from the Tortuga of the first Bucaniers near Hispaniola, which place was now, however, better known as Petit * There are several species of tropic-bird, but the one alluded to above is the -phaeton etkereusot naturalists, remarkable for its restriction to the regions from which it derives its English name. It feeds on fish, and is characterized by a singular degree of ease and gracefulness in its mode of flight. It inhabits the Atlantic Ocean and the South Sea, and its pure *nd pearly plumage is distinguished by a lustre like that of satin. IGTANA — GUINEA-WORM. 245 Guaves. They expected to sell the remainder of their sugar to the English vessels which came here for salt ; but no* succeeding, they sailed for Blanco, an island north of Mar- garita, and thirty leagues from the main. It was an unin- habited island, flat and low, being mostly savanna, with a few wooded spots, in which flourished the lignum vita. Iguanas, or guanoes, as they were commonly called in the West Indies, abounded on Blanco. They resembled the lizard species, but were bigger, about the size of the smaU of a man's leg. From the hind-quarter the tail tapers to the point. If seized by the tail near the extremity, it broke off at a join' 1 , and the animal escaped. They are amphibious creatures. Both their eggs and flesh were highly esteemed by the Bucaniers, who made soup of the latter for their sick. There were many species found here living on land or water, in the swamps, among bushes, or on trees. Green turtle frequented this island in numbers. From Blanco they returned to Salt Tortuga, and went from thence after four days to the coast of the Caraccas on tbe main. , While cruising on this coast, they landed in some of the bays, and took seven or eight tons of cocoa, and afterward three barks, — one laden with hides, another with brandy and earthenware, and a third with European goods. With these prizes they returned to the Rocas to divide the spoil ; after which Dampier and other nineteen out of a company of sixty took one of the captured vessels, and with their share of the plunder held their course direct for Virginia, which was reached in July, 1682. Of the thirteen months which our navigator spent in Vir- ginia he has left no record ; but from another portion of his memoirs it may be gathered that he suffered from sickness during most of the time. His disease was not more singu- lar than was the mode of cure practised by a negro Escula- pius, whose appropriate fee was a white cock. The disease was what is called the Guinea-worm. "These worms," says Dampier, " are no bigger than a large brown thread, but, as I have heard, five or six yards long ; and if it break in drawing out, that part which remains in the flesh will pu- trify, and endangei the patient's life, and be very painful I was in great torment before it came out. My leg and ankle swelled, and looked very red and angry, and I kept a xa 246 NEGRO DOCTOR OF VIRGINIA. plaster to it to bring it to a head. Drawing off my pla&t.er, out came about three inches of the worm, and my pain abated presently. Till then I was ignorant of my malady, and the gentlewoman at whose house I lodged took it (the worm) for a nerve ; but I knew well enough what it was, and presently rolled it upon a small stick. After that I opened it every morning and evening, and strained it out gently, about two inches at a time, not without pain." The negro doctor first stroked the place affected, then applied some rough powder to it like tobacco-leaves crumbled, next muttered a spell, blew upon the part three times, waved his hands as often, and said that in three days it would be well. It proved so, and the stipulated fee of the white cock was gladly paid. The next adventure of Dampier was the circumnavigation of the globe, — a voyage and ramble extending to about eight years, which in point of interest and variety has never yet been surpassed. To it we dedicate the following chapter. CHAPTER X. Circumnavigation of the Globe. Dampier's New Voyage— Cape de Verd Isles — Bachelor's Delight— Falk- land Isles— Mosquito William — Nautical Remarks of Dampier— Junc- tion of Cook and Eaton— The Galapagos Islands— Death of Cook- Escape of the, Bucaniers— Descent at Amapalla — Spanish Indians — The Bucaniers separate — La Plata and Manta — The Cygnet joins the Bucaniers— Descent on Paita — Attempt on Guayaquil — Dampier's Scheme of working the Mines— Indians of St. Jago — The Bucaniers watch tne Plate-fleet— Battle in the Bay of Panama — Assault of Leon —Dampier remains in the Cygnet— His Sickness— Crosses the Pacific — Island of Guahan — Mindanao — Its Customs — The Bucaniers desert Swan — Future Cruise of the Cygnet— Pulo Condore — The Bashee Isles— Character and Manners of the Islanders— Cruise to New-Hol- land— The Country and People — The Nicobar Islands — Dampier leaves the Bucaniers— Hi's Voyage to Achcen— Voyages with Captains Bowry and Weldon — Remains at Bencoolen — Prince Jeoly — Dampier's Return to England— Publication of his Voyages— Employment by the Admi- ralty. Among the companions of Dampier in his journey across the ffthmus, and in his subsequent cruise, was Mr. John Cook, si Creole, born in St. Christopher's, and a man of good ca STRATAGEM OF COOK. 247 pacitj. He had acted as quarter-master, or second in com- mand, under Captain Yanky, a French Flibustier, who at this time held a commission as a privateer. By the ordi- nary laws of the Bucaniers, when a prize fit for a piratical cruise was taken, the second in command was promoted to it, and in virtue of this title Cook obtained an excellent Spanish ship. At this, however, the French commanders were secretly discontented, and on the first opportunity they seized the ship, plundered the crew, who were Englishmen, of their arms and goods, and turned them ashore. The French captain, Tristian, either took compassion on some of the number, or hoped to find them serviceable ; for he carried eight or ten of them with him to Petit Guaves, among whom were Cook and Davis. They had not lain long here when Captain Tristian and part of his men being one day on shore, the English party, in revenge of the late spoliation, overmastered the rest of the crew, took the ship, and, sending the Frenchmen ashore, sailed for Isle a la Vache, where they picked up a straggling crew of English Bucaniers, and before they could be overtaken sailed for Virginia, where Dampier now was, taking two prizes by the way, one of which was a French ship laden with wine. Having thus dexterously swindled Tristian out of his ship, which might, however, be considered as but a fair act of re- prisal, and having afterward committed open piracy on the French commerce, the West Indies was no longer a safe latitude for these English Bucaniers. The wines were therefore sold with the other goods and two of the ships ; and the largest prize, which carried eighteen guns, was new-named the Revenge, and equipped and provisioned for a long voyage. Among her crew of seventy men were almost all the late fellow-travellers across the isthmus, in- cluding William Dampier, Lionel Wafer, the surgeon, Am- brose Cowley, who has left an account of the voyage, and the commander, Captain John Cook. Before embarking on this new piiatical expedition, they all subscribed certain rules for maintaining discipline and due subordination, and for the observance of sobriety on their long voyage. They sailed from the Chesapeake on the 23d August, 1683 ; captured a Dutch vessel, in which they found six casks of wine and a quantity of provisions ; and near the Cape de Verd Islands encountered a storm which raged for 248 AMBERGRIS FLAMINGOES. a week, " drenching them all like so many drowned rats."** After this gale they had the winds and weather both favour- able, and anchored at the Isle of Sal, one of the Cape de Verd group, so named from its numerous salt-ponds. A Portuguese at this place, by affecting the mystery which gives so much zest to clandestine bargains, prevailed with one of the Bucaniers to purchase from him a lump of what he called ambergris, which Dampier believed to be spurious. Of the genuine substance Dampier relates that he was once shown a piece which had been broken off a lump weighing J 00 lbs., found in a sandy bay of an island in the Bay of Honduras. It was found by a person of credit (a Mr. Bar- ker of London), lying dry above high-water mark, and in it a multitude of beetles.! It was of a dusky black colour, the consistence of mellow ordinary cheese, and of a very fragrant scent. At the Isle of Sal, Dampier first saw the flamingo. It was in shape like the heron, but larger, and of a red colour. The flamingoes kept together in large flocks, and, standing side by side by the ponds at which they fed, looked at a dis- tance like a new brick wall. Their flesh was lean and black, * In this dreadful storm, it is related in one edition of Dampier's works that the ship was saved by an odd but very simple expedient. The ship was scudding before wind and sea under bare poles, when by the inad- vertence of the master she was broached to, and lay in the trough of the sea ; the waves at that time running tremendously high, and threatening to overwhelm her, so that if one had struck on the deck she must havo foundered. The person who had committed this nearly fatal mistake was in a state of distraction, and roared for any one to cut away the. mizzenmart, to give the ship a chance of righting. AH was confusion and dismay; thecaptain and the officer second in command objecting to this certainly hazardous, and probably useless attempt to save them selves. The whole crew had given themselves up for lost, when a sea man called to Dampier to ascend the fore-shrouds with him ; this the man alleged might make the ship wear, as he had seen the plan succeed before now. As he spoke he mounted, and Dampier followed him They went half-shrouds up, spread out the flaps of their coats, and in three minutes the ship wore, though such had been the violence of the tempest, that the mainsail having got loose, as many men as could lie on it, assisted by all on deck, and though the main yard was nearly level with the deck, were not able to furl it. t The substance called ambergris, at one time regarded by chymists as a kind of petrolium or mineral oil, is now ascertained 10 be an animal production, which has its origin in the intestinal canal of certain species of the whale-tribe. The beetles alluded to in the text were no doubt accidental, and their occurrence in the ambergris is accounted for b.y its position above high-water mark. BUCANIER STRATAGEM. 249 but not unsavoury nor fishy-tasted. A knob of fat at th* root of the tongue " makes a dish of flamingoes' tongues fit for a prince's table." From this island they went to St. Nicholas, where the governor and his attendants, though not quite so tattered as those seen at the Isle of Sal, were not very splendidly equipped. Here they dug wells, watered the ship, scrubbed its bottom, and went to Mayo to obtain provisions ; but were not suffered to land, as about a week before Captain Bond, a pirate of Bristol, had entrapped the governor and some of his people, and carried them away. From the Cape de Verd Isles the Revenge intended to keep a direct course to the Straits of Magellan ; but by a4- verse weather was compelled to steer for the Guinea coast^ which was made in November, near Sierra Leone. They anchored in the mouth of the river Sherborough, near a large Danish ship, which they afterward took by stratagem. While in sight of the Dane, which felt no alarm at the ap- pearance of a ship of the size of the Revenge, most of the Bucanier crew remained under deck, no more of the hands appearing above than were necessary to manage the sails. Their bold design was to board the ship without discovering any sign of their intention ; and the Revenge advanced closely, still wearing the resemblance of a weakly-manned merchant-vessel. When quite close, Captain Cook in a loud voice commanded the helm to be put one way, while by pre- vious orders and a preconcerted plan the steersman shifted it into a quite opposite direction ; and the Revenge, as if by aecident, suddenly fell on board the Dane, which by this dexterous manoeuvre was captured with only the loss of five men, though a ship of double their whole force. She car- lied thirty-six guns, and was equipped and victualled for a long voyage. This fine vessel was by the exulting Bucaniers named the Bachelor's Delight ; and they immediately burnt the Re- venge that she " might tell no tales," sent their prisoners on shore, and steered for Magellan's Straits.* On the voyage to the straits the Bachelor's Delight en- countered frequent tornadoes, accompanied by thunde$ * It is proper to notice that we owe these particulars to the narrative tit Cowley. Dampier does not mention this stratagem, which he must M reflection have thought little to the credit of'the contrivers. 250 THE FALKLAND ISLANDS. lightning, and rain. Many of the men were seized with fever, and one man died. Having little fresh animal food of any kind, they caught sharks during the calms between the gusts of the tornadoes, which they prepared by first boiling, and afterward stewing them with pepper and vine- gar. About the middle of January they lost one of the sur- geons, who was greatly lamented, as there now remained but one for the long voyage which was meditated. On the 28th they made John Davis's Southern Islands, or the Falk- land Isles, — then, however, more generally known as the Sebald de Weert Islands. In the course of their voyage Dampier, who possessed more geographical and nautical knowledge than his com- panions, had been persuading Captain Cook to stop here to water, and afterward to prosecute the voyage to Juan Fer- nandez by doubling Cape Horn, avoiding the straits alto- gether, which, he judiciously says, *• I knew would prove very dangerous to us, the rather because our men being pri- vateers, and so more wilful and less under command, would not be so ready to give a watchful attendance in a passage o little known. For although these men were more under command than I had ever seen any privateers, yet I could not expect to find them at a moment's call on coming to an anchor or weighing anchor." The Falkland Islands are described by Dampier as rocky and barren, without trees, and having only some bushes upon them. Shoals of small lobsters, which coloured the sea red in spots for a mile round, were seen here They were only of the size of the tip of a man's little finger, yet perfect in shape, and naturally of the colour that other lobsters assume after they are boiled. The advice of Dampier was not taken, but westerly winds prevented Cook from making the entrance of the straits, and on the 6th February they fell in with the Straits of Le Maire, high land on both sides, and the passage very nar- row. They ran in for four miles, when a strong tide set- ting in northward " made such a short cockling sea," which ran every way, as if in a place where two opposing tides meet, sometimes breaking over the poop, sometimes over the waist and the bow, and tossing the Bachelor's Delight *' like an egg-shell." In the same evening they had a breeze from W. N. W.» bore away eastwar 1, and* having the wind fresh all night* SOUTH SEA MOSQUITO WILLIAM. 261 passed the east end of Staten Island next day. Our navi gator on the 7th at noon found the latitude to be 54° 52' S., and the same night they lost sight of Tierra del Fuego, and saw no other land till they entered the South Sea. In doubling Cape Horn they were so fortunate as to catch twenty-three barre's of rain-water, besides an abundant supply for present consumption. On the 3d March they entered the South Sea with a fair fresh breeze, which from the south had shifted to the east- ward. On the 9th they were in latitude 47° 10', and on the 17th in latitude 36°, still bearing for Juan Fernandez. On the 19th a strange sail was seen to the southward bearing full upon them, which was mistaken for a Spaniard, but proved to be the Nicholas of London, commanded by Cap- tain Eaton, fitted out as a trader, but in reality a Bucanier 6hip. Captain Eaton came on board the Bachelor's Delight , related his adventures, and, like a true brother, gave the company water, while they spared him a supply of bread and beef. Together they now steered for Juan Fernandez, and on the 23d anchored in a bay at the south end of the island, in twenty-five fathoms water. From Eaton they had heard of another London vessel, the Cygnet, commanded by Cap- tain Swan, which was really a trader, and held a license from the then lord high admiral of England, the Duke of York, afterward James II. With this ship the Nicholas had entered the South Sea, but they had been separated in a gale. It may be remembered, that when Captain Watling and his company escaped from Juan Fernandez three years before, they had left a Mosquito Indian on the island, who was out hunting goats when the alarm came. This Mos- quito-man, named William, was the first and the true Rob- inson Crusoe, the original hermit of this romantic solitude. Imn ediately on approaching the island, Dampier and a few ©f William's old friends, together with a Mosquito-man named Robin, put off for the shore, where they soon per- ceived William standing ready to give them welcome. From the heights he had seen the ships on the preceding day, and knowing them to be English vessels by the way they were worked, he had killed three goats, and dressed them with cabbage of the cabbage-tree, to have a feast ready on the arrival of the ships. How great was his delight, as 252 ADVENTURES OF THE MOSQUITO-MAN. the boat neared the shore, when Robin leaped to the land, and running up to him, fell flat on his face at his feet. William raised up his countryman, embraced him, and in turn prostrated himself at Robin's feet, who lifted him up, and they renewed their embraces. " We stood with plea- sure," says Dampier, " to behold the surprise, tenderness, and solemnity of their interview, which was exceedingly affecting on both sides ; and when these their ceremonies of civility were over, we also that stood gazing at them drew near, each of us embracing him we had found here, who was overjoyed to see so many of his old friends, come hither, as he thought, purposely to fetch him." At the time William was abandoned, he had with him in the woods his gun and knife, and a small quantity of powder and shot. As soon as his ammunition was expended, by notching his knife into a saw, he cut up the barrel of his gun into pieces, which he converted into harpoons, lances, and a long knife. To accomplish this he struck fire with his gun-flint and a piece of the barrel of his gun, which he hardened for this purpose in a way he had seen practised by the Bucaniers. In this fire he heated his pieces of iron, hammered them out with stones, sawed them with his jagged knife, or grinded them to an edge, and tempered them ; " which was no more than these Mosquito-men were accustomed to do in their own country, where they make their own fishing and striking instruments without cither forge or anvil, though they spend a great deal of time about them." Thus furnished, William supplied himself with goats' flesh and fish, though, till his instruments were formed, he had been compelled to eat seal. He built his house about a half-mile from the shore, and lined it snugly with goat-skins, .with which he also spread his couch or barbecue, which was raised two feet from the floor. As his clothes wore out, he supplied this want also with goat-skins, and when first seen he wore nothing save a goat-skin about his waist. Though the Spaniards, who had learned that a Mosquito-man was left here, had looked for William several times, he had always, by retiring to a secret place, contrived to elude their search. The island of Juan Fernandez was hilly, and intersected by small pleasant valleys ; the mountains were partly savanna and partly woodland; the grass of the flat places being NAUTICAL REMARKS OF DAMPIER. 253 delicate and kindly, of a short thick growth, unlike the coarse sedgy grass of the savannas of the West Indies. The cabbage-tree was found here, and well-grown timber of different kinds, though none that was fit for masts. There were in the island two bays, both at the east end, where ships might anchor, and into each of them flowed a rivulet of good water. Water was also found in every valley. Goats, which according to Dampier were originally brought to the island by the discoverer, were now found in large flocks, and seals swarmed about the island "as if they had no other place in the world to live in, every bay and rock being full of them." Sea-lions* were also numerous, and different kinds of fish were found. The seals were of dif- ferent colours, — black, gray, and dun, with a fine thick short fur. Millions of them were seen sitting in the bays, going or coming into the sea, or, as they lay at the top of the waves, sporting and sunning themselves, covering the water for a mile or two from the shore. When they come out of the sea " they bleat like sheep for their young ; and though they pass through hundreds of others' young, yet they will not suffer any of them to suck." The sea-lion is shaped like a seal, but is six times as big, with " great goggle eyes," and teeth three inches long, of which the Bucaniers sometimes made dice. The Bucaniers remained for sixteen days at this island getting in provisions, and for the recovery of the sick and those affected with scurvy, who were placed on shore, and fed with vegetables and fresh goats' flesh, which regimen was found beneficial. .On the 8th April they sailed for the American coast, which they approached in 24° S. ; but stood off at the distance of fourteen or fifteen leagues, that they might not be observed from the high grounds by the Spaniards. The nautical and geographical observations of Dampier in this tract of the Pacific are important. The land from the 24th to the 10th degree south was of prodigious height. " It lies generally in ridges parallel to the shore, and three or four ridges, one within another, each surpassing the other in height ; those that are farthest within land being * The leonine seal, so frequently mentioned in this volume as the sea* iion seen by Cavendish and others. Y 254 COOK AND EATON JOIN FORCES. much higher than the others. They always appear blue ji when seen at sea." To the excessive height of the \ mountain-ridges Dampier imputes the want of rivers in :' this region. The first capture of the Bucaniers, made on the 3d of \ May, was a Spanish ship bound to Lima, laden with timber (i from Guayaquil ; from which they learned that it was \ known in the settlements that pirates were on the coast. I> On the 9th they anchored at the isle of Lobos de la Mar with their prize. Lobos de la Mar is properly a cluster of small islets, divided by narrow channels. They are sandy and barren, destitute of water, and frequented by sea- fowl, penguins, and a small black fowl that our navigator never saw save here and at Juan Fernandez, which made holes in the sand for a night-habitation.* This black fowl made good meat. At this place the ships were scrubbed, and i the prisoners rigidly examined, that from their information the voyagers might guide their future proceedings. Trux- illo was the town at last fixed upon for making a descent. The companies of both ships were mustered, for Eaton and Cook had now agreed to hunt in couples, and the arms \ were proved. The men amounted to 108 fit to bear arms, besides the sick. Before they sailed on this expedition { three ships were seen steering northward. Cook stood after one of them, which made for the land, and Eaton pur- sued the other two to sea, and captured them on the same day. They contained cargoes of flour from Lima for the i city of Panama, whither they carried intelligence from the governor of the formidable Bucanier force which now threatened the coast. One of the ships carried eight tons of quince-marmalade. The Bucaniers were deeply morti- p fied to learn that they had narrowly missed a prize contain- ing 800,000 pieces of eight, which had been landed at an intermediate port, upon a rumour of English ships being cruising off the coast of Peru. The design against Truxillo was now abandoned, as they \ learned that it had lately been fortified, and a Spanish gar- rison established for its defence ; and on the evening of the 19th they sailed with their flour-prizes for the Galapagos ? Islands, which they descried on the 31st, " some appeanng • This is described by Woodes Rogers as a kind of teal. THE GALA.PAGOS ISLANDS. 255 on the lee-bow, some on the weather-bow, and others right ahead." The Galapagos Islands, mentioned in page 50 of this volume, were still very little known at the time the Bucaniers made this visit. They lie under the equator, are numerous, and were uninhabited, and abounded in iguanas and large land-turtle ; otherwise they are rocky and barren, and mostly destitute of water,* though in some of them this article, so essential to the mariner, was found of excellent quality both in brooks and pond's. Several of the isles are seven or eight leagues long, and from three-to four broad, and partially Wooded. Land-turtle were found here in such multitudes, that Dampier says " 500 or 600 men might subsist on them for several months without any other sort of provision." Some of them weighed from 150 to 200 pounds, and were two feet or two feet six inches over the callipee, and sweet as a young pullet. Thp islands also abounded in sea-turtle, — the creeks and shallows being filled with the turtle-grass on which the green-turtle feed. The sea-turtle were of four kinds, — the green-turtle, the loggerhead, the trunk-turtle, and the hawksbill ; on the back of this last species is found the shell so much valued in commerce. The largest of them afforded about three pounds and a half of this shell. At the Galapagos Isles the Bucaniers remained for ten days, and deposited a store of their prize-flour against future necessity. Salt was found here, pigeons abounded, the sea teemed with fish, and the leaves of the mammee-tree^ fur- * The Bucaniers at their first visit could not discover how the small birds, and especially the turtle-doves, which were here numerous, and so tame that they would light upon the men's shoulders, obtained water. On another voyage some seamen, lying under a prickly- pear-tree,observed an old bird supplying the young ones with drink, by squeezing a liquid from a small berry into their bills. This liquid was found to be slightly acid, and not unpleasant in taste. For drink at these islands, when water could not be obtained, the seamen chewed leaves that they gathered, which they describe as of a thick pulpy consistence. t Mammea Americana, Linn., of the Linnaean class, and order Poly- andria, Monogynia. and of the natural family Guttiferce. It is a hand- some tree, sixty or seventy feet high, with an elegant branching head. The flowers are white, and sweet-scented. The fruit roundish, five or six inches in diameter, enclosing a rich yHlow pulp within a leathery rind. It ie called Jibricot-sauvage by the French, and. according to Jac- quin, is eaten either in a raw state, or cut into s*..^* w..h wine and sugar, or preserved in syrup. The skin and seeds are bitter, with a strong resinous flavour In Martiniaue the flowers are distilled with 256 ESCAPE OF A BUCANIER PARTY. nished them with vegetables ; so that the Galapagos wer8 in all respects well adapted for a Bucanier station. By the advice of an Indian, one of their prisoners, the Bucaniers were induced to visit Ria Lexa, his native place, where he promised them a rich harvest in plunder. At Juan Fernandez Captain Cook had been taken ill ; he now died somewhat suddenly as they stood off Cape Blanco, and, as, a mark of respect, was buried on shore. While his men were digging the grave they were seen by three Spanish Indians, who held aloof, but asked them many questions ; " and one man," says Dampier, " did not stick to sooth them up with as many falsehoods, purposely to draw them into our clutches ; and at length drilled them by discourse so near, that our men laid hold on all three at once." One escaped before the burial of Cook was over, and the other two were taken on ship-board. When ex- amined, notwithstanding their pretended simplicity, they confessed that they had been sent out as spies by the Gov- ernor of Panama, who had received intelligence of the Buc- anier squadron. The voyagers were informed by these prisoners that large herds of cattle were reareu in this neighbourhood, which was welcome news to seamen who had seen no fresh meat since their run from the Galapagos. Two boats were im- mediately sent to the shore with an Indian guide to bring off cattle ; but the enterprise appeared dangerous, and Dampier with twelve men returned on board. Those who were more foolhardy, and who even slept on shore, found themselves next morning watched by forty or fifty armed Spaniards, and their boat burnt. The cowardly Spaniards, afraid to come forward, still lurked in their ambush, and one of the seamen on landing, having noticed an insulated rock which just appeared above water, they made off for this fortress, and holding fast by each other, and wading to the neck, they reached the rock, while the Spanish shot whistled after them. In this perilous condition they had remained for seven hours, the tide, which was at the ebb when they took refuge here, rising around them, and gain- ing on the rock so rapidly, that had not help come from the spirits, and made into a liquor called Eau Creole. May not the mam ihee-tree mentioned in the text as furnishing edible leaves he a different plant/ DEaCENT ON MANGERA. 257 ships, in another hour they must have been swept away. The Spaniards, who relished bush-fighting better than the open field, meanwhile lay in wait for the catastrophe ; but when the canoe from the English ships bore off the men, they offered no resistance. The quarter-master, Edward Davis, was now elected commander in the room of Captain Cook ; and after taking in water, and cutting lancewood for handles to their oars, they bore away for Ria Lexa, and on the 23d July were opposite the harbour. The situation of the town is known by a high-peaked volcanic mountain, which rises within three leagues of the harbour, but may be seen at the dis- tance of twenty leagues. A small flat island, about a mile long and a quarter of a mile broad, forms the harbour, in which 200 sail can ride. It may be entered by a channel at each end. The Spaniards had here also got the start of the enemy. They had thrown up a breastwork on a strong position, and stationed sentinels to give instant alarm ; and the Buca- niers, who wished to surprise and plunder, and not to fight against great odds, deemed it prudent to steer for the Gulf of Amapalla, an arm of the sea running inland eight or ten leagues, and made remarkable by two headlands at the en- trance. Point Casivina on the south side, in latitude 12° 40" N., and on the north-west Mount St. Michael. At a previous consultation, it had been agreed that Cap- tain Davis should advance first, in two canoes, and endea- vour to seize some Indians to labour at careening the ships, and also a prisoner of better condition, from whom intelli- gence might be obtained. On the Island of Mangera the padre of a village, from which all the other inhabitants had fled, was caught while endeavouring to escape, and with him two Indian boys. With these Davis proceeded to Amapalla, where, having previously gained over or fright- ened the priest, he told the Indians drawn up to receive him ihat he and his company were Biscayners, sent by the King of Spain to clear the seas of pirates, and that his business in the bay of this island was only to careen his ships. On this assurance Davis and his men were well received, and they all marched together, strangers and na- tives, to church, which was the usual place of public assem- bly, whether for business or amusement. The images in Y2 258 SEPARATION OF THE BUCANIERS. the churches here, like those in the Bay of Campeachy, were painted of the Indian complexion ; and the people, under the sway of their padres, lived in much the same con- dition as the tribes described on the banks of the Tobasco, cultivating maize, rearing poultry, and duly paying the priest his tithe. Here, too, they were indulged in masks and other pastimes, with abundance of music, on saints* eves and holydays. " Their mirth," says Dampier, " con- sists in singing, dancing, and using many antic gestures. If the moon shine they use but few torches ; if not, the church is full of light. They meet at these times all sort* of both sexes. All the Indians that I have been acquainted with who are under the Spaniards seem to be more melan- choly than other Indians who are free ; and at these publk meetings, when they are in the greatest of their jollity-, their mirth seems to be rather forced than real. Thei> songs are very melancholy and doleful ; so is their music.' 1 In attending them to the church under the guise of friend- ship, Davis intended to ensnare these unsuspecting people, and make them all his prisoners till he had dictated his own terms of ransom, the padre having, probably from com- pulsion, promised his aid in entrapping his flock. This hopeful project was frustrated by one of the Bucaniers rashly and rudely pushing a man into the church before him. The alarm was given, the Indian fled, and his coun- trymen " sprung out of the church like deer." Davis and his men immediately fired, and killed a leading man among the natives. The Bucaniers were, however, afterward assisted by several of the natives in storing the ships with cattle plun- dered from an island in the gulf, belonging to a nunnery in some distant place ; and, from some feelings of remorse, on leaving this quarter Davis presented the islanders of Ama- patla with one of his prize-ships, and a considerable part of the cargo of flour which it contained. The ships here broke off eonsortship. The crews had quarrelled, — Davis's party, in right of priority in marauding, claiming the largest share of the spoils. Eaton left the gulf on the 2d September, and Davis, with whom Dampier continued, on the day fol lowing, having previously set the padre on shore. They utood for the coast of Peru, having almost every day tor- nadoes accompanied with thunder and lightning, — weathfii LA PLATA AND MANTA. 259 of this kind generally prevailing in these latitudes from June to November. When these gusts were over, the wind generally shifted to the west. Near Cape St. Francisco they had settled weather, and the wind at south. About this place they again fell in with Eaton, who had encoun- tered terrible stonns. " Such tornadoes as he and his men had never before seen, — the air smelling very much of sul- phur, and they fancying themselves in great danger of being burnt by the lightning." Captain Eaton had touched at Cocos Island, where he laid up a store of flour, and took in water and cocoanuts. Cocos Island, as described by Eaton, is nearly surrounded by rocks ; but at the north-east end there is one small and secure harbour, — a brook of fresh Water flowing into it. The middle of the island is high and though destitute of trees, looks verdant and pleasant from the abundance of an herb which the Spaniards called gramadiel, growing upon the high grounds. Near the shore all round the island were groves of cocoas. At the Island of La Plata, so named, according to Dam- pier, from Sir Francis Drake having divided upon it the plunder of the plate-ship the Cacafuego, the Bucaniers found water, though but a scanty rivulet, and plenty of small sea-turtle. Captain Eaton's company would again have joined their former consorts ; but Dampier relates that Davis's men, his own comrades, were still so unrea- sonable that they would not consent to new-comers having an equal share of what they pillaged ; so the Nicholas held southward, while the Bachelor's Delight steered for Point Santa Elena in 2° 15' S., pretty high but flat land, naked of trees and overgrown with thistles. There was no fresh water on the point, and this article the inhabitants brought from four leagues' distance, from the river Colanche, the innermost part of the bay. Watermelons, large and very sweet, were the only things cultivated on the point. Pitch* was the principal commodity of the inhabitants. It boiled out of a hole in the earth at five paces above high-water mark, and was found plentifully at flood-tide ; when first obtained it was like thin tar, but was boiled down to the con- sistence of pitch. Davis's men landed at Manta, a village on the mainland, * Algatrane, a bituminous earth 260 DAVIS IS JOINED BY CAPTAIN SWAN. about three leagues to the east of Cape San Lorenzo, where they made two old women prisoners, from whom they learned that many Bucaniers had lately crossed the isthmus from the West Indies, and were cruising on the coast in canoes and pirogues. The viceroy had taken every precau- tion against this new incursion. On all the uninhabited islands the goats had been destroyed ; ships were burned to save them from the Bucaniers, and no provisions were allowed to remain at any place on the coast, but such as might be required for the immediate supply of the inhabit- ants. Davis returned to La Plata, at a loss what course to take ; when, on the 2d October, he was joined by the Cyg- net of London, commanded by Captain Swan, who, ill treated by the Spaniards, and disappointed of peaceful traffic, for which he had come prepared with an expensive cargo, had been compelled by his men to receive on board a party of Bucaniers, and in self-defence to commence free- booter. Before he had adopted this course some of his men had been killed by the Spaniards at Baldivia, where he had attempted to open a trade. With this small Bucanier party, which had come by the Darien, plundering by the way, Swan fell in near the Gulf of Nicoya. It was led by Peter Harris, the nephew of a Bucanier commander of the same name who had been killed in the battle with the Span- ish ships in the Bay of Panama three years before. Harris took command under Swan, in a small bark wholly manned by Bucaniers. This was a joyful meeting of old associates ; and the de- parture of Eaton was now deeply regretted, as their united force might have ensured success to more important under- takings than any they had yet ventured to contemplate. While the ships were refitting at La Plata, a small bark, which Davis had taken after the Spaniards had set it on fire, was sent out to cruise, and soon brought in a prize of 400 tons burthen, laden with timber, and gave intelligence that the viceroy was fitting out a fleet of ten frigates to sweep them from the South Seas. Again the loss of Eaton was felt, and this bark was despatched to search for him on the coast of Lima. It went as far as the Isle of Lobos. Meanwhile Swan's ship, which was still full of English goods, was put in better fighting-trim, and made fit to ac- commodate her additional crew The supercargo sold bis DESCENT ON PAITA. 261 goods on credit to every Bucanier who would purchase, taking his chance of payment, and the bulky commodities which remained were pitched overboard, — silks, muslins, and finer goods, and iron bars which were kept for ballast, being alone retained. In lieu of these sacrifices, the whole Bucaniers on board the Cygnet agreed that ten shares of all booty should be set aside for Swan's owners. The men-of-war were now scrubbed and cleaned, a small bark was equipped as a fireship ; and the vessel which had been cruising after Eaton not having returned, the squad- ron sailed without it on the 20th October, and on the 3d November landed at Paita, which was found nearly aban doned, but left without "money, goods, or a meal of victuals of any kind." They anchored before the place, and demanded ransom for its safety, ordering in the mean while 300 pecks of flour, 3000 pounds of sugar, 25 jars of wine, and 1000 of water to be brought ofT to the ships ; but, after wasting six days, they obtained nothing, and in revenge burnt the town. The road of Paita was one of the best in Peru, roomy, and sheltered from the south-west by a point of land. The town had no water except what was carried thither from Colan, from whence the place was also supplied with fruits, hogs, plantains, and maize. Dampier says, that on this coast, from about " Cape Blanco to 30° S., no rain ever falls that he ever observed or heard of." He calls this range " the dry country." Wafer states that heavy nightly dews fertilize the valleys. The country around it was mountainous and steril. From information obtained here, it was gathered that Captain Eaton had been before them, and had burned a large ship in the road, and landed all his prisoners. They also learned that a small vessel, which they concluded to be their own bark, had approached the harbo«j\ and made some fishermen bring out water. Harris's small vessel being found a heavy sailer, was burned before leaving Paita, from which the squadrou steered for Lobos de Tierra, and on the 14th anchored near the east end of the island, and took in a supply of seals, penguins, and boobies, of which they ate "very heartily, not having tasted flesh in a great while before." To reconcile his men to what had been the best fare of the crews of Drake, Cavendish, and the earlier navigators, 262 FAILURE OF THE ATTEMPT ON GUAYAQUIL. Captain Swan commended this food as of extraordinary deli- cacy and rarity, comparing the seals to roasted pigs, the boobies to pullets, and the penguins to ducks. On the 19th the fleet reached Lobos de la Mar, where a letter was found deposited at the rendezvous by the bark, which was still in search of Eaton. It was now feared he had sailed for the East Indies, which turned out to be the fact. Here the Mosquito-men supplied the companies of both ships with turtle ; while the seamen laboured to clean and repair, and provide them with firewood, preparatory to an attempt upon Guayaquil. For this place they sailed on the morning of the 29th. According to Dampier, Guaya- quil was then one of the chief ports of the South Seas. The commodities it exported were hides, tallow, cocoa, sarsaparilla, and a woollen fabric named Quito cloth, generally used by the common people throughout all Peru. The Bucaniers left the ships anchored off Cape Blanco, and entered the bay with their canoes and a bark. They captured a small vessel laden with Quito cloth, the master of which informed them of a look-out being kept at Puna, which lay in their way, and that three vessels with negro slaves were then about to sail from Guayaquil. One of these vessels they took shortly afterward, cut down her mainmast, and left her at anchor, and next morning cap- tured the other two, though only a few negroes were picked out of this to them aseless cargo. From mismanagement, and disagreement between the commanders and the men in the two ships, the expedition against Guayaquil misgave. It was imagined that the town was alarmed and prepared to receive them warmly ; and after having landed, lain in the woods all night, and made their way with considerable difficulty, thev abandoned the design before one shot had been fired, and while the place lay full in view of them at a mile's distance without manifesting any appearance of opposition being intended. Dampier, whose ideas took a wider and bolder range than those of his companions, deeply lamented their ill con- duct upon the fair occasion which offered at this time of enriching themselves at less expense of crime than in their ordinary pursuits. "Never," he says, "was there put into the hands of men a greater opportunity to enrich them- •elves." His bold and comprehensive plan was, with the DESCENT ON TOMACO. 263 iOOQ negroes found in the three ships, to have gone to St. Martha, and worked the gold-mines there. In the Indians he reckoned upon finding friends, as they mortally hated the Spaniards, — -for present sustenance they had 200 tons of flour laid up at the Galapagos Islands, — the North Sea would have been open to them, — thousands of Bucaniers would have joined them from all parts of the West Indies, and united they might have been a match for all the force Peru could muster, masters of the richest mines in this quarter, and of all the west coast as high as Quito. Whether Dampier unfolded this "golden dream" at the time does not appear. The Bucaniers, at all events, sailed to La Plata, where they found the bark, and divided the cloth of Quito equally between the companies of Swan and Davis, converting the vessel in which it had been taken into a tender for the Cygnet. This ship had since joining depended almost wholly upon the Bachelor's Delight for provisions, as it had neither Mosquito-purveyors nor a store of flour ; and the original Bucanier company of Davis now murmured loudly at feeding the cowards who they alleged had balked the attempt on Guayaquil. But neither could afford to part consortship, and they sailed in company on the 23d Decem- ber to attack Lavelia in the Bay of Panama. In this cruise, from the charts and books found in their prizes, they supplied the ignorance and deficiencies of the Indians and Spanish pilots whom they had as prisoners on board ; th^se drafts being found surer guides. Their object was in the first place to search for canoes, — the want of boats being greatly felt, — in rivers where the Spaniards had no trade with the natives, ncr settlements of any kind, as con- cealment was most important to the success of their opera- tions. In unfrequented rivers where boats might be found, the coast abounded from the equinoctial line to the Gulf of St. Michael. When five days out from La Plata, they made a sudden descent upon a village named Tomaco, where they captured a vessel laden with timber, in which was a Spanish knight with a crew of eight Spaniards, and also took what the Bucaniers valued much more, a canoe with twelve jars of good old wine. A canoe with a party that rowed six leagues farther up the river, which Dampier named St. Jago, came to a house belonging to a Spanish 284 PROCEEDINGS OF THE BUCANIERS. lady of Lima, whose servants at this remote station traded with the natives for gold. They fled ; but the Bucaniers found several ounces of gold left in their calabashes. The land on the banks of this river was a rich black mould, pro- ducing tall trees. The cotton and cabbage-trees flourished here on the banks ; and a good way into the interior In- dian settlements were seen, with plantations of maize, plantain- walks, hogs, and poultry. At Tomaco a canoe with three natives visited the strangers, whom they did not distinguish from Spaniards. They were of middling stature, straight, and well-limbed, " long-visaged, thin-faced, with black hair, ill-looked men, of a very dark copper complex- ion." The Bucaniers presented them with wine, which fhey drank freely. On the 1st of January the Cygnet and Bachelor's Delight sailed for the Island of Gallo, carrying with them the Spanish knight Don Pinas, and two canoes. On the way one of their boats captured the packet-boat from Lima, and fished up the letters which the Spaniards when pur- sued had thrown overboard attached to a line and buoy. From these despatches they learned the welcome and import- ant fact of the Governor of Panama hastening the sailing of the triennial Plate-fleet from Callao to Panama, previous to the treasure being conveyed across the isthmus to Porto Bello on mules. To intercept this fleet would enrich every man among them at one stroke ; and to this single object every faculty was now bent. As a fit place to careen their ships, and at the same time lie in wait for their prey, they fixed upon the Pearl Islands in the Bay of Panama, for which they sailed from Gallo on the morning of the 7th , —two ships, three barks, a fireship, and two small ten- ders, one attached to each ship. On the 8th they opportunely captured a bark with flour, and then " joggfid on with a gentle gale" to Gorgona, an uninhabited island, well wooded, and watered with brook- lets issuing from the high grounds. Pearl-oysters abounded here. They were found in from four to six fathoms water, and seemed flatter in the shell than the ordinary eating- oyster. The pearl was found at the head of the oyster, between the shell and the meat, sometimes one or two pretty large in size, and at other times twenty or thirty SCENERY OF THE BAY OF PANAMA. 265 seed-pearls. The inside of the shell was " more glorious than the pearl itself." Landing most of their prisoners at Gorgona, the squad- ron, now consisting of six sail, steered for the Bay of Pa- nama, and anchored at Galera, a small, barren, uninhabited island, from whence they again sailed on the 25th to one of the southern Pearl Islands, as a place more suitable to hale up and clean the ships. While this was in progress, the small barks cruised, and brought in a prize laden with beef, Indian corn, and fowls, which were all highly ac- ceptable. They next took in water and firewood, and were at last in fit order to fight as well as to watch the Plate-fleet, which they did cruising before Panama, between the Pearl Islands and the main ; where, says Dampier, " it was very pleasant sailing, having the main on one side, which appears in divers forms. It is beautified with many email hills, clothed with wood of divers sorts of trees, which are always green and flourishing. There are some few small high islands within a league of the main, scat- tered here and there one, partly woody partly bare, and they as well as the main appear very pleasant." Most of the Pearl Islands were wooded and fertile ; and from them were drawn the rice, plantains, and bananas which sup- plied the city ot New Panama, " a fair city standing close by the sea, about four miles from the ruins of the old town," —encompassed behind with a fine country of hill and valley, beautified with groves and spots of trees, appearing like islands in the savannas. The new city had been walled in since the late visit which Dampier had made it with Sawkins, Coxon, and Sharp, and the walls were now mounted with guns pointing seaward. As Davis lay nearly opposite the city, its supplies from the islands were completely cut off ; while his people every day fished, hunted, or pillaged among them. At this time Davis negotiated for an exchange of prisoners, giving up forty, of whom he was very glad to be rid, in return for one of Harris's band, and a man who had been surprised by the Spaniards while hunting in the islands. Attention to the safety of the meanest individual of their company was at all times one of the fundamental principles of the Bucaniers ; and it is stated on good authority, that when they first hunted in the wilds of Hispaniola, if at nightfall 2 266 THE BUCANIERS REINFORCED. one comrade was missing, all business was suspended till he was either found or his disappearance satisfactorily accounted for. The Lima fleet proved tardy in making its appearance, and the Bucaniers again moved, and came to anchor near Tabago, an island of the bay abounding in cocoa and mam* Inee, and having fine brooks of pure water gliding through groves of fruit-trees. About this time they were nearly en- snared by the stratagem of a Spaniard, who, under pre- tence of clandestine traffic, sent a fireship among them at midnight ; but the treachery was suspected in time, and avoided. This fireship had been fitted up by the same Captain Bond of whom they had heard at the Cape de Verd Islands. Ke was an English pirate who had deserted to the Spaniards. The squadron, which had been scattered through the night from alarm of the fireship, had scarcely returned to its station, and looked about for the cut anchors, when the freebooters were thrown into fresh consternation by seeing many canoes full of armed men passing through an island- channel and steering direct for them; They also bore up ; but the strangers proved to be a party of 280 Bucaniers, French and English, in twenty-eight canoes, who had just crossed the isthmus on an expedition to <,ne South Sea. The English seamen, eighty in number, entered with Swan and Davis ; and the flour-prize was given to the French Flibustiers, who entered it under the command of Captain Groignet, their countryman. These strangers announced another party of 180, under Captain Townley, all English, who were at this time constructing canoes to bring them down the rivers into the South Sea ; and on the 30th of March these joined the fleet, not, however, in canoes, but in two ships which they had taken as soon as they entered the bay, laden with flour, wine, brandy, and sugar. The squadron was further increased by the arrival of a vessel under the command of Mr. William Knight ; and the In- dians of Santa Martha brought intelligence that yet another strong party, French and English, were on the way. These also arrived, to the number of 264 men, with three com- manders ; one of whom, Le Picard, was a veteran who had served under Lolonnois and Morgan at Porto Bello. The Bucanier force now amounted to about 1000 men } SEA-FIGHT IN THE BAY OF PANAMA. 267 and the greatest want was coppers to cook provisions for so many. The few kettles which they had were kept at work day and night, and a foraging-party sent out to bring in coppers. From intercepted letters it was ascertained that the Lima fleet was now at sea ; and the design upon the ciiy was suspended till the plate-ships were first secured, though, as it chanced, in counting on their easy capture, the Bucaniers reckoned without their host. It was now the latter end of May, and for six months the Bucaniers had concentrated their attention on this single enterprise. Their fleet now consisted of ten sail ; but, save the Bachelor's Delight, which carried thirty-six guns, and the Cygnet, which was armed, none were of force, though all were fully manned. The Spanish fleet, it was afterward learned, mustered fourteen sail ; two of forty guns, one of thirty-six, another of eighteen, and one of eight guns, with large companies to each ship. Two fire- ehips attended the Spanish fleet. Before the Bucaniers had finished consultation on their plan of operation, the Spanish fleet advanced upon them, and battle was resolved on. And, " lying to windward of the enemy, we had it," says Dampier, " in our choice whether to fight or not. It was three o'clock in the after- noon when we weighed, and being all under sail, we bore down right afore the wind on our enemies, who kept close on a wind to come to us ; but night came on without any thing besides the exchanging of a few shot on each side. When it grew dark the Spanish admiral put out a light as a signal for his fleet to come to an anchor. We saw this light at the admiral's top for about half an hour, and then it was taken down. In a short time after we saw the light again, and being to windward, we kept under sail, sup- posing the light had been in the admiral's top ; but, as it proved, this was only a stratagem of theirs, for this light was put out the second time at one of the barks' topmast-head, and then she was sent to leeward, which deceived us, for we thought still the light was in the admiral's top, and by that means ourselves to windward of them." At daybreak the Bucaniers found that by this stratagem the Spaniards had got the weather-gage of them, and were bearing down full sail, which compelled them to run for it ; and a running 268 ASSAULT OF LEON AND RIA LEXA. fight was maintained all day, till, having made a turn almost round the bay, they anchored at night whence they had set out in the morning. Thus terminated their hopes of the treasure-ships, though it was afterward learned that the plate had been previously landed. The French cap- tain, Groignet, had kept out of the action, for which he and his crew were afterward cashiered by their English asso- ciates. The common accusation which the English Buca- niers brought against their allies was reluctance to fight ; while the latter blamed their indecent contempt of the Ca- tholic religion, displayed as often as they entered the Span- ish churches, by hacking and mutilating every thing with their cutlasses, and firing their pistols at the images of the saints. Next morning the Spanish fleet was seen at anchor three leagues to the leeward, and as the breeze sprung up it stood away for Panama, contented with safety and the small advantage obtained on the former day. The Buca- niers were equally well satisfied to escape a renewed en- gagement, and after consultation they bore away for the Keys of Quibo to seek Harris, who had been separated from them in the battle or flight. At this appointed ren- dezvous they met their consort, and a fresh consultation made them resolve to march inland and assault Leon, first securing the port of Ria Lexa. The assault and conquest of these places offers nothing of interest or novelty ; they were carried by the united Bucanier force, amounting to 640 men, with eight vessels, three of them being tenders, and one a fireship. In this assault Dampier was left with 60 men to guard the canoes in which the party had been landed. At Leon they lost a veteran Bucanier of the original breed, whom Dampier thus eulogizes : " He was a stout old gray-headed man, aged about eighty-four, who had served under Oliver (Cromwell) in the Irish rebellion ; after which he was at Jamaica, and had followed privateering ever since. He would not accept the offer our men made him to tarry ashore, but said he would venture as far as the best of them ; and when sur- rounded by the Spaniards, he refused to take quarter, but discharged his gun among them, keeping a pistol still charged ; so they shot him dead at a distance. His name was Swan. He was a very merry, hearty old man, and always used to declare he would never take quarter " THE SQUADRON SEPARATES. 269 A Mr. Smith, a merchant or supercargo, who had sailed with Captain Swan from London to trade in the South Sea, was made prisoner on the march to Leon. This city, situ- ated near the Lake of Nicaragua, Dampier describes as one of the most healthy and pleasant in all South America. No sooner were the Bucaniers masters of it than they demanded a ransom of 300,000 dollars, which was promised but never paid ; and becoming suspicious that the Spaniards were dallying with them merely to gain time and draw their force to a head, the town was set on fire, and they returned to the coast, first supplying themselves with beef, flour, pitch, tar, cordage, and whatever Leon or Ria Lexa afforded. One Spanish gentleman, who had been released on engaging to send in 150 head of cattle, redeemed his parole with scru- pulous honour. Mr. Smith was exchanged for a female prisoner, and Ria Lexa was left burning. The Bucanier squadron now separated, and the fraternity broke into several small detachments, Dampier choosing to follow Captain Swan, who intended first to cruise along the shores of Mexico, the country of the mines, and then, sailing as high as the south-west point of California, cross the Pacific, and return to England by India. This plan presented many temptations to Dampier, whose curiosity and thirst of knowledge were insatiable ; and he might also have shared in the hopes of his comrades, who promised themselves a rich booty in the towns in the neighbourhood of the mines before they turned their faces westward. Cap- tain Townley had kept by Swan when they separated from Eaton, and each ship had now a tender belonging to it. They put to sea on the 3d September, and encountered fre- quent and fierce tornadoes till near the end of the month. Early in October they were off the excellent harbour of Gautalco, the mouth of which may be known by a great ollow rock, from a hole in which every surge makes the water spout up to a considerable height, like the blowing of a whale. From the sea the neighbouring country looked beautiful. Here they found some provisions, and landed their sick for a few days. The Cygnet and her consort advanced slowly along the coast, landed near Acapulco, plundered a carrier who Conducted sixty laden mules, and killed eighteen beeves. Z2 270 CAPTURE OF ST. PECAQUE. They next passed on to Colima, their object being that tempting prize which for generations had quickened the avarice of maritime adventurers — the Manilla ship, — for which they kept watch at Cape Corientes. After quitting Ria Lexa, many of the men had been seized with a malig- nant fever ; and as the same kind of disease broke out in Davis's squadron, it was with some feasibility imputed to infection caught at the place mentioned, where many of the inhabitants had been carried off by a disorder of tha same kind some months before the Bucaniers visited the town. To victual the ship for the long voyage in view was one main object of the continued cruise of Captain Swan on this coast ; but the attempts made for this purpose were often baffled with loss ; and so much time had now elapsed, that it was concluded the Manilla ship had eluded their vigilance. About the beginning of January, Townley left them in the Bay of Vanderas, and returned towards Panama, carrying home a few Indians of the Darien who had accompanied Swan thus far. The Mosquito-men remained in the Cygnet. To obtain provisions, Swan captured the town of St. Pe- caque, on the coast of New Gallicia, where large stores were kept for supplying the slaves who worked in the neigh- bouring mines. He brought off on the first day a consider- able quantity of provisions on horseback, and on the shoul- ders of his men. These visits were repeated, a party of Bucaniers keeping the town, till the Spaniards had collected a force. Of this Captain Swan gave his men due warning, exhorting them, on their way to the canoes with the bur- dens of maize and other provisions which they carried, to keep together in a compact body ; but they chose to follow their own course, every man straggling singly, while lead- ing his horse, or carrying a load on his shoulders. They accordingly fell into the ambush the Spaniards had laid for them, and to the amount of fifty were surprised, and merci- lessly butchered. The Spaniards, seizing their arms and loaded horses, fled with them before Swan, who heard the distant firing, could come to the assistance of his men. Fifty-four Englishmen and nine blacks fell in this affair, which was the most severe the Bucanieis had encountered in the South Sea. It is in consonance with the spirit, of that age to find Dampier relating that Captain Swan had been 271 warned of this disaster by his astrologer.* Many of the men had also, he states in his manuscript journal, foreboded this misfortune, and in the previous night, while lying in the church of St. Pecaque, u had been disturbed by grievous groanings, which kept them from sleeping." This disheartening affair determined Swan and his di- minished company to quit this coast ; and they accordingly steered for Cape St. Lucas, the south point of California, to careen, and to refresh themselves before crossing the Pa- cific ; but by adverse winds were compelled to put into a bay at the east end of the middle island of the Tres Marias, where they found iguanas, rackoons, rabbits, pigeons, and deei, fish of various kinds, turtle, and seals. There they careened the ship, divided and stowed the provisions be- iween it and the tender, and went over to the mainland for water, having previously landed the prisoners and pilots, who were now of no use, save to consume provisions. That they were abandoned on an uninhabited island is said to have been in revenge of the fatal affair of St. Pecaque. While they lay here Dampier, who had escaped the con- tagious fever, languished under a dropsical complaint, of which several of the men had died. The method of cure was singular, but the patient believed it successful. " I was," he says, " laid and covered all but my head in the hot sand : I endured it near half an hour, and was then taken out, and laid to sweat in a tent : I did sweat exceedingly while I was in the sand, and I do believe it did me much good, for I grew well soon after." While careening the ship, Swan had more fully laid be • fore his company his plan of going to the East Indies, hold- ing out to them hopes of plunder in a cruise among the Philippines. Dampier describes many of them as so igno- rant that they imagined it impossible to reach India from California ; others entertained more reasonable fears of their provisions failing before they could reach the La- drones, f Maize, and the fish which the Mosquito-men * It was then customary before undertaking a voyage to consult an astrologer- t The discussion about the homeward voyage at this time led Dampier into speculations upon a north-west passage, which shows him to hava been as a navigator far in advance of his age. " All our countrymen," he says, " that have gone to discover the north-west passage, have gone to the westward. Were I to attempt a north-west passage, I would go 272 THE CYGNET CROSSES THE PACIFIC. caught, some of which were salted for store, now consti- tuted the whole provision of above 150 men, and of this but a short allowance could be afforded daily, calculating on a run of at least sixty days. On the 31st March, having all agreed to attempt the voyage, and consented to the straitened allowance, the Cygnet and the tender commanded by Captain Teat sailed from the American coast, steering south-west till she arrived at 13° N., in which parallel she held due west for the La- drones. The men received but one meal a day, and there was no occasion, Dampier says, to call them to their victuals, which were served out by the quarter-master with the exact- ness of gold. Two dogs and two cats which were on board soon learned to attend daily for their respective shares. The Cygnet enjoyed a fair fresh-blowing trade-wind, and went on briskly, which was some consolation for scanty fare. At the end of twenty days they had made so much pro- gress that the men began to murmur at being still kept upon such short allowance ; and by the time they reached Gua- han they were almost in open mutiny, and had, it was said, resolved to kill and eat Swan in the first place, and after- ward in regular order all who had promoted this voyage ! In the long run of 5000 miles they had seen no living thing, whether bird, fish, or insect, save in longitude 18° a flock of boobies, presumed to be the denizens of some cliffs or islands, though none were seen. On the 21st of May, near midnight, they had the happiness of coming to anchor on the west side of Guahan, about a mile from the shore, after a run which Dampier calculated at 7302 milts. At this island the Spaniards had a small fort and a garrison of thirty men. Presuming that the Cygnet was a Spanish vessel from Acapulco, a priest came off, and was detained as a hostage till terms of obtaining provisions were ar- first to the South Seas, tend my course from thence along by California, and that way seek a passage into the western seas. If I succeeded in my attempt. I should then be without that dread which others must have had of passing from a known to an unknown region ; and which, it is not improbable, obliged them to relinquish the pursuit just as they were on the eve of accomplishing their designs." — " Were I," he says again, " to be employed in search of a north-east passage, I would winter about Japan, Corea, or the north-east part of China ; and, Uking the spring and summer before me, make my first trial on the coast of Tartary wherein if I succeeded, I should come into some known part, and havet great deal of time before me." SPANIARDS AND INDIANS OF GUAHAN. 273 ranged ; and, as these were dictated by fair principles o exchange, no difficulty was experienced, both the Spaniards and the few natives on the island gladly bringing their goods to a safe and profitable market. The natives and the Spaniards here lived in a state of constant hatred, if not in open hostility ; and Captain Eaton, who had touched at Guahan on his voyage to India, after parting with Davis on the coast of Peru, had been in- stigated by the governor to plunder and practise every cru- elty upon the islanders. This advice neither himself nor his men were slow to follow. " He gave us leave," says Cowley's manuscript narrative of the voyage, " to kill and take whatever we could find in one-half of the island where the rebels lived. We then made wars," as Cowley chooses to term wanton unprovoked aggression, " with these infi- dels, and went on shore every day, fetching provisions and firing among them wherever we saw them ; so that the greater part of them left the island. The Indians sent two of their captains to treat with us, but we would not treat with them. The whole land is a garden." Dampier reckons that at this time there were not above 100 Indians on the whole island, as most of those who had escaped slaughter destroyed their plantations, and went to other islands, remote from the tender mercies of the Spaniards and their new allies the Bucaniers. While a friendly and brisk trade was going on between the shore and the Cygnet, the Acapulco vessel came in sight of the island, but was warned off in time by the governor, without, luckily for herself, having been descried by the Bucaniers. In the eagerness of flight she ran upon a shoal, where her rudder was struck off, nor did she get clear for three days. As soon as the natives informed the Bucaniers of this prize, they " were in a great heat to be after her ;" but Swan, who disliked his present vocation, and still hoped to open an honest traffic at Manilla, though he found it prudent under present circumstances to keep this design secret, per- suaded, or as probably frightened, his wild crew out of this humour by representing the dangers of the chase. Suitable presents were exchanged between the governor and the priest and the English captain, and preparations made to depart. Here Dampier first saw the bread-fruit,— the staff of life of so many of the insulated tribes of Poly- 274 THE BUCANIERS REACH MINDANAO nesia. Of the flying-proas, or sailing-canoes of these islands, so often described, he expresses the highest admira- tion. " I believe," he says, " they sail the best of any boats in the world ;" one that he tried would, he believed, " run 24 miles an hour ;" and one had been known to go from Guahan to Manilla, a distance of 480 leagues, in four days It took the Cygnet 19 days to reach the coast of Min- danao, for which she sailed on the 2d June ; and after beat- ing about through several channels and islands, she came to anchor on the 18th July opposite the river's mouth, and be- fore the city of Mindanao. They hoisted English colours, and fired a salute of seven or eight guns, which was re- turned from the shore by three. The island of Mindanao was divided into small states, governed by hostile sultans, the governor of this territory and city being the most power- ful of their number. The city stood on the banks of the river, about two miles from the sea. It was about a mile in length, but narrow, and winded with the curve of the stream. The houses were built on posts from fourteen to twenty feet high ; and as this was the rainy season, they looked as if standing in a lake, the inhabitants plying about from house to house in canoes. They were of one story, which was divided into several rooms, and were entered by a ladder or stair placed outside. The roofs were covered with palm or palmetto leaves. There was a piazza, gene- rally lying in a state of great filth, under each house, some of them serving for poultry-yards and cellars. " But at the time of the land-floods all is washed very clean." The floors were of wicker-work of bamboo. Captain Swan had many reasons for desiring to cultivate the friendship of the ruling powers at Mindanao. Imme- diately after the Cygnet came to anchor, Rajah Laut, the brother and prime minister of the sultan, and the second man in the state, came off in a canoe, rowed with ten oars, to demand whence they were. One of the sultan's sons, who spoke the Spanish language, accompanied his ancle. When informed that the strangers were English, they were welcomed, though Rajah Laut appeared disappointed that they were not come to establish a factory, for which propo- sals had already been made to him by the East India Company. The conversation was carried on by Mr. Smith, the late prisoner at Ria Lexa, and the sultan's son, VISIT TO THK SULTAN. 275 who with his uncle remained all the while in the canoe. They promised to assist the English in procuring provisions, and were rowed off without more passing at this time. Dampier regrets that the offer of a settlement here was not accepted, " by which," he says, " we might better have consulted our own profit and satisfaction than by the other roving loose way of life ; so it might probably have proved of public benefit to our nation, and been a means of intro- ducing an English settlement and trade, not only here, but through several of the Spice Islands which lie in its neigh- bourhood." They had not lain long here when they re- ceived another invitation to settle in a different island, the sultan of which sent his nephew to Mindanao to negotiate secretly with Captain Swan. The Cygnet's company had not been aware of the dignity of their first visiters till they were gone, when the govern- ment-officer informed them ; who, according to the custom of the ports of China and other parts in the East, came on board to measure the ship, — a practice of which Dampier could not conceive the reason, unless the natives wished to improve their knowledge of ship-building. In the same afternoon Captain Swan sent Mr. More, one of the supercargoes, to the city with a present for the sultan, consisting of three yards of scarlet cloth, three yards of broad gold-lace, a Turkish scimitar, and a pair of pistols ; and to the Rajah Laut, the dignitary they had already seen, three yards of the same cloth with silver-lace. After some preliminary ceremonies, the English envoy was at night ad- mitted to an audience, to which he was conducted by armed men, accompanied by servants bearing torches. The sultan, with ten privy-counsellors all seated on carpets, awaited his arrival. The present was graciously accepted, a conference took place in Spanish, after which Mr. More and his attend- ants, being first treated with supper, returned on board. Next day Captain Swan was invited on shore, whither he went, preceded by two trumpeters. He was conducted to an audience, and entertained with betel and tobacco. Two letters were shown him, sent by East India merchants to the sultan, demanding liberty to build a factory and fort, and specifying the terms of traffic, rates of exchange, and of weights and measures. One letter was beautifully writ- ten, and between each line there was drawn a line of gold. 276 * RAJAH LAUT. Another letter, left by a Captain Goodlud, who had lately visited Mindanao, and directed generally to any of the Eng- lish who might touch there, concluded, " Trust none of them, for they are all thieves ; but tace is Latin for a candle." After the interview with the sultan, Captain Swan visited Rajah Laut, who, being rather in disgrace with his brother at this lime, had not been present at the audience. He entertained the English captain with boiled fowls and rice, and strongly urged him to bring the ship into the river, as stormy weather was at this season to be expected. He also advised him to warn his men against offending th& natives by infringing their customs, and altogether appeared very familiar and friendly. To impress Swan with an idea of his justice, he ordered a man who had formerly robbed Captain Goodlud to be now punished ; and the miserable wretch was accordingly publicly exposed bound to a post, and stripped naked with his face opposite the scorching sun, while he was shifted round and kept in torture, following its course all day, stung by the gnats and mosquitoes. This was a usual mode of punishment. His life was at night- fall left at the mercy of the English captain, who informed Rajah Laut that he had no right to take cognizance of any crime which had hot been committed by his own men and in his own ship. The letters from the company's agents, by convincing Swan that there was a serious intention of establishing a factory at this place, gave him confidence to enter the river, trusting also to the friendly professions of Rujah Laut. The Cygnet was accordingly lightened of part of her cargo, and, with the help of sixty native fishermen, Rajah Laut directing their operations in person, she crossed the bar with the first springtide, and was moored within the mouth of the river. The Bucaniers remained here so long upon a footing of daily intimate intercourse with the townspeople, that Dampier has been enabled to give a very full and minute account of the Mindanaians. A singular custom of the country facilitated easy intercourse with the natives, though seamen, having their pockets stored with gold and their ships with desirable commodities, who are neither suspected of any sinister intention by the people nor viewed with jealousy by the government, have rarely found TIIK BUCANIERS AT MINDANAO. 277 the half-civilized tribes of the Indian islands difficult of access. The custom common in the South Sea islands of ex- changing names and forming a comradeship with a native, whose house is thenceforward considered the home of the stranger, extended in Mindanao to the other sex, and " an innocent platonic female friend, named a pagaHy" was offered to each of the Englishmen, besidfis his male com- rade. These friendships were, however, not so perfectly disinterested as not to require the cement of presents on the one side and flatteries on the other. In Mindanao, as in more refined parts of the world, those who were best dressed and furnished with gold the most readily obtained companions and pagallies. Under the sanction of this sin- gular national custom the wives of the greatest men might choose friends among the strangers, or be selected as pagal- lies, and allowed to converse in public with the persons who distinguished them by their choice. On their first arrival, — 'for they soon declined in favour, owing probably to their own reckless and dissolute manners, —the seamen could not pass along the streets without being compelled to enter the houses, where they were presented with betel and tobacco, the cordial hospitality of the givers atoning for the scantiness of this oriental entertainment. To express the vivacity and degree of their affection, the natives would place the forefingers of both hands close together, saying the English and themselves were like this ; the Dutch were signified by holding the same fingers six inches apart, and the Spaniards at double that distance. Captain Swan, who still had a large quantity of iron and 'ead, as well as other goods belonging to his owners, mean- while traded with Rajah Laut, at whose house he dined every day till he established himself at a dwelling which he hired in the town. Those of the Bucaniers who had money also took houses on shore, lived a jovial life among their comrades and pagallies, and hired female servants from their masters as temporary housekeepers. The most important division of this island, the largest save Luconia of the Philippine group, was, as has been mentioned, under the sway of the Sultan of Mindanao, who was often at war with the tribes that occupied the in- terior and the opposite coasts, and were less civilized and A a 278 NATURAL PRODUCTIONS OF MINDANAO. wealthy than his subjects. The soil of the island was deep and black, producing great varieties of timber ; and among others the tree named by the natives the libby, from the pith of which sago is manufactured. Rice was raised in some places, and on the hilly land potatoes, yams, and pumpkins. The fruits were the plantain, which Dampier names the " king of fruits," guavas, bananas, musk and watermelons, betel-nuts, cocoanuts, jacas, durions, cloves, nutmegs, oranges, &c. From the fibres of the plantain the common people of Mindanao manufactured the only cloth which they wore, making webs of seven or eight yards long. The betel-nut, so much esteemed in most places of India, grew here on a tree like the cabbage-tree, but smaller. At the top of these trees the nuts grow on a tough stem, as thick as a man's finger, in clusters of forty or fifty. The fruit resembles the nutmeg, but is rather larger and rounder. When to be chewed, the nut was cut into four bits, one of which was wrapped up in an areca-leaf, spread with a soft paste made of lime. Every native carried his lime-box by his side, into which he dipped his finger, spread his betel- leaf, wrapped up his nut, and proceeded to chew. Where there are no betel-vines the leaves are imported for this pur- pose. The nut is the most admired when young, and while it is green and juicy. It tastes rough in the mouth, dies the lips red and the teeth black, but at the same time pre- serves them.* Those who are not accustomed to its use become giddy at first, especially if the nuts are old. The religion of the Mindanaians was the Mohammedan ; and the children were taught to read and write, though business was generally transacted by Chinese, the natives being indifferent accountants. Besides what was supposed their native language, they spoke a dialect of the Malay, which was among them the language of commerce. Many of them also understood Spanish ; as the Spaniards had only been expelled during the reign of the present sultan's father. Rajah Laut both spoke and wrote Spanish ; and had, from reading and conversation, acquired a considerable knowledge of European countries. The natives were of middle size, with small limbs, particularly the females, * The preservation of the teeth is with as much probability attributed to the time, APPEARANCE AND HABITS OF THE NATIVES. 279 They had straight bodies, with small heads. Their faces were oval, but those of the women more round. Their foreheads were low, with small black eyes, short low noses, their lips thin and red, their skins tawny, but inclining to a brighter yellow than some of the other Indians, especially among the women. Young females of rank were often much fairer than the other women, and their noses rose to a more aristocratic prominence than those of meaner females. In female children the nose, or rise between the eyes, was sometimes scarcely perceptible. The natives all walked with a stately air, and the women, though barefooted, had very small feet. The nail of the left thumb was allowed to grow very long. The men wore a small turban, the laced ends hanging down, with trousers and a frock, but neither stockings nor shoes. The women tied up theiT hair in a knot, which hung down on the crown of the head. They wore a petticoat, and a frock that reached below the waist, with very long sleeves, which, pushed up, sat in puckered folds, and were a source of great pride to the wearers. They were also adorned with earrings and bracelets, which the pagally would sometimes beg from her English friend. The clothing of the higher class was made of long cloth, but the lower universally wore the saggan or plantain-cloth. They used no chairs, but sat cross-legged on the floor or on mats. The common food of the people was sago or rice, with occasionally a fish or two ; but the better classes had often fowls and buffaloes' flesh. In some things their habits were very filthy, and in others very cleanly. Like all oriental tribes, they washed themselves frequently in the rivers, and took great delight in swim- ming, to which exercise both sexes are accustomed from infancy. The trades practised here were those of gold- smiths, blacksmiths, and carpenters, every man being more or less of a carpenter, and handling with dexterity their scanty tools, which consisted of the axe and the adze alone, saws and planes being altogether unknown. Yet the* ships and barks they built were stout and serviceable, and in them the natives made war, or traded to Manilla, and some- times to Borneo and other distant places, exchanging the gold and bees-wax found in the interior of the island, for calicoes, silks, and muslins. Tney nau also a traffic with the Dutch in tobacco, which in Mindanao was of excellent 230 SINGULAR DISEASE. quality, and sold so low as twelve pounds for a rial. TKa Mindanaians were resolute in fight, though they avoided the open field, erecting forts and small works, on whkh they mounted guns. These forts they would defend and besiege for months together, sometimes making a sally. Their weapons were lances, swords, and what Dampier calls hand-cressets,* resembling a bayonet, which they wore at all times, whether in war, at work, or pastime, When likely to be overcome, they sell their lives dearly , and seldom either give or take quarter, the conqueror hew ing down his antagonist without mercy. The people here were liable to a leprous disease, the skir becoming blotched and scurfy, and rising in white scales from the continual rubbing induced by intolerable itchiness. Some had the skin white, in spots over their body, though smooth ; and these Dampier conjectured were patients who had been cured. Polygamy was common. The sultan had one queen and twenty-nine inferior wives, of whom one was called the war-queen, as she always attended her lord to battle. The daughter of the sultan by his queen was kept in strict seclusion; but his other children in patriarchal numbers roamed about the streets, often begging things which they fancied from the Bucanier seamen. It was said that the young princess had never seen any man save her father the sultan, and Rajah Laut ; though all the other women were occasionally allowed to appear abroad in pageants, or upon public festivals. The sultan was an absolute prince, who, in oriental fashion, encouraged the industry and commercial enterprise of his subjects by borrowing sums, however small, which he discovered they had accumulated by trade. By way of varying this system of arbitrary exaction, he would at other times first compel them to purchase goods belonging to himself, which had probably been confiscated, and after- ward find some occasion of state to reclaim those goods for the public service. He was a little man, now between Dampier's hand-cressets are the kreeses of the Malayan tribes, the favourite weapon throughout all the islands and coasts into which this warlike race have forced their way. The weapon described as a long dagger or sword, seen by Magellan's crew, was the true kree.se of the Malay ; and neither different in shape, nor in the enrichments of the hill and sheath, from that worn at this day. DANCING-WOMEN, AND AMUSEMENTS. 281 fifty and sixty, and altogether inferior to his brother and grand vizier, the Rajah Laut, who, though only equal in trickery, was superior to all his compeers in capacity and intelligence. It was he who led the military forces of the sultan, managed the foreign policy, and regulated the in- ternal affairs of Mindanao. Without the license of Rajah Laut no one could either buy or sell ; nor could the com- mon fishermen enter or leave the port without his permis- sion. The Rajah Laut was altogether the hero of Min- danao, the women in the public dances and festivals singing bis praises and celebrating his exploits. Besides being the wet season, it was Ramadan time when the Cygnet came to anchor in the river, and amuse- ment and pleasure were nearly suspended in Mindanao , but as soon as this solemn period was passed, the Rajah Laut entertained his friend Captain Swan every night with dances, those bands of regularly trained dancing-women being seen here which are common over all India. But all the females of Mindanao were fond of dancing, which they practised in a ring of forty or fifty, who joined hand- in-hand, singing in chorus, and keeping time ; and though they never moved from the same spot, making various ges- tures, throwing forward one leg, and clapping their hands at the close of the verse. The Rajah Laut was in return entertained by Captain Swan's men, who performed Eng- lish dances to the music of violins, in a ball-room fitted up with gold and silver lace, and illuminated by a profusion of wax candles. Dampier relates the very natural mistake into which the rajah fell regarding one of these quarter- deck performers. John Thacker, a common Bucanier, though he could neither read nor write, had acquired the accomplishment of dancing about some " of the music houses of Wapping," and coming into the South Sea with Captain Harris, had been so fortunate in acquiring Dooty, that he now wore fine clothes, and by his superior dress and dancing was supposed by the natives to be a person of noble extraction. When the rajah, to satisfy his curiosity on this important point, put the question to one of the company, the seaman replied humorously that the conjecture as to Jack's quality was quite correct ; and that most of the ship's company were of like extraction, at least all who wore good clothes and had rr ; oney, those A a 2 282 HUNTING EXCURSION. meanly clad being but common seamen. The rajah from this time portioned out his civilities according to the garb of his new friends. Captain Swan was by this time deeply chagrined at the result of his voyage. Most of his crew were turbulent and lawless ; those who had money revelling on shore, and continually involving themselves in quarrels with the na- tives, — while those who were poor were growling on board at the privations they suffered, and the time wasted in inac- tion. In the number of the penniless was Dampier, who had no means of recreation and no source of enjoyment save the faculty of a powerful and quick observation, and the delight of entering his remarks in his journal. The single and undivided object of the rest of the crew of the Cygnet was gold — the plunder of the Manilla ship ; nor durst the commander reveal his dislike to their project. About the same time that his crew grew violently discon- tented, he became himself suspicious of the good faith of his friend Rajah Laut, who for the iron and lead which he had procured continued to pay with fair promises. Beef was one of the articles which the rajah had prom- ised to the English, and a party went a hunting with him, but found no prey. Dampier, a practised hunter, was always of these parties, and used the opportunities they afforded to extend his knowledge of the country. In these distant hunting excursions the rajah carried his wives, children, and servants along with him in the proas of the country, which were fitted up with rooms. They settled at some village in the neighbourhood of the hunting-ground, the chief and his family occupying one end of the house and the Englishmen the other. While he and his men, who always hunted from dawn till late in the afternoon, were abroad, the Englishmen were frequently left at home with the women and children. Though these ladies never quitted their own apartment while the chief remained at home, he was no sooner gone than they usually flocked to the strangers' room, asking a thousand questions about the condition of the women and the fashions and customs of England. These were the subject of long and earnest argument among themselves, some condemning and others applauding the custom, which all allowed to be singular, of, even the king and chiefs having but one wife. Amon^ MANNERS OF THE NATIVES. 283 the proselytes to monogamy was the war-queen or wife, the lady who enjoyed the privilege of attending the rajah to battle ; and her reasons, if they did not convince, at least silenced her opponents. During this excursion, Dampier, from the conversation of the women, considerably increased his acquaintance with the character and customs of the people. They bathed daily, and washed after every meal ; and if they became unclean from touching accidentally any forbidden thing, underwent scrupulous purification. Though associating so intimately with the English, they did not like to drink with nor after them. Wild hogs abounded, but swine's flesh, and every part of that filthy animal, was held in the utmost abhorrence by the Mindanaians ; and though they invited the seamen to destroy the animals that came to the city during the night to feed on garbage under the houses, they were ordered to take the swine on board, and those who had touched these abominable creatures were ever afterward loathed and avoided by the natives, and forbidden their houses. This superstitious dislike was carried to so great a length, that the Rajah Laut returned in a rage a pair of shoes made in the English fashion, of leather he had furnished, and in whieh he had taken great pride, till he learned that the thread with which they were sewed had been pointed with hog's bristles. The shoemaker got more leather, and made a quite unexceptionable pair, with which the chief was satisfied. At this hunting-village, in the evenings, the women danced before the rajah; and before the party broke up to return to Mindanao, he entertained the Englishmen with a jar of " rice drink," a fermented liquor, on which he and his attendants got very merry. He drank first himself, and then his men ; " and they all," says Dampier, " were as drunk as swine before they suffered us to drink. That balance in human affairs which pervades all condi- tions was now turning the scale in favour of the less for- tunate portion of the Cygnet's crew. The Mindanaians, though hospitable and kind, were, when offended, vindictive and deadly in their resentments ; the conduct of these dis- solute and openly profligate seamen had given them deep •offence ; and sixteen of the Bucaniers were in a short time taken off by poison, to which more afterward fell victims. 284 CONDUCT OF RAJAH LAUT. The islanders were skilled in subtle poisons, which had not their full operation till a long while after they were admin- istered. Some of the men, after they were conscious of having been poisoned, lingered on for months. When they died, their livers were found black, dry, and shrivelled " like cork." The ship had not lain long in the river when it had been discovered that her bottom was eaten with worms, which bred in such great numbers in this place, that shortly before a Dutch vessel had been destroyed by them in two months, while the Rajah Laut became heir to her great guns. It began to be suspected that he entertained the hope of being equally fortunate in a legacy from the Cygnet, as he had given no intimation of a danger which the Min- danaians always avoided by placing their barks and boats in a dry-dock the moment they came into port, even when only returned from fishing. He shook his head and seemed displeased when he saw that the sheathing of the vessel had prevented serious damage, and gravely remarked, " that he never did see a ship with the cunning device of two bottoms before." Dampier had seen the same kind of worms in myriads in the Bay of Campeachy and in the Bay of Panama, and in smaller numbers in Virginia. They are never seen far at sea. This alarming damage was repaired in time, though, taken with other circumstances, it strengthened the sus- picions of Captain Swan, and excited the discontent of the men by increasing their alarm. Rajah Laut also, if he did not absolutely refuse, still delayed to furnish the beef and rice necessary to their subsistence, and which were to be the price of the commodities with which Captain Swan had so largely furnished him. His English friend had also lent the rajah twenty ounces of gold, to defray the expenses of a solemn ceremonial observed shortly before, when his son had been circumcised. This splendid ceremony, at which the English assisted, had been celebrated with music, dances, the singular war-dance of the country, banquets, pageants, and processions by torchlight. The rajah, in a manner not uncommon in eastern countries, not only refused to repay the gold, but when urged, insisted that it had been a present, and finally demanded payment for all SAILING OF THE CYGNET. 285 the victuals Swan and his men had consumed at his hos pitable board. While the rajah thus refused to discharge his debts, the Bucanier crew clamoured to be gone, and, becoming openly mutinous, a party of them resolved to carry off the ship. Neither Dampier, who happened to be on board, nor the surgeon's mate, approved of this treacherous design, but they were reluctantly compelled to go with the rest, leaving Captain Swan and thirty-six men at Mindanao, from whence the Cygnet sailed on the 14th January, 1637, in- tending to cruise off Manilla. A Bucanier of Jamaica, named Read, was chosen commander. The first intima- tion Swan had of his abandonment was the gun which was fired as the ship got under way. To his own irresolution, bad temper, and want of firmness Dampier imputes this misfortune. If, when apprized of the design of the muti- neers, he had come on board and behaved with prudence and courage, he might have brought back the greater part of the men to their duty, and taken his own measures with the ringleaders, to some of whom he had certainly given just cause of discontent. After leaving Mindanao, the Cygnet, with a crew now reduced by various causes to eighty men, coasted to the westward. They fell in with a great many Keys, or small low islets, between which and Mindanao there was a good channel. On the east of these Keys they anchored and obtained green-turtle. At different places they cut ratans, such as were used in England for walking-canes. They saw here large bats, "seven or eight feet from tip to tip'* of the extended wings, which regularly at dusk took their flight from the smaller islands to the main island in swarms like bees, and returned like a cloud before sunrise. On the 23d they reached Luconia, having captured a Spanish vessel laden with rice and cotton-cloth, bound for Manilla. The master had been boatswain of the Acapulco ship which had escaped them at Guahan, and which now lay safe in port. Nothing, therefore, of consequence could be hoped for this season, and to beguile the time, and wait a more favourable opportunity, they resolved to sail for the Pulo Condore or " Islands of Calabashes," a group of small islands on the coast of Cambodia. They anchored at Condore on the 14th March. Two of the cluster are 286 THE ISLANDS OF CALABASHES. pretty large and high. They were tolerably well woodec^ and on the greatest of them was found a tree from which the inhabitants extracted a pith or viscid juice which they boiled up into good tar, and which, if kept boiling long enough, became pitch.* The mangoes of which the Indian pickle is made were found here. They were now ripe, and were betrayed to the seamen by their delicious frag- rance. The grape-tree was also seen, with the wild or spurious nutmeg, and many sorts of beautiful birds, as parrots, paroquets, pigeons, and doves. The inhabitants of Pulo Condore resembled the Mindanaians, but were darker in complexion. Their chief business was to make tar of the pith of the trees mentioned above, which they exported to Cochin-China, from which these islanders were originally a colony. The oil of the turtle was another article of their commerce with their mother-country. The islanders were idolaters. In a temple Dampier saw the image of an elephant and of a horse, which they were sup- posed to worship. At this place the Bucaniers remained for a month ; after which they cruised in the Gulf of Siam and in several parts of the China seas, taking all barks that fell in their way, whether Spanish, Portuguese, or native vessels. From the crew of a junk belonging to the Island of Suma- tra they learned that the English had established a factory on that island. The surgeon and Dampier, who had accompanied " this mad crew" against their inclination, " and were sufficiently weary of them," would have escaped here, and taken their chance of getting to this or some other English factory ; but they were constrained to re- main in the Cygnet. The next destination of the Bucaniers was the Ponghou Islands, which in no respect answered their purpose of quiet and security. At the place where they anchored there was a large town and a Tartar garrison. In the charts which they possessed there were laid down, marked by the figure 5, a group of islands situated between Luconia (the cynosure of their hopes) and Formosa ; and these, which offered a tolerably convenient station, they * Probably the damar, the most important of the gnms found in t»j» Indian islands, and extensively used for ships and boats. THE BASHEK ISLANDS. 287 hoped might be either uninhabited or only peopled by tribes from whom they might with impunity plunder provisions, without danger of the outrage being heard of in the Phi- lippines. They steered for them, and upon the 6th August reached the interesting group now known as the Bashee Islands. They approached by the westernmost and large sf of the group, on which they had the felicity to see goats browsing ; but sefe anchorage was not obtained till next day, in a bay at the east side of the easternmost island. The sails were not furled when a hundred small boats swarmed round the Cygnet, each carrying from three to six men, with whom the deck was soon crowded. The pirates, alarmed by the numbers of the islanders, got their firearms in readiness ; but iron, the most precious of metals with the savage, for which he freely and gladly gives gold in exchange, wondering at the folly or simplicity that in- duces the European to the unequal barter, and leaving the philosopher to decide which gains most by the bargain, — iron was the only thing that captivated the Basheeans, who quickly picked up all the little pieces they could find, but were otherwise perfectly quiet and orderly. Waxing bolder by indulgence, one of them tried to wrench out an iron pin from the carriage of a gun. He was laid hold of, and his cries made all his countrymen scamper off in a fright. The man was, however, kindly treated, and, being first made sensible of his error in attempting to steal, was pre- sented with a piece of iron, with which he swam to his comrades. Thus reassured, the islanders returned, and a brisk trade was opened, which was renewed daily. Ever after this slight check they continued honest, and they had always been civil. A hog was now got for two or three pounds of iron, a fat goose for an old iron hoop, and the hquor of the islands, the baskee drink, from the name of which the pirates gave the whole group their general appellation, for old nails, spikes, and bullets. These five islands were more particularly named, 1. Orange Island, so called by the Dutchmen among the crew in honour of their native prince. It is the largest and most westerly of the group, and was uninhabited. 2. Graf- ton Island was so named by Dampier in compliment to the noble family in whose household he had, as has been men- 288 NATIVES OF THE BASHEE ISLANDS tioned, left his wife. 3. Monmouth Island was named by the seamen after the unfortunate Duke of Monmouth, the son of Charles II. The other two were called the Goat and the Bashee Island, from the number of goats seen on the one, and the abundance of the beverage which gained the approbation of the seamen that was made on the other. The two latter are small islands, lying to the south, in the channel which divides Orange Island from Grafton and Monmouth Islands. Monmouth Island is high, and so fenced with steep rocks and precipitous cliffs, that the Bucaniers did not land upon it as they did upon all the other islands. Grafton and Monmouth Islands were thickly inhabited, and on Bashee there was one village. The natives were " short squat people, generally round-visaged, with low foreheads and thick eyebrows ; their eyes small and hazel-coloured, yet bigger than those of the Chinese ; short low noses, their lips and mouths middle-proportioned ; their teeth white, their hair black, thick, and lank, which they wore cut short ; it will just cover their ears, and so is cut round very even," says Dampier, and to this fashion they seemed to attach great importance. Their skins are a dark copper-colour. They wear neither hat, cap, turban, nor any thing to keep off the heat of the sun. The men < had a cloth about their middle, and some wore jackets of i plantain-leaves, " as rough and bristly as a bear's skin." j The women were clothed with a short cotton petticoat, i which fell below the knees ; of " a thick, stubborn" cloth P that they manufactured themselves. Both men and women [ wore large earrings of a yellow glistering metal, found in ! the mines in their own mountains, resembling gold, but paler in colour. These rings and this metal completely baffled the science of the pirates, who had rather an in- ]\ stinctive love of gold than much knowledge of its natural |lj properties. When first polished the rings made of this yellow metal looked peculiarly brilliant, but they soon faded and became quite dim, when it was necessary to throw f them into the fire, first casing them in a soft paste made |' of a red earth. After being heated red-hot they were cooled in water, and the paste rubbed off, when the glister- ing lustre was found renewed. Our navigator was, unfor- tunately, too poor to be able to purchase any of this f BREWING AND COOKERY OF THE ISLANDERS. 28G metal ;* or rather too honest to reckon aivy part of the iron belonging to Captain Swan's owners, of which there was still a good quantity on board, his property, though his companions were much less scrupulous. The language 01 the people of the Bashee Isles was quite strange to the pirates, though they were now tolerably well acquainted with the Malay tongue, the dialect of Mindanao, and the Chinese language. No foreign commodities of any kind were seen among the Basheeans, nor any thing that could have been intro- duced by sea, save a few bits of iron and pieces of buffalo- hides. In all points they appeared an unmixed race, in their dispositions singularly mild, amiable, and peaceful. Their islands produced plantains, bananas, pumpkins, and plenty of yams, which made the principal part of their food. They had no grain of any kind, and consequently but few fowls, which Dampier never saw in plenty where there was not either maize, rice, or grain of some sort. Some cotton- plants were seen, and sugar-canes, from the boiled juices of which the natives made the liquor so agreeable to their visiters. The boiled juice, with which a small black berry was mixed, was allowed to ferment for three or four days, and when it had settled, was poured off clear from the lees, and was fit to drink. It was much like English beer, both in taste and. colour, and, as Dampier verily believed, a per- fectly wholesome beverage, many of the men who drank it copiously every day, and were often drunk with it, being never once sick in consequence of their liberal potations. The natives sold it cheaply, and when the seamen visited at their houses freely gave them Bashee-drink, and some- times bought a jar from a neighbour to entertain their guests. These purchases were made with small crumbs of the glistering metal above described, which, wrapped in plantain-leaves, served as a substitute for coin. Though cleanly in their persons and habitations, the inhabitants of the Bashee Isles were in some respects very filthy in their eating. They were not seen at this time to kill any animals for their own use ; but of the goats purchased by * The Bashee Islands have since been known to afford a considerable quantity of gold-dust, washed down from the mountains by the torrents, The Spaniards, in 1783, formed a settlement on Grafton Island to collect the gold, and left a garrison of about 100 men. Bb 290 THEIR SINGULA* DWELLING8. the Bucaniers they begged the skin and garbage, and j when the surly seamen threw them into the sea, they f would take them out. With the hogs they never meddled. ! The goat's skin they broiled and gnawed ; and of the i paunch made what to them appeared a delicious dish. I The whole crude contents of the stomach were emptied I into a pot, and stewed with any small fish they had caught, I which they took what Dampicr thought very superfluous j trouble in cleaning and mincing, considering the nature ! of the substances with which the fish were mixed. This I mess was eaten as the people of the Philippines did their ' rice, he being reckoned the best-bred among the Minda- j naians who, wetting his hands to prevent the boiled rice from sticking to them, could most dexterously roll up and \ swallow the largest ball. The people of these island had ' another singular dish made of locusts, which at this season ' attacked the potato-leaves in multitudes, and in their ravages spared no green thing. They were about an inch and a half in length, and as thick as the tip of a man's little finger, with large thin wings and long small legs. The Basheeans caught them in small nets, a quart at one sweep. When enough were obtained for a dish, they were parched in an earthen pot over the fire, till the legs and wings dropped off, when from brown they became red. Their bodies were succulent, though the heads crackled under the teeth of the eater. The dwellings of the islanders, and the places upon which they had perched them, were among the most singu- lar features of their social condition. In describing them we adopt the words of Dampier : — " These people made but low, small houses. The sides, which were made of small posts, wattled with boughs, are not above four feet and a half high : the ridge pole is about seven or eight feet high. They have a fireplace at one end of their houses, and boards placed on the ground to lie on. They inhabit together in small villages built on the sides and tops of rocky hills, three or four rows of houses one above another, f under such steep precipices that they go up to the first row with a wooden ladder, and so with a ladder still from every story up to that above it, there being no other way to ascend. The plain on the first precipice may be so wide as to have room both for a row of houses, which stand all along the f PRIMITIVE BELLOWS. 291 edge or brink of it, and a very narrow street running along before their doors, between the row of houses and the foot of the next precipice, the plain of which is in a manner level with the roofs of the houses below, and so for the rest. The common ladder to each row, or street, comes up at a narrow passage, left purposely about the middle of it, and the street being bounded with a precipice also at each end, 'tis but drawing up the ladder if they be assaulted, and then there is no coming at them from below but by climb- ing a perpendicular wall. And that they may not be as- saulted from above they take care to build on the side of such a hill whose back hangs over the sea, or is some high, steep, perpendicular precipice, altogether inaccessible." These precipices and regular terraces appeared quite natu- ral. Grafton and Monmouth Islands abounded in these rocky fortresses, in which the natives felt themselves secure from pirates, and from enemies whether foreign or domestic. The boats of the islanders were ingeniously constructed, somewhat like Deal yawls, and some of them so large that they could carry forty or fifty men. They were impelled by twelve or fourteen oars on each side. Though scantily provided with iron, the Basheeans could work this metal, employing the same sort of bellows, remarkable for rude ingenuity, which Dampier had seen at Mindanao. This primitive bellows was formed of two hollow cylinders, made of the trunks of trees, like our wooden water-pipes. They were about three feet long, and were placed upright in the ground, near the blacksmith's fire, which was made on the floor. Near the bottom of each cylinder, on the side next the forge, a hole was bored, into which a tube was exactly fitted. These tubes met in a common centre or mouth op- posite the fire. The bellows being thus prepared, a man stood between the hollowed trunks with a brush of feathers in each hand, which he worked alternately in the cylinders, like the piston of a pump, thus impelling the air through the small pipes below, which by this means kept up a blast that played continually upon the fire. The men of the Bashee Islands, while the Cygnet lay there, were generally employed in fishing, leaving the planta- tions to the care of the women. Their weapons were wooden lances, of which only a few were headed with iron ; their armour a buffalo's hide, as thick as a board, which 292 MANNERS OF THE BASHEE ISLANDERS. covered them to the knees, having holes for the head and arms. No form of worship was observed among this tribe, nor did any one seem to have more authority than another. Every man had one wife, and ruled his own household, — the single wife appearing affectionate and happy, and the children respecting and honouring their parents. The boys went out to fish with their fathers, while the girls attended to domestic duties with their mothers. Their plantations were in the valleys, where each family had one ; and thither the young girls, as soon as they were able for the task, de- scended every day from their rocky abodes to dig yams and potatoes, which they carried home on their heads for the use of the family. In no part of the world had Dampier seen people so per- fectly quiet and civil as these islanders, " They dealt justly and with great sincerity," he says, "and made us very welcome to their houses with Bashee-drink." Meanwhile the cruise off Manilla was not forgotten. Eighty hogs were salted, and yams and potatoes laid up foi sea-store. The crew had taken in water, and now only waited the settling of the eastern monsoon to take their de- parture. On the 24th September the wind shifted to the east, and by midnight blew so fiercely that they were driven to sea, leaving six of their men on the island. It was the 1st October before they were able to recover their anchoring ground. The natives immediately rowed their comrades on board. As soon as the ship was out of sight, the islanders increased in hospitality and kindness to the strangers left among them. They only stipulated that the Bucaniers should cut their hair in the Bashee fashion ; and on this condition offered each of them a wife, and, as a dowry, a plantation and implements of labour. The late storm, their long and profitless cruise, now ex- tending with some of them to years, and the penalties to which their criminal acts made them all alike liable in every civilized country, combined to depress the spirits of the crew of the Cygnet ; and once more every man heartily wished himself at home, " as they had done a hundred times before." They were, however, persuaded by the capUein and master to try one more chance, and agreed to steer for Cape Comorin, for ever renouncing the long- indulged dream of capturing the Manilla ship. Dampier THE CYGNET LEAVES THE BASHEE ISLANDS. 293 believed that the ultimate object of the pirate commanders was to cruise in the Red Sea, and by one more desperate effort to make or for ever mar their fortunes. Of all the company none was more heartily tired than our naviga- tor, who had been betrayed into this voyage, and whose thoughts, since leaving Mindanao, had run continually on making his escape to some English settlement. To avoid the danger of meeting English or Dutch ships, with which, in taking the best and most direct course, they were in dan- ger of falling in, they agreed, instead of steering for the Straits of Malacca, to go round the east side of the Philip- pines, and, keeping south to the Spice Islands, pass these, and enter the Indian Ocean about Timor. To Dampier all routes were alike. " I was well enough satisfied," he says, " knowing that the farther we went the more knowledge and experience I should get, which was the main thing I regarded, and should also have the more variety of places to attempt an escape from them." On the 3d October they sailed from the Bashee Isles, leaving, for the first time, a somewhat favourable impres- sion of their characters, and bearing away grateful and affectionate remembrances of this gentle and amiable tribe. They steered S. S. W., with the wind at W. and fair weather ; and passed certain islands which lie by the north end of Luconia. Leaving the coast of this island, and with it " all their golden prospects," they steered southward, keeping to the east of the Philippines, and on the 15th anchored between the two small islands named Candigar and Sarangan, near the south-east end of Min- danao ; and next day, at the north-west end of the most easterly of the islands, found a fit place to careen and refit the ship. While they lay here the nephew of the sultan, who, in name of his uncle, had formerly been treating with Captain Swan to visit and garrison his island, and take in a cargo of spice, came on board and requested a passage home, as they were understood to be going southward. From him they obtained intelligence of Captain Swan and their deserted comrades, who had been fighting under Rajah Laut with a hostile tribe in the interior. The English- men had conducted themselves so bravely in fight, that they were now in high favour at Mindanao ; though it was feared they had been found too powerful and useful as allies Bb2 294 FATE OF CAPTAIN SWAN. to be permitted easily to leave their new service. Swan had for some time been attempting, unsuccessfully, to hire a vessel to convey him to Fort St. George. At this time Dampier took an opportunity of persuading the men to return to their duty, to carry the ship back to the river of Mindanao, and give her up to the true com- mander ; but before this could be effected, one man, who seemed the most zealously to embrace the proposal, gave information, and Captain Read deemed it prudent to weigh anchor with all expedition, and without waiting the arrival of the prince, to whom a passage had been promised. Read held a course south-west, and once more disappointed the hopes of Dampier, who believed that, by carrying home the young chief, they might, at his uncle's island, establish a factory and a lawful traffic. The ultimate fate of Captain Swan, of whom we are now to lose sight, was not a little painful. Two supercar- goes or merchants of the ship, Harthop and Smith, died at Mindanao ; and when the commander, after a series of vexations and disappointments, was going out to a Dutch vessel which lay in the river, hoping to get away at last, the l|oat was run down by the emissaries of Rajah Laut, and Swan and the surgeon were either drowned or killed in the water. The property of the English captain was imme- diately seized by the perfidious chief, who justified his con- duct by imputing as crimes to the unfortunate Englishman the idle impotent threats wrung from him by hope deferred, irritation, and grief. The Cygnet continued her bootless voyage among the islands and channels of the Philippines on to the Spice Isles, and anchored off Celebes, where the seamen obtained a supply of turtle, and found, among other shellfish, cockles of so monstrous a size that the meat of one of them made a meal for seven or eight persons. It was palatable and whole some. Here they also found a vine, of which the leaves, pounded and boiled with lard, made an infallible sea-salve One of the company had formerly learned its uses from the Indians of the Darien ; and most of the seamen now laid up a store, such as had ulcers finding great benefit from its healing properties. On the 29th November they left this place ; and after encountering the dangers of the shoals which surround Celebes, and experiencing fierce tornadoes, ISLAND OF BOUTON. 295 on the 1st December saw, and on the 5th approached, the north-west end of the island of Bouton. On the evening of the 30th they had seen at a distance two or three water- spouts, but escaped them all. An Indian who spoke the Malay tongue came on board at this time with some of the turtle-strikers, and informed them of a good harbour on the east side of Bouton, for which they sailed. They came to anchor within a league of Callasusung, a clean and handsome town, situated upon a hill in the middle of a fertile plain, surrounded with cocoa- trees. The people resembled the inhabitants of Mindanao, and their houses were built in the same style ; but they appeared in all respects more "neat and tight." They were Mohammedans, and spoke the Malay language. The same description seems to fit every sultan whom the voy- agers saw, — " a little man about forty or fifty, with a great many wives and children." Unaware of the exact character of his visiters, the Sultan of Bouton was pleased to hear that they were English, and made them a visit in s hand- somely ornamented proa, with a white silk flag displayed at the masthead, edged with red, and having in the centre, neatly painted, the device of the prince, — a green griffin trampling upon a dragon or winged serpent. They had no object in remaining here ; and as a forlorn hope, or from curiosity, resolved to steer for New-Holland, " to see what that country could afford them." In leaving Bouton they got among shoals, and it was about three weeks before they passed Timor, and got clear of all the dangers of this chain. They stood off south, and on the 4th Janu- ary fell in with the north-west coast of New-Holland in 160 50". They ran close in, but found no safe anchoring- ground, as the coast lay open to the N. E. They steered for about twelve leagues N. E. by E., keeping close in by the shore, and reached a point, three leagues to the east- ward of which they found a deep bay With many islets, and finally anchored at about a mile from the land. Seeing people walking on the shore, a canoe was sent off, but the natives ran away and hid themselves ; and though traces of fires were seen, no habitation could be discovered. Toys and trinkets were left on the shore at such places as the people were likely to find them. The coast here was low and level, with sandbanks. No 296 NORTH COAST OF NEW-HOLLAND. water could be found, though ai several places old wells were seen dry in the sandy bays. Having failed of their object on the mainland, neither provisions nor water being found, nor a hope of them, some of the boats visited the islands in the bay, and surprised a party of the natives. The men at first threatened the intruders, and showed their lances and swords ; but the noise of a single gun frightened them, and the women seemed in very great alarm. Screaming, they ran away with their children, while the men stood to parley. Those who from sickness or feebleness were unable to fol- low, lay still by their fires uttering doleful lamentations ; but when it was seen that no harm was intended them, they became tranquil, and many of the fugitives returned. The Bucaniers had entertained no design against these wretched people more flagitious than to make them labour in carrying the water-casks to the boats. To this they tried to bribe them with ragged shirts and old breeches, finery which could have charmed some of the insular families of the Pacific, though they were totally disregarded by the inert natives of New-Holland, whose first associations with Eu- ropean finery were connected with hard and compulsory labour. " We put them on them," says Dam pier, speaking of the tattered rags of the Bucaniers, " thinking this finery would make them work heartily for us ; and our water be- ing filled in barrels of about six gallons, we brought these new servants to the wells, and put a barrel on each of their shoulders to carry to the canoe. But all the signs we could make were to no purpose ; for they stood like statues with- out motion, but grinned like so many monkeys, staring upon one another." It was found that they had not even strength sufficient for the task of being carriers of water ; and Dam- pier believed that an English shipboy of ten years old would have been able to bear heavier burdens than these feeble savages. " So we were forced," he says, " to carry our water ourselves ; and they very fairly put the clothes off again, and laid them down, as if clothes were only to work in. I did not perceive," he adds, " that they had any great liking to them at first ; neither did they seem to admire any thing we had." In the estimation of Dampier, the natives of New-Holland were lower in the scale of humanity than any tribe of which he had ever heard, the Hottentots not excepted. " Setting aside their human shape," he says, NATIVES OF THE COAST. 297 c they differ but little from brutes. They are tall, straight- bodied, and thin, with long small limbs. They have great heads, round foreheads, and great brows. Their eyelids are always half-closed to keep the flies out of their eyes, so that they never open their eyes like other people ; and therefore they cannot see far, unless they hold up their heads as if they were looking at somewhat over them. They have great bottle-noses, pretty full lips, and wide mouths. The two foreteeth of their upper jaw are wanting in all of them, men and women, old and young. Whether they draw them out I know not ; neither have they any beards. They are long-visaged, and of a very unpleasant aspect, having no one graceful feature in their faces. Their hair is black, short, and curled, like that of negroes ; and the colour of their skins coal-black, like that of the ne- groes in Guinea. They have no sort of clothes, but a piece of the rind of a tree tied as a girdle about their waists, into which is thrust a handful of long grass or small green leafy boughs. They have no houses, lying in the open air with- out covering, the earth their bed, the heaven their canopy." They lived in groups or families of from twenty to thirty, men, women, and children ; their only food being a small kind of fish which they caught at floodtide in a sort of weirs. Few shellfish were seen among them. Yet even these miserable people were redeemed to humanity by the posses- sion of some good qualities. Whatever they caught was fairly divided. Were it little or much, every one had a share of the bounty that Providence had sent, " the old and feeble who were unable to go abroad, as well as the young and lusty." This disinterestedness, with their bold defence of the women and children on the first appearance of the Europeans and the startling report of firearms, is, however, all that can be said in praise of apparently the most abject and wretched tribe of the great human family. When they had consumed what was caught, they lay down till next low-water, and then all who were able to crawl, be it night or day, went to examine the weirs. No iron was seen among these people ; but they had wooden swords, and a kind of lance like a long pole, sharpened at the upper end, and hardened by heat. No sort of quadruped was seen here ; but there were a few land and sea birds, and plenty of manatee and turtle, 298 THE NICOBAR ISLANDS. though the natives had never learned to strike them. They had neither- boats, canoes, nor rafts, but could swim between the islands of the bay. No form of worship was discerned among them ; and though they greedily devoured rice, manatee, or whatever was given them, their minds never once appeared awakened to any feeling of interest or cu- riosity. Four men who were caught swimming, and brought on board the ship, were sensible to nothing but the food which they devoured and the delight of getting away. The wonders around them, — the British ship and her strange company, — which would have charmed many of the tribes of Polynesia to an ecstasy of surprise, were unnoticed by the savages of this part of New-Holland. The Mosquito-men were busily employed during the time that the ship was cleaned and the sails repaired ; nor did Dampier miss the opportunity of once again persuading his messmates to go to some English factory and surrender the vessel and themselves. The threat of being left on this barren and melancholy coast, among the most wretched of the human race, compelled him to consult his prudence rather than his duty, and to wait a fairer chance of escape. The destination of the Cygnet was still Cape Comorin ; and on the 4th of May tley made the Nicobar Islands, the chief commodities of which were ambergris and fruits, which the inhabitants disposed of to any European vessels that chanced to visit them. Dampier now openly expresseu his intention of leaving the ship ; and Captain Read, be- lieving that he could not more effectually punish his reirac- ory shipmate than by granting his wish, and leaving him at this island, at once gave him leave to go on shore. Lest Read might change his mind, Dampier immediately lowered his bedding and chest, and got some one to row him to the land. He had not been long on shore when a party were sent from the ship to bring him back, and he complied, aware that if he persisted in going away against their will, the Bucaniers would not hesitate to make a descent on the coast and kill some of the natives, who would in turn re« venge themselves on him. On returning to the ship, ho found that his spirited example had moved some of the other persons who had long entertained a similar design of effect- ing their escape, and three of them now joined his party, of *rbon» the surgeon was one. The captain and crew re- DAMPIER LEAVES THE BUCAN1ERS. 299 fused on any terms to let the surgeon depart ; but after some altercation Dampier and his two companions, on a fine clear moonlight night, were landed and left in a sandy bay of this unknown island. One of the seamen who rowed them ashore stole an axe and gave it to them, as the means of propitiating the natives, or of buying provisions. They were speedily joined by four Acheenese previously found in a captured proa, whom Captain Read released before setting sail ; and now they fancied themselves strong enough to row to Sumatra. A P Huguese, taken prisoner by the Buc- aniers long before, was also landed, and the party of eight considered itself able for defence if attacked by the natives, though no one offered to disturb them. From the owner of an empty hut in which they slept they bought a canoe with the stolen axe, and, placing their goods in it, embarked for Acheen. It upset as soon as under way, and though no life was lost, their clothes were wetted, and what to Dampier was of far greater importance, the journals of many years and his drafts were damaged. Three days were spent in drying their things, and altering the canoe into a sailing-boat, which was expertly done by the Acheenese, who fitted her with a mast, outriggers, and a suit of mat-sails. With the natives, who watched all their movements, though more from curiosity than suspicion, they bartered rags and strips* of cloth for mellory,t — a fruit the size of the bread-fruit, shaped like a pear, with a tough, smooth, light-green rind, which Dampier asserts is confined to these islands. They also obtained cocoa nuts, which the Acheenese gathered, and might have had hogs, but that they did not choose to disgust their Malayan friends, who were Mohammedans. Once more they embarked in their frail ves- sel, their only guides a pocket-compass with which Dampier had provided himself, and a sketch of the Indian Seas, which, c#ntemplating escape, he had previously, from a chart in the ship, copied into his pocket-book. They had been out three days when the weather became threatening, and soon rose to a tempest. We shall employ * A strip of cloth which those islanders wear attached to their slight covering led Linnaus into the ludicrous mistake of asserting, on the authority of an ignorant Swedish sailor, that here existed a race of men with tails. 1 The mellori of the Nicobars, called by the natives larum, is a species f bread-fruit, said to be superior even to that of Otaheite. 300 VOYAGE TO ACHEEN. the striking language of Dampier himself to describe what followed, nor, while it reveals so much of his true character and feelings, could a better specimen of his more elevated and earnest style be easily selected : — " The wind continued increasing all the afternoon, and the sea still swelled higher and often broke, but did us no damage ; for the ends of the vessel being very narrow, he that steered received and broke the sea on his back, and so kept it from coming in, which we were forced to keep heaving out continually. The eve- ning of this day was very dismal. The sky looked very black, being covered with dark clouds. The wind blew hard, and the seas ran high. The sea was already roaring in a white foam about us ; a dark night coming on, no land to shelter us, and our little bark in danger to be swallowed by every wave ; and, what was worst of all, none of us thought our- selves prepared for another world. I had been in many im- minent dangers before now, but the worst of them all was but play-game in comparison with this. I had long before this repented me of that roving course of life, but never with such concern as now. I did also call to mind the many mi- raculous acts of God's providence towards me in the whole course of my life, of which kind, I believe, few men have met the like. And for all these I returned thanks in a pecu- liar manner, and once more desired God's assistance, and composed my mind as well as I could in the hopes of it, and, as the event showed, I was not disappointed of my hopes. Submitting ourselves therefore to God's good providence, and taking all the care we could to preserve our lives, Mr. Hall and I took turns to steer, and the rest to heave out the water ; and thus we provided to spend the most doleful night I ever was in." The pious trust of Dampier and his companions did not fail them. After enduring great hardship, they reached a small fishing village in a river's mouth of the Island of Su- matra, at which their companions, the Malays of Acheen, were previously acquainted. They were so much exhausted when they arrived here as to be unable to row their canoe to the village, — another example of the sudden prostration of strength to which persons who have been in imminent jeopardy are liable as soon as the danger appears to be past. The people of the place assisted them in, and a chief who came to see tfcem, being given to understand that they were DAMPIER MEETS MORGAN AT ACHEEN. 301 prisoners escaped like the Acheenese from pirates, treated them with great kindness. A house was provided for their reception, and far more provisions sent to it than they could use, as they were all sick from excessive fatigue, and the cold and heat to which they had alternately been exposed, now scorching unsheltered in the noontide sun, and again bleaching in the chill rains of midnight. After resting for ten days, though not yet restored to health, they entreated to be allowed to proceed to Acheen to their countrymen ; and they were provided with a large proa, and permitted to depart. On their arrival at Acheen they were strictly ex- amined by the native magistrate, and then given up to the care of an Irish gentleman connected with the factory. The Portuguese died, and Ambrose, one of the Englishmen who left the Cygnet, did not long survive him. Dampier, originally robust, and whose constitution was now by his hardy mode of life almost invincible, recovered, though slowly ; the remedies of a Malay doctor, to whose care he was committed, having proved worse than the original disease. When his health was somewhat re-established, Dampier made a voyage to Nicobar with Captain Bowry, an English captain who traded to different parts of India. His next voyage was to Tonquin with Captain Weldon, with whom he afterward went to Malacca, and thence to Fort St. George, where he remained for five months, and then re- turned to Bencoolen, to a factory lately established by the English on what was at that time called the West-coast. Here he also officiated for five months as gunner of the fort. While at Acheen, after returning from Malacca, Dam- pier met with Mr. Morgan, a former shipmate in the Cygnet, from whom he learned the fortunes of the Buca- niers. After he had left them at Nicobar, they steered for Ceylon, but by stress of weather were compelled to seek refreshments upon the coast of Coromandel. Half the crew at this time left the ship, part of whom afterward found their way to Agra, and entered the service of the Mogul as guards ; but upon the offer of a pardon from the English governor at Fort St. George, they repaired to that garrison. The Cygnet reached Madagascar, where the pirates entered the service of some petty prince then at war with a neighbouring chief. Cc 802 BLCANIERS OF THE SOUTH SEA. We may here take a farewell glance of the Bucamer% and especially of those left by Dampier in the South Sea. In pursuing their old vocation they became more successful after the Cygnet crossed the Pacific. They captured many vessels, and revelled in the plunder of several towns ; sometimes cruising together, but as often in detached bands. Townley was so far fortunate as to obtain with ease at Lavelia the treasure and merchandise landed from the Lima ship on the former year, for which Swan had watched so long in vain, and for which the whole Bucanier force had battled in the Bay of Panama. Townley afterward died of wounds received in another attack. The French party stormed Granada ; and Groignet, dying of his wounds, was succeeded by Le Picard. Harris followed Swan across the Pacific ; and Knight, satiated with plunder, returned by Cape Horn to the West Indies, — those of his party who had in gambling lost their share of the pillage remaining in the Bachelor's Delight. The narrative of the traverses of this vessel on the coasts of Peru and New Spain, written by Lionel Wafer, who remained with Davis while Dampier followed Swan, possesses considerable interest. Davis generally kept apart from the French freebooters, but joined them at an attack on Guayaquil, where the Buca- niers amicably divided a rich booty. The French party, among whom, however, there were many Englishmen, after- ward made their way overland, and with great difficulty from the Bay of Amapalla to the head of a river which falls into the Caribbean Sea, each man with his silver and gold on his back, the fortunate and cunning hiring as porters the comrades they had previously stripped at the gaming-table. Davis, who during his long cruise had frequently re- mained for weeks at Cocos Island and the Galapagos group, now sailed from Guayaquil to these islands, to careen and victual his ship previous to leaving the South Sea by Cape Horn. The Galapagos* were become to the Bucaniers in the South Sea what Tortuga had been to their predecessors * The captain of an English ship, which made a voyage in the Pacific in 1794, — one hundred and ten years after the retreat of the Bucaniers from the South Sea,— relates that he found the remains of their seats made of turf and stones, empty jars like those in which the Peruvian wine is kept, and nails, daggers, and other articles left by them. SUPPRESSION OF BUCANIERING. 303 in the West Indies. In his run south from the Galapagos, Davis discovered Easter Island, though the merit of the discovery was afterward claimed by the Dutch Admiral Roggewein, and is still a matter of dispute. Davis at this time left five of his men with five negro slaves on Juan Fernandez. They had lost every farthing which they pos- sessed at the gaming-table, and were unwilling to leave the South Sea as poor as they entered it. The Bachelor's Delight successfully doubled Cape Horn ; and Davis, who, among the Bucaniers, stood high in point of character both for capacity and worth, reached the West Indies just in time to avail himself of the pardon offered by royal procla- mation. Dampier afterward in England met with his old commander, whom he highly esteemed. Though the French Flibustiers, countenanced by their government, continued to flourish during the war which followed the accession of William III. to the throne of Eng- land, and did brave service to their country in the West Indies, bucaniering, already severely checked, ceased among the English from this time, or shifted into the legitimate channel of privateer-adventure ; yet for more than twenty years a few desperate characters, English or English Creoles, outlaws or deserters, pretending to be the true successors of the old Rovers, who had strictly limited their depredations to the Spanish West Indies, continued to in- fest the commerce of every nation, and haunted every sea from Cape Wrath to the islands of the Indian Ocean, wherever robbery could be practised with impunity, whether on land or water. The better to forward or conceal their designs, these lawless ruffians often allied themselves with native princes, as the new commander of the Cygnet had done at Madagascar. Of these degenerate descendants of the Bucaniers of America, the numerous crew of a pirate- ship named the Revenge, which was captured among the Orkney Isles, suffered by the sentence of the Court of Ad- miralty so late as 1724.* While Dampier was at Fort St. George an English ves- sel arrived from Mindanao laden with clove-bark, having on board an Indian prince he had formerly seen a slave at * We need scarcely remind the reader of 8ir Walter Scott's romance The Pirate 304 THE TATTOOED PRINCE. that place, and whom Mr. Moody, the supercargo of the ship, had purchased from his owner. This prince was from the islands named Meangis, which he said abounded in gold and cloves ; and it had been a favourite specula- tion with Dampier to establish a factory, and open a trade there, which might have been managed from Mindanao. This scheme was, however, blown to air ; and Prince Jeoly, whom Dampier while at that island had proposed to purchase from his master to be his guide and introducer, was now on the way to England to be exhibited as a show. Mr. Moody, who had purchased Jeoly, was meanwhile ap- pointed to the factory of Indrapoor, then just established on the west coast of Sumatra ; and to induce Dampier to accompany him to this station, and take charge of the guns, promised that a vessel should be purchased in which he might realise his old scheme of going to Meangis with the native prince, and establishing a commerce in cloves and gold. Being afterward unable to fulfil this promise, Moody not only released his friend from the engagement to serve at Indrapoor, but presented him with a half-share of the " painted prince," leaving him meanwhile under his charge. As Prince Jeoly was the first tattooed man ever seen in Europe, the account given of him by Dampier is still curious. The islands from which he came lay about twenty leagues from Mindanao, bearing S. E. They were three in number, small but fertile, and abounding, accord- ing to the report of the prince, in gold. The abundance of cloves and spice Jeoly, using a common oriental figure, described by showing the hairs of his head. His father was rajah of the island on which they lived. On it were about thirty men and a hundred women, of whom five were Jeoly's wives. By one of his wives he had been " painted." He was tattooed down the breast, between the shoulders, and on the thighs ; and also round the arms and legs, in the form of broad rings and bracelets. The figures Dam- pier could not compare to either the outline of animals or plants, but they were full of ingenious flourishes, — and showed a variety of lines and checkered work in intricate figures. Upon the shoulder-blades the lines and pattern were peculiarly eicgar.t. Most of the men and women of Jeoly's island were thus " painted." They wore gold bracelets and anklets, had canoes, and lived upon potatoes, DAMPIER LEAVES BENCOOLEN. 305 yams, fruits, and fish. They had also plenty of fowls. His native language was quite different from the Malayan, which he had acquired during his slavery. In passing with some of his relations from one island to another, their canoe had been driven by a violent tempest towards the coast of Mindanao, and they were all made prisoners by the Mindanaian fishermen, who stripped them of their golden ornaments, and sold them for slaves. With his situation at the fort of Bencoolen Dampier found much reason to be dissatisfied, though the character of the governor was his principal grievance. But besides his disgust with this official, from whose treatment of others Dampier drew no favourable augury for himself, he began strongly to experience the stirrings of that longing after his native country to which every wanderer is at last sub- jected ; and though his pecuniary affairs were in greater disorder than on the day he embarked with the Bucaniers, and he had been glad to earn two dollars, his sole treasure, by teaching plain sailing to the lads of Weldon's ship, he sanguinely promised himself a fortune from Prince Jeoly, and hoped that in England he might be able to obtain a ship to carry back the chief to his native island, where, thus introduced, he could not fail to establish a lucrative trade in gold and spices. Mr. Moody had meanwhile dis- posed of the share which he retained of the unfortunate captive to the mate of an India ship bound for England, and with this vessel Dampier wished to return home him- self, though the capricious and tyrannical governor, who had at first consented to his departure, at the time of the ship's sailing revoked the permission, nor yielded to any entreaties, though the captain and others importuned him to let the long-absent wanderer return to his country. The day before the ship sailed Dampier crept at midnight through a port-hole of the fort, abandoning all his property, save his journal and manuscripts, for the chance of free- dom and of reaching home. The mate of the ship, his new partner in Jeoly, by previous agreement waited for him with a boat, and kept him concealed on board till the vessel sailed, which it did on the 25th January, 1691. The voyage, from the illness of the crew, proved tedious and troublesome, but it was completed at last ; though the bad fortune which had attended Dampier at so many Cc2 306 DAMPIER PUBLISHES HIS VOYAGES. turns of life deprived him of all advantage from bringing home Jeoly. He arrived in the Thames in utter poverty and was compelled by necessity to sell his share of " the painted prince ;" thus for ever renouncing the romantic project of carrying him back to Meangis, which poor Jeoly was destined never again to revisit. After being seen by many " eminent persons," he caught the small-pox at Ox ford, and died. Of Dampier at this time we hear no more. The narra- tive of his eight years' ramble round the globe breaks off abruptly by saying, " We luffed in for the Downs, where we anchored, Sept. 16th, 1691." All that can now be learned, — all, perhaps, that is de- sirable or important is, that in the following year Dampier published his " New Voyage round the World" and after- ward a Supplement, which he entitled Voyages and Descrip- tions. The work was dedicated to Charles Montague, Esquire, President of the Royal Society, and a Commis- sioner of the Treasury, with whom it appears he had no previous acquaintance. Its intrinsic merits, the charm of the narrative, and the style, soon brought the author into notice, and the work ran rapidly through several editions, and was translated into French and Dutch. Among other distinctions, Captain Lemuel Gulliver, at that period a navigator of very great celebrity, hailed Dampier, from whom he borrowed many hints, as " Cousin." VOYAGE TO NEW-HOLLAND. 307 CHAPTER XI. Voyage to New-Holland. Voyage of Discovery to New-Holland and New-Guinea— Dampier on the Coast of New-Holland — Dirk Hartog's Reede— Appearance and Productions of the Country— Discoveries on the Northern Coasts- Plants and Animals — Appearance and Character of the Natives — Voyage to New-Guinea — New Islands and their Productions — Dis- covery of King William's Island — Slingers' Bay — Manners of tl\p Natives — Discovery of Cape St. George and Cape Orford — Natives of Port Montague— Their suspicious, inhospitable Character— Affray with the Natives — Volcanic Island — Discovery of Nova Britannia — Islands in Dampier's Strait— Return to King William's Island, and Second Voyage to the Coast of New-Holland— Dampier's Shipwreck — Un- grateful Reception— His Voyage in the St. George— Bad Conduct of his Officers — Dampier's Imprisonment by the Dutch — Return to Eng- land—Voyage in the Duke— Testimony borne to his Merits— Reflec- ions on his Character and Fate— The End. In 1 699, the country being in profound peace, an expe- dition of discovery, highly honourable to the royal projector, was ordered by William III., the conduct of which the Earl of Pembroke, who was then at the head of the Admiralty, committed to Dampier, who was recommended solely by his qualifications as a seaman, his large experience, and evident capacity. The countries which he was particularly recommended to examine in this voyage were New-Holland and New-Guinea. The vessel in which Dampier undertook the voyage to New-Holland was a king's ship named the Roebuck, old and crazy before she left the port. She carried 12 guns and a crew of 50 men and boys, with provisions for twenty months, and the equipments necessary to the accomplish- ment of a voyage undertaken for the future promotion of traffic, but of which the immediate object was discovery. Dampier, who had always been fond of natural history, at this time carried a draughtsman with him. The Roebuck left the Downs on the 14th January, 1 699, and proceeded pros- perously to the Cape de Verd Islands, and afterward to the coast of Brazil, where Dampier thought it necessary to put 308 DAMPIER ARRIVES AT NEW-HOLLAND. into some port, as he intended at the next stretch at once to reach New-Holland. On the 25th March they anchored at Bahia de todos los Santos, where thirty large European vessels then lay, besides other ships and a multitude of craft. The governor was named Don John de Lancaster, and, claiming to be of high English extraction, was exceed- ingly courteous to the countrymen of his ancestors. They sailed on the 23d April, and on the following days caught small sharks, which they cooked in the Bucanier fashion, and called good fish. On their way to the Cape of Good Hope they saw nothing more remarkable than the carcass of a whale, about which hovered " millions" of sea-, fowl, darkening the air far around. They also saw the stormy-petrel, a bird resembling a swallow, but smaller, and which skims like a swallow. Seamen, naturalists say most unjustly, call them foul-weather birds, and at all times dis- like their appearance. " In a storm they will hover under the ship's stern, in the wake or smoothness which the ship's passing has made on the sea ; and there, as they fly gently, they pat the water alternately with their feet as if they walked upon it, though still on the wing. Hence the sea- men give them their name from Peter walking on the Lake of Gennesareth." The voyage proceeded favourably. On 4th July they frequently made soundings, and 90 leagues from New-Hoi* land often saw whales, and at 30 leagues bones of the scut* tlefish floating, and also seaweed. They were now close upon the western coast of New-Holland, and constantly sounded. On the morning of the 1st August they descried land at the distance of six leagues, but were unable to find a safe harbour, and from foul weather were compelled to stand off till the 5th, when they again approached the same coast. Next morning they ran into an opening, keeping a boat sounding before the ship, and anchored at two miles from the shore, in the harbour named Dirk Hartog's Reede, from the first discoverer, who in 1616 had anchored here. To this bay Dampier gave the name of Sharks' Bay. He lays it down as in 25° S. at the mouth. The land here is rather high, and from sea appears level, but is found to be gently undulating. On the open coast the shore is bluff; but in the bay the land is low and the soil sandy, producing a species of samphire. " Farther in* NEW PLANTS, BIRDS, AND FISHES. 309 — we now adopt Dampier's description — " it is a reddish mould, a sort of sand, producing grass, plants, and shrubs. Of trees and shrubs there are various sorts, but none above ten feet high. Some of the trees were sweet-scented, and reddish within the bark like sassafras, but redder. The blossoms of the different sorts of trees of several colours, but mostly blue, and smelt very sweet and fragrant. There were also beautiful and fragrant flowers growing on the ground, unlike any I had ever seen elsewhere." There were eagles, but no other large birds, and of small singing- birds great variety, with fine shrill notes. Besides the ordi- nary sea-birds there were many strange kinds quite new to the voyager. The kangaroo he describes as a sort of ra- coon, differing from those of the West Indies chiefly in the legs ; what he calls the racoons of New-Holland having very short fore-legs, with which they go jumping about. Of the iguanas of this country Dampier gives a striking de- scription. They were inferior as food to those with which he had been familiar in the West Indies and the South Sea, and when killed and opened were very offensive in smell. Nothing can be more loathsome and disgusting than the pic- ture he gives of this large species of lizard (scincus tropicvy rus). In Sharks' Bay, besides an abundance of sharks, large green-turtle were found, both of which furnished wel- come refreshment to the seamen. The fish were skate, rays, and other flat kinds, with muscles, oysters, and small shellfish. " The shore was lined with strange and beautiful shells." They had anchored at three different places to search for water, and on the 1 1th, for this purpose, and also to prose- cute discovery, they stood farther into the bay ; but after several abortive attempts again bore out to sea, having pre- viously scrubbed the ship. Sea-snakes were seen of differ- ent kinds ; one sort yellow with brown spots, about four feet in length, and of the thickness of a man's wrist, with a flat tail ; another kind smaller, shorter, and round, spotted black and yellow. It was the 14th August when they sailed out of this bay or bight, and plied off and on northward, keeping about six or seven leagues from the shore, and frequently sounding. On the 15th they were in latitude 24° 41' ; on the 1 6th in 23° 22', "joggrng on northward," seeing in their progress 310 DISCOVERY OF ROSEMARY ISLAND. many small dolphins and whales and abundance of scuttle- fish-shells and water-serpents. On the afternoon of the 18th, off a shoal in 22° 22", of which Dampier kept clear, numerous whales were seen on all sides of the ship, " blow- ing and making a very dismal noise." When the Roebuck got into deeper water these alarming fellow-voyagers left her. On the 20th they were carried out of sight of land, which was recovered on the 21st, visible only from the mast, bear- ing south-east by east, and appearing at the distance of nine leagues like a bluff headland. Around this place was an archipelago of islands of good height, which Dampier be- lieved to be a range stretching from E. N. E. to W. S. W. for about twenty leagues, or probably to Sharks' Bay, and of considerable depth, which he presumed might possibly afford a passage to the great South Sea eastward. Next day he ran in among these islands, the boat sounding before. The water was of very unequal depth ; and the arid appearance of the shores and yellow rusty colour of the rocks made them despair of finding water, though Dampier, hoping that they might either discover a new channel leading through to the mainland of New-Holland, or find some sort of rich mineral or ambergris, for which this was a favourable latitude, was unwilling to turn back. The island near which he rode he named Rosemary Island, as a plant* that seemed of that kind grew here in abundance, but was destitute of smell. Two kinds of beans were found ; the one growing on bushes, the other on a creeping plant that ran along the ground. Cormorants and gulls were seen, and a kind of white parrot, which flew in large flocks. They left this place on the 23d, and for some time coasted on with the land-breeze, having had since leaving Sharks' Bay fine clear weather, which still continued. Water- snakes, whales, noddies, and boobies were seen. On the 27th and 28th they were out of sight of land, which was recovered on the 30th in latitude 18° 21' S., great smokes being seen on the shore. This night there was an eclipse of the moon. Early next day an armed party of ten men landed to * The genus called dampiera, containing thirteen species of shrubby or perennial herbaceous plants, all natives of New-Holland, was named in honour of the celebrated navigator by Mr. Robert Brown, in bis Pro dromus Florae Nova Hollandis NATIVES OF NEW-HOLLAND. 31 J search for water, carrying with them pickaxes and shovels. Three tall, black, naked men were seen on the beach, but they went away. The boat, lying at anchor a little way out in the water to prevent seizure, was left in the care of two sailors, while the rest of tne party followed the natives, who were soon joined by eight or nine men. They stood posted on an eminence, from which, however, they fled on the approach of the Englishmen. From this height the party descried a savanna studded with what they at first fancied to be huts, but discovered to be only rocks, and no water near them. They returned to the place at which they had landed, and began to dig, but were menaced by another party of natives collected on an adjoining height, who vociferated with angry gestures, as if they ordered the strangers to be gone. One of them at length ventured to approach, and the rest followed at a cau- tious distance. Dampier went forward to meet them, mak- ing signs of peace and friendship ; but the leader fled, and the others kept aloof. The want of water made it abso- lutely necessary to establish a communication with the na- tives, whether by fair or violent means ; and an attempt was made to catch some of them, a nimble young man who was with Dampier trying to run them down. As soon as he overtook them they faced about and fought him ; and Dampier, who was himself assailed, was compelled to fire off his musket in defence of his man, who, though armed with a cutlass, was unable to beat back so many wooden lances. The first shot, intended to scare but not to injure, was treated, after a momentary alarm, with indifference or contempt. They tossed up their arras, exclaiming, " Pooh, pooh, pooh /" and pressed closer upon the seaman ; and Dampier durst no longer withhold his fire. One native fell • — his friends paused in alarm — and the young seaman escaped. "I returned back," says Dampier, "with my man, designing to attempt the natives no farther, being very sorry for what had happened.'^ The young English- man was wounded in the cheek by a lance. Among the attacking party there was one young man who, from his appearance and dignity of demeanour, was imagined a chief or leader ; yet this impression was given by something dis- tinct from either height of stature or personal beauty, for the New-HoUander was neither so tall nor well-made as 312 THE PEOPEE AND COUNTRY. some of the others, but " a brisk young man," act ^e and courageous. He was the only one of the group that was painted. A circle drawn with some sort of white pigment surrounded each of his eyes, and a white streak reached from the forehead to the tip of the nose. His breast and part of his arms were also stained, " not for beauty or orna- ment," it was very rationally concluded, " but that he seemed thereby to design the looking more terrible, — this his paint- ing adding very much to his natural deformity." Dampier imagined these New-Hollanders to be of the same nation with those he had seen when the Cygnet had touched on this coast. " They were the same blinking creatures," he says, " with the most unpleasant looks and worst features of any people I had ever seen." He did not get near enough to discover if this tribe also wanted the two fore-teeth, as that tribe did. By the old fireplaces quantities of shells were found of the kinds of shellfish on which the other island tribe lived, and their lances were similar in shape. The general features of the country at the places visited on this coast were the same as those already described, — low, with chains of sand-hills, the land round the shore dry and sandy, bearing many shrubs with beautiful blossoms of va- rious colours and of delicate fragrance. Farther on, the land was mixed woodland and savanna. The plains were studded with detached rocks resembling haycocks at a distance, — some red, and others white. By subsequent voy- agers these have been taken for large ant-hillocks. Some animals were seen resembling hungry wolves, lean as skeletons. Brackish water was at last obtained, which was employed to boil the oatmeal, in order to save what remained in the casks ; and our navigator on the 5th September left this arid and steril coast ; on the 7th, in latitude 16° 9', and out of sight of land, stood out to sea; and on the 8th, in 15° 37', shaped his course for the Island of Timor. On the 22d he came to anchor in Coepang Bay, near the Dutch fort Con- cordia ; but afterward went to Laphao, a Portuguese settle- ment on the opposite side of the island. After resting and refitting at this fine island, the voyage was prosecuted to New-Guinea. The Roebuck sailed on the 20th December, and on the 1st January, 1700, they de- scried the western coast of this countr — high level land DAMPIER ARRIVES AT NEW-GUINEA. 313 Covered with thriving trees. Near the land they were assailed by tornadoes, and black clouds hovered over it- while at sea the weather was clear and settled. On the 7th they landed, caught at one haul above three hundred mack- enel, and next day anchored in the mouth of a river, where they took in water. Fruits of unknown kinds were brought on board by the pinnace, and one of the men shot a stately land-fowl about the size of the dunghill-cock, sky-coloured, but with a white blotch and reddish spots about the wings, and a long bunch of feathers on the crown. From Fresh- water Bay, which they named this place, they sailed out by White Island, which was in 3° 4' S., and is distinguished by white cliffs. The Roebuck beat up to the northward against currents and adverse winds, and passed many islets and dangerous shoals, occasionally anchoring to obtain wood and water. At an island named by the natives Sa- buda, in 2° 43' S., Dampier found a tawny race closely resembling his old friends at Mindanao. Negroes were also seen here, of the curly-haired blacks which had originally obtained for this country the name of New-Guinea. Some of these oceanic negroes appeared the slaves of the yellow or Malay race. The weapons were the same as in Minda- nao ; the lances pointed with bone. These islanders had a very ingenious way of making the fish rise. A block of wood carved like a dolphin was let down into the water by a line, to which a weight was attached in order to sink it. When they had waited the effect of their stratagem the decoy was rapidly raised by the line, the fish followed it, and the strikers stood ready prepared. Still plying northward, on the 4th February they reached the north-west cape of New-Guinea, called by the Dutch Cape Mabo. A small woody island lies off the cape, and to the north and north-east islets are numerous. The land is generally high, and covered with tall healthy timber. Near one of these islands, which, from the. enormous size of the cockles found at it, he named Cockle Island, Dam- pier had almost run upon a shoal, but got off, and, coming to anchor, despatched the boats to the island, from whence pigeons were brought, and cockles of the moderate size of ten pounds. The shell alone of one formerly found weighed fifty-eight pounds. Bats of the large kind were seen here Dd 314 FARTHER DISCOVERY ON THE COAST. The Roebuck stood onward four or five leagues, shaping her course to the east, and at a small woody island found ordinary-sized cockles in prodigious abundance, and nume- rous pigeons. On the 7th they anchored at an island finely wooded " with tall straight trees fit for any use," which Dampier loyally named King William's Island. From the time of passing Cape Mabo till the 12th, the Roebuck, owing to easterly winds, had not advanced above thirty leagues to the eastward. When they got to 2° S. the east- erly winds increased, and as they approached the equinoc- tial, hung still more easterly. On the afternoon of the 12th the wind shifted to a more favourable point, with heavy rain, which continued for some days. They descried, at the distance of six leagues from the shore, two headlands about twenty miles apart, one to the east, the other to the west. The last they named the Cape of Good Hope. On the morning of the 15th they were in danger of running upon an island not laid down in their charts, which Dam- pier, in commemoration of the escape, named Providence Island. Large trees and logs were this day seen floating, which Dampier concluded had come out of some of the rivers of New-Guinea. On the 16th they crossed the Line. The Roebuck was steered for an island seen on the 25th at the distance of fifteen leagues, supposed to be that called Vischer's Island by the Dutch ; but as it was to him un- known land, Dampier named it Matthias Island. It was about ten leagues long, hilly and wooded, but intersected by savannas and open places. Another island, low, level land, seven or eight leagues to the eastward of this, was named Squally Island, as they here encountered tornadoes so violent and frequent that they durst not venture to stand in. Dampier afterward stood for the mainland, encountering frequent and violent squalls, and steered for a part of the coast where he saw many smokes arising. The islands he had at first passed were those now known as the Admi- ralty Islands. His course had lain to the northward of them. The land he approached was mountainous and well- wooded, with large plantations and cleared patches lying on the hill-sides. The discoverer wished to have some in- tercourse witb the natives here, and was glad to see boats NATIVES OF SLINGERS BAY. 315 and proas come off in great numbers. 1 hey approached near enough to make signs and to be heard, but their lan- guage was totally unknown to the voyagers. They could not be induced to approach the ship any closer, not even by the allurement of beads, knives, or glasses, though some beads floated to them in a bottle were readily picked up, and they seemed pleased with the gift. They often struck their left breast with the right hand, and held a black trun- cheon over their heads, as if in token of friendship. It was impossible, from the state of the current, to get the ship into the bay to which the natives pointed ; and when she wore off, they appeared angry, though they still fol- lowed in their proas v which were now increased to a formi- dable fleet. The bays were also lined with men. The crew got ready their small arms, and when the ship fairly stood out, the natives became so ill-pleased that they launched showers of stones after her from slings. One gun was fired off, and some of the slingers were conjectured to be killed or wounded. Dampier named this place Sling- ers' Bay. Next day the Roebuck passed an island where smokes were seen and men in the bays, who followed in three canoes, but could not overtake the ship. This island is the Gerrit Denys or Gerard Dynas of the Dutch. It is high, mountainous, and woody. The hill-sides were covered with plantations, and in the sheltered bays there were cocoanut- trees. It seemed very populous ; the natives were black, with crisp hair, which they shaved in different figures, and died of various hues. They were strong and well- limbed, with broad round faces and large flat noses, yet the expression of their countenance, when not disfigured by their singular taste in ornament, was not unpleasant. Be- sides being painted, they wore some kind of ornament through their noses about four inches long, and as thick as a man's thumb. Their ears were perforated with large holes filled with similar decorations. The weapons seen were swords, lances, slings, bows and arrows. The proas were ingeniously built, and ornamented with carved figures, though they had neither sail nor anchor ; and the natives were expert and fearless in managing them. Their lan- guage was clear and distinct. The black truncheon, used as at Slingers' Bay, or a fresh-gathered leafy bough, wa4 316 DISCOVERY OF CAPE ST. GEORGE. their symbol of friendship. These they placed upon their heads, to which they often lifted their hands. Dampier next day reached Anthony Kaan's Island, which in its external features and social condition closely resembled the neighbouring group. It lies in 3° 25" S. As the Roebuck held along the coast, other natives approached, and three ventured on board, to whom the captain gave a knife, a looking-glass, and beads, showing them pumpkins and cocoanut-shells, and by signs requesting them to bring similar things to the ship. They understood this language, and out of one of the canoes took three cocoanuts, which they presented to him. When nutmegs and gold-dust were shown them, they appeared to intimate that such things were to be obtained on their island. The natives here, like those already seen, were black, tall, strong, and well made, with crisp hair, and their nose and ears were ornamented in the same fashion as those seen the former day. Dampier's next stage was St. John's, an island about ten leagues long, abounding in plantations and cocoanut- trees, with groves of palms by the shores and in the bays. All these islands appeared so populous that the navigator feared to send a party on shore for wood or water, unless he could have found anchoring-ground wheTe the ship might have been brought up to protect them ; and he now again stood for the mainland of New-Guinea to supply his wants. On the 8th he approached the coast so near that smokes were seen, with the land high and woody, and thinly inter- spersed with savannas. Canoes came off to the ship, in which were natives exactly resembling those they had last seen. A headland lay to the south in latitude 5° 5' S., from which point Dampier concluded that the shores tended to the westward, as no land was seen beyond it. This headland he named Cape St. George, the meridian distance of which from Cape Mabo is 1290 miles. An island off this cape he named St. George's Island, and the bay be- tween it and the west point St. George's Bay. Great quan- tities of smoke arose in sight, and next day a volcano was discovered burning. The south-west cape of the bay Dam- fier named Cape Orford, in compliment to his noble patron, t is a bluff point, of medium height, and flat at the top. In advancing on the 14th, a cluster of islands were seen in NATIVES OF PORT MONTAGUE. 317 a bay in which Dampier hoped to find anchorage. He ran in and saw smokes, and having got up with the point of the bay, houses, plantations, and cocoanut-trees. He ap- proached within a few miles of the shore, and several proas, with about forty men, came out to view the ship, but would not venture on board. The ship now lay becalmed, and as other proas full of men approached from different points, one of them of very large size, the commander became uneasy. He made the first party signs to return to the shore ; but they either could not understand, or would not obey, and he " whistled a shot over their heads," which made them pull away. Two boats, which had started from different points, intended, it was apprehended, to effect a junction, and attack the ship. Of these one was a large boat, with a high head and stem, painted, and full of men. At this formidable bark Dampier fired another shot, which made it sheer off, though it afterward pulled but the more vigorously to join the other advancing boat. To prevent this junction, and overawe the natives in their suspected design, the gunner was directed to fire a shot between these boats as they approached each other, which he did with so true an aim, using round and partridge shot, that they in- stantly separated and made for the shore with all speed. The Roebuck, which had been for a short time becalmed, bore after them into the bay with a gentle favouring breeze ; and when it reached the point a great many men were seen lurking about the rocks and peeping out. Another shot was fired against the point as a necessary measure of in- timidation. The shot grazed between the ship and the point, flew over it, and grazed a second time very near the ambushed party. A number of the natives were still seen sitting under the cocoa-trees, whom Dampier, who knew the people here to be inhospitable, distrustful, and treach- erous (a character which the oceanic negroes had obtained from all previous navigators), deemed it necessary to scare and disperse ; and a third gun was fired among the wood, but over their heads, before the boat was sent out to sound. The Roebuck followed the boat, and found good anchorage at a quarter of a mile from the shore, and opposite the mouth of a small river, where they hoped to find water, the true and only object of all this seeming harshness. A group stationed on a small point at the river's mouth was Dd 318 THEIR AVERSION TO STRANGERS. scattered by the former means, though this shot, and all that were fired, were aimed aside and harmless. The seamen then rowed for the shore, and before they landed, the Indians rushed into the water, and placed cocoanuts in their boat as a present or propitiatory offering. Water was obtained, — one boat's crew keeping watch while the other filled the casks, — and an attempt was made to commence a trade by exchanging axes and hatchets for yams, potatoes, and other articles. The natives were not insensible to the value of the goods offered in exchange ; but they would part with nothing save cocoanuts, which they climbed the trees to gather, and gave to the seamen, at the same time making signs to them to be gone. Having obtained a tolerable quantity of both wood and water, Dampier held a consultation with his officers on the propriety of putting to sea, or of remaining here some time longer, to fish, and endeavour to obtain hogs, goats, yams, and whatever refreshments the place afforded. It was agreed to remain. While the men were employed in cutting wood, a party of about forty natives, men and women, passed near them. They at first appeared fright- ened ; but were somewhat reassured by the signs of friend- ship made by the sailors, and passed quietly on. The men were finely bedecked with feathers of gay colours stuck in their hair, and carried lances ; while the women trudged behind totally naked, save for a few green boughs stuck into the string tied round their waists. On their heads they carried large baskets full of yams. " And this," says Dampier, " I have observed of all savages I have known, that they make their women carry the burdens, while the men walk before without any other load than their arms and ornaments." When the boats went next ashore, some of the seamen entered the dwellings of the natives, who, instead of be- coming more familiar on further acquaintance, got more and more shy and distrustful. They had now gathered all the cocoas, and driven away their hogs to a place in the bottom of the bay. Dampier landed himself, carrying with him articles proper for presents and trade ; but he was unable to inspire the natives with any degree of confidence. Few of thetn approached him, and those with reluctance ; and a promise which an Indian made of bringing cocoanuts was AFFRAY WITH THE INDIANS. 319 probably never intended to be kept. He visited three dif- ferent villages, and uniformly found the huts abandoned, and the furniture and live-stock carried off. When Cap- tain Danipier returned to the ship he found all the officers and men most importunate to obtain his permission to visit the place whither the hogs had been driven. They extorted a reluctant consent, and departed furnished with commodities for traffic, strictly enjoined to deal fairly with the natives, and for their own security to act with caution. The bay was two miles distant, and Dampier, who had great misgivings of the consequences of the enterprise, prepared, in case of the worst, to assist them with the ship's guns, as the natives were now seen assembling on the shore in large groups, prepared to resist the landing, shak- ing their lances, and using threatening gestures. The Eng- lish displayed their tempting wares, and made signs which were disregarded by the natives, some of whom plunged into the sea with their lances and targets to commence the attack. But the seamen were resolved in every event to obtain provisions ; and since fair means were repulsed, they made no scruple at using violence and severity. The first fire of the muskets made the greater part of the warriors run off, though a few stood with great resolution, still in the attitude of repelling the landing. The boldest at last dropped his target : it was conjectured that he was hit in the arm, and the whole took to flight. Dampier acknowledges that " some felt the smart of our bullets, but none were killed ; our design being rather to fright than to kill them." The seamen shot nine hogs, besides wound- ing many that escaped, and in the evening made a second trip and brought oft eight more. As a sort of compensa- tion for the injury done, Dampier sent a captured canoe back to the shore, and deposited in it two axes, two hatchets, six knives, six looking-glasses, four bottles, and a quantity of beads. This bay, in 6° W S , and 151 miles west of Cape St. George, Dampier named Port Montague, in honour of the President of the Royal Society. Of the appearance and nature of the country here he makes a very favourable report. " It is mountainous and woody, with rich valleys and pleasant fresh-water brooks." The rivers abounded m fish ; coeoanut-trees sy rung and throve on every island, 320 VOLCANIC ISLAND. and many fruits of unknown kinds were seen. Ginger was among the spontaneous productions. The Roebuck was now well supplied with wood and water, and the hogs had been salted as soon as brought on board. On the 22d March they left Port Montague, and on the 24th, in the evening, saw high land bearing north-west "half-west, and no land visible more to the west." They steered west-north-west, coasting along under easy sail, and at two o'clock saw a pillar of fire. At daylight this was discovered to be a burning island, for which they bore, seeing many other islands, two of them pretty high. They passed through a channel about five leagues broad, lying between the Burning Island and the mainland. AD the night of the 25th, being still in this strait, they saw the volcano, " which," Dampier relates, " vomited fire and smoke very amazingly ." On the night of the 26th the Roebuck had shot to the westward of the Burning Island, whence the fire could no longer be seen, the crater lying on its south side. This volcano lies at meridian distance 332 miles west from Cape St. George. And now Dampier had attained an important stage in his voyage of discovery. " The easternmost part," he says, " of New-Guinea lies forty miles to the westward of this tract of land, and by hydrographers they are made joining together." This he found to be a mistake, and discovered that it was a channel he had passed through here, in which were many islands. Before entering this strait, he named the promontory on the north-east of this coast, part of what was then all named New-Guinea, King William's Cape. It is high and mountainous. Smokes were seen upon it. Leaving it upon the larboard- side, the Roebuck bore away close upon the east land, which ends with two remarkable capes, distant from each other about six leagues, with two fine and very high mountains rising from the sea within these headlands. The country ap- peared finely mingled with woodland and savanna, as smooth and verdant as an English meadow. Smokes were again seen ; but Dampier, who wished to repair his pin nace, which was so crazy as to be unserviceable, chose rather to anchor near an uninhabited than a peopled island, as he wished to avoid the natives. He stood over to the islands, and kept a lookout for land to the north s but DISCOVERY OF SEVERAL ISLANDS. 32 i saw none. The navigator was now assured that he had passed through a strait, and that this eastern land did not join the mainland of New-Guinea. He named this island, which he had now nearly circumnavigated, Nova Britan- nia, the north-west point of the strait Cape Gloucester, and the south-west Cape Anne. The mountain most to the north-west of the two which rose between those headlands, being very remarkable in appearance, the discoverer chose to give it also a name, and called it Mount Gloucester. The passage thus discovered is now known in geogra- phy as Dampier's Strait. The Island of Nova Britannia, in productions and inhabitants, resembled New-Guinea. The people were negroes, strong-limbed, bold, and daring. They had been closely observed at Port Montague, and the remarks made on them there applied with equal pro- priety to the few that were afterward seen. Advancing in his course, Dampier fell in with several islands. One, eleven leagues in length, he named Sir George Rook's Island. On the 31st he shot in between two islands, — the southernmost long, with a hill at each end. This he named Long Island. The one to the north was named Crown Island, from its eminences. Both were pleasant, and seemed fertile, — savanna and woodland interspersed, the trees green and flourishing, and many of them covered with white blossoms. Cocoanut- trees were frequent in the bays of that island which from its conformation Dampier named Crown Island. It was believed to be inhabited but thinly. A boat was seen, which just peeped forth from the shore of this island, and drew back ; but neither plantations nor smokes were dis- covered. In the afternoon of the 31st another island was seen bearing north-west by west ; and next morning, the 6hip, having steered away north-west to get to the north- ward of it, lay about midway between it and Crown and JiOng Islands. The mainland of New-Guinea, lying to the southward, was seen rising very high. From this new island, which the navigator named Sir R. Rich's Island, four canoes came off, which from a distance reconnoitred the ship. One advanced within call, but when invited the men would not approach closer. The Roebuck bore on- ward, and discovered four more islands, and land to the south'* ard which might either be another island or part of 322 RETURN TO NEW-HOLLAND. the mainland of New-Guinea. These islands were gene- rally high, full of trees, mixed with clear spots ; all, even the Burning Island, were fertile. On the 2d April they passed by its north side, and saw that the land near the sea was rich, and good for two-thirds of the height of the mountains. Among this group of islands three small ves- sels with sails were seen, though the inhabitants of Nova Britannia appeared quite unacquainted with the use of sails. Another island was descried that sent forth smoke, which however soon dispersed. This is presumed to have been the Brandende Berg of Schouten. Different observa- tions made at this time showed a variation in the ship's reckoning, for which the navigator was at a loss to account. On the 14th April they passed Schouten's Island, and on the 17th observed a volcano on the mainland, which had either not been smoking or had passed unnoticed when they sailed round King William's Island. This island, discovered in passing round about two months before, was seen in the same afternoon, and they crowded sail to reach it before dark. But the wind fell, and they were becalmed within two miles of the shore. The night was one of bright moonlight, and a delightful fragrance was wafted from the island to the ship. Next morning they were becalmed two leagues to the westward of the island, and met such whirling rTdes that the ship refused to obey the helm, and frequently turned round in the whirlpools. A gale fortunately sprung up and carried her off. The voyage was prosecuted to the Island of Ceram> which they reached on the 26th April. Here they obtained a supply of rice from a Dutch vessel, and next went to Timor, from whence Dampier intended once more to attempt New-Holland in about 20°. Here he found soundings at 40 fathoms, but did not see the land, and steered westward to search for the Trial Rocks,* which were supposed to lie in this parallel, and about eighty leagues westward of the coast. But Captain Dampier was sick and unable to maintain perpetual watch himself, and the officers inefficient and careless, so that this important point was not ascertained ; nor could more be attempted * So named from an English ship called the Trial having been wrecked upon them many years before Dampier's voyage. SHIPWRECK AT ASCENSION. 323 At this time for purposes of discovery, many of the crew being affected with scurvy, and the ship hardly sea-worthy. The Roebuck accordingly sailed for Java, and on the 3d July anchored in the road of Batavia, where Dampier sup- ported the dignity of his mission by making the only Eng- lish vessel found in the harbour strike her pendant. On the 17th October they sailed for Europe, and without any remarkable adventure, having touched at the Cape of Good Hope and St. Helena, approached the Island of Ascension on the 21st February, and stood in for it, now reckoning themselves almost at home. On the evening of the 22d the ship, old and damaged before the voyage had com- menced, sprung a leak, and it was with difficulty that the pumps kept her afloat till daylight, when they made for the bay and came to anchor. Every exertion was made to stop the leak and save the ship, while the pumps were kept at hard work. The carpenters showed great want of judg- ment, if not want of skill in their business, and in spite of all the ingenious contrivances resorted to by Dampier, their improvidence and the damaged condition of the ship rendered every effort abortive. Dampier remained on board till the very last. He had to regret the loss of many of his books and papers, and a collection of shells gathered at New-Holland. The plants he contrived to save. The condition of the party was more fortunate than that which generally falls to the lot of shipwrecked seamen. They were most happy to discover a spring of good water, though eight miles distant from their tents, and across a very high mountain, and Dampier thankfully relates, that "they were now by God's providence in a condition to subsist for some time, having plenty of good turtle by their tents, and water for the fetching." Here Dampier and his company remained for about five weeks. During that time they had seen several ships and fleets pass ; but none touched till the 2d April, when an Indiaman and three English ships of war came into the bay. Dampier went on board one of them with thirty-five of his men, and the rest of the crew were accommodated in the other vessels. Though the purpose of his voyage had been accom- plished, and though many important additions were made by it to geography, the loss of the ship and of his papers " the spirits of the navigator, and but too probably 324 dampier's reflections jn fortune. lessened his merit with those fortunate persons in high places who rarely judge of any undertaking save by its apparent success. He was now to suffer for the ignorance or mistaken economy of those who, projecting a voyage of discovery distant and perilous, imagined that it might be accomplished by a useless crazy ship, unfit for what was considered better service. The marvel was that it had not foundered long before. It is to be feared that neither rewards nor even soothing promises awaited the return of Dampier from his public enterprise. His original patron, or at least the person who officially gave him his appointment to the Roebuck, no longer presided at the admiralty To this nobleman, the Earl of Pembroke, he, however, inscribed his relation of the Voyage to New-Holland. About his own private affairs, and his personal feelings, Dampier is at all times modest and reserved, and we can only surmise his disappointment from an incidental remark into which he is betrayed in the dedication of his history of that voyage, which ought to have been regarded from the first as useful to science and honourable to the navi- gator. " The world," he says, " is apt to judge of every thing by success, insomuch that whoever has ill- fortune will hardly be allowed a good name." " Such," he con- tinues, " was my unhappiness in my late expedition in the Roebuck, which foundered through perfect age, though I comfort myself with the thoughts that no neglect can be charged against me." Justly, no neglect could be charged against him. On the contrary, he was entitled by his con- duct of this voyage, independently of his other merits, to future employment; but we hear no more of Captain Dampier in the public service. His voyage in the Roebuck is the last of his published writings, and the history of the remainder of his eventful life, which we gather from others, as it is painful, may be brief. Captain Dampier had not been long at home when the death' of King William III. took place, and was followed by the war of the Succession. Among the private enter- prises attending this war with France and Spain was ex- tensive privateering ; and he obtained the command of the St. George and Cinque Ports, two vessels equipped by a company of English merchants, and intended to cruiso PRIVATEERING VOYAGE. 325 ngainst the Spaniards in the South Seas. The St. George left the Downs in April, 1703, with Captain Dampier* on board ; but it wps September before both vessels left Kin- sale. The basis of the expedition was the old Bucanier maxim, no prey, no pay, — a principle ill-adapted to the maintenance of discipline or order in a ship. In this voyage Dampier had in view three special objects, — namely, the capture of the Spanish galleons that sailed from Buenos Ayres ; and, failing that, to pass the Straits of Magellan, or double Cape Horn, and lie in wait for the ship that carried gold from Baldivia to Lima ; or, finally, the oft-attempted exploit of the seizure of the Manilla galleon. The St. George carried twenty-six guns, and a crew of 120. y The character of Dampier has been subjected to many rash and unfounded imputations drawn from histories of this voyage published without his sanction. The principal one, written by Funnel, who, till he deserted, sailed as Dampier's steward, is full of evident misstatements regard- ing the navigation, as well as the private transactions in the ship. So far as these misrepresentations regarded geo- graphical and nautical facts Dampier afterward corrected them, though he took little notice of the allegations against himself, further than in one or two instances to point out their glaring falsehood. Before the voyage was well begun quarrels broke out among these irresponsible officers, and some of them quitted the ship, while the commander, without being invested with salutary power to restrain them, was left to bear the blame of the misconduct of the whole company. The ships doubled Cape Horn, and reached Juan Fer- nandez without any remarkable adventure. While lying here a strange sail was seen, to which both ships gave chase. She proved to be a French ship cruising in these seas, and so strongly did the old Bucanier associations in- fluence Dampier, that he acknowledged it was with reluc tance he attacked a European vessel of whatever nation. He however engaged, and after a fight of seven hours, in which both ships suffered considerably, they parted. * In the Gazette for 18th April, 1703, it is stated that Captain Dam- pier, presented by his royal highness the lord high admiral, had the honour of kissing her majesty's (Queen Anne's) hand, before departing on a new voyage tr> the West Indies. Ee 326 CL1PPERT0N CRUISE OF THE ST. GEORGE. Before the proper latitude was reached, the Baldivia treasure-ships had sailed. Though Dampier was the nom- inal commander, Stradling, in the Cinque Ports, acted independently ; and as they differed about their future operations, the ships parted company. A design to sur- prise Santa Maria in the Bay of Panama failed ; and though Dampier captured a few small vessels, he obtained no prize of any value. While lying in the Gulf of Nicoya, the commander and his chief mate, John Clipperton, quarrelled, and the latter, with twenty-one of the crew, seized the tender, in which were most of the ammunition and stores, and put out to sea. It is alleged that Clipperton at this time stole his commander's commission. No captain ever sailed with a worse-disposed and more turbulent set of men and offi- cers than those whom Dampier now commanded. They had all the bad qualities of Bucaniers, without their bravery, experience, and hardihood. The St. George bore northward, and on the 6th Decem- ber, while only a short way beyond Port de Navidad, de- scried a sail, which proved to be the Manilla galleon. The Manilla ship had no suspicion of any enemy being on this coast, and she received several broadsides from the St. George before being cleared for action. Even taken thus at disadvantage, when her guns, which were of far heavier metal, were brought into play, they at once drove in the rotten planks of the St. George, and obliged Dampier to sheer off. The galleon also held on. It is presumed that the number of her men quadrupled those of the English ship, and her guns were eighteen and twenty-four pounders, while those of the St. George were only five-pounders. This proved a bitter disappointment, and the men became more and more impatient to end so profitless and fatiguing a voyage. In hopes of better fortune, they were, however, induced to continue the cruise for a few weeks longer on the coast of New Spain ; but this produced nothing, and it was agreed to part company. One party, instigated by Funnel, the mendacious historian of the voyage, resolved to sail for India, and by this route return home. A brigantine of seventy tons which had been captured was given up to him, and the thirty-four men who chose to follow his coun- sels ; and the stoics, small arms, and ammunition wer« CAPTAIN DAMPIER'S "VINDICATION." 327 divided, four of the St. George's guns being also given to this party. Dampier's crew was thus left reduced to twenty-nine. After refitting his crazy disabled ship he re- turned to the coast of Peru. They plundered the town of Puna, and cruised along till their ship was no longer fit to keep the sea, when they abandoned her riding at anchor at Lobos de la Mar, and embarking in a brigantine which they had captured from the Spaniards, crossed the Pacific. Of this voyage, and of the subsequent misfortunes of Dam- pier in India, there remain no certain or distinct accounts It is however known, that, not having a commission tc show, he was thrown into prison by the Dutch. Before he obtained his freedom and got back to England, Funnel, his unworthy subaltern, had returned ; and a London book seller, named Knapton, the publisher of Dampier's formei voyages, had been induced by their popularity to print this person's narrative of the voyage of the St: George, undei the false title of the fourth volume of the works of the cele brated navigator. Dampier, on coming home, published a few pages of explanation, entitled " Captain Dampier's Vindication of his Voyage in the Ship St. George, with some small Observations on Mr. Funnel's chimerical Rela- tion." Funnel's account, as no other was ever published, however, keeps its place as the history of this voyage ; though its palpable misrepresentations, and the bad and malevolent spirit in which it is written, have drawn upon the writer the reprobation of every lover of justice and im partial inquirer after truth. The fortunes of Dampier must have been at a very low tbb when he returned to England after this disastrous voyage ; and it is with pain we find this veteran navigator as much distinguished by superiority of understanding as by nautical skill and experience, obliged, in 1708, to act as a pilot under younger and very inferior commanders. This which was Dampier's last voyage, again proved to be one round the world, and was undertaken in the Duke and Duchess, two privateers fitted out by several Bristol mer chants. Copious narratives of this voyage are written by th commanders, Woodes Rogers and Cook, but it is only in cidentally that we learn any thing from them of their dis- tinguished pilot. 328 VOYAGE OF WOODES ROGERS. At Juan Fernandez, Woodes Rogers, on t/ds voyage, brought off the celebrated Alexander Selkirk, who had been left or rather abandoned here by Dampier's violent and tyrannical consort, Captain Stradling, four years previously. On the recommendation of Dampier, Selkirk was made second mate of the Duke. The cruise of the privateers was successful. At Guaya- quil, where Dampier commanded the artillery, they obtained plunder to the value of 12,000Z. and 27,000 dollars as ran- som of the town. They afterward, off Cape Lucas, cap- tured a Manilla ship richly laden with merchandise, and 12,000Z. in gold and silver. They brought their prize into Puerto Segura, and prepared to look for the richer and larger Manilla galleon ; which they encountered, but, after a protracted and severe engagement, were beaten oft. In this fight the Duchess alone lost twenty-five men. The natives of Puerto Segura were blacker than any other peo- ple seen in the South Sea by Woodes Rogers. They were of a disagreeable aspect; their language harsh and guttural. They carried bows six feet long, strung with the silk-grass. Their arrows were of cane, tipped with flint or bone. The privateers now turned their thoughts homeward, and keeping the usual track of the galleons, reached Guahan on the 10th March, after a run of exactly two months, and anchored under Spanish colours. Apart from this venial deception, employed to facilitate the purchase of supplies, the conduct of the English privateers was unexceptionable. They rested for ten days, and made the north of Gilolo in about a month afterward. At Bouton they stopped to take in provisions and water, and next sailed for Batavia, where they experienced those noxious effects of climate from which hardly any ship's company escapes at that most unhealthy station. They sailed from Batavia in the end of October, waited long at the Cape for a homeward-bound fleet, and coming round the north of Scotland, five-and-twenty sail, Dutch and English, anchored in the Texel in July of the following year, and in October, 1711, came to the Thames with booty in money and merchandise valued at 150,000^.* From this date we hear no more of Captain Dampier, whose * From an incidental source we learn that thia prize-money was not divided up to 1719, so that it is probable that even from this tardy piect rf good fortune Captain Dampier obtained no advantage. TESTIMONY OF FOREIGNERS. 329 name appears less frequently in the narrative of Rogers than, from the eminent nautical abilities of the man who bore it, it ought to have done. In difficulties he was, it appears, constantly applied to, and his former knowledge and experience taken as guides. At Bouton, where he had been in the Cygnet, he was intrusted to carry the present to the sultan ; and, from respect to his judg- ment and integrity, he was also chosen umpire in the very delicate affair of deciding what was plunder foi immediate division, and in allotting the respective shares. Dampier was of the number of those men distinguished above their fellows, " who are not without honour save in their own country ;" or if at home his merits were appre- ciated, wanting the most worthless quality of success, the glare and show, they failed of their reward. By French and Dutch navigators and men of science he has been uni- formly regarded with the warmest admiration, as a man to whose professional eminence [his own country has scarce done justice. They delight to style him the " eminent," the " skilful," the " exact," the " incomparable Dampier." Humboldt has borne testimony to his merits, placing the Bucanier seaman above those men of science who after- ward went over the same ground ; Malte Brun terms him " the learned Dampier ;" and the author of the voyages to Australia inquires, " Mais ou trouve-t-on des Navigateurs comparables a Dampier ?" The acuteness, accuracy, and clearness of his nautical observations, and of his descrip- tions and general remarks, have made his voyages be assumed by foreign navigators as unerring guides and au- thorities in all subsequent expeditions ; and "his rapidity and power of observation are fully as remarkable as his accuracy. His hasty glance at the places of New-Holland where he touched has left subsequent voyagers little to do save to verify his descriptions. Dampier's veracity has in no instance been questioned, even by those the most dis- posed to cavil at facts which, being remote from their limited experience, appear extraordinary or impossible. Other writers, combining into one the relations of many different travellers, have amplified his descriptions ; but there is no detached account of the countries he visited more full of vital interest and exact information than th« voyages of this wandering seaman. Ee2 330 OPINIONS OF PINKERTON AND BURNEY. The succession of brilliant discoveries which illustrated the early part of the reign of George III. for a time threw the adventures of Dampier, and of every previous navigator, into the shade, but they are again emerging into popularity. Compared with the voyages of recent navigators, his long solitary rambles are as the emprises of the single knightly combatant, bearing no proportion to the magnitude and splendour of regular battle-field, but, from their individu- ality, often commanding a more intense and powerful, be- cause a more concentrated, interest. The cloud which rested on the personal character of Dampier from the ignorance or misrepresentations of en- vious contemporaries, and the carelessness and haste with which writers for the press copy from each other and adopt current statements, is fast clearing away. By Pinkerton he is termed " the Cook of a former age ;" and Burney has taken a generous pleasure in doing justice to his profes- sional merits, and shown a more generous indignation in rebuking the thoughtless repetition of unfounded calumnies. " It is," he says, " matter of regret, and not less of dis- satisfaction, to see that some late writers have been so little conscious of the merits of Dampier, as to allow themselves to speak of him with small respect, for no other cause than hat it appears he had disagreements with some of his shipmates, the particular circumstances of which are not known, further than that he had to deal with a quarrelsome and mutinous crew. Such petty considerations should never have been lifted up against the memory of such a man as Dampier." " It is not easy to name another voy- ager or traveller who has given more useful information to the world, or to whom the merchant and the mariner are more indebted."* To these Burney might have added the philosopher and the naturalist, who have rarely been so much indebted to any adventurer whose pursuits were so entirely remote from their subjects of speculation. This * Burney's History of Discovery in the South Sea.— The compara- tively recent " Survey of the Coasts of Australia,'' by Captain P. P. King, also does Dampier great justice, and connects his name with the geography of the north-west coast of New-Holland in a manner that must gratify every admirer of professional eminence. Captain King has not merely adopted the distinctions conferred on his celebrated pre- decessor by the commanders of the French expeditions, but extender tfceir meaning, and added to their number GENIUS OF DAMPIER 331 honourable testimony will remain to the credit of the writer, when the vague statements and unsifted calumnies which other authors have allowed themselves to repeat to the disadvantage of Dampier, are for ever forgotten. Though the life of this navigator was spent in incessant action, his natural genius appears totiaye been rather specu- lative than enterprising. He likedjto«rVason and to scheme, and lost sight of present small but ce^farji advantage, in ex- tensive and brilliant plans for the fa£Ufe\*which his h,vj! for- tune forbade him to realize. If, indeed, there be sucb things as good and bad fortune in human affairs independent of skill and exertion, Dampier may b'«j . pointed out as* an ex- ample of what the world calls an'anhicky ,mah, — -one 'te whom every event proves adverse,-rWlio seems singled >out for misfortune. Except the capital .err6r" of tile mode oYlife upon which he entered, none of his" misadventures can be traced to himself ; and this lawless' fi*f& enricj)fcd many, of his contemporaries, while it kept him iii poverty and le,fi\J}im a beggar. In relating its incidents, he mu' ^ever. onca attempted to justify or palliate his 7ppj\ner of existence. for so many years. Amid the vicissitu,dM>and temptations- J to which it exposed him, his excellent* understanding and' die principles he had imbibed in the viJUxfus household of, a Somersetshire yeoman preserved hu»,if not, entirely spot- less from evil contagion, yet from thatldecay and deadness of moral feeling which are of the woYst consequence's of vi/ '.ous companionship. He was hiufeijQB, just in the most str t and 'so in the most liberal sensej candid and ehazi*- table in m» judgments, and (rare virtues in a Bucanier !) orderly and temperate, detesting the* Hotous excess of his associates Get over the stumbling-^jlpck of his early life being squared by " the good old rule," and Dampier the Bucaniei was a virtuous man. In the South Sea, and afterward in the Cygnet, he might have obtained command, such was the respect his shipmates entertained for his abili- ties ; but the love of adventure was his strongest passion, and his sole ambition the acquisition of knowledge. He appears latterly to have deeply felt the disgrace and galling servitude of his lawless life, and serious reflection and remorseful feelings pressed upon his mind with great force long before he was able to get free of his wild oiates in the Cygnet. 332 LAST TEARS OF DAMPIER. By the time that Dainpier returned to England with Wbodes Rogers he was far advanced in life, and his career for forty years had been one of unremitting hardihood and professional exertion. It is therefore probable that he never embarked in any subsequent voyage ; and as the remaining part of his life, whether long or short, is involved in com- plete obscurity, there h but too much reason to believe that it was passed in neglefct^if not in poverty. Of this eminent seaniai? and traveller, though little more than a century can have, efcipsed since his death, no one is able now to tell how thfeeWning of his life was spent, when he died, or where he'W'is buried. Had n'e expired in some remote island of th> Pacific^ o* perisfied'in the element on which so great a portion of bis life was passed, some imperfect record might have remaijWf to satisfy our natural desire to know the last of the worn-out arfcf veteran navigator ; but it was his fate to €< sink urf£e0ded ^.mid the conflicting waves and tides of'fl^ctety ; and no memorial or tradition remains of his death, in Wbc*se remarkable life the adventures of Selkirk, Wafoiy and ■ the Bticamer commanders of the South Sea apJA*r' J but : G.£ spiscdes. - So much for human fame ! 1.' A I "•'•<. /