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CIRCULAR ADDRESS 
 
 OF 
 
 ABRAHAM BENCHER, OF NORTH CAROLINA, 
 
 TO HIS COWSXIXtlEWTS. 
 
 ^i.-aiii.ir«--yira. 
 
 i< < fta,i. - ,i; 4.» r j-i.fc ft ». U ii 
 
 r.S'' 
 

CDICULAR ADDRESS. 
 
 Fellow- CITIJ70S : Before leaving Washington, I avail myself of the 
 oc"oc?5'i\9j7 to submit to you a brief review of the most prominent rnepig^^jes 
 which have engaged the attention of the 27th Congress. It is a valua- 
 ble custom in North Carolina, which I have n^ver neglfeC'tp,d. Separated 
 from most of you by the recent apportionment of congret^sional districts, 
 I can now have no other object than simply to render an account of my 
 stewardship to those at whose hands I have received numberless expres- 
 sions of kindness and confidence. To me this is rendered the more ne- 
 cessary, because, from bad health during a large portion of the time, I 
 may have seemed to neglect some of you; and especially is it necessary to 
 me, snice there have not been wanting selfish political leaders in the dis- 
 trict, and partisan presses out of it, who have endeavored to create the 
 impression that, since my election, I had abandoned my principles, and 
 betrayed your political rights. If this were true, it were a grievous of 
 fence, and would ucserve your severest censure. But I ^^er, most 
 solemnly, thai I have given no vote, nor expressed any opinion, inconsist- 
 ent with the republican principles of my whole life, or at war with the 
 promises and pledges which I made ^ when a candidate before you. It is 
 true, the Whig party have thought proper, since they came into power, to 
 adopt a certain system of measures as Whig measures, upon which they 
 hope and expect to elect a particular man to the Presidency in 1844; but 
 most of these measures I have always opposed, and so have you; and as" 
 it was no part of my duty to mak'3 a President, I have thought it best to 
 pursue a straightforward course, and leave President-making to the peo- 
 ple. This is the sole cause of my offence; and for this I have been de- 
 nounced as guilty of treachery to the party. Before I proceed to examine 
 this grfiva charge, allow me to say that you, who know me best, well 
 lliiGw that I have never been the slave of any party. This excessive 
 blind party spirit I have always deprecated. It is, in my opinion, the 
 cancer of the body politic; and if our glorious institutions are ever de- 
 stroyed, it will be the bitter fruits of this bloody Moloch of party. I 
 trust I shall never forget that I have a country to serve; which country, 
 next to God, is entitled to my highest obedience; and 1 can yield to party 
 nothing, which a high sense of duty to that country will not justify. 
 These are principles which I have often proclaimed to you, and you have 
 as often approved and applauded. They are the principles upon which I 
 have endeavored most faithfully to represent you, during the eventful 
 Congress which has just passed away. 
 
 But what are the Whig measures and Whig pri'fit-'iples which I have 
 felt it my duty to oppose, and for which 1 have been denounced? I can 
 mention only the principal ones, and leave you to judge whether, in my 
 opposition to them, I have abandoned any of my former principles, or 
 those which were professed by the Whig party in 1840. They are dis- 
 tribution, public debt, a protective tariff, a general bankrupt law, abolition 
 of the veto power, and opposition to the right of the constituent to in- 
 struct the representative. I do not say that all who call themselves 
 
Whigs are in favor of all these measm^'ij'DJcause I know there are some 
 exceptions among the people of the South; bi,t I do assert that they are the 
 principles held by the great body of the Whig party, and, if they succeed 
 m electing a Whig President in 1844, will b^ carried out under his ad- 
 ministration. Neither do I say that these are ibe only measures of Whig 
 policy, because I know a bank of the United Sta*.es is a favorite measure 
 with them. But I voted for both the bank bills ftf the extra session, 
 becciuse J was pledged so to do, and because I believed, at ^J?,gi time., "^jj-^ 
 could not iiave a sound currency without the aid of such an institution. 
 I have since ho^^gyer hCld good cause to believe that, in this opinion, I 
 was'wrong. ' Most of 'the Sfate banks have since resumed specie pay- 
 ments without the aid of such an institution; while the recent failure 
 of the Bank of the United States of Pennsylvania has exhibited a scene 
 of corruption and mismanagement which has shaken the confidence of 
 many of its former most able advocates. I shall confine myself, there- 
 fore, to such measures of Whig policy as I, have felt it my duty to oppose; 
 and leave you to judge whether I have done so rightfully, or whether I 
 deserve the censure so liberally heaped upon me by a portion of the 
 Whig party, who, for party purposes, support all these strong Federal 
 measures. 
 
 DISTRIBUTION BILL. 
 
 The bill to distiibute the proceeds arising from the sales of the public 
 land, was one of the first measures of the extra session. That session 
 was called in consequence of the embarrassed condition of the treasury. 
 With all its means, the Government was not able to meet its en- 
 gagements, and Congre.tjs was called together to devise ways and means 
 for its relief It seemed, therefore, sUange to me, as it must appear to 
 yoii, that almost the very first measure should have been one of addi- 
 tional embarrassment to the treasury, rather than one of relief — one to 
 withdraw the means of support from the Government, rather than to add 
 to them. It was not to distribute from an overflowing treas^ury, or to 
 divide a surplus revenue; but it was to distribute from a bankrupt iJ.easu- 
 ly, which, of course, had to be made up by still heavier taxes laid upon 
 the people. Shortly after this bill passed the House of Representatives, 
 and before it passed the Senate, in reply to a letter from one of my con- 
 stituents, I stated very fully the reasons of my opposition to this measure. 
 I beg leave to extract from that letter: 
 
 "I voted against the bill to distribute the proceeds of the sales of the public lands, though the 
 bill did not, by any means, provide for an equal or equitable distribution. It gave to nine ot 
 the new States 10 per cent., in addition to 5 per cent, heretofore allowed them, more than their 
 equal share; while, of course, it left that much less for the old States, who gave a large portion of 
 these lands ;i> the General Government. It gave to the same nine new States half a million of acres 
 (}i choice lands for ir?ternal improvement, while it gave not an acre to the old States ; and this, 
 too although the new SvflJf-s have heretofore received millions of acres of these lands for schools 
 and colleges, roads and canals, jvfnle ihs o\i Stdtbt, hiVe received lilti'e or none. You perceive, 
 therefore, that the distribution was neither equal nor equitable; but was bot/i unequal and unjust. 
 
 "You know that I have always been opposed to the pre-emption system, by which the people 
 of the new States are allowed to settle upon the public lands without any authority, and then 
 take these lands at the Icwcst price, which is a dollar and a quarter an acre; although the same 
 land, if sold at public auction, would often bring ten times that amount. This system has 
 always been deprecated by tlie people of North Carolina, and especially by the "V^^hig party, as 
 replete both with fraud and injustice; and yet this bill has established this abominable system. 
 It is aa wuch y^ pre-emption or a 'donatio7i bill as it is a distribution bill; and all -who voted for 
 
distribution, eqtial/y voted for pre-em^inn nrnd tlonation. The bill contained other features 
 equally olyectionahle. It admitted, i(.i express terms, the right of Congress, hereafter, to give 
 awaj' these lands to the new States iia which they lie — a light always denied by the good people 
 of North Carolina, and especially by the Whig party in the State. 
 
 "These are some of the objection"' to the bill itself; but the condition of the treasury afforded an 
 insuperable objection to any distril )ulion at this time. It was well understood before my election, 
 that, in consequence of the exv^'^'^'li'i'^s of the late Administration having been much greater 
 than the current revcnut woru'id meet, the Government was greatly in debt, and that the annual 
 accruing revenue hci-eaff.er would not be sufficient for the support of the Gover)iment without a 
 Vw.ifc increase^ ^-6 the tariff, or duty upon imports, at least to the extent provided for ir\ tiie 
 compromise act of 1833.. I therefore stated to the people, in my circular, as well as in all my 
 public addresses, that, while I fielieved Congress had the power to disti-'^Jite the^ proceeds of the 
 sales of the public lands, and ought do so whenever the condition of the iriT.;;ury would justify 
 it; yet that I could not consent to distribute any portion of the public .rcVenye gg \q^„ ^g jj^^ 
 Government was in debt, without our being able to'know exactly when or how this debrwas to 
 be paid. Whether, therefore, I was right or V7rong in the vote I gave, no one had a right to sup- 
 pose I would give any other vote than I did. 
 
 "I concur entirely in the views expressed by the President in his message to Congress, in which 
 he recommends 'a distribution of the proceeds of the sides of the public lands among the States, 
 provided such distribution does not force upon Congress the necessity of imposing upon com- 
 merce heavier burdens than those contemplated by the compromise act of 1 833.' Let us- wait 
 and see whether a duty of twenty per cent, upon our importations, as contemplated by the com- 
 promise law of 1833, and as carried out by the law we have just passed, imposing a duly not 
 exceeding 20 per cent, upon most of the luxuries of hfe, will raise revenue sufficient for the 
 support of the Government. With economy, I think it will. If so, I am for distribution; but 
 if not, I am opposed J- jt. I will never vote to distribute any portion of the public revp."rV if 
 *;^^''e''y.I '■'ij^Jlie foundation of hfiother heavy protective tarifT, by which the commerc'rand 
 ^,-;^sperity pf j^e South are to be criiipled, if not destroyed, for the benefit <:^[ ^\^q manufactures 
 of the xVorth. I believe that many voted for that dklributiim, as they d^^ f^^ every extravao-ant 
 appropriation of public money, tliat they may thereby have a better exc^sg f^^ violating the com- 
 promise law, and imposing heavier duties upon imports than is conter^ [j^^gj j, ^^,^^ \^v^. These 
 taxes, though burdens to you, are benefits to them; inasmuch as t'lpy increase the price of for- 
 eign goods, and of course increase, in the same degree, the price ^f similar goods manufactured 
 by them or their constituents. AVell, therefore, might Mr. Ad^ms exhort his northern friends 
 'to throw the compromise act to the dogs.' " 
 
 The bill was accordingly amended in the Senate, by inserting a pro- 
 viso, that no distribulioii should take place whenever the duties imposed 
 upon tiic JjtOpiC SilOlitd exceed 20 per cerd.^ as provided for in the com- 
 promise lifi^^ This was some assurance to the people of the South that 
 tne Compromise law was to be held "sacred and inviolate," as promised 
 by the leaders of the Whig party in 1S40. If the compromise was vio- 
 lated, there was to be no distribution. Bat it was evident, even at the 
 extra session, that the great body of the ^Vhig party were determined to 
 have a high tariff; and they cared but little for distribution, except as it 
 created an excuse for such a tariif. Accordingly, no efforts were made at 
 retrenchment, so as to bring- down the wants of the Government within 
 its means; on the contrary, the appropriations for the year 1841, made by 
 the preceding Administration, were greatly increased; thus adding to 
 the amount of our indebtedness at least five millions of dollars — and this, 
 too, although we had complained so loudly — and, in my opinion, so 
 justly — of the extravagance of our predecessors. So far from an incYeas^e 
 of expenditure, there were many reasons Vvhy there should have bten a 
 large reduction. The Florida war, so long a sink of public m/oney, was 
 justabout being terminated; the exploring expedition waf^Yeturning home; 
 and most of the costly public buildings at the seat of Government were 
 completed. There was, therefore, every reason for a reduction^ rather 
 than an increase of expenditure. With these views, you may well sup- 
 pose I voted against these extra appropriations, for which I was not a 
 
6 
 
 little censured at the time. Tiiey wer«p coijsideied Whig measures; and 
 all who did not toe the mark, were denounced as renegade Whigs. Re- 
 solved, however, to do my duty, hard names had no terrors for me. I 
 saw their object was a high tariff, and I woul'd not contribute to it. At 
 the first regular session, therefore, ahnost the wliole party rallied for a 
 high protective tariff. The compromise bill, whjch we were promised 
 should be kept "sacred and inviolate," was "throu'.ii to the dogs;" re- 
 taining only those parts most favorable to Northern interesvs-. Instead n/ 
 20 per cenL, the duties upon many of the most necessary articles of con- 
 sumption were ruti up io more than 100 per cent., which is to be paid in 
 cash; while all /-he drugs and dye-stuffs used in the manufactures of the 
 North, are allowed to come in free of duty. But, under this bill, no dis- 
 tribution could take place, without repealing the proviso in the distribu- 
 tion bill of the extra session. This was done under party drill; and we had 
 the strange spectacle exhibited in a free country, of imposing heavy and 
 unequal burdens upon the people, that they might make an unequal dis- 
 tribution to that same people; giving the least portion to that section upon 
 whom was imposed the heaviest burden. If ever there was a bill of 
 abominations in this country, this was one; and I rejoice that we had a 
 President sufficiently honest and independent to strangle it by the exer- 
 cise of his constitutional veto. 
 
 PUBLIC DEBT. 
 
 Our public debt, l^'itlnn two years, has run up from less than ten mil- 
 lions of dollars, to abo!^*- thirty millions; while our annual revenue, both 
 from lands and import?? ^oes not equal our annual expenditures. We 
 must, therefore, continut^ to increase our public debt. If we make dis- 
 tribution, that public debt must continue to increase more rapidly— and 
 that, too, in time of a pr(»found p^acS. u^Aess, therefore, the people take 
 the alarm, we shall have in this country what x\\^ English people are now 
 groaning under — a permanent pvblic debt, so hostile to free institutions. 
 There are other causes of alarm, which threaten slill mcrS 'tO OVer whelm 
 us in public debt. A large party in both Houses of Congress stO(>cl ready, 
 at the last session, to assume the payment of claims for French spoliations 
 prior to 1800 — amounting to not less than twenty millions of dollars; 
 while a more formidable party is growing up, especially in the indebted 
 States, in favor of the monstrous project of the assumption of State debts 
 by the General Government, to the amount of two hundred millions of 
 dollars. Under all these circumstances, to think of making distribution 
 of any part of our revenue, is the very essence of political folly. Wlio 
 among you co\ild so manage his own private affairs, and sustain his 
 character for honesty and integrity? What prudent man would give you 
 credit, if you were found making distribution of your effects among your 
 /•elatives and friends, while you owed large debts, and with an annual 
 exT^iiditure greatly exceeding your annual income? The same rule ap- 
 plies vto States that does Io iiidiyidnals; and, accordingly, we found the 
 bonds of ihis Government hawked about in the markets of Europe and 
 this country, V\/ilhout a bidder, until this reckless policy of distribution 
 was abandoned. 
 
 THE TARIFF. 
 
 But though the clause making distribution was abandoned under the 
 
veto of the President, all the other odious features of this tariff bill were 
 revived. We of the South had been induced to believe this exciting 
 question was forever settled by the compromise law of 1833. That law 
 was the result of mutual (concessions on the part both of the North and 
 the South, for the purpose- of securing reciprocal advantages. This com- 
 promise provided for fx gradual reduction of duties from 1833 to the 
 30th of June, 1842;, slowly at first, but more rapidly as it approached 
 its termination, After June^ 1842, all duties were to he laid for revenue 
 jy'arjAj^e^ only^ and were not to exceed 20 per cent, ad valorem, or on fj'^ 
 amount of their value. This was a concession to the Soiith. But, as a 
 further security to Northern manufactures, it was agreed, that this duty 
 shoidd be paid in cash, and that dye-stuffs^.^ and other druQS used in manu- 
 facturinSi should come in free of duty. Thus stood the matter up to the 
 year 1842; the South all the while patiently submitting to this slow re- 
 duction of duties, under the assurance that, after June 1842, no duty was 
 to exceed 20 per cent. During the whole of this period, no considerable 
 party in this country ever intimated a disposition to violate this compro- 
 mise. The late Administration, under all its financial difficulties, held 
 the compromise sacred; and the whole of the party, with very few excep- 
 tions, voted against its recent violation. During the campaign of 1840, 
 both parties contended that the compromise act was to be held "sacred, 
 and inviolate.''- Mr. Clay, its distinguished author, in a speech delv;^red 
 in Buffalo in 1839, used the following emphatic language: 
 
 '•If the compromise he mviolabb/ maintained, (an /think it ought to ^g ^ I trust that the rate of 
 duty fur -which it provides, in conjunction -with the stii.ulation for (.qs/i duties, home vUluation, 
 and the long list of free articles inserted for the benefit of tf^ manufacturing interests, wiU 
 insure its reasonable and adequate protection^' 
 
 General Harrison, in his Zanesville letter, hr,i(js still stronger language: 
 
 "lam (says h&) for siipportiiig [l^;,rf-;^^pQ-uise act, a«j,„7;„erer agree to its being al- 
 tered or repealed. I will APPj^^yj^ j,„ j^^^ which goks to alter ok bep&al the act 
 OF 1833." 
 
 If that greSt Slid good man had lived, I believe he would have kept his 
 faith to the country. But how has it been kept by the Whig party? 
 Like the wolf keeps the lamb — to be devoured. As soon as they came 
 into power, with John Q,. Adams, that arch enemy of Southern rights 
 and Southern institutions, as their leader, they determined "to throw it 
 to the dogs;" and you have nothingof the compromise remaining, "6w^^/ie 
 cash duties^ and the long list of free articles inserted for the benefit of the 
 manufacturing interests.^^ Instead of the 20 per cent., which was intend- 
 ed for your benefit, you have to pay from 40 to 100 per cent., and even 
 more, upon" many of your necessary articles of consumption. Before 
 God, I do not believe there can be found, in the history of party warfare, 
 so flagrant and shameful an instance of political treachery — not only to 
 party, but to the whole people, and especially to the people of the South; 
 and yet your party leaders and party presses, instead oi denouncing it as 
 such, turn round and approve the act, aud invoke your indignation 
 against those who could not be induced thus to join in betraying you, 
 
 I am aware that the reason assigned for this violation of the compro- 
 mise was the wants of the treasury. But these wants were created in 
 part by themselves, and, as I believe, to create an excuse for that viola- 
 tion. They made a large increase to the appropriations made by Mr.. 
 
8 
 
 Van Buren's Administration for the year 1841, and added very largely to 
 the navy — both in its officers and men; 33 well as the number of ships to 
 be put in commission: and this, too, when that department was under 
 the direction of a gentleman admitted by all to be "every inch a Whig." 
 But the wants of the treasury, tliough great, and made still greater by 
 themselves, "was no sufficient excuse for departing from the compromise; 
 for it was admitted by their most experienced statesxiien, that, for revenue 
 purposes only^ the compromise was better than the bill which was passed, 
 although the duties were doubled. Subsequent facts have shoWR thk 
 opinioii to h?ve been correct; because the amount of our imports, in con- 
 sequence of these high duties, has so much declined. The amount of 
 revenue for the two first quarters of the year 1842, under the compromise, 
 ■when the duties were lowest, was i^l0,739,545; while during the two 
 last quarters, after the passage of the bill of abominations, it was only 
 $5,770,670 — but little more than half So of the last quarter of the year 
 1841 : under the compromise, the revenue was $4,936,063; while for the 
 corresponding quarter for the year 1842, under the high tariff, it was only 
 $2,465,164. So you see an increase of duty does not always increase 
 the amount of revenue; but, on the contrary, when the duty is very high, 
 it diminishes it, and may be put so high as to amount to absolute pro- 
 Jiibition, and entirely destroy the revenue; and this constitutes the true 
 diati'2Ction between the friends of free trade and those of protection. 
 Both are in layor of some duty on iuiports; and whether the duiy be low 
 or high, it must tO that extent, afford encouragement to the manufactures 
 of this country. But the friend?^ of free trade contend that the Govern- 
 ment ought not to lay anT di^^y but such as shall be laid for revenue only; 
 while the friends of a protective tariff desire to cripple trade by duties so 
 high as shall give them tP^ control of the home market, without regard 
 to the amount of revenue noised. To use their own language, they wish 
 to render the country independent (;f ^l[ foreign riations, by laying such 
 duties as shall exclude foreign goods from competition with similar articles 
 manufactured by themselves. You perceive, therek ^j if ever this sys- 
 tem should obtain complete success, there must be ancliu to re^onue 
 from imports — at least fi'om the importations of such goods aS are 
 manufactured in this country. To supply the place of this revenue, wC 
 must resort to direct taxes, which must result from persevering in this 
 system of protection. It is, therefore, protection, and not free trade, that 
 is most likely to lead to direct taxation. 
 
 But high duties, diminished importations, and the loss of revenue, are 
 not the only evils which this system inflicts upon us. There is another 
 lawof trade, which is as certain as anything can be. It is, that the amount 
 of your exports must depend upon the amount of your imports. For a 
 series of years they must be equal, or nearly so. Ycni cannot expect to 
 sell to other nations, unless you buy of them. Whatever, therefore, 
 dinainishes lliQ fimount of our imports, must, to the same extent, diminish 
 the arxiount of our exports. And we of the South, who produce most of 
 these exports, will find theffi growing less and less valuable to us, until 
 we shaU be compelled to abandon their production, or submit to the 
 :slavish condition of allowing the Northern manufacturers to fix their own 
 terms — both for what they sell to us, and what they buy from us. We 
 find such to be the effects of the heavy duties imposed by the new tariff. 
 Our imports and exports have both fallen off; the price of manufactured 
 
goods has risen; while the price of cotton, the great staple of the South, and 
 upon which almost every othsr business depends, will hardly bear its 
 transportation to market. Truly may it be said of this system, that it 
 makes us hewers of wood and drawers of water for the benefit of our 
 Nordiern brethren. 
 
 Yoti perceive, therefcre, that the increase of the tariff v/as not for reve- 
 nue, but protection— protection, not against violence, but against low 
 prices, which !he manufacturers wish to increase by an increase of duty; 
 lc?rfteffcfiow full well that the price of imported goods depends .upon 
 the amount of duty imposed upon them. Otherwise, you would not hear 
 their continual clamor for high taxes upon ail such imported goods as 
 they manufacture, at the same time that tney ask to import free of duty 
 such goods as they use and do not manufacture. Let us examine into 
 the secret cause of this extraurdinary zeal for high taxes. If the increase 
 of price were connned alone to the foreign article, they would be as much 
 opposed to high duties as we are; but they know that the price of their 
 own manufactures must depend upon the price of the foreign article, 
 which depends upon the amount of duty imposed upon it. AVhen you 
 consume a foreign article with the duty laid upon it, the increased price 
 caused by the increase of duty, is paid for revenue, because the duty has 
 already been paid into the treasury by the importing merchant, and, of 
 course, laid o^ th6 .g-oods. But when you consume don:;,p„5,tjc. goods, 
 equal in price to simitar goods imported with the duty qr,, the increased 
 price is paid as a bounty to the manufecturer, and goeg jnto his pocket. 
 This bounty, paid by the people, is what tuoV call ^protection. The peo- 
 ple of this country, tlieretbre, everywhere, upon I^lost of the goods which 
 they consume, pay a large part of the price, either for revenue or for boun- 
 ty. When duties are low, and your trade is free and flourishes, the pro- 
 portion of what you pay for reverme increases, and that for protection di- 
 minishes; but when the duties are very MgVi, and your importations are 
 small, the amount paid, by you, on account of this increased price, is 
 much greater; but mbstof it is for bounty, and but little for revenue. 
 Tii« late census tables enable us to form some estimate of the relative 
 amouvA paid for revenue, and that paid for protection. The amount of 
 i.Kiported goods upon which protective duties are laid, is put down by a 
 ' very accurate gentleman at $45,000,000; and the amount of similar goods, 
 manufactured in this country, and increased in price to the consumer by 
 the duty upon the foreign article, is put down at $400,000,000. This dis- 
 proportion has been greatly increased by the high duties in the late tariff. 
 It may, therefore, be put down at this time, as one to ten. While $10,- 
 000,000 is paid for revenue, $100,000,000 is paid for bounty or protec- 
 tion. This vast burden does not fall alone upon the people of the South, 
 but falls upon consumption everywhere; and the people of the JNorth, not 
 under the influence of manufacturing establishments, are rallying witl} 
 us against this unjust system of oppression. To us of the Souihj hjgh 
 duties are peculiarly oppressive; for while ,they irnpose heavy burdens 
 upon our consuraption, they cripple commerce, and destroy tbf value of 
 the products of our soil, upon which our prosperity msrnly depends. 
 You see, too, why the manufacturers are so clamonnis for high taxes. 
 To them, taxation is a blessing; for if they pay one dollar upon imports 
 for revenue, they get ten for bounty in return. You see, too, why those 
 who represent that interest always favor ejitravagant appropriations of 
 
10 
 
 public money, oppose retrenchment of expenditures, and go for distribu- 
 tion, or anything else that shall keep up this necessity for high duties. 
 You see, too, why those who represent the farmers and planters, who are 
 the principal consumers in this country, ought to oppose distribution of 
 any portion of our revenue, which is to be made up by an increase of 
 duties; for while you get one dollar from the revenue in this way, you 
 have to pay ten times that amount for revenue and bounty. As soon, 
 therefore, as the manufacturers found they had a majoritv in the 27th 
 Coiigress, they began to pave the way for a protective tariff. T"rjBy coYi- 
 trived to malii? it a Whi^; measure, and either decoyed or denounced most 
 of the party iniP its support.- Their orators and presses represented it as 
 the great panacea for a suffering country. Even the bank was secondary 
 to it. The National Intelligencer, printed at the seat of Government, 
 and the great organ of the Whig party, thus introduced the tariff bill to 
 the notice of its readers: 
 
 "It will to-day" (says the editor) "be laid before the President, with whom the solemn respon- 
 sibility will then rest, either to sign the bill and give relief to a suffering people, or, shutting his 
 eyes and his heart to the public distress, refuse his assent to the bill, and plunge his countiy into 
 hopeless misery." 
 
 Such was the common language of the Whig party in 184*2. But sup- 
 pose they had used such language in the campaign of 1S.40, and had told 
 you that thG p^^^ relief they had in store for VQur sufferings, were high 
 taxes, without which you must rernairi iCrever in "hopeless misery:" 
 would you have fjiHied as yo;] Jid to their standard? Would you 
 not have rejected sucn' proffSred relief with scorn, and trampled it under 
 your feet? I think yoil would. You labored for relief, and they im- 
 posed additional burdens.. You asked for a fish, and they have given 
 you a serpent. 
 
 Another argument resorted to in fgyorof high taxes, especially in JNorth 
 Carolina, is retaliation. They say, because the British Government 
 imposes high duties upon many articles, some of which we produce, (such 
 as breadstuffs and tobacco,) that, therefore, we shoiild retaliate by laying 
 high duties upon her manufactures. Stripped of all sophistry, the argu- 
 ment is simply this: that, because the British Government, with ay im- 
 mense public debt, and king and lords to provide for, oppresses her sutj- 
 jects by high taxes, therefore we should oppress our people; and this, 
 too, not for revenue, as in Great Britain, but for bounty or protection 
 to a favored class of people. Our system, therefore, finds no justification 
 even in the British system. The most of the large revenue which she 
 raises, except what is raised from excise and direct taxes, is raised from a 
 few articles only, which are not and cannot be produced in Great Britain — 
 such as tobacco, coffee, sugar, tea, wine, spices, and perhaps silks. 
 These duties, therefore, are laid alone for revenue, and are paid for reve- 
 liue onlyv- Almost the only high protective duty laid by Great Britain, 
 is l?^-id upon breaaStuffs, for tlie protection of the farmer. Upon manufac- 
 tured goods the duty is very low— seldom e.icceeding 15 per cent., and 
 often niucVi less. Thus, you see, the policy of the British Government is 
 the very revers'S of what is here contended for. Most of her heavy duties 
 are laid upon the mxuries of life; while we tax luxuries very lightly, if 
 at all. If England lays protective duties, they are mainly for the benefit 
 of the farmer; while we tax the farmer for the benefit of the manufac- 
 turer. We impose the highest duties upon the necessaries of life; while 
 
11 
 
 in England, those duties are verj^ low — the declared policy of her present 
 ministry being to enable her people "to buy cheap." This is my policy, 
 has always been, and ahvrys will be; and I can never consent to act with 
 any party who adopt a d'fferent policy. I am willing to be taxed to any 
 amount for the support jf the Government; but not a cent beyond, or for 
 the avowed benefit r-t any other section, or any other class of people. 
 
 "KiTilons for defence, but not a cent for tribute." 
 
 I^uch are my views of this protective policy. With me, it 'jj t^j^ great 
 question in politibs; for upon it must depend tVie charact^^i- of every ad- 
 ministration. You cannot expect, from, iiny party who believe high 
 duties a blessing, anything but scheihes of extrava&ant appropriation and 
 wasteful expenditure to k«ep np the necessity for" such duties. They 
 are the natural fruits of such 3. policy. Even xMr. Clay, in a recent letter 
 to his Whig friends of New York, declared he considered it fortunate that 
 the wants of the treasury made high duties necessary. Under the influ- 
 ence of such a principle, it is vain to expect either economy in our pub- 
 lic expenditures, or reform of public abuses. 
 
 THE BANKRUPT LAW 
 
 Was anotliPr measu^^ 'l<Wh I felt it my duty to oppose. It was, like- 
 wise, made a Whig measure. But i?r that, and its conp;exion with other 
 Whig measures, it could never have became a law. 'Bad as the law was, 
 the manner in which it was passed was mudi worse. It was literally 
 log-rolled into existence. Men decidedly opposed to it, were induced to 
 vote for it to buy support for other measures; and thus an obnoxious law 
 was saddled upon the country, which never had the hearty approval of 
 a majority of your representatives. A vell-regnlated bankrupt law, oper- 
 ating only on debts contr^^cted subsequent to tlie passage of the law, may 
 be very proper; but a bankrupt law, such as the one which was passed, 
 authorizing everybody to repudiate debts previously contracted, was, in 
 my opiiiion, most unjust and unconstitutional. It was unjust to creditors 
 who nad sold property, loaned money, or given credit, before the existence 
 ui any such law; and was a violation, in spirit at least, of that clause in 
 the Constitution which declares that "no State shall pass any law impair- 
 ing the obligation of contracts." 
 
 But it is now unnecessary to dwell upon this law. Public opinion has 
 pronounced sentence against it, with a unanimity scarcely equalled by 
 that which condemned the alien and sedition law, and the bankrupt law 
 of the elder Adams. Those who passed it have been compelled, by the 
 voice of the people, to repeal it. But, though the law no longer exists, 
 the injustice it has done will live after it, for it has made bankrupts of 
 thousands. 
 
 "The bankrupt law (say^ a merchant of New York who petitioned for its repeal) will ueprive 
 your memorialist of a vast portion o'l llie remdurmg Estate w'lich he possessed, as the losses in 
 all by the said act will vastly exceed iwo hundied thousand dollars! and in no instance have 
 any of his debto.s, who have applied to have their debts cancelled withoct payment, exhibited 
 any estate. They, in contemplation of the hankiiupt or divoiice act, found it convenient to as- 
 sign or dispose of all their visible property; and, in some cases, although keeping Eaun-ACiES, 
 and occupying costly mansions, with splendiii fuuniture, and enjoying every luxi'hy, 
 they hold out that they have an au>t, a buotheii, a sistkii, or family connexion as aji in- 
 mate; and that all tiicir visible property belongs to said inmate or family connexion." 
 
12 
 
 THE VETO POWER, AND THli HIGHT OF INSTRUCTION. 
 
 These have not been questions of legislation., but they have been fruit- 
 ful subjects for party discussion and party denunciation. No man is now 
 considered a true Whig, who does not denounce, the veto power as the 
 ONE-MAN power, and the right of instruction as <. ridiculous absurdity. 
 I hold to both these powers, and especially the veto ptswer, as essential to 
 ths reservation of the riglits of the people — particularly t'ue ppople of the 
 Somh. Tne ^^^^ power is entirely a conservative power. It may protect us 
 at^ainst the oppression Gf bad laws, but can never oppress us. If a good 
 law is vetoed and the people, lipon full discussion, are against the veto and 
 in favor of the law, ail the veto does is to suspend or postpone the meas- 
 ure for a few years, till those in favor of it come into power. It there- 
 fore may, and does often, protect us againSi wicked atid oppressive laws, 
 but it can never finally defeat a good one. Why, therefore, should this 
 great constitutional power be abolished? It is no more the one-man pow- 
 er than is the Senate or Supreme Court, where one man may, and does 
 often, defeat (for a time at least) the popular will, however strongly express- 
 ed. These salutary checks and balances of power have been found, in 
 all times, to be essential to the preservation of liberty; and, without them, 
 this Federal Government would soon swallow up the,^,g^]fs both of the 
 States and ot^ the people. This power was freely giiercised by W^jshmg- 
 ton and Madison, vas well as by .Tackpon and! the present Chief Magist"^^!?: 
 If the latter has beeiJ compellec? to exercise it more frequently than any 
 £»ther, it is because evei'V o.Vier President has had a party in one branch 
 of Congress or the other, to shield him against the unpleasant duty. In the 
 case of Mr. Tyler, no such protection has been afforded; but, on the con- 
 trary, bills have been passod in known opposition to his principles, under 
 the hope and expectation th^at, if yetoeu, both the President and the power 
 exercised would be rendered odious to the people. But it should be re- 
 membered, that, in every instance heretofore, froiri the foundation of the 
 Government, public opinion has settled down on the ?ide of jhg V3t0; and 
 the measures vetoed have been abandoned. In my opinion, such will be 
 the result of public opinion in the more recent exercise of this great c^ti" 
 stitutional right. 
 
 But, whatever may be my present differences with my Whig friends, 
 1 trust I have shown that I have not been inconsistent with my Ibrmer 
 principles, or my promises to you. 1 wish now still further to show that 
 my opinions are in perfect harmony with those of General Harrison, 
 who was the head of the party in 1840. I hope I shall be excused for 
 these frequent references to his opinions, because on his great influence 
 and known Republican principles, and those of the present Chief Magis- 
 trate, I mainly relied for the success of Republican measures under his 
 A^^mini§,^rati62:- 
 
 111 his letter to She^od Williams, he says; 
 
 "Among the principles proper to be adopted by any Executive sincerely desirous to restore the 
 Government to its original simplicity and purity, I deem the following to be o\ prominent im- 
 portance: 'That, in the exercise of the veto power, he should hmit his rejection ol bills — 1st, to 
 such as, in his opinion, are unconstitutional; 2d, such as tend to encroach on the rights of the 
 States, or individuals; 3d, such as, involving deep interest, may, in his opinion, require more 
 mature deliberation, or reference to tiie will of the people, to be ascertained at the succeeding 
 elections.' " 
 
1*^ 
 
 o 
 
 In his address to the people oCOhio, he says: 
 
 "I deem mj'self a Republican of w'nat is commonly called the old Jefferson school, and believe 
 in the correctness of that interpre'iation of the Constitution which has been given by that en- 
 lightened statesman, who was at ♦the head of the party, and others belonging to it — particularly 
 the celebrated resolutions of the, Virginia J^egislature diiriiiff (he presidency of John Jldams. 
 
 '•I believe in the tendency /of a large public debt to sap the foundation of the Constitution, by 
 creating a moneyed aristocracy, whose views and feelings must be in direct hostility to the mass 
 of the people. I deer^a 'it'the duty, therefore, of the Representatives of the people to extinguish 
 it as soon as 'f^Ussible, by making every retrenchment in the expenditures of the Goverrjjnferit 
 that a proper performance of the public business will allow. . ■■ •. , 
 
 "I believe in the right of Ui.e people to instruct their Kepresentative; and, iX he has sufficient 
 evidence that the instructions come from a majority of his constituents, he is bound to obey them, 
 or resign, and give them an opportunity of electing another Representative whose opinions would 
 accord with their own." 
 
 Such was the Republican faith of the lamented Harrison. It is in 
 harmony with that of the present Chief Magistrate. Under such leaders, 
 and with such avowed principles, the Whigs conquered in 1S40. 
 Whether they will succeed in 1844, under another leader, and with op- 
 posite principles, remains to be seen. 
 
 APPROPRIATIONS AND EXPENDITURES. 
 
 Appropriatiorjs are made by Congress commonly a year in advance, ^[i^ 
 are expended, by thc Executive in pursuance of such aj;p;-jpriat'ions. 
 Expenditures, therefore, can HCVCr exceed, but do often \^{\ short of, the 
 appropriations. I give the appropriations, because Oongress alone are 
 responsible for them. I exclude appropriatiCPS for trust funds and for the 
 public debt, but include the Post Office fund. ! do so, because it is so 
 stated in the report of the Committee of Ways and Means, and may, 
 therefore, be considered most favorable to the Whigs. I give them for the 
 four years of the late Administration; and for t'le two years since; during 
 which time, the Whigs have controlled the appropriations. 
 
 1S37 - $34,128,807 
 
 185s - 33,138,371 
 
 18-39 23,862,560 
 
 1840 . . v - - - 21,733,116 
 
 1841 ....... 25,888,272 
 
 1842 - - - - - ■ - 23,177,921 
 
 The appropriations made by the Van Buren party for the expenditure 
 of 1841, were much less than for 1840; but they were added, to by the 
 Whig party as soon as they came into power, at the extra session, by an 
 additional appropriation of $5,043,705; making the sum above stated for 
 the year 1841. It will be seen, therefore, that the appropriations for the 
 years 1841 and 1842 are far less than for the two first years of the Van 
 Buren Administration; but they greatly exceed those of the tj^o iist yeay^. 
 It is true the appropriations for the year 1843, and h-:Vitthe year 18^4, are 
 below the standard of 184?/, bvVi, ^?, CcVi^resi convenes long l">5ioie the 
 expiration of the period appropriated for, they can add to the appropria- 
 tions to any amount, as was done in 1841. 
 
 You see, therefore, that, instead of continuing to reduce the appropria- 
 tions, as the people had a right to expect, the )?higs, as soon as they 
 came into power, greatly increased them. There has been no retrench- 
 ment in the number or salaries of officers, and very little reform of abuses. 
 It is true the number of men in the army has been reduced; but thc num- 
 
1 4 
 
 ber of officers (which is the great sou\rcc of expenditure, as well as ol 
 patronage) remains the same; Avhile the n-dry — both in the number of its 
 officers and men, as well as of its ships — has been very greatly increased. 
 It is also true, the House of Representatives (often by a union of both par- 
 ties) passed bills to reduce the officers of the anJiy as well as the men; 
 to reduce the navy to what it was on the 1st of Jai?uary, 1841; and, gen- 
 erally, to reduce the number and salaries of officers i\9 .suit the hardness 
 of the times, and the embarrassed condition of the treasury. But these 
 various meci^ures did not meet with favor in the Senate, and were lost. 
 The House, too, degSrVC? great credit for having purged many of the 
 abuses heretofore practised by itself. It greatly reduced the amount of 
 its contingent expenses; reduced the number of its officers and other 
 persons employed about it; and discontinued the large and unauthorized 
 extra allowances heretofore made to such officers and other persons over 
 and above their lawful salaries; while all these abuses remain untouched 
 in the Senate. But the Senate, to their great honor, refused to share in 
 the shameful practice of the House, in expending large sums of public 
 money to buy books, as an extra allowance for themselves. I do not 
 speak of these things for party purposes; for I doubt not many of both 
 parties will be found united, as well in the abuse as its correction; but 
 simVA"" to call the attention of the people to reforms that h3ve been made, 
 and others tlu?.t ought to be. It is vain for ij^' {o complairl of abuses in 
 other departments of the Govemmp^t, while we practise them ourselves. 
 "First cast out the b^^am that jg [^ thine own eye, and then thou shalt 
 see clearly to cast out i^e fnote that is in thy brother's eye." 
 
 Another extra allowance made at the close of the last session, deserves 
 reprehension. The pric3 of public printing was fixed by law in 1819. 
 Since that time, in consequence of the improvement in machinery and 
 other causes, the expense of printing Vias been greatly reduced. At the 
 Congress before the last, therefore, Whig printers proposed to take the 
 public printing at 20 per cent, below the price fixed by law; but the party 
 then in power gave it to Blair <fc Rives, the editors of the OIoIdo, and made 
 a reduction of fifteen per cent. only. This was condemned by the Whigs 
 as an act of party favoritism, because, they said, it should have been gl^en 
 to the lowest bidder. One of the first measures, therefore, of the Whig 
 party, was to reduce the public printing 20 per cent, below the price fixed 
 by the law of 1819, and to give most of it to the editors of the National 
 Intelligencer, (the organ of the party,) who took it at the reduced price. 
 But, at the close of the Congress, they allowed them the full prices fixed 
 in 1819; thereby giving them an extra allowance of thirty or forty thou- 
 sand dollars more than they agreed to do it for, and nearly that much 
 more than was received by Blair & Rives for doing similar printing — and 
 this, too, by a strict party vote, and in the face of a resolution which they 
 tJiemseives tiSd passed ! Who that complained of the one, can, for party 
 purJ3(^ses, approve Uid other? or what honest map cap thus strain at a gnat, 
 and swaViGW a camel? 
 
 THE ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 I have not thought proper to follow the course of the Whig party in 
 separating themselves from the Administration, or to unite with their 
 leaders in violent, and oiVeil vulgar, abuse of the President. Why should 
 I have done so? I believe him honest, capable, and faithful to the Con- 
 stitution; and through life he has professed and maintained the principles of 
 
15 
 
 republicanism "as taught by Jeffer^'on and other Republicans belonging to 
 the party." Though, therefore, I may have differed from him, as I have 
 often done, I have seen no sufficient cause to separate from his Adminis- 
 tration, or unite in his abuse. Such was not the course of the Republi- 
 can party towards Mr. Madison, who vetoed a bank bill passed by an 
 overwhelming majority of his Republican friends; and that, too, not upon 
 constitutional grounds, but upon a mere question of expediency. But 
 they say he has been guilty of treachery to the party. There is no proof 
 of tliis; but on the contrary, there is abundant evidence todl'^'^rc^e the as- 
 sertion. The opinions of General Harrison, as well as of John Tyler, were 
 known to be against a bank of the United States; and so proclaimed re- 
 peatedly, during the campaign of 1840. Every speech and every vote of 
 their lives had borne testimony to it. In the address from which I have 
 before quoted, General Harrison says, "/ believe the charter given to the 
 Bank of the United States was unconstitutional; it being not one of 
 those measures necessary to carry any of the expressly granted poioers into 
 effect.'''' The same opinion was expressed by John Tyler in 1819, and 
 again in 1832, upon the bill to recharter the bank. But still more re- 
 cently, in the fall of 1840, in the very midst of the fight, he said he con- 
 curred with General Harrison in his Dayton speech — "my opinion (says 
 he) OF THE r-owER op congress to charter a national bank ItE- 
 MAINS un^changed.'' Whatever cause, therefore, the Whig§ might have 
 had to regret that the President did not see, in the concliiicrn of the coun- 
 try, sufficient reason to change his opinions, they had certainly no cause 
 to charge him with treachery for adhering to thsn^.. But Mr. Tyler, from 
 his great anxiety to do something for the relief of the country, that could 
 be done in accordance with his views of constitutional power, did pro- 
 pose the creation of a bank in this District, with power to establish 
 branches in any State, by and with the assent of such State. But this 
 was rejected by the Whig party. They were not willing to tTust this 
 power to the people. When, therefore, you hear these violent politicians 
 bewailing the condition of the country for the want of a bank, you 
 should remember that no one is more responsible for it than themselves, 
 because they preferred no bank, to one whose branches should depend 
 on the will of the people, especially if proposed by this Administration. 
 And so of the exchequer. I have heard no man, either in Congress or 
 out of it, who did not admit, whatever other objections he might have to it, 
 that the exchequer would afford some relief to the country, in increasing 
 the amount of circulation, and reducing the rate of exchange; and yet it 
 received a very small support. One party determined to have nothing but the 
 sub-treasury, and the other nothing but an old-fashioned bank of the United 
 States. Rule or ruin, is the spirit of party; but it is not my spirit. When 
 the interest of my country is involved, 1 am willing to concihate. If I can- 
 not obtain that which, in my opinion, is best, I am always Vviliing to tal;:e 
 the next best that is practicable. I therefore voted for the exchequer. 1 
 did not doubt it would bring scmo relief to the country; and. if fraught 
 with the danger its enemies predicted, you could and would repeal it. 
 At all events, it could not make the condition of things worse than they 
 are. By the repeal of the sub-treasury, the public moneys are now under 
 no regulation of law whatever. The President may adopt any system 
 he pleases as a fiscal agent. He may adopt the pet-bank, or the sub- 
 treasury system. This ought not to be. I have always been opposed 
 to this Executive discretion over the public moneys, and, sooner than 
 
16 
 
 allow it to remain, I would take the '§J3b- treasury, with all its objections; 
 for, to my mind, a sub-treasury under authority oflaWy is infinitely better 
 than a sub -treasury, icitliottt authority of laro. 
 
 So, too, on the subject of distribution, the course of the President has 
 been wise, patriotic, and consistent. He was for distribution, provided it 
 could be done without a violation of the comproinise. In his message 
 at the extra session, he recommended it. In the Legislature of Virginia, 
 tY,'"0 years previous, lie held the same language. Hear it — 
 
 "Mr. Ty'ier fi'fo^ed. to insert the following resolution: 
 
 "Sesolvcd, nevertheless, That \>y the foregoing resolutions urging the distribution of the pro- 
 ceeds of the sales of the public lana;i, this General Assembly doth not mean, m fl?n/ event, 
 to infringe the act of Congress passed the 2d March, 1833, for the settlement of the tarifl", com- 
 monly called the compromise act; dut on the contrary, it hereby declares and resolves that the 
 said compromise act should be held sacred and inviolfHteP ""~" 
 
 I have referred to these opinions of the President, to show the great in- 
 justice with which he has been treated by a portion of the Whig party. 
 If he vetoes a bill, believing it unconstitutional, he is denounced as a 
 despot for defeating the popular will; and if he sign a bill, believed by 
 him to be of doubtful authority, and ventures to state that he does so 
 in deference to the legislative department, thereby following the example 
 of til? illustrious Washington,— they immediately raise hii indignation 
 committee, and denounce him as a disorga^izer. Under ah tUGse cir- 
 cumstances, the \Yonder is, that thQ Administration has been able to ac- 
 complish so much of good to the country; and yet it may well com- 
 pare v;ith any that ha5 gone before it. To have settled honorably and 
 successfully our numerous difficulties with Great Britain, some of which 
 have existed for half a century, is honor enough for any one Administra- 
 tion. Under wise and prudent counsels, this apple of discord has been 
 happily removed, and we have now before us the pleasing prospect of a 
 long and uninterrupted peace with all tho nations of the v/orld. At home, 
 our domestic affairs (so for as they depend on Executive administration) 
 have been managed with equal fidelity, if not with equal success; and I 
 do not believe there has been a period, since I have been in pubhc life, 
 when the various executive departments of the Government were in the 
 hands of more able, faithful, and indefatigable public servants. They, at 
 least, without the aid of party, and under circumstances the most difficult 
 and discouraging, have done their duty to the country; and I doubt not, 
 when the rancor of party spirit shall have passed away, that country 
 will do them justice. 
 
 Such are the reasons for my opposition to these measures and principles 
 of the Whig party. I submit them to you for your calm and careful con- 
 sideration. I cannot hope they will be satisfactory to all of you; but I trust 
 they will satisfy every unprejudiced mind, that, though I may be in error, 
 f.iiave not violated my duty to you, or acted at all inconsistent with the prin- 
 cipieii! I have always professed, and which I have seen no good cause to 
 change. I have expressed myself {"reely. Truth and justice required it. But I 
 hope I have done so without giving oflTence to any one. Ii only remains 
 for me to thank you — which I do most sincerely — for your past kindness; 
 to assure you of my best wishes for your happiness; and most respectfully 
 and most kindly to take my leave of you. 
 
 ABRAHAMJaENgpER. 
 
 Washington, March 13, 1843. W ^ v) 
 
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