Class. Book. » V K f Copyriglitl^ " r'V)=A/ X- COPVRIGHT DEPOSIT. MAKING WOODROW WILSON PRESIDENT Kn^.tf^L^ Making Woodrow Wilson President Bt, WILLIAM r. McCOMBS Chairman, Democratic National Committee Edited by Louis Jay Lang , Editor, Autobiography of Thomas Collier Platt NEW YORK FAiRViEw publishi:n^g company 1921 COPTRIGHT, 1921, BT CORINNE HARD T*/ All rights reserved Printed in the United States of America DEC ?8 I9?l " ^1A653286 ' •vac V ^H FOREWORD William Frank McCombs was born at Hamburg, \/ Ashley County, Arkansas, December 26, 1876. His father, William Faullvner McCombs, was a native of Kentucky. His mother was Mrs. Frances Pugh ]\IcCombs, a native of Alabama. There were three sisters, Corinne, Ethel and Addie, and two brothers, Robert and Ashton. While the father tilled a 17,000 acre rice plantation, yoimg McCombs learned his A B C's at his mother's knee and from a private tutor. As a mere child he suffered a fracture of the hip through a fall. As a result of this accident, he was permanently lame. His preliminary training for college was obtained in the Webb Preparatory School at Belle Buckle, Tennessee. He entered Princeton University in 1894, graduating with the class of '98. Mr. McCombs was of medium height, while leaning upon his ever present cane. He shot up to six feet when provoked. In youth his hair was auburn. It was tinged with gray when he attained the age of two score years. The hair was brushed back from a higli forehead. His ayes were gray, the nose was long, the nostrils frequently dilated. The mouth was firm; the lips thin ; the jaw square; the ears small ; the face clean cut and of an intellectual type. Mr. McCombs, throughout his career, avoided pyro- . [ 5 ] FOREWORD technics. He was dogged in his determination and cool in a crisis. He was no compromiser, but fought to a finish. His hfe's achievements were embraced in the brief span of 44 years, his death occurring on X February 22, 1921. The genesis of this book was in a visit of the editor to William F. McCombs, nearly three years ago. At that time, Mr. McCombs, prostrated by illness, recited many incidents which appear in this volume. Tlie editor was so impressed that he begged the privilege of writing them. Mr. McCombs answered, "Not now. The story would be misunderstood. Let's get together after I recover and map it out". A few weeks later, it was agreed that we should collect all available material and prepare it in book form. Death intervened before the task could be completed. Mr. McCombs wrote about one hundred thousand words, terminating at a point in the Democratic Con- vention when Champ Clark needed only a few votes to become the Presidential nominee. There was, in addi- tion, much detached material. Because of Mr. McCombs' illness and death, he was unable to finish the work he had undertaken. The editor has been compelled to supply many details with which he became familiar through an inti- mate friendship of nearly seventeen years. An effort has been made throughout this book to utilize all the material that Mr. McCombs had prepared, and to distinguish this from the material supplied by the editor. [ B ] CONTENTS PAGE Introduction 17 CHAPTER I. Pkinceton Episodes 23 The Author Enters Princeton — Finds Wilson "Cold, Distant, Intellectual" — McCombs Prevents Univer- sity President's Enforced Deposition by Grooming Him for Governor of New Jersey — "To Let Him Down Easy" — Elected, Wilson Repudiates Bargain to Make James Smith, Jr., United States Senator — McCombs Predicts Wilson Will Be President of the United States. II. Genesis of Wilson's Presidential Campaign . 34; Wilson Asks McCombs to Manage His Presidential Primary — "Let the Prophet Fulfill the Prophecy" — McCombs Embarks with Meager Funds — Wil- son's First Speech Shocks Him — McCombs Intro- duces McAdoo to Wilson — "Everybody is Against Wilson" ! Said McAdoo — State Chairman Nugent's "Wilson — Liar — Ingrate" Speech Causes His Oust- ing. III. McCombs in Command 45 Begs Wilson to Help Himself — Wilson Replies: "See Hudspeth" ! — Hudspeth "Too Busy" — Har- mon "Logical" Nominee — McCombs Aims to Defeat Him, Clark, Underwood and Bryan — Wilson Peevish About Speaking When Revolt Faces Hira in His Own State — Pennsylvania and West Virginia Among First States Captured — But Pennsylvania Wavers Because of Wilson's "Radicalism". [7] CONTENTS CHAPTEB PA6« IV. Wilson Goes His Own Way ....... 54 Disowns Colonel Harvey, Editor of Harper's Weekly — The Colonel Ceases to Support Governor's Candi- dacy — McCombs Fails to Patch Up Wilson's Quarrel with Harvey and Colonel Watterson — Watterson Denounces Wilson as Ingrate and Autocrat — He Befriends Harvey — McCombs Defends Wilson., but Regards the Dispute as Very Injurious to the Wilson Candidacy — Wilson Scoffs at This. V. Enter Colonel House 67 "Wilson Impossible: Name Bryan or Culberson and You and I will Control the United States", Says the Colonel to McCombs — Colonel Shies at Request for Money — Views Wilson Nomination from London — Watterson Calls for "A Court of Honor" — Penfield'g $10,000 — Senator Gore Proves to be a Friend. VI. Launching of the 1912 Campaign .... 81 Wilson's Letter to Joline, "Knocking Bryan Into a Cocked Hat", Alarms His Manager — A Race of Writers to Answer It — Bryan Mollified and "Shakes" with Wilson — McCombs Wins Big Advantage for Wilson in Selection of Baltimore for Convention City — McAdoo, Morgenthau and Elkus "Drop In". VII. Publicity and Strategy 90 How McCombs Apprised the Voters Who and What Wilson Was — Second Choice Chances in the Conven- tion Enhanced by Keeping Out of "Favorite-Son States" — Bryan's Ohio Tour Financed — Nineteen Wilson Delegates Elected in Buckeye State — Even Break in Oklahoma — Campaign Fund Lacks $36,000 — McCombs Borrows More Money — Charles R. Crane Makes His First Donation, $5,000. VIII. Preparations for Convention 99 Only 327 of the 1088 National Delegates for Wilson as the Net Result of Presidential Primaries — Mc- Combs Tours South and West to Gain Veto Power in [8] CONTENTS CHAFTEB PAGE Convention — "Only a Miracle Can Save Wilson", Says Davies — Wilson Conference at Washington Gloomy — Newton, Publicity Man, Discharged. IX. McCoMBs' Organization 112 Battle for Convention Control — Bryan Bitterly Attacks Parker as "Predatory Interests Candidate" — Parker Defeats Bryan for Temporary Chairman of the Convention — The Wilson Group Supports Bryan to Eliminate Clark — Clark's Manoeuvres Against Bryan to Prevent His Fourth Presidential Nomination. X. The Baltimore Convention 128 McCombs Secures Abrogation of the Unit Rule — Murphy, Taggart, Sullivan, et al. Ignore the Injunc- tion — Bryan Demands Withdrawal of Ryan and Belmont as Delegates — Calls Them "Money-Trust Despots" — Clark Receives a Majority Vote on Tenth Ballot, but Not the Necessary Two-thirds — Chairman James is Accused of Trying to Stampede the Convention for Clark. XI. Wilson Hoists the White Flag 143 Begs ^IcCombs to Withdraw His Name as a Presi- dential Candidate — McCombs Replies: "You Bet Your Life, I Won't" ! — Other Instances of Wilson's Trying to Quit When He Feared Defeat — Bryan Excoriates Murphy and "Subtlety" — Swings to Wilson. XII. Bryan Unmasks 160 In Deshabille, He Beseeches McCombs to Desert Wilson and Nominate Him — The Petition Spurned Indignantly — Mitchell Palmer's Plan Thwarted — Mayor Gaynor Bowled Out — Murphy Says "Let Caucus Decide" — Wilson Leads Clark for the First Time — James Orders Anti-Unit Rule Enforced — Almost a Death-Blow to Clark. [9] CONTENTS CHAFTEB PAOS XIII. Wilson Wins Nomination 173 Victorious on Forty-Sixth Ballot — Sullivan Clinches It — Murphy Capitulates — McCombs Warned: "Re- member Jim Smith" ! — McAdoo Picks Palmer for Vice President — McCombs Selects Marshall — Sum- mary of the Unprecedented Ballots for the Presi- dency. XIV. "Providence Did It" 180 Wilson So Exclaims to McCombs, Who is Chilled by Absence of Gratitude from the Presidential Nominee — McCombs, in Collapse, Beats McAdoo to "His Presence" — Messrs. Kern, Palmer, Daniels, Taggart and Hudspeth Urge McCombs for National Chairman — Wilson Prefers McAdoo, but Makes Him Vice Chairman and Chooses All Campaign Committee. XV. McCombs and McAdoo Quarrel, 190 At Bitter Odds as Campaign Begins — McAdoo Ignores His Chief in Selecting Headquarters Force — "Beat Roosevelt", Directs McCombs as He Falls 111 — McAdoo Levies on McCombs' Political Assets and is Put Out of His Pre-empted Post — Nominee Fails as a Peace-Maker. XVI. "I Owe You Nothing — " 204 Wilson Elected by an Unprecedented Plurality — O'Gorman Proclaims "This Boy, McCombs, Did It" — President-Elect Wires His "Thanks" — "It Was Ordained of God That I Should be President" ! Said Wilson to McCombs When Actually Elected — Wil- son Ignores All National Committee Recommendations for Appointments — Names Bryan, McAdoo, Timiulty, et al., Despite Protests of Those Who Won for Him — McCombs' Slate Thrown Into the Waste Basket — House Picks Cabinet Ministers. XVII. Insiders and Outsiders 219 McCombs Declines All OlTers of Place Under Wilson — Treated as a "Rank Outsider" at Inauguration — [10] CONTENTS CHAPTEB PAGE Cannot Pass Bryan-McAdoo-Tumulty Trocha — Republican Manager Frank H. Hitchcock, "Down and Out", Commiserates with McCombs — White House Announcement That McCombs is "Patronage Distributor" — McAdoo is Real Dispenser. XVIII. Colonel House — The "Intriguer" . . 229 Tries to Bargain with McCombs to Discard Wilson for Bryan and "We'll Control the United States" — Offer Furiously Rejected — Though Opposed to Wil- son's Nomination, the "Colonel" Names Whom He Pleases for Office — "Fed on Wilson's Passion for Greatness and Said 'No' ! or 'Yes' ! as Required — How He Muddled Things for the President — Mor- genthau, Baruch and Elkus Portrayed. XIX. The Cost of Vanity 243 "Stand-Patter" Aldrich Provoked the 1912 Republi- can Revolt — "Roosevelt Lost Through Bad Tactics — Wilson Won Because Sick Parties Clutched Each Other's Throats — Wilson Lost Through Lust for Power, Which Made Him the Joke of the World Powers — Meddling, Muddling and Colossal Vanity — Brutal in Victory — Cowardly in Defeat". XX. McCombs a "Social Lion" 258 Gets Appendicitis and a Bride — Feted in London and Paris — Refuses Public Service Commissioner- ship and State Chairmanship — Frames Party Plat- forms and is Nominated for Constitutional Conven- tion Delegate — Attacks Roosevelt as a Bolter — Offers Services as Party Peace-Maker — Backs Glynn for Governor and Gerard for United States Senator. XXI. McCombs Retires as Chairman 264 Quits National Committee — Defeats All McAdoo- Burleson-Tumulty Plots to Oust Him — Wilson Coterie Conspires Four Years to Supplant the Presi- dent-Maker — McCombs Wins Fight for 1916 Con- [ 11 ] CONTENTS CHAFTEB PAGE vention City and Voluntarily Steps Out in Formal Notice to the President — Wilson's "Greatest Regrets". XXII. "War Saved Wilson IN 1916"! .... 272 McCombs Refuses to be a Party to the President's Violation of His One-Term Pledge — "You Know I Do Not Oppose a Third Term", Says Wilson to McCombs, When Asked to Fulfil His Paramount Pre- Election Promise — How McCombs Saved Vice President Marshall His Renomination — Balks Palmer and Baker, Who Seek to Supplant the Hoosier. XXIII. Drafted for the Senate 282 Wilson Runs Conway Against McCombs, but Mc- Combs Sweeps the Primaries — Wilson's "Congratu- lations" — McCombs' Reply — Wrath of "Crown Prince" — McAdoo-Wilson Handicap So Great That Calder Wins at the General Election — McCombs Assails "Pap Hunters" and "Blank-Check Profiteers". XXIV. Retribution 293 Wilson's Greeting on Return from Paris — Mc- Combs Foils Baruch and Chadbourne in Their Efforts to Make McAdoo President — Uses Edwards to Con- solidate Eastern States — Solidifies Anti-Third Term Forces — Destroys Wilson Dynasty at San Fran- cisco. XXV. Wilson's Attitude Towards McCombs . . 300 McCombs Made No Promises of Office — Sullivan, Wood, Reed and Others Suffer from President's lU- Will — McCombs' Suggestions for Cabinet Appoint- ments Ignored Because Made by Him — Denied a Seat Because "You Are a Politician". [12] PREFACE This book depicts a double tragedy. The chief actors were Princeton University men. One was an instructor; the other was his pupil. Enthralled by the artful intellectuality of the instructor, the pupil conceived and executed the idea of making him Presi- dent of the United States. The President not only sj)unied his political maker, but treated as outcasts, many others who sacrificed their near-all to elevate him to the office of America's chief executive. The President-Maker went to an early grave. The President was repudiated by the American people. Retribution came but a few months before the President-Maker gave up his life. "Whoso diggeth a pit, shall fall therein. And he that rolleth a stone, it will return upon him." — Proverbs 26: 27. Louis Jay Lang Princeton '81 INTRODUCTION I would have little reason for writing this book were it not more than a mere discussion of a man's life. I have no desire to be Woodrow Wilson's biographer. I have been urged to write, because of my personal contact with his political career, and because of my knowledge of the events connected therewith. I knew Mr. Wilson twenty-six years. I sat under him at Princeton University. I know how he became Governor and twice President. I was manager bj'- personal appointment of Mr. Wilson's prenomination Presidental campaign. I was Chairman of the Demo- cratic National Committee of 1912 which conducted the campaign that resulted in his election. I was intimate with his conduct for his entire official career. I write, not as an enemy of Woodrow Wilson, but as an opponent of the subversion of the American con- stitution and the destruction of our system of Govern- ment, through vanity and greed for individual power. I consider Woodrow Wilson one of the most re- markable developments of modern times. Brilliant in mind, and a master of history and rhetoric, I would not call him learned. He was actuated always by the purpose of the moment. He was an opportunist. Suave of manner, he constantly strove to advance himself. He saw only himself — and only his personal [ 17 ] INTRODUCTION individual exaltation. He played the game as an expert whist player — always to win — never to lose. Winning was his passion. He was brutal in victory. He was the first to run when threatened with defeat, There is evidence of this in his begging me to withdraw his name as a Presidential candidate at the Baltimore convention of 1912, when Champ Clark was leading him slightly. Had I yielded to his panic at that time, there would have been no President Wilson. Mr. Wilson was insensible of political obligations. He recognized no debt to the giver. He was adroit in conduct, and skilled in the use of language. His English was a model of classicism. His strength lay in his cleverness of expression. His oratorical out- bursts were at times dazzling. One became intoxi- cated with the veneer of his intellectuality. The Wilson ideal was Alexander Hamilton, the Federalist — not Thomas Jefferson, the Democrat. Like Hamilton, he believed in a limited monarchy — a life tenure for the President. He was an advocate of the British Government system. He taught it at Princeton University. While President, he regarded himself not only as President, but Premier. Had he dared, he would have prorogued Congress as the King of England prorogues Parliament. It was during the Paris Peace Conference that he proclaimed himself Premier of the United States. His was the most audacious proclamation ever emitted by an American President. He overrode Congress and made it a creature of his whims. His juggernaut [ :i8 ] INTRODUCTION crushed those who dared oppose him. He imperiously strode a world-wide stage. He was fortunate in that there is no American constitutional provision for the retirement of the President from office during the term for which he is elected w^hen repudiated by popu- lar vote. This alone saved him from earlier oblivion. Mr. Wilson absorbed a great and x:)Owerful party, — / the Democratic Party. It has been more often out of, than in, power, but it always set a continuity of principle. Long before his first inauguration for President, I found that the Democratic Party must cease to exist except as a vehicle for his will. No man in history ever survived who had the boldness and the audacity to employ his practices and probably no one ever will. Ti^itjra^ [ 19] PART I WOODROW WILSON PRINCETON EPISODES The Author Enters Princeton — Finds Wilson "Cold, Distant, Intellectual" — McCombs Prevents Univer- sity President's Enforced Deposition by Grooming Him FOR Governor of New Jersey — "To Let Him Down Easy" — Elected, Wilson Repudiates Bargain to Make James Smith, Jr., United States Senator — McCombs Predicts Wilson Will be President of the United States. IN THE fall of 1894., I went to Princeton Univer- sity. Never having been in the East, I had a great feeling of loneliness. In addition, I was not satisfied that Princeton w^as the place for me, my first choice being Harvard. My family, however, having more prescience than I did, preferred Prince- ton. I acceded to their wishes. Some time in October of that year, I became a member of the Southern Club, an organization of about a hundred. Shortly thereafter the Club held a meeting. Woodrow Wilson, but recently called to a professorship, was invited to speak. After the meet- ing, as we came out of the door, I happened to fall in with him. We walked across the campus together. [ 23 ] MAKING WOODROW WILSON PRESIDENT I accompanied him to his home. The point of contact between us was, that we were both from the South. I made inquiries about Princeton. We discussed the relative merits of various institutions. He told me that if he ever became a professor anywhere else than Princeton, he would go South. Being fresh from the South myself and somewhat provincial, the idea im- pressed me greatly. For the next two years I came in contact with Pro- fessor Wilson occasionally. My admiration for his intellect grew, although he always impressed me as a cold and distant person, with a sort of affected warmth. During the last two years of my course at college I elected to take all Professor Wilson's courses, which included Jurisprudence, Politics, and English Com- mon Law. His lectures on Jurisprudence and Poli- tics, to my mind, far excelled any courses given in the University. Jurisprudence and Politics involved the theoretical side of the law. The course in English Common Law involved concrete and definite princi- ples. It is not surprising that Professor Wilson, when he was admitted to the Bar, did not continue in the practice. His disposition would be against the detail of preparation and the turmoil and struggle of actual litigation in Court. On the M'hole, I think I got more from Professor Wilson's courses than from any others, with the pos- sible exception of Professor Bliss Perry's courses in English and Aesthetics. After leaving Princeton, I went to the Law School [ 24 ] PRINCETON EPISODES at Harvard, and later to New York to practice. I saw little more of Professor Wilson until he was elected President of the University, — chiefly by those in the Board of Trustees, including Moses Taylor Pyne, James W. Alexander and others, with all of whom he later differed. The burden of the original complaint in the Board of Trustees at Princeton against University President Wilson was that he announced policies and pro- grammes totally irrespective of the Board of Trustees, which was contrary to all of the traditions of the University. ^Ir. Pyne and others had been largely responsible for the later development of the University and had contributed vast sums for its support. Mr. Pyne lived in Princeton. He actually gave much of his time to the personal supervision of its activities. Theretofore, as in the majority of the educational institutions of the country, the Board of Trustees had laid down the policies and programmes of the Univer- sity and had arranged its financial resources. The President was presumed merely to co-operate as the chief administrative officer of the University. Thus the schism began, and this a little over a year after Professor Wilson became President of the University. In 1908 Mr. Wilson, unknov^n to the Board of Trustees, announced a programme which involved the abolition of the student clubs of Princeton and the division of the University into a group of units called Quads, after the English fashion. To each Quad was to be assigned a certain number of students without [ 25] MAKING WOODROW WILSON PRESIDENT reference to their preference in the matter. They were to dine together and necessarily to be thrown together. This was Mr. Wilson's idea of the estab- lishment of a more complete democracy. The objections to the plan, naturally, were the destruction of property values of several hundreds of thousands of dollars invested in the Student Eating Clubs, and the enormous expense in connection with the establishment of Quads. A further objection was that the Quad system must fail, because men who are uncongenial will not accept association. Compulsion would result in the attendance at meals only of persons who might possibly be socially congenial. Nevertheless, the plan had its elements of strength. Wliile I did not agree with Mr. Wilson's idea of the Quad system, I did agree with the general idea of fur- ther democratizing Princeton and of breaking up the cliques. The fundamental difficulty in the matter, however, was that Mr. W^ilson had elaborated and published an entire plan v/ithout consultation with the consti- tuted authorities — the Board of Trustees. I was in Princeton when the matter reached a fever point. I called on the President. I suggested that he might work out his plan if he called his Board of Trustees more into consultation. This he agreed to do. But, in some way or other, at the time, his nature rebelled against it. Later on, and after the discussion of the Quad Sys- tem had been taken up among the Alumni, the ques- tion of a Graduate School arose. Everyone favored a [ 26 ] PRINCETON EPISODES Graduate School. Colonel William Cooper Procter, of Cincinnati, offered to provide the funds. The question arose as to its location. A majority of the members of the Board of Trustees and Dean West were in favor of its location at some distance from the campus, in order that the graduate students might not be disturbed by the enthusiasm of the under-graduates. ]Mr. Wilson favored the idea of erecting the Graduate School on the campus. To my mind the location was totally immaterial so long as we were able to avail our- selves of the gift of Mr. Procter. Over the location of the Graduate School, however immaterial as it may seem to the average reader, — and indeed it has never seemed anything else to me, — the discussion grew to such proportions and the feeling of hostility against IMr. Wilson became so great, that it was only a question of time until he would be forced by the majority of the Board of Trustees to surrender the Presidency. I had kept in close touch with Princeton affairs since graduation. I had, as an officer of the Princeton Club of New York, advised IMr. Wilson thoroughly as to the situation, and had stood in the position of acting, at least in New York, as the link between him and the Alumni. In 1909, I^Ir. Wilson, as President of the Univer- sity, was invited to make a speech at the Princeton Club of New York. The President of the Club, who had been opposed to him, was on that evening, fate- fully or otherwise, not present. When Mr. Wilson came into the clubhouse, he received an exceedinglj'' cold reception, especially from the older men. Being [27] MAKING WOODROW WILSON PRESIDENT an officer of the Club, I met him at the door and took him in. Noticing that he was not to receive a very cordial reception, and that the attitude was one of patent hostility, I took him through a narrow hall, so that he would not have to pass through the main body of the audience, and conducted him to the platform from which he was to speak. The Vice President of the Club in his introduction said, merely: *'We have with us this evening, the President of the University, Mr. Wilson". The Vice President and I were the only other per- sons on the platform. After the speech I went up and shook hands with the President. We paused for a moment to see if others would follow. The older men, among whom were several trustees, did not come up. The younger men disliked to volunteer. I conducted IMr. Wilson out by the same secret passage, and into the open lobby of the Club as the members were filing out. Not over twenty from the gathering of two hundred shook hands with him. I suggested to Mr. Wilson that we go up to the grill room of the Club, where a buffet supper was being served, — including liquid refreshments. I was sure that this supper would attract the younger men, and that a better opportunity could be had there to make things a bit more comfortable for him. I left him in the hands of a group of half a dozen younger Alumni. He appeared painfully conscious of his position. Then I went to the officers of the Club, and various members of the Board of Governors, all of whom were [ 28 ] PRINCETON EPISODES on the Anti- Wilson side of the issue, and stated that he was the guest of the Club, invited by action of the Board of Trustees; that whatever they thought of him, they owed him the courtesy of cordial treatment so long as he was in the Club ; that when he departed, they were at liberty to act as they pleased. I further said, that, unless this was done, I would resign as an officer of the Club. Whereupon, most of the officers and Governors went up and greeted him formally. I think it was the cold- est meeting of any sort that I ever attended. In April, 1910, it became apparent that Mr. Wilson was to be deposed from the Presidency of Princeton University. I thought such action would produce a serious split in the body of the Alumni and cut off a tremendous support from the University itself. In the second place, I did not see anything in the situation at that time to warrant such action. I remember one night, at the Princeton Club, saying to two friends on the Board of Trustees, that in Wilson we had one of the intellectual giants of the continent. Even if he lacked amiability to the suggestions of the Board of Directors, and had acted arbitrarily at times, I thought much should be ^vritten off against genius and that an entente could still be established. IMy suggestion met with no response whatever. The Board of Trustees was thoroughly committed, pro and con. The only man who had been in the situation who could have brought about peace was Cornelius C. Cuyler, a banker in New York, a mem- ber of Mr. Wilson's class and friendly with all fac- [ 29] MAKING WOODROW WILSON PRESIDENT tions. Mr. Cuyler died the summer previous. I have always thought that had he lived he could have laughed the matter out of existence, as it should have been. In May, 1910, it became more obvious than ever that Mr. Wilson was to be dismissed at the June com- mencement. I happened to be in Princeton during that month. I suggested to tv>^o members of the Board of Trustees, hostile to him, that it ^vould be a good thing if ]Mr. Wilson w^re nominated for Governor of New Jersey on the Democratic ticket. Former United States Senator James Smith, Jr., of New Jersey, was casting about for a candidate out- side the organization, who could win. Colonel George Harvey was very enthusiastic about Professor Wilson. He enjoyed the confidence of Senator Smith. In my conversation with the two Princeton trustees referred to above, I said, "Why not let Wilson do\\Ti easy by getting him the nomination for the Governor- ship of New Jersey on the Democratic ticket"? These trustees were very powerful men. They took the suggestion very heartily. I said no more. The next I knew, it was common gossip of New Jersey that Wilson would be the candidate. A hun- dred times newspaper men have inquired of me M'hether these two Princeton trustees and others did not actually put up the $75,000 required by Senator Smith for the Wilson campaign fund, and whether, as a matter of fact, Cleveland Dodge and others did not refund the $75,000 when Wilson broke with Smith. In any event, at the commencement in 1910, there was an underground rumor that Mr. Wilson might be [30] PRINCETON EPISODES relieved of his duties iii another way than by formal action of the Board at that time. I went to Europe. Returning in September, on making inquiries, I found that the idea of the nomina- tion of jSIr. Wilson had gained great headway, espe- cially among what were termed the Reactionaries in New Jersey. Subsequently, a meeting was held at the Lawyers' Club in New York at which his nomina- tion was virtually agreed upon. This meeting was attended by Mr. Wilson, George Harvey, James R. Nugent, Robert S. Hudspeth, representing Senator Smith, Robert J. Thompson, former Congressman Eugene Kinkead, Robert Lindabury and ^lilan Ross. INIr. Wilson agreed to run for Governor. Senator Smith controlled a majority of the delegates to the convention which met at Trenton October 10, 1911. The Progressive element in New Jersey violently opposed the nomination of Mr. Wilson. Among them were William Hughes and Mayor Gregory of Orange. Some gentlemen from Newark, where Senator Smith resided, were at the doorway of the Convention Hall. They refused admission to Progressive delegates. A number of personal encounters ensued. Mr. Wilson was nominated easily. He made his speech of acceptance. He embarked upon his cam- paign under the management of Senator Smith, James R. Nugent and Colonel Harvey. The Progressive candidate for Governor was George L. Record. The Republican candidate was Vivian Lewis. Ample funds were provided for the campaign, [31 ] MAKING WOODROW WILSON PRESIDENT $75,000 being raised by Senator Smith and his friends. Mr. Wilson made a magnificent stumping tour and was elected by a plurality of over forty-nine thousand. After his nomination, on October 10th, I sent the Gk)vernor-Elect the following telegram: "The People of New Jersey are to be congratulated on your nomination for Governor, and Princeton has y^. produced the next President of the United States." In writing that telegram, I had in mind the very great probability of Democratic success through the country, of a Democratic lower House in Congress, and the general feeling that the Taft Administration was falling into a state of collapse. I had also in mind the fact that Mr. Wilson would prove intellectu- ally superior to any candidate who might be elected as Govei-nor from any of the states, and that his tours of campaigning could be turned to such an account that he would attract the attention of the entire country. His election was so impressive that it received very general notice; but the vast majority of people throughout the country viewed it as an experiment in higher education. Tersely, their general sentiment might have been expressed in the phrase: "Watch the Professor"! After his inauguration, Mr. Wilson immediately proceeded to his programme. Everything went along very amiably until the ques- tion of the election of a United States Senator came up. Under the then very effective primary law an informal primary had been held a year before. Only two men participated, both of whom were relatively [32] PRINCETON EPISODES unknown, — James E. Martine and Frank M. Mc- Dermitt. Very few voters paid any attention to the law at all, considering it practically a dead letter. It did not provide that it should be binding on the Legislature. Soon after Governor Wilson took office, there were rumors that Senator Smith desired to be elected Sen- ator. It was understood, also, that Colonel Harvey would stand. No mention was made of James E. Martine, who had received a majority of the votes in the informal primary. Mr. Wilson came out squarely against Senator Smith, but expressed no preference as to candidates. The Smith legislative forces were gathering. It seemed that he would be elected under ordinary circumstances. Then Governor Wilson took the position that the primary candidate, even thougli the election was in- formal, should be the choice of the party. At the same time, he saw the necessity of winning away from Senator Smith the organization that was behind him. He thereupon brought leaders into consultation and made appointments that were satisfactory to them. Gradually Smith's power was withdrawn from him, and in a short time he had lost control of his organiza- tion, his influence being practically limited to Essex Count3^ Mr. Martine was elected. [33 ] II GENESIS OF WILSON'S PRESIDENTIAI. CAMPAIGNS Wilson Asks McCombs to Manage His Presidential Primary — "Let the Prophet Fulfil the Prophecy" — McCombs Embarks with Meagre Funds — Wilson's First Speech Shocks Him — McCombs Introduces McAdoo to Wilson — "Everybody is Against Wilson"! Said McAdoo — State Chairman Nugent's "Wilson — Liar — Ingrate" Speech Causes His Ousting. OWARD the latter part of Febmary, 1911, I saw Governor Wilson, I discussed with him the proposed Employers' Liability Act. In New York, I had been very keenly interested in the subject and had studied it very thoroughly. He re- quested that I give him a brief and any suggestions that I had to make. I went to Trenton and took the matter up with him. On his desk, I noticed huge piles of unanswered letters. I said to him: "You must be getting a lot of mail". He said: "Yes, those are invitations from various places to speak, and I don't know what to do with them". I then reminded him of the telegram concerning his probable chance of being President \A'hich I had sent to him in the previous October. He said: "Yes, I remember it wtU, but I think that the [ 34 ] GENESIS OF WILSON'S PRESIDENTIAL CAMPAIGNS Smith incident has put me out of commission with organized politics in this country. JNIy course in the Legislature has been such as to make people afraid of me". I told him that the first was a serious obstacle, but if I gauged the temper of the time correctly, the latter could be overcome. Then I said: "I should like the prophecy of my telegram fulfilled". His reply was: "The prophet should fulfil his prophecy". I said: "If you desire, I should be quite willing to do so". The Governor assented. X. I looked at a number of his letters. They were mainly from Civic organizations in the East. I said: "These will never do. The movement to make a man President of the United States must start in the West, and come East". I returned to New York and laid down a plan of campaign. My first move was to organize a speaking tour for the Governor through the middle and far West. It did not seem desirable that he appear to be canvassing for the office. I selected the following cities for his speech-making: Kansas City, Denver, Los Angeles, San Francisco, Seattle and Portland. I laid the plan before him. He assented. I then had suggestions made to Princeton alumni, or friends, in these various cities, that he be invited to speak before civic and commercial bodies, and that no speeches be made before political bodies. N Invitations were readily extended. It was planned that the Governor should go west immediatelj^ after the adjournment of the Legislature. Meanwhile, I [35] i/ MAKING WOODROW WILSON PRESIDENT got in touch with various friends throughout the country, chiefly Princeton men, and made inquiry as to whether they would be willing to support, finan- cially, a Wilson campaign for the Presidency. I got many responses, but little money. In the end, I was compelled to underwrite the trip to the West myself. Later I received some donations to offset my advances. I w^as busy in Court the day Mr. Wilson left. I did not have a chance to confer with him. But I told the publicity man to say to Mr. Wilson that on his western tour I did not think it advisable to incorporate in his speech anything about the Initiative, Referendum and Recall. I did not know his views on the subject, but I thought that either position he took would be a great political injury. Furthermore, I thought that it was not necessary to bring it into a Presidential campaign. These issues were local and state matters. The publicity man, either fearing to make sugges- tions to the Governor or forgetting it, did not give him the message. In any event, in Kansas City, during a speech before the Knife and Fork Club, he came out for the Initiative, Referendum and Recall, but not the recall of judges. His position was very sweeping and applicable to all states and all conditions, according to the text of the speech. When I read the speech I was very much alarmed. I knew that the views expressed therein were contrary to that which he had taught in college. I knew, also, that such doctrine would set the more or less conservative states against him. This included the great and popular states in the East and in the South. As I anticipated, the speech immedi- [ 36 ] GENESIS OF WILSON'S PRESIDENTIAL CAMPAIGNS ately aroused the greatest hostility. That and the Smith incident became powerful weapons in the hands of our opponents. So far as Smith was concerned, it was contended that, having accepted the Gubernatorial nomination largely at Smith's hands, the Governor should at least have kept his hands off the United States Senatorship, the more so in view of the fact that the primary had been an informal and innocuous affair. From Kansas City, Governor Wilson went to Denver. There the meeting had been arranged largely by Mr. S. H. Thompson, of the class of 1897 at Prince- ton, — now Deputy Attorney General. I did not know what Mr. Thompson's politics were, but I knew he was my friend, and that I could trust him to arrange a proper meeting. This he did. At the time of the visit to Denver, Governor Wilson was invited to address a meeting there at the celebration of the Ter- centenary of the Bible. His speech was magnificent. I immediately had thousands of copies of it printed and sent to every clergyman in the United States. My idea was, that, from thousands of pulpits, this address would be commented on and that Mr. Wilson's name would be heard all over the United States. Prior to the time of his election as Governor, knowledge of Mr. Wilson's existence was confined, in a large measure, to academic circles and to the few who heard him as an after dinner speaker on a limited number of occasions, chiefly in the East. In the main, the tour turned out to be a great suc- cess, with the exception of the unfortunate declaration for the Initiative, Referendum and Recall. This [37] MAKING WOODROW WILSON PRESIDENT declaration produced a distinct setback in the East. It did not help very much in the West. Up to this time only three persons had taken part in the financial campaign, — Walter L. JMcCorkle, of "New York, who donated a small amount; Walter Hines Page, afterward Ambassador to England, who found my press agent for me and contributed, I think, $100, and myself. Upon a further call, Mr. Page told me he felt that he could not respond. Nevertheless, I felt that the campaign should go on. I concluded that, inasmuch as the political organiza- tions throughout the country, in the main, would be hostile to INIr. Wilson, and inasmuch as those Demo- crats who were possessed of means would not support organized politics in supporting him, I must lay down a campaign that differed materially and fundamen- tally from any Presidential campaign ever previously conducted. It seemed necessary that public sentiment should be built from the ground up, so that in the end states would be compelled to choose delegates who would be instructed for IMr. Wilson. If uninstructed, they would supi)ort him at some time in the convention, or, if hostile, would at some juncture be compelled, by popular uprising, to vote for him. The theory of such a campaign had, as its basis, a continuous publicit}'' reaching the individual himself, irrespective of his putative power in politics. With this in mind, I estab- lished the Wilson Headquarters at 42 Broadway, New X York City, with experienced publicity men in charge. A majority of the newspapers throughout the [ 38] GENESIS OF WILSON'S PRESIDENTIAL CAMPAIGNS country had become verj^ hostile and seemed to print as little about him as they j^ossibly could. This plan was then inaugurated. We took a list of every Demo- cratic newspaper in the United States and printed a large page. We called it a clipping sheet. It was a statement of excerpts from the best things said about Mr. Wilson in the various papers. These sheets went on for a long time daily. Extracts from these clipping sheets began to be taken by the various small papers throughout the country. People became aware of the existence of Wilson Headquarters at 42 Broadway. Then letters began to come in floods asking for more information about Mr. Wilson. These letters were answered individu- ally. The name of the inquirer was put in an index. The western speeches of the Governor were published with the exception, I must admit, of the Referendum speech, and were circulated broadcast to all inquirers. This publicity also went to the various political leaders in every county throughout the comitry. During the summer of 1911, while the initial stages of the publicity were going on, I took a motor trip through New England. I visited, personally, many Democratic leaders. At the Waumbeck Hotel, Jef- ferson, New Hampshire, I met Louis Wiley, business manager of the New York Times. I also met there Andrew Freedman, of New York, and William L. Ward, the Republican leader of Westchester County, New York. At the risk of boring them, I did not per- mit them to talk about anj^thing except ]Mr. Wilson. Mr. Ward, who seemed to take a friendly interest in [39] MAKING WOODROW WILSON PRESIDENT me personally, but who did not like the Wilson idea at all, made many valuable suggestions out of his long experience. Of Mr. Wiley I made a complete convert, and later on, throughout the entire prenomination fight, he rendered valiant and valuable suggestions. I say valiant, because Mr. Wiley's paper never declared itself for jMr. Wilson until a very critical moment in the Convention itself. While in Maine, I went to see Mayor Fitzgerald, of Boston. My idea was not so much that I would get him committed, as that I would plant the Wilson germ in him for future purposes. Upon meeting Mr. Fitz- gerald, I told him that I had come to talk about Governor Wilson to him and began to lead him to a secluded spot. Not for Fitzgerald! He stood in the middle of the hotel lobby. I commenced on him with quiet tones. He responded in such a way that every- body in the hotel could hear. Presently, at least two himdred people were standing around, listening to the merits of Governor Wilson's candidacy. His final statement was : "The time is not ripe. We must look over all the candidates carefully". Meanwhile, news- paper men were attracted and Mr. Fitzgerald paid me the compliment in public of saying that I was a very live wire. I returned to New York. The day following I went to luncheon with William Gibbs McAdoo, afterward Secretary of the Treasurj^ I had known Mr. INIcAdoo for five or six years. Three years previous to the luncheon I was on the Nominating Committee of the Southern Society to recommend to the Society a Pres- [ 40 ] GENESIS OF WILSON'S PRESIDENTIAL CAMPAIGNS ident, Vice President, Secretary and Treasurer. I personally espoused Mr. McAdoo for the office of President. In doing so I went counter to the prece- dent of the Society of many years' standing, that the Vice President should succeed the President. Walter L. McCorkle was then Vice President. I thought under the circumstances that Mr. ^IcAdoo would be preferable. I personally secured a bare majority of the Nominating Committee and INlr. McAdoo's name for President went before the Society. A rather bitter fight was made on him, but he was elected. It being the custom to have the President succeed himself, Mr. McAdoo was elected a second year. The third year I was agam on the Nominating Committee and re- versed another precedent of the Society. I urged Mr. McAdoo for the Presidency for a third term. The Nominating Committee again nominated him by a majority. There was another fight on the nomination, but he was elected. I am afraid that this action caused me the temporary loss of some very old friendships in the Society. Happily, I have regained them. At the luncheon at the Lawyers' Club, that I have referred to, Mr. McAdoo brought up the question of an application to the Public Service Commission of New Jersey, to regulate the traffic of the railroads terminating at points in Jersey City, Weehawken and Hoboken. Mr. McAdoo feared that the ferry service would be unprofitable and that the Hudson tubes would fall heir to the ferry receipts. He requested a conference with the Governor. I had previously in- troduced Mr. McAdoo to Governor Wilson. In [ 41 ] MAKING WOODROW WILSON PRESIDENT September I asked Mr. ISlcAdoo if he could not espouse JNIr. Wilson's candidacy and assist in raising some funds. He said everybodj^ that he knew was against Governor Wilson, and that the financial con- dition of the Hudson tunnels was such that he did not feel he could do much. Meanwhile, I had sent out letters to all of the Prince- ton Alumni that I thought would contribute, and had received a fairly satisfactory return. Cleveland H. Dodge, a classmate of Mr. Wilson's at Pruiceton, had up to September contributed about ten thousand dol- lars. Edward Sheldon, also a classmate of the Gover- nor, gave one thousand dollars. There were a few scattering contributions. During the summer, Imowing that Governor Wilson had a small political acquaintance, I motored do^vn to Sea Girt, the Summer Capital of New Jersey. I took •as many men as I could with me. From these visits I learned a valuable lesson, to wit: That Mr. Wilson appealed only to those men who were keenly and actively interested in the discussion of public ques- tions. Those who took a deep interest in party politics and party success came away disappointed. The latter type of man I never took to see INIr. Wilson up to the day of his nomination. I had been told that early in the summer of 1911 Senator Smith had made a quite extensive trip, visit- ing his political friends and presenting his grievances against IMr. Wilson. He had been in politics for many years ; he had vast political and business connections ; his influence was great. From the average point of [ 42 ] GENESIS OF WILSON'S PRESIDENTIAL CAMPAIGNS view it would seem that this opposition would make Mr. Wilson's nomination impossible. A fortunate incident occurred. James R. Nugent, leader of Essex County, and supposed to be Senator Smith's alter ego, was chairman of the State Demo- cratic Committee of New Jersey. One Saturday evening, on the Jersey coast, Mr. Nugent gave violent expression of his feelings toward the Governor. He called him a liar and an ingrate, with elaborate orator- ical and vituperative trinmiings. I was at Sea Girt the following Sunday. It occurred to me that the extreme indignity offered to the Governor of New Jersey was ample reason for the deposition of ]\Ir. Nugent. Furthermore, it vv^ould demonstrate to the country the character, at least, of that part of the oi)position to ^Ir. Wilson. The Governor, his Secre- tary, Joseph P. Tumulty, and I, went into conference in the library and laid out a plan by which we could get sufficient votes from the State Committee to depose Nugent. The key to the situation seemed to be Edward E. Grosscup, v/ho up to that time had Smith- Nugent leanings. We succeeded in capturmg IVIr. Grosscup and had the votes. A meeting was called and Mr. Nugent was deposed. It is not necessary to state that due publicity was given to this incident, not only through the newspapers, but by very wide circu- lation through our clippmg sheets in New York. In a very large degree I have always considered that those unhappy remarks of ]Mr. Nugent nullified the previous Smith incident. In addition to the impropriety of the matter, the political desirability of it was patent. [43] MAKING WOODROW WILSON PRESIDENT Up to the time of this incident there was no Wilson organization for the Presidency in New Jersey or out- side of it, except what was being done from 42 Broad- wa}^ and what I was doing myself. The Jersey Demo- cratic organization, having fasted for many years under Republican rule, was very busy getting accus- tomed to a Democratic Governor and a Democratic regime, and the proper distribution of Democratic patronage. [ 44 ] Ill McCOMBS IN COMMAND Begs Wilson to Help Himself — Wilson Replies: "See Hudspeth" ! — Hudspeth "Too Busy" — Harmon "Logi- cal" Nominee — McCombs Aims to Defeat Him, Clark, Underwood, and Bryan — Wilson Peevish About Speak- ing When Revolt Faces Him in His Own State — Penn- sylvania and West Virginia Among First States Captured — But Pennsylvania Wavers Because of Wilson's "Ralicalism". IN" SEPTEMBER of 1911, feeling that the drain on my time and my resources was too great, I went to see Governor Wilson. I asked him if he could not suggest a gi'oup of New Jersey men to handle his campaign in conjunction with myself. My contention was, that handling a campaign, and financ- ing it at the same time, was too much of a drain for any man to stand. He made the suggestion that Robert S. Hudspeth, National Committeeman from New Jersey, whom he had weaned away from the Smith forces by a very adroit letter, mig'ht be of assistance. I invited Judge Hudspeth to come to luncheon with me. He expressed great admiration for the Gk)vernor, but told me that he had a large practice and clients who drew on his time so steadily that he could not give [ 45 ] MAKING WOODROW WILSON PRESIDENT any continuous effort to it. I went again to Governor Wilson and asked him for other suggestions, but could get none. As a matter of fact, the New Jersey Democ- racy was then coming out of a state of atrophy and was not the virile, wide-awake organization that it subsequently became. About this time, through Judge Ball of Delaware, I was able to make the acquaintance and friendship of a man who turned out to be one of the ablest and most consistent supporters of the Wilson propoganda — Willard Saulsbury, afterward United States Senator. Mr. Saulsbury had a very large experience in Dela- ware politics, chiefly in fighting the dominant organ- ization do^vn there, led by Andrew Gray. INIr. Saulsbury had been ambitious for office, but, as he contended, his aspirations as a Democrat had been impossible for a long time, because Delaware had become a pocket borough of the Republican Party. I knew Mr. Saulsbury to be a lawyer of very great ability, who through his many years of political struggle had become a resourceful and indomitable fighter. Upon meeting IMr. Saulsbury I suggested that he and Judge Ball, who was a Princeton man, go to Princeton, and meet Governor Wilson, whose resi- dence was there during his entire term as Governor. ^Ir. Saulsbury, at once, saw possibilities in ^Ir. Wil- son. Upon his return to Wilmington, he wrote me to the effect that, in his judgment, :Mr. Wilson was the man for President, and enclosed an exceedingly wel- come contribution. The resources of the campaign at [ 46 ] McCOIVIBS IN COMMAND that time, as they had been before and subsequently, were always exceedingly in doubt. About the same time I met Jerry B. Sullivan of Iowa, one of the Democratic leaders of the state, but a member of the minority wing of his part}^ I had previously found out that Judge ^Martin J. Wade and the State Chairman were not inclined to favor jMr. Wilson's cause for the standard reasons that had been alleged against him. It became aj)parent to me, there- fore, that I must take the minority wing of the party and do the best I could with it. I^Ir. Sullivan put me in touch with the leaders of his wing of the party, and I won a ver}^ valuable ally in Louis Murphy, the editor of an influential Democratic paper. The usual process of taking Mr. Sullivan to see the Governor was carried through. ]Mr. Sullivan was very much attracted to Mr. Wilson and promised his sup- port. I did not know then, as I knew later, the very great advantage which the dominant organization in the state had, regardless of its character. However, had I kno^^^i it, I should have been compelled to take up the minority cause, if for no other reason than that I could not get the majoritj^ The minority would, at least, be most helpful in the circulation of literature concerning ]Mr. Wilson and creating popular sentiment in his behalf. No headquarters had hitherto been opened by either of the respective candidates for the Presidency, except for Governor Wilson and Governor Harmon. Up to the time that headquarters were opened for Governor Wilson, except for sporadic statements here and there, [47] MAKING WOODROW WILSON PRESIDENT it was generally admitted that Governor Harmon was the logical nominee for the Presidency. Governor Harmon had a long and distinguished public career. He had been a member of Mr. Cleveland's Cabinet; he had won two successive contests for the Governor- ship of Ohio; he was respected throughout the country. The feeling was, that Mr. Bryan should not receive the nomination in 1912 at least. Governor Harmon had the conservative strength of the country behind him. But for the entry of Mr. Wilson, I have no doubt that Harmon w^ould have been nominated in Baltimore in 1912, practically by default, with the possible oj^position of the Bryan wing of the party. No doubt this would have proved ineffectual because of the steady opposition of the great states of the East and the Middle West to Bryan's candidacy. The nomination, at least, would have been similar to that of Mr. Parker at St. Louis in 1904, with a more united and inspirited party behind him, consequent upon the success of the party in 1910 in the lower House and its necessary strengthening. The first victory for Mr. Wilson was in Pennsyl- vania. There were two factions, — the Philadelphia and Pittsburgh factions. The Philadelphia faction was supposed to be affiliated with Joseph ]M. Guffey. A. Mitchell Palmer, of Stroudsburg, and Vance Mc- Cormick were the leaders of that branch of the party in the rest of the state. Their branch was in the ascendancy. Mr. Wilson's achievements had been spread in Pennsylvania very carefully. Each faction of the [ 48 ] WooDROW Wilson McCOMBS IN COMMAND party became anxious to steal a march on the other. By a fortunate chance, both factions endorsed him. If any doubt had existed on either side, and if the tactical play of the situation had varied in the slightest degree, I seriously question whether either of them would have given the endorsement. However, it stood, and it gave us a splendid leverage for the rest of the country. The October primaries for the nomination of the members of the Senate and Assembly in New Jersey were rapidlj'' approaching. The Smith-Nugent forces in Essex County began operations for the control of both branches of the Legislature or to secure for their leaders a veto power in these two bodies. Essex County alone, if Smith and Nugent prevailed there, could bring about this chance and compel a recognition of their power. The County of Essex is the second largest county in the State of New Jersey and is entitled to eleven mem- bers of the lower House. Of the Senators it has one. Mr. Wilson's prestige was in the balance. The ques- tion arose as to whether opposition nominees should run in the primaries and whether the Governor should speak in Essex County. I was strongly of the opinion that opposition nominations should be made for the effect upon the rest of the state, and that the Governor should speak at the same time in Newark. The nominations were made. At the last moment Governor Wilson refused to speak in Essex County, although he spoke in the rest of the state — so deep was his disgust with Senator Smith. The refusal [ 49 ] MAKING WOODROW WILSON PRESIDENT struck me as very bad policy and exhibited a certain degree of pettishness. At this time, also, New York and other places were called upon for speakers. It was most diflicult to get Democratic speakers for New Jersey because the average speaker from other states occupied a potential position in his party, and he did not feel like going into New Jersej^ because of an implied endorsement of Governor Wilson. Some member of the organiza- tion, in Hudson County, suggested Dudley Field Malone for an Irish meeting. I had never met Mr. Malone. I called him up. He was a young, likeable sort of chap, who had a good amount of rhetoric and could stir a crowd. After I had talked to him he expressed his willingness to go. I sent him over. He made a number of speeches, meeting Governor Wilson on several occasions. Senator James E. JMartine came back to the state and campaigned. The result of the primary was wliat might have been logically exi^ected. Had Governor V/ilson gone into Essex County, he might have saved two or three nom- inations there. It was further clear that, whatever the result of the elections might be, Mr. Wilson had lost absolute mastery of the Senate and House and that his programme must consequently be shortened. This, however, was not an unmixed misfortune. The really constructive measures that were necessary for the wel- fare of the state had been passed in the previous session. Only bills of minor importance were necessary in the subsequent session. The primary incident was used with some effect over [50] McCOMBS IN COMMAND the countrj^ as an argument that the Democracj'^ had repudiated Governor Wilson. But the edge of it had been turned and its influence was more or less trans- itory. We kept the press bureau very busy sending out the clipping sheets and explanations. By this time letters from individuals all over the country came in torrents. By January 1, 1912, we had two hundred and forty thousand personal corre- spondents. About the fourth of November, 1911, an event of passing importance arose which compelled me to shift my forces considerably. The leading publicity man had been following a policy of self-exploitation. He was in communication with people in various states who not only could not do our cause any good, but did it positive harm. Funds which I intrusted to him for Headquarters' purposes had been so mixed up that his milk bills became confused with our printing bills. In casting about for a new head of publicity, I asked the recommendation of ^Ir. McAdoo, knowing that he was an artist of artists in procuring publicity. He recommended to me his confidential publicity man, Byron R. Newton. I looked up ^Ir. Newton's record and had some slight misgivings. However, I took him on. Meanwhile, I increased the publicity force at 42 Broadway very largely, in order to meet the increased requirements of the circulation of publicity. The demands were so great that we increased the frequency of the publicity sheet and began a correspondence upon a more wholesale principle. I, myself, was in constant conference with people from all over the [51 ] u^"' MAKING WOODROW WILSON PRESIDENT country. I usually dictated political correspondence from eight at night until two in the morning. During November, I first met Colonel John T. McGraw, of Grafton, West Virginia, a member of the National Committee and well seasoned in Demo- cratic politics. Like IMr. Saulsbury, ]Mr. McGraw had distinctly had his ups and downs in politics. He was an able, alert, and ambitious man with an unusual knowledge of current events. IMcGraw was of the poetic, temperamental class of Irishmen, always ready for a fight. His business brought him frequently to New York, and I always took occasion to have breakfast with him at the Holland House and talk Wilson. Mr. Mc- Graw, as a result of the Watson-Chilton election to the Senatorship, to one of the places for which he was an aspirant, had rather fallen into the minority in West Virginia. But his influence in the National Committee was large. That was a body in which ]Mr. Wilson was very notably weak. He knew no one in it. None of his friends had any association with them. Finally, I brought Mr. IMcGraw in contact with Mr. Wilson. They discussed issues delightfulh^ and never party politics. Subsequently, Mr. IMcGraw agreed to join me. A warm friendship sprang up between us and I acquired a charming and effective associate. During the latter part of 1911, two other names began to be mentioned for Ihe Presidency, — Champ Clark, of Missouri, Speaker of the House of Repre- sentatives, and Osc^r Underwood, of Alabama, Leader of the Democratic majority in the House. Mr. Clark's [ 52] McCOJVlBS IN COMMAND candidacy was not regarded very seriously at this time. Mr. Underwood's strength was greater. He had been a leader in enacting the Democratic Tariff Bill in the lower House, was regarded as a remarkably sane man and an efficient general in commanding the forces of that House. Both had had long exxDerience in Con- gress, were thoroughly familiar with the problems before the country, and had a very broad political acquaintance. In the East and in the conservative states of the South, ]Mr. Underwood was particularly strong. Before January, it may be said that as far as the East was concerned Mr. Underwood was decidedly the favorite, second to Mr. Harmon. Mr. Wilson's strength "svas concentrated in New Jersey and Penn- sylvania. The leaders of the latter state were becoming somewhat uncomfortable, and were beginning to regret their endorsement because of the general charge of radicalism against INIr. Wilson, and what I have called the standard reasons which had been set forth against him. [ 53] IV WILSON GOES HIS OWN WAY Disowns Colonel Harvey, Editor of Harper's Weekly — The Colonel Ceases to Support Governor's Candidacy — McCoMBS Fails to Patch Up Wilson's Quarrel with Harvey and Colonel Watterson — Watterson Denounces Wilson as Ingrate and Autocrat — He Befriends Harvey — McCoMBs Defends Wilson, but Regards the Dispute as Very Injurious to the Wilson Candidacy — Wilson Scoffs at This. IN OCTOBER, 1911, I learned that Colonel Henry Watterson, of Louisville, was in New York and called on him personally at the Waldorf-Astoria Hotel. Colonel Watterson had been supporting Mr. Wilson's candidacy. In addition to his political feeling in the matter, he had a sort of family connection. I found Colonel Watterson very delightful, as usual, and simply overflowing with political information. Then it was that I told him of the nature of contributions which I was getting, and the fact that the amount of monej'' coming in was very limited. Colonel Watterson suggested that his friend, Thomas F. Ryan, mig^ht take a financial interest in the campaign. He told me that Mr. Ryan was prac- tically retired from public life ; that he had no inter- [ 54 ] WILSON GOES HIS OWN WAY ests to conserve, and that one of the wishes of his life was to see a Democrat elected. He argued, earnestly, the necessity of considerable sums of money for the campaign, and offered to go to Mr. Ryan and talk to him about it. I replied that everything he said about INIr. Ryan was probably true; indeed, that I believed it to be true ; but that some time the question of the contribu- tion might come up and that, regardless of Mr. Ryan's personal character, I believed that the public had formed an unfavorable opinion, and that Mr. Ryan's contribution would be of injury to our cause. Colonel Watterson was undoubtedly a little irritated with me, and at what he considered my amateurish attitude. Nevertheless, I deemed it expedient to stand by my judgment. All of this time. Colonel George Harvey, who had been of such tremendous assistance in procuring the nomination and furthering the election of Mr. Wilson for Governor, had been sui)porting him consistently and ably for the Democratic Presidential nomination. Of all the men in public life or semi-public life in America, I have regarded Colonel Harvey in the front rank. His power of analysis and of expression is not exceeded by any writer in America. He had gone through one or two Presidential campaigns, being at one time William C. Whitney's chief lieutenant. I thought the support of Harper s Weekly, which he was editing, of great value. In any event, it was to my mind not in the least injurious. I was glad to have its support. But Colonel Harvey's paper was sup- [55 ] MAKING WOODROW WILSON PRESIDENT posed to be dominated by the Morgan interests, — a fact which I did not and do not believe, because the iinancial interests of New York were unquestionably opposed to Mr. Wilson. Notwithstanding that fact, Colonel Harvey's support was consistent and continuous. On December 18, 1911, Governor Wilson came to New York. He met Colonel Watterson, then editor of the Louisville Courier- Journal, and Colonel Harvey at the JManhattan Club. INIuch has been written and said of the Harvey- Watterson- Wilson ei)isode. I think this is the correct gist of it all : Mr. Wilson was coming to see me. On his way, he dropped into Colonel Watterson's apartment at the Manhattan Club. There he found Colonel Harvey. Harvey had, for a long time, written articles and printed letters from various people supporting Mr. Wilson for the nomination. The purpose of the meet- ing was a discussion of the general situation. It did not go along smoothly. The Governor had evidently conceived the idea that the support of Harper s Weekly, the bonds of which were sui)posed to be owned by Mr. J. P. Morgan, was not helping him. Colonel Harvey had heard of this. He said toward the close of the meeting: "Governor Wilson, I want to know whether you consider that the support of Harper's Weekly is injurious to you." The Governor bluntly answered: "I think it is", and immediately left the room. That set Colonel Watterson on fire. Colonel Harvey, naturally, was indignant. [ 56 ] WILSON GOES HIS OWN WAY Governor Wilson came immediately to my apart- ment, and at the end of the discussion casually said: "I think I may have offended George Harvey a little to-day, when I told him that the support of his paper was injurious to me". He w^as about to dismiss the subject, M^hen I said: ''Governor, I am amazed! Our strings already are pretty weak. We need help in all directions. While Harvey's paper, itself, may not be especially helpful to you because of its limited circulation, I do not think that it is injuring you a bit. And it is now highly important that we keep every friend we have". "Oh" ! he said, "I don't think it makes much differ- ence". Within a few days I was informed from Charlotte, N. C, that Colonel Watterson had, in a conference, violently commented on the event and the dismissal of George Harvey, his friend. The Colonel intended, through the Courier- Journal, to set out his opinions of Wilson and renounce Wilson forever. ^I can while, I had heard that Colonel Harvey intended to take down the flag from the foremast of the Wilson campaign. I immediately went over to Princeton and told Governor Wilson what Harvey intended to do. The late Mrs. Wilson, a very sweet and emotional woman, burst into tears. The Governor was ashen pale. He finally asked me if I could get hold of Harvey and straighten it out. There was deep snow on the ground. It was impossible to travel that night. Therefore, I [ 57 ] MAKING WOODROW WILSON PRESIDENT used the telephone to Deal, N. J., where Colonel Harvey resided. I told Colonel Harvey's secretary that I wanted to see the Colonel at once to make a complete explanation and retraction in the case of his controversy with Governor Wilson. I told him I wanted to talk on the telephone with Colonel Harvey, and that Governor Wilson also wanted to talk. I was informed Colonel Harvey was very hoarse and out of voice. The next day I made the same attempt. I was told by the secretary that Colonel Harvey was still hoarser, and was not permitted to speak to anyone. I knew the game was up. I was astounded at Governor Wilson's attitude. From a political point of view, I thought he had made a mistake. He had certainly committed an error from a personal point of view, for I could see, in the inci- dent, all of the indications of a tremendous cry of ingratitude, especially so far as Colonel Harvey was concerned. For, be it remembered, that as far back as 1906 Colonel Harvey had spoken in impassioned terms of the availability of IMr. Wilson for the Presi- dency. This was four years before he was even nominated for Governor of 'New Jersey. The impelling reason for Governor Wilson making this statement to Colonel Harvey and Colonel Wat- terson was, that some letters had been received from the West making pointed inquiry as to whether Colonel Harvey's support was not Wall Street sup- port. Statements were made in some Western news- papers that this meant Wall Street support. I saw [ 58 ] WILSON GOES HIS OWN WAY the letters and the clippings, and they did not impress me very much. They made Governor Wilson, how- ever, very restive and very nervous. It was impossible to tell what would come out of the situation. I trusted to Colonel Harvey's reticence and discretion. I felt, however, that Colonel Watterson was likely to feel the matter very deeply and that it would not be long before we would hear from him, as we did. I got hold of what Harvey was going to print in Harper's Weekly about the affair. It was very digni- fied and very conclusive. Here it is under date of January 17, 1912: "To Our Readers: "We make the following reply to many inquiries from the readers of Harper's Weekly: "The name of Woodrow Wilson, as our candidate for President, was taken doi\Ti from the head of these columns in response to a statement made to us directly by Governor Wilson, to the effect that our sui)port was affecting his candidacy injuriously. "The only course left open to us, in simple fairness to Mr. Wilson, no less than in consideration of our own self-respect, was to cease to advocate his nomination. "We make this explanation with great reluctance and the deepest regret. But we cannot escape the conclusion that the very considerable number of our readers, who have co-operated earnestly and loyally in advancing a movement which was inaugurated solely [ 59 ] MAKING WOODROW WILSON PRESIDENT in the lioj)e of rendering a high public service, are clearly entitled to this information". This incident produced a distinct shock all over the country. I went to Washington at once and conferred with Senator Gore, Representative Hughes and Thomas J. Pence. January 18, 1912, the expected statement from Colonel Watterson appeared in all the papers. It was peculiarly Wattersonian. Its sentiment was most difficult to overcome. The only way to answer it was to analyze it. This my confreres and I did. Colonel Watterson wrote : "Regretting that I must appear either as a witness or a party to the misunderstanding that has arisen between Colonel George Harvey and Governor Wood- row Wilson, I shall have to speak with some particu- larity in order to be just, alike to the public and the principals. "The conference between us, in our apartment at the Manhattan Club, was held to consider certain practical measures relating to Governor Wilson's candidacy. Colonel Harvey stood toward Governor Wilson much as I had stood five and thirty years ago toward Mr. Tilden. This appealed to me. Colonel Harvey had brought the Governor and myself together in his New Jersey home eighteen months ago, and as time passed, had interested me in his ambitions. "I was hoping that I might find in Governor Wilson another Tilden, in point of intellect and availability. I yet think that Colonel Harvey made no mistake in [ 60 ] WILSON GOES HIS OWN WAY his choice ; but the circumstances leading to the unfor- tunate parting of the ways between them leads me to doubt whether in character or temperament, — it may be merely in the habits of a life time, — Governor Wilson is rather a schoolmaster than a statesman. "I have from Colonel Harvey and Governor Wilson statements according to the memory of each, touching what did actually happen, and what was spoken on the occasion named. These do not materially differ. They coincide with my own recollection. Nothing of a discourteous kind, even of an unfriendly kind, passed during the interview of over an hour. "From the first, however, there was a certain con- straint in Governor Wilson's manner, the absence of the cordiality and candor which should mark hearty, confidential intercourse, intimating the existence of some adverse influence. His manner was autocratic, if not tyrannous. "I did not take this to myself, but thoug'ht it related to Colonel Harvey; and when Colonel Harvey, apparently overcome by Governor Wilson's austerity, put the direct question to Governor Wilson, whether the support of Harper's Weekly was doing him an injury, and received from Governor Wilson the cold rejoinder that it was, I was both surx^rised and shocked. "I had myself, as far back as last October, suggested to Governor Wilson, that in view of his supposed environment, it might be well for Colonel Harvey to moderate somewhat of the ratHier aggressive character of Harper's Weekly in the Wilson leadership. I am [61 ] MAKING WOODROW WILSON PRESIDENT not sure that I had not said as much to Colonel Harvey. But that Governor Wilson, without the least show of compunction, should express or jdeld to such an opinion, and permit Colonel Harvey to consider him- self discharged from the position of trusted intimacy he had up to this moment held, left me little room to doubt that Governor Wilson is not a man who makes common cause with his political associates or is deeply sensible of his political obligations. Because, it is but true and fair to say, that, except for Colonel Harvey, he would not be in the running at all. "Colonel Harvey was grievously wounded. He had been fighting Governor Wilson's battles for many years, and had idealized his chief. Although I was given no reason to suppose myself included in the dis- favor which had fallen upon Colonel Harvey, I experi- enced a sense of something very much like indigna- tion. But on reflection, I could not rid myself of the impression that Governor Wilson had been receiving letters from Kentucky written by enemies of mine, who seek to use his name and fame to gain some ends of their ov^m, warning him against me and that to all intents, I sat in the same boat with Colonel Harvey. "I am in receipt of Governor Wilson's averment to the contrary. I wish this had reached me earlier. I have, during three weeks of newspaper importunity, refused to print a word upon the subject, in the hope that no publicity might be required, and that some understanding could be reached. I have reason to believe that Colonel Harvey withheld his statement for the same cause, and with the same hope. It being [ 62 ] WILSON GOES HIS OWN WAY no longer possible to suppress the matters at issue, this full statement which I moke most reluctantly, seems needful to a full and impartial knowledge By the gen- eral public, but more especially by the mass and body of Democrats who are so earnestly seeking a leader in this coming contest." On the 19th day of January, I made the following reply to Colonel Watterson : "With reference to the alleged Wilson-Harvey incident, it seems to me, that Colonel Watterson has said, in a statement, all that needs to be said. It appears, therefore, that as far back as last October, he himself suggested to Governor Wilson that Colonel Harvej^'s support through Harper's Weekly might be injurious, and that he probably told Colonel Harvey himself the same thing. It would seem that Colonel Watterson had convinced the Governor of the truth of his opinion, and had at least impressed Colonel Harvey with the probability of its truth. Else, Colonel Harvey would not have propounded the question". "It is passing strange that Colonel Watterson should feel concerned that the Governor, in private conversation with himself and Colonel Harvey, should, in answer to a pointed question, give frank expression to the very views that Colonel Watterson himself entertained, and which he communicated to the Gover- nor, and probably to Colonel Harvey. In October last, also the very month in which he made these sug- gestions to Governor Wilson, Colonel Watterson said in the Louisville Courier- Journal, editorially: " *Two things seem tolerably sure to the surmise of r 63 ] MAKING WOODROW WILSON PRESIDENT the Courier- JouRNAi. — if Woodrow Wilson is nom- inated for President, it will be through the force of an irresistible pressure of public oi^inion. And if he is defeated for the nomination, it will be bj^ some organ- ized agency well backed with money. No Democrat of modern times has come into the running — Samuel J. Tilden alone excepted — with half at once of the equipment and the claim of the New Jersey Governor. " 'The tears that are being shed over the passing incident are wrung from those who have hitherto been the most conspicuous opponents of Governor Wilson. Witness the frequent quoted statement of Mayor Dahlmann of Omaha, Nebraska, who has for months, not only been openly opposed to Governor Wilson, but who has been the aggressive champion of another candidate (Bryan). The same applies to others who have indulged in lachrymose expressions. This, of course, is to be expected, whenever any man develops a decided lead for the nomination. " 'The gist of the issue, as I see it, is \A'hether one friend, in private conversation with another, should, in answer to a plain question, resort to flattery or dis- simulation, or whether he should state the truth as he sees it.' " The Governor had asked me to answer the effusions as they came out, and I did, as stated. The statements were given out to the newspapers. I immediately went down in the lobby of the hotel, at Washington, and to my surprise saw Colonel Watterson reading the statements. In order to show that there w^as no personal animosity in the matter I extended my hand. [ 64] Henry Watterson WILSON GOES HIS OWN WAY He shifted the statements from his right hand to his left and we both shook hands, I must say, rather grimly, but pohtely, and I left him. The next day, as I recall, Colonel Watterson said he had nothing more to say until he was challenged by some responsible person. In the latter part of August, 1913, upon my arrival in Paris, I learned that Colonel Watterson was there. I went to his hotel. I sent up my card. The Colonel came do\vn stairs. Instead of shaking hands, he embraced me and said: "There is no feeling between us, my boy, is there"? "No, Colonel. There never was", I replied. We spent two very delightful days together. I remember the Colonel saying to me: "My boy, don't stay here in France. You will be too far from your friends". Let me say something here also about George Harvey. His whims may lead him into many exag- gerated positions, but he is a man's kind of a fighter, and not afraid of his convictions. When I got back to the campaign after a brief illness in September, 1912, 1 called up George Harvey, and I told him that I wanted him to draw a curtain before that part of his mind that related to any acri- mony or bitterness toward Wilson, and to come in and help me make the first Democratic President of the United States in twenty years. This was not a time for any man who had ever been any kind of a Demo- crat not to "come up into the color", as they say in the West. Harvey, immediately, and at his own cost, took a suite of rooms at the Waldorf, and devised much [ 65] MAKING WOODROW WILSON PRESIDENT helpful publicity, or suggestions for publicity, which I would pass along to Josephus Daniels. He was incognito, but effective. I cannot write this book without an adversion to the facts in the case of Harvey. Afterwards, he went many ways and expressed in his journal most ably written, intense opposition to the President's views. I disagTeed with many of them. I told him often that he chased rabbits on occasions, and made them look like lions. But on the whole, his helpful criticism of ]Mr. Wilson's two administrations was the boldest, the most trenchant, the most direct of any expressions printed or oral, even including the opposition in the Senate and the House. V But IMr. Wilson, by nature, cannot brook oj)posi- tion. He has a fear of strong men. He would rather let himself be reflected in weak men who would do his bidding, and flatterers who were about him for per- sonal gain. So overboard went George Harvey. He might as well have made up his mind the day of the election of INIr. Wilson, as Governor, that he was through. If George Harvey had ^\^shed to be United States Senator from New Jersey (and I am told there was some little feeling between him and James Smith, Jr., on that x^oint), he would have been more brutally treated than Smith, because Smith had still the control of the organized Democracy of the state. [ 66] ENTER COLONEL HOUSE "Wilson Impossible; Name Bryan or Culberson and You AND I Will Control the United States", Says the Colonel to McCombs — Colonel Shies at Request for Money — Views Wilson Nomination from London — Watterson Calls for "A Court of Honor" — Penfield's $10,000 — Senator Gore Proves to be a Friend. SENATOR BENJAMIN TILLMAN and Colonel Watterson later took up the cudgels in the Wilson-Harvey quarrel. Colonel Wat- terson offered to refer the whole of the facts in the matter to a Court of Honor, especially the financial side of it. I had a perfectly definite idea to what Colonel Wat- terson was referring. In December, 1911, Mr. Josiah Quincy, of Boston, who had been a warm admirer and consistent supporter of Governor Wilson, told me that his friend, Frederic C. Penfield, afterward Ambassador to Austria, might become actively interested in Mr. Wilson. Mr. Pen- field had received an honorary degree from Princeton, had had diplomatic experience in Egypt, had been an author on various diplomatic subjects, was a gentle- man of leisure, except for occasional writing, and was a man of means. Mr. Penfield also had experience in [ 67 ] MAKING WOODROW WILSON PRESIDENT one of the Cleveland campaigns, in the Publicity Department. Mr. Quincy suggested that I should meet Mr. Pen- field. I was very glad to do so. Later we had a very pleasant luncheon at the New York Yacht Club. At that time I argued the merits and political potentiali- ties of our candidate. It was evident that Mr. Pen- field was impressed. At this luncheon the question of contributions was in no way mentioned nor the rewards for any support that might be given. On January 6, 1912, a mass meeting was to be held in Carnegie Hall for the purpose of advocating the abrogation of the Russian Treaty. Before that time I met Mr. Penfield again. He suggested that he would like to renew his acquaintance with Mr. Wilson. He also suggested the propriety of inviting the Gov- ernor to dine with him prior to going to the meeting. He asked if I would call up Mr. Wilson to inquire if it would be agreeable before Mr. Penfield extended the invitation. I communicated with the Governor. I told him of Mr. Penfield's potentialities. He accepted Mr. Pen- field's invitation to dine. The dinner was most successful. Mr. Penfield proved an excellent host and Mrs. Penfield a charming hostess. Those present at the dinner were Governor Wilson, Colonel Watterson, Commodore E. C. Bene- dict, one of the closest personal friends of former President Grover Cleveland, Mr. Quincy, and myself. Governor Wilson was in high fettle and delighted the whole dinner party with his admirable stories. [ 68 ] ENTER COLONEL HOUSE We proceeded to Carnegie HalL I had labored with him exceedingly to go there at all. Governor Wilson made a remarkable speech, but when he got on his feet I could see that he was glad he was there, and, being familiar with his moods, I could tell that he was going to make a tremendous impression. After the speaking was over, ]Mr. Penfield took me aside and handed me an envelope, telling me nothing of what was in it. I took it quite casually, thinking that it might be a note of some sort. He suggested that I might be tired and that it would be best to open it next morning. As I was having breakfast in my apartment, I opened the innocent-looking envelope and found two checks of $5,000 eadh. He called me up that day and said: "I should like to help actively, but I must go to Europe. I gave you the envelope last night to employ as good a man as I am to assist you". This was indeed a tremendous relief, as my finances were becoming very slim. I had no assurance that I would be able to meet even my weekly pajToll. Colonel Watterson and Mr. Quincy, I found, had talked over the matter of the contribution with Mr. Penfield. Colonel Watterson, with some reason, thought that he induced the giving of the subscription. Upon Colonel Watterson suggesting the Court of Honor, I would have at once made a public statement demanding it. But I knew that Mr. Quincy had been actively interested. My reason for not demanding it was this : Shortly after the Penfield dinner, Mr. Quincy, who MAKING WOODROW WILSON PRESIDENT was of counsel to some mining companies, was indicted for fraudulent use of the mails. As soon as the indict- ment was handed do^\Ti, IMr. Quincy immediately came to me and went over the whole matter. I was per- fectly assured of his innocence. Nevertheless, the indictment stood. Unfortunately, an indictment against a man often has as much effect, so far as repu- tation and standing in the community are concerned, as if he were actually convicted. INIr. Quincy was subsequently thoroughly vindicated in the Courts. This incident, in itself, should be the most conspicu- ous warning to district attorneys not to recommend indictments to grand juries unless they are more than morally certam of a conviction. Rei)utations of inno- cent and honest men have been blasted wholesale by the overzeal of prosecuting officers who, under the law, are distinctly quasi- judicial officials. But under the circumstances, we could not embrace the oppor- tunity of going before the Court of Honor. I have a very deep aif ection for Colonel Watterson, and I could not but think that this was one of the lapses which any man of thorough integrity and sound judgment is likely to fall into on occasions of stress. But let me revert to an interesting and very difficult event of December. As is well kno'vvn, Mr. Carnegie created a trust some years ago, among the provisions of which was, that any teacher in our American colleges who had performed a service of twenty-five years, automati- callj^ upon retirement, should receive from the fund a [ 70] ENTER COLONEL HOUSE certain fixed sum. Mr. Wilson had retired from his Professorship at Princeton in the autumn of 1910 and had completed twenty-five years of service. Almost immediately upon his retirement he applied for the pension allowance, w'hich was $3,000 a year. The papers first exploited this matter about the 10th of December, 1911, and also the fact that it had been disallowed by the Trustees of the fund. An explanation of the matter was very difficult to make. It could only be upon the grounds that Mr. Wilson was not a man of large means ; that he had a family to support, and that his salary as Governor would hardly meet the ordinary requirements of living in his new position. But the fact remained that the pension was to be granted by INIr. Carnegie; that Mr. Carnegie was a man of gi-eat wealth, derived from the manufacture of steel, and presented elements of the great play upon the Homestead strikes, and u]3on INIr. Wilson's con- nection with capital. It was indeed a blow. The only thing to do with it was to let it rest w^here it was, with the probability that it would blow over. The inspira- tion of the attack w^as well known to me. But an attack is never overbalanced by fact. The circulation of the incident became nation-wide and drove many people from the Wilson cause. Along in December, 1911, the psychological time seemed to have arrived for a public appearance of Governor Wilson upon one of the issues brought out before the people. The Pajme-Aldrich Bill was a piece of patchwork and had aroused the resentment of [71 ] IVIAKING WOODROW WILSON PRESIDENT a large part of the American people. The back of the Taft Administration had been broken by the pas- sage of that Act. Mr. Taft's political future was ruined by his signature to the Bill. At that time I was a Governor of the National Democratic Club, so I got in touch with my friend, John R. Dunlap, who was also a Governor of the Club, and arranged that an invitation be extended to Mr. Wilson to speak on the Pa^Tie-Aldrich Act on January 3, 1912. I urged him to prepare his speech in advance and get it out several days before the event so that I might give it to the Associated Press. Governor Wilson always had a horror of preparing formal speeches to be sent to the press associations far enough in advance to get country- wide circulation. This objection was the con- tinual exasperation of our headquarters. I laiew that compliance with the idea meant a large publicity, free of charge; and that non-compliance meant a slight publicity and an added expense to our Bureau to get publicity by private circulation. On this occasion he prepared a very scholarly address and gave it to the Publicity Department in ample time. IMj^ secretary'' went to the meeting to see what changes should be made if he altered the speech. To our surprise. Governor Wilson delivered a speech totally different from the one he had prepared, but on the whole far more masterly. After its deliver}'', there was no doubt on the soundness of his attitude on the tariff from the point of view of the Democratic Party. I instructed our headquarters that a large number of [ 72] ENTER COLONEL HOUSE the speeches be printed for circulation throughout the country. Shortly before this meeting I was, as usual, casting about for contributions to the campaign, a matter that constantly worried me, because I had no fixed source or sources of supply. I had gotten in touch through correspondence with Thomas Love, of Texas, and had broached the ques- tion to him of his getting some funds in Texas to carry on the work. He wrote to me that they would prob- ably have difficulty in Texas itself in financing the campaign for Governor Wilson, but that a Texan resided in New York at the Gotham Hotel who might espouse our cause. At that time the Texan was sup- posed to be for Mayor Gajnior. If I could bring him around to the Wilson support. Love thought I would undoubtedly get a contribution. This man was Colonel E. INI. House. Because Colonel House became so prominent in the Wilson Administration, I shall digress and tell a little about him. Next to the President of the United States, I doubt if anyone has been more inquired about as to who he was, and when he was, and where he was, than Colonel E. M. House, of Texas. Colonel House was the son of an Englishman who went to Texas to reside. He took out citizenship papers and made his children citizens of the United States. House's activities seem to have been in bank- ing in Austin and in the purchase of various tracts of land in Texas. Colonel House was alwaj^s a weak man physically and never engaged in any apparent [73] MAKING WOODROW WILSON PRESIDENT occupation. He went to Cornell, but did not finish with his class, which would have been the class of '91. He had few associates and was very reticent, taking very little interest in the social life of his city. He did, however, invite the Governors and other officials to his home and the more important professors of the University. Nobody ever knew him as being active in anything in Austin, although he looked after his farm and his tenants. After he returned from Cornell he spent part of the year in Austin, most of the year in New York, and the rest of the year along the New England coast. In New York he spent a quiet, studious kind of life, almost alone. After we had made arrangements for the Texas campaign in the primaries, I was told by Colonel T. H. Ball to see a Colonel House, at the Gotham Hotel, New York City. The Texas people who were for Mr. Wilson, and who had charge of the organiza- tion down there, said, when I asked if they could not produce further funds to move into some of the other primary states, such as Kansas, Iowa, Wisconsin and Nebraska, that they had reached the limit of their con- tributive power. They stated, however, that there was a Colonel House living at the Gotham who had a sub- stantial income. If I could enlist him in the Wilson cause he might give me some money. At that time I did not know where to turn for funds, and as we were in dire need, on Colonel Ball's information I called House up, addressing him as Colonel and asked for an interview. The meeting was arranged. [ 74 ] ENTER COLONEL HOUSE I dropped into the Gotham Hotel one afternoon in November, 1911, and made myself known as the man- ager of Mr. Wilson's campaign. I found a quiet little man with strange cat-like eyes, a broad forehead and a thin face. He spoke in particularly low manner, almost as one would speak to another in a cathedral. A number of books lay uj^on his table. There were novels, books on current events, books on essays and books on psychol- ogy. Colonel House presented the appearance of a dilletante, passing his life in the calmness of his apart- ment, not caring anything about matters of particular importance. Wlien he saluted me he had a novel in his hand. We sat do^vn and looked at each other rather quizzi- cally. He seemed to be timidity itself. He almost obsequiously offered me a cigar. He took a cigarette. His appearance was that of a poor debtor who was trying to think up some impossible excuse for not paying a bill long overdue. Somehow, it ran through my mind, that he loiew I was coming after money. I also thought that his excuse would be that he was too poor. I tried to set the little man at ease in the best way I could. We had discussed mutual acquaintances in Texas for awhile. And only after about twenty minutes of desultory conversation, we got on the Presidential matter. He said he had not thought much about that, but that from the papers it seemed that Mayor William J. Gaynor, of New York, and Jesse I. Grant, of Cali- fornia, might well turn out to be the candidates for [75] MAKING WOODROW WILSON PRESIDENT President and Vice President, respectively. He claimed no particular enthusiasm about either. I, however, having a very practical purpose in mind, continued to hold House to Woodrow Wilson and the reasons why he should be nominated and could be elected. I told him of his friends in Texas who had avowed themselves for Governor Wilson and repeated my oft- spoken argument as to Governor Wilson's availability. After about an hour I realized that I had another engagement and told him I would drop in some other time. The conversation passed off in less than half an hour. I went away 'with the impression that I had met a little man of ill health who spent most of his time trying to cling to life and some of its pleasures, and who was quite v/illing to subordinate everything to this. He did not impress me as a man having any particular notions, and certainl}^ no executive ability. He seemed to take his grasp of things merely from current read- ing. His views of men were such as one gained as they passed by on Fifth Avenue. I certainly concluded that there was not much in House, but I still had in my mind that the Wilson campaign was bankrupt. In two or three daj^^s I went back. I said to him that I would very much like to have him meet Governor Wilson. He gladly assented. Meanwhile, I made inquiries about him in Texas. My reports were that he was a man worth something more than a million dollars; that he had virtually retired from business; that he had taken a silent part in politics in Texas for [76] ENTER COLONEL HOUSE many years, and that he was usually to be found with the winner. I have said that I called him Colonel. He protested and told me that he had never liked the title inasmuch as he had merely been on the staff of one of the Gover- nors of Texas. But I must confess that my mind was on iMr. House's contribution rather than on Mr. House as a political factor. Soon after that, Governor Wilson was in town. I volunteered to take him to call on Mr. House. The conversation on this visit was very pleasant. Later on I dined with IMr. House and told him of the proposed meeting of January 3d. He suggested that Mr. David Houston, afterward Secretary of Agriculture, be brought into conference with Mr. Wilson on the sub- ject of the Tariif. This was arranged at the meeting at which INIr. House and myself were present, in addition to Mr. Houston and Governor Wilson. Inasmuch as Texas had forty votes at the Conven- tion and its j)sychological influence would be great on the states bordering uj^on it, I had decided to make a very determined set for the delegates there. JSIr. House was spending the winter in New York and I frequently confeiTcd with him upon that situation. The actual leaders in the movement in Texas were Cato Sells, now Commissioner of Indian Affairs, Mr. Love and Mr. Thomas Ball. It appealed to me that Mr. House keep me thoroughly advised as to the per- sonnel of Texas politics and rather guide me in making suggestions. This was his participation in the Pre- nomination Campaign. [ 77 ] MAKING WOODROW WILSON PRESIDENT Early in ]May, 1912, I motored with Mr. House to his country place at Beverly, Mass. He was going to Europe within a week. I remained with him two or three days and discussed the situation. As I was about to depart, he said to me : "If I am any judge of political events, Governor Wilson's candidacy is impossible. 'W^en you get to Baltimore, however, you will have a very great influ- ence in the selection of candidates. At the psycholog- ical moment, bring Senator Culberson forward. He may have the support of Mr. Bryan". I told him that I still had faith in Governor Wil- son's nomination, and that my position was such that I could not at any time abandon him. I felt it would be considered an act of treachery if I should trade his - delegates off at the Convention in the interest of any other man. Mr. House remained in Europe until the latter part of August. Soon after his return, he addressed a letter to me in which he said that Governor Wilson had not sent for him and that Mr. IMcAdoo, who was in charge of the campaign during my illness, would pay no attention to him, although he had personally gone to headquarters. I wrote to Governor Wilson and suggested that Mr. House was back from Europe and that he might be of distinct service. I also suggested that he send for Mr. House. In the rush of things, apparently, Governor Wilson overlooked the sugges- tion. A few days later, Mr. House appealed to me again. I sent word both to Mr. McAdoo and to [78] ENTER COLONEL HOUSE Governor Wilson that Mr. House be called into consultation. When I returned to the campaign, ]Mr. House had secured his consultation and appeared every day at headquarters. I was told that the President was lay- ing considerable store by him and that he had been and was a sort of "observer" of headquarters, whatever that means. Mr. House never contribut-ed. Early in January, 1912, it became evident that we must move on Washington and get as much Congres- sional support as possible. I could see that we were not getting adequate publicity in the newspapers and decided to go to Washington and look into that matter. Upon arriving at the Willard, I called up William H. Hughes, then in the lower House, and asked him to come and see me. I asked him to recommend to me the very best newspaper correspondent in Washing- ton. He said: **I can recommend a man to you, but you may not like him. He is a big, easy-going, strapping South- erner, and you may not want too much of the South in this matter". I could see no objection to the South as long as it had the force behind it. Then he remarked: "I have in mind a man who can go and kick a Senator in the shin and shake the truth out of him. He is liked by every member of Congress, regardless of party". This was Thomas J. Pence. Pence opened our Publicity Bureau. The 'New York Headquarters became devoted to conferences and to sending out the ordinary publicity; the Wasli- [ 79 ■] MAKING WOODROW WILSON PRESIDENT ington Headquarters was largely devoted to sending out Congressional publicity. We dbtained the most valuable acquisition that I know of in the entire campaign in Senator Thomas P. Gore. Senator Gore, as everyone knows, is blind, but he thinks, lives and sleeps with politics and public questions. His very infirmity gives an added ability for certain sides of politics. He never forgets a name or a voice. There is no man on this continent who is more accurately familiar with the personnel of politics. If he has ever heard the name of a political leader, state, county or precinct, in the entire countrj'', he remembers it forever. I found him a perfect encyclo- pedia of political information. He was a genius for political organization down to the finest detail. He was the most affectionately loyal person with whom it has ever been my pleasure to come in contact. Senator Gore worked incessantly to the end. He was opti- mistic always. It was to him, more than any other person, that I turned in the most difficult moments. [ 80 ] VI LAUNCHING OF THE 1912 CAMPAIGN Wilson's Letter to Joline, "Knocking Bryan Into a Cocked Hat", Alarms His Manager — A Race of Writers to Answer It — Bryan Mollified and "Shakes" with Wil- son — McCoMBS Wins Big Advantage for Wilson in Selection of Baltimore for Convention City — McAdoo, Morgenthau and Elkus "Drop In". DURING 1910 and 1911, in addition to the great Congressional triumph, Democratic Governors had been elected in the normally Republican states. Things looked well for the De- mocracy. It was decided, in celebration of the glori- ous victories, to have a great dinner at Washington on Jackson Day, January 8, 1912. I learned that the prospective candidates for the Presidency, together with other distinguished men, were to be invited to speak. It was apparent to me that it was ^Ir. Wilson's great opportunity to compare himself with his rivals. I had heard all the men speak who were mentioned. I knew that Mr. Wilson was vastly superior in ora- tory. The gathering was to be the most notable that the Democratic Party could produce. Members of the National Committee from all the states were to be [81 ] MAKING WOODROW WILSON PRESIDENT there. In fact, the leaders of the Democracy from everywhere were to be present. Mr. Wilson received an invitation, of course. He was on the point of declining, on the ground that it would seem obvious that he was a candidate for the Presidency. I saw no reason for disguising the fact, but it was most difficult to make him see my point of view. Finally I told Representative Hughes of the Gov- ernor's state of mind. He was amazed beyond words. He got in touch with Mr. Wilson and finally convinced him. It was most fortunate that he did, for Governor Wilson's oration was a tremendous success, as he far outranked any person who spoke. When he sat down there was a great ovation. After the applause was over, Roger C. Sullivan, of Illinois, lifted his glass to Governor Wilson and said: *'He'll do" ! Mr. Sullivan at the time was committed to no one. I regarded his action as a great portent. I felt in my heart that he would ultimately be for Governor Wil- son, though he had to thread his waj^ through the maze of practical politics. The forty-eight hours prior to the dinner were very depressing indeed, from the point of view of the Wil- son campaign. I received an intimation early on the morning of the 7th that the newspapers had a letter from Governor Wilson to ^Ir. Adrian H. Joline that would be of the most serious consequence to his cam- paign. Through confidential sources I got a copy of it, which read: [ 82 ] LAUNCHING OF THE 1912 CAMPAIGN "Princeton University, president's room. Princeton, N. J. April 29, 1907 "My dear Mr. Joline: Thank you very much for sending me your address at Parsons, Kansas, before the Board of Directors, of the Missouri, Kansas and Texas Railroad Company. I have read it with relish, and am in entire agreement. Would that we could do something, at once, dignified and effec- tive, to knock Mr. Bryan, once for all, into a cocked hat. Cordially and sincerely yours, WooDROW Wilson" Mr. Adrian H. Joline An immediate call over the telephone was made for the Governor. He could not remember ^vriting the letter. He could not vouch for its authenticity. I knew that it was to be published. Its seriousness, from a political point of view, was obvious. Mr. Bryan had, up to that time, not froAvned upon our candidate. This letter, if tiiie, would unquestion- ably offend him. It would indicate an alliance or sympathy on the part of Governor Wilson with Mr. Joline and his associates, who were identified with large banks and other financial interests. Governor Wilson and I conferred. We discussed a reply and how it should be made. The nature of the reply was momentous. It might mean the buckling up of the entire Wilson campaign or it might cause a general deflection of the Progi'essive wing of the Democratic Party from him, for at that time the [83] MAKING WOODROW WILSON PRESIDENT Governor had no standing with the so-called Conser- vative wing. Mr. Wilson wrote in longhand a tentative statement to be incorporated in his speech. In effect, the defense was that he had done what he thought was proper at the time. There he stopped. I knew that this would not do. I got in touch with Senator James A. O' Gor- man, of New York. After we had argued, Governor Wilson asked my secretary, Maurice Lyons, to read his reply aloud. After it was read, the Governor was silent for about five minutes. He requested IMr. Lyons to typewrite it. A¥hen in form and again read, I dis- approved of it. Finally the Governor and I se^Da- rately wrote what we considered amended adequate replies. He read mine. I read his. Neither suited. We then set ourselves to more writing. After an hour and a half, Mr. Wilson wTote out a statement in which he attempted to justify his change of mind: *'A man may even change his mind. It is nothing to be ashamed of, to change your mind about some conclusion you may have reached on insufficient information. "A man may even 'wi-ite a letter, just so it is a frank expression, and you have nothing to be ashamed of. The letter may even be printed. It may sometimes prove inconvenient. But if it is a frank expression, there is nothing to be ashamed of. "The man who refuses to change his mind, when he finds he is wrong, ought to be blown apart by dyna- mite, so that his parts can be properly and nonnally readjusted". [84] LAUNCHING OF THE 1912 CAMPAIGN Meantime, Mr. Pence and I fully discussed the seriousness of the situation. IMy first thought was of Bryan. Reaching him before he got to Washington was highly important. Mr. Pence found that Mr. Brj^an was in Raleigh, N. C. We concluded that we would get in touch with Josephus Daniels, ^\"ho like- wise w^as there. It seemed best to inform INIr. Daniels, frankly, that the attacks on Governor Wilson always ai)]Deared in reactionary papers when ]Mr. Wilson was about to speak, with the purpose of blanketing his utterances. Such attacks were a serious blow to progressive democ- racy, of which both Governor Wilson and IMr. Bryan were exponents. It would be impossible to express the relief that I felt when assured that j\Ir. Daniels would take this position with !Mr. Bryan. When the happy reply to JNIr. Bryan was worked out, I requested Mr. Pence to go to the station and meet Mr. Daniels and Mr. Bryan. ^Ir. Daniels was his friend. I wanted to know, at least, how Mr. Br3^an looked, if I could not get w^liat he said. Not until IMr. Pence reported that Mr. Brj^an looked sunny and cheerful did the high tension disappear. Mr, Wilson's reference to Mr. Bryan at the Jackson Day dinner was in a most happy vein. ^Ir. Bryan's was in a vein equally happy. ]\Ir. Bryan took a big man's point of view. He grew in my estimation tremendously. The Jackson Day dinner was the occasion for a meeting of the National Committee in order to select a place for the National Convention. Three cities [ 85] / lilAKING WOODROW WILSON PRESIDENT desired it, — Chicago, St. Louis and Baltimore. National Committeemen who supi)orted Mr. Wilson were few, but we held the balance of power. Eastern and Southern states preferred Baltimore. Middle states, wiiich leaned toward Mr. Clark, preferred St. J Louis or Chicago. Western states had no j^reference. I decided that Baltimore would be the best place from a Wilson point of view. We could move a large number of supporters from New Jersey, Delaware, and ^laryland into Baltimore, and that would have a psychological influence on delegates. We also had the very strong support of the Baltimore Sun. It was clear that these influences might be of great value in a close contest in the convention. I could not afford, publicly, to express my prefer- ence. Wliat the Wilson people wanted was likely to provoke an adverse majority in the National Com- mittee. I spread word to our friends in the Committee that I thought Baltimore preferable. I pledged them to secrecy as to their intentions. The National Committeeman from ^Maryland, Fred Talbott, exceedingly anxious to have Baltimore selected, came to me early in the morning of the Com- mittee meeting. He solicited my support and demon- strated the advantages from a Wilson viewpoint. ]Mr. Talbott was for Wilson's nomination. But the case was of such great delicacy that I told Mr. Talbott I was not ready to express a preference. However, Baltimore easily prevailed. Chicago and St. Louis appeared to be very dangerous from the Wilson aspect. St. Louis was in ^Ir. Clark's logical [ 86 ] LAUNCHING OF THE 1912 CAMPAIGN territory. His supporters would be there in great numbers. This likewise applied to Chicago, and there Mr. Wilson had practically no newspaper support. ^Mr. Hearst, who was for Clark, o^\^led a paper that might have very great influence on the delegates. A certain psychology of every national convention is produced from the outside. Delegates are perhaps unaware of it. This was notably true of the Demo- cratic convention of 1896, at Chicago, which I attended. Mr. Bryan was nominated. I had attended six or seven national conventions, both Republican and Democratic. I had a fixed impression that the atmos- phere of the place in whic^h the convention is held is of tremendous importance in the selection of the nominee. Another interesting occurrence took place at the ^ National Committee meeting. A. Mitchell Palmer, one of our ardent supporters, contested the seat of James M. Guffey, of Pittsburgh. Guffey had long been a member of the National Committee. He had been a very important factor in Democratic councils. Mr. Palmer and Vance McCormick came to me with their briefs. Naturally, I was gi^eatly predisposed in Mr. Palmer's favor. I was sure that INIr. Guffey would never be with us. I was also sure that Mr. Guffey had a legal right to the seat. I could only say I was with him in spirit. I, therefore, thought I should make no recommendations to our friends in the Committee. They were about equally divided. Mr, Bryan took a proxy. He made a very severe attack on Mr. Guffey. It was without avail. Before the Jackson Day dinner I had established [ 87 ] MAKING WOODROW WILSON PRESIDENT headquarters at Washington and had communicated with our friends throughout the country to meet me there. They came in large numbers. We analyzed conditions, laid plans and selected leaders. Among others with me was Henry Morgenthau, afterward Ambassador to Turkey. Rabbi Wise, a very brilliant orator and influential man among the Hebrews in New York, had been attracted to Governor Wilson. He wrote to our head- quarters for literature that he might prepare an article about him. I subsequently met Mr. Wise. I raised the question of securing prominent Hebrews who might be of financial as well as political assistance to us. He selected his friend, Henry Morgenthau, who had been very prominent in Hebrew circles in New York. He had practically retired from busi- ness, was a man of high ideals, and was quite willing to devote large sums from his private fortune in fur- therance of them. Mr. l^vlorgenthau was very mudi impressed with Mr. Wilson's speech of January 6th on the Jewish Passport Question, and likewise with his speech at Washington. He gave me a pledge to contribute $5,000 a month to the Wilson campaign. This was indeed a great relief. It was a great gratification to have his support in New York. He proved to be an indefatigable worker. Later another Hebrew of high ideals joined me, Abram I. Elkus. He not only contributed largely from his private mainte- nance, but was exceedingly active in every direction [ 88 ] LAUNCHING OF THE 1912 CAMPAIGN up to the day of the nomination and throughout the summer campaign. Governor Wilson had no more genuine and enthu- siastic supporters than Mr. Morgenthau and Mr. Elkus. Mr. Elkus was always willing to lay aside his private business for a public ideal. His very large experience in public affairs made him a valu- able associate. With the Jackson Day dinner over, we perfected an organization. I had been able to confer, person- ally, with leaders from almost every state. Flesh- and-blood contact enabled us to work with a better understanding. The Wilson campaign was then launched in a very concrete manner. It had received a great impetus. Its largest asset, however, still was the Governor's popularity. At this period Mr. McAdoo had appeared on the scene for the first time. We had not made any great headway then among the Democratic organizations, but we had made headway among the newspapers. The question of money was still a very trouble- some one. The selection of delegates to the National Convention by primaries was rapidly approaching, but before discussing this I will return to phases of our publicity. [89] VII PUBLICITY AND STRATEGY How McCoMBS Apprised the Voters Who and What Wilson Was — Second Choice Chances in the Convention En- hanced BY Keeping Out of "Favorite-Son States" — Bryan's Ohio Tour Financed — Nineteen Wilson Dele- gates Elected in Buckeye State — Even Break in Oklahoma — Campaign Fund Lacks $36,000 — McCombs Borrows More Money — Charles R. Crane Makes His First Donation, $5,000. THE Rural Free Delivery had changed the general methods of politics. The United States had become more of a reading public. People in remote districts read monthly and weeldy magazines. Daily newspapers were delivered at doors quickly. I thought that we should have sup- port among monthly and weeklj^ magazines. Mr. McClure, of McClure's Magazine, was approached for an article on Woodrow Wilson. Pie assigned Burton J. Kendrick to prepare it. This article was reproduced in pamphlet form. We sent more than half a million copies throughout the United States. Walter H. Page, editor of the World's Work, and I arranged that Bayard Hale write four articles on Mr. Wilson. The Governor was consulted. I read proofs. The last article dealt with the Prince- [ 90 ] PUBLICITY AND STRATEGY ton University controversy. Mr. Hale handled oppo- nents of Mr. Wilson very viciously. When I saw the proofs, I protested that the article be toned down. I was receiving contributions from Princeton alumni. Many had not favored the Governor's side. This article, as originally drafted, would renew the Prince- ton schism and cut off our contributions. It would also make many violent opponents for Wilson. After much controversy the article was toned do\^Ti. I pur- chased large quantities of magazines from Mr. Page. Mark Sullivan, of Colliers Weeldy, rendered valu- able services until he heard the call of the Bull IMoose. In the fall of 1911 I bought the Trenton True American. Cleveland H. Dodge and (be it said in whispers) Mr. George W. Perkins, Bull Moose leader, held the dominating interest. We got out a Woodrow Wilson issue. The True American was sent largely to Democratic papers for clipping pur- poses. We sent the paper to every fifth Democratic voter in a state. This was in furtherance of my gen- eral plan to build the Woodrow Wilson campaign from the bottom up rather than from the top dovm. I determined that it was inadvisable and imprac- ticable to make a fight for delegates in states in which there were prospective candidates. These were Ala- bama (Mr. Underwood) ; Indiana (Mr. Marshall) ; Missouri (Mr. Clark) ; Ohio (Governor Hannon) ; Massachusetts (Mr. Foss) ; Connecticut (Governor Baldwin), and North Dakota (Mr. Burke, if he decided to run) . I conceived that it would be better to abandon these states out of courtesy, as resentment [ 91 ] MAKING WOODROW WILSON PRESIDENT might be created among the followers of the Presi- dential candidates in those states. It might si:>read to other states. At Baltimore the great struggle would begin and I knew we must have friends on second choice. However, I sent confidential messen- gers into states to find out our friends and prepare for second choice at Baltimore. I had a personal agreement with the Harmon man- ager in Ohio that I w^ould not come into the state, but, of course, would keep in touch with our friends there. Governor Harmon, during the course of his term, had provoked decided hostility. It came mainly through the Bryan-Baker factions. It also included people who sought oflice and did not get it. Baker and the followers of the late Tom Johnson opposed Governor Harmon, perhaps, on the princii)le that they did not consider him radical enough. Rep- resentative Lentz, Harvey Garber, ex-National Com- mitteeman, and former State Chairman Finley were ardent Bryanites. The Bryan people asked me if I would assist in financing a speaking trip of Mr. Bryan through Ohio. That involved the possibility that Mr. Bryan was to campaign for himself. But there was a distinct anti- Harmon feeling in Ohio. While I refused to organize it, I concluded that I would aid the Bryan excursion. I gave Mr. Garber $4,000. It helped to consolidate opposition to Mr. Harmon. I did not stipulate that the assistance of Mr. Bryan should result in assistance to IMr. Wilson. I knew [ 92 ] PUBLICITY AND STRATEGY i5ie sentiment in Ohio was stronger for him than it was for any candidate. If the opposition got together, as I calculated it would, Mr. Wilson would come to Baltimore with considerable strength. The Ohio primaries developed the fact. Nineteen Wilson dele- gates were selected out of a total of forty. The Clark campaign developed aggressively early in January. Mr. Clark was a " native son ". His managers determined that the first state to select their delegates should be Missouri, their candidate's home. JMany IMissourians advised, strongly, that Governor Wilson become a candidate in that state. I declined to consent. Mr. Clark's supporters controlled the state organization. Mr. Clark became practically the unanimous choice. Mr. Folk, who, rumor had it, was looking toward the Presidency with the implied support of Mr. Bryan, agreed to support ^Mr. Clark. The next contest was in Oklahoma. Mr. Clark was exceedingly well and favorably known in that state. There was some Harmon support. It readily disappeared. The contest narrowed to one between Mr. Clark and Mr. Wilson. The Wilson contest was led by Senator Gore. The Clark contest was led by Senator Robert L. Owen and Charles W. Haskell, former Governor and former Treasurer of the National Committee. The Oklahoma contest was not a state-wide primary; it was a contest for delegates selected in each county. The battle was a draw. We were fortunate that it so resulted. The Clark forces were exceedingly well organized. Mr. Clark had the advantage of living [93] MAKING WOODROW WILSON PRESIDENT in a neighboring state. He had the advantage, also, of a tremendous acquaintance. Governor Wilson Ivnew less than half a dozen people in the entire state. Kansas was the next state in order. It was neces- sary that we make a determined stand there. Diffi- culties were more obvious than those of Oklahoma; the state bordered on Missouri, and Mr. Clark had many justly valued friendships there. He had been speaking in the state for years. He had come in their hour of need ; indeed, in their hour of hoiDclessness. A decided handicap was to be overcome. Never- theless, some of the strongest men in the state were with us. These were Homer S. Martin, State Chair- man; George H. Hodges, Governor; Frank Watson, William Orr, Hugh P. Farrelly and Frank Comisky. Martin, who afterward became Vice Governor of the Philippines, and I planned the campaign. Senator Gore and I advised Governor Wilson to speak at Topeka on Washington's Birthday, taking his hazards on a defeat. Opposition to Governor Wilson had become highly concentrated. It was rumored that to prevent his sweeping the country in the primaries, an arrange- ment had been made that the country should be divided among the other three leading candidates in their respective strongholds, — Mr. Underwood in the South, Mr. Harmon in the East, and Mr. Clark in the West. I shall not comment on the truth of this " Triple Alliance ". It has never been demonstrated to me. I do not believe the gentlemen had the slightest knowledge of the existence of any such entente. [ 94 ] PUBLICITY AND STRATEGY In Kansas we were met with a most vehement attack on Governor Wilson. It was based upon his History of the American People and his alleged slight to Southern Europeans who came to America. This was given the widest circulation and it was harmful. Kansas having gone against us, and Wisconsin being the next state, it was necessary to make a deter- mined effort there. In the previous fall, I had met Joseph E. Davies, National Committeeman, on his return from Europe. He did not know much about the situation. After a protracted talk he decided to espouse the Wilson cause. He put me in personal touch with his partner, George Aylward, now District Attorney at Madison, and Frank B. Shutze, now Postmaster at Milwaukee. These were the Wisconsin pioneers. I determined that everything possible should be done in Wisconsin to stem what I considered the rising tide for Speaker Clark. From headquarters we sent tons of literature to the Democrats in Wisconsin. We covered the state thoroughly with the Trenton True American. I also gave Mr. Davies $15,000 — a mighty sum for us in those times — to carry on the campaign. It was more than a mighty sum in view of my personal situation. I had incurred a personal indebtedness on behalf of the campaign of more than $36,000. At this juncture, Thomas J. Pence said to me at Washington: '* You need not worry about the Wisconsin pub- licity, 'The Old Man of the Sea' (Senator Gore) and I will mix the poison ". [95] MAKING WOODROW WILSON PRESIDENT Senator Gore organized a campaign down to the precincts in Wisconsin. The LaFollette Campaign Committee, composed largely of former President Theodore Roosevelt's friends, had concluded that Senator Robert M. LaFollette, of Wisconsin, was impossible as a candidate for the Republican or Pro- gressive Presidential nomination, and had plainly told him so. This was a few days prior to the Pub- lishers' dinner in Philadelphia, at which Senator LaFollette utterly collapsed physically and nervously. The one man on the LaFollette Committee who protested against the abandonment of the Senator was Charles R. Crane, of Chicago. President Wilson later offered Crane the post of Ambassador to Russia. Mr. Crane had been confirmed as Minister to China under Mr. Taft. He was recalled in the process of his journey. At the break-up of the LaFollette Com- mittee, Mr. Crane asserted that he would continue in his financial support of Mr. LaFollette. I went to Chicago to confer on the Wisconsin situa- tion, and also to see Roger C. Sullivan again. The deficit hanging over me and the great expense that was to follow were quite depressing. I had found out that primaries are the most expensive form of political campaigning. The odds are all in favor of the man with the money and the man who has the organization behind him. As I sat in the Blackstone Hotel, alone, on a foggy morning, I was raking my mind on how to discover some new person to contribute to the Wilson cam- paign. I thought of Charles R. Crane, and deter- [ 96 ] PUBLICITY AND STRATEGY mined at once to see him. It was a short journey to his office. Mr. Crane received me with great politeness. I told him that I admired his courage in continuing to support Mr. LaFollette, but that, of course, Mr. LaFollette's nomination was impossible. I argued to Mr. Crane that Governor Wilson stood for pro- gressive ideals, and that there was no inconsistency in supporting both Wilson and Mr. LaFollette. After twenty minutes Mr. Crane gave me a check for $5,000, and said that he would give me $5,000 more later. This $5,000 went into the maw of the Wisconsin primaries. Mr. Crane had influence, and, indeed, a substan- tial interest in the Milwaukee Journal. He promised the support of the Journal for Governor Wilson. He also enjoyed intimate acquaintanceship with the Scripps-McRae papers. He volunteered to argue for the support of that chain of great dailies for Gov- ernor Wilson, and it was largely accomplished. If I ever had an inspiration it was certainly the inspiration of seeing Mr. Crane. I left his office still $36,000 in debt, but feeling vastly more hopeful of the general result. His face and his first-spoken word convince one that he is a man of high ideals and fidelity of purpose. From Mr. Crane's office I went into conference — the third one — with Roger C. Sullivan, the National Committeeman from Illinois. It was plain that although a chronic bitter fight was being made on Mr. Sullivan he would control the delegation at Baltimore. [97] MAKING WOODROW WILSON PRESIDENT The first time I saw him was on the twelfth of Feb- ruary — Lincoln's Birthday — when Governor Wil- son spoke at the Lincoln Day dinner in the Hotel LaSalle. It was a rather soggy occasion. The busi- nessmen of Chicago, as elsewhere, viewed Wilson with suspicion and alarm. Outside of a very cordial talk, we got nowhere. Mr. Sullivan, very properly, was looking after his o\mi political position. The very mixed condition of Illinois would not permit him to make a statement. I loiew that if Roger Sullivan ever committed himself to us, his word would be as good as his bond. The net result of the first conference was that he expressed a very high regard for Mr. Wilson. On the second occasion. Senator Saulsbury and I were on a Western tour, terminating in Topeka, where Governor Wilson was to speak. Mr. Sullivan again took the position that his own leadership was involved, and that he was compelled to protect that. He would not commit himself to anyone. We both knew his imderlying political judgment was that Governor Wilson should be nominated. On the third occasion, we had a very long conver- sation. Mr. Sullivan was even more enthusiastic about Governor Wilson, but less hopeful of his nomination. Nevertheless, I thought that the conference would at least develop a cordiality between us and cement mutual confidence. That it did was demonstrated when in the Baltimore Convention Mr. Sullivan fmally swung the 58 votes from Illinois to Wilson, and made his nomination certain. [ 98 ] VIII PREPARATIONS FOR CONVENTION Only 327 of the 1088 National Delegates for Wilson as THE Net Result of Presidential Primaries — McCombs Tours South and West to Gain Veto Power in Conven- tion — "Only a Miracle Can Save Wilson", Says Davies — Wilson Conference at Washington Gloomy — Newton, Publicity Man, Discharged. THE CONTEST in Wisconsin involved the vote of a very large Southern European element, especially in Milwaukee. A very bitter pamphlet prepared by George Fred Williams against Governor Wilson was the chief weapon of the opposition. It appealed very strongly to the foreign vote. Wisconsin had been so thoroughly organized that the primary came out quite to our satisfaction. We won twenty out of the twenty-four delegates. We had, at least, checked the Clark tide. We tripled our circulation of publicity, but we were still short of money. Contributions were given in a spirit of great trepidation, and the campaign was not undenvritten at all, except by Mr. Morgenthau. The time for the selection of delegates in Illinois was coming apace. The state was absolutely rent with factionalism. Mr. Clark's supporters had organized [ 99 ] MAKING WOODROW WILSON PRESIDENT the state most thoroughly and with great skill. Mr. Hearst's papers were pounding the Wilson candidacy with great effect. Governor Dunne's forces were working for the nomination of the IMissourian with the support of Mayor Harrison and of Mr. Hearst's newspapers. Mr. Sullivan was working to maintain control of the state organization. It was impossible for us under such circumstances, to have an adequate organi- zation in the state. It would have required a vast sum of money to obtain it. We did not have the funds. Accordingly, I organized a faithful group, mainlj^ composed of young men outside of any organization. They included William Bro^\Tl, Jr., later Naval Officer of the Port ; River McNeill, later Collector of Customs; William C. Niblac, a prominent banker; Dixon Williams, a manufacturer; Irving Shuman, later Assistant United States Treasurer at Chicago; Lawrence Stringer, later Congressman-at-large, and the Jones brothers, Thomas D. and Frank. Thomas D. was afterward nominated by the President for the Federal Reserve Board. This group had the very greatest difficulty in raising funds. Just before the selection of delegates, I gave the organization $250, every cent that I could afford, for the payment of a deficit on printing. Ten days before the selection of delegates, a primary law was passed in Illinois. "^^Hien the news came to me, I told our organization that Illinois was hopeless and that it must go to INIr. Clark. I recommended the [ 100 ] I PREPARATIONS FOR CONVENTION expenditure of no further money, but upon their insistence for funds I gave them $3,000. It was more of a reward for the loyalty of their services than anything else. Mr. Clark won by a tremendous plurality,— over 140,000. I received the news at my New York hotel. I was $57,000 personally committed to the campaign. The morning was foggy, and, of course, to me was blacker than usual. I had breakfast and walked do^\^l Fifth Avenue, not knowing where any further funds were coming from. I puffed vigorously at a black cigar. I was of course not willing to give up. Indeed, it was a matter of pride not to surrender until thor- oughly beaten at Baltimore, and I still thought we would not be beaten. The success of the Wisconsin primaries was not long-lived. The Clark movement got a tremendous and thoroughly organized swing. Nebraska, Iowa, California, Washington, Colorado, Nevada, New Mexico, Massachusetts, Rhode Island, Maryland, went for Mr. Clark almost in succession. Alabama, Mississippi, Georgia, Florida, a part of Tennessee, a part of North Cai-olina, went sweepingly in turn for Mr. Underwood. While these events were occurring, Mr. Joseph E. Davies said that Governor Wilson could only be nominated by a political miracle. I knew it was necessary for us to buttress ourselves in a few states to check the almost overwhelmmg tide. I selected INIinnesota, South Dakota, North Carolina, and South Carolina in which to concentrate the fight. [ 101 ] MAKING WOODROW WILSON PRESIDENT We liad made a formal fight in IMassacliusetts. It consisted mainly of sj)eakers. Yv"e had the able ser- vices of Robert L. Henry, who had transferred him- self from Wisconsin, where we had retrieved ourselves with nine delegates. The "Old Man of the Sea" (Senator Gore) and I were much in conference. Pence was pounding away with publicit}?^ in every direction. The New York Headquarters, so far as its resources would allow it, was consistently sending out Wilson publicity. In JNIinnesota w^e had some very able men. They included Fred B. Ljmch, E. L. Wise, editor of the Duluth Herald, which was a power with its editorials ; Mr. Jacques, IMr. Hudson, and others. We secured a handsome, but belated victory in ^Minnesota. Under the able leadership of E. S. Johnson, opposed violently by Senator Pettigrew and George Fred M^illiams, we took South Dakota. Under the leadership of William H. Osborne, and other strong men, we took twenty out of the twenty- four North Carolina delegates. With Senator Tillman and IMr. Gonzales, now Minister to Cuba, we took South Carolina. On the 28th of IMay the New Jersey primaries came on. As was to be expected, Senator Smith held his own in Essex. The result was 24 Wilson out of the 28 state delegates. By the 1st of June all of the state conventions and primaries were over. Early in April the strain was beginning to become too much for me. During the period I liad not taken [ 102 ] PREPARATIONS FOR CONVENTION a Sunda}^ or a holiday off. I had worked from twelve to eighteen hours a day. I frequently felt that I must give up. Wliile Mr. Clark was sweeping the country, tne Governor had become very much discouraged. He thought it was too much to call on his friends to do. He more than once intimated that he desired to with- draw. My argument was, that it would be unfair to his friends who had so vigorously supported him, and who, I was sure, would rather go to defeat than to quit in the midst of a conflict. After June 1st the tactics for the Convention had to be worked out. I sent into all of the states. I took a list of the delegates selected, sent to me from an inquiry made as to their first and second choice. This I carefully noted in a book. In New York, I had declined to make a fight for two reasons: I knew that the sentiment of the state was decidedly against Governor Wilson. I knew that the organization which controlled the selection of the delegates was against him. ^ly only hope was to fur- ther the amicable and cordial terms with the delegates selected, in the hope that at some juncture in the Convention they might see fit to vote with us. It was apparent that the only effort that could be made there was to turn the edge of animosity. This position I took counter to many suggestions and the violent protestations of Governor Wilson's friends. I knew a fight would result only in creating bitter state animosities which would prejudice success in the state of any Democrat nominated in the Convention, and [ 103 ] MAKING WOODROW WILSON PRESIDENT could by no chance be of any value to Governor Wilson. The only thing done in the state was the circulation of a large amount of publicity. Some of the delegates, notably Abram I. Elkus, Henry JMorgenthau, Martin H. Gljmn, Samuel Untermeyer, and others, were loj^al Wilson men. The suggestion was made that a contesting delegation go to Baltimore, following the precedent of the Anti- Snap movement in the Democratic convention of 1892. The Anti-Snap was all right. But the facts were not the same. I was sure that no convention would pay any attention to such a movement. The net result of the selection of delegates prior to the Baltimore convention showed Mr. Wilson to be in possession of 327 out of the 1088 delegates, — less than a third. Within a few days after the 1st of June, I went up into the country with my list of delegates and all of the information that I had acquired during the fifteen months of campaigning, to lay out a plan of battle for submission to my associates. I was quite alone. First I studied and learned by heart the per- sonnel of the 1088 delegates. I found that many Clark delegates held Wilson as their second choice, and that some were very sympathetic with Harmon. I determined that if we could, in the process of the convention, muster a veto power, — that is, more than one-third, and hold it in compact order for four or five days, we had an excellent chance to secure many more delegates and perhaps the nomination. As to the Underwood delegates, who were entirely from the [ 104 ] PREPARATIONS FOR CONVENTION South, it seemed clear that, at the convention, they should be left entirely alone in order to strengthen them. Their great value at the first part of the con- vention would be in blockading the Clark movement and preventing his nomination. I was av/are that the Underwood people hoped to be the residuary legatees of either the Wilson or Clark strength. I resolved that during the first two days of the convention we should merely do sharp -shooting at the Clark delegates, — that is to say, draw off indi- vidual delegates to get the coveted one-third. I thought I could see where we would get more than one-third of the delegates in this manner and hold them together. As to the floor organization, I determined upon a committee composed of vigorous, active men, that could do continuous manoeuvering, and who were physically vigorous enough to work day and night. Governor Burke, of North Dakota, now Treasurer of the United States, wrote that if we needed the North Dakota delegates we could have them at any time. I returned from my seclusion and laid the plan of organization before Governor Wilson, Senator Gore, Mr. Pence, and one or two others. It was accepted. About Jime 10, I went to Washington and took up the matter of our Congressional support. We worked out the personnel of the floor leaders and called a secret meeting at the Bellevue-Stratford Hotel, Philadelphia. There were present Governor Wilson, Senator Gore, Senator Saulsbury, Mr. Burleson, and, [ 105 ] ]MAKING WOODROW WILSON PRESIDENT I think, Mr. Palmer, JNIr. IMcGillicuddy, Robert S. Hudspeth and Representative Hughes. I proposed a plan for carrying off the delegates of the various states, one from Pennsylvania and one from Texas, who were not on the Floor Committee, to work among the various delegations between sessions. INIr. Pence evolved the idea of having a complete press bureau in Baltimore so as to get immediate favorable publicity directly into the hands of the dele- gates. The publicity here was done by clippings. I determined to j)ut Colonel Thomas R. Burch in charge of the convention hall galleries and to be Commissioner and "Chief of Enthusiasm". I arranged to have brought down to Baltimore, Princeton, Yale and Harvard Woodrow Wilson Clubs, which numbered some 1500 young men with strong lungs and stronger enthusiasm. The plans for Baltimore were complete; but to return to some other incidents. About Januar}'- 15, Byron R. Newton, later Assist- ant Secretary of the Treasury and Collector of the Port of New York, then publicity agent, taken from Mr. McAdoo's office, became exceedingly unsatisfac- torj^ His enthusiasm had fallen away. I attributed it at first to nervousness. They told me that he was doing absoluteh'' nothing at headquarters, and became exceedingly quarrelsome. This happened at the time of the Watterson interview, when for the first time I came forward with continuous publicity which neces- sarily involved my name. Newton secretly represented Mr. IMcAdoo. He [ 106] PREPARATIONS FOR CONVENTION was jealous because I was directing the movement, and because of his greater age. Finally, with great reluctance, I was compelled to discharge him to bring order into the headquarters. He left grudgingly. He wrote a vitriolic letter to Governor Wilson con- cerning the condition of the campaign. That was the last I heard of Newton, until at Baltimore, I am reli- ably informed, he publicly appeared on the floor of the convention exploiting alleged injurious letters. At the instance of Dan Fellow Piatt, of New Jer- sey, I engaged Walker W. Vick as an assistant at headquarters. He seemed to have a large acquaint- ance in the South. As a try-out, I sent him down there to look over the situation. He came back with valuable information. ]Mr. Vick proved himself to be a valuable executive. Upon letting ]Mr. Newton go, I put ]Mr. Yick in charge of headquarters, associating with him Mr. Parker, a publicity man, and others. Soon afterwards I asked Senator Gore to recom- mend a man who was familiar with ]\Iiddle West con- ditions. He suggested Judge Thomas H. Owen of Oklahoma. Judge Owen, at Senator Gore's instance, volunteered to come without salary to headquarters and spend a month. He proved himself of very great value in organization and in his familiarity with IMiddle Western conditions. To go back a little, I determined on March 14th that it w^ould be of advantage to go into the South and confer with some of our friends in the various states. My particular aim was toward New Orleans. I went to Augusta, to the Bon Air Hotel, for a few days* [ 107 ] MAKING WOODROW WILSON PRESIDENT rest, occupying the time, however, in receiving Wilson leaders from the surrounding states, including J. T. G. Crawford, National Committeeman from Florida; Mr. Gonzales, of South Carolina, and Bowdrie Phinzy, of Augusta. Mr. Saulsbury was there. The vacation consisted of planning for the future and sending out of telegrams to various leaders in the j^rimaries. From Augusta I went to Atlanta and conferred with the Wilson leaders in Georgia, especially Colonel Gray, editor and proprietor of the Atlanta Journal, who was rendering us valiant service. The trip con- vinced me that Mr. Underwood must have Alabama, Georgia and Florida. Lieutenant Governor Bilbo met me at New Orleans. He was not entirely committed to Under- wood. An analysis of the situation in Mississippi showed that the state was largely dominated by Senator Var- daman and Governor Brewer. I was sure that no success could be had there for us. According to our plan of not abandoning any state completely, excepting New York and the Presidential candidate states, we made fights in all of the others, with the anticipated result. My object in going to New Orleans was specific. The southern half of Louisiana w^as disrupted over the Underwood Bill of 1911, because it had a provision for free sugar. Louisiana people contended that it was confiscatory. Mr. Wilson, in his speech of January 3, 1912, had pronounced himself against any tariff that would prove confiscatory. At that time I did not [ 108 ] PREPARATIONS FOR CONVENTION dream that he would be for free sugar. Indeed, he had told me that he had not made up his mind, but that if it were confiscatory, he would be against it. In New Orleans I met Colonel Ewing, National Committeeman of Louisiana and editor of a prominent daily paper, and editors of several other papers. They were satisfied that as among Clark, Underwood, and Wilson, Wilson was the better choice for Louisiana. The delegation was about evenly divided between Wilson and Clark. The southern, or sugar, half of the state was for Wilson. I then made a trip into my native state, Arkansas. I had had considerable hopes, or rather profound long- ing. Upon my arrival at Little Rock I fotrnd that the effective work of Jerry C. South had entirely pre- cluded our having it, and I left in chagrin. I proceeded to St. Louis ; then to Chicago, to renew my friendship with Koger Sullivan, and then to New York. The day following my arrival I took a trip to Atlantic City for sea air, conferences, and contribu- tions. Mr. Pence came up from Washington to report, Judge Owen to confer with us all, and Vick to pave the way for contributions. Through the editor of an Atlantic City paper, we were able to raise about $5,000. This was a great help because we were bankrupt again, and there were con- tinued demands for money. Referring to the trip to Topeka, which I have men- tioned in a previous chapter, Mr. Saulsbury and I took it together. The dinner on this occasion was for [ 109 ] MAKING WOODROW WILSON PRESIDENT both men and women. The ceiling was low, the Gov- ernor was out of voice. Homer S. jNIartin implored us for funds we did not have. We came into contact with the vicious George Fred Williams' letter, which was being circulated tremendously. It was not a bridge of comforts. But our leaders were enthusiastic. On the return I invited as many of them as were going in that direction to dine with me at Kansas City. I took Mr. Martin across mto St. Louis, where I could draw some money and appease him slightly. We then went to Louisville and enjoyed the hosx^itality of the Pen- dennis Club and the companionship of Urey Wood- son, — and learned that Kentucky was for Clark. We journeyed thence to Frankfort, met Governor ]Mc- Creary, Desha Breckenridge, and ex-Governor Beck- ham, and found that Kentucky was for Clark more than ever. The "hog's eye was sot". The leaders were nearly all against us. We left a thin line, mainly comjDosed of very young men, as a rear guard, and departed for Washington. There I stopped to check up events with the "Old Man of the Sea", and then on to Xev>' York to continue the work. June 20, 1912, the entire staff of 'New York and Washington Headquarters was moved to Baltimore. We had most of the tenth floor of the Emerson Hotel and the main room do^vustairs. I was urged to take the big room do^\Tistairs for $10,000, for the conven- tion, at what might be called a prodigious sum from the Wilson standpoint. I was urged on by my good friend Colonel McGraw, of West Virginia, who was [ 110 ] PREPARATIONS FOR CONVENTION accustomed to the old days of conventions, and who made great merriment over my objection to paying such an extraordinary price. The daj^s between the 20th and 25th were spent in conference with the Wil- son leaders and in laying further plans for the convention. Mr. INIcAdoo, during this time, was at the Repub- lican convention in Chicago. However, he had reserved a suite at the Emerson. [ 111 ] IX McCOMBS' ORGANIZATION Battle for Convention Control — Bryan Bitterly Attacks Parker as "Predatory Interests Candidate" — Parker Defeats Bryan for Temporary Chairman of the Con- vention — The Wilson Group Supports Bryan to Elim- inate Clark — Clark's Manoeuvres Against Bryan to Prevent His Fourth Presidential Nomination. [Editor's Note — The following is compiled by the editor.] THE SKELETON organization with which Mr. McCombs entered the Baltimore con- vention consisted in the main of young college graduates of Princeton, Harvard, Yale, Columbia, Cornell, University of Pennsylvania and other universities. In addition, Mr. McCombs had succeeded in enlisting these more or less influential leaders in these subjoined states: Alabama: Frank P. Glass, Judge Peter J. Ham- ilton, former Governor W. D. Jelks, General Bibb Graves, Judge W. E. Thomas, ex-Governor Senator B. B. Comer. California: James D. Phelan, United States Senator. Delaware: Willard Saulsbury, afterward United States Senator. [ H2 ] McCOMBS' ORGANIZATION Florida: Frank L. Mayes, J. T. G. Crawford, J. W. Appleyard. Illinois: Edwin Hurley, afterward United States Shipping Commissioner; Irving B. Shuman. Iowa: Jerry B. Sullivan. Kansas: Homer S. Martin, Governor George H. Hodges. Louisiana: Senator Robert E. Broussard. Maine: Hobadiah Gardner, recently member of the Inter-Boundary Commission; Daniel McGillicuddy, former Governor Plaisted. Massachusetts: E. E. Filene, Charles H. Grasty. Missouri: Edward F. Goltra. ISTew Jersey: Colonel George Harvey, William Hughes, Dan Fellows Piatt, Judge R. S. Hudspeth, Colonel T. H. Birch, Congressman Robert Brenner, John Hinchcliffe. New Hampshire: Eugene E. Reed. New Mexico: United States Senator A. A. Jones. New York: Henry :Morgenthau, George Foster Peabody, Franklin D. Roosevelt, William Church Osborn,^ Thomas Mott Osborne, Fred S. Penfield, Cleveland H. Dodge, Walter H. Page. North Carolina: Hugh MacRae, "The Three Sprunts", A. H. Gouverneur, H. C. McQueen, Thomas H. Wright, former Governor Robert Glenn, A. H. Eller, Colonel W. H. Osborne, E. J. Justice, Captain S. J. Williams, J. R. Preston, Major W. F. Robertson, General J. O. Carr, Josephus Daniels, just retired as Secretary of the Navy. North Dakota: Governor John Burke. [ H3 ] MAKING WOODROW WILSON PRESIDENT Ohio: W. W. Durbin, Harvey Garber. Oklahoma: United States Senator Thomas P. Gore, Judge Thomas H. Owen. Oregon: W. B. King. Pennsylvania: Joseph M. Guffey, A. Mitchell Palmer, W. W. Roper, Vance McCormick, Roland Morris, Ambassador to Japan. South Carolina: R. S. Wlmley, W. E. Gonzales, W. W. Ball, J. Willard Ragsdale, John Gary Evans. Rhode Island: Congressman O'Shaughnessey. South Dakota: Senator Edward S. Johnson. Texas: R. L. Henry, A. S. Burleson, Colonel T. H. Ball. Tennessee : Hobart F. Fischer. VeiTuont: J. Walter Lyons, Thomas H. Browne. Virginia: Stuart G. Gibboney, ex-Governor EUy- son. West Virginia: Colonel Jolm T. McGraw. Wisconsin: Joseph E. Davies. District of Columbia: Charles A. Douglass. Hawaii: John H. Wilson. Porto Rico : Henry G. Molina, Henry W. Dooley. Kentucky: Henry S. Breckinridge, Governor Yagar, now in Porto Rico ; J. W. C. Becldiam. [Editor's Note — Mr. McCombs resumes his narrative.] After Chairman Norman E. Mack of the National Committee, on June 25, 1912, had formally called the convention to order, he submitted the name of Judge Alton B. Parker, former candidate for President of the United States, for Temporary Chairman. When r 114 ] McCOMBS' ORGANIZATION he asked for other nominations, Mr. Bryan arose. Referring to his credentials as three times the standard bearer of the Democracy, and the fact that six and a half million people had voted for him on each occa- sion, he opposed Judge Parker on the ground that the Judge had been nominated for the forces in St. Louis, chiefly IMessrs. Thomas F. Ryan and August Belmont, who had defeated him (Mr. Bryan) for President. He presented Senator John W. Kern of Indiana, who had run with him on the Democratic ticket in 1908, and he spent much of his time in rehearsing his personal achievements. Mt. Kern recited his personal friendship for IMr. Parker. He urged him to retire in the interest of harmony in favor of Senator O' Gorman of New York, Senator Culberson of Texas, Representative Clayton of Alabama, former Governor Campbell of Ohio, former Governor Folk of Missouri or Senator Shively of Indiana. He added: "If there is to be no response; if the responsibility is to rest there; if this is to be a contest between the people and the powers; if it is to be a contest such as has been described — a contest which I pray God may be averted — then the cause to wdiich I belong is so great a cause that I am not fit to be its leader. If my proposition for harmony is to be ignored, and this deplorable battle is to go on, there is only one man, who has been at the forefront for sixteen years, the great American Tribune, William J. Bryan. If you will have nothing else, if that must be the issue, then the leader must be William Jennings Bryan". [ 115 ] MAKING WOODROW WILSON PRESIDENT V We knew in advance that Mr. Bryan was to make the attack, and that Mr. Kern, by declining the nomi- nation, was, in effect, to support Mr. Bryan. Judge Parker, we also knew, had the support of a great many Clark men, as well as the Harmon and Underwood people. Senator Ollie James, of Kentucky, was Mr. Clark's close personal friend. We at once decided that the thing to do, inasmuch as we could not win on the issue of the Temporary Chairmanship, was to get in behind Senator James. I conceived this move on the theory that it was a foregone conclusion that Judge Parker was to be elected Temporary Chairman, and that we might draw away some of the Clark support by developing a situ- ation where delegates favorable to Mr. Clark would not vote for his best and most outspoken friend. This would reveal a combination for Judge Parker. It had the desired effect. Immediately, over the country, the Clark forces were accused of joining with the reaction- ary forces. Right here I may clear up a false impression as to Judge Parker's participation. I learned from him, that he did not even know that he was to be placed in nomination for Temporary Chairman, at Baltimore, until his name was submitted to the convention. Wlien his name was submitted, and attack was made upon him, he felt a personal pride in letting the issue be determined by the convention itself. He was not a party to the matter at all. He accepted the position [ 116 ] McCOMBS' ORGANIZATION in entire good faith, and of course discharged it with high distinction. By the support of James, I conceived that we had won the first skirmish. Of course, it was impossible to determine Mr. Bryan's ultimate position, except by a slender chain of circumstances and by his moves. I had known that, in two states at least, he had suggested that the dele- gates be divided equally between Mr. Clark and Mr. Wilson. This was a danger signal to me, because, if that policy were followed out generally, it would mean the impossibility of nominating either. Personally, I preferred a whole-hearted minority of the delegation to a substantial equality with Mr. Clark of perhaps unenthusiastic delegates. My plan was always to hold thoroughly intact, as a second line of defense, the pledged delegates, in the belief that if we could ever get them up to one-tJhiird of the convention, my way would be easy. The James support gave the Wilson candidacy a very large impetus. After Mr. Kern's speech, Mr. Bryan agreed to become a candidate for the Temporary Chairmanship. He denounced Parker as the candidate of "Wall Street predatory interests". Two tilings were to be determined — the cohesiveness of the agreement on Judge Parker, and the personal following of Mr. Bryan in the convention. Alabama, whose Presidential preference was Mr. Underwood, voted for Mr. Bryan with the exception of 1% votes. In Arizona, Bryan got 4 and Parker 2. [ 117 ] ]\IAKING WOODROW WILSON PRESIDENT One of the delegates, when Arizona was called, asked that the name be called, so that it might be known who had voted for Wall Street and who voted for Bryan. Illinois cast 53 votes for Parker and 5 for Brj^an. The Unit Rule applying there, the entire 58 votes went to Judge Parker. In Oklahoma, 15 were for Bryan and 5 for Parker, the Wilson men voting for Bryan. The general result was that Judge Parker received 579 votes, Bryan 508, O' Gorman 4 and Kern 1. The Wilson forces supported the Bryan chair- manship almost solidly. As a matter of fact, the election of Judge Parker was eminently satisfactory to us. We enjoyed the selection of Judge Parker in every respect. The Temporary Chairmanship of the National Convention is not a position of very tremendous power. We knew that Judge Parker would be eminently fair, and that we would make great inroads into the good graces of the supporters of Bryan and the so-called Progressive supi^orters of Clark. The suspicion was rife that Judge Parker was elected by a combination against the interest of Mr. Wilson. Mr. James' name, of course, never came before the convention of his own desire. The events leading up to the selection of Judge Parker as Temporary Chairman were: June 21st, four days previous, the selection of Judge Parker as Temporary Chairman was made by the sub- committee on arrangements. The vote stood: Parker, New York, 8 ; James of Kentucky, 3 ; Henry of Texas, 3; Kern of Indiana, 1 ; Senator O'Gorman, [ 118 ] McCOMBS' ORGANIZATION 1. Daniels of North Carolina, Osborne of Wyoming, and Ewing of Louisiana, voted for Henry. All were Wilson men. JMcGraw of West Virginia and Huds- peth of New Jersey voted for O' Gorman and Kern, respectively. Woodson and Wade, Clark men, voted for James, as did Ball of Delaware. The Parker vote was : Mack of New York, Sullivan of Illinois, Taggart of Indiana, Howell of Georgia, Johnson of South Dakota, Wood of Michigan, Brown of Vermont, and J. Fred Talbott of Maryland. The next day Bryan addressed the following tele- gram to Champ Clark, Governor Foss of IMissouri, Governor Wilson of New Jersey, Governor Burke of North Dakota, Governor Baldmn of Connecticut, Mayor Gaynor of New York: *'I took it for granted that no committeeman inter- ested in Democratic success would desire to offend the members of a convention, overwhelmingly progressive, by naming a reactionary to sound the ke;^mote of the campaign. Eight members of the svib-committee, however, have, over the protest of the remaining eight, agreed not only on a reactionary but upon the one Democrat among those not candidates for the presi- dential nomination who is in the eyes of the public most conspicuously identified with the reactionary ele- ment of the party. I shall be pleased to join you and your friends in opposing his selection by the full com- mittee or by the convention. Kindly answer here." Champ Clark answered at once : "Have consulted with Committee having my inter- ests in charge and agree with them that the supreme [ 119 ] IVIAKING WOODROW WILSON PRESIDENT consideration should be to prevent any discord in the convention. Friends of mine, on the sub-committee of arrangements, have already presented the name of Hon. Ollie James to the sub-committee. I believe if all join in the interests of harmony in an appeal to the entire National Committee to avoid controversies in matters of organization, the committee will so arrange as to leave the platform and nomination of candidates as the only real issues on which delegates need divide". Mr. Bryan's telegram was a challenge. It required an answer. On the sub-committee ]Mr. Clark's friends were divided. His answer had, of course, strong points of common sense. But it did not satisfy the public. Governor Marshall's answer approved the selection of Parker. The Harmon men regarded the selection of JMr. Parker as a victory for themselves. The Undei-wood men were satisfied to be quiet. On the whole, there was a feeling in the National Committee that Mi\ Bryan had put all candidates in a very embarrassing position and had raised a very unnecessary issue. The situation Vv^as probablj'^ best sized up by the statement of J. Fred Talbott of Mary- land, National Committeeman, who was for IMr. Wilson, and he said : "We need all the Democrats there are in order to win the election. Bryan should not say to the Con- servatives that they cannot have a look in at that convention. Our decision to make Judge Parker Temporary Chairman was the decent thing to do. I am surprised that Brj^an should not be in favor of doing the decent thing. I thought I was taking the [ 120 ] McCOMBS' ORGANIZATION best course for the party in voting for Parker, and I still think so". The Clark men were in distinct discomfort. If they ^ did not support Judge Parker they felt themselves in a position of antagonizing Charles F. ^lurphy of New York, Koger C. Sullivan of Illinois, and Thomas T. Taggart of Indiana. They made an attempt, on the theory that these three men would determine the destinies of the convention, to line up the whole Clark influence for Judge Parker. In the sub-committee the Wilson men did not join in a straight out and out fight on Judge Parker, but scattered their votes among others, without concentration. ^ The fight on Judge Parker was distinctly a Bryan fight. It was not a clean-cut issue between the Clark and Wilson forces, although the Wilson forces handled themselves at that juncture with more boldness. The atmosphere of Baltimore could be summed up in these words: "W^at shall v^^e do with Bryan and what is Bryan going to do with us"? On the night of Jime 22d, the Wilson Floor Com- mittee met and discussed the question of A\'hether IMr. Wilson should make a reply, and if so, what it should be. It was apparent that the whole campaign of Governor Wilson was progressive. The men who supported him wTre progressive. He must stand or fall on that issue. While there was no personal objec- tion to Judge Parker, we determined that whatever INIr. Bryan's motives were, and however unfortimate the position was in which he placed the convention, that an answer in the first place was the desirable thing. [ 121 ] MAKING WOODROW WILSON PRESIDENT In the second place, silence on the matter seemed the height of folly. Accei^ting it as a fact that the so-called reactionary element put Mr. Parker forward, it seemed the proper thing to agree with Mr. Bryan, and take the chance of alienating New York and the other so-called Con- servative delegations. It did not seem to me a very great risk. It was obvious, inasmuch as the issue was small, and the convention would be a hard-fought one, that as soon as Judge Parker had surrendered his duties as TemiDorary Chaimian, the convention would forget about the petty animosities created. This proved to be the fact. In our meeting we drew up a suggestion to Mr. Wilson as to the logical position to take. The sub- stance of it was in the reply given by Mr. Wilson, although the Governor went somewhat further toward Mr. Bryan than the Committee had recommended. The Wilson reply to Bryan was: "You are quite right. Before hearing of your mes- sage I clearly stated my position. The Baltimore convention is to be a convention of Progressive, of men who are Progressives, in principle and by conviction. It must, if it is not put in a wrong light before the convention, express its convictions in its organization and in its choice of men who are to speak for it. You are to be a member of this convention, and are entirely within your rights in doing everything within your power to bring that result about. "No one will doubt where my sympathies lie; and you will, I am sure, find my friends in the convention [ 122 ] McCOMBS' ORGANIZATION ' acting upon clear conviction and always in the interest of the people's cause. I am happy in the confidence that they need no suggestion from me". It is to be remembered that Mr. Bryan had stated, many times, that Mr. Clark and jNIr. Wilson were both Progressives and satisfactory candidates. This left the Clark supporters, so far as the Bryan influence was concerned, rather in the lurch. At this time Doctor Hall, the committeeman from Nebraska, said that he had a letter from Mr. Bryan in which JNIr. Bryan stated that he was not a candidate, did not want to be nominated and would not allow his name to be used. Doctor Hall started to bring forth the letter, but felt the restraining hand of some of the Bryan supporters. It was indeed a situation that might well have pleased Mr. Bryan, because he had wedged himself in as the central figure and had been cast in the role again of the "Gladiator Against Wall Street". A relatively small position, that of Temporary Chairman, the only qualifications of which were that the person be a well-known man and a good speaker, had become the center of a storm. The whole trouble could have been averted if Mr. IMurphy of New York had accepted Senator O'Gorman as Temporary Chair- man. O' Gorman was not accepted for the reason that at a meeting of the National Committee early in March his name had been suggested by John T. McGraw of West Virginia, a Wilson man. Mr. Murphy would not allow it to go through because he had not been consulted first about Senator O'Gorman. [ 123 ] MAKING WOODROW WILSON PRESIDENT At that time there was no feeling between Murphy and O' Gorman. On June 24th, Bryan arrived in Baltimore. He was received with great acclaim. His personal popu- larity was at once apparent. He was called on by delegates to the convention. It was obvious that there was a grim determination on the part of the Eastern and Southern states to prevent his nomination in any event. To me, that sounded like security. The con- clusion was obvious that at some time during the con- vention the delegates might feel themselves compelled to accept Wilson instead of Bryan. As one Pennsylvania delegate said in conversation with a New York delegate: "You'll take Wilson, or we'll jam Bryan down your throat"! Later on, when asked about the Temporary Chair- manship, Mr. Bryan said: "I have declined to accept it and shall not present my name for the place". Asked if he were a candidate for the Presidential nomination, he rei)lied: "Be patient! Hush! Wait! There is no hurry" ! The so-called Conservative element was becoming unpopular. Wilson delegates were arriving in large numbers. We were pouring publicity on them. The Wilson delegates in groups of two were going about among the delegations with the Wilson propaganda. Their manner was one of good jiature rather than bitter partisanship. Our strength was not great enough to be violently against any candidate, and such a stand was bad on general principles. [ 124 ] McCOMBS' ORGANIZATION The fury of the Temporary Chairmanship fight on the 24th grew apace. Tuesday, the 25th, was the deciding day. The National Committee endorsed the action of the sub- committee. Judge Parker received 31 votes. Ollie James, behind whom the Wilson forces united, received 20 votes. The Clark followers went to Judge Parker. The charge was made that the Clark votes were pur- chased by promise of support. It went out through the country. This was most unfortunate for Mr. Clark, because many of his delegates were not tied up for many ballots under instruction. Bryan was furious. Senator James said he would not accept the nomination for Temporary Chairman from the convention as he was for Clark first, last, and all the time. This was construed as an indication of a Clark alliance with the anti-Bryan leaders. A large section of the press construed Judge Parker's success in the committee as a combination of Underwood, Clark and Harmon followers to defeat Governor Wilson at all hazards. After the result in the committee I said: "I do not think the result of the vote on the Tem- porary Chairmanship in the National Committee will have any effect on Wilson's chances. We were for a Progressive for Chairman, and we are still for a Pro- gressive. We accepted a Clark man and voted for him. The result may be reversed in the convention. Even if it is not, it will not show that the reactionaries are in control. Some delegates may have voted for Parker because of personal friendship, and some [ 125 ] MAKING WOODROW WILSON PRESIDENT because of a desire to support the National Committee as a matter of regularity". On the 26th of June the convention assembled. Mr. Bryan made a personal appeal that he instead of Judge Parker be made Temporary Chairman, and designated Parker as the "candidate of the predatory Wall Street interests". ]\Ir. Bryan played his card magnificently, even though he lost by a vote of 579 to 510. He got a vote which attested strongly to his personal popularity. Those 510 votes, at the moment they were delivered, represented to my mind 510 potential Wilson votes. When it came to a fight on the floor, half of the Clark delegates could not be delivered to Judge Parker. That was significant. Underwood and Harmon were temporarily driven into obscurity. The Clark interests were paying heavily for the imputation of a deal. Bryan put Kern in nomination for Temporary Chairman, and it is said that Kern was willing to retire if Judge Parker would. This was all lost in the din and confusion. Although those who were near IMr. Bryan could not fail to be impressed by his masterly effort, it was lost on the crowd. Then Bryan nominated himself. Delegates were rushing to the platform to speak. Everything was in confusion. The roll was called: Parker 579, Bryan 510, O'Gor- man 3, Kern 1. The Wilson delegates stood almost solidly for Bryan. Mr. Parker, taking the chair, made an able speech. [ 126 ] McCOMBS' ORGANIZATION It was conciliatory in tone. No exception could be taken to it by Conservative or Radical. It was received almost formally. The Temporary Chairman- ship incident was gone. What stood out was that Judge Parker would not have succeeded but for the Clark support in the con- vention. That was the opening wedge for driving into the heart of the Clark movement. Many Clark leaders believed that Bryan was in sight, and that the Conservative element would rush immediately to Clark's support. Predictions were made that he would win on the first or second ballot. My conclusion was that Clark was definitely out of the race, and could under no circumstances get a two- thirds vote in the convention. [ 127 ] >- X THE BALTIMORE CONVENTION McCoMBs Secures Abrogation of the Unit Rule — Murphy, Taggart, Sullivan, et al Ignore the Injunction — Bryan Demands Withdrawal of Ryan and Belmont as Delegates — Calls Them "Money-Trust Despots" • — Clark Receives a Majority Vote on Tenth Ballot, but Not the Necessary Two-thirds — Chairman James is Accused of Trying to Stampede the Convention for Clark. K [Editor's Note — From this point in the narrative, the story of the Wilson campaign will be a compilation from notes which Mr. McCombs left and which have been put together •with as much care as possible.] ON THE afternoon of June 26, 1912, the century-old unit rule was smashed. This feat was accomplished by another combina- tion of the Wilson men, led by Mr. McCombs, and the Bryan men, led bj'^ Mr. Bryan. Under the unit rule the vote of every individual delegate was cast for the candidate declared for by a majority of his s'tate colleagues. Of course, many delegations were absolutely dominated by the state bosses. Charles F. Murphy, for instance, assumed power to cast the solid 90 votes from New York, not only for any candidate he desired, but for any proposi- tion that suited him. [ 128] THE BALTIMORE CONVENTION Roger C. Sullivan threw the 58 votes of Illinois as he pleased. Thomas T. Taggart threw the 30 from Indiana as he chose, while E. H. I\Ioore sought to handle the 48 from Ohio in a similar way, according to his own plans. Twenty of the New York delegates were at heart for Wilson. Nineteen from Ohio, a few from Illinois, Indiana and other states, whose delegates were used by the anti-Wilson bosses as "rubber stamps", also desired to vote for the New Jersey Governor. Bound by the iron imit rule riveted at state convention or caucus, they were forced to be mere mute automatons. During ballot after ballot, they were held for the one candidate whose nomination they opposed. McCombs saw in the abrogation of the unit rule a chance to break the anti- Wilson strangle hold on dele- gates who voted en bloc. He called a conference of all the Wilson leaders. Newton D. Baker, afterward Secretary of War, rep- resented Ohio; A. Mitchell Palmer, afterward Attor- ney General, and James M. Guffey, Pennsylvania; Senator James A. O'Gorman, William G. IMcAdoo, John B. Stanchfield, J. Sergeant Cram, Herman Bidder, and others. New York; Robert S. Huds- peth, New Jersey; Josephus Daniels, afterward Secretary of the Navy, North Carolina, and Mr. Bryan and his brother, Charles W., Nebraska. It was determined at this conference that the report of the majority of the Committee on Rules permitting the leader of a delegation to cast every vote for his personal choice, should be beaten. A minority report, [ 129 ] MAKING WOODROW WILSON PRESIDENT submitted by Mr. Baker, of Ohio, declaring that each delegate should be upheld in supporting his undivided j)reference, was prepared and j)resented. The Murphy-Taggart-Ryan-]Moore-Sullivan com- bine fought this bitterly. For hours an acrimonious debate raged upon the floor, but by a vote of 565^/2 to 491% the minority report was adopted. Triumjihant shouts greeted this from the Wilson cohorts. Of course, the anti-Wilson men were cha- grined. Murphy, Taggart, IMoore and Sullivan, however, persisted in annoimcing the vote of their respective delegations as solid for Clark, Harmon, Marshall or Underwood, as if the unit rule convention had reaffirmed the unit rule. They justified it on the ground that there were no challenges from the state delegates. This defiance of the convention majority provoked fury in the delegations where the pro-Wilson votes had been suppressed. Many took the advice of McCombs and demanded a poll. This furnished a check for each delegate publicly to proclaim his choice, no matter how X. often he was delivered for the favorite of his leader. [Editor's Note — McCombs continues his narrative here.] Probably one of the most tense moments of the convention came after its organization. At 8 o'clock in the evening of the 26th, IMr. Bryan addressed the convention in these words : "Mr. Chairman, I understand that the rules under which we are acting require that the resolutions be referred to the Committee on Resolutions. I have a [ 130 ] THE BALTIMORE CONVENTION resolution which I think ought to be acted upon before we begin the nominations. I, therefore, ask unanimous consent for its immediate consideration." Mr. Bryan, upon unanimous consent, read the resolution : "Resolved: That in this crisis in our party's career, and in our country's history, this convention sends greetings to the people of the United States, and assures them that the party of Jefferson and of Jack- son is still the champion of popular government and equality before the law. As proof of our fidelity to the people, we hereby declare ourselves opposed to the nomination of any candidate for President who is the representative of or under obligation to J. Pierpont Morgan, Thomas F. Ryan, August Belmont, or any other member of the privilege-hunting and favor- seeking class. Be it further "Resolved: That we demand the withdrawal from this convention of any delegate or delegates constitut- ing or representing the above named interests". Mr. Belmont and Mr. Byan were delegates. Mr. Morgan, a Republican, was not. The convention was immediately thrown into chaos. All i-ules of parlia- mentary procedure were attempted at once to prevent the resolution from coming up, and it required a sus- pension of the rules and a two-thirds vote for it to be passed. Mr. Bryan said furthermore: "This is an extraordinary resolution, but extraor- dinary conditions need extraordinary remedies. We are now engaged in the conduct of a convention that [ 131 ] MAKING WOODROW WILSON PRESIDENT will place before this country the Democratic nominee, and I assume that every delegate in this convention is here because he wants that nominee elected. It is in order that we may advance the cause of our candidate that I present this resolution. "There are questions of which a court takes judicial notice; and there are subjects upon which we can assume that the American people are informed. There is not a delegate in this convention who does not know that an effort is being made right now to sell the Democratic Party into bondage to the predatory interests of this nation. It is the most brazen, the most insolent, the most impudent attempt that has been made in the history of American politics to dominate a convention; stifle the honest sentiment of a people and make the nominee the bond-slave of the men who exploit the people of this country. "I need not tell you that J. Pierpont Morgan, Thomas F. Ryan and August Belmont are three of the men who are connected with the great money trust of this country; who are as despotic in their rule of the business of the country, and as merciless in their command of their slaves as any men in the country. "Some one has suggested that we have no right to discuss the delegates who come here from a sovereign state. I reply, that if these men are willing to insult six and a half million Democrats, we ought to speak out against them, and let them know we resent the insult. "I, for one, am not willing that Thomas F. Ryan and August Belmont shall come here, with their paid [ 132 ] THE BALTIMORE CONVENTION attorneys, and seek secret counsel with the managers of this party. And no sense of politeness or courtesy to such men will keep me from protecting my party from the disgrace that they inflict upon us. "My friends, I cannot speak for you. You have your own responsibility ; but if this is to be a conven- tion run by these men ; if our nominee is to be their representative and tool, I pray you to give us, who represent constituencies that do not want this, a chance to go on record with our protest against it. If any of you are willing to nominate a candidate v/ho repre- sents these men, or who is under obligation to these men, do it and take the responsibility. I refuse to take that responsibility. "Some have said that we have not a right to demand the withdrawal of delegates from this convention. I will make you a proposition. One of these men sits with New York and the other sits with Virginia. If the Siate of New York will take a poll of her dele- gates, and a majority of them — not INIr. IMurphy, but a majority of the delegates on a roll call, where her delegates can have their names recorded and printed — do not ask for the withdrawal of the name of Mr. Belmont; and if Virginia will, on a roll call, protest against the withdrawal of Mr. Ryan, I will then with- draw the last part of the resolution, which demands the withdrawal of these men from the convention. I will withdraw the last part, on the request of the state delegations in which these gentlemen sit; but I will not withdraw the first part, which demands that our candidate shall be free from entanglement with them". [ 133 ] MAKING Yv^OODROW WILSON PRESIDENT Here again Mr. Bryan referred to his six and one- half million votes. Several of Brj^an's friends surged to the platform and urged the withdrawal of the duly elected dele- gates, Mr. Ryan and Mr. Belmont. He evidently saw that the second part of his resolution was a mistake. The dashing and brilliant member of the Virginia delegation, Henry D. Flood, rushed to the plat- form and said: "In the name of the sovereign State of Virginia, which has 24 votes on this floor, I accept the insolent proposition made by the only man in this convention who wants to destroy the prospect of Democratic success". Mr. Price, of Virginia, came to the platform and said: "On behalf of the sovereign State of Virginia, we protest as to the latter part of the resolution; but no one will accede more heartily and more thoroughly to the first part of the resolution than the State of "^^ir- ginia. Virginia has always been able to control her o^vn internal affairs. She has never yet asked aid or help from any outside influence. If there are undesir- able citizens on the delegation from Virginia, Virginia will take that responsibility. "Last night, on the Ohio resolution, there were only three and one-half Virginia votes against sustain- ing the minority report, and to-day, on the Utah reso- lution, it was unanimous. Virginia is able to right her wrongs and demand her rights at the hands of this convention. Mr. Bryan has very kindly yielded me r ^34 ] THE BALTIMORE CONVENTION this moment, and he v/ill now make his own statement". IMr. Biyan was obviously embarrassed by the latter part of the resolution. He asked the states of Virginia and New York if they w^ere willing to poll their dele- gates. Virginia was, but New York was not. Finally, Bryan abdicated on the latter part of the resolution, saying: "I now withdraw the latter part of the resolution; but I do not intend that any member of this conven- tion shall shield his negative vote, against the prin- cipal part of the resolution, by hiding behind the latter part of it. I intend that the men who think the first part of this resolution is either wrong or unnecessary shall have a chance to say so on roll call. "In answer to the argument of the gentleman from West Virginia (Mr. McCorkle) that this question ought not to be brought up now for fear of disturbing harmony, I present him the Bible doctrine — and I challenge him to deny if he can — 'If thy right hand offend thee, cut it off'. I am sure that if it is worth while to cut off the right hand to save the body, it is worth while to cut off Morgan, Uyan and Belmont to save the Democratic Party". Of course, the latter part of the resolution was the only thing that was really offensive. The first part was, in effect, a vote by the delegates as to their free- dom from malicious influence and an affirmation of virtue. Some of our delegations were chafing under it, but I sent word to them to that effect. A roll call showed the initial part of the resolution adopted by this vote: 883 yeas, 201% nays; not vot- [ 135 ] MAKING WOODROW WILSON PRESIDENT ing, Sl^- New York voted its entire delegation, Yea. Virginia voted its entire delegation. Yea, with the exception of ^, not voting. At the time that Bryan was making his s^oeech, I was standing close by him. I looked at him and ISIr. Murphy alternately. I said to myself: "One of two things will happen now. JMurphy will sit still, or he will do a very brilliant thing: he will eliminate Wilson from the contest by voting for him." But he did not rise to brilliancy and the convention gradually flooded do^\^l to normal, while ]Mr. Bryan cooled himself w'ith a palm leaf fan. I remember during this Bryan speech, that Fred- erick J. Talbott, for many years a member of Con- gress and a member of the Democratic National Committee, a very old and a very lovable man, but withal possessed of strong traits, passed between me and Mr. Brj^an. He shook his fist in Bryan's face and, with the tears streaming down his own, said: "Everybody in this convention w^ants the Democrats to win, except j^ou"! "Uncle Fred" was for Wilson. I gently pulled him back to his seat and said : "Let the man go on; he has got a lot of speeches to make, and this one had just as well be made now". After the nominating and seconding speeches, con- suming from 3 A. M. to 7 a. m., June 28, the first ballot was taken. It showed Mr. Clark to have 4401/0, INIr. Wilson 324, Mr. Hannon 148, ^Ir. Underwood 117%, Mr. Marshall 31, ?-Ir. Baldwin 22, Mr. Sulzer 2, and 2 not voting. [ 136 ] THE BALTIMORE CONVENTION The vote on the first ballot was, of course, exactly as expected. It was calculated to a certainty. Before the ballot was taken, I went to a leading Harmon member of the Ohio delegation. I said that, inasmuch as the question of the unit rule had been raised, and although it had been defeated, and 19 votes could be cast for ]Mr. Wilson, I regarded it a courte- ous thing that the whole vote of the State of Ohio should be cast for Mr. Harmon on the first ballot. They could state to Wilson delegates in the Ohio dele- gation that I was quite willing and would recommend such a procedure. My idea, in addition to the courtesy, was, that by making this generous offer (which I hoped would be accepted by the Wilson men), I would need and get the Harmon support at some stage in the proceeding. We could lend 19 votes for a few ballots, because we did not have the necessary one-third of the convention at that time. The Wilson delegates, who were more strictly anti-Harmon than pro-Wilson, in the main, to my disappointment refused to make the concession. At this jimcture the Wilson votes were: Delaware, 6; Louisiana, 9 out of 11; Michigan, 10 out of 30; Minnesota, 24; New Jersey, 24 out of 28; North Carolina, 161/2 out of 24; North Dakota, 10; Ohio, 10 out of 48; Oklahoma, 10 out of 20; Oregon, 10; Pennsylvania, 71 out of 76; South Carolina, 18; South Dakota, 10; Tennessee gave each of the leading can- didates, Clark, Wilson, Hai-mon and Underwood, 6; Texas, 40 ; Utah, 6 out of 8 ; Virginia, 9V2 out of 14% ; [ 137 ] ]V1AKING WOODROW WILSON PRESIDENT Wisconsin, 19 out of 26; Hawaii, 3 out of 6; Porto Rico, 3 out of 6. Total, 324. Mr. Clark secured Arizona, Arkansas, California, Idaho, Illinois, Iowa, Kansas, Kentucky, part of Louisiana, part of Maine, Maryland and IMassachu- setts ; part of Michigan, Missouri, Nebraska, Nevada, I New Hampshire, New Jersey, New Mexico, 1 in Ohio, half of Oklahoma, Rhode Island, part of Ten- nessee, part of Utah, Washington, West Virginia, Wisconsin, Wj^oming, most of Alaska, District of Columbia, part of Hawaii, and Porto Rico. This made a total of 440^/0. It is to be observed that Mr. Clark's votes were "well spread over the Union; that Mr. Harmon's votes were pretty well confined to Ohio and New York, with a few scattering votes. INIr. Underwood's votes were limited to the South, with a few scattering votes elsewhere. It is readily seen that the Underwood and Harmon votes, as a class, were very nearly identical in nature. They constituted all that part of the convention that wished a "safe" can- didate. The various Clark delegations were honey- combed with men who were really at heart for some of the other candidates. When we went into the convention, I was confident that the greatest potential strength lay in Mr. Under- wood's candidacy; that is, the votes could be delivered without much persuasion, and speedily. I told our floor managers that if we could get by the tenth ballot without Mr. Underwood's nomination, he could be gradually marooned in the South. IMy theory was, that unless the votes were developed quickly for him, [ 138 ] THE BALTIMORE CONVENTION his managers would take the position of hoping to be the residuary legatees of Clark, Wilson or Hamion, or all of them. I, therefore, advised our Floor Committee not to make any attempt to take votes from Mr. Underwood. I preferred that his strength in the South should remain normal, because votes in his hands were safer than elsewhere. I also suggested that we should devote our energies to the Clark delegates, in order to bring out the Wilson strength that lay among them. I was quite sure that the Harmon strength would atrophy of itself. I kncAV that Mr. :Marshall, Mr. Baldwin, and ^Mr. Foss would receive the votes of their states because they were their governors, and the delegations pre- ferred to wait until things developed. But reverting to the Underwood situation: ^ly analysis of the convention was that ui)on quick devel- opment, in addition to the delegates that he had, Underwood might have had California, a large part of Colorado, Illinois, Indiana, Kentucky, Maryland, Massachusetts, New Hampshire, 4 from New Jersej^ New York, most of Ohio, Rhode Island, Tennessee, Vermont, most of Virginia and West Virginia. A fair analysis showed that Mr. Harmon's candidacy was impossible and Mr. Underwood was the natural legatee of this strength. Mr. Clark's delegations had a great many Under- wood men among them. I reasoned this way on the tactics of the situation: I did not have an idea that Mr. Clark could be nominated, but I determined to [ 139 ] MAKING WOODROW WILSON PRESIDENT pull out the Wilson strength from his delegations as quickly as possible, to forestall the same move on the part of the Underwood men. I had not much hope of the riamion strength. The first night of the convention was long and tedious. The nominating speeches were of course long. After we took our first ballot, Friday, about 7 a. m., we adjourned until 4 p. m. Ballot number two showed Clark with a gain of 5. Wilson gained 15l^. Harmon and underwood lost slightly. Proselyting tactics continued in the third ballot. The result was about the same. On the fourth ballot we broke into Connecticut for 1 vote and into Nebraska for 3. We got several scattering delegates which put Wilson up to 351. I was aiming at something more than one-third of the delegations early, so that we could have a veto power. My plan was to pledge and repledge these delegates to stand by Wilson, — to cheer them all the time with the arf^ument that he could be nominated. This we did before and after every session of the convention. The result was that we had very few defections. I was never fearful of a defection, for I had it ascer- tained positively, before each session, that our votes v/ould stay with us. That left my mind free to work out the problem of accession. The sixth, seventh and eighth ballots remained about the same all around. So did the ninth. On the tenth ballot the fireworks began. New York changed its 90 votes from Harmon to Clark. ^Most of [ 140 ] THE BALTIMORE CONVENTION Tennessee went to Clark. Mr. Harmon was deserted. The Underwood strength practically remamed mtact. Mr. Clark had 556 votes, or more than a majority. The convention was in bedlam. The standards were taken from the various delegations. There was a great march of the delegates about the hall and over the platform. To the casual observer, it looked as though IMr. Clark was the sure nominee of the convention, for no Democrat had ever failed of nomination in a conven- tion who had received a majority of its votes (with one possible exception) . I got word down to the various Wilson delegations that were standing like a rock, that this was as high as INIr. Clark could possibly go, and that if a majority were a prerequisite of nominating him, he would never have gotten it. The 90 votes of New York, for example, would not have been cast for him if it was necessary to give him two- thirds. It was clear to me that the move was made to elim- inate Mr. Wilson. Furthermore, I was sure that the Underwood managers understood the situation and would not leave him for IMr. Clark. IMr. Harmon was out of the race. Chairman Ollie James, in announcing the vote, like an exhorter at a camp meeting, shouted: "No candidate having received two-thirds of the vote cast, no nomination is made. Mr. Clark having received eleven more than a majority, is not the nom- inee until he receives two-thirds.'* The language was considered an exceedingly unfair attempt on the part [ 141 ] MAKING WOODROW WILSON PRESIDENT of Senator James to indicate that it was now the duty of the convention to nominate ]Mr. Clark. This brought forth a violent Wilson protest. I was standing with Billy Hughes of ISTew Jersey. I called his attention to the perfectly egregious posi- tion which Chairman James was taking to implore the convention, under the stimulus of a wave, to give the two-thirds to Clark. Plughes was one of James' closest friends. He said: "I will fix him"! Hughes went to the desk and said to James: ''There is a movement among the delegates to depose you as Chairman because of such unparliamentary tactics". The effect on Chairman James was instantaneous. After that he was indulgent and polite to a degree. After the Clark demonstration, we gave the word for a Wilson demonstration. Again bedlam broke forth. Sentiment in the gallery was pronouncedly with Governor Wilson. [ 142 ] XI WILSON HOISTS THE WHITE FLAG Begs McCombs to Withdraw His Name as a Presidential Candidate — McCombs Replies: "You Bet Your Life, I Won't"! — Other Instances of Wilson's Trying to Quit When He Feared Defeat — Bryan Excoriates Murphy and "Subtlety" — Swings to Wilson. ARLY FRIDAY, June 28, I was apprised that Senator William J. Stone, manager for Champ Clark, had sent a telegTam to Gov- ernor Wilson, at Sea Girt, insisting that he withdraw. The message urged that never in the history of the Democratic Party had a Democratic candidate, receiv- ing a majority of the votes in a convention, failed of a nomination. The IMissourian argued that it was use- less for GoveiTior Wilson to continue in the field, and that his nomination was impossible. Therefore, it was his patriotic duty to quit. The moment I learned of the Stone message, I called up Governor Wilson. He admitted having received the Stone telegram, and added: "Governor Stone's logic is correct. You are authorized to with- draw my name from further consideration". I begged the Governor, if only to protect his sup- porters, to abandon such an idea. I pleaded that [ 143 ] MAKING WOODROW WILSON PRESIDENT thousands of members of his party had risked their political and financial lives for him. He owed it to them to stick as long as they would stick. The Governor seemed obdurate and I rang off. About 2 A. M., Saturday, I was sitting alongside of Chairman James on the convention hall platform. Walter W. Vick handed me a message. It had come bj'- 'phone to our headquarters at the Hotel Emerson, and had been relaj^ed from there. I was engaged in reforming our lines and did not inspect the message promptly enough to suit Vick. Pale, and apparently alarmed, Vick begged me to read the paper. ^ It was another message from Gk)vernor Wilson. It again insisted that I take him out of the race. He specifically directed me to release the delegates who had been voting for him. I was thoroughly enraged. I felt that if loyal Wil- son men were willing to fight to the last for the Gov- ernor, he at least might maintain his nerve and stand with them. I also had an abiding faith that he was to be nominated, though Clark still had a majoritj^ but not the necessary two-thirds. Turning to Vick, I said: "The Governor wants to withdraw" ! "You won't let him now, wall you"? inquired Vick. "You bet j^our life I won't" ! I answered. "Not a word about this to anyone", I added. I tucked the Governor's instructions into my pocket. They remained there until the convention nominated him. That act of itself made history, for which I hope [ 144 ] WILSON HOISTS THE WHITE FLAG to be forgiven. Had the contents of that message become noised about that convention hall, Woodrow Wilson would never have been President of the United States. There would have been a stampede to Clark, and he and not Wilson would have been nominated. ]My position was that Governor Wilson was not through until he was "knocked out". He owed it to his friends, if not to himself, to remain in the fight until the finish. As I, suffering from loss of sleep, fought to hold the Wilsonian delegates, I could not help recalling other occasions when Wilson would have destroyed himself but for my interposition. I had kno^vn him to be subject to frequent panics and overweening pride. I learned, from many experi- ences, that Wilson was the boldest man when victorj' was near and the first to withdraw when defeat threatened. When we lost the Illinois primaries by an over- whelming majority to ChamiD Clark, Governor Wilson in alarm despatched a Princeton professor to me. He said: "The Governor feels it is useless for him to remain longer in the field. He authorizes me to say to you that he wishes to withdraw from the contest for the Presidential nomination. He desires to do this grace- fully now, so as to avoid the humiliation of defeat". My reply was: "My good Professor, please tell the Governor that you saw me, and that I said that he should consider others than himself. He should remember that a lot of people may fare worse than he [ 145 ] MAKING WOODROW WILSON PRESIDENT because they have given up their time and their money and risked their political future in his cause. He will have to debate it with me and give a better argument before I will listen". I never heard from the Professor again. When the Governor passed Clark and secured a majority of the delegates himself, he called me on the 'phone and said: "I was wrong and you were right. My eternal gratitude to you. You knew the situation. I did not. I shall never forget your loyalty and your courage". After getting Governor Wilson's instructions to withdraw, and forgetting them, the Governor called me up again and asked if I had made public a message to Mr. Bryan agreeing that no candidate should accept the support of Charles F. IMurphy. "No, but we have secured enough delegates to nom- inate you since you sent the note, Governor", I replied. "That's fine! That's fine! I thank you most pro- foundly", added the Governor. On the eleventh ballot, an incident occurred which was small, apparently, in significance, but proved to be of great value. INIr. Ives, of Arizona, changed his vote to Wilson. Mr. Clark receded 2 and Islr. Wilson gained 4. On the following ballot Mr. Clark lost a few votes again. Evidently, the managers of IMr. Clark were quite willing to stand where they were at this time. I very much doubted the wisdom of it, but from their viewpoint they had lost very few votes, and by one of those fortuitous events of a convention might arouse [ 146 ] WILSON HOISTS THE WHITE FLAG further enthusiasm. We were quite willing to adjourn and look for wealmesses in our delegations and develop further strength if possible. The adjournment was at 3 o'clock Saturday morn- ing, June 29th, until 1 p. m. During this and the previous night not a single one of the Wilson man- agers had taken off his clothes. As I walked out of the hall I was sure that the Clark candidacy was gone. Again, it was possible to cast his strength to Mr. Underwood or some other candidate. If the late Mayor GajTior of New York ever had a chance in the convention it was at this moment, when by moving'New York and a few other states to him a real sentiment might have been built up. At the end of the session the floor leaders were desperately tired. Six or eight of us went over to the Belvidere Hotel and woke up a sleeping waiter. We had arrived at that state of exhaustion where neither food nor drink appealed to us. After sitting for ten or fifteen minutes, in some strange way watermelon occurred to me. I said : "Gentlemen, in celebration of the forthcoming nom- ination of Woodrow Wilson in this convention, I wish you to join me in raising to our lips luscious, red, Georgia watermelon". That was all we had. We analyzed the vote, studied the tactics of the situation and planned the next session until about 7 o'clock in the morning. Of course, the first move was to reassure and repledge our delegations. I got out my long book, showing the utmost Clark [ 14.7 ] MAKING WOODROW WILSON PRESIDENT strength. I told my friends that I could reach that Clark was through. After a long discussion of waj'^s and means and the delegations we desired to secure, I concluded that the first thing to do was to pledge every Wilson delegation for the day. This was agreed to, with the exception of one leader of giant physique, who left the room saying he was an "opportunist" (Frederick B. Lynch, of Minnesota [Ed.]). Saturday found all our delegations well tightened up and safe. It was clear that the best thing was to carry through the general Clark "potting" process, turn every Bryan move to our advantage, and watch for some tactical change. The opening ballot, at 1 o'clock p. m., showed a Clark loss of a few votes and a Wilson p. m. gain of a few. Governor Foss of IMassachusetts for the first time entered with two votes. On the fourteenth ballot Nebraska asked to be passed. Nebraska then asked to be polled. When the name of Mr. Bryan was reached he said: "As long as IMr. Ryan's agent, as long as New York's 90 votes are recorded for Mr. Clark, I withhold my vote from him and cast it" At this point there was a demonstration. Senator Stone requested that IMr. Brj^an be heard, and asked unanimous consent, which was agi'eed to. Mr. Bryan resumed: "The vote of the State of New York in this conven- tion, as cast under the unit rule, does not represent the intelligence, the virtue, the Democracy or the patriot- [ 148 ] WILSON HOISTS THE WHITE FLAG ism of the 90 men who are here. It represents the will of one man — Charles F. IMurphy — and he rep- resents the influences that dominated the Republican convention at Chicago and are trying to dominate this convention. If we nominate a candidate under con- ditions that enable these influences to say to our can- didate, 'Kemember now thy Creator', we cannot hope to appeal to the confidence of the progTessive Demo- crats and Republicans of the nation. Nebraska, or that portion of the delegation for ^vhidIl I am author- ized to speak, is not Avilling to participate in the nom- ination of any man who is willing to violate the resolution adopted by this convention, and to accept the high honor of the Presidential nomination at the hands of Mr. IMurphy. "When we were instructed for Mr. Clark, the Democratic voters who instructed us did so with the distinct understanding that Mi\ Clark stood for pro- gressive Democracy. ]Mr. Clark's representatives appealed for support on no other ground. They con- tended that Mr. Clark was more progressive than Mr. Wilson, and indignantly denied that there was any co-operation between Mr. Clark and the reactionary element of the party. Upon no other condition could Mr. Clark have received a plurality of the Democratic vote of Nebraska. "The thirteen delegates for whom I speak stand ready to carry out the instructions given in the spirit in which they were given, and upon the conditions imder which they were given ; but some of these dele- gates — I cannot say for how many I can speak, [ 149 ] MAKING WOODROW WILSON PRESIDENT because we have not had a chance to take a poll — will not participate in the nomination of any man whose nomination depends uj^on the vote of the New York delegation. "I shall withliold my vote from INIr. Clark as long as New York's vote is recorded for him. And the posi- tion that I take in regard to ]Mr. Clark I will take in regard to any other candidate whose name is now or may be before the convention. I shall not be a party to the nomination of any man who will not, when elected, be absolutely free to carry out the anti-Mor- gan-Ryan-Belmont resolution and make his adminis- tration reflect the wishes and hopes of those who believe in a government of the people, by the people and for the people. "If we nominate a candidate who is under no obli- gation to these interests which speak through IMr. Murphy, I shall offer a resolution authorizing and directing the Presidential candidate to select a cam- paign committee to manage the campaign, in order that he may not be compelled to suffer the humiliation and act under the embarrassment that I have, in hav- ing men participate in the management of his cam- paign who have no sympathy with the party's aims, and in whose Democracy the general public has no confidence. "Having explained the position taken by myself and those in the delegation who view the subject from the same standpoint, I will now announce my vote" — Governor McCorkle, of West Virginia, asked Mr. Bryan whether he intended to be understood that he [ 150 ] WILSON HOISTS THE WHITE FLAG would not supj)ort the nominee of the convention if he were voted for and nominated by the vote of the State of New York in the convention. Mr. Bryan replied: *'I distinguish between refusing to be a part}'- to the nomination of a candidate and refusing to support him. "Now I am prepared to announce my vote, unless again interrux^ted. With the understanding that I shall stand ready to withdraw my vote from the one for whom I am going to cast it, whenever New York casts her vote for him, I cast my vote for Nebraska's second choice. Governor Wilson". The result of the Nebraska poll showed 12 for Wil- son and 4 for Clark. Mr. Bryan's subtlety was apparent. The only con- struction that could be placed upon it was that he was seeking the nomination for himself. Mr. Clark had about one-half of the convention. Mr. Wilson lacked nearly 100 votes of a majority. By the accession of certain Bryan strength in the Clark delegations, Mr. Clark and JMr. Wilson could be brought up to about even numbers. For months reports had come to me that it was Mr. Bryan's personal desire that this be the case in the Baltimore convention. Indeed, I had direct reports from Wisconsin and other states that he wished the delegations to be divided between Wilson and Clark, the reasoning being that a deadlock between these two delegations would produce enough strength in the [ 151 ] IMAKING WOODROW WILSON PRESIDENT event of a breakup to nominate him. Mr. Bryan began to feel that the Clark strength was too great. Governor Brewer, of Mississippi, propounded this question to IMr. Bryan: "If Mr. Clark, Mr. Underwood, Mr. Marshall, Mr. Wilson, Mr. Harmon, IMr. Kern, or Governor Foss is nominated by this convention by a two-thirds major- ity, with New York voting for the man who is nom- inated, will you support the Democratic nominee"? Mr. Bryan replied: . "I deny the right of any man to put a hypothetical question to me, unless he is prepared to put into that question every essential element that is necessary to be understood before it can be answered intelligently. I have no expectation that any nomination in this con- vention will be secured in any way, or under any conditions, that will prevent my giving" Mr. Bryan was interrupted, but continuing, said: "I expect to support the nominee of this conven- tion. I do not expect anyone to be nominated here who will not deserve the support of the Democratic Party. I do not expect anyone to be nominated who would pennit a partnership between IMorgan, Byan, Belmont and himself. But I do not consider myself under obligations to give bond to answer the question categorically until the conditions arise when I can know what I am ans^^'ering" ! On the fourteenth ballot ^Ir. Wilson made a further gain. IMr. Underwood began to sink. On the sixteenth ballot Idaho asked to be polled, with accessions of two for Wilson. The unit rule was [ 152 ] WILSON HOISTS THE WHITE FLAG applied. We considered the polling of delegations, at frequent intervals, although bound by the unit rule, tended strongly to show Wilson strength in the delega- tions and a desire to change. This tactic was used to bolster up the enthusiasm that we already had, and to continue the solidity of our delegations. I gave them distinct hope that at some time, the delegations which asked to be polled, and which showed unkno^\Ti Wilson strength, would ultimately break over. I regarded it as of tremendous psychological value. On the seventeenth ballot Tennessee asked to be polled. The poll showed Mr. Clark was being deserted, and an attempt was being made to shift the strength from him to Underwood. This was offset by further accessions to the Wilson camp. The nineteenth ballot showed about the same con- ditions. On the twentieth ballot Mr. Clark sank to 512, and Mr. Wilson went from 358 to 388. On the twenty-first ballot, the State of Washington asked to be polled, and 2% votes were declared for Mr. Wilson. The Washington delegation was very tightly controlled by Hugh R. Wallace and Judge Turner. As soon as I found that 2% votes could be relied on in that delegation I had the fact brought out by the poll. Wyoming then asked to be polled. It showed 2 votes for Mr. Wilson. The whole 6 votes had theretofore been cast for Mr. Clark. The unit rule applied, but the sentiment was shown. On the next ballot Mr. Wilson went to 359%, with Mr. Clark dowTi to 508. Mr. Francis, of Missouri, [ 153 ] MAKING WOODROW WILSON PRESIDENT moved for an adjournment. The motion was defeated. We were on the up grade. On tihe twenty-second ballot, Massachusetts changed its vote to 2 for Clark and 34 for Foss. Vermont cast its 8 votes for Foss. The Clark vote was lessened, while the Wilson vote remained practically stationary. On the twenty-third ballot Clark slipped a few votes, '.:hile Mr. Wilson gained a few. Mr. Foss received 45. The next ballot showed no important change except that Mr. Foss lost 2, \Vhile Mr. Clark gained. The sharpshooters were at work. After consultation with one of the Wilson leaders I concluded that it was about time to poll the Iowa delegation. The result showed 9 for Wilson and 17 for Clark. The unit rule prevailed, but the strength was shown. The psychology was apparent. Governor Wilson got an accession of 3^/2 votes. At this point Senator Stone made a very adroit suggestion : "I ask the unanimous consent of this convention to the following agreement, — that after two additional ballots, the candidate receiving the smallest number of votes be dropped, and after the next ballot thereafter the candidate receiving the smallest vote on that ballot be dropped, and so on until tlie last ballot ; and that on that ballot the candidate receiving the greatest number of votes be declared the nominee of the convention". The introduction of this motion required unanimous consent. Objection was made. The motion was never put. Its object, however, was apparent. r 154 1 WILSON HOISTS THE WHITE FLAG Mr. Marshall would have disapj)eared, Mr. Foss would have disappeared, Mr. Underwood would have disappeared, leaving the contest between Wilson and Clark. Senator Stone no doubt thought that Massa- chusetts would return to Mr. Clark, that Indiana would go for him, and that the Underwood vote might follow. There was every reason to believe that this would be true. Mr. Clark was getting into desperate straits. If the Wilson managers had not been alert, the motion might possibly have been put. But whether they objected or not, I am confident that the Underwood managers would have objected, because there is every reason to believe that they still hoped to be residuary legatees of the convention. On the very next ballot Mr. Clark dropped 27 votes. Governor Wilson's vote remained about the same. Wilson sentiment had begun to work on the JMary- land delegation. A poll showed 12 votes for Clark, 2% votes for Wilson and V/2 i^ot voting. These tac- tics had been winning votes for us right along. T^^ier- ever we could get a poll we demanded it. I resolved to keep up the practice as a continuous performance. But let me revert to the Washington delegation. When I began seeking an entry into that delegation for the purposes of a poll, I thought that the intellec- tual polish of Governor Wilson might appeal to women. Washington had a woman on its delegation. I accordingly selected the two most suave and hand- some men that we had to lay siege to the lady. They [ 155 ] MAKING WOODROW WILSON PRESIDENT were present Postmaster General Albert S. Burleson and Joseph E. Davies, now Commissioner of Corpora- tions. In the various lulls I could observe these two on their way back to the Washington delegation straightening their ties, smoothing their hair and pre- paring to give first-class imitations of gallants and cavaliers. The lady was fat and of stern appearance. They would spend ten or fifteen minutes with her and come away with every appearance of being complete misogy- nists. Nevertheless, I cheered them on. The lady was not susceptible. She voted for Clark until the very last ballot. Whether this gives any light on the question of women in politics I do not know. It is merely mentioned here for what it is worth, and as an incident. Shortly before the twenty-sixth ballot I had a con- ference with Mr. Burleson and JMr. Palmer. We con- cluded that we had about reached our strength for the time being. It was about 10 o'clock at night. We concluded an attempt at adjournment. Sunday was approaching. We went to the Clark and Underwood managers. They agreed that one more ballot should be taken and that then we should adjourn. At that time the weary delegates were standing in the aisles, waiting for an adjournment, glad to get out of the heat. The adjournment was taken. The con- vention was next tobe in session at 11 o'clock INIonday morning. Mr. McCombs' narrative again suddenly stops. From notes of his o^vn and data supplied for the [ 156 ] WILSON HOISTS THE WHITE FLAG book by Walker W. Vick and others, it seems that there was a breach of agreement or serious and almost fatal misunderstanding between Mr. McCombs and Senator Stone as to just when adjournment should become effective. This provoked a quarrel between Mr. McCombs and Mr. Palmer, head of the Pennsylvania delegation, which did not heal for a long time. According to the scattered manuscript, the twenty- sixth ballot had hardly been completed when Mr. McCombs hurried to Roger C. Sullivan, chairman of the Illinois delegation. "Now, Roger, this is your chance" ! said McCombs. "You can name the next President on the next ballot. Hurry up" ! "All right, Billie, I'll call my delegation together", replied Sullivan, as he gathered his Illinoisans in a side room. When the Prairie State delegates got together, IMcCombs uttered a fervent appeal. He said: "Clark has shot his bolt. He never again can get a majority, much less two-thirds. Harmon has with- dra^\^l. Underwood will soon be out of it. Compro- mise on a dark horse is impossible. If Illinois will come in, she will get the credit for naming the winner". A controversy followed. Ultra-Clark men insisted that all was not over with their favorite. Sullivan, himself, was skeptical if it were tilie psychological moment to desert the Missourian. "Act quick, Roger! They are calling the roll", pleaded McCombs, in a frenzy. [ 157 ] INiAKING WOODROW WILSON PRESIDENT Sullivan directed a poll of his delegation. To the delight of McCombs, and the astonishment of Sulli- van, it showed 40 for Wilson and only 18 for Clark. Under the unit rule, Sullivan would be authorized to cast the entire 58 votes for Wilson. "I'll throw the whole delegation to Wilson on next ballot, Billie", said Sullivan to McCombs, as the two, followed by the Illinois contingent, flocked back to the convention hall. IMcCombs was amazed, on reaching the auditorium, to discover hundreds of delegates streaming out. The band was playing "Good Night, Ladies". "What does this mean"? demanded McCombs, in tones of mingled surprise and disgust. "Adjourned until Monday" ! j^elled someone. "Who ordered this"? shouted McCombs, in wTath. "Don't know, but the Clark men put it over", was the response. Mr. McCombs, amid the uproar, ascertained that while he was corraling the Illinois delegation. Senator Stone and A. Mitchell Palmer had put their heads together. "Everybody is hungry and tired. We want food and sleep. Let's quit now until Monday", said the cunning Stone to Palmer in McCombs' absence from the floor. Palmer, exhausted and discouraged, suspected no trap. "All right. Governor, make your motion to adjourn and I will not oppose it", he answered the Clark manager. [ 158 ] WILSON HOISTS THE WHITE FLAG McConibs sought Palmer. In a fury he exclaimed: "Wliy did you agree to this adjournment? The compact was for one more ballot before we quit". "I regarded it useless for us to continue to-night and believed we could get more votes for Wilson on Monday", was the reply of the Quaker from the Kej^stone State. "I had it all fixed with Roger Sullivan to bring his whole brood to Wilson on the next ballot. You have *gummed the cards', — maybe ruined our chance to win", IMcCombs shouted in rage. "I knew nothing about Illinois. I was busy on the floor holding our people in line" ! was Palmer's meek reply. "Why not consult me once in a while? I am run- ning the Wilson campaign, and took the job before I ever heard of you", retorted McCombs. "Await orders from me hereafter" ! was his parting shot at Palmer. IMcCombs, who had had little or no sleep for seventy- two hours, dashed back to the Belvidere. He issued a hurry call for all his counsellors. "It's a shameful mess and Mitchell Palmer got us into it. But we have twenty-four hours to clear it up", said McCombs to his adjutants. [ 159 ] XII BRYAN UNMASKS In Deshabille, He Beseeches McCombs to Desert Wilson AND Nominate Him — The Petition Spurned Indignantly — Mitchell Palmer's Plan Thwarted — Mayor Gaynor Bowled Out — Murphy Says "Let Caucus Decide"' — Wilson Leads Clark for the First Time — James Orders Anti-Unit Rule Enforced — Almost a Death-Blow to Clark. [Editor's Note — McCombs' narrative is here resumed.] T BECAME apparent tliat we must get into Sunday in order to maintain our strength, which was about 60 votes behind Clark. I suggested to Daniel F. Cohalan, of New York, that he should get as early an adjournment as possible so as to go into Sunday for recruiting. He and I went to Senator Stone. Stone agreed to a meeting at 11 o'clock p. m. We then went along with the voting sagging back and forth, and finally got up to within 40 votes of Clark, Harmon and Underwood hanging back in the rear with 110 and 117 votes, respectively. While they were counting the last ballot before the adjournment, I was informed by one of my special messengers that IMr. Clark was on the way to the con- vention to appear personally in answer to Bryan's speech. "V^Hiile many disagree with me, and I am told. [ 160 ] BRYAN UNMASKS most of Clark's friends did, he was on the way to the Convention Hall, and close by, when we were near the end of counting the last ballot before the agreed adjournment. It was my view that ]Mr. Clark should be allowed to come on the stage at all hazards. I reasoned that, while the attack may have been justified, he would commit suicide so far as the convention was concerned. I rushed several members do^vn, including Senator Hughes, of New Jersey, to tell Senator Stone that we were willing to take another ballot. The purpose of that was to allow Mr. Clark time to get on the floor. However, the delegates were drifting into the aisles, and going away, and my messengers were wholly unable to reach Senator Stone. Therefore, the count on that ballot was completed, the convention was adjourned, and ]Mr. Clark, too, departed. I have always regretted that this dramatic incident did not take place. Purely as a dramatic incident, it would have filled the night ! In my opinion, it would have fixed the convention for Mr. Wilson perma- nently. However, I returned to my hotel, went to my room, bathed, and put on a fresh suit to work through the night. At this stage, Mr. Bryan was permitted among us by his speech for Wilson, although he had delivered only 18 votes. We had about as much of Bryanism as the convention could endure. Nevertheless, about midnight, Mr. Bryan's brother Charles came to my room, which was at the other end of the hall from Mr. Bryan's room, and asked if I [ 161 ] T^IAKING WOODROW WILSON PRESIDENT would have a talk with Mr. Bryan. I said, "Of course f I appeared in a few moments, as fresh as a man might be who had been at work since 8 hi the morning. Friends who were in Mr. Bryan's room disappeared instantly. We were alone. He was standing in a corner, with his side face to me. His appearance was very grim. His mouth looked like a mouth that has been created by a slit of a razor. He was clad in a brown undershirt, baggy black trousers and a pair of carpet slippers. His hair was ruffled. ^ Mr. Bryan turned to me and, greeting me briskly, said: "McCombs, you know that Wilson cannot be nom- inated. 1 know that Clark cannot be nominated. You must turn your forces to a progressive Democrat like me", placing a forefinger vigorously on his chest. I replied with great moderation, because I did not want him to have a chance to break out again : "Mr. Bryan, you have been in national politics longer than I have ; but ISIr. Wilson has entrusted me with the management of his campaign in Baltimore. I told him before I left Sea Girt that I would rise or fall with his fortunes. We have not fallen" ! and I rapidly left the room. Mr. Bryan was in a rage. I had secured the true Brj^an position, which I had suspected since in March of 1912, namely, — ^to create an equal Wilson and Clark strength, break through the middle and get the -jC^ nomination. This suspicion came to me early in March, when several mid-Western leaders, or their [ 162 ] BRYAN UNMASKS representatives, told me that Mr. Bryan had suggested that they divide their state delegations equally between Wilson and Clark. I at once concluded that Mr. Bryan was a candidate on the "break through the middle" theory. I told them to go back home and get as many delegates as they could for Wilson ; that they would be our delegates when they got to Baltimore and would not shift to anyone else. Sunday I got busy among the Illinois, Indiana, Michigan, ^Rlaryland and other delegations. That day a very astonishing event happened. At the house of the brother-in-law of A. Mitchell Palmer (later Attor- ney General) , there met Messrs. Palmer, of Pennsyl- vania, and Burleson, of Texas, both of our forces; Judge Cohalan, My. Murphy, of New York, and Mr. Sullivan, of Illinois. I knew of the event within twenty minutes after the meeting began. The purpose on the face of it was to come to a con- clusion as to a candidate, pretending to be for Under- wood, but really being for Palmer. I had made Palmer floor parliamentarian for the purpose of hold- ing him tight. I wanted him put in a position to have to say Woodrow Wilson every fifteen minutes during the convention. Palmer's first choice was himself, — strangely enough, because he had no backing. The Philadelphia end of his delegation bitterly opposed him and only came in through my work. I kept my eye on Palmer continuously. I gave him things to do that were immaterial, but made him appear for Wood- row Wilson. The Sunday conference proved I w^as correct in my suspicions. [ 163 ] MAKING WOODROW WILSON PRESIDENT I went to Palmer Sunday night and told him the details of that conference, and that if he did another thing I had fifty good husky Irishmen to throw him out of Baltimore. There was no more display. Burleson, because he had no standing at the con- vention to speak of, I utterly ignored in the matter. We never brought him into any conference that was of any value. Even after the campaign was organ- ized, I put Burleson in a position in which there was absolutely nothing to do. He was one who could go to Coney Island or spend his evenings on the roof gardens as pleasantly as he might. V About 5 o'clock p. m. Sunday, after we had been pushing back and forth wearily most of the day, and without much headway, INorman E. Mack, Chairman of the National Democratic Committee, asked me to go into a conference in his room at the Belvidere. I agreed readily because there was not much hap- pening, nor much ready to happen. I found there, beside Mr. Mack, A. Mitchell Palmer, who spoke sometimes for Woodrow Wilson; Vv^illiam J. Stone and David R, Francis, representing Champ Clark; William Banldiead, manager for Oscar W. Under- wood; Thomas T. Taggart, manager for Thomas R. Marshall; Roger Sullivan, of Illinois; Luke Shea, of Tennessee, and Charles F. Murphy, of New York. Mr. ]\iack started by saying that we must select a candidate, and that this convention appeared to be deadlocked. Therefore, we were gathered for a con- ference. I regarded it as a set-up game. Mr. Mack called [ 164 ] BRYAN UNMASKS on me first to speak about conditions in the conven- tion, and the probability of our agreeing upon a can- didate. I sparred and said that I saw present two of the elder statesmen of the Democratic Party, Sen- ator Stone and Senator Bankhead, and that it would be impudence on my part to speak before they did. My purpose was to get at the real meaning of the conferees. Senator Bankhead made a very bitter speech against the Wilson forces. Advancing within two feet of me, he said that I knew Woodrow Wilson could not be nominated, and that I should not be put in a position of the dog-in-the-manger. Senator Stone made a mellifluous oration about the traditions of the Demo- cratic Party, the seriousness of its purposes, its great principles and the necessity of allowing the delegates to make a choice at the earliest possible moment so that they might go home. Then he turned to me and, pointing his finger at me, said : "Mr. McCombs, Mr. Bryan has asked each candi- date in this convention if he would take the nomination if the votes of New York were necessary thereto. What is your position"? Of course, I knew that either answer to that ques- tion was wrong. If I said Governor Wilson would take those votes under the conditions, it would imme- diately get to the Convention Hall, and all the Bryan influence and radicals of the West, of which we had many, would discard Wilson forever. Either answer to that question meant destruction. It came my time to speak. I talked about four [ 165 ] MAKING WOODROW WILSON PRESIDENT minutes upon the reason why Wilson should be nom- inated and sat down. I did not know how many dis- appointments there were. But I recall that Mr. Murphy took me by the shoulder and said: ''You're all right, young fellow" ! Then we proceeded into the anteroom, where Mr. Mack had provided a buffet. I, as graciously as I could, opened a bottle of beer, gave a glass to Senator Stone, lifted mine to the flag above the mantel, he doing the same. I said: "Senator, no matter who is the nominee of ^^ this convention, the Republic will survive" ! We resumed the occupation of selecting a candidate as best we might. Results of the Sunday and IMonday conferences were: First, a definite conclusion on the part of everyone that Woodrow Wilson would be a candidate before that convention until the last; second, that Mitchell Palmer, as a candidate for the Presidency, might as well have been in Shantimg. [Editor's Note — Narrative here taken up by editor from Mr. McCombs' notes.] During Sunday Mr. McCombs devoted himself especially to delegates from his own State of New York, led by Charles F. Murphy, and Indiana, led by Thomas T. Taggart. Murphy was sticking by Clark, and Taggart by Marshall. McCombs summoned all the Wilson men from New- York that he could muster. These delegates [ 166 ] BRYAN UNMASKS responded: Senator James A. O'Gorman, John B. Stanchfield, J. Sergeant Cram, Charles B. Alexander, James W. Gerard, Lawrence Godkin, William G. McAdoo, Samuel Untermeyer, Alonzo ^McLoughlin, Edward Lazansky, Abram I. Elkus, Herman Bidder, Henry L. Schurman, Thomas D. McCarthy, and others. IVIcCombs directed them to keep banging away at IMurphy and his adlierents to quit throwing away their votes on a "dead one" and cast them for a "live one". Then IMcCombs assailed Murphy himself. He told him that he would be mighty lonesome if he persisted in supporting Clark; that he had been deserted by Boger C. Sullivan and other comrades, and that Tag- gart, with his Hoosiers, would soon follow Sullivan into the Wilson camp. Murphy was obdurate. He was loyal to Clark for the nonce. He began to weaken, however, when Thomas F. Smith, his most tmsted adviser, warned him that he would again risk political jeopardy if he persisted in delaying a junction in the naming of Wilson. To add to My, McCombs' perplexity in getting hold of the entire New York delegation, the William J. Gaynor boosters got to work. INIr. Gaynor was then Mayoi of New York. He was ambitious to be Presi- dent. Corporation Coimsel Archibald B. Watson, Fire Commissioner Joseph F. Johnson, and other members of the Gaynor cabinet, were doing their utmost to break into the Empire State and other dele- gations. They had greatly impressed William J. [ 167 ] MAKING WOODROW WILSON PRESIDENT Bryan that Gaynor could at least be used to defeat Clark. They were almost incessantly prodding Mr. Murphy with the argument that neither Clark nor Wilson could be nominated, and that here was his chance to name a New Yorker. McCombs sought to block the Gajnior movement with pleas that the Mayor's Democracy was of a dubi- ous brand. As an aspirant for judicial and mayoralty honors, he had demanded support from the most implacable enemies of the party, and he had, after his election, refused to fulfil his contracts with the organ- ization that nominated him. In proof of this, Mr. McCombs produced a list of appointments of the "Mugwump" stamp and another list of loyal Demo- crats who, as applicants for office, had been denied preferment of any sort. Early Sunday morning, Mr. McCombs discovered that Senator Stone, the Clark field marshal, was still conniving to force the withdrawal of all "trailers". That is, he was planning to put out of the race Under- wood, Harmon, Baldwin, and other aspirants, and bring their supporters in a block to Clark. Thomas F. Ryan was foimd trying to deliver his Underwood men to Clark. Ohio delegates pledged to Harmon were being importuned to desert him, while Homer S. Cummings had been approached to with- draw the Governor of Connecticut and line up with the Missourian. McCombs put Roger Sullivan to work on the Vir- ginians who stuck to Underwood, and the Ohioans who held on for Harmon. He also induced Edmund [ 168 ] BRYAN UNMASKS H Moore, manager for Harmon, to withhold as many Harmon men as he could control from Clark. Newton D. Baker, too, aided in preserving the integrity of the Harmon forces so far as Clark invasions were con- cerned, and helped to pick off a few delegates from the Buckeye State for Wilson. Meantime, all the managers were being besought to "stake" impoverished delegates who were threatened with being dispossessed of their lodgings and denied food. McCombs, Stone, Francis, Banldiead, and others, were constantly implored to furnish means for room rent and food. Threats were made by many delegates that if they were not given funds they would board the first train for their homes. Managers for all the candidates had to put up large sums of money to hold proprietors of votes in Balti- more for at least another twenty-four or forty-eight hours. They turned their pockets inside out and bor- rowed right and left to satisfy the demands of sleepy, hungry delegates. Despite all the Svmday exertions of Mr. McCombs and his associates, the initial ballot (twenty-seventh) on Monday was intensely disappointing. Wilson got but 406%, — a loss of one since Saturday night. Clark held 469, which had been cast for him on the twenty- fifth. On the twenty-eighth ballot, however, Wilson suddenly gained a block of 30. One only came from Clark; the others were deserters from Harmon, Underwood and Baldwin. On the thirtieth, Wilson jumped into the lead for the first time. His supporters shouted in glee. [ 169 1 I^IAKING WOODROW WILSON PRESIDENT As the Clerk called, "Wilson, 460; Clark, 4>55;' the band struck up "Glory, Glory, Hallelujah"! The Pennsj^lvania delegates, led by Palmer and Guffey, chanted: "Peimsyl, Pennsyl, Pennsylvania ! Pennsyl, Pennsyl, Pennsylvania ! Pennsyl, Pennsyl, Pennsylvania ! We'll vote for Wilson too !" Counting on Wilson leaping to the van on the thir- tieth, ]McCombs rushed over to Roger Sullivan and begged: "Now, Roger, make good. You promised that Illinois would come in on the twenty-sixth. Get a move on" ! But l^lr. Murphy and INIr. Taggart had seen Sul- livan since IMcCombs had. They had persuaded him to "hold off" for awhile. On the thirty-first Wilson scored 475l/o and Clark 446%. The thirty-second chalked up 477% for Wilson and 4471/2 for Clark. On the thirty-fifth Wilson increased his total to 494%. Clark got 433%, the lowest number received by him during the convention. During this ballot Florida, which had been voting solidly for Underwood, threw 2 votes for Wilson. This break, which IMcCombs had engineered over Sun- day, caused Governor Gilchrist to leap upon a chair and shout: "Florida was instructed for Underwood. Any [ 170 ] BRYAN UNMASKS delegate who violates those instructions commits a dishonorable act"! ^IcCombs had seen to it that Senator James A. O'Gorman, an ardent Wilsonite, had become substi- tute for Chairman Ollie James, when the latter had all but collapsed through fatigue. "The unit rule has been abolished. Each delegate is at liberty to vote for whom he pleases", was the rebuking edict of the acting Chaimian. Wilson voters greeted this with thunderous cheers. IMcCombs walked over to the Wilson contingent of the New York delegation, whose block of 90 was still being cast for Clark, and implored them to follow the example of their Florida brethren. He also appealed to Chairman IMurphy to release such of his delegates as wished to vote for Wilson. "If the caucus agrees, all right. The caucus will decide" ! was Murphy's response. But no caucus other than those yet held was called, and New York continued to cast her entire vote for Clark. Senator James having returned to the chair. Senator Stone insisted that he reverse the ruling of Senator O'Gorman that no imit rule prevailed. James answered this by declaring a break of one to Wilson in the Colorado delegation to be in accordance with the convention mandate. Iowa, on the thirty-ninth ballot joined the Wilson procession. This put the New Jersey Governor's total at 501 for the first time. When, on the forty-second ballot Ohio registered [ 171 ] BRYAN UNMASKS 19 for Wilson, and it looked as if Wilson might appro- priate the whole 48 on the forty-third, the Clark man- agers siprang another adjournment resolution. It was nearly 1 a. m. Tuesday. Delegates were exhausted and himgry. Ko power could hold them in their seats. So they voted 761 to 260 to adjourn until Tuesday noon. Though Clark managers boasted that the adjourn- ment was still another victory for them, it proved the undoing of the former Speaker of the House. [ 17'2 ] XIII WILSON WINS NOMINATION Victorious on Forty-Sixth Ballot — Sullivan Clinches It Murphy Capitulates — McCombs Warned: "Remember Jim Smith" ! — McAdoo Picks Palmer for Vice President — McCoMBs Selects Marshall — Summary of the Unpre- cedented Ballots for the Presidency. [Editor's Note — Editor's narrative continued.] BEFORE daylight Tuesday, Mr. McCombs had exacted a renewed and copper-riveted pledge from Roger C. Sullivan to head the final stampede for Wilson. This time, Sullivan ful- filled his contract. On the forty-third ballot, Sullivan, measuring every word, roared: "Illinois casts 18 votes for Clark and 40 for Wilson. Under the rule adopted by the delegation, therefore, all 58 Illinois votes are cast for Wilson" ! A wild whoop came from the forty Texans ; another from the seventy-six Pennsylvanians. Sullivan was hugged and kissed and cheered by Wilson devotees. Surlily, Clark men shouted : "What did you get for it, Roger"? [ 173 ] MAKING WOODROW WILSON PRESIDENT "The choice of this convention, that's all"! was the retort. With the total defection of Illinois from Clark to Wilson, Wilson's aggregate mounted to 612. Clark's dwindled to 329. Wilson gained 17 on the forty-fourth. Clark could get but 306, — the memorable number that stood to the finish for Ulysses S. Grant at the Republican National Convention of 1880. Clark stuck at 306 on the fortj^^-fif th, while Wilson's total went to 633. Underwood and Foss, the latter of whom on late ballots had been supported bj^ Massachusetts, were both withdrawn. Their followers joined the Wilson parade. Then Charles F. Murphy nodded to John J. Fitz- gerald, of Kings. Amid a frightful hub-bub, created by yelling, marching battalions of Wilsonites, Fitzgerald wearily and reluctantly mounted the stage. In husky tones, tinged with a look of disgust, he was barely heard to saj^: "I move that the nomination of Woodrow Wilson for President of the United States be made unani- mous" ! Frenzied cheers from the jubilant Wilson shouters smothered what Fitzgerald might have added. Amid a crash of band music, tooting of horns, shrieks through megaphones, and yells from thou- sands, the tally clerk informed Chairman James that the forty-sixth and final ballot registered: [ 174 ] McCoMBS Felicitates Wilson on His Presidential Nomination at Sea Girt, N. J., 1912 WILSON WINS NOMINATION Wilson, 890; Clark, 84; Harmon, 25; Underwood, 12;Foss, 27. Chairman James, his voice subdued to a whisper, proclaimed : "I declare Woodrow Wilson the unanimous choice of this Convention for the Democratic nomination for President of the United States"! The full table of ballots follows : THE BALLOTS Wilson Clark First 324 44.li/2 Second 339I/2 4461/2 Third 345 441 Fourth 349I/2 443 Fifth 351 443 Sixth 354 445 Seventh 3521/2 4491/^ Eighth 3511/^ 4481/^ Ninth SSn/o 462 Tenth 351I/2 656 Eleventh 354I/2 654 Twelfth 354 5471/^ Thirteenth 356 654I/2 Fourteenth 362 550 Fifteenth 3621/^ 651 Sixteenth 3621/2 651 Seventeenth 3621/2 645 Eighteenth 361 535 Nineteenth 358 632 Twentieth 388I/2 612 Twenty-first 395I/2 508 Twenty-second 39614 5101^ Twenty-third 399 497I/2 Twenty-fourth 4021/^ 496 [ 175 ] MAKING WOODROW WILSON PRESIDENT Wilson Clark Twenty-fifth 405 469 Twenty-sixth 4071/2 463 Twenty-seventh 4061^ 469 Twenty-eighth 4371/2 4681/2 Twenty-ninth 436 4681/2 Thirtieth 460 455 Thirty-first 4751/2 4461/2 Thirty-second 4771/2 4461/2 Thirty-third 4771/2 4471/2 Thirty-fourth 4791/2 4471/2 Thirty-fifth 494I/2 4331/2 Thirty-sixth 4961/2 434I/2 Thirty-seventh 4961/2 4321/2 Thirty-eighth 4981/2 425 Thirty-ninth SOll/o 424 Fortieth 501I/2 424 Forty-first 499I/2 424 Forty-second 494 430 Forty-third 612 329 Forty-fourth 629 306 Forty-fifth 633 306 Forty-sixth 890 84 TOTAL: Wilson 890 Clark 84 Harmon 26 Underwood 12 Foss 27 As Mr. McCombs stood upon tlie Convention hall platform, both his hands squeezed almost to a pulp by hysterical Wilsonites, a Princeton chum accosted him with "Well, Bill, you certainly put 'Woody' over! I [ 176 ] WILSON WINS NOMINATION did not think it possible. But look out! Recall the fate of Uncle Jim Smith"! "What do you mean"? asked McCombs. "The first throat cut politically in New Jersey after Jim Smith had nominated and elected Wilson Gov- ernor was Jim Smith's. Be careful that the first throat cut after you elect Wilson President is not your own" ! "I ridiculed this warning at the time," said Mr. McCombs frequently to me after his turn came. "Had I but taken my Princeton friend's advice, I might have been spared much mental and physical anguish". Mr. McCombs fulfilled his pledge to Thomas T. Taggart, to throw the Wilson vote to Thomas R. Marshall, of Indiana, for Vice President. Influen- tial friends of Champ Clark begged him to become Wilson's running mate. The ]\Iissourian declined. Marshall was nominated after a battle of five hours. Mr. McCombs, in describing the selection of the Hoosier, wrote: [Editor's Note — Mr. McCombs' narrative resumed.] Unfortunately, the psychology of every convention, whether Democratic or Republican, has been that very little regard is paid to the selection of a Vice President. This is particularly true where the con- vention is long and intense, as was the case at Balti- more. Nobody seriously discussed the Vice Presidency until Mr. Wilson had been nominated. During a con- vention, the Vice Presidency may be made the subject [ 177 ] MAKING WOODROW WILSON PRESIDENT of a trade for delegates from this territory for some candidate for the Presidency. This should not be. Under our Constitution the Vice President's func- tions while in office are exceedingly small. He merely performs the duties of a presiding officer. Natur- ally, that does not involve the selection of a very great man. He does not even participate in the debates. He is more or less out of touch with both Houses. He is entirely out of touch with the President and the execu- tive side of Washington. He should be made of the same mental stature as the President, for if the President dies, the Vice Presi- dent immediately becomes President and charged with all the great duties of that office. If I were proposing a constitutional amendment, I would at least make the Vice President a member of the President's cabinet so that he may keep in touch with things as they go from the executive side. I would give him full voting powers in the Senate. The present Vice President, Mr. Marshall, has told me the actual truth about the office. Wlien Mr. Wilson was nominated in Baltimore early that Tuesday afternoon I went to my hotel and slept for a while. Refreshed, I called up the Gov- ernor and asked him what he thought about the Vice Presidency. I told him the candidates would prob- ably be Governor Burke, of North Dakota; INIayor Preston, of Baltimore, and Governor Marshall, of Indiana. I told him that he could have his choice for the Vice Presidency, and asked him to make a sug- [ 178 ] WILSON WINS NOMINATION gestion. His suggestion was that I do what I was willing as representing him. I went to the Convention that evening. On the way I mulled over various possibilities of the Demo- cratic Party. Governor Burke, of North Dakota, was a good man, but he came from a sparsely settled territory. He had no National prominence. He could not help on the ticket. Mayor Preston, of Baltimore, labored under the same difficulties. I thought of other men and concluded that INIarshall was the man. As I went into the door of the Convention hall I was met by Luke Lee, of ^Mississippi. He took me into a private room. There were gathered McAdoo, Burleson, Palmer, and a few others w^ho had worked for Wilson. I don't remember the names of all, but curiously enough, I do the number. There were eleven. They started in by saying that we must decide who should be the Vice President. A vote was proposed. Somebody mentioned Palmer. Then I knew what the vote would be. I also Imew that Palmer could not help the ticket at all, because he came from the State of Pennsylvania. I said that eleven men could not decide who was to be the Vice President of the United States. I proceeded to the floor. I spoke to the leaders of the large delegations. Marshall was nominated by a tremendous majority. I humbly record that on the first ballot I received 28 votes from my native state, Arkansas, for this exalted position. [ 179 ] XIV "PROVIDENCE DID IT"! Wilson So Exclaims to McCombs, Who is Chilled by Absence OF Gratitude from the Presidential Nominee — Mc- CoMBs, IN Collapse, Beats McAdoo to "His Presence" — Messrs. Kern, Palmer, Daniels, Taggart and Hudspeth Urge McCombs for National Chairman — Wilson Pre- fers McAdoo, but Makes Him Vice Chairman and Chooses All Campaign Committee. [Editor's Note — The McCoinbs narrative is resumed.] WENT up to Sea Girt with the National Com- mittee to congratulate Governor Wilson the day after his nomination for President. He shook hands with us generally. When I spoke to him, he said: "McCombs, you know I am a Presbyterian and believe in predestination and election. It was Providence that did the work at Baltimore". Now, I sliall not pass into any discussion of the various theologies ; but I stood there a complete wreck from a campaign at Baltimore, during which I slept no more than two hours a night. I saw other drawn faces about me. I saw faces, too, of men who had come to the Wilson standard as events turned. None cast their eyes to a selfish future, but all were hopeful, highly hopeful, that the man who stood before them [ 180 ] "PROVIDENCE DID IT" might be elected, and that in their own locality they might restore Democracy completely. I could not accept Wilson's view of fore-ordination in the presence of that group who had all but given their life's blood to make him the nominee of the Dem- ocratic Party for the Presidency of the United States. I must confess that I felt a chill, because I felt that the man had in mind the using of entirely new meth- ods. I was chilled, also, because I thought that if he attempted to apply that Predestination doctrine to the extreme, the Democratic campaign might find itself very much in the ruck. I was tired beyond expression. I did not desire to become Chairman of the Democratic National Com- mittee, though this had been suggested to me by mem- bers on all hands and it had been suggested to the Gov- ernor himself. In the National Committee itself there was a fair amount of discord growing out of many campaigns. It was thought that I would smooth everything over and could handle things without any friction. I was personally friendly with every member of the Com- mittee. I had dealt with them all and none came out of Baltimore with anything but the friendliest feelings toward me. Mr. Wilson, after two weeks of silence, acquiesced to my election as Chairman of the National Com- mittee, July 12th. There had been wonderment about his delay in they suspected conspiracy. I said I really did not want the place as I was already worked to death, and [ 181 ] MAKING WOODROW WILSON PRESIDENT giving his opinion. Many of the members told me that I would not take it unless the sentiment of the entire Conmiittee was taken and unless, without the exercise of force from any quarter, I should be the unanimous choice. But in accepting, I sailed into a sea upon which I hope no other man will ever have the misfortune to launch his bark. Mr. Wilson, at the outset, handed me a campaign committee list composed of gentlemen all of whom I liked, but many of whom I would not have chosen for this particular work. I was given absolute power by the National Com- mittee to select the campaign committee and to do nearly anything I thought fitting. At the meeting of the Committee in Chicago where I was elected, there was great enthusiasm over the fact that we were "on our way" and intended to push the c?.mpaign through to victory. I felt very much heartened. Returning to New York I found Wilson intent upon having William G. McAdoo for "l^ice Chairman, for what reason I can never divine. However, since Wilson's inaugiiration many reasons, Wilsonian, have appeared why he wanted him, but from a public and political point of view there was none. I strongly advised ISlr. Wilson to have as Vice Chairman a man from the West who understood Western conditions. I also spoke insistently for Judge Martin J. Wade, who was a member from Iowa and an exceedingly able man. He was held vei-y high in the esteem of the Westerners, and on the Committee itself. I thought he could handle Western [ 182 ] "PROVIDENCE DID IT" headquarters better than anybody else. But Gov- ernor Wilson was obdurate and we accepted McAdoo as Vice Chairman grudgingly. [Editor's Note — Mr. McCombs modestly bequeathed the task of elaborating the story of his selection as the National Chairman to fellow Committeemen. They prepared the follow- ing details.] Immediately upon the adjournment of the Balti- more convention, Mr. IMcCombs nearly collapsed physically. A physician was called and McCombs was ordered to bed. Instructions were given that he must not be disturbed for at least a day. To make his rest doubly sure, Mr. McCombs was then taken to a private apartment which he had used for secret conferences during the Convention. The patient, suffering from brain, as well as body fag, was induced to sleep. While Mr. McCombs was undergoing this enforced vacation, Mr. McAdoo dashed off to Sea Girt, N. J., to be the first to recite to Governor Wilson the details of the Convention. After Mr. McAdoo had hurried from Baltimore, rumors reached the McCombs head- quarters that McAdoo had gone to insist that he should be rewarded with the Chairmanship and the executive conduct of the campaign. Mr. McCombs' friends were also told that William J. Bryan would demand the retention of Chairman Norman E. ]\Iack, who had handled his 1908 campaign, while Wisconsin leaders were reported to have gotten back of Joseph E. Davies of the Badger State. While McCombs, maybe unconscious of much of this, slept at Baltimore, National Committeeman [ 183 ] MAKING WOODROW WILSON PRESIDENT Robert S. Hudspeth, of New Jersey, was also speed- ing to Sea Girt. Hudspeth had been very influential in securing all the delegates but four from New Jersey, Wilson's home state, and holding them intact for forty-six ballots. But in the race Hudspeth won and reached Sea Girt before IMcAdoo. Governor Wilson learned from him first, the accurate story of how and to whom he owed his nomination. Hudspeth frankly informed Wilson : "But for that crippled but militant Princeton lad, McCombs, Clark, Bryan, or an unknown would have defeated you. If any one individual is to be rewarded for your triumph it is Billy McCombs. He lies ill in Baltimore. Never, never forget what he did for you"! Governor Wilson listened rather frigidly to Judge Hudspeth's encomiums on McCombs. He gave no intimation as to what, if anything, he proposed to do to prove his gratitude. After his conference with the nominee. Judge Hudspeth was asked by newspaper correspondents if he would be a candidate for National Chairman. "Under no consideration. I don't want the place", he replied decisively. "McCombs has won it through distinguished service. He has been the pacemaker. He knows the delegates who fought with him the fight for Wilson. It would be bad business, mdeed, to trade horses in the middle of the stream". A. INIitchell Palmer went straight to Governor Wilson, too, and said, "We need a campaign con- [ 184 ] "PROVIDENCE DID IT" ducted in the same spirit in which McCombs con- ducted the nominating battle for you. We need a Chairman young enough to inject that spirit into the party and voters". Senator Ollie James, who had been permanent Chairman of the Convention, reinforced Hudspeth's advice with: "McCombs has shown himself to be a young man of great ability as an executive and a wonderful organizer". "Hum"! observed Wilson. "That is right. Mc- Combs undoubtedly is a fine executive"! And that was all. Senator John W. Kern, of Indiana, who had been Alton B. Parker's running mate in 1904, told Gov- ernor Wilson : "We all like McCombs first rate. We like the type to which he belongs". Senator Thomas T. Taggart, also of Indiana, former Chairman of the National Committee, who had finally swung the Hoosier delegation to Wilson, added his insistence that McCombs lead the party organiza- tion in the coming fray. Governor Wilson had been so inoculated with demands for McCombs' retention as Campaign Man- ager that when McAdoo finally turned up he wsls told that the Vice Chairmanship was all he could hope for. Possibly McAdoo would have made some headway had not McCombs himself suddenly appeared at Sea Girt. When, after fourteen hours' sleep, McCombs was informed of McAdoo's activities, he set out for Sea [ 185 ] MAKING WOODROW WILSON PRESIDENT Girt as fast as a seventy-mile an hour car could carry him. Governor Wilson was entertaining guests at luncheon, on the lawn at his Sea Girt cottage, when McCombs hove in sight. As he, like an apparition, alighted, and, with the aid of a cane, started straight for the "Boss", as Tom Taggart addressed Wilson, National Chairman Norman E. Mack, who sat next to the Governor, exclaimed, "Why, there is McCombs now! I thought he was ill in Baltimore"! Governor Wilson, himself astounded, greeted IMc- Combs: "Why, how did you get here? I thought you were sick in bed at Baltimore" ! McCombs, as if looking for McAdoo, smiled grimly and replied: "I was never sick a minute. I slept fourteen hours yesterday and am fit as can be. I am like a leather shoestring. You can stretch me quite a ways without breaking me". Governor Wilson, JMr. IMack and others laughed at this simile and treated McCombs as if he had just sur- vived a serious surgical operation. Josephus Daniels, afterward Secretary of the Navy eight years, tapped McCombs affectionately on the back and said: "Governor Wilson, I want you to know that we learned at Baltimore to respect Mr. IMcCombs and have faith in him. We found that he talked our language and that we talked his. If he makes the same brilliant campaign for your election as he did for your nomination, no Taft nor Roosevelt can possibly defeat you"! It was not until July 12th, over a fortnight after [ 18G ] "PROVIDENCE DID IT" he had been nominated, that Governor Wilson finally determined to risk his Presidential election manage- ment to McCombs. Those who had been associated with, or had observed Mr. McCombs' masterful management of the Pre- and in-Convention campaigns had been persistent in their support of McCombs, and finally induced Gov- ernor Wilson to name him as chairman. On July 12, National Committeeman Hudspeth, of New Jersey, Josephus Daniels, of North Carolina, and Mr. McCombs held a prolonged conference with Governor Wilson at Sea Girt. When it ended, Judge Hudspeth came upon the la^vn and announced: "It's McCombs! Governor Wilson has selected him for Chairman of the National Committee". ^McCombs, smiling but mute, limped to his auto as rapidly as he could. National Committeeman Daniels, addressing a group of newspaper coiTespondents, said: "You saw that young man going past with a slight limp. I have no doubt many of you, as hundreds of others, will wonder, whether he is robust enough for the big job that may be asked of him. He is a great deal more robust than he looks and will outlast a great many men that may appear to be stronger". "Did you urge Governor Wilson to make Mr. ^IcCombs National Chairman"? ]Mr. Daniels was asked. "I certainly did, and he is the choice of all genuine friends of the Governor", responded Daniels. "The National Committee will meet at New York [ 187 ] MAKING WOODROW WILSON PRESIDENT July 15th to organize for the campaign", announced Chairman IMack. "The 'Boss' says Chicago", quoth Tom Taggart mischievously. "If you doubt it, ask him", added the Hoosier leader. ]Mack went inside the Wilson cottage. He looked sheepish when he returned. "Right, Tom. The Committee meets at noon at the Hotel Congress, Chicago, July 15th". "That's what the 'Boss' told me, and what the 'Boss' says, goes", retorted Taggart with a snicker. Judge Hudspeth personally carried Governor Wil- son's orders to the Committee which met at Chicago the following Monday. The Judge presented INlr. McCombs' name for the Chairmanship in this waj'': "IMr. McCombs' intelligence and sagacious handling of Governor Wilson's nominating campaign during the past year and a half has demonstrated his entire fitness for leadership and showed him to be amply equipped to cany the Democratic Party to victory". A^either McAdoo, nor any follower, offered a word openly against McCombs. He was chosen Chairman unanimously. A^Hien ]\Ir. Mack surrendered his gavel, Mr. McCombs brieflj'' acknowledged his election: "I can- not hope to achieve success unless I have the active support of this Committee. "This is to be a business campaign. We shall pay strict attention to the business of electing Governor Wilson President". [ 188 ] "PROVIDENCE DID IT" "And we must raise a million dollars at once to do it", said Roger Sullivan, of Chicago. McCombs did his best to get a nation-wide repre- sentative of all factions in the Executive Committee. He planned to put upon it Charles F. jMurphy, Tom Taggart, William J. Stone, Jolm H. Banldiead, and others who had fought Wilson's nomination. The "Boss" overruled him. July 17th Governor Wilson, premising it by saymg "I am entirely satisfied with the way the National Committee has met my suggestions", announced his famous "Veranda" or "Rocking Chair" Committee. It comprised William F. IMcCombs, William G. McAdoo and James A. O'Gorman, of New York; Robert S. Hudspeth, of New Jersey; A. Mitchell Palmer, of Pennsylvania; Josephus Daniels, of North Carolina; William Saulsbury, of Delaware; Joseph E. Davies, of Wisconsin; Thomas P. Gore, of Okla- homa; Col. Robert Ewing, of Louisiana; Will R. King, of Oregon; James A. Reed, of ^Missouri, and Daniel McGillicudd3% of IMaine. All had loyally supported Wilson for the Presi- dential nomination except Mr. Reed, of Missouri. He had made the nominating speech for Champ Clark in the Convention. The Governor directed that Mr. McAdoo assume the duties of "Vice Chairman", and Joseph E. Davies the Secretaryship. He also named Henry Morgen- thau as Chairman of the Finance Committee. With a Campaign Committee, ever\^ member of which was picked by Governor Wilson, Chairman McCombs began the arduous duties of the canvass. ^ [ 189] XV McCOMBS AND McADOO QUARREL At Bitter Odds as Campaign Begins — McAdoo Ignores His Chief in Selecting Headquarters Force — "Beat Roose- velt", Directs McCombs as He Falls III — McAdoo Levies on McCombs' Political Assets and is Put Out of His Pre-empted Post — Nominee Fails as a Peace-Maker. [Editor's Note — This chapter is written by the Editor.] [HE popular vote-getting campaign for Wilson began auspiciously on the surface. But bick- erings inside the camp Avere constant. The Republican camp was splitting up. William H. Taft had been renominated for President by the reactionary Republicans. Progressives had bolted the convention and nominated Theodore Roosevelt, who had tM^ice been President. McCombs' plan w^as, of course, to keep the Repub- licans split. He was convinced from the outset that Taft was hopelessly out of the nmning. It was Roosevelt who must be beaten in order to elect Wilson. Mr. McCombs, therefore, concentrated his efforts toward weaning Progressives away from Roosevelt as well as Taft. Roosevelt was posing as the only Pro- gressive. McCombs saw to it that Wilson was pre- [ 190 ] McCOMBS AND McADOO QUARREL sented to the voters as rather more of a Progressive than Roosevelt. With all this serious business in hand, there was, of course, the question of national headquarters. Chairman McCombs authorized Vice Chairman McAdoo to lease headquarters in the Fifth Avenue Building at Broadway and Twenty-third street. New York City. This McAdoo did. But without con- sulting IMcCombs, he engaged a large staff. Among them was K. B. Conger, who had been associated with McAdoo in his Hudson Terminal enterprise. Inspecting the pay-roll one daj^ IMcCombs discov- ered that Conger was doA\Ti for a weekly salary of $150, and Byron R. Newton, afterward Collector of the Port of New York, for $120 a week. As i^IcCombs had been struggling to get enough money to pay headquarters rent, he was surprised. "What are these men doing for their fancy sala- ries"? demanded McCombs of McAdoo. "Conger leased headquarters for us and is acting as Superintendent. Newton is working at Sea Girt, New Jersey, with Walter Measday, at the Wilson publicity bureau. He volunteered", was McAdoo's reply. "Get rid of both", directed McCombs. "Conger is useless. I fired Newton months ago". But IMcAdoo carried Newton's case to the Presi- dential nominee and he was retained. Conger is said to have continued to draw $150 a week for the re- mainder of the campaign, though McAdoo and Treas- urer Rollo Wells had many a dispute about it. [ 191 ] MAKING WOODROW WILSON PRESIDENT August 12, 1912, Mr. McCombs was prostrated with neurasthenia. He was stricken while on duty at headquarters, and he was carried to the Hotel Knick- erbocker. Dr. John D. McBarren advised that unless McCombs were immediately relieved from duty he might die. The stricken Chairman was taken to the home of Mrs. Ethel Thomas, a sister, at Flushing, L. I. He grew worse and was removed to Paul Smith's in the Adirondacks where his sister, Corinne, accompanied him. For six weeks McCombs fought illness and physi- cians to get back at his job. Despite protests from his medical advisers and his family, McCombs slipped away from his sanatorium September 4, 1912, and suddenly appeared at the Hotel Plaza in New York. There he again collapsed. Dr. Simon Baruch, father of Bernard M. Baruch (one of Wilson's financial angels) was summoned. He ordered McCombs to bed and to retire from active campaign duties. "I'll do my job by 'phone"! was McCombs' dogged response. "And commit suicide"! admonished Dr. Baruch. "WHiile McCombs was doing wire work from the Plaza, INIcAdoo sat in a swivel chair at the Fifth Avenue headquarters. He assumed the full duties of National Chairman and started in to reorganize the force employed by McCombs. He packed off to Chi- cago, Albert S. Burleson, of Texas, whom Colonel House afterward induced President Wilson to make Postmaster General; Thomas P. Gore, afterward United States Senator from Oklahoma; Frank B. [ 192] McCOMBS AND McADOO QUARREL Lord, and other staff officers installed by McCombs. Any officer or employee of the McCombs brand seemed persona non grata to him. One day, a loyal friend of McCombs dropped in upon him at the Plaza. McCombs, propped up with pilloAvs, was 'phoning commands to lieutenants in other states. During a lull, McCombs asked: "How are things going at headquarters"? "McAdoo is trying to administer on your estate before you die" ! was the shot returned. "He has fired about all your friends, except Joe Daniels". McCombs went immediately to the Fifth Avenue building. Reaching headquarters, he recognized few attaches whom he had appointed. He was mystified and angered by an army of strange people. The office boy accosted him with; "Wlio do j^ou want to see"? McCombs entered the room which he had reserved for himself prior to his physical collapse. McAdoo was swinging about in his revolving chair giving orders to subordinates of his own selection. Regarding McCombs as if he were a spectre, McAdoo asked: "How are you feeling. Bill? Why did you come back until you were completely recov- ered? Things are going fine". "I am here to resume command, and you will please vacate my desk", said McCombs. McAdoo obeyed. McCombs fell into his old chair and summoned Treas- urer Rollo Wells, Chaimian Henry Morgenthau, of [ 193 ] MAKING WOODROW WILSON PRESIDENT the Finance Committee, Chairman Josephus Danieis, of the Publicity Bureau, Secretary Joseph E. Davies, and Assistant Secretary Walker W. Vick. "I desire to see these gentlemen alone", said McCombs as he glanced at McAdoo. McAdoo departed. IMcCombs then learned additional details about McAdoo changing his campaign plans and rear- ranging the office force. Rollo Wells reported the treasury all but empty. Just then, however. Chairman McCombs opened a letter from a North Carolina friend. It enclosed a check for $54.66, the proceeds of the final bale of cotton sold by him that Fall. "We are not broke yet, Rollo", observed McCombs in glee. "But we shall have to dig somewhere, or we shall be broke". ^ Just as Chairman McCombs was about to start for Sea Girt to get a show-down from Governor Wilson as between him and McAdoo, the Governor suddenly ;>s, appeared in New York. He called upon ^IcCombs. At the conclusion of the interview, Governor Wilson said: "There is no friction between Mr. ^IcCombs and Mr. McAdoo. It was necessary for Mr. McCombs to have a short rest. Mr. INIcCombs is one of the most indomitable men I ever Imew. There is a sacrifice that no one can accept from any man. That is his health. ^Ir. McCombs is much stronger and will con- tinue to perform his duties as Chairman of the National Committee". V McCombs' friends were elated over Governor Wil- [ 194 ] McCOMBS AND McADOO QUARREL son's at least public support of Chairman McCombs as absolute campaign manager. Mr. JMcCombs was mightily pleased and accepted as an expression of popular approval this editorial in the New York American, September 12, 1921: "Justice to Manager McCombs. "Governor Wilson has done well to lay at rest the rumor that political bosses and jealous rivals were to compass the retirement of William F. INIcCombs as manager of his campaign. "To ]\Ir. McCombs, more than to any single indi- vidual friend in the United States, Governor Wilson owes his nomination at Baltimore. "The labors of the young Princetonian to this end were assiduous and extraordinary. His devotion amounted almost to consecration. His energy was prodigious, and he displayed conspicuous ability in every phase of the campaign of which he was the recognized manager and director from the beginning. "Working at times almost single-handed, an'd spending his time and his money with lavish loyalty, Mr. McCombs impaired his health in the cause of his candidate. "We felt sure that Governor Wilson could not afford and would not consent to his retirement. The Democratic nominee knows better than most men the character and capacity of the young leader who piloted his fortunes at Baltimore. Nothing short of a physical incapacity to go on with the work could possibly jus- tify IMcCombs' enforced retirement. [ 195 ] \ MAKING WOODROW WILSON PRESIDENT | "Least of all, could Governor Wilson, at this stage I of his campaign, afford to bring upon himself the charge of ingratitude to a friend and benefactor such as this able and brilliant young laywer has so splen- didly demonstrated himself to be. "The American took it for granted that the wise and discreet Democratic nominee would allow no machine bosses or new-found friends to compass the humiliation of the best and most effective friend that his political career has developed. "Mr. McCombs deserves to finish the work that he began". Six hundred admirers of Chairman McCombs joined in a Hotel Astor dinner September 29, 1912, | to celebrate his convalescence and restoration to com- mand of the Wilson campaign. Governor Wilson joined in the greeting. He eulogized McCombs in this way: "I am not here for any other purpose than to render my tribute of sincere admiration and affection for William F. McCombs. It must mean a great deal to a man who has spent his life in teaching, that one of the men he taught, one of the men with whom he has been associated as master with pupil, should so believe in him as Mr. McCombs has believed in me, for this is the highest reward of a teacher/' As Mr. McCombs arose to reply, he was more lustily cheered than his "master". He said: "I am working in the interest of an ideal. I am • working to accomplish what is best for the Govern- [ 196 ] McCOMBS AND McADOO QUARREL ment. I consider Woodrow Wilson the best man to carry out my ideals. There is no reason why the one million college graduates in this country should not participate in government. I hate distinction of class. We should all collaborate for the best kind of gov- ernment". William B. Hornblower, President John H. Finley, of the College of the City of New York, Col. Jolm Temple Graves, Rennold Wolf and Augustas Thomas threw oratorical bouquets at ]Mr. McCombs. Assuming that the Democracy of the country was solidly behind Wilson, Chairman INIcCombs resumed his battle to rally every Republican he could to his candidate's support. His arguments were admirably epitomized in an address to all voters October 28, 1912. Here it is: "It becomes my duty, as Chairman of the Demo- cratic National Committee, at the beginning of the last week of the campaign, toconvey two messages to the millions of citizens who are striving to uphold the principles of constitutional and popular government by electing Woodrow Wilson President of the United States. "The first is of good cheer. A painstaking and unprejudiced examination of reports from all sources fully justifies the common expectation of a sweeping victory on November 5. The party which polled more than 6,000,000 votes four years ago is united abso- lutely, the opposition is broken about evenly in twain, and hundreds of thousands of patriotic citizens who have never cast a Democratic ballot will surely vote MAKING WOODROW WILSON PRESIDENT for Woodrow Wilson. Defeat, under such circum- ; stances, is virtually inconceivable. "My second message is one not of apprehension, but of warning. We must expect that the desperate situ- ation in which our antagonists now find themselves will incite them to extreme measures as they approach J the end of their resources. There should be no relaxa- ' tion of effort in these last few days at any point in the line. There will be none on the part of those charged with the responsibilitj^ of conducting the campaign. "To those who are being told that Democratic suc- cess spells panic and depression we say: Remember 1907 — with President Roosevelt at the helm and Ses- retary Taf t at his elbow. Whose, then, was the respon- sibility? "To those confronted by the dilapidated bogy of free trade, we say: Read not what our opponents write, but what our candidate saj^s. He needs no interpretation. None can deny either his ability or his freedom to speak for himself. And when he pro- nounces the Democratic proposal and his purpose to be 'neither free trade nor anj^thing approaching free trade', but only 'readjustment of the schedules to meet the actual business conditions and interests of the country', to the end that the tariff shall cease to be the well-spring of oppressive monopoly and covert taxa- tion of the many for the benefit of the few, no fair- minded man can question either the truth of his words or the reality of his intent. *'A11 agree that business stability and popular satis- [ 198 ] McCOMBS AND McADOO QUARREL faction cannot be achieved until the tariff shall be revised. Both IMr. Taft and iMr. Roosevelt promise, if elected, to take steps to that end. But the history of their administrations shows conclusively that it cannot be done under their guidance. The policy of each, as clearly indicated by the methods he proposes, is one of procrastination. The Democratic purpose no less surely is that of prompt and effective, though careful and considerate, action. "President Taft generously admits that the Repub- lican Party is not entitled to exclusive credit for the bountiful crops, but his advocates do not shrink from advancing the fact as an argument for standing pat. Prosperity, they assert, is at hand if the existing con- dition be maintained. Wliy interfere? Wliy not let well enough alone? Wliy elect a President and install a party whose purpose is to close our mills, destroy our industries and drive a starving people to soup- houses ? "It seems strange that questions such as these should be propounded to presumably intelligent persons ; and yet they are put forth constantly upon the only sup- posable theory that the supreme object of one-half of the American people is to bring ruin and disaster upon the other half and incidentally, of course, upon themselves. "Not many, I suspect, are likely to impute to Gov- ernor Wilson this malign intent ; and even those who try to conjure up with him a spirit of destructiveness do not deny his possession of intelligence. May it not [ 199 ] MAKING WOODROW WILSON PRESIDENT be pertinent, then, to ask what could be his object in inflicting miseries upon his fellow men? "Assuming, as one must, if these premonitions are to be heeded at all, that his heart would be rejoiced by universal calamity, is it within reason to anticipate that he would be eager to go do^^n in history a^ a President who has wrought only havoc? Is it not more probable that he would be ambitious to give the country a praiseworthy and successful administra- tion?" "But we are told that the business world is seri- ously apprehensive, that Governor Wilson's election would retard the return of prosperity. This fear, it is solemnly declared in the face of full confidence manifested while the betting is 4 to 1, is the only obstacle in the path of gTcat industrial progress. "Suppose the existing conditions were reversed. Suppose business was at a standstill and prospects seemed hopeless. What, then, would be the outcry of our critics, now pressed so hardly as plausible argu- ments? Surely nothing else than positive insistence that the Democratic Party and the Democratic can- didates are at the bottom of it all. And the moral, of course, would be plain: Vote against the man who inspires misgivings. "But the facts do not coincide with the theory. It becomes necessary to advance a paradox as an argu- ment to fit the case. The absurdity of the whole thing is too apparent. Moreover, if stability is the chief desideratum, what is to be said of the record begun with the agitation of Mr. Roosevelt in 1906 and con- [ 200 ] McCOMBS AND McADOO QUARREL tinued with the shilly-shallying of Mr. Taft to this very day ? "We will let well enough alone when we have made it better. "To those sincere citizens who want real progress accomplished we say: What could in reason be antici- pated from Mr. Roosevelt's best endeavors, with Con- gress and the courts against him, except turmoil and strife? Does not Mr. Wilson embody all that is best, most rational and attainable in ^Ir. Roosevelt's declared aspiration? Surely Governor Wilson is as clear-minded, as wide-visioned, as free-handed, as honest, as earnest and as resolute. "Moreover, if elected, unlike Mr. Roosevelt, he will have a Congress of his oivn party faith, open to his suggestion and responsive to his leadership. Does not such a situation presage greater actual accomplish- ment in the interest of the whole people? "To the thousands of patriotic Republicans who regard apprehensively the violation of our most vital tradition and resent the attitude of Mr. Roosevelt toward the great party to which he owes every step in his marvelous political advancement we say this: You are being urged to vote for Mr. Taft, not for the purpose of electing him, because that is known to be impossible, but merely to give him a larger number of ballots than will be cast for Mr. Roosevelt. What is to be gained thereby? "It is a recognized fact that hundreds of thousands of Republicans are going to vote for Wilson anyway. The Taft vote, then, will be no measure of the real [ 201 ] MAKING WOODROW WILSON PRESIDENT Taft strength and sentiment. Its size, whether larger or smaller than Mr. Roosevelt's vote, will signify nothing. Since the President is to be in the minority in any case, as compared with Mr. Wilson, it cannot matter how small that minority shall be. "Nobody on November 6 will be able to estimate the number of Republicans mIio voted for Wilson, who would have voted for Taft but for their sense of a patriotic duty to defeat Mr. Roosevelt at all hazards. Under such circumstances, whatever the result as to second and third places, Roosevelt boasting can avail nothing. "Why, then, take chances? Why not make assur- ance of the perpetuation of constitutional government doubly sure by voting for Wilson, as President Taft most certainly would advise and do himself if he should become convinced of the iDossibilit}^ of Mr. Roosevelt's accession to a third term? "This is said in no partisan spirit. The action pro- posed is urged upon sober, thoughtful and honorable men as that of patriotism. Everybodj^ knows that Mr. Taft cannot be elected. How great will be the politi- cal effect of the sympathy accorded Mr. Roosevelt as a consequence of a lunatic's misdeed is wholly conjec- tural. It seems apparent, however, that the avidity of his supporters in trying to capitalize the shocking performance of an irresponsible person has defeated its own purpose, and that ]Mr. Roosevelt has practi- cally no chance of success. "There remains the one and onh^ remote possibility of the election going to the House of Representatives, [ 202 ] McCOMBS AND McADOO QUARREL and the utter chaos, confusion, bartering and strain upon our governmental system, which would surely upset the country beyond possible calculation, and might easily endanger American institutions. "Upon these grounds we solicit the suffrages of our fellow citizens of all political faiths for Woodro,w Wilson, and urge continuance of unremitting endeavor upon those already committed to the great cause of wholly free and truly popular government for which he stands as a candidate for President of the United States". A note in the McCombs manuscript indicated anew his belief that Roosevelt, not Taft, was the can- didate who stood most in Wilson's way. ]Mr. McCombs wrote: "Never at any time did anyone assume that IMr. Roosevelt was not dangerous in that campaign. I believe that if his campaign had been properly organ- ized he might have been more successful and very close to ]Mr. Wilson indeed. "The idea often expressed that when Wilson was nominated nothing need have been done to elect him is fallacious indeed. We had to fight every minute of the day. I knew that Taft was out of it. But there were so many possible turns in the fortunes of the Roosevelt v/heel, and so many tremendous possibilities in the resourceful Roosevelt himself, that no foe was safe in counting him out until the ballots were counted". [ 203 ] XVI "I OWE YOU NOTHING—" Wilson Elected by an Unprecedented Plurality — O'Gor- MAN Proclaims "This Boy, McCombs, Did It" — Presi- dent-Elect Wires His "Thanks" — "It Was Ordained of God That I Should be President"! Said Wilson to Mc- Combs When Actually Elected — Wilson Ignores All National Committee Recommendations for Appointments — Names Bryan, McAdoo, Tumulty, et al. Despite Pro- tests of Those Who Won for Him — McCombs' Slate Thrown Into the Waste Basket — House Picks Cabinet Ministers. [Editor's Note — This chapter is compiled from posthumous notes.] HAIRMAN McCOMBS received election returns November 5, 1912, in the East Room of the Waldorf-Astoria. Grouped about him were Colonel E. M. House, Josephus Daniels, Senator James A. O'Gorman, Frederic C. Penfield, Rollo Wells, Henry Morgenthau, John L. DeSaulles, Colonel George Harvey, John W. Clifton, and others. At 9 p. M., ]Mr. ^McCombs, pale and worn, leaning upon the arm of Robert Adamson, stepped to the doorway, and with a jubilant smile, announced: "We have carried forty states. The victory is complete. We have carried New York, Illinois, Massachusetts, [ 204 ] MAKING WOODROW WILSON PRESIDENT Indiana, New Jersey and even Senator Penrose con- cedes we have carried Pennsylvania". Senator O' Gorman placed his arms affectionately about McCombs and exclaimed: "This is not a victory for the Democratic Party. It is a victory for the American people. It is the biggest sweep in the history of the country". All but hugging IMcCombs, Senator O'Gorman added: "And here is the boy who did it" ! Many present, including the women, crowded about McCombs and wrung his hand. An hour later this wire came from President-elect Wilson, dated Prince- ton, reading: "William F. McCombs, Democratic National Commit- tee, New York: *T deeply appreciate your telegram and wish to extend to you and the members of the campaign committee my warm congratulations on the part you played in the or- ganization and conduct of a campaign fought out upon essential issues. A great cause has triumphed. Every Democrat, every Progressive of whatever alliance, must now lend his full force and enthusiasm to the fulfillment of the people's hopes, the establishment of the people's rights so that justice and progress may go hand in hand. WooDROW Wilson" This message came in response to one sent the President-elect by Chairman McCombs reading: "President-Elect Woodrow Wilson, Princeton, N. J.: "My warmest congratulations to you, our next Presi- dent. You have won a splendid and significant victory. At this hour you appear to have received the largest [ 205 ] "I OWE YOU NOTHING" electoral vote ever given to a Presidential candidate. The indications are that your administration will be sup- ported by a Congress Democratic in both branches. William F. McCombs" By midnight Chairman lilcCombs received advices warranting him in saying: "Taft has carried but two states — Utah and Vermont. We have won thirty- nine, if not forty, states, with at least 442 of the 531 electoral votes. We have the House of Representa- tives by two to one and the Senate is safely Demo- cratic." The final returns proved the accuracy of ^Ir. JMcCombs' statement. Wilson got 442, Roosevelt 77, and Taft only 12 votes in the electoral college. Wil- son carried every state except :Piiichigan, Minnesota, Pennsylvania, South Dakota and Washmgton. Taft carried Utah and Vermont only. Wilson's popular and electoral plurality was the greatest in America's history. The total vote was 14,720,037. Wilson received a total of 6,292,718 votes, Roosevelt 4,057,429, Taft 3,369,221. Wilson got over Roosevelt a plurality of 2,235,289, and over Taft 2,923,497. He got more electoral votes than Roosevelt and Taft combined. Justifiably elated that under his direction a Demo- cratic President had been elected for the first time since 1892, Mr. McCombs decided to pay a personal visit of felicitation to the President-elect. Sleeping hardly two hours after a night of receiving returns and jubilation, Mr. McCombs went to Princeton, New Jersey, November 6, 1912. [ 206 ] "I OWE YOU NOTHING" He received a rousing greeting from the university- students for his masterful and victorious conduct of the campaign. He was all but stunned, however, by the reception from the man for whose nomination and election he was the indisputable chief instrument. ]Mr. JMcCombs frequently recited to me the incidents of that visit. He said: "I called upon the President-elect at the residence he had leased after resigning as President of Prince- ton University. I was somewhat amazed to be kept waiting for an audience. I forgave that, at the moment, because the house was thronged with jubilant men and women, pressing about the winner with their congratulations. "At last the President-elect deigned to recognize me. He imperiously beckoned me into his library. When we reached there, I said: 'Governor, I came over to offer you my sincerest congratulations upon your election and to express my hope that 3^ou Mill have a happy and successful administration'. "The President-elect took my hand in a frigid, mechanical way. His stenographer started to leave the room. "He said to the stenographer: 'You need not leave. I shall continue my dictation'. "Surprised, I inquired: 'What does this mean. Governor' ? "The Governor fidgeted a bit and jerked out: 'It means that every word that passes here is to be recorded in black and white'. "Then I became provoked and insisted upon an [ 207 ] MAKING WOODROW WILSON PRESIDENT explanation of the aifront which I believed had been deliberately offered me. When I protested, the Presi- dent-elect, with a heartlessness of which up to this time I was ignorant, turned upon me and in measured tone said: " 'Before we proceed, I ^vish it clearly understood that I owe you nothing'. "I modestly suggested that I might be given credit for doing a little toward his nomination and election. "Haughtily, Governor Wilson retorted: 'Whether j'^ou did little or much, remember that God ordained that I should he the next President of the United States. Neither you nor any other mortal or mortals could have prevented that' ! "I gasped. I could hardly believe wliat I heard. As I distinctly recall it, I observed that of course God helped, but there were men who had sacrificed health, wealth and time to give Wilson the high office he sought. "I had been commissioned by members of the National Committee to ask that some of them be rewarded. "With an iciness which was, I believe, natural, or cultivated at times, the President-elect replied: " 'I am tired out. I am going to Bermuda for a rest. I must insist that I shall not be annoyed with applications for office until my return'. "I replied, as calmly as my resentment would per- mit : 'I am tired, too. So are himdreds and thousands of others who, when you attempted to hoist the white flag, rallied about you and nominated and elected you. [ 208 ] ''I OWE YOU NOTHING" They are entitled to immediate and generous consid- eration. They have commissioned me to speak for them. I recognize your right to name your private secretary and other members of your confidential staff. But members of the National Committee have some suggestions to submit as to members of the Cabinet and heads of other departments and bureaus'. "Very curtly, Governor Wilson responded: *I reserve the privilege of naming whom I please for my official family. But, in any event, I shall consider no one seriously until after I return from my vacation'. " 'iMay I ask if you have selected j^our private secretary? During your absence I may have to com- municate with him if I cannot get in touch with you', I persisted. " 'I have none and will make no choice until I get back from Bermuda', was Wilson's answer. "All the satisfaction I got was that the President- elect had not selected a single man to sei-ve imder him. I presented him a list of names of men who had been indorsed by the National Committee for some of the most desirable offices. He, scarcely glancing at it, tossed the document to his stenographer and said, as he bowed me out; 'I may have another talk with you when I get back from Bermuda'. "This was the briefest interview I ever had with Mr. Wilson. If ever I had to Imow Mr. Wilson, this was the way to find him out. "I determmed not to be on bad terms with him no matter what happened. I had a perfectly certain idea about the way he was going to handle things. I knew [ 209 ] MAKING WOODROW WILSON PRESIDENT that it meant the ruin of the Democratic Party if it continued; but I felt that I owed an obligation to the party which had not been in power for twenty years. I felt that what had not been done before must be done, namely: that the party as a party must be strength- ened in the matter of its organization ; that its policies must be formulated definitely and distinctly. "There should be no turpiture, no excuses, no vacil- lation. I believed, as I do yet, that the processes of government must be derived from the people, and that the people, high and low, must be furnished with all the facts about all the great events or the great pro- posals affecting them. "I concluded to remain over at Princeton a few days and do what I could to impress the President-elect that I had made pledges to his most influential sup- porters which he must satisfy. I soon learned that Mr. McAdoo and Mr. Tumulty had spent election day with Governor Wilson and had submitted a list of recommendations for nearly every desirable office X witliin his gift. ''When the newspaper correspondents asked Mr. McAdoo why he was not at his desk at New York Headquarters, he stammered: 'Well, I thought I would come over and be the first to congratulate the President-elect'. "Mrs. Wilson, I was afterward informed, reached the President-elect with the definite news of his victory only a minute or two ahead of Mr. McAdoo. "I called on the President-elect again the Thursday after election. [ 210 ] "I OWE YOU NOTHING" "An army of photographers besieged us for snap- Jihots. The President-elect finally condescended to have his picture taken with me. I can hardly say I wore a triumphant smile as the 'snapshooters' shot us in various poses. "Apparently to show the public that he was not ungrateful or discourteous, the President-elect invited me to go with him to the Princeton-New York Uni- versity football game the following Saturday. We were accompanied by 'Big Bill' Edwards. While we were watching the 'Tigers' overwhelm the Gotham boys, I once or twice sought to get a definite answer about appointments to carry back to my associates on the National Committee. At each hint Governor Wilson scowled. Finally, in indignation, mock or genuine, he said : " 'Once and for all, Mr. ]McCombs, not a word on this subject until I get back from my vacation. I must insist upon rest and a chance to think'. "I did not renew the subject, and returned to New York absolutely in the dark as to the fate of men who had fought and made sacrifices to make Wilson President". Governor Wilson departed for his vacation a few days later. He was absent until December 16th. Whether or not, while away, he inspected the recom- mendations of Chairman McCombs and his associates, the fact remains that in the list submitted by them these names appeared : For Secretary of State: Richard Olney, of Massa- chusetts. [211 ] MAKING WOODROW WILSON PRESIDENT For Secretary of the Treasury; Henry Morgen- thau, of New York. For Secretary of War: Colonel John T. IklcGraw, of West Virgmia, or General "Bibb" Graves, of Alabama. For Attorney General: Robert L. Henry, of Texas. Not one of the men proposed by McCombs was appointed. While the President-elect was hibernating in South- em climes, McCombs learned that William G. McAdoo was stating that he would be Secretary of the Treasury, and Joseph P. Tumulty that he would be Secretary to the President. He was not surprised that McAdoo aimed to handle the nation's billions. But he was rather astonished that Tumulty still sought the Secretaryship to the President. McCombs had been informed that just before leaving the country Governor Wilson had offered, and Tumulty had accepted, the Secretaryship of the Supreme Court of New Jersey. This position carried a salary in excess of that drawTi by the Presi- dent's Secretary. Nevertheless, INIcCombs kept hear- ing that Tumulty was to be at the elbow of the President at Washington. Unwelcome as this was to him, he decided to withhold continued opposition on the ground that the President of course was warranted in choosing whom he pleased for this confidential place. McAdoo, for Secretary of the Treasury, was a proposition which McCombs found difficult to tolerate. He called a conference of those who had been inti- mately associated with him in the campaign and sought [ 212 ] "I OWE YOU NOTHING" their advice. It was agreed that McCombs himself ought to avow himself a candidate for head of the financial branch of the government. Reluctantly, McCombs accepted the advice on condition, however, that he personally should not submit the suggestion to the President-elect. X, "I wish", urged McCombs, "to be in the position of one seeking no office at all under the Wilson adminis- tration. As Chairman of the National Committee, however, I reserve the right of recommending candi- dates whose fitness is guaranteed by those who were most responsible for the nomination and election of Governor Wilson. Of course, should the President- elect offer me the Secretaryship of the Treasury, or the Attorney Generalship, I would feel very grateful and complimented. But I shall never personally ask either or anj^ place from him". Colonel E. M. House, Cleveland H. Dodge, and others, called upon the President-elect upon his return from Bermuda, December 16, 1912. They eulogized McCombs and urged that he be made either Secretary of the Treasury or Attorney General. They argued that he was entitled to any office the President-elect could give him. "Wliat about McAdoo"? asked the President-elect. "Consider first the man who did more to put you in the Wliite House than any other. We do not care what you do for McAdoo after that", was the reply of Mr. Dodge. "Well, I'll see McCombs and talk it over with hun", responded Governor Wilson. [ 213 ] MAKING WOODROW WILSON PRESIDENT Within a few hours after the President-elect got back from his outing, the writer happened to meet a Wall Street friend. "It is no news to you, I presume, that William J. Bryan is to be Secretary of State, is it"? asked my friend. "It is", w^as my answer. "Well, President-elect Wilson has offered the port- folio to Bryan and there is the devil to pay about it. But Bryan will accept", said my informant. I called up Mr. McCombs at his New York office. I told him of my information. He answered: "Don't believe all you hear in Wall Street. Most people go broke on that. There is no chance of Bryan's appoint- ment. The President-elect knows, as well as I do, that Bryan did his best to deprive him of the nomina- tion and sought to appropriate it for himself. I am going to Princeton to see the Governor this afternoon. I shall call you up this evening and give you the facts". About 10 p. M. McCombs did call me. He said: "I regret to say that your informant was right. The President-elect, in his desire to start his administration without friction with any factions of his party, has offered the Secretaiyship of State to Mr. Bryan. I have made as vehement a protest as I can, and shall continue to do so until the very hour of the nomina- tions. I have, in detail, reminded the President-elect of the plot engineered by Brj^an at the Baltimore convention to prevent the Governor's nomination and secure his o-vmi. I shall ask every true friend of the President-elect to unite with me in insisting that [ 214 ] "I OWE YOU NOTHING" Bryan shall not be intrusted with any confidential place under the administration. I have cordially renewed my recommendation that Richard Olney, who was Secretary of State under Grover Cleveland, is the ideal man to handle foreign affairs. I shall persist in this". During this memorable interview with the Presi- dent-elect, Governor Wilson asked Mr. McCombs if he and his associates would strenuously oppose the appointment of William G. McAdoo for Secretary of the Treasury. "We shall content ourselves with filing our objec- tions", replied jMr. McCombs. "We know jMcAdoo. We do not consider him a friend of your friends, or of yours. He is for McAdoo. That's all! Had his advice been accepted at Baltimore, you would not have been the convention nominee". "Would you personally resent McAdoo's ax^point- ment" ? asked the President-elect. "Not personally, but for your o^vn sake", was McCombs' replj\ ^Ir. INIcCombs learned that the President-elect was considering Lindley M. Garrison, of New Jersey, for Secretary of War. He commended this, but warmly recommended Colonel John T. INIcGraw, National Committeeman from West Virginia, for Garrison's assistant. As a second choice, Mr. McCombs sug- gested General "Bibb" Graves, of Alabama. Mc- Graw had been one of the original Wilson boosters. General Graves, despite the fact that his state delega- tion was pledged to and fought to the finish for the [ 215 ] IVIAKING WOODROW WILSON PRESIDENT nomination of Oscar W. Underwood, contended as hard as he could for Wilson's selection. For Attorney General, McCombs argued earnestly for the naming of Robert L. Henry, of Texas. He was Chairman of the Rules Committee of the House of Representatives and had charge of the Wilson parliamentary programme at the Baltimore con- vention. But the President-elect had already promised Colonel House to api)oint Albert S. Burleson, of Texas, Postmaster General. He pleaded that he could not choose two members of the cabinet from Texas. McCombs admitted that this would be unfair to other states. So Plenry was eliminated and Burleson agreed upon as the Texas member. The final conference of the cabinet makers was held on the night of the last day in February at the home of Colonel House in New York. There were present the President-elect, Colonel House, Chairman IMcCombs, and others. The session was protracted until almost daylight. Colonel House fought for the appointment of Bryan as Secretary of State. McCombs renewed his attack upon the Nebraskan, declaring: "He has opposed you, Governor, from the day you became a candidate for the Presidency. He regards himself as the only American fit to be President. You are in his w^ay. He will, if appointed, seek to build up, out of patron- age, a machine to plague you. I beg of j^ou, again, do not take this man into your confidence". The President-elect was obdurate. He persisted [ 216 ] "I OWE YOU NOTHING" that Bryan must be placated, and that the party wmg of which he was leader would become an administra- tion auxiliary if the man from Lincoln was made Sec- retary of State. Governor Wilson also laid stress upon the point that even if Bryan was out for mischief, he could accomplish less in the State than in any other department. Disgusted, and still admonishing Wilson that he was v^ risking ruin for himself and his administration, McCombs reluctantly withdrew his open opposition to Bryan. To the very last he fought McAdoo for Secretary of the Treasury and Tumulty for Presidential Secretary. He, however, cheerfully acquiesced in the election of Franklin K. Lane as Secretary of the Interior, and David Houston for Secretary of Agriculture. JMc- Combs at first questioned whether Josephus Daniels possessed the ability to fill the Secretaryship of the Navy, a post so admirably administered by William C. Whitney, Benjamin F. Tracy and others who had built up America's sea armada. But Daniels had rendered valuable service in the campaign. Southern Democrats appeared to be behind him. Then, too, Daniels had been loyal to McCombs when the plot was brewing to remove him as National Chairman and substitute IMcAdoo. McCombs was astounded when informed that the President-elect had chosen William C. Redfield for another New York member of the cabinet and assigned to the Secretaryship of Commerce. Redfield, Mc- Combs maintained, was without any following at all. [ 217 ] MAKING WOODROW WILSON PRESIDENT He was in disfavor with Democrats of his home county of Kings. He had been a frequent caller at head- quarters during the campaign, and had "annoyed" the managers constantly, persisting in interrupting their work by dissertations on the tariff. The President-elect, however, stuck to Redfield. [ 218 1 XVII INSIDERS AND OUTSIDERS McCoMBs Declines All Offers of Place Under Wilson — Treated as a "Rank Outsider" at Inauguration — Can- not Pass Bryan-McAdoo-Tumulty Trocha — Republican Manager Frank H. Hitchcock, "Down and Out", Com- miserates WITH McCoMBs — White House Announcement That McCombs is "Patronage Distributor" — McAdoo is Real Dispenser. THREE DAYS before inauguration, March 4, 1912, Mr. McCombs publicly announced that he would not accept any office within the gift of the President. At a reception in his honor given by the National Press Club, Washington, D. C, March 1, he was introduced as a "man who can have anything he wants under the Wilson administration". Mr. McCombs smiled. In response, he said: "I accept this introduction instead of the cabinet place for which you boys have so generously supported me and other honors you have sought to confer. I shall take no official place under this administration. I consider myself amply rewarded because I have been identified with the battle which terminated in the elec- tion of Woodrow Wilson as President of the United States". [ 219 ] MAKING WOODROW WILSON PRESIDENT Newspaper correspondents were astonished at this. They had picked McCombs for ahuost every desirable place the President had to bestow. They thronged about McCombs and asked if he was serious. "I certainly am. There is nothing of the office- seeker about me. I shall retain the National Chair- manship, however, and do all in my power to strengthen the administration and party with the people". McCombs' announcement seemed to confirm reports that he and the President-elect had quarrelled over the distribution of offices. The newsiDaper men rushed telegrams all over the country to that effect. Mr. McCombs felt like, and was treated by jealous rivals, as a "rank outsider", at the inauguration of President Wilson in 1913. William J. Bryan, Wil- liam G. IMcAdoo, Joseph P. Tumulty and A. Mitchell Palmer constituted themselves a bodyguard about the new executive which Mr. McCombs was too modest to try to break through. Early in the morning of IMarch 4, Mr. McCombs, merely as a citizen, courteously called upon the Presi- dent, at the latter's hotel. Pie was lost in the multi- tude assembled in and about the Presidential suite. He did not attempt to force his way in. Mr. Eryan, who had been appointed Secretary of State; Mr. McAdoo, who had been appointed Secre- tary of the Treasury ; ]Mr. Tumulty, who was named for Secretary to the President, and ^Ir. Palmer, who afterward became Attorney General, saAV to it that McCombs had no chance to get a word in private with [ 220 ] INSIDERS AND OUTSIDERS the man he had helped much more than they had to send to the White House. After being closeted with the President an hour, ]Mr. Bryan came out. He told newspaper men that it had been decided to offer the French Ambassadorship to Mr. McCombs. The veriest novice in politics loiew that McCombs could not afford and would not accept the post. Just as ^Ir. McCombs was leaving the Presidential quarters he was told by a third party of the tender. A smile of derision played upon his face. Frowning, he said: "I cannot take a place which would cost me a hundred thousand dollars a year to maintain". It was exasperating enough to have the rumor of the tender come through a comparative stranger. It was the more galling that the official news should emanate from a man against whom he had w^arned the President, but who had been taken into the Presiden- tial family. Mr. Wilson had hardly been sworn in than Mr. McCombs spied, in the crowd at the rear, Frank H. Hitchcock. Hitchcock had been Chairman of the Republican National Committee from 1907 to 1912 and Postmaster General under President Taft. He had just lost his job. "One touch of nature makes the whole world kin". So thought McCombs as he greeted Hitchcock. With a sadness and sympathy that Hitchcock will never forget, McCombs said: **I wonder, Frank, if I don't feel and look quite as miserable as you do"? [ 221 ] MAKING WOODROW WILSON PRESIDENT "I'm sorry for you, old man. Let's go downtown and have some lunch", replied Hitchcock, as he linked his arm in McCombs' and led him to his limousine. The Democratic and Republican Warwicks drove to a hotel. For an hour or more they discussed their respective predicaments. "Well, Bill ! At least I had a chief who was grate- ful, though the man you picked defeated him", said Hitchcock, commiseratingly. The men rehearsed their disappointments until they heard the bands blaring on their way doAvn from the Capitol. They joined a party on the reviewing stand, opposite the White House, to witness the return of the parade escorting the new President. March 5, the day after President Wilson's inaugu- ration. Chairman McCombs called the National Com- mittee together. Rumor had it that William G. McAdoo, jubilant over his elevation to the Secretary- ship of the Treasury, and Joseph P. Tumulty, angered by McCombs' opposition to his appointment as Secre- tary to the President, planned to supplant the Chair- man and substitute one of their o^^n clique. IMcCombs learned of this the night before. He con- ferred with Henry Morgenthau, smarting under the refusal of the President to make him his Secretary of the Treasury; Committee Treasurer Rollo Wells, Homer S. Cummings, of Connecticut; Clark Howell, of Georgia, and others. He discovered that enough votes were available to prevent consummation of any McAdoo-Tumulty plot. When the Committee met, members flocked about [ 222 ] INSIDERS AND OUTSIDERS McCombs, pledged their support and denounced as an outrage the refusal of the President even to con- sider their recommendations for office and his per- sistent declination to testify publicly to Mr. McCombs' wonderful achievements in nominating and electing him. McCombs expressed his gratitude for the devotion of his associates. He was much touched when a reso- lution was offered and adopted tendering the gratitude of the Committee for his great accomplishments, and pledging undying affection and loyalty to him for the future. Chairman McCombs returned his appreciation and added: "It will be a great delight to carry on the work of the Committee and to join with you in broadening its scope. I do not believe that, after an election, whether it results in victory or defeat, a committee should be dormant until a few months before another election. We should be in thorough co-operation all the time. I don't laiow how to get along without organization. My mind runs in that channel. We have the best body of fighting Democrats in the coun- try. In order to assure a continuation of what we have accomplished, we must continue an organized army. Unless we do, we are going to meet an organ- ized army on the other side. That will be dangerous. "It will be a great delight to receive suggestions and advice from Committeemen. Two years from now, when we meet strong opposition, we can main- tain ourselves in a Congress and reorganize for the Presidential battle of 1916". [ 223 ] MAKING WOODROW WILSON PRESIDENT This speech was vociferously applauded. Clark Howell offered a resolution empowering Chairman McCombs to name a committee to take charge of the Senatorial campaigns in Illinois and New Hampshire. The Chairman chose Homer S. Cummings, of Connecticut, as McCombs' Vice Chair- man; Rollo Wells, of INIissouri, Treasurer, and Thomas J. Pence to take charge of Washington Head- quarters. The McAdoo-Tumulty group uttered not a public peep against McCombs at this meeting. Commenting on the foregoing, ^Ir. McCombs wrote this memorandum for his book : "I contemplated resigning as Chairman on the 5th * of ^larch, 1913. I was making every preparation for it. Before the Committee meeting, I told some of my most intimate friends on the Committee of my purpose. It went the rounds. Their answer to me was : *' 'You have just laid do^Mi plans for the cohesion and the strengthening of the Democratic Party ; you have been all through this thing; you know its every corner; you have the complete confidence of the Democracy of America; you must stay and finish the job.* " I yielded to that argument, much to my regret." Chairman McCombs remained in Washington for a few days to renew his efforts to place friends. He called frequently at the White House and kept at the President to fulfil his obligations. ^larch 14th a semi- official note from the White House read: "Mr. McCombs will not accept the Ambassador- [ 224 ] i "TJTk Edward M. House INSIDERS AND OUTSIDERS ship to Paris. He will remain as the head of the Democratic National Committee. "Second: Mr. McCombs will supervise the distribu- tion of patronage throughout the United States — all the states. "Third: In New York Senator James A. O'Gor- man, who has evinced an inclination to lean toward Tammany in the matter of recommendations, will step aside, and Mr. McCombs, who has never had any con- nection with Tammany, will recommend the patronage there." A It was also announced: "Under the agreement reached, Mr. McCombs' word will be final with the President. This does not mean, however, that Mr. McCombs and the President will not confer with Sen- ators and Representatives. On the contrary, there will be many such conferences. The best men will get the places. Wliere there is a number of appli- cants, the recommendations of Senators and Repre- sentatives will be followed. "The President's action in deciding to accept Mr. McCombs' recommendations means that the indepen- dent and Progressive Democrats in New York will fare just as well as the Tammany men. Senator O' Gorman is satisfied with the arrangement. He and Chairman McCombs will work together in New York with the understanding that all recommendations must be passed upon by McCombs." Despite this compact, the President failed to fulfil any part of it. Popular wrath at the refusal of the President to [ 225 ] MAKING WOODROW WILSON PRESIDENT manifest the slightest gratitude for his Warwick's prodigious accomplishments in his behalf became nation-wide. Even Wilson administration organs attacked the President for his alleged declination to show some appreciation of what McCombs had done for him. The President renewed his offer to INIr. IMcCombs for a foreign mission. The moment this became kno^vn, enemies of the administration shouted : "Wilson and McAdoo plan to drive McCombs out of the country and thus Isly hold on the party organ- ization he has in his grip" ! However this may have been, President Wilson, soon after his inaugTu-ation and shutting McCombs and his friends out of his official family, formally tendered to IMr. McCombs the Ambassadorship to France a second time. It came in the form of a brief note. Mr. McCombs received it while prostrated b}^ illness in New York. He felt that the honor offered required an answer in person. He was about to go direct to Washington when his physician directed that he remain in bed. Mr. McCombs therefore deputized his law partner, Frederick R. Ryan, to carry his answer to the President. Mr. Ryan went to the White House, and was there courteously received by Mr. Tumulty. It was neces- sary to await the President's convenience, he being extremely busy that morning. After a delay of about three hours, the President met Mr. Ryan in the office of the Executive Secretary. Mr. Rj^an explained briefly his mission to the President, stating the reasons [ 226 ] INSIDERS AND OUTSIDERS actuating Mr. McCoiiibs in declining the Ambassador- ship. On learning that JMr. McCombs was ill, the President asked: "Is he following the advice of his physician"? Mr. Ryan replied that he believed he was. The President then said: "If that is so, it is the first time in his life that Mr. McCombs ever followed anybody's advice". With that statement he turned abruptly and went back to his office. Shortly thereafter Mr. IMcCombs talked the matter over with the President, and on IMarch 21, 1913, issued the following statement in connection therewith: "To-day I communicated to tlie President my final decision as to the very gTcat honor he has done me in tendering me the Ambassadorship to France, with assurances of my profound appreciation. No public position within his gift could be more attractive to me personally. In view of its very great dignity and importance, I have naturally studied the matter with much care. "After reconsidering the tender, the prime motives which were in my mind before have impelled me to decline. The acceptance of the post would involve greater sacrifices than I should make. I do not feel that I can afford to leave my lif ework — practice of the law. I feel compelled to devote myself to my per- sonal affairs, and at the same time I will lend any assistance in my power that will contribute to the success of the Democratic Administration and the Democratic Party". The President issued this comment: *'I am very sorry indeed that Mr. INIcCombs cannot [ 227 ] MAKING WOODROW WILSON PRESIDENT acce.pt the appointment to France. I was particu- larly anxious that he should. My admiration for his abilities, my knowledge of his singular capacity for grasping complex situations, my confidence in his tact and resourcefulness, as well as my affection for him and the intimate relations that of course exist between us, combine to make my disappointment very great indeed. But I, of course, appreciate the force of the reasons he gives. He would have accepted at an unreasonable sacrifice. I could not further press the offer upon him". Simultaneously the President issued this memo- randum : "It is a great pity that the country has to ask such sacrifices of those who are invited to serve abroad — a service which every year becomes more exacting and more important. The sacrifice of time, of means and of opportunity at home is very serious for any but men of large means and leisure, and the diplomatic service is unnecessarily hampered". Mr. McCombs was later informed by the President during a short interview that he had offered the Ambassadorship to Great Britain to Richard Olney, who had been recommended by ^Ir. ^IcCombs for Secretary of State. Mr. Olney declined. Then the mission was offered to Charles W. Eliot, President Emeritus of Hansard University. He, too, declined. Then William H. Sharp took the post. [ 228 ] XVIII COLONEL HOUSE -THE ''INTRIGUER" Tries to Bargain with McCombs to Discard Wilson for Bryan and "We'll Control the United States — Offer Furiously Rejected — Though Opposed to Wilson's Nomination, the "Colonel" Names Whom He Pleases FOR Office — "Fed on Wilson's Passion for Greatness AND Said 'No' ! or 'Yes' ! as Required" — How He Muddled Things for the President — Morgenthau, Baruch and Elkus Portrayed. [Editor's Note — Mr. McCombs takes up his narrative again, devoting nearly an entire chapter to Colonel House.] DURING the pre-convention months, once a week, whenever possible, Governor Wilson came to my apartment, the Royalton, in West 44th Street, to talk over matters in general. I always made it a point, in view of his lack of knowl- edge of men in public or political life, or men who might be of assistance, to have him meet them there. It is to be understood that Governor Wilson spent his life exclusively in an academic atmosphere. I dare say that even when he went to Washington as Presi- dent he did not Imow seventy-five men in public life. Indeed, I think this is no exaggeration. The meetings at the Royalton had this advantage: I could select the men that I knew might be attracted [ 229 ] MAKING WOODROW WILSON PRESIDENT to him, and those whom I knew would at once dislike him intensely. In the case of the latter, I must con- fess that I kept them aw^ay from him and drew the picture myself. During November, Governor Wilson was to be in town. I asked Colonel House if he would care to meet him. Mr. House, of course, accepted with pleasure. In a few minutes he arrived from his hotel. I presented him. The conversation ran along conven- tion lines. It did not touch any subject involving public affairs, much less the Presidency. Other gentlemen came, Adio had an appointment, and Colonel House retired. Late in December, the Colonel called up and asked me if I would care to present an invitation to Governor Wilson to dine with a Professor Houston, who had been President of the University at Austin, Texas, but who was then President of the University at St. Louis. Mr. House said, incidentally, that Mr. Houston had made a special study of the tariff, and that the two might meet on common groimd on that issue, especially since the Governor was to make his tariff speech on January 3, 1912. The dinner passed off quite pleasantly. There was general conversation. President Houston intimated a desire to discuss the tariff. Governor Wilson caromed off the issue and there was nothing further heard of that. The conversation was then resumed along con- ventional lines, Colonel House not participating. I went later to see Colonel House on the very prac- [ 230 ] COLONEL HOUSE — THE "INTRIGUER" tical matter of his contribution. He said he could make none, then disappeared. However, during the spring of 1912 I was invited by Colonel House to become a week-end guest at Beverly, Massachusetts. I accepted the invitation and moreover had a very pleasant time. The Texas situation was discussed. I told him that it was all "sewed up" and that Colonel Ball, of Austin, had the matter thoroughly in hand. The Colonel then made it known to me that he, too, had been writing some letters. I can positively state that Colonel House had noth- ing to do with carrying the State of Texas in the primaries for Woodrow Wilson, except, as he told me himself, he had written a few letters. I think no responsible person who took part in that difficult primary would contradict me for an instant. But re'turning to the Beverly week-ends : As I was getting in my cab to go for my train one day, Colonel House came out with me. He said : *' You know, Mr. McCombs, that Woodrow Wilson cannot be nom- inated. I think I can do something with Bryan, and if you will turn the present forces of Woodrow Wilson to Senator Culberson of Texas, you and I will control the United States for the next four years". I tried to be as polite as possible inasmuch as I was a departing guest. But I said that I had told Gov- ernor Wilson that I would be with him until the end. No such combination as the Colonel suggested was possible in the convention. Senator Culberson was unfortunately a sick man. [ ^^ ] MAKING WOODROW WILSON PRESIDENT For that reason he was losing his grip on the pubhc. In addition, he came from the wrong state. I felt sure that if Mr. Bryan had anything in his mind at all about the convention it would be his own candidacy. I left House, feeling that he was a puny intriguer, but bold enough to assert an absurdity when it might possibly be to his advantage. I think when this Bev- erly conversation is analyzed in the light of subsequent events, much may be augured of what happened in Washington during Mr. Wilson's incumbency as President. Colonel House took no further interest. I never saw nor heard of him again until some one told me, shortly before the Baltimore convention, that he had sailed for Europe for an indefinite stay. Contrary to other published statements, and my associates in the Baltimore convention will bear me out. Colonel House had nothing whatever to do with that convention or its processes. On his return from abroad, the Colonel came to me, and said he would like a letter from me of presentation to the Presidential nominee. I thereupon wrote one for him to Governor Wilson, but in the confusion of his mail probably he did not have a chance to answer it. Colonel House came to me ten days later, much perturbed. He asked if I would give him a letter of presentation which he would take by hand to Sea Girt. It was a small courtesy. I knew that the Governor's business was such that he might not to able to see him for days. But Colonel House persisted. I wrote to the Governor saying that this letter presented Colonel [ 232 ] COLONEL HOUSE — THE "INTRIGUER" House, whom he perhaps remembered as having met at my apartment, and at dinner at Colonel House's home in New York when Professor Houston and I were present. Colonel House took the letter and expressed profuse thanks. I heard nothing of it for some time. I noticed about the third week before the Presidential campaign closed that Colonel House was around headquarters every afternoon, trying to meet everybody. Further- more, he was anxious that I should go riding through the park with him, but I never did. In some way or other, which I can never tell, I became suspicious that House was at that time intrigu- ing. I paid no special attention to it because I could not imagine that he could he helpful or hurtful to anyone. The election took place. I did not see anything more of Colonel House. He had been merely a passing incident to me because I had been in the large business of putting a big operation through. About December 15, 1912, the President-elect went to the Waldorf-Astoria prior to sailing for Bermuda. I called to pay my respects and wish him a pleasant journey. I found House there, seated with him alone. The President-elect and I had fifteen or twenty minutes' general conversation. House sat silently, in a bowed position, his hands crossed over his chest. He never took his eyes off the President-elect. With servile alacrity he agreed with every word the President-elect uttered. [ 238 ] MAKING WOODROW WILSON PRESIDENT After this session I left the President-elect, and he went to his boat bound for Bermuda. I could not but M'onder at the presence of House. . . . Why, above all men, should lie be there? His mamier was nothing more or less than that of a digni- fied flunky who was only permitted to sit down and say "Yes" or "No" to the President-elect, as the case might require. As I walked do\Mi the corridor to the elevator, I wondered very much where House fitted in. I kept wondering about him as I went do^^^l the elevator. As I passed out of the hotel, I felt I had the psychol- ogy of it, when I remembered that James R. Keene told me about the great horse Sysonby: that in order to keep him quiet, his trainers always kept a kitten in the stall with him. Very often, too, the kitten was taken as far as the track when the horse was to race. Nobody seemed to know that House was becoming influential. But it was only about the time of the inauguration that I found out that he had a power with Wilson. Of course, it is well kno^vn that he put Bryan, Burleson, McReynolds and Houston into the Cabinet. This he did out of hand. It became clear to me that if House, an unknown, had this much power, in the end the organized Democ- racy of America was to receive a severe shock. There is no question that House was responsible for most of the large appointments of the Wilson administration and for grievous mistakes in that regard. It is absolutely sure also, that his hand was evident [ 234 ] COLONEL HOUSE — THE "INTRIGUER" in some of the great mistakes in Wilson's executive politics, as well as his legislative suggestions. I have made faithful inquiry and have yet failed to get a view from a single impartial man who laiew House that he did not exactly conform to the impres- sion which I took away with me on the first evening at the Gotham in New York. House has been called by many "a man of mystery". Such is far from the case. In my mind, in the first instance, we must take count of the analogy of Sysonby. In the second place. House did the thing u'hich any newspaper man will tell you can be done, — created an air of mystery about himself by being with the President, and alwaj^s refusing to talk. House no doubt fed to the limit on Mr. Wilson's ^ all-absorbing passion for the appearance of greatness. I say it, without reserve, that a practical man would not keep House about him fifteen minutes. But House likes publicity. He likes to create, through his atmosphere of mystery, a conviction of greatness. The egotistical book called the "Real Colonel House" reveals this characteristic of House. That book was written, at the instance of House, by a newspaper man. I am told by the editor who pub- lished it that House personally revised the proofs and wi-ote most of what is quoted of him in that volume. If one can stand the reading of it without nausea in the light of the above facts, one can indeed understand the "Real Colonel House". In February, 1913, House appeared at my apart- ment. "Now", said he, "we must all fix this thing up. [ 235 ] MAKING WOODROW WILSON PRESIDENT I will call ]McAdoo right up here. He will arrive in twenty minutes. I loiow where he lives, and j^^ou and he can have the selections of posts in the Cabinet with the exception of one". I quickly realized who the one was — Bryan. House continued: "Now if we fix this thing up among us, McAdoo and you and I will control the United States for the next four years". I was so enraged at the thought that I answered him in far from drawing-room language and asked him to get out of my ai)artment as quickly as possible. Subsequent events prove that House was right, for later nothing that House or McAdoo desired was turned down. They delivered vast volumes of patron- age throughout the United States, and by this they high-handedly offended and overruled Congressmen and Senators. I have been told by hundreds of truthful men tliat when they wanted anything done at Washington, it was essential to get the approval of Mr. House first. I have seen this system in operation. It is well known that McAdoo practically had his way in everything, and that the other members of the Cabinet need not have been there at all. No man I have ever asked about House has said that he had any intelligence. Wlien persons have vis- ited him he has rubbed his hands like a girl, using a soft, low voice. His only answer to any question has been a "We will see" ! It was early m February, 1913, that Colonel House [ 236 ] COLONEL HOUSE — THE "INTRIGUER" arranged that "Captain" Bill McDonald be dispatched to Princeton as the special bodj^guard of the Presi- dent-elect. This amused me intensely. "Captain" Bill was an old withered up man, since dead, who had at some time acquired, under the skill of an artist, the reputation of a "Gun Fighter". The "Captain" brought two gims do^Mi. He walked up and do^Mi the quiet streets of Prmceton proclaun- ing himself as the bodyguard of Wilson and the great- est "Gun Fighter" in the world. It then became clear to me that Wilson liked "Opera Bouffe", and the little publicity this would bring. It also appeared that House was getting very close to the President. Another man who, in making Wilson, rose himself to fame was Bernard M. Baruch. He was the strong- est character that developed during the administration. For many years prior to Wilson's election BaiTich was engaged in speculation on the New York Stock Exchange. The only place or position he held was that of Trustee of the College of the City of New York. It was there that I first met him. Baruch was absorbed in monej^ making. I came to know him very well at the board, meetings of the col- lege. In our talks I often urged him to try to keep his millions, taken merely from speculation, and not lose them as had every man I had kno^^^l. To this point I cited the case of Mr. James R. Keene. I have told how I introduced him to Mr. Wilson. His first public work was on the Preparedness Com- mittee of New York under INIayor John Purroy Mitchel. In this he was an active factor. He then [ 237 ] MAKING WOODROW WILSON PRESIDENT went to Washington and became a member of the Defense League, an unofficial body, of which he was made Chairman. Later the President made him Chairman of the War Board. Baruch is one of the most pleasant men to meet in the world. But his dominating idea is quick turns for profits. The President constantly pushed him on until he was a real power in Washington. In 1911, Babbi Stephen Wise, who had always been an ardent follower of ]Mr. Wilson, thought he might interest Henry IMorgenthau in the cause. After meet- ing Governor Wilson, and after his speech for the revocation of the Russian Treaty, IMr. jMorgenthau agreed to underwrite Governor Wilson's campaign for $20,000 — $5,000 a month. In the very *'weak" days of April and jMay, ]Mr. Morgenthau became "very" weak, but I held him to his pledge. I made him Chairman of the Finance Committee later on this agreement. I told ]Mr. Morgenthau and Mr. Abram I. Elkus that I would make either of them Chairman of the Finance Committee, if the other would give his endorsement, including mine, for some public office, if he desired one. Elkus and Morgenthau consulted. Morgenthau was agreed upon. Nevertheless, Elkus came to head- quarters on important work and served in a very efficacious manner. Morgenthau, on the other hand, proved a disap- pointment. When I found a deficit and the $640,000 budget, I called in Morgenthau and RoUo Wells, the Treasurer. I had already signed a note for $200,000. [ 238 ] COLONEL HOUSE — THE "INTRIGUER" T'pfussed it to Morgenthau for execution. His pallor was such that I thought we would need a physician. He begged for time to see some of his friends. There- upon I ended the conversation. What I wanted was to get Morgenthau on his toes in the matter of con- tributions. He succeeded in collecting about $50,000 from somewhere in about two days. Elkus contributed something like $20,000 himself. Morgenthau, early in January, 1912, came to me before breakfast one morning, and said he was a can- didate for Secretary of the Treasury. I asked him what had become of Mr. Elkus. He was to have the first choice. "Oh", he said, "Abie is ineligible" ! In the early part of the summer of 1913, Mr. Mor- genthau came to see me while I was ill at my hotel in Paris. His first words, accompanied by violent ges- ticulations, were that he had been insulted; that the President had offered him the Ambassadorship to Turkey, and that he wouldn't take it if he knew that the four walls in which we were should crush him to death. I said: "Henry, these walls are prettj^ thick. You had better go back to Washington and take the place". He did. As for Mr. Elkus, he waited for many months with- out an appointment. He then succeeded Morgenthau as Ambassador to Turkey. At the beginning of the War he came back with a most excellent record. He was one of the few men, also, who appreciated the fact that having been an Ambassador in the foreign service does not necessitate writing a book, or lecturing, or engaging in moving pictures. [ 239 ] PART II ANALYSIS, RETROSPECT — OPINIONS [ 241 ] XIX THE COST OF VANITY "Stand-Patter" Aldrich Provoked the 1912 Republican Revolt — "Roosevelt Lost Through Bad Tactics — Wil- son Won Because Sick Parties Clutched Each Other's Throats — Wilson Lost Tpirough Lust for Power, Which Made Him the Joke of the World Powers — Meddling, Muddling and Colossal Vanity — Brutal in Victory — Cowardly in Defeat". [Editor's Note — The McCombs narrative is resumed in this chapter.] |HE SUCCESS of Wilson was due not only to cumstances in the Republican ranks and to the good campaign work, but to a series of cir- Roosevelt-Taft split. The following, in brief, shows the state of affairs: The Republicans had reached the zenith of their power in the time of Senator Nelson W. Aldrich, of Rhode Island. His power became so supreme that the younger and disobedient members of the Senate had no chance whatever. Mr. Aldrich, no doubt, believed that the Republican Party could remain in power as long as it desired by "standing pat"; admitting no progressive legislation whatever, but grinding along with its group control. [ 243 ] MAKING WOODROW WILSON PRESIDENT The first sign of explosion appeared in the failure to recognize in any way the strength of the younger members and excluding them from participation. Senator Robert L. LaFollette, of Wisconsin, was the first to pry up the lid. Then many members of the party followed the same process. It proved that the power of the old leaders was passing fast, although they did not know it. There sprang up a Progressive group which, to my mind, did not mean at the beginning anything except opposition to the control in the Senate. Young lead- ers developed. They voiced their views against the powers that be, and by 1911 this protest had spread all over the country. President Taf t was sitting by, in a kind of way try- ing to please everybody and inevitably pleasing nobody. However, the bold crowd of "Stand-Patters" made up their minds that they would see it out and demonstrate their control of the party by renominating President Taft in 1912. The so-called "Progressives", first led by Mr. LaFollette and later and finally by Theodore Roose- velt, began a most vigorous campaign for the nom- ination. They produced almost, but not quite, enough strength. Thereupon, in another convention, the voice of protest was raised like a clap of thunder by Theo- dore Roosevelt as the Progressive nominee. I have always believed that had Roosevelt not stayed in his rooms in Chicago in 1912 while the Republican nominations were going on, and had he appeared with all his tremendous vigor in the conven- [ 244 ] THE COST OF VANITY tion, he could have overthro\\Ti the opx^osition and could have been the nominee. Mr. Roosevelt was a great judge of politics. But as a tactician he was a tremendous failure. Nobody in the Republican con- vention was very strong for Taft. It was a conven- tion dominated by elderly men who could have been swept over as ten pins if vigor and force had been applied. Then came the Baltimore Democratic Convention. There was bitter fighting, struggling and manouev- ring from the first until the last. No contest could have been staged that was more virulent, more soul-search- ing, more acrimonious at times. There was a struggle of strong men, each stripped to his waist to support his 0A\Ti particular candidate. The Wilson nomination was made. As one, the whole convention like magic cam.e together for the nominee. Leaders and rank and filers worked for him throughout the campaign, believing that the moment had come when the Democratic Party might get together and again become a constructive, fighting organization. As I have sho^\Ti elsewhere, after Mr. Wilson was elected he set about to destroy the pur- poses of these men and to make them victuns of his own. vanity and love of power. But to return to the Republican Party. It was sick; it was tired and disconsolate. The campaign centered about Roosevelt alone. There was no time to form an organization. Unfortunately for him, those closest by hmi were not organizers. The Pro- gressive Party was sick also, sick of the Republican [ 245 ] MAKING WOODROW WILSON PRESIDENT Party, groping about, holding up its hands to Roose- velt as the possible saviour. It can be seen that Wilson had opposed to him the Republican Party that was politically sick, and the Progressive Party, unorganized and relying upon the strength of one man protesting against things as they were. I must say of Mr. Roosevelt that he premised many of our national necessities. Although his platform was loosely joined, it pointed to things which the American people must do, and some of which they have done. Mr. Wilson's strength lay primarily in the fact that he had as his opponents two sick parties at each other's throats. While the Democratic Party had no particu- lar enthusiasm for him, the leaders had a vigorous de- sire to come back into power. And thej^ worked. It was not Mr. Wilson's personality. In that campaign it amounted to very little. It was primarily the fact that the Republican Parties had disintegrated into factions and schisms. Prior to the '16 campaign. President Wilson had made much more progress with the rank and file of this party. He made no friends and manj^ enemies. He took a detached view of everything. He sat at Sea Girt, assuming the best. But the War was on. The idea of not changing parties in the middle of the stream and the slogan, "He kept us out of War", was abroad. So he came back to power, with very little to spare, and with no kindness of feeling from the American people. [ 246 ] THE COST OF VANITY As I write this (1919), Mr. Wilson is alone in the midst of a most convulsive situation. He has proven himself utterly unfit to deal with it. Wilson's visit abroad, which consumed seven months, resulted in this : A wonderful welcome whereby it was arranged that he should sleep in the palaces of kings, where his exceeding vanity from the beginning was catered to. The crowds in Milan and other cities of Italy, told that he was their saviour, wildly acclaimed him. They threw flowers. He threw kisses. This parade was soon over. His Fourteen Points, which he solenmly asserted w^ould go into the League of Nations, had disappeared. President Wilson told the foreign potentates "that the American people were with him". Europeans have some knowledge of America. They knew the Americans were not with Wilson. Wilson took over to France with him on the commis- sion men who would do his bidding. There was the ever present "Little Colonel House". There was Henry T. White, an aged man who has long since retired from the active affairs of the world. There was General Tasker T. Bliss, also an aged man, who had never figured in diplomacy. Finally, there was Secretary of State Lansing, who, according to his o^^^[\ testimony before the Senate Conmiittee, Avas not apprised of many of the vital parts of the proposed covenant until they were actually agi'eed to by Wilson. It was Wilson who proposed to give Shantung to [ 247 ] MAKING WOODROW WILSON PRESIDENT Japan, which would set up for Japan a most powerful enemy against us in any future war. He said he did not know anything about the existing secret treaty prior to 1916, when it had been published all over Euroiie. At this writing he is the joke of every power in the w^orld. He came back somewhat more willing to see people. He is in trouble (August 21,1919). It is the usual Wilson. He allowed his pockets to be picked by the PoAvers of Europe while masses were throwing bouquets at him and he kisses to them. The transformation has come. I have said, and repeat, that Wilson is the most remorseless, the most tyrannical man when he gets the smell of power. In possible defeat no one that the earth has ever produced can excel his speed in retire- ment. As I wTite these obser\^ations, there lies before me Colonel Henry Watterson's analysis of President Wilson's continuous performance at Paris. I cannot improve upon it, so I reproduce it : "The Herald, March 31, 1919. "Me. Wilson a Punishment for Some Nationai. Sin, Is Vieav of Colonel Watterson. "president's 'mediocre mind and colossal vanity' will result in setting europe afire by mid- SUMMER, EDITOR DECLARES 'hIS MISSION TO MAKE TROUBLE WHEREVER HE APPEARS* [Special Despatch to the Herald.] "Miami, Fla., Sunday — In response to the Herald's [ 248 ] THE COST OF VANITY inquiry 'What of the President's continuous performance in Europe?' Mr. Henry Watterson, detained in Miami by a recent indisposition, replied:— 'I think the events helped along by the President himself, will verify my forecast that he is not merely a candidate for a third term in the White House but that for a nomination to such he holds all the winning cards in his hands.' " 'You mean that he controls the Democratic machine?' " 'WTiy, yes', he answered, 'if you care to put it that way. The Democratic party so called, he long ago abolished, having previously much debauched it. Noth- ing of it survives, except the tattered label, and he holds thtt betwixt his thumb and forefingers. I am inclined to believe, however, that he has eliminated the United States from his immediate activities as an established conquest and is now giving his mighty thought to the sublimation of the world'. •"That suggestion, Mr. Watterson'. interrupted the reporter, 'would seem to require elaboration, if not ex- planation'. " 'Mr. Wilson, the editor resumed, 'like most of those whose ambitions outrun their talents, has become the victim of contingencies he has himself raised up. He has been caught by the foreign lure. He sails the blue of the empyrean. The scion of a race of religious fan- atics and rustic scholars, his commonplace mind grew to be overtrained, and he reached manhood already a dangerous intellectual adventurer. " 'Such characters seem strangely favored by fortune. The powers of evil delight in exhibiting them. Within less than a decade, advanced from a university professor to the chief magistracy, Woodrow Wilson has so thrust himself into the affairs of his o\vn land, and other lands, as to be at this moment the most conspicuous figure at the forefront. [ 249 ] MAKING WOODROW WILSON PRESIDENT "A virtuous, right minded man thus situated would emulate the humility of a Washington and the humanity of a Lincoln. Mr. Wilson sees nothing but himself and his personal exaltation — lives for nothing except his own advantage — seeks nothing save power and authority, the concrete things of rulership represented by the regal splendors and feudal glories which though somewhat frazzled and faded still go on about him. He is too clever not to set up for a prophet. Thus the League of Peace and the Religion of the Uplift. The once famous faker, the 'Immortal J, N.', as he called himself, must turn over with envy in his grave and the bones of Mother Eddy grow sick with the thought of lost oppor- tunities. " 'Don't you think, Mr. Watterson,' I asked, 'that Mr. Wilson is doing more good than harm on the other side'.> " 'If I were phrase making or word splitting' he replied, 'I might say that he deserves impeachment for going at all. It is the old story of meddle and muddle. The world is full of it. As a consequence of his mal- adroit tinkering Europe will find itself the middle of the coming summer in flames. Then we shall have him alone again urging intervention. It has been his mission in life to make trouble wherever he appeared. When the great Jehovah interjected such a sinister spirit into our affairs it must have been to punish us for our manifold delinquencies as a nation and a people. "We should steer clear of European complications. Never has there been a time when the admonitions of Washington, Jefferson and Monroe carried greater weight. Mr. Wilson's mediocre mind and colossal vanity have already carried him far to sea. It is ours to look to it that he does not carry the country to the shipwreck of its institutions". [ 250 ] V^J>,»^ V^A.>^cAr> jLlUUk..Ov a>0) -^-^ WVv^, (xk^dLAtxiT-, (y^-^ ^^U-^ooil^ 1^0-V^ ^^^^^^^ ^^^7 r^'w*. l^^^s ,^Ax. ^^A^rWy VUlrW 'I Waded Through Fire to Make Wilson President- THE COST OF A^ANITY Mr. Wilson's ideas of the functions of the Execu- tive changed after entering the public service. I have turned to my notebook which sets out the lectures of Professor Wilson at Princeton when I was a student under him. One of the points most pressed was that of the co-ordinate powers of the President, the Supreme Court and the Congress. He lectured long and often upon the very distinct functions of these three bodies, and disparaged any- thing that might tend to disrupt the balance of power among the three bodies as set out in the Constitution, — or, rather, the system of checks and balances. When I came out of Princeton I was much imbued with that idea. I did remember, however, reading Thomas Jefferson's works. Maybe the smell of power of Princeton and the complete dominance of a very few men, members of the Legislature in 'New Jersey, completely changed his ideas. I often think that a man's conception of his duties is much affected by his powers. Those powers sometimes have little regard for the Constitution, the statutes and the common law. Mr. Wilson went to the ^^liite House a supreme ruler in his own heart. He dared not take about him strong men, for strong men might disagree with him, and in the end his conception as well as his practice might disappear. The working out of Wilson's administrations has shown that no man who had creative ideas or con- structive ability could long survive the Wilson contact. I suspect that was the predominant reason of Mr. [ 251 ] MAKING WOODROW WILSON PRESIDENT Bryan's leaving the Cabinet. I know that this was the reason for the resignation of the able Lindley ^I. Garrison, Secretary of War. I think that Attorney General McReynolds, wlio had a testy sort of mind, with no particular vision, used his remaining spirit of independence and was glad to go on the Supreme Court for that reason. Of course, there must be included the high reason that any lawyer would accept a nomination to that august tri- bunal. But it was not the august tribunal which broug'ht the matter about. It was because IMcReyn- olds did not always agree with President Wilson. Yet that was no reason for throwing him out of the Cabinet. But there was a place on the Supreme Court then. It became early apparent that Wilson was not only going to regard himself as the President of the country, but as the Premier of the Congress. He said, I recall, during my college days, that, after all, the English system of government was the best, and that idea never left him. But we must assume that he forgot that there is no provision in our Constitution for a Premier w^ho goes out of office immediately after the majority of Parlia- ment has passed adversely upon an issue that he has proposed, and that a general election is then declared ; that thus the people are closely in touch with the gov- ernment because the Parliament, as the present Pre- mier, must always more directly than our President represent the wishes of the people. But Mr. Wilson was President of the United States under a written Constitution. He had his functions [ 252 ] THE COST OF VANITY definitely outlined. He could not fall if his policy or the policies of the majority in Congress failed of sup- port. Whatever act the Congi-ess adopted, and what- ever act he committed short of an impeachment pro- ceeding, was valid, and he must stay for the period of his election. It was late in his administration after he had arrived from the Peace Conference, and it was during that conference that he proclaimed himself Premier of the United States and of the Congress,— the most auda- cious proclamation that was ever emitted from the mouth of a President of the United States. He must stay in his place until the time of election expires. He could not fall, and constitutionally he could not act indirectly, as he did from the beginning of his admin- istration as Premier. A man who has the AVilson conscience and tech- nique can override a Congress and make it obedient to his will. He can, as in Wilson's case, propose legis- lation direct from the A^Hiite House and force it through. From the beginning. President Wilson proposed legislation in final form to the CongTess and it was passed. These bills were called administration bills — that is, bills proposed by the President or Premier. The force that put them through in the early stages was the desire which was then prevalent to make the party "harmonious" — and then there was patronage to be distributed. The Congress went along and accepted bills kno^vn as administration bills, and when anyone opposed them the President chopped his head [ 253 ] MAKING WOODROW WILSON PRESIDENT off, whether by ignoring him or opposing him in subse- quent elections. Wilson was in a high stage of exultation then. He was the schoolmaster who could make the student do anything he desired or be punished. Congressional bills went along until the Panama Toll Bill was proposed. ]Mr. Wilson would not even explain why the Panama Toll Bill was necessary, and has not to this day. He said it was for a high purpose, and those thinking Senators who finally opposed it were called the "Wilful Twelve", — an admirable Wilsonian coinage. As the Congress became more supine to him, and had accepted him as the Premier who could not fall, I was reminded that when he became Governor of New Jersey he proclaimed himself "Leader of the Party". This was unprecedented, as far as I am informed, in history. He meant \^4iat he said. He meant that he must control the Legislature, and, as far as possible, the courts. ^¥hen he got to Washington, he proclaimed himself the "Leader of the Party in the United States". This, I am sure, no other President ever did or ever dared think of doing. For how can one man, having co- ordinate power with two other equally important powers in the government, iimclaim himself the party leader, and how can he, by the same implication, express the intention of making the party malleable to his will? But this thing was done. From the very beginning President Wilson took a [ 254 ] THE COST OF VANITY complete assignment of the National Congress. Few members were allowed even to see him. He consulted with few leaders in either branch of Congress, and that was on the rarest occasions. Generally, it was to inform them that such and such was a bill that was to be introduced and passed. The onlj^ consultation ever had, so far as any person ever knew, was with the "mysterious" House and with his son-in-law, William G. ^IcAdoo. Mr. Wilson was a historian. He preached con- stantly the preservation of constitutional rig'hts and the maintenance of the system of checks and balances which ]Mr. Roosevelt actually had not. I know leaders in the party who could do this work with some degree of bolchiess, but who would always keep their minds on the Constitution and not on themselves. It was within a very few months after his election that I discovered that jMr. Wilson sought merely to advance himself; that he had lost sight of the new problems confronting him, and dealt only with those which might advance him. I knew within six months that his high purpose was to abolish the Democratic Party, make it supine to his will, and to consider noth- ing except through the ej^es of one who was drunk for power. The idea of "serving" that ran all through his speeches disgusted me, because it was apparent that he meant in fact serving himself. The reader of cur- rent events since 1913 ought to be aware of this fact. I suj)pose that President Wilson has not been much more truculent to labor than the average President or [ 255 ] MAKING WOODROW WILSON PRESIDENT Member of Congress. He has had more opportunities to be so. In 1916 the Adamson Law was demanded of Con- gress by President Wilson. This was a political ven- ture for the railroad employees. The Presidential election was coming on. It was passed. It was passed in the interest of the President's re-election. In that year I was the nominee of the Democratic Party for the United States Senate. After the cam- paign had warmed up, I talked to the New York State leaders. I knew they would tell me the absolute truth. I concluded that, far from any good effect that the Adamson Law would accomplish, it was distinctly bad. After speaking at a railroad town, the other speak- ers being Secretary Lane and Secretary Baker, and the Democratic nominee for Governor, Judge Samuel Seabury, I felt there was nothing of comfort in the Adamson Law. It was the coldest meeting I ever addressed. Afterward Judge Seabury, who had been on the bench for ten years or more, came into my state- room on the train. He said: "I may now address you as the next member of the United States Senate by 100,000". I got up, closed the door, and said to Judge Seabury: "Now, let's be good sports. You and I are both beaten by 150,000. The Adamson Law is not going to help ; it is going to hurt". However, I do not believe labor en masse can be controlled. At the very beginning of the Presidential campaign of 1912, at the first meeting of the Cam- paign Committee, one member asked, how are we going to handle the Church Question. I said; "We [ 256] THE COST OF VANITY are not going to handle it". "How are we going to handle the Labor Question"? I said: "That question, too, we will not handle. There may be a general senti- ment running through Churches, or running through Labor, but in neither case can any party ever hope to control it as a mass. It is an impossibility". [ 257 ] XX McCOMBS A "SOCIAL LION" Gets Appendicitis and a Bride — Feted in London and Paris — Refuses Public Service Commissionership and State Chairmanship — Frames Party Platforms and is Nomi- nated FOR Constitutional Convention Delegate — Attacks Roosevelt as a Bolter — Offers Services as Party Peace-Maker — Backs Glynn for Governor and Gerard for United States Senator. N 1913 Mr. McCombs became a social lion in London and Paris, recovered from an operation for appendicitis, and brought to America a bride. All this happened within less than five months. In June, ]Mr. McCombs went abroad. Though he sought to keep his presence unknovvu, desiring com- plete rest, he was deluged with invitations to dinners, luncheons, suppers and other functions by royalty, statesmen and clubmen. Frederick Townsend IVIartin, who was ISlr. Mc- Combs' companion, described his visit as a "social joy ride". William Gillette, dean of London clubdom, pronounced Mr. McCombs as a "wonderful social sen- sation, who conquers everything with silence and smiles, exhibiting the suavity and restraint the English admire as mannerisms". [ 258 ] McCOMBS A SOCIAL LION Mr. McCombs was frequently guest of honor at the exclusive Marlborough and Bachelor Clubs, inside which few Americans could penetrate. He was much in the company of Count Kinsky, the Duke of Man- chester, Sir Herbert Tree, Lord Ingestra, Lord Athlumney, the Duke of Mecklenburg Strelitz and Gustav Harvel, the aviator. Too much social effort lowered Mr. McCombs' resistance, and while in Paris he was stricken with appendicitis. On July 8th he was operated on success- fully by Doctor DuBouche, the famous French sur- geon. The night before the operation IMcCombs gave a dinner to James W. Gerard, then Ambassador to Germany, Archibald White, Perry Belmont, and INIartin W. Littleton. They, with the Ambassador to Paris, Myron T. Herrick, saw to it that McCombs had the very best of care. The patient was out of the hospital in ten days and plunged again into society. Mr. McCombs' state of mind at this time is admir- ably shown by the following letter to his favorite sister, Corinne: "Paris, July 17, 1913 "My darling sweetheart sister: — I got your sweet letter and loved every word of it. It found me just getting over the operation for appen- dicitis (which finally had to come although I fought it hard). After all, I think it improved me. The wound is quite healed but I lost strength somewhat. I am going to Baden Baden, Germany, to-morrow for a rest cure of three weeks. Then probably up into Switzerland in the mountains. I shall try to be in New York in September but I doubt it. October is more likely. [ 259 ] MAKING WOODROW WILSON PRESIDENT / waded through fire to make Wilson President, and now that he is there, I am paying a terrible penalty of shattered health. I know you are aware of what I went through. I would not do it again for the xvhole earth. I left New York because my health and my spirits would not stand it a day longer. I simply had to do it to live. Ever since I have been here I have been ill, making as brave a fight as possible to restore myself. I am glad to say my health has improved but I am heart- sick and I would give anything to see you. Returning to America now would merely mean getting into the cruel grind again and I can't stand it for some months to come. I have many friends here who look after me as best they can. The circle of real friends is however very narrow. Unhappily, we have to find that out as we go. You know how I was tricked and duped when I was ill. However, that is a closed chapter and I shall try to forget it. My address is always c/o Munroe & Co. 7 Rue Scribe, Paris. Letters will be forwarded. Lyons arrives in Paris to-morrow. I felt I must have someone. Let the boys and Ethel know how I am. I shall write you N. Y. c/o Ethel. With all my love, Bro. Frank" Americans generally and official Washington were astounded November 7, 1913, to read of Mr. Mc- Combs' marriage to Miss Dorothy Williams, daughter of Colonel John R. Williams, U. S. A., and sister of Mrs. Joseph Leiter. The ceremony was performed within the shadow of Buckingham Palace, at the quaint little Roman Catholic Chapel of St. Peter and St. Edward, by the Rev. Father Bernard Vaughn. Among the witnesses were the American Ambassador [ 260 ] McCOMBS A SOCIAL LION to London, William H. Page, and Mrs. Page; the Ambassador to Paris, Myron T. Herrick, Lord Derby, the Earl of Suffolk, who married Margaret Hyde Leiter, of Chicago ; the Earl and Countess of Craven, and Right Hon. Henry Chaplin. Charles W. Halsey, a Princeton classmate, was Mr. IMcCombs' best man. Mr, McCombs was much amused that he had sur- prised his bachelor friends by suddenly becoming a benedict. Explaining, he said: "I met Miss Williams at the inauguration of President Wilson. We were engaged for several months, and our marriage was necessarily delayed by my attack of appendicitis". Mr. and Mrs. McCombs returned to America early in November, 1913. January 11, 1914, IMr. McCombs visited Governor Martin H. Glynn at Albany. He received two offers from the Governor. One was a Public Service Com- missionership. The other was the Chairmanship of the Democratic State Committee, carrying with it the management of Governor Glynn's campaign for re- election. Mr. McCombs declined both because he said he could not afford to abandon his law practice. IMoreover, his acceptance of the State Chairmanship would mean his retirement as National Chairman. He purposed to retain that place for his full term, regardless of the Wilson-McAdoo-Tumulty plot to supplant him. Months after, IMcCombs' intimates asserted that the Glynn offers were all a part of the White House con- spiracy to oust him from the National Chairmanship. Though Gljmn failed to inveigle McCombs into the [ 261 1 \^ MAKING WOODROW WILSON PRESIDENT Wilson trap, Glynn was chosen by the President to preside over the National Convention which renom- inated him in 1916, and later was awarded a lucrative place on the Federal Industrial Board. "Maybe Governor Glynn, for whom I have a sin- cere affection, was unaware of what Wilson and INIcAdoo were trying to do to me", observed ^Ir. McCombs; "but I was not caught. I visited the Governor at his request to advise him about the fall State Campaign. In tendering the Public Service Commissionership and State Chairmanship, I believe he had no ulterior motive. Anyway, I took neither, but I did do all I could to secure the Governor's renomination and re-election". The Democratic State Convention of 1914 unani- mously chose ]Mr. McCombs Chairman of its Platform Committee. It also named him as a candidate for member of the Constitutional Convention of 1915. Mr. McCombs drew one of the briefest, but most comprehensive, declarations of j)rinciples on record. Its keynote was protection of the direct nominations law against the assaults of machine bosses. It urged anew the submission of the unanimous suffrage propo- sition to pox^ular vote; declared for a short ballot, home rule, biennial legislative sessions, and challenged political adversaries to cite a single instance of malad- ministration or malfeasance in the state administration headed by Governor Martin H. Glynn. Arguing for harmonj'-, the renomination of Gov- ernor Glynn, and the adoption of the platform draft, Mr. McCombs said : [ 262 ] McCOMBS A SOCIAL LION "The Democratic Party is unreservedly committed to the principle of direct primaries. The purpose of the law is to give every voter a fair and equal chance to secure the nomination of his choice. The law is contrary to the spirit or use of oppressive power which may be exercised by those holding political office or leadership. I am assured no attempt will be made by Democrats to repeal this law. They will do all they can to perfect it. "Those who refuse to support candidates named at Democratic primaries are not Democrats. If there be differences before or after the primaries, I offer Democrats my undivided service". The reference to bolters was aimed at an organiza- tion formed by Franklin D. Roosevelt, later Assistant Secretary of the Navy and candidate for Vice Presi- dent, and John A. Hemiessey, to defeat the regularly selected ticket. Roosevelt ran at the primaries against James W. Gerard, who was supported by Mr. Mc- Combs for United States Senator, and was unmerci- fully drubbed. Hennessey ran against Gljmn for Governor, also supported by Mr. McCombs, and was overwhelmingly defeated. ]Mr. McCombs devoted himself night and day to the campaign to keep New York Democratic. Scandals which had resulted in the impeachment of Governor William Sulzer in 1913 proved too heavy a load. The Democrats lost to Charles S. Whitman (Republican) , who was elected Governor, and James W. Wadsworth, Jr. (Republican) , who became United States Senator. [ 263 ] XXI McCOMBS RETIRES AS CHAIRMAN Quits National Committee — Defeats All McAdoo-Burleson- TuMULTY Plots to Oust Him — Wilson Coterie Conspires Four Years to Supplant the President-Maker — Mc- CoMBS Wins Fight for 1916 Convention City and Volun- tarily Steps Out in Formal Notice to the President — Wilson's "Greatest Regrets". [Editor's Note — The editor has written this chapter from Mr. McCombs' notes.] AMcADOO - BURLESON - TUMULTY cabal plotted four years to oust Mr. McCombs as Cbairman of the Democratic National Committee. Though apparently inspired by the benediction of the President himself, the con- spiracy to overthrow him forcibly was thwarted. Mr. McCombs, backed by a large majority of his fellow- Committeemen, stuck to his post for the full term for which he was elected. In a pert note to the President, personally, he asked to be relieved after his successor was chosen at the National Convention of 1916. He then gladly retired. As already hinted, the Wliite House coterie sought McCombs' scalp even upon tlie eve of Wilson's first inauguration, but were unsuccessful. Taking their [ 264 ] McCOMBS RETIRES AS GHAIRMAN cue from the President's refusal to honor any recom- mendation Chairman McCombs made in behalf of the National Committee, the Wilson group, almost from month to month, sought to oust INIcCombs and name a substitute "next the throne". Repeated polls of the National Committee, however, revealed a big majority for McCombs. Many stood by McCombs because they were angered by the President's persistent rejec- tion of the merest suggestion as to patronage or policy presented by them through their Chairman. They were boldly and coldly informed that "^McCombs' O. K. does not go with W. W. See McAdoo, Tumulty or Joe Daniels" ! Any National Committeeman suspected of so much as sympathizing with IMcCombs ^\'as denied the slight- est consideration, and anj^ who dared make a request through McCombs was blacklisted. For upwards of three years, few, if any, avowed McCombs devotees could get the appointment of even his village postmaster. ^leantime, IMcAdoo was con- structing a well-formed and powerful machine through the Treasury. Albert S. Burleson, who deserted McCombs the instant he became Postmaster General, filled his offices with ardent Wilson-J^IcAdoo satellites. Daniels used the Navy Department as an adjunct to the Wilson dynasty. Even Cabinet officers, except perhaps Secre- tary of War Lindley D. Garrison, seemed allied with the President to exclude McCombs and his friends. In December, 1915, however, the plot to depose McCombs was resumed in earnest. Willis J. Abbott, [ 265 ] u^ MAKING WOODROW WILSON PRESIDENT in a special to the New York American, exposed it. Here is what that able journalist wrote on the eve of the Democratic National Committee meeting of December 7, 1915: "The Democratic National Committee will meet here next Tuesday to fix the time and place of the next National Convention. "Four cities are contestants for the honor — San Francisco, St. Louis, Dallas and Chicago. "There is lively interest in a to^^ic not specified in the call, but which, nevertheless, is likely to engross the attention of the Committee. "That is the effort to force the retirement of Chair- man William F. ^IcCombs and the substitution for him of Committeeman Fred B. Lynch, of INIinnesota. "This project is purely an administration move. "At the \^Tiite House this wdll be gravely denied; but men in the closest relation to the President do not hesitate to admit their participation in the war upon McCombs. "Before the combination now arrayed against the Chairman, the record of his effective w^ork for INIr. Wilson's nomination both before and at the Baltimore convention is likely to be displayed in vain. "Mr. Wilson, wlio permitted the sidetracking of McCombs during the campaign, and thrust him into comparative obscurity in the first flush of victory, is now determined upon his complete obliteration from politics. "Of course, such action as the enforced retirement of a National Chairman of the National Committee [ 266 ] McCOMBS RETIRES AS GHAIRMAN between campaigns is without precedent, in the Demo- cratic, or any other party. "Viewed dispassionately, it would seem merely the expression of a private grudge, for between conven- tions the Chairman of a Xational Committee is with- out authority or any useful function. In theory, at least, the Committee is free from interest in any par- ticular candidate for the nomination, and exists for the sole purpose of arranging a convention which shall be free for all. "This, however, is not the view of the Wilson forces. They want the Committee reorganized and made a fighting force for the President's renomination. An official closely identified with the political side of the administration said to-day: " 'We must get rid of McCombs, because, while he controls the Committee, we can't begin the campaign for the President's nomination. We can't raise a dollar while he is at the head of thmgs. He has antag- onized many of our strongest supporters, and we are absolutely blocked by his continued control.' "All of which is well enough if the National Com- mittee is to be regarded merely as a Wilson machine. But the effort to make it one has arraj^ed against the administration plan many members who care little for McCombs, but will show their resentment against the administration by fighting for his continuance in office. "Mr. ^IcCombs expresses a confidence in the out- come which his friends do not share, and which per- haps, at heart, he does not feel. That any effort to depose him at this meeting will result in a nasty fight, [ 267 ] MAKING WOODROW WILSON PRESIDENT and a serious injury to the party, few doubt. It might be shrewdly seized upon by Bryan to widen the split he is planning to make in the party. "But there can be no doubt of the power of Wilson to force his earliest and perhaps most efficient champion out, if he so desires. The only question is whether prudence will lead the President to put a curb on his followers who are now proclaiming their purpose to force the issue next Tuesday". But the Wilson-jMcAdoo plot to put Chairman McCombs out did not succeed. A majority of the National Committee would not tolerate such a sugges- tion. They denounced it long before the Committee met at Washington, December 7th, for the ostensible task of selecting the date and place for the National Convention of 1916. Weeks before the Committee got together McCombs had a big majority pledged not only to his retention as Chairman, but to vote with him to send the convention to St. Louis. He reached Washington two days in advance of the Committee meeting. He found the Wilson-McAdoo group split among three men who had been suggested for his successor. They were Frederick B. Lynch, of INIinnesota; Vance McCor- mick, of Pennsjdvania, and Henry Morgenthau, of New York. McCombs made it his job to keep them X split. The Ljmch coterie had lined up behind Chicago as the Convention City. Some of the IMcCormick men were for St. Louis, some for Chicago, and some behind Postmaster General Albert S. Burleson to send the [ 268 ] McCOMBS RETIRES AS GHAIRMAN President-maker to Dallas, Texas. As for Morgen- thau, there seemed to be no votes for him at all. McCombs clinched a renewed grip on the party's national machine by inducing the Committee to select St. Louis for the convention. The President, hearing that the anti-McCombs movement had proved abortive, ordered the fight to cease. [Editor's Note — Mr. McCombs here resumed his story.] The National Committee, as was customary, met the first week of January, 1916, to make preliminary arrangements for the convention to come. There were many present. After attending to our business we were informed that we were invited to the White House to luncheon the next day. Of the many luncheons I ever attended, this was the most curious. Many of the Committee did not desire to go. They told me so. I advised them it was proper under the circumstances to go, notwithstanding their individual feeling. And with this spirit I went. I never attended such a funereal function in my life. Every Committeeman seemed embarrassed and ill at ease. The meal was eaten almost in silence. I, of course, was put on the President's right. Homer S. Cummings was on his left. We could pump no language out of the President. Therefore, we turned to our neighbors. One Committeeman, seated at some distance, handed in a note behind the others to me with these words on it: "This looks like the 'Last Supper' ". [ 269 ] MAKING WOODROW WILSON PRESIDENT When we had consumed the wines set before us, everybody was anxious to go. We had to comply when it w^as suggested that our picture be taken. So we went out behind the White House, where a member of the Committee said to me, "I wonder if he wants our finger prints too" ! After the picture was taken, everybodj^ moved away from the White House and took a fresh breath of air. [Editor's Note — The Editor again resumes from notes.] Having secured from his colleagues the vote of con- fidence he desired, McCombs planned to quit of his o^vn accord. April 24, 1916, he served formal notice that he desired no identification with the movement to violate the Baltimore platform pledge by naming the Presi- dent for a second term. Mr. McCombs wrote President Wilson: "My dear Mr. President: "1 have just formed a new partnership for the practice of law which will become effective the first of May. The change will necessitate my devoting substantially all my time to my profession. My political activities must be largely curtailed. My arrangements, however, will just- ify my proceeding through to the end of the convention at St. Louis. "In view of the party precedent that the nominee for the Presidency is requested to indicate his preference for the chairmanship of the National Committee, and in view of the unity of sentiment for your renomination, I am writing you at the earliest moment to let you know that I could not, under any circumstances, assume the leadership of the coming Democratic campaign. I am r 270 ] McCOMBS RETIRES AS CHAIRMAN happy in the thought, however, that there are hosts of able and true men who can readily take my place. "The Democratic organization is loyal to your policies and your purposes. We feel assured of a triumphant result for you and for the party nominees in November. Tor fifteen years, now, I have been in the active service of the party, and it is with a keen feeling of regret that my activities are of necessity to be more limited. If within the limits of my time I can be of assistance, be assured that I am always available, "With assurance of high regard, "Sincerely yours, William F. McCombs" The President replied: "My dear McCombs: "I have your letter apprising me of your inability to retain the chairmanship of the Democratic National Committee for the approaching campaign. "I fully appreciate the necessity you feel yourself to be under to resign after the convention shall have been held in June; I know that you would not have reached such a decision had not your new business obligations made it unavoidable. I do not feel at liberty, therefore, to urge you to make the sacrifice that a retention of the chairmanship would in the circumstances involve. "You have made many and great sacrifices already for the party and I know that I am speaking the senti- ment of all loyal Democrats when I express the very deep appreciation I have felt of the great services you have ungrudgingly rendered. "I am sure that the greatest regrets will be felt at your retirement, and that a host of friends will join me in the hope that your new business connections will bring you continued abundant success. "With best wishes, "Sincerely yours, r 271 1 WooDRow Wilson" XXII "WAR SAVED WILSON IN 1916"! McCoMBS Refuses to be a Party to the President's Violation OF His One-Term Pledge — "You Know I Do Not Oppose A Third Term", Says Wilson to McCombs, When Asked to Fulfil His Paramount Pre-Election Promise — How McCoMBS Saved Vice President Marshall His Renomina- TioN — Balks Palmer and Baker, Who Seek to Supplant THE HoosiER. [Editor's Note — This chapter is compiled by the Editor.] N INSPIRED editorial in the New York Sun of April 26, 1916, is illuminating as to the reason for Mr. McCombs' retirement as Democratic National Chairman. It read: "From the Democratic Text Book of 1912, pre- pared under the direction of Mr. William F. Mc- Combs and widely circulated bj'' him among the voters of the United States, we extract this campaign pledge, or promise, prominently displayed on page 14: "Term of President "Democratic Platform. "We favor a single Presidential term, and to that end we urge the adoption of an amendment to tlie Constitution making the President of the United States ineligible for re-election, and we pledge the candidate of this convention to this principle". [ 272 ] "WAR SAVED WILSON IN 1916"! "The candidate pledged to the single term princi- ple by the Baltimore convention and pledged again by Mr. McCombs' committee when it exhibited the foregoing declaration as a reason for voting for him, was Governor Woodrow Wilson of New Jersey. Mr. IMcCombs had perhaps done more than any other friend of Dr. Wilson (with the possible exception of Colonel George Hai^vey and ex-Senator James Smith, Jr.) to prepare the way for his nomination on this single-term platform. When the campaign opened jMr. McCombs, in his dual capacity as chair- man of both the Democratic National Committee and the Democratic Campaign Committee, at once took midisputed first place among the promoters of Dr. Wilson's political fortunes. Mr. ^IcKinley scarcely owed more to INIark Hanna. "In asking the fellow citizens to vote for Woodrow Wilson as a candidate pledged to the one term princi- ple by the platform of his party, Mr. William F. JSIcCombs took x^ains to make it clear to everybody that the candidate accepted the platform. He caused to be printed on page 343 of the Campaign Text Book this passage from Dr. Wilson's speech of accept- ance : " 'What is the meaning of our platform, and what is our responsibility under it? Wliat are our duty and our purpose? The platform is meant to show that we know what the nation is thinking about ; what it is most concerned about, what it wishes corrected, and what it desires to see attempted that is new and constructive and intended for its long future. But [ 273 ] JVIAKING WOODROW WILSON PRESIDENT for us it is a very practical document. We are now about to ask the people of the United States to adopt our platform ; we are about to ask them to intrust us with office and power and the guidance of their affairs. They will wish to loiow what sort of men we are and of what definite purpose; what translation of action and of policy we intend to give to the general terms of the platform which the convention at Baltimore put forth, should we be elected'. "JNIr. McCombs went further and drew a striking contrast between Woodrow Wilson, pledged to the principle of a single term and to be depended upon to resj)ect the platform and keep the pledge if elected, and Theodore Roosevelt, one of his competitors for the votes of the people. On images 304 and 305 of the Text Book :Mr. IMcCombs exliibited Colonel Roosevelt as a person willing to feed his own ambition even by the violation of a distinct pledge not to be a candidate again: " 'On March 4, next, I shall have served three and one-half years, constituting mj^ first term. The wise custom which limits the President to two terms regards the substance and not the form, and under no circum- stances will I be a candidate for or accept another nomination'. " 'To newspaper correspondents who asked him if he might not be a candidate in 1912, Theodore Roose- velt, with his characteristic emphasis, replied that not in 1912, in 1916 nor in any other year would he again be a candidate for the Presidency; and that "under no circumstances" was meant for all time. [ 274 ] "WAR SAVED WILSON IN 1916"! *' 'Theodore Roosevelt gave his solemn word that he would not agam be a candidate for or accept another nomination for the Presidency, and he has now broken that promise under circumstances created by himself and his hero worshiping admirers'. "Thus, INIr. William F. McCombs kept before the country during the campaign of four years ago the picture of Woodrow Wilson, pledged by his platform to the single term J3rincix3le and squarely acce^Dting that platform when he accepted the nomination; and also the picture of Theodore Roosevelt, shamelessly violat- ing a voluntary pledge of his own not to be a candidate or accept a nomination for a third term. With this choice before them the people voted; and they gave just 2,173,538 more votes for Mr. McCombs' pledged single term candidate than the candidate pledged by Colonel Roosevelt not to seek or accept under any circumstances, a third term. ^'Now, Mr. William F. McCombs is an extremely conscientious gentleman. His sense of i)ersonal honor and personal responsibility for those whose promises he has indorsed is vigilant and alert. He is almost meticulous in his solicitude for the fulfilment of cam- paign obligations. He mus't perceive as clearly as any other man in the United States the immorality involved in the acceptance by President Wilson of a nomination for a second term. "Is any other explanation needed to account for Mr. McCombs' withdrawal from the active political support of the man for whom he has done so much? He conducted Governor ^Vi] son's canvass for the [ 275 ] MAKING WOODROW WILSON PRESIDENT Democratic nomination for President. Under con- ditions of enormous difficulty he put his candidate through Baltimore even in the presence of Mr. Bryan's overshadowing prestige with the delegates. He saw the single term pledge recorded. He used that pledge witili skill and success to accomplish his candidate's election. He emphasized for the information of the voters the contrast between the trustworthiness of a man like Wilson, who could be depended upon to keep his party's pledges, who had at the very outset of the campaign denounced 'the use of the organization of a great party to serve the personal aims and ambitions of any individual', and the untrustworthiness of a man who was running for a third term in violation of his pledge. "How could Mr. McCombs, in self-respect and simple decency, begin under these circumstances a second campaign for Dr. Wilson's election and again ask his fellow citizens to give credit to platform pledges made in Dr. Wilson's behalf? "We do not believe that Mr. IMcCombs could be influenced to become again the devoted and disinter- ested engineer of Dr. Wilson's political fortunes by any such sophistry as seems to have taken possession of the President's mind. It is impossible to imagine so level headed a person as Mr. McCombs sharing the delusion that the office for which Dr. Wilson is to run a second time is a higher and greater office than that of President of the United States. Nobody knows better than Mr. McCombs that there is no such tiling as a Chief Executive of Humanity, any more than [ 276 ] "WAR SAVED WILSON IN 1916"! there is a Chief Magistrate of Gratitude, or of Loy- alty, or of Sincerity, or of any other beautiful and desirable abstract quality." That Mr. Wilson dreamed of a third, if not a life- term, is demonstrated by a note Mr. McCombs pre- pared for this book. Here it is: In the Summer of 1912, I suggested that Governor Wilson go into some of the large cities and make pleas- ant speeches like those of the pre-nomination days, raising no particular contest with the candidates against him as Roosevelt and Taft. I thought they were doing an excellent job of chewing each other's ears off. I did, however, suggest that he speak on the Third Term in the case of Roosevelt. Governor Wilson turned to me and said: "Mc- Combs, you Imow I do not oppose a Third Term, and I do not care to discuss it". Wilson was certainly look- ing far ahead, as he had been at Baltimore. Mr. McCombs formally retired as Chairman of the National Committee at the Convention of 1916. He knew that, controlled as it was by the White House clique, President Wilson's renomination would be forced. His job was, however, to prevent the Wilson- McAdoo group from denying a similar compliment to Vice President Thomas R. Marshall. He succeeded. When Chairman McCombs reached St. Louis, he found the Wilson-McAdoo coterie split for the Vice Presidency between A. Mitchell Palmer, of Pennsyl- vania, the then Alien Custodian, and Newton B. Baker, of Ohio, Secretary of War. He lined up Thomas T. Taggart, of Indiana, Charles F. Murphy, [ 277 ] MAKING WOODROW WILSON PRESIDENT of New York, Roger C. Sullivan, of Illinois, and Governor James ]\I. Cox, of Ohio, for Marshall. This combination smashed the anti-]\Iarshall plot. In his meagre notes of the St. Louis Convention, Mr. McCombs wrote: Everybody was saying, "Wil- son kept us out of war" and "To h — 1 with the rest of the platform" ! The McAdoo cabal pushed A. Mitchell Palmer for the Vice Presidency, with Secretary of War Baker as second in the string. [Editor's Note — Mr. McCombs writes the following text] Mr. Baker was special messenger to the Convention for certain things that I did not know about, and did not care about. That Convention was going to nomin- ate Wilson and Marshall, although it was generally understood that President Wilson did not like ]Mr. Marshall very much. Throughout his administration, he gave him slight consideration. I think Mr. Marshall took this too lightly. I had rumors, some weeks before the Convention that ^Ir. Baker was to be a candidate for Vice Presi- dent. The larger leaders, I know, were very much opposed to him. They were very much offended by what they thought was Mr. Wilson's idea of getting a candidate more to his liking as Vice President. It was imderstood that he wanted Baker because it was thought that Baker never made a move without Wil- son's direction. Furthermore, Baker used classical English. I saw the lickspittles of the White House tugging r 278 ] "WAR SAVED WILSON IN 1916"! at the lapels of the leaders. The Baker boom first came to my headquarters as Chairman. I had received many telegrams about it. I saw no reason for chang- ing the order of things. In my mind, at that very time Marshall was superior to Wilson. If there were to be any succession by fate, we could not go very far wrong with Marshall. So I said to a gentleman who claimed to come from the White House, that it was customary for the candidate for Vice Presidency to have the delegation from his own state with him. He had better see Judge A., one of the leaders of the Ohio delegation, who was close by. Then I said: "Now, I suggest that you go and discuss this matter with Ohio and Judge A. Go in and see him". He left. I called up Judge A. and told him the facts. He said: "I'm glad you have given me the privilege of trimming our little Secretary". So Judge A. received the Baker envoy and told him that he did not think he could get Ohio. The man went to a number of other delegations. Judge A. knew how to be busier at a Convention than did this man. So the boom of Baker died aborning. President Wilson's first term had been saved from debacle by the declaration of the European War in 1914. This was pretty generalh'' conceded among all the Democrats. Of course, the minds of the American people were centered upon one question: namely, keeping out of tihat terrible conflagration. They thought that Wilson having been President for one term should be re-elected for the second. Therefore, [ 279 ] MAKING WOODROW WILSON PRESIDENT the successful campaign of 1916, which might have gone the other way, had My. Hughes been a bit more thoughtful and diplomatic in his treatment of Hiram Johnson in California. I recall going to the Republican Chicago Conven- tion after making arrangements for the St. Louis Convention. The Chicago Convention was a week before the Democratic Convention at St. Louis. I wanted to see the forces operating there. I learned from a very confidential source that Hughes would be the nominee. The rest was parade. I went into a hotel and met some friends among the Republican leaders. They, in a jocular way at luncheon, said: "Your convention is settled, now, what shall we do"? "Well", I replied, "I laiow exactly what you're going to do. You're going to take the man with whiskers from New York. Now I'm going to tell you, since you're utterly tied up, what you ought to do. You should name Harding or Burton, of Ohio. "You have had a little factional trouble out there and Ohio will go for Wilson, unless you patch it up. If things go on as they are, Wilson will can-y Ohio. If you nominate Harding or Burton, you will carry Ohio, and the next President will be a Republican". My guess was correct, as many of those disappointed friends whom I met there, have since told me. Mr. INIcCombs' prophecy was fulfilled. Neither Warren G. Harding nor any other Ohio Republican was nominated for the Presidency in 1916. Charles Evans Hughes, of New York, was, but he lost Ohio [ 280 ] "WAR SAVED WILSON IN 1916"! and Wilson was re-elected. Four years later Mr. Harding was nominated. He carried the country by the unprecedented plurality of seven millions. [ 281 ] XXIII DRAFTED FOR THE SENATE Wilson Runs Conway Against McCombs, but McCombs Sweeps the Primaries — Wilson's "Congratulations" — McCombs' Reply — Wrath of "Crown Prince" — Mc- Adoo-Wilson Handicap So Great That Calder Wins at the General Election — McCombs Assails "Pap Hunt- ers" AND "Blank-Check Profiteers". [Editor's Note — This chapter is compiled from Mr. McCombs' notes.] 'R. McCOMBS was "drafted" for the New York State United States Senate Demo- cratic nomination in 1916. The move- ment was orginally conceived by admirers who sincerely desired to voice their protest against the ungracious treatment Mr. McCombs received from President Wilson. They knew that Wilson, who had been renominated, could not carry New York. They hoped that, even if Mr. McCombs failed of election, he would run so far ahead of the President that he could eventually claim vindication. An unofficial State convention was called for Sara- toga, August 12th. Long before that date, anti- Wilson leaders were apprised that the President planned to name William O. McAdoo for the seat [ 282 ] DRAFTED FOR THE SENATE held by James A. O' Gorman. This provoked much resentment. The McAdoo project died of inanition. Then William Church Osborn and Thomas F. Conway vied with one another for the indorsement of the adminis- tration. Both Osborn and Conway had much money. Osborn had been a student at Princeton and was the leader of Putnam County. Conway had been Lieu- tenant Governor and controlled the organization in Clinton and other northern tier counties. Samuel Seabury, former Justice of the Court of Appeals, had been picked by the President for Gov- ernor. Charles F. IMurphy and his associates reluc- tantly acceiited Seabury, desi)ite his frequent and numerous verbal attacks uj)on them. They made no violent objection, even wlien Franklin D. Roosevelt, Assistant Secretary of the Navy, hurriedly came from Washington and announced that the President would insist upon Seabury's nomination as th^ most likely means of aiding the Presidential ticket to capture New York's electoral vote. But these leaders drew the line at Osborn, Conwaj^ or any other Senatorial aspirant picked by Wilson. On the afternoon before the Convention met, there was an informal conference at the Saratoga Race Track club house. There participated, National Committeeman Norman E. Mack, Charles F. Mur- phy, John H. McCooey, William H. Kelley, William H. Fitzpatrick, INIr. McCombs and others. All urged McCombs to take the Senatorial nomination. [ 283 ] MAKING WOODROW WILSON PRESIDENT "Neither Wilson nor any other Democrat can carry this state this year"! he stated. "Wilson can't, but you might", the leaders replied. "Just think what sport you can have with Woodrow in the Senate", laughed one. "I don't mind being slaughtered for the sake of the party — I am used to that. But I beg to be spared for a while", pleaded JMcCombs. The leaders finally compelled McCombs to submit to the trial. He was the overwhelming choice of the convention. Osbom was eliminated as a dangerous rival with an exposure of his written approval of the late Mayor John Purroy ^litchel's 'Svire tapping" campaign, which so infuriated the Roman Catholic clergy. Conway received a few northern New York votes. Though the convention was all but vmanimous for McCombs, the Wilson-McAdoo faction declined to accept its verdict, and got behind Conway as a Federal Administration candidate at the September primaries. The administration's attitude was expressed in the editorial columns of the New York Sun, August 29, 1912, thus: "The Wilson-lMcAdoo crowd will have nothing to do with McCombs. They look upon his selection as a direct slap at the Wilson administration, which they will not condone". An answer came from the New York World, sup- posedly friendly to the President: "There is no better representative of the Young Democracy of New York than William F. McCombs. [ 284 ] DRAFTED FOR THE SENATE He is qualified in all respects for the United States Senatorship". The New York Times reproduced an editorial eulogy of INIcCombs printed a few days after he had secured the nomination of Wilson for the Presidency in 1912. Under the caption "Young Democrats" the Times said: "It is of the happiest augury for the Democratic Party that young men are coming to the fore to take part in its work and its councils. Everywhere words of praise are bestowed upon W. F. INIcCombs of this city, who, as an active and skilful manager of Governor Wilson's campaign, showed that he knew how to make friends without making enemies". The Brooklyn Times (Republican), under date of August 20, 1915, printed this tribute: "The nomination of IMcCombs is one of recognition for the manager of tlie victory for Wilson in 1912. He shared vAih. Colonel Harvey and others the fate of most of the ladders upon which the President has climbed to his j)resent eminence". The Philadelphia Inquirer (Republican) said Sep- tember 1, 1916: "William F. ^IcCombs has decided to enter the race as the Democratic candidate for United States Senator from New York. He has had some experience work- ing for others, notably Woodrow Wilson. "Now McCombs made the grievous error of enter- ing the race without consulting the President, and in consequence has brought do^\Ti upon himself the wrath of the crown prince" (William G. McAdoo) . [ 285 ] MAKING WOODROW WILSON PRESIDENT Despite the bitter opposition of the Federal machine headed by President Wilson and MeAdoo, his son-in- law and Secretary of the Treasury, IMcCombs swept the state at the Democratic primaries, September 1 9, 1916. He defeated Thomas F. Conway, the Wilson- McAdoo favorite, by over 40,000 plurality. Conway carried a few counties near the Canadian border. Two days after he had defeated Conway at the primaries, Mr. McCombs was amazed to receive this wire from the President: "Asbury Park, N. J. Sept. 21, 1916 "Wm. F. McCombs; "I congratulate you most warmly on your nomination by the Democrats of New York for the United States Senatorship. A united body of Progressive voters will be behind you. WooDROw Wilson" Mr. McCombs sent this reply to the President's telegram : "President Woodrow Wilson, Shadow Lawn, Long Branch, N. J.: "I thank you sincerely for yo\* telegram of congratu- lations. Aside from my personal friendship, which prompts me to wish you every success in the coming election, I am certain that the masterly way in which you have administered the affairs of our Nation, keeping us free from war and giving us an unprecedented pros- perity, deserves an unmistakable vote of confidence from the American people. W. F. McCombs" [ 286 ] DRAFTED FOR THE SENATE McCombs had that very day read this analysis of conditions in the Philadelphia Inquirer: "William F. McCombs, as the Tammany candidate for United States Senator for the Democratic nom- ination, wins in a walk. He has an enormous majority over Thomas F. Conway, presumed to have the sup- port of the Wilson Administration. It might be sup- posed that the President would help the man who managed his successful campaign in 1912. But the Wilson personality is a difficult thing to understand, as those who have dared to think for themselves can testify". McCombs found himself pitted against William M. Calder (Republican) of Brooklyn. Calder had for years been a member of the House of Representatives. He adopted the Samuel J. Tilden "personal contact" method of campaign. By sending personal auto- graphed signature letters and free seeds and docu- ments to practically every man and woman in the state, INIr. C alder's name had become a household word. Calder, however, antagonized many. He had cultivated the habit of being a "band-wagon jumper", and, like other great men, he too often changed his mind. Having all but pledged himself to support James W. Wadsworth, Jr., for the Senate in 1914, Calder suddenly did all he could to defeat him. In 1916, at the eleventh hour, a Roosevelt-Bames, heretofore unheard-of combine, was formed to beat Calder. But ten days prior to the primaries Colonel Robert Bacon entered the field. ISJ'ot until the day [ 287 ] MAKING WOODROW WILSON PRESIDENT after the primaries was it definitely kno\\Ti Whether Bacon or Calder won the nomination. Calder nosed Bacon out by barely 8,000. But for a 25,000 Calder majority in Brooklyn, Bacon would have proved the victor. The Wadsworth-Calder and Bacon-Calder quarrels g-ave IMcCombs some hope of success. He began a most aggressive state-wide campaign, and was on the stump night and day. His speeches were brief but fetching, particularly to young men. Before the Brooklyn Young Democratic Club, Sei^tember 21st, he made a hit with this: "The differ- ence between a Republican and a Democratic admin- istration is that the Republicans serve the people two months every four years. The remainder of the time they hand the country over to the management of a board of directors for the benefit of 'Big Business'. The Democrats, on the other hand, are on the job for the people 365 days in the year" ! "You said something, IMac"! roared a group of admirers. Every Democratic newspa^Der in the country dis- played the jMcCombs sj)eech and commended it edi- torially as a platform by itself. Mr. McCombs was mightily pleased to find in the New York Sun the follo^^ang day this paragraph: "Mr. McCombs has experienced every phase of the progressive ingi*atitude with which it is the President's custom to reward personal and political service. It is to Mr. McCombs that Woodrow Wilson happens to be more deeply indebted for his political and personal [ 288 ] DRAFTED FOR THE SENATE fortune than any man living, with the possible excep- tion of former Senator James Smith, Jr., and, of course, Colonel George Harvey". The Sun gave a complimentary summary of Mr. McCombs' speech the night before. Mr. INIcCombs made Freedom of the Seas one of the paramount issues. Day after day, and night after night, he incessantly kept hammering this idea into the ears of voters: "We must seriously and sincerely insist that our commerce and communication through- out the world, through chamiels of trade, shall be main- tained inviolate and untrammelled. We cannot, with difnity, tolerate any discrimination". Hoping to get a few more votes for himself. Presi- dent Wilson said a few kind words for IMcCombs in a Madison Square Garden speech a few daj^s before election. Mr. McCombs, in his final speech of the campaign, said: "I do not think that j^ou expect a very long address from me. I think that you came here, as I came here, to hear the next President of the United States, Woodrow Wilson. For the past two and a half months I have gone over this state speaking about Democratic peace and prosperity. In the meantime I have been reading the papers carefully to see what issues Mr. Hughes would develop ; and as an Amer- ican citizen I think I have a right to complain of Mr. Hughes. There are Rej)ublicans in the audience, and I want to call your attention to a few facts. "The immortal Abraham Lincoln had a programme. [ 289 ] MAKING WOODROW WILSON PRESIDENT He developed it. He argued it. And the American people twice made him President of the United States. The soldier statesman, Grant, a Republican, had a programme, INIr. Chainnan. He developed it. He argued it. And the serious thinking people of this American Republic made him President of the United States. The martyred JMcKinlej^ had a programme. He presented it. He argued it. He seriously insisted upon it. He was elected President of these United States. So our Mr. Roosevelt. So our Mr. Taft. And however much we may have disagreed with them in principle, they were elected by your votes, and, I think, my friends, you as Americans are entitled to insist upon a programme being presented to you. They have no right to insist upon your voting for people ^vho merely want to get into office. "Do you know what they are doing? They want you to fill in a blank check and let them make out the amount after election. Can you, my friends, can you Republicans be insulted in that way? This election involves a very homely question. Are you going to maintain that which you have? For to hold is just as important as to have. Or are you going to fly to those agencies of which you know naught? That is your question to-night. Let me call j^our attention to the fact in the few brief moments that I am going to address you that the Democratic Party is a party of performance, of ]3romise. For example, for 100 years the question of child labor, the question of industrial freedom for children, was agitated in this country; and a particular bill ^\'llich the Democratic Party put [ 290 ] DRAFTED FOR THE SENATE on the statute books lay in the iDigeonholes in the Senate and the House through three Republican Admhiistrations. The Democratic Party has released little children from industrial slavery. *'I call your attention to the fact that the Republi- can Party has taken up this issue and that issue and the other and dropped them with equal celerity during this campaign. It reminds me of the story in 'Alice in Wonderland', that charming little book, where the girl mounted seven horses at the same time and simultane- ously rode off in seven different directions. "Mr. Hughes a week ago, as I sav/ in a paper, I think in Buffalo, where I was speaking, said he was going to cut loose. In these last two weeks I have continued to wonder, ]Mr. Chairman, what JMr. Plughes was going to cut loose from. Theodore Roosevelt, who snorts flame and preaches war and who thus far has made up most of the spoken ox^inions for Mr. Hughes? No, not yet. IMr. Taft, who has agreed with President Wilson in all of his foreign policies, in substance? He cannot do that. Special privilege? Will he cut loose from that? One rarely cuts loose from one's angel. Then my Republican opponent, Mr. Calder, should cut loose with something. "They have said a great deal about Americanism in this campaign. That is not an issue. Every man, no matter vv'here he was born, no matter of what descent, if he is an American citizen, is for America. "I would like to address you further upon this issue of Americanism. I shall leave this thought with you as I go: Let us make Americanism practical. Let us [ 291 ] ^lAKING WOODROW WILSON PRESIDENT see that the flag is respected in every port in all the world. Let us see that every pound of American freidit, every American communication, every Amer- lean life, is safe imder this flag". With all ]Mr. McCombs' popularity and real value, the handicap created by Wilson's Presidential candi- dacy was too great for him. He was defeated by Calder by 839,314 to 603,933. IMcCombs ran nearly 20,000 ahead of Samuel Seabury and received within a few thousand votes as many as the entire National y^ ticket. [ 292 ] XXIV RETRIBUTION Wilson's Greeting on Return from Paris — McCombs Foils Baruch and Chadbourne in Their Efforts to Make McAdoo President — Uses Edwards to Consolidate East- ern States — Solidifies Anti-Third Term Forces — Destroys Wilson Dynasty at San Francisco. JULY 9, 1919, President Wilson returned to New York from his first commutation trip to Paris to appeal to the people of the United States to back his policy at the Peace Conference. Mr. McCombs was ill at his room at the Waldorf- Astoria. He sent for the writer. I found him look- ing out of the window of his bed chamber. Fifth Avenue and Thirty-fourth Street were packed with a multitude of men, women and children. They were awaiting the arrival of the President. The President, standing in an auto and bowing right and left, soon appeared. The crowd gave him a chilly greeting. McCombs leaned so far out upon the window sill that I cautioned him to be careful. He answered : "I'm all right. But look at the Great Human- itarian — the man who said he was going to make the world safe for Democracy ! He's gone ! Remember [ 293 ] MAKING WOODROW WILSON PRESIDENT the receptions he got here in 1912 and 1916? They surpassed those of Bryan in 1896 and 1900. Wilson has shot his bolt. The people have found him out. "Keep your eyes and ears open and you will soon agree with me that Wilson is done for", he continued. "The voters repudiated him by over a million plurality when they elected a Republican Congress last Fall. He has become a joke and the cat's-paw of England and Japan at Paris. He will try for a renomination and be beaten at that. Then he will put up INIcAdoo, the crown prince, and he will be thrown down". This prophecy w^as recalled when both Wilson and McAdoo were overwhelmed at the San Francisco Convention. McCombs and his friends were very busy just about this time. They knew that, first of all, they had to defeat Wilson for a third term; second, they had to prevent Wilson from forcing the nomination of any man to "keep the Presidency in the family". That meant the elimination, not only of INIcAdoo, but A. Mitchell Palmer, Wilson's Attorney General; Mere- dith, Wilson's Secretary of Agriculture, or any one of a half dozen dark horses the President might determine to groom. V It was decided to secure a round-up at the Democratic National Executive Committee meet- ing at Atlantic City, September 24, 1919. It was called for the ostensible purpose of raising money to cancel a deficit in the Committee treasury; to guar- antee an adequate fund for the Presidential campaign of 1920, and to organize the women wlio had been given [ 294 ] RETRIBUTION the right in many states to vote for National candi- dates. President Wilson was at the time touring the country, beseeching the people to swallow his League of Nations covenant, "without the crossing of a T or the dotting of an I". McCombs, who was quite ill, did not attend the Atlantic City meeting. But as in 1912 he worked the telephone from his sick-room, so did he in 1919 keep in touch with and manipu- late wires into the National Executive Committee meeting. There was hardly an hour day and night during the four days' session that McCombs was not in communi- cation with Executive Committeemen Fred B. Ljmch, of INIinnesota; Wilbur W. Marsh, of Iowa; Nomian E. Mack, of New York, and other opponents of Wilson and McAdoo. Mr. ]\IcCombs scented an intrigue first to pledge the Committee for a Wilson third term, and second, to make McAdoo Wilson's legatee, and again to make Attorney General Palmer a third of the string of candidates to perpetuate the Wilson regime. McCombs had information that Bernard M. Baruch and Thomas L. Chadbourne were engineering the IMcAdoo campaign. Baruch had become convinced that the renomination of Wilson was impossible, and that McAdoo was the most available man among the administration cabal. McAdoo had been instrumental in placing Baruch upon the War Industries Board and in sending him as a special envoy to the Paris Peace Conference. [ 2^ ] A MAKING WOODROW WILSON PRESIDENT McCombs warned Lynch, Marsh, Mack and others that Bai*uch and Chadbourne plotted to capture the Committee for McAdoo. His admonition seemed prophetic when, September 26th, at an executive ses- sion, Baruch and Chadbourne, neither a member of the Committee, appeared and boldly urged McAdoo's claims. The two expressed very great sympathy that the Committee was bankrupt. They generously offered to make good the entire deficit. "And", announced INIr. Baruch, "we are prepared to under- write the next Presidential campaign for at least ten millions, if the proper candidate is selected". A majority of the Committee had practically pledged themselves to Attorney General Palmer for the Presidential nomination. He was a fellow-Com- mitteeman. Loyalty to a comrade influenced many to resent the intrusion of the McAdoo emissaries with offers of gold. The Baruch- Chadbourne tender was, therefore, rejected, though the Committee treasury was empty. McCombs 'phoned in from New York that if the McAdoo-Baruch-Chadbourne terms were accepted he would expose the whole conspiracy. This clinched the repudiation of the Bainich-Chadbourne offer. On the final day of the Committee session, Franklin D. Roosevelt, Assistant Secretary of the Navy, sud- denly rushed to Atlantic City. He whispered that as a result of Wilson's physical collapse, resulting in the abandonment of his League of Nations speaking tour, the President must be considered impossible as a can- didate for renomination. The McAdoo and Palmer [ 296 ] RETRIBUTION cliques thereupon resumed their raids. But the Com- mittee adjourned without indorsing either candidate. McCombs denounced the Barucli-Chadbourne ten million dollar offer as a part of a conspiracy to buy the Presidential nomination. He saw to it that the endeavor was submitted to the Kenyon United States Senate Committee investigating Presidential cam- paign expenses. Practically every member of the Democratic National Executive Committee was grilled about the tender. The Kenyon Committee recommended the enactment of laws prohibiting the use of scandalously large sums of money in Presiden- tial primaries and elections. Mr. McCombs, during the Fall and Winter of 1919, ^^ made several country- wide tours. This object was to solidify the anti-Wilson and anti-McAdoo forces. He threw the administration into confusion in Illinois, Indiana, Ohio, Iowa, JMinnesota, Missouri, and other states. Then he returned to New York and devoted himself to unifying his home state against a continu- ance of the Wilson-IMcAdoo empire. ; In the Spring of 1920, IMr. McCombs was the man behind the organization of the Edward I. Edwards Presidential League. It was formed for the purpose primarily of consolidating New York, New Jersej^ and other Eastern State Democrats against Wilson and McAdoo, but ultimately to promote the candidacy of the Governor of New Jersey for the Presidency. Early in April, and again in May, McCombs con- ^ ferred with Charles P. Murphy, Thomas T. Taggart, Norman E. Mack, Edward H. Moore, George Bren- [ 297 ] ^ MAKING WOODROW WILSON PRESIDENT nan, and other anti-Wilson-anti-McAdoo men, at French Lick Springs, Indiana. It was agreed to sup- port Governor James M. Cox, of Ohio, as the likeliest to defeat Wilson, McAdoo, or Palmer. New York, Illinois, Ohio, Indiana, Kentucky, Tennessee, and other states represented in the group, controlled a third of the delegates to the National Convention. Plans were laid at these conferences to go after the other third, and thus insure the nomination of Cox. In July, 1920, the Wilson machine was wrecked by the nomination of Governor Cox at San Francisco. At the close of the convention, Mr. McCombs, a jubilant smile upon his face, stood upon the platform. Hundreds of delegates were shrieking their joy over the nomination of Governor James M. Cox, of Ohio, for the Presidency. They were all celebrating the defeat of the mighty machine erected to keep indefi- nitely the United States Government in the hands of the Wilson-McAdoo oligarchy. Mr. McCombs said: "I have lived to see Woodrow Wilson deprived of his ambition to be Emperor of the World; balked in his desire to become President a third time ; thwarted in his plan to make his djmasty perpetual through the nomination of his son-in-law, William G. McAdoo, as his heir, and thoroughly dis- credited at home and abroad". The events leading up to this political cataclysm came as the result of an incessant nation-wide manoeuvring. Publiclj^ the active i^rincipals were Charles F. Murphy and Norman E. ^lack, of New York; Thomas T. Taggart, of Indiana; Edmund H. [ 298 ] RETRIBUTION Moore, of Ohio; George Brennan, of Illinois; Gov- ernor Edward I. Edwards, of New Jersey, and James A. Reed, of Missouri. Its silent promoter was William F. McCombs. [ 299 ] XXV WILSON'S ATTITUDE TOWARDS McCOMBS McCoMBs Made No Promises of Office — Sullivan, Wood, Reed and Others Suffer from President's Ill-Will — McCoMBs' Suggestions for Cabinet Appointments Ignored Because Made by Him — Denied a Seat Because "You Are a Politician". [Mr. McCombs here resumes his narrative.] [HE REASONS for the hostile attitude taken by President Wilson toward me have been much discussed. He always gave out matters of this kind through the faithful Tumulty. The first reason assigned was that I had made many promises to obtain his election, and for that reason he could not fulfil them. I can say, however, most emphatically, there were no promises made. I challenge any of the lick-spittles who have infested Washington for the last few years to prove anything else. I deplore the innocence of INIr. Wilson, if innocence it was, that he should have given any credence to contrary reports. As I have said before, the men of the organization throughout the country were somewhat concerned, after the incident of James Smith, Jr., of New Jersey, [ 300 ] WILSON'S ATTITUDE TOWARDS McCOMBS with respect to what would become of them if Wilson were nominated and elected. On the night when Roger C. Sullivan, of Illinois, agreed to come over to Woodrow Wilson at the Balti- more Convention of 1912, he asked me whether his organization would be attacked by Wilson. I said: "The best way to answer that is by a direct telephone to Wilson himself". I called up in Mr. Sullivan's presence, putting the question squarely. The answer received was: "By no means. No. I like Sullivan". Mr. Sullivan was in the room at the time. Fifteen minutes later I asked Frederick B. Lynch, of Minne- sota, to ask Mr. Wilson over the telephone the same question. He received the same answer. Mr. Sullivan, I am told, was never allowed to be directly instrumental in the nomination of a single candidate for office. In 1914, when he was running for the Senate, Assistant Secretary of the Interior Vrooman made a campaign in Sullivan's state against him. Mr. Wilson refused to write a letter of approval, as he had done for other candidates in close states. Senator Robert L. Owen, of Oklahoma, also spoke unimpeded against INIr. Sullivan over Illinois. Post- master General Albert S. Burleson had been through the state and made some confidential and apparently pleasing utterances of the leaders, but never came out for Mr. Sullivan. Even Secretary of Agriculture David Houston went through the state expressing himself privately against INIr. Sullivan, and would never be interviewed by anj^one. All this was despite the fact that but for the 58 [ 301 ] MAKING WOODROW WILSON PRESIDENT votes of the State of Illinois in the Baltimore Con- vention Mr. Wilson could not have been nominated ! Mr. Sullivan asked me to come to Illinois and make a speech for him. I did so. I spoke at Chicago and offered to speak over the southern part of the state, but this Mr. Sullivan believed was unnecessary. He thoug'ht his election was assured. A similar situation developed in Maryland. There Vv^as some support for Wilson in the ^laryland delega- tion, but it was not very strong. Senator John W. Smith not only dominated the delegation completely, kt the Baltimore Covention, but I am creditably in- formed, had his alliances in Virginia, West Virgina and Tennessee. He was powerful in these four states. I thought that should we get his support we could loosen in a way the States of Virginia, West Virginia and Tennessee. Senator Saulsbury and I called on Senator Smith on a Sunday afternoon before the Wilson nomination. We stated the case for Wilson as Ave had so many times previously presented it. We argued the matter out with Senator Smith, first, on the ground of Mr. Wil- son's radicalism; second, whether INIr. Wilson would be inclined to wreck the leadership of his party in any state. Senator Saulsbury was a very close friend of Senator Smith ; in fact, they are related. After a long talk I suggested to Senator Saulsbury that he should call up Governor Wilson and tell him what he and I were discussing with Senator Smith. The answers from Mr. Wilson were that his record showed that he was not a radical, and, in so far as dis- [ 302 ] WILSON'S ATTITUDE TOWARDS McCOMBS rupting organizations was concerned, that had not been his practice and it would not be his practice in the future. At that time he called attention to his appointment of organization men generally while he was Governor of New Jersey. On this score, how- ever, it may well be said that he was not Governor very long before his National campaign was started. At any rate, the right answer was given to Senator Smith. After the expiration of a half hour I called up Governor Wilson and pro])ounded the same ques- tions which Senator Saulsbury had asked, and received the same answer. This was sufficient assurance to Senator Smith, and, in my oi^inion, not only gained the support of Maryland, but carried with it the support of Virginia, West Virginia and Tennessee. This is what happened: Senator Smith was not allowed to have or to pass uj)on a single appointment for two years. He became a Wilson outcast. Mr. Wilson, openly and in the press, supported the pri- mary candidacy of Mr. William Marbury for the next Senatorial primary against Senator Smith. It was not until after two years that little things from the WHiite House trickled Senator Smith's way. The pledge made to Michigan was of the most harm- less variety. That state we expected, quite naturally, to be for Harmon. ]Mr. Wood, the National Commit- teeman from Michigan and a director somewhat in that state, with his state associates, decided that they would go to the convention without endorsing anyone. We made a brisk contest in INIichigan and received a few votes. The whole delegation was not against us, [ 303 ] MAKING WOODROW WILSON PRESIDENT except indirectly. That was because of an attack made on Mr. Wood by a young man whom I mifortu- nately sent into JNIichigan. I immediately sent to Mr. Wood a letter of apology which smoothed out the situation. I remember early on the Sunday morning of the Baltimore Convention going to Mr. Wood at his apartment and covering the entire situation with him. He said that he had no ambition personally, but that Mr. Wilson's reputation for ingratitude and cast- ing aside those who had been useful to him was a rather large obstacle to overcome. I s]3ent an hour or two in conversation with him. He said: "Whose recommen- dation do you think ought to have the greatest weight in jNIichigan if we should nominate and elect Wilson"? I said: "Naturally, the National Committeeman, the Chairman of the State Committee, and such Demo- cratic members of the lower House as there might be, should have first consideration". (There was no chance for the election of any Democratic Senator in Michigan.) ]Mr. Wood then said: "I am going to take your word about the man, and I am not going to take any chances on Clark or Bryan". There and then we had the entire State of JNIichigan. There was but one other statement in this connec- tion which I made and which I must record, but which had not the slightest influence on the convention. Charles F. Murphy asked me if I thought Wilson would set about to break up the organization in any state, including his. I said "No", on the record of the talk with Senator Smith and the general talks I had had with Mr. Wilson himself. [ 304 ] WILSON'S ATTITUDE TOWARDS McCOMBS Mr. Murphy had a wonderful chance when Mr. Champ Clark's vote grew less and less. If, after the attack on certain members of his delegation and on New York in general, he had instantly voted his dele- gation for Mr. Wilson, the convention would surely have conceived an alliance with ^Ir. Murphy and Mr. Wilson. Mr. Wilson's Western following would have left him in an instant, and Wilson would have found his chances at the bottom of the sea. I did not expect to have any influence on Mr. Murphy, nor did I ever expect him to vote his delega- tion except to make the nomination unanimous, which was done by the able and admirable John J. Fitz- gerald, of Brooklyn. There were no tradings in the convention so far as Wilson was concerned. There was just what I have told my readers : a systematic appeal not only to the leaders, but to the people as far as possible by mail, on the record of Mr. Wilson as Governor of New Jersey. Then there was the impinging of forces of each of the candidates against the other, of which we succeeded in taking advantage at the time. Wlien it was all over the Democrats were lined up unanimously for the choice. They had not won in twenty years or more. They had been compelled to take up "ism'* after "ism" under the unquestioned leadership of Bryan. They did not Imow a great deal about Wil- son's mind, but they had read much of him and were enthusiastic for victory. The results obtained did not proceed from pledges or promises made by me, and no [ 305 ] MAKING WOODROW WILSON PRESIDENT such paltry excuse can serve as a justification of Mr. Wilson's conduct. While on this topic my mind naturally adverts to Senator James A. Reed, of Missouri. He was the ablest supporter that !Mr. Clark had and the most bitter opponent of Governor Wilson before and at the convention. I felt after the conven- tion that if we took Senator Reed we would get one of the most valuable possible assets. With much per- suasion I induced Mr. Wilson to accept Senator Reed. I then approached the Senator and said to him: "Senator, the President and I want you to be with us. We want you to come into the campaign with both feet. Woodrow Wilson is the nominee. You are a Democrat and an able one. Everything before the nomination at Baltimore is forgotten. In fact, noth- ing ever happened before the adjournment at Balti- more". He took my hand and said: "We must win. I am as much for Woodrow Wilson as you are. Tell me where to work". I shall never forget Senator Reed's appearance at headquarters. A tall, well-formed man, with aggres- siveness in every feature, I knew that when he started out on a principle his advocacy would never cease until he had com]3letely lost or completely won. There is no man in public life whose fearlessness and ability I have more admired ; at the same time, personally, with his friends, he has the gentleness of a lamb. During the campaign I cannot think of a person who did more for Woodrow Wilson than Senator Reed, the same [ 306 ] WILSON'S ATTITUDE TOWARDS McCOMBS man who has been spat upon from the White House to this day. I was anxious that the President start out with a Cabinet of marked ability. I had, prior to December 29, 1912, suggested about fifty men of the highest type that I knew in America. I had a feeling that these suggestions rather bored Governor Wilson. He didn't ask who a single one of these men was, although I am sure at that time he did not know fifteen men of Cabinet size m America. I soon found that the men suggested by me were foreclosed for life, and for the reason that I submitted their names to the President. Like Senator Reed, there were many men of great calibre in the Democratic Party who were desirous of entering the public service. Mr. Wilson did not know them. It was an obligation of honor, on my part at least, to present their names. I continued doing this, however, up to the time of the inauguration, always believing that the selection of some of these men would certainly at the outset give confidence to the Wilson Administration, and always feeling that I was doing my duty, and that the President would eventually realize this. In this latter belief I was disappointed. In my own case, the attitude of Mr. Wilson was early apparent. On the 29th day of December, which is Mr. Wilson's birthday, he was invited to be the guest of Staunton, Virginia, his birthplace. An invi- tation to be present was also extended to me. Although I was in wretched physical condition, I felt I must go under any circumstances. I was on the train that went from l^ew York and stopped at £ 307 ] MAKING WOODROW WILSON PRESIDENT Princeton to take on the Governor. I greeted him cordially and had a few moments' conversation with him. I then went to my own comi)artment to rest. About noon a messenger came and said that the Gov- ernor wanted to see me. "McCombs," he said, "I don't want to put you in the Cabinet because you are a politician. I think you would fit excellently in diplomacy". I said: "Mr. Wilson, I am not seeking a position in your Cabinet, nor can I take a position in diplomacy". He then asked me which of all the posts in the world I considered best. Innocently enough, I said "France". Whereupon he said: "I would like you to go to France, or, if you would care for it, London or Berlin or the Governorship of the Philip- pines". I told the President-elect that I had exhausted my personal fortune to such a degree that I could not afford to keep up the post of Ambassador to any of these countries for any length of time without financial ruin. He said: "I will put a bill through Congress that will give all the posts $17,800 extra for maintenance". I said: "Governor, that is a mere pit- tance for any of these posts. I cannot afford it. I must get back now to New York and gather my things together and resume my practice, which I have totally neglected for two years". The idea of my impoverishment did not impress him much. He resented palpably my refusal to go to any of these posts. I could tell this from a peculiar show- ing of white in his eyes and the lengthening of his jaw. My own feeling was to get off at Washington and go back to New York, but I had accepted the invitation [ 308 ] WILSON'S ATTITUDE TOWARDS McCOMBS to go to Staunton, and I went. Shortly after this Colonel House appeared and urged that I take Paris or London, stating there would be a great investment even though I spent everything I had and borrowed the money to go. I felt that I had already invested sufficiently in Mr, Wilson^ and declined further hazard in that field. END [ 309 ] k ..',.'\\ Mh , . '^22 liliiliiffliiiiiiiS^^ LIBRARY OF CONGRESS 013 900 787 6 isJiiiiiliiinlliliiidI mm Wml wMm ;> HtilillilSHIU'lMtiHliUi ln<