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 The opinion is expressed that this play 
 is written by Th. Day 
 
A COLLOQUY 
 
Heartman's Historical Series No. 23 
 
A COLLOQUY 
 
 i I 
 
 ON 
 
 THE NECESSITY 
 
 OF 
 
 CLERGY IN GOVERNMENT 
 
 WRITTEN ABOUT 1799 
 
 With an Introduction by 
 ANSON ELY MORSE 
 
 Fifty copies reprinted from the Original Manuscript 
 for Charles F. Heartman 
 
 1917 
 

 Number of 50 copies printed 
 
 on Fabriano hand-made paper. 
 
 Also six copies printed on Japan Vel- 
 lum. 
 
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INTRODUCTION 
 
 This "Colloquy on the Necessity of Clergy in 
 Government" reproduces vividly the passions, 
 prejudices and political opinions of the period 
 from 1795 until 1815 and after. It was evidently 
 written about 1800 by a New Englander of very 
 moderate Federalistic beliefs. 
 
 The characters in the Colloquy are three. 
 Grenville voices the convictions of that intolerable 
 wing of the intolerant "Boston Faction," the 
 Essex Junto, which was never noted for sweet 
 reasonableness, broad political intelligence, or, 
 after 1800, for patriotism. In him Fisher Ames 
 and Timothy Pickering at their worst, struggle 
 for utterance. While in his antagonist Belmont 
 the rabid or foolish sentiments and delusions of 
 Thomas Jefferson, Gideon Granger, Abraham 
 Bishop or Benjamin Austin are fully exploited 
 Lawrence is no less unusual and far from typical 
 in his ideas. He presents the viewpoint of an 
 extremely liberal and tolerant Federalist. Per- 
 sons of such beliefs together with the average 
 moderate Federalist were responsible for the fail- 
 ure of the disunionist faction of their party to 
 carry out its treasonable designs between 1800 
 and 1815. 
 
 The title, however, is a misnomer, for there is 
 almost nothing in the Colloquy concerning this 
 "Necessity of the Clergy in Government." It is 
 
singular that the clergy are so neglected, for their 
 political power in the North at this time was 
 extraordinarily great. Passing reference, in- 
 deed, is made to the patriotic endeavors of the 
 ministers during the Revolution but their in- 
 valuable aid in the adoption of the Constitution 
 is overlooked, as well as their decisive stand for 
 government during the critical times just after 
 the Revolution and during the height of the ex- 
 citement caused by the French Revolution. 
 Nothing is said of the current conviction that 
 good government is founded upon religion and 
 that without the latter the former is impossible. 
 To a New Englander of that period the vital im- 
 portance of the clergy was indisputable. The 
 French Revolution was, if any proof were needed, 
 incontrovertible evidence. 
 
 Liberalism in religious polity and belief had 
 grown slowly in New England during the latter 
 half of the Eighteenth Century. After the Rev- 
 olution a concerted drive on Congregationalism 
 and its alliance with the state was made by the 
 various sects of Baptists, Methodists and Uni- 
 versalists and in Connecticut by the Episcopalians. 
 The Revolution had to a certain extent loosened 
 the shackles which in democratic eyes bound the 
 people to degrading submission to the clergy. 
 
 It was not until 1795 that Democratic dislike of 
 "pulpit drummers" broke out in virulent form. 
 The chief cause was the complete change in the 
 attitude of the clergy toward the French Revolu- 
 tion. At first they admired, then distrusted and 
 finally openly denounced and vehemently attacked 
 
 8 
 
France and its adherents in this country who, 
 they declared, "ought to be treated as enemies of 
 their country." The people were desired to mark 
 such and to "let them wear the stigma of reproach 
 due to the perfidious betrayers of their country . . . 
 Of all traitors, they are the most aggravatedly 
 criminal; of all villians, they are the most in- 
 famous and detestable." This violent attitude 
 was largely due to the conviction that the French 
 infidelity was a real and growing menace to both 
 religion and good government; that the American 
 people were being lead astray partly by their 
 excessive and unbounded enthusiasm for all 
 things French and partly by a systematic propa- 
 ganda carried on by atheistical missionaries and 
 "by the importation of pamphlets and pocket 
 volumes for the common people and histories and 
 encyclopedias for the learned." It was affirmed 
 as a result that "multitudes had turned downright 
 deists." However extravagant this statement may 
 be the circulation of Paine' s Age of Reason — in at 
 least eight American editions before 1796 — of 
 Ethan Allen's Oracles of Reason and other books 
 of similar import indicate a wide-spread interest 
 among the laity which greatly scandalized the 
 clergy. The anxiety of the godly turned into 
 panic with the widely trumpeted discovery in 
 1798 of a "plot" by the Illuminanti to destroy 
 religion. The clergy greatly disturbed before 
 were now thoroughly aroused. They echoed the 
 sentiments of the Rev. Mr. Dana of Newburyport, 
 who declared in a sermon that their political and 
 religious interests did not have in the American 
 
Revolution that "close and indissoluble connec- 
 tion" which they now possess. "Shall those then," 
 he asked, "who are set for the defense of the 
 Gospel, .basely desert their posts?" On the con- 
 trary his people could rest assured that their 
 pastor's "efforts, however feeble, shall not be 
 wanting to the cause of his threatened and suffer- 
 ing country." 
 
 How this dangerous irreligious influence from 
 abroad was looked upon is well illustrated by an 
 extract from a famous sermon preached by Pres- 
 ident Dwight of Yale. "For what end," he de- 
 manded, "shall we be connected with the French. , 
 is it that our churches may become the temples of 
 reason, our Sabbath a decade, that we may change 
 our holy worship into a dance of Jacobin phrenzy, 
 and that we may behold a strumphet personating 
 a Goddess on the altar of Jehovah? Shall our 
 sons become the disciples of Voltaire ... or our 
 daughters the concubines of the Illuminanti ?" 
 
 Among the "wise and virtuous" the Democrats 
 were regarded as dangerous enemies to both 
 church and state. When, as not infrequently 
 happened, pointed remarks in church displeased 
 the Democrats, they would rise and stalk out. On 
 one such occasion a well known divine paused in 
 his sermon to remark to his remaining parishion- 
 ers that he was pleased to find he possessed one of 
 the apostolic gifts namely the power of casting 
 out devils. This viewpoint was not unusual. 
 When the War of 1812 was declared, the minister 
 at Groton, Mass., preached from John 8:44, "Ye 
 are of your father, the Devil; and the lusts of 
 
 10 
 
your father ye will do." The application of the 
 text was the likening of President Madison to 
 Beelzebub and the members of Congress who 
 voted for the war to the subordinate devils who 
 did his bidding. As late as 1816 the Hartford 
 Courant, the leading paper of Connecticut, as- 
 serted "It is true that we can scarce converse with 
 a Democrat — can hardly look upon a Democratic 
 newspaper but we are offended with some polit- 
 ical, religious or moral abomination." Jefferson 
 commonly likened to Jereboam by the pious in 
 New England, a man of peace and caution, who 
 fought usually from a safe distance, threw prud- 
 ence aside and raged, regardless of consequences, 
 if he saw a chance to smite the New England 
 clergy. 
 
 The Democrats did not receive these verbal 
 chastisements with meekness or penitential 
 humility. Loudly they reviled these clerical 
 meddlers and worked industriously to overthrow 
 their influence and undermine their authority. 
 The National Aegis, a paper founded at Worcester 
 by Jefferson's postmaster-general declared in 
 1802 that the clergy "forgetful of primitive pur- 
 ity, .have by calumnies, misrepresentations and 
 baseness, with a turpitude of heart, black and 
 gangrened, been laboring to . . . sink to scorn and 
 execration a faithful and virtuous administra- 
 tion." This is far more severe than the usual 
 mild attack upon the clergy in New England. 
 The Democratic papers outside of New England 
 were not deterred by piety, prudence or pro- 
 priety. 
 
 11 
 
This play is both valuable and interesting as 
 it pictures the storm and passions of a time when 
 bitter partizanship divided the country into 
 parties whose policies and predilections were more 
 alien than American. 
 
 Anson Ely Morse. 
 Amherst, Mass., 
 
 March 20, 1917. 
 
 12 
 
CHARACTERS 
 
 GRENVILLE a Monarchist 
 
 BELMONT a Democrat 
 
 LAWRENCE a Federalist 
 
A COLLOQUY ON CLERGY 
 IN GOVERNMENT 
 
 ENTER BELMONT AND GRENVILLE 
 
 Grenville 
 
 Mr. Belmont, having lately paid some attention 
 to the political situation of our country, I confess 
 that to me its prospects appear gloomy and por- 
 tentious. I have not the most distant idea that 
 our present government will ever be established 
 on solid foundations; and candor obliges me to 
 acknowledge my indifference to its existence. 
 Experience though very short has yet been 
 sufficiently long to discover many radical defects 
 in the federal constitution and I firmly believe 
 that if these defects are not soon remedied 
 anarchy will soon usurp the place of government 
 and reign triumphant. 
 
 Belmont 
 
 I too, Mr. Grenville, have had my doubts with 
 respect to the permanency of the federal consti- 
 tution, but whether it remains permanent or not, 
 in either case I feel equally secure; because after 
 the ensuing election which I am confident will 
 redound to the everlasting honor of the victorious 
 "friends of liberty," the patriotic character then 
 at the helm will preserve in their native purity the 
 principles of liberty, and after the completion of 
 another census, I shall be under no apprehensions 
 
 15 
 
for the success of Republicanism, because the pop- 
 ulation in the middle and southern states has in- 
 creased much more in proportion than that in 
 New England ; of course we may confidently calcu- 
 late on a majority of Republicans in the succeed- 
 ing congress. This being the fact, no danger 
 need be apprehended from the energetic part of 
 our present aristocratic constitution. But should 
 the constitution be subverted another would 
 spring up from the ashes perfectly free in its 
 principles and completely destitute of "British" 
 doctrines. 
 
 Grenville 
 
 I regret, Belmont, that our opinions are so 
 diametrically opposite. That sentiments so di- 
 rectly hostile to the very existence of civil so- 
 ciety should be espoused by you is not only aston- 
 ishing but perfectly inexplicable. {The very in- 
 stant) Whenever those sentiments gain general 
 ground the happiness of America is at an end ; to 
 prevent their spread and to counteract their 
 dreadful consequences demands the unremitted 
 exertions of every friend to his country. 'Tis im- 
 possible for me to conceive how you can wish for a 
 government more free than our present one; for 
 my part it has been my prevailing opinion for 
 three years past that the American people enjoy 
 too much freedom ; the licentiousness of the pub- 
 lic papers amounts to a complete demonstration 
 of the fact, and I sincerely believe, the happiness 
 of the United States will never be secure, 'til a 
 government more firm and energetic is estab- 
 lished. 
 
 16 
 
Belmont 
 
 Pray, Sir, what are your reasons for entertain- 
 ing so despicable an opinion as this? Should it 
 become general (in any extensive degree) mon- 
 archy must be the consequence. 
 
 Grenville 
 
 I will tell you, Sir; the ignorance of the people 
 is great, and their disposition to embrace the 
 means of knowledge is weak and languid. The 
 human passions are excessively fiery and im- 
 petuous; the consequences of this general state 
 of things, together with the want of fin'd habits 
 and an uniform national character are not only 
 incompatible with the perpetuation of a govern- 
 ment of persuasion over the whole United States, 
 but insuperable barriers to its existence for any 
 length of time. 
 
 Belmont 
 
 This is the first time I ever heard the people 
 who have been emphatically stil'd an "impartial 
 and enlightened tribunal" branded with the op- 
 probrious and disgraceful epithet "ignorant"; 
 What! Are the independent freemen of America 
 before whom in point of knowledge the world 
 shrinks back and dreads a comparison to be re- 
 proached for their ignorance? 
 
 Grenville 
 
 Ever since the Revolution the "good sense" and 
 highly "enlightened" situation of "the people" 
 have been the favorite topic of orations and de- 
 
 17 
 
clamations from one end of the continent to the 
 other; yet this same "enlightened tribunal" have 
 exhibited to the world their superlatively pro- 
 found "good sense" by electing to a seat in con- 
 gress the gentleman who first had the honor of 
 being convicted and punish'd for sedition: They 
 have patronis'd the "scape gallowses" of Europe ; 
 have thought it a duty not only to resist but also 
 to excite insurrection against the government 
 chosen by themselves and to clamor against taxes 
 which vv^ere the unavoidable consequences of their 
 disorganizing and iniquitous conduct and in addi- 
 tion to all this, bribery has elevated to high offices 
 many a villain. If these facts and a general 
 diffusion of knowledge throughout the nation are 
 not incompatible, I'll give up the question. 
 
 Belmont 
 
 Two-thirds of what you say, Grenville, is 
 nothing but an infamous, vile, aristocratical fab- 
 rication. Tories and Monarchists are constantly 
 dressing up some scarecrows to prejudice the peo- 
 ple against Republicanism and frighten them into 
 despotism. 
 
 Grenville 
 
 All that I have said is fact (and for the truth 
 of it I appeal to everyone present) and in conse- 
 quence of this conduct our country is on the very 
 brink of anarchy and civil war. 
 
 Belmont 
 On the brink of anarchy and civil war ! There's 
 
 18 
 
no kind of foundation for the supposition ; it is a 
 mere monarchical bugbear, and if you'll trace it 
 up to its source, I'll venture my life you'll find it 
 to be the fabrication of some superstitious bigoted 
 old "priest": The "priests" (particularly those 
 of Connecticut) have been celebrated for their 
 ingenious fabrications, and within a few years 
 their industry has (inundated this country with 
 * * * lies about ghosts, witches and illumi- 
 natical Hobgoblins) thrown into circulation thou- 
 sands of lies, by which means the country is inun- 
 dated with stories of ghosts, witches and Illumi- 
 natical Hobgoblins. 
 
 Grenville 
 
 This, Belmont, is nothing less than the most 
 wilful misrepresentation, and the very circum- 
 stance that half America believes such notorious 
 falsehood proves incontrovertibly their wretched 
 and profound ignorance. 
 
 Belmont 
 
 I have no doubt, Sir, of the fact, for in addition 
 to newspaper paragraphs, fast day sermons and 
 other demonstrative evidence of the fact, we have 
 the testimony of the ingenious, the poetical and 
 the philosophical Barlow, of him who has nobly 
 dar'd in opposition to the bigoted and inquisitorial 
 prejudices of his countrymen, to throw off the 
 shackles of superstition and priestcraft and assert 
 the genuine right of men and conscience. 
 
 Grenville 
 I am perfectly willing to allow the testimony 
 19 
 
of (Joel) sic Barlow its full weight; {for out of 
 the two thousand five hundred who have received 
 their education at this college, mamj have been a 
 disgrace both to themselves and this institution, 
 yet among that numerous body, no name of which 
 I have heard has so many legal 'pretensions to the 
 title of "infamous" as that of Joel Barlow; at the 
 very thought of him Hypocrecy blushes. He 
 has dar'd to curse that religion by proclaiming 
 ivhich he once eani'd his bread! Disappointed 
 in his expectations of office he has vilified the 
 characters whom for the sake of promotion he 
 once extolVd to heaven! Connecticut blushes 
 when compelVd to acknoivledge her apostate son; 
 and Yalensia weeps for having nourish'd with 
 her milk so despicable a monster. From such 
 characters as this, Belmont, you derive ij our irb- 
 formation) but I can inform you from the best 
 authority {that disdains a comparison with 
 yours) that the country is in imminent danger 
 of civil commotions, and in my opinion nothing 
 can prevent them but a more energetic govern- 
 ment. 
 
 Belmont 
 In the year Ninety-eight I was alarm'd for 
 the safety of liberty, but the ground for alarm is 
 now gone ; I then thought that aristocracy would 
 gain the victory: Soon did I then expect to see 
 John Adams roll'd on the "wheels of splendor" 
 over the mangled corpses of his political oppon- 
 ents and his chariot wheels dripping with the 
 sacred blood of Republicans : But thank God ! the 
 
 20 
 
vigorous exertions of the Republican party have 
 defeated and baffled his treasonable machinations : 
 The Ides of March will soon give him leisure to 
 revise his defense of monarchy, and with rapture 
 I anticipate the prostration of aristocratic obstin- 
 acv before the sacred and divine goddess of Re- 
 publicanism : Then will a pure Democratical con- 
 stitution being firmly establish'd on the ruins 
 and complete degradation of aristocracy defy the 
 malignant efforts of Monarchists, old tories and 
 the British faction! 
 
 Grenville 
 
 That there should be difference of opinion on 
 political subjects is ever to be expected and to 
 condemn a man for his opinions when form'd on 
 solid grounds and after mature deliberation is 
 perhaps uncharitable, if not unjust; But when 
 passionate invection is substituted for calm dis- 
 cussion, when the darts of calumny are level'd at 
 the most virtuous characters in existence, and 
 when an agonizing state of jealousy and uncer- 
 tainty usurps the place of confidence and security, 
 I confess I am sick of the liberty which origi- 
 nates and tolerates such a state of things, and 
 'though under the auspices of our present form 
 of government the country has made astonishing 
 progress in arts, sciences and commerce, and 
 though her population and resources have in- 
 creas'd with unexampled rapidity, yet the confu- 
 sion, the clamor and the tumult have been so 
 great, the opposition to every measure of govern- 
 ment has been so extensive, I confess I see no pros- 
 
 21 
 
pect of a peaceable state of things, I therefore ar- 
 dently wish and most devoutly pray for a strong 
 government, a government sufficiently powerful to 
 crush all opposition to the will of the nation. 
 
 Belmont 
 
 That a man of your respectability, Grenville, 
 whom I have ever suppos'd to be warmly at- 
 tached to the principles of Republicanism should 
 now veer about and advance sentiments directly 
 in the teeth of freedom and which tend to the 
 establishment of complete despotism is truly as- 
 tonishing: But notwithstanding your seeming 
 warmth, Grenville, I can't yet believe that you 
 speak your real sentiments. You are only ridi- 
 culing ironically the bugbears of the British fac- 
 tions. 
 
 Grenville 
 
 I utter the genuine sentiments of my heart, 
 and will give you my reasons for entertaining 
 them. I confess that I was once a dupe to the 
 theoretical nonsense of certain Democratical vis- 
 ionaries, but experience has taught me that the 
 picture of democracy is not a true resemblance 
 of the original, and that while she resembles the 
 "painted prostitute" and "whited sepulchre" 
 without, she is full of filthiness and "dead men's 
 bones" within. The Licentious Goddess coquet- 
 tish in her disposition, employs her dupes for her 
 painters, and conscious of her native deformity 
 appears portray'd like the "votary of Venus" in 
 splendid garments. No wonder then that I young 
 
 22 
 
and inexperienc'd, should form prepositions in her 
 favor from the false representations of her delud- 
 ed followers: but I apprehend my delusion will 
 appear less culpable, when it is considered that 
 my ideas were in union with those of my superiors 
 in age and wisdom. I had seen three millions of 
 virtuous freemen actuated by a noble zeal in de- 
 fense of liberty, after having broken the fetters 
 of despotism, form and adopt with little conten- 
 tion, comparatively speaking, a constitution which 
 being an improvement upon all previous systems 
 was for some time the wonder and admiration of 
 the world. 
 
 Although I thought the instrument recognis'd 
 too many "English" principles, and that some of 
 its most energetic parts were not perfectly com- 
 patible with the rights of the "genuine sons of 
 liberty" yet its adoption fill'd me with enthu- 
 siasm: My own vanity arising from the circum- 
 stance that I was a native of America, contributed 
 no doubt to render more vivid the colours of the 
 picture: I then consider'd the prospects of this 
 country uncommonly bright and cheering; I 
 thought the floodgates of happiness were thrown 
 open and a boundless torrent of felicity rushing 
 in upon my country! (Methinks) Methought I 
 then saw Columbia like the rising sun ascending 
 with superior and increasing brilliancy to the 
 zenith of national happiness and glory ! Even the 
 words "United States of America" possess'd a 
 charm that came home to my heart with irresist- 
 ible energy, and excited in my breast the most 
 pleasing and agreeable emotions. My imagination 
 depicted them as a "band of brothers" firmly unit- 
 
 23 
 
ed not only by the circumstance of their having 
 march'd in company to the combat, but by the 
 more powerful ties of consanguinity and the fed- 
 eral compact. In anticipation I saw them, at 
 home free from party spirit and faction, reverenc- 
 ing their rulers, strictly obeying laws enacted by 
 themselves, shutting up the avenues of foreign in- 
 fluence and firmly united in support of laws de- 
 clar'd constitutional by the judiciary and a 
 majority of the nation: — abroad respected and 
 (dreaded) feared by all. Young and ardent, I 
 already saw my country avenging herself on the 
 haughty despots who had ignominiously attempt- 
 ed to crush her in her cradle ; Kings were trembl- 
 ing! thrones were tottering! and the power of 
 monarchs crumbling to dust before the American 
 trident! In short. Sir, if luxuriant harvests had 
 sprung up spontaneously from the "sacred soil of 
 liberty," and in fact, if the air had become nectar 
 and ambrosia, under the influence of the federal 
 constitution, I should not have been astonish'd. 
 This is a faint picture of my anticipations, but 
 so far from being realized it has prov'd diametri- 
 cally opposite to the real state of facts. Although 
 the philanthropist had reason to think that liberty 
 had found a retreat and that American happiness 
 was based on (rocky) a foundation (s) (and) of 
 rock though the country has in fact made aston- 
 ishing improvements, and notwithstanding the 
 circumstance that if united she might safely mock 
 the efforts of the universe, (after the lapse of only 
 thii'teen years) v/e find this same prolific land of 
 liberty torn by parties! Faction has rear'd her 
 disorganizing head ! corruption in our elections is 
 
 24 
 
openly and unblushingly practis'd! The presses 
 from Florida to New Brunswick unceasingly teem 
 with the most deadly and inveterate calumny 
 against the officers of government. Volumes of 
 appeals to the passions of the people and folios of 
 lies are weekly and industriously circulated 
 through every corner of the country. A plan has 
 been systematis'd and brought into operation not 
 only to circulate, but also to perpetuate to distant 
 posterity the disgraceful licentiousness of the 
 present day ! Foreigners who have fled from the 
 gibbet in their own country have not been the 
 least industrious in fabricating and propagating 
 calumny ! Two of the states have manif est'd the 
 most finish'd detestation of the federal govern- 
 ment, and have openly avow'd against it senti- 
 ments of the most deadly hostility. An officer 
 {of) under the constitution has had the hardihood 
 to call on his fellow citizens to resist the "tyran- 
 ny" of the federal government; and to add one 
 more circumstance of degradation the power of 
 the government is inadequate to the prevention 
 of sedition : If the "sea of liberty" is to continue 
 thus "tempestuous," May God grant us "the calm" 
 at least of a limited monarchy. 
 
 Belmont 
 
 (My God!) Can it be that you who in conversa- 
 tion with me, have so open extolFd the characters 
 of those undaunted and patriotic heroes who 
 gloriously effected our emancipation from the 
 chains of a foreign despot, can it be, I say that 
 you are now for crushing our liberties and sur- 
 
 25 
 
rendering them into the hands of a domestic (one) 
 tyrant? Can it possibly be that you wish to see 
 trampled under foot the freedom of your country? 
 and is that maxim of tyrants that "Republican 
 governments cannot be perpetuated" to be veri- 
 fied under our meridian? 
 
 Grenville 
 
 If you think my sentiments favorable to des- 
 potism you very much misconceive them. It is 
 beyond your power to point out a single syllable 
 of mine which conveys that idea. A Limited 
 Monarchy is the kind of government I have in 
 mind when I speak of a strong government. The 
 people of this country at the formation of the con- 
 stitution having previously suffered exceed- 
 ingly from the oppression of the British, and hav- 
 ing but just emancipated themselves from their 
 tyranny were very (excessively) jealous of every- 
 thing British, and of course were exceedingly cau- 
 tious of admitting principles of government recog- 
 nis'd by the English. Owing to this very strong 
 prejudice, they unfortunately omitted in their 
 constitution some principles of the highest and 
 most extensive importance the want of which has 
 been fully elucidated by experience. These I wish 
 to see admitted into our constitution, because, I 
 believe them absolutely requisite to the perpetua- 
 tion of American happiness. 
 
 Belmont 
 
 Grenville, the sole object of your arguments is 
 to bring us back into the arms of England. They 
 
 26 
 
are the arguments of the whole Anglo-monarchic 
 aristocratic junta. But sooner than go back to 
 the tyranny of that imperious nation may earth- 
 quakes and volcanoes bury in undistinguish'd 
 ruin the whole American continent. 
 
 Grenville 
 
 That you, Belmont, should attribute my attach- 
 ment to certain principles admitted by the British 
 to a predilection for that nation does not appear 
 at all extraordinary; 'Tis perfectly consonant to 
 your usual want of candour; But, Sir (despising 
 the provei'h "Can a good thing come out of 
 Nazareth? and) reflecting that a fountain not 
 totally corrupt may produce some pure water, 
 I choose to select what is good from whatever 
 source it may come. I am far, very far, from 
 wishing to invest any or all branches of govern- 
 ment with unlimited power — On the contrary it 
 is my desire that the provinces of the legislative, 
 executive and judicial authorities be kept sepa- 
 rate, that a limited constitution be preserv'd and 
 that the powers of each department be {limited) 
 enclos'd by strong (barriers) fences: Yet (at the 
 same time) the experience of only thirteen years 
 has amply evinc'd that the field of legislation is 
 in some respects too small, and that the powers 
 of the executive on which the strength of gov- 
 ernments principally depend are few and too 
 feeble, it is therefore my desire to extend the 
 limits of the ground on which they act but at the 
 same time to enclose that ground with adaman- 
 tine barriers. 
 
 27 
 
Belmont 
 
 {For my part I cannot) 'Tis impossible for me 
 to conceive how {it is possible for) you {to) can 
 be so completely blinded, so {wound up) envelop'd 
 in your prejudice in favor of tyranny: For my 
 part I have {had) experienced quite {enough) a 
 sufficiency of it under our present constitution 
 and how you can wish for more is perfectly as- 
 tonishing. The aristocrats have more than once 
 {exceeded their constitutional limits though which 
 were already quite too extensive and have there- 
 by) made encroachments on our liberties by ex- 
 ceeding their constitutional limits which of them- 
 selves were quite too extensive. The precedent 
 of constitutional transgression is establish'd and 
 threatens with furious impetuosity to bear away 
 our freedom! But thanks to the industry of 
 "Republicans" there is now a prospect of better 
 times : Soon will the constitution which has been 
 characterise as a "lilliputian tie" become a 
 "lilliputian tie" indeed — It must fall a sacrifice 
 to freedom. Then from its ashes will spring up 
 a system of principles consistent with the "gen- 
 uine rights of freemen." 
 
 Grenville 
 
 Pray, Sir, what kind of system would that be? 
 What kind of constitution do you want? 
 
 Belmont 
 
 I want one completely destitute of those non- 
 sensical aristocratic checks and balances which 
 serve only to clog the operations of government: 
 
 28 
 
Instead of one which speaks only of the rights 
 of rulers and tyrants, I want one which recog- 
 nises not only the rights but the power of the 
 "sovereign people" — one similar to the old con- 
 federation or to some of those constitutions which 
 were form'd for the French republic between the 
 downfall of Monarchy and the establishment of 
 consular despotism. 
 
 Grenville 
 
 You could not have produc'd an example which 
 tends more directly to (establish the truth of) 
 corroborate my opinion. Those constitutions 
 were {certainly the most) beautiful theories {the 
 world has ever seen) ; but they were no more fit 
 for the government of that nation than ships of 
 paper for the purpose of merchandise. Though 
 every part of a constitution should be deem.'d 
 sacred and inviolable, yet the fickleness, the licen- 
 tiousness and the ignorance of that people were 
 so great that their rulers (ivere necessitated) 
 thought it necessary to transgress their constitu- 
 tional limits and in consequence of that trans- 
 gression have exercis'd a tyranny unparallell'd 
 in the annals of despotism; and 'tis remarkable 
 that ever since the abolition of monarchy at which 
 time a very democratical constitution was adopt- 
 ed, they have been verging back through a series 
 of stronger and stronger constitutions to their 
 ancient despotism, and they now have (now) a 
 government, which on account of its energy bids 
 fair to be permanent, (Lawrence enters) 
 and under the influence of which (General) 
 Bounaparte has been able to restore a general 
 
 29 
 
tranquility to the nation and in the space of only 
 two months to shake to its foundations the throne 
 of the German Emperor ! If you wish for another 
 example, I will produce that of Great Britain, 
 Her government is by no means so concentrated 
 as that of France ; Yet under its auspices she has 
 carried the arts and sciences to a very high de- 
 gree of perfection, has render'd her soil [which 
 by nature is (poor) not above mediocrity] produc- 
 tive of everything necessary for the happiness of 
 man, and at the same time has (preserv'd) at- 
 tained the first rank among nations. The (force- 
 able) powerful government of that country places 
 her in a proud situation. She has long been and 
 still continues the mistress of the ocean, and while 
 the independence of other nations has been tram- 
 pled under foot, she has stood firm amid the con- 
 vulsions of falling empires, the only European ref- 
 uge of arts, sciences and everything that dignifies 
 human nature. 
 
 Belmont 
 
 Lawrence! (is not) Does it not excite your 
 warmest indignation (excited when you) to hear 
 an American so warmly advocating the interest 
 of the British? To my unspeakable regret & 
 mortification I find that those (God like) gen- 
 erous sentiments which once actuated the breast 
 of Grenville and prompted him to resist the 
 aggressions of tyranny have quitted their ancient 
 residence: He who once pray'd for the success 
 of republicanism now advcates the cause of 
 desDotism! To me Sir 'tis astonishing that a 
 
 30 
 
man of common sense should attempt to defend 
 even the stronger principles recognis'd by our 
 constitution, much (less) more those of monar- 
 chy; but however surprising, it is but too true; 
 the spirit of liberty {is entirely extinguish' d) 
 throughout New England is completely extin- 
 quish'd; the whole body of the Yankees with a 
 very few exceptions, are bound down by the chains 
 of superstition and priestcraft, and to their ever- 
 lasting dishonor they are using no means to effect 
 their emancipation: and I confess my surprise 
 would not be great, if in one year from this time 
 they should be legislating concerning the estab- 
 lishment of an inquisition: All this rascality 
 originates in the hypocritical brains of those 
 "black coated" bigots with whom this country is 
 inundated. This disgraceful torpor has not yet 
 gain'd extensive ground in the other states, but 
 to prevent it the most vigorous exertions are nec- 
 essary. If we do not preserve alive the sacred 
 flame of liberty fire & fagot will soon assume 
 sovereign & universal dominion. 
 
 Grenville 
 
 Lawrence, you perceive by Belmont's conversa- 
 tion the amazing extent of his prejudices. He 
 has express'd the utmost venom against religion, 
 & during the course of our conversation he has 
 reproach'd for its aristocratical principles that 
 constitution which does not possess sufficient 
 energy for its own protection. This, Lawrence, 
 has been the uniform language of all the op- 
 posers of the present administration. "Federal 
 villainy and ecclesiastical imposture" have been 
 
 31 
 
the darling themes of every disorganizer from 
 Phillip Freneau down to James Lyon: Do you 
 suppose Sir that the peacable & industrious 
 Yankees can sit still and look in silence on such 
 infamous conduct? Ever since the adoption of 
 the federal constitution these wretches with un- 
 ceasing industry have been attempting its over- 
 throw: My wishes are but the consequences of 
 their conduct; though I have been an ardent 
 friend to the constitution & have ever felt myself 
 much interested in its preservation yet when its 
 energy is not sufficient to punish the traiterous 
 disorganizers who have been alienating the affec- 
 tions of the people from the administration & 
 who have calumniated the most God-like charac- 
 ters under heaven & when in fact nothing is 
 sufficiently sacred to escape the most deadly in- 
 vective I confess I wish for a change I wish for a 
 government sufficiently energetic to crush the 
 head of faction & trample into the dust these dis- 
 organising wretches. 
 
 Lawrefice 
 
 Since gentlemen you have severally appeal'd 
 to me as the arbiter of your dispute & since I 
 am well acquainted with your favourite senti- 
 ments I will freely suggest my own. Although 
 I believe gentlemen that you both love your 
 country you will pardon me for saying that you 
 both proceed too far in your favorite schemes. 
 You Mr. Belmont are a disciple in the modern 
 school of republicanism. You are an enthusiast 
 for the rights of the people & for the exclu- 
 sive utility of a pure democracy. Permit me Sir 
 
 32 
 
to say that your scheme is totally impracticable & 
 will ever be so as long as mankind sustain their 
 present character. In proportion as a govern- 
 ment is destitute of physical power, it must de- 
 pend upon public opinion. Unless the public 
 opinion is enlightened by information & directed 
 by virtue, how can it discriminate between good 
 and bad measure? & what motive will induce 
 it to reject the one & embrace the other? Yet 
 you will acknowledge that this intelligence in dis- 
 criminating and this virtue in choosing are the 
 pillars of republicanism. Remove them and the 
 fabric tumbles to the ground. Where then Sir 
 are the nations thus enlighten'd & thus virtu- 
 ous? 
 
 The American nation have probably approx- 
 imated nearer to this ideal perfection than any 
 nation ever did; But Sir cast your eyes over 
 Asia and Africa and you won't find a single spot 
 of earth where your republican ideas will thrive ; 
 they be blasted in the very germ and dwindle 
 into nothing. In Europe the case is not much 
 better. Switzerland and Britain are almost the 
 only countries which exhibit any semblance of 
 national intelligence & virtue; The first of these 
 has drunk so deep of the bitter cup of modem 
 republicanism that she has fallen perhaps never 
 to rise more; and Britain has been compell'd to 
 assume an attitude so warlike & to strenghten the 
 sinews of her government in so extraordinary 
 a manner that it will be long before she will listen 
 to the charm. In our own country then must the 
 experiment be made, if it is made at all. But even 
 here Sir it is my decided opinion that a greater 
 
 33 
 
degree of liberty cannot exist without licentious- 
 ness. No honest man in the United States feels 
 himself at all restrained in his liberty : We attend 
 to our business in perfect security and enjoy the 
 protection of the laws; What greater degree of 
 freedom can be desired? Anything more would 
 certainly impair our personal security & create 
 the very evil which you wish to avoid. You have 
 said Sir that the stronger principles of our con- 
 stitution are indefensible. Was not the present 
 constitution framed to supply the deficiences of 
 the old confederation?* That confederation like 
 a crazy building shook with every blast & 
 threatened to crush with its fall those whom it 
 was rais'd to protect: Will you then revile this 
 constitution for the very excellence of which the 
 other was destitute? The frequent elections of 
 our legislative and executive officers & their 
 ultimate dependence upon the people give us the 
 most perfect security against their encroach- 
 ments. We who made can unmake them and re- 
 duce them at the exporation of their respective 
 periods to the level of citizens. If our constitution 
 possess'd less energy it would grow v/eaker & 
 weaker from constant attacks & at length expire 
 from mere debility. The New England states Sir 
 have been characterise by you as the subjects of 
 priestcraft, political delusion & lethargic torpor. 
 I must be allow'd to say Sir that the veiy intelli- 
 gence &, virtue which I have before mentioned as 
 the sole supports of republicanism have produc'd 
 in New England that dignified calmness which 
 you are pleas'd to style torpor. A very great ma- 
 jority of the people of New England are so en- 
 
 34 
 
lighten'd as to perceive that the constitution and 
 administration of our country are in general the 
 best which human wisdom can devise & they 
 are therefore resolv'd to support them to the last. 
 The people of New England repel with manly in- 
 dignation the charge of delusion and ignorance 
 & you must pardon me Sir for expressing upon 
 this subject that warmth which as a New Eng- 
 lander I shall ever feel when my countrymen are 
 thus wantonly insulted. 
 
 Grenville 
 
 But Mr. Belmont you will certainly concede 
 that the design of government is to promote 
 the happiness of society and experience proves 
 that happiness cannot exist without government; 
 of course the existence of happiness depends on 
 the permanency of government. Hence I argue 
 that every government should be invested with 
 powers adequate to its own protection; other- 
 wise the end for which government was originally 
 instituted cannot be answered. Now experience 
 plainly tells us that our federal government is not 
 sufficiently energetic for its own preservation. 
 The consummate abilities of some of the greatest 
 statesmen the world ever saw have but just 
 rescued from the jaws of death our present form 
 of government: Notwithstanding the utmost 
 stretch of their wisdom it is on the brink of the 
 precipice & anarchy threatens to show her head : 
 What then but total destruction can we expect 
 from the exertions of characters less unexception- 
 able? Hence I deduce the necessity of establish- 
 ing a form of government containing within itself 
 
 35 
 
energy adequate to its preservation, & that form 
 must be a limited monarchy. 
 
 Lawre7ice 
 
 Mr. Grenville I perfectly agree with you in 
 the general principles which you lay down but 
 in your application of them to this country you 
 are unquestionably wrong. The Federal Con- 
 stitution with a few exceptions appears to me 
 to be the very best which human wisdom can de- 
 vise for a country like ours. I do not say that it 
 would be the best for all other countries. Differ- 
 ent states of society require different forms of 
 government, just as the various magnitudes and 
 proportions of human bodies demand correspond- 
 ing magnitudes & proportions in the clothing by 
 which they are covered. You think our constitu- 
 tion deficient in energy: But Sir in what has 
 this deficiency appear'd? The government has 
 crush'd without bloodshed two alarming insurrec- 
 tions, it has extinguish'd a formidable Indian war 
 & still keeps those restless nations in awe by the 
 warlike attitude of our frontiers. It has rais'd 
 almost by magic a respectable navy which has 
 afforded efficient protection to our commerce. The 
 American cannon are at this moment riding on 
 the seas of Europe & the waters of both the In- 
 dies. By the assumption of the debts contracted 
 during the late war public credit is establish'd 
 Sir at this moment superior to that of any other 
 nation. An efficient system of revenue is found — 
 such a system of internal regulations has been 
 adopted as has produc'd an unexampl'd degree of 
 
 36 
 
happiness throughout the nation — Our commerce 
 is commensurate with the glob^ & notwithstand- 
 ing our multiplied hopes from practical depreda- 
 tions every newspaper is fill'd with accounts of 
 arrivals from all parts of the world. Our most 
 retir'd forests on the banks of the Mississippi, the 
 Ohio & the lakes begin to resound with the in- 
 struments of cultivation, & our whole country 
 in her cities, towns, villages, hamlets & farms 
 exhibits incontestible proofs of prosperity and 
 happiness: Such facts Mr. Grenville evince to 
 (every) my mind beyond all controversy the op- 
 erations of an efficient & equitable government. 
 
 Gt'enville 
 
 But notwithstanding this Mr. Lawrence, the 
 administration has been uniformly condemn'd. 
 Invective has been the order of the day: No 
 virtuous & dignified character who has had any 
 share in the government, not even Washington 
 has been able to escape the shafts of calumny; 
 in addition to this in some parts of the United 
 States, a large portion of the people are disgrace- 
 fully ignorant; They are extremely backward to 
 avail themselves of the means of knowledge. This 
 want of information is not compatible with the 
 existence of a free government & can be ren- 
 dered tolerable only under a limited monarchy. 
 (exhibited) (villages) (villages) (hamlets and 
 farms. ) 
 
 Lawrence 
 
 I lament Sir as much as any man the party 
 dissensions which prevail in our country & the 
 
 37 
 
universal calumny of which you so justly com- 
 plain. But as the present rancour of party 
 spirit deriv'd its origin from the peculiar state 
 of the European World I entertain the hope that 
 the fever will before long subside at least in such 
 a degree that it will become tolerable. Calumny 
 is the legitimate offspring of parties; If there- 
 fore there is any ground to hope for the mitigation 
 of party spirit there is the same ground to hope 
 for the cessation of calumny. But Sir freedom of 
 enquiry will always produce variety of opinion 
 & those who adopt similar sentiments will al- 
 v/ays unite until they have f orm'd a party. These 
 parties ever have existed under free governments 
 & ever will exist. Party spirit is the price of 
 liberty & calumny is the price of distinguish'd 
 stations & talents. The most that can be ex- 
 pected in any human society is that the majority 
 will rally round the standard of order & good 
 government. Such has hitherto been the fact in 
 our country & I trust it will continue to be. I 
 acknowledge that ignorance & licentiousness are 
 prevalent in some parts of the union to an alarm- 
 ing degree but the national character in this re- 
 spect is improving & I trust that even now there 
 is so much intelligence and virtue in the great 
 body of the people that they will still support the 
 government of their choice in opposition to every 
 party. 
 
 But Mr. (Belmont) Grenville I cannot without 
 the deepest concern hear you advocate the estab- 
 lishment of a monarchy in this country. I am a 
 federalist and my sentiments are in unison with 
 those of the majority of the people of Nev/ Eng- 
 
 38 
 
land & I solemnly declare to you that I will ever 
 oppose as far as my influence extends the propa- 
 gation of this idea. The people of America Sir 
 are too enlightened & too virtuous either to 
 need or submit to a monarchy. I repeat 
 the sentiment Sir that we have a constitution per- 
 fectly graduated to our state of society. If it was 
 more free in any extensive degree it would go to 
 destruction — If it was more monarchical it would 
 infringe the liberties of the people. In its present 
 form I consider it as applied to this country a 
 masterpiece of human sagacity. — Mr. Grenville 
 since you have spoken so decidedly in favour of 
 monarchy I beg your indulgence while I call your 
 attention for a few moments to this subject. You 
 will acknowledge the English monarchy since the 
 conquest to be as fair an exhibition of the effects 
 of that form of government as any on which his- 
 tory affords. Since that period thirty-four mon- 
 archs have sat on the English throne. Of those 
 15 comprehending in their reigns a period of 320 
 years have been either lawless tyrants trampling 
 on all law and right or so lamentably weak that 
 the kingdom has fallen into all the anarchy of 
 the most dissolute democracy. This period if we 
 deduct the duration of the republic comprehends 
 nearly half of the whole time since the conquest. 
 Of the remaining 19 sovereigns some have pos- 
 sess'd the best intentions but without talents suffi- 
 cient to insure the happiness of their people. 
 Others have been so exclusively attach'd to for- 
 eign countries & foreign alliances as to sacrifice 
 anything to them, & even those who claim our 
 highest admiration exhibit but imperfect models 
 
of that excellence which ought ever to characterise 
 a monarch. Even the memory of the great Elisa- 
 beth is tamish'd with premeditated cruelty, hy- 
 pocrasy & falsehood. My time forbids the proof 
 of these assertions by the production of particular 
 facts, but any person who will read the history of 
 England will find that nation to have been groan- 
 ing under domestic oppression, struggling with 
 anarchy or exhausted by foreign wars during a 
 very great part of its existence. Its court has at 
 most times been the focus of corruption. The idea 
 of the representation of the commons is even at 
 this day little more than a pretense ; & even in the 
 enlighten'd reign of George 2nd Sir Robert Wal- 
 pole was heard to boast that he could purchase any 
 man in the kingdom & always insure a minis- 
 terial majority in the house of Commons. An 
 hereditary monarchy Mr. Grenville must be sup- 
 ported by an hereditary aristocracy; of course a 
 nation must perpetually be in danger of receiv- 
 ing veiy weak or wicked men for its princes & 
 senators. 
 
 For these reasons I am confident the people 
 of our country will never voluntarily submit 
 themselves to a monarchy. I have but one life 
 & that I will most cheerfully sacrifice in defense 
 of the present constitution & in opposition to the 
 claims both of monarchists & disorganizers. I 
 will never consent to see in my county a corrupt 
 court driving in splendor over the necks of the 
 people, nor an ambit (uous) ious demagogue 
 playing the tyrant with the cap of liberty on 
 his head & the olive branch in his hand. These 
 Sir are the sentiments of the great body of New 
 
 40 
 
England people; and their rapid extensive mi- 
 grations to every part of the American empire will 
 essentially contribute to their dissemination, {fu- 
 ture of hatred of regularity and good order. They 
 are fully persuaded that while a general diffusion 
 of learning is the principal pillar of the constitu- 
 tion, the maintenance of the present government 
 will contribute is its promotion & dissemination.) 
 
 Belmont 
 
 Do you think that the poor degraded supposi- 
 tious people of New England are capable of rea- 
 soning thus learnedly on the nature of govern- 
 ment & of devising means for its support? En- 
 chain'd by the fetters of priestcraft instead of 
 diffusing salutary knowledge they inculcate upon 
 the minds of the rising generation sentiments 
 favourable to ecclesiastical domination. The un- 
 bounded influence of the clergy has almost pav'd 
 the way for the introduction of popery and 
 unless the spirit of vigilance is wide awake, we 
 shall ere long be prostrating ourselves on the dust 
 & kissing the feet of some Holy Father. 
 
 Lawrence 
 
 Your indiscriminate abuse of the clergy Mr. 
 Belmont is indicative of a total want of candor 
 and I am sorry to say of great depravity of heart. 
 No class of men in society are better friends to 
 the liberties of the people than the clergy of 
 New England. They are the unceasing advo- 
 cates of science, good order & good morals, & 
 no class of men appears less infected with the de- 
 
 41 
 
moralising ambition of the present day. During 
 those perilous times when the stoutest hearts dis- 
 pair'd of America's success the clergy nobly stood 
 forward & by their tongues & pens stimulated 
 their drooping countrymen to the combat, & to 
 the everlasting honor of the American clergy be 
 it remember'd that no class of men ever em- 
 bark'd in the cause of liberty with more firmness 
 and intrepidity. Since the revolution their pa- 
 triotic exertions have been equally meritorious. 
 But it has not been unusual for men after having 
 render'd to mankind the most important services 
 to meet with ingratitude ! 
 
 Grenville 
 
 The more invective I hear the more I wish for 
 a strong government. History sacred & pro- 
 fane as well as our own short experience pro- 
 claim in language louder than the thunders of 
 heaven, that for turbulent and licentious nations 
 governments of persuasion are no better than 
 scarecrows & fit only for the patriotic & en- 
 lightened citizens of Utopia; & unless we soon 
 adopt an energetic government I expect to see this 
 country plung'd from the precipice on the brink of 
 which she now totters to the depths of infamy & 
 ruin. 
 
 Belmont 
 
 The History of the world from the most ancient 
 times to the present day proves that kings are 
 but friends I shall therefore consider the man 
 who attempts the introduction of monarchy into 
 
 42 
 
this country as a foe not only to the present gen- 
 eration but of millions yet unborn. 
 
 Grenville 
 
 And I shall ever look upon that man who at- 
 tempts to introduce into his country those demor- 
 alising principles that have shaken the founda- 
 tions of civil society and produced incalcuable 
 misery throughout Europe as an assassin not 
 only of those now on the earth but of remotest 
 posterity. 
 
 Lawrence 
 
 Our present government is a mean between 
 monarchy and democracy; it partakes of the 
 evils & advantages of both. The extensive na- 
 tional prosperity which has been the effect of 
 its adoption loudly demands its preservation. 
 Should the violent efforts of parties accomplish 
 its destruction, that event would most certainly 
 produce the triumph of despotism. Liberty which 
 in '75 stimulated the American patriot to die for 
 his country would then be recollected only as a 
 fascinating dream. The aged father would go 
 down to the grave with the most melancholy an- 
 ticipations for the fate of his posterity. The phil- 
 anthropist would drop a tear when reflecting that 
 fetters & chains are the lot of man. Posterity 
 weeping over the tombs of their ancestors would 
 mourn the vanity of human institutions & in 
 their fate perceive the transitoriness of earthly 
 grandor. Republican governments would then be 
 considered as "transient meteors" which excite 
 
 43 
 
the admiration of the world for a few fleeting mo- 
 ments & then disappear. {But gentlemen) To 
 prevent their dismal consequences let us resolve 
 to support our present government, & dismiss 
 our theorising plans of pure democracy and lim- 
 ited monarchy. In either case we should be equal- 
 ly slaves. In the first to the dreadful tyranny of 
 the sovereign people and in the last to the more 
 regular despotism of an individual sovereign & 
 a corrupt court. 
 
 Our constitution with few exceptions is per- 
 haps the best which can be devis'd for our 
 country. If it continues to be administered with 
 virtue firmness & dignity it will grow more solid 
 with the resolution of time. As our unculti- 
 vated regions become populated, an indefinite 
 number of states may be form'd each depending 
 in regular connection upon every other, support- 
 ing & supported. We may then see a mighty 
 empire circumscrib'd within the Mississippi, the 
 lakes & the ocean & those great waters 
 freighted with the produce of every climate. In 
 short Gentlemen if we preserve the constitution 
 inviolate there is no height of national greatness 
 or private felicity to which we may not aspire. 
 Let us then firmly adhere to it in every event & 
 making Washington's valedictory address the 
 guide of our political conduct transmit to poster- 
 ity the invaluable treasure of a constitution ener- 
 getic without tyranny & free without licentious- 
 ness. 
 
 44 
 
L-iL^riMnr ur UUIMUHhSS 
 
 011 782 783 5