v^ •- N°'^ : ^ ,# - \V** t ♦ /l*f 9 LIBRARY OF CONGRESS. I UNITED STATES OF AMERICA ? K^^IKXSS^^SOSCSCSSKSSCSISSISSI * .\< A \i4 cK. *b V" V / V % v^» ' / -^ a^ „/ v* v ^ '%^- : -^ ^ ,0c -f o ,* o r ^ ^ ^ ^ - l-v -^ v 1 8 k - x*' , - o „*• % \* ^ A* A \ v Xi. •3 ^ S A L L U S T, F L o a u s, - ; 1 YEILEIUS PATERCULUS, ICiterallp ^Translate*, TVITH COriOUS NOTES AND A GENERAL INDEX. REV. JOHN SELBY WATSON, H.A., HEAD MASTER OF TEE PROPRIETARY GRAMMAR SCHOOL, STOCKAVET.L. LONDON : HENPvY G. BOHN, YORK STREET, COVENT GARDEN. ..# PREFACE. In this volume are presented English Translations of tht three Roman Historians, Sallust, Elorus, and Yelleius Pa- terculus. "Sallust," an eminent scholar once remarked to me, u it is more easy to dilute than to transmute" It is hoped that in the following pages the reader will find Sallust 5 s Latin transmuted into English without any unnecessary dilution, Some minor liberties have been taken with his expressions, in order to avoid stiffness, and to represent the author fair] in an English dress ; but none inconsistent with a faithfr 1 adherence to his sense. On all difficult or disputed passages the commentators have been carefully consulted. References have been given in the notes, wherever they appeared necessary, as well .to the older critics, of whom Cortius is the chief, as to the more recent, among whom the principal are Gerlach, Kritz, and Diet sch r All the Eragments of Sallust that can be of any inte- rest to the EDglish reader, have been translated: and that nothing might be wanting to render the work complete, versions of the spurious Epistles to Ca3sar, which present a good imitation of Sallust' s style, and of the Declamations which pass under the names of Sallust and Cicero, have been added. The text at first intended to be followed was that of Cor- tius ; but the readings given by later critics appeared often so much better, that they were adopted in- preference ; indeed, the present version approaches nearer to the text of Kritz than to that of any other editor. CONTENTS. .ORTTS, whose work lias come down to us entire, is ren- ;d with similar care and fidelity. The text chiefly fol- ;ed is that of Duker. "What remains of Velleitjs Paterculus, with whom time A as dealt hardly, had been so well translated, in many places, by Baker, that much of his phraseology has been adopted in the present version. The text followed is that of Krause, whose corrections and comments, had they appeared earlier, might have saved Baker from the commission of some extra- ordinarv blunders. J. S. W. CONTEXTS. PAGE Biographical Notice of Sallust v . Florus . xii _ Velleius Paterculus xv Sallust : Conspiracy of Catiline 1 Chronology of the Conspiracy of Catiline . . . 79 The Jugurthine War 82 Chronology of the Jugurthine War . . . . 211 Fragments . 216 Two Epistles to Julius Cjesar, on the Government of the State 250 Pseudo-Sallust's Declamation against Cicero . . .£76 Pseudo-Cicero's Declamation against Sallust . . . . 280 Florus: Book 1 287 II 314 Ill 348 IV 3S9 Velleius Paterculus : Book I 425 II 443 Index 548 BIOGRAPHICAL NOTICE OF SALLUST. Sallust was born at Amiternum, a town in the Sabine territory, on the first of October 1 , in the year six hundred and sixty-six 2 from the foundation of Rome, eighty- seven years before Christ, and in the .seventh consulship of Marius. The name of his father was Caius Sallustius 3 ; that of his mother is unknown. His family was thought by Crinitus, and some others, to have been patrician, but by Gerlach, and most of the later critics, is pro- nounced to have been plebeian, because he held the office of tribune of the people, because he makes observations unfavourable to the nobility in his writings, and because his .grandson, according to Tacitus 4 , was only of equestrian rank. The ingenuity of criticism has been exercised in determining whether his name should be written with a double or single /. Jerome Wolfius 5 , and Gerlach, are in favour of the single letter, depending chiefly on inscriptions, and on the presumption that the name is derived from salus or sal. But inscriptions vary; the etymology of the word is uncertain ; and to derive it from sal would authorise either mode of spelling. All the Latin authors, both in prose and poetry, have the name with the double letter, and it seems better, as Yos- %Ius 6 remarks, to adhere to their practice. Among the Greeks, Dion and Eusebius have the single letter ; in some other writers it is found $6ubled. Another question raised respecting his name, is whether he should be called Sallustius Crispus, or Crispus Sallustius. The latter mode is adopted by Le Clerc, Cortius, Havercamp, and some other critics; but De Brosscs 7 argues conclusively in favour of the former method ; as Sallustius, from its termination, is evidently the name of the family or gens ; and Crispus, which denotes quelgue habitude du corps. only a surname to distinguish one of its branches. Crispus Sal- lustius is found, indeed, in manuscripts ; and, according to Ccrtius, in the best ; but on what reasonable grounds can it be justified? It was 1 Euseb. Chron. 2 Clinton, Fast. Rom. 3 De Brosses, Vie de Sail, § 2 ; Glandorp. Onomast. 4 Ann., iii., 30. 5 Apud Voss. ■ Vit. Sail. 7 Vie de Sail., § 1. VI BIOGRAPHICAL NOTICE OF SALLTJST. perhaps adopted by some copyist from the ode of Horace 1 addressed to Sallust's nephew, and inconsiderately continued by his successors. He was removed .early in life to Rome, that he might be educated under Atteius Praetextatus, a celebrated grammarian of that age, who styled himself Philologus, and who was afterwards tutor to Asinius Pollio 2 . Atteius treated Sallust with very great distinction 3 . He may be supposed to have soon grown conscious of his powers 4 ; and appears at an early period of his life to have devoted Iiimself to study, with an intention to distinguish himself in history 5 . His devotion to literature, however, was not so great as to detain him from indulgence in pleasure ; for he became, if we allow any credit to the old declaimer, infamous, cetatis tirocinio, for debauchery and extravagance. He took possession of his father's house in his father's lifetime, and sold it ; an act by which he brought his father to the grave; and he was twice, for some misconduct, arraigned before the magistrates, and escaped on both occasions only through the perjury of his judges' 5 . When we cite this rhetorician, we must not forget that we cite an anonymous reviler, yet we must suppose with Gerlach, and with JJeisner, the German translator of Sallust, that we quote a writer who grounded his invectives on reports and opinions current at the time in which he lived. Sallust next thought of aspiring to political distinction 7 ; but "the usual method of attaining notice," says De Brosses 8 , "which was to secure friends and clients by pleading the causes of individuals at the bar, he seems not to have adopted ;" since, as is known, no orations spoken by him are in existence, and, as is thought, no mention is made of such orations in any other author. Mention, however, is made of orations of Sallust, at whatever time ; delivered, in the well-known passage of Seneca the rhetorician 9 . When Seneca inquired of Cassius Severus. why he, who was so emineoijM in pleading important causes, displayed so little talent in pronounci' fictitious declamations, the orator replied, Quod in me miraris, pi omnibus evenit, fyc. Orationes Sallustii in honorem historiarum leguntur. " What you think extraordinary in me, is common to all men of ability. ■ The greatest geniuses, to whom I am conscious of my great inferiority, have generally excelled only in one species of composition. The felicity of Virgil in poetry deserted him in prose ; the eloquence of Cicero's orations is not to be found in his verses ; and the speeches of Sallust are read only as a foil to his histories." The speeches which are here i Od., ii., 2, 3. 2 suet, de 111. Gramm., c. 10. 3 Ibid. 4 Pseudo-Sail. Kp. to OfW., i., 10. 6 Cat., c. 4. e Pseudo-Cic. in Sail., c. 5. ' Cat., c. 3. ■ Vie de Sail., c. 3. Praef. in Controv., 1. iii., p. 231, ed. Par. 1607. BIOGRAPHICAL NOTICE OF SALLL'ST. Vll meant, are not, as has been generally imagined, those inserted in the histories, but others, which Sallust had spoken. This view of the pas- sage was first taken by Antonius Augustimis, and communicated by him to Schottus, who mentioned it in his annotations on Se- neca 1 . But by whatever means he secured support, he had at length suffi- cient interest to obtain a qusestorship 2 ; the tenure of which gave him admission into the senate. It would appear that he was about thirty- one years of age when he attained this honour 3 . It must have been about this period that his adventure with Fausta, the daughter of Sylla and wife of Milo, occurred, of which a short account is given by Aulus Gellius 4 in an extract from Yarro. The English reader may take it in the version of Beloe: " Marcus Yarro, a man of great authority and weight in his writings and life, in his publication entitled ' Pius, 5 or ' De Pace,' records that Caius Sallust, the author of that grave and serious composition, (serice illius et severce orationis,) in which he has exercised the severity of the censorial office, in taking cognisance of crimes, being taken by Annseus Milo in adultery, was well scourged, and, after paying a sum of money, dismissed." The same story is told, on the authority of Asconius Pedianus the bio- grapher of Sallust, by Aero and Porphyrio, the scholiasts on Horace, who, they think, had it in his min d when he wrote the words, Illeflagellis ad mortem ccesus 5 . Servius, also, in his note on Quique ob adulter ium ccEsi, in the sixth book of the iEneid 6 , tells a like tale, adding that Sallust entered the house in the habit of a slave, and was caught in that disguise by Milo. Such being the case, it is not wonderful that when Sallust entered on his tribuneship of the people, to which he was elected in the year of the city seven hundred, he seized an opportunity which occurred of being revenged on Milo, who had shortly before killed Clodius. He joined with his colleagues, Pompeius Rufus and Plancus, in inflaming the populace, and charging Milo with premeditated hostility 7 . They inti- midated Cicero, Milo's advocate, insinuating that he had planned the assassination 8 ; and the matter ended in Milo's banishment 9 . During | the progress of the trial, however, it is said that Sallust abated his 1 hostility to Milo and Cicero, and even became friendly with them 10 . How this reconciliation was effected, does not appear; but it seems certain that Cicero, when he attacked Plancus. Sallust's colleague, for exciting the populace to turbulence, left Sallust himself unmolested 11 . 1 P. 234, ed. Par. 1607. * p SGlu lo-Cic., in Sail., c. 0. 3 Adam's Piom. Antiquities, p. 4. 4 xvii 18. a Sat., i., 2, 41. ■ Ver. 612. 7 Ascon. Pedian. in Cic. Orat. pro Milo., c. 17; Cic. MO., c. 5. 8 Ascon. Pedian. in Cic. Mil., c. 18. 9 Dion. Cap., lib. xl. 10 Ascon. Ped., ubi supra. » Ascon. Ped. in Cic. Mil., c. 35. Vlll BIOGRAPHICAL KOTICE OF SALLUST. Unmolested, however, he did not long remain ; for in the year of the city seven hundred and four, in the censorship of Appius Claudius Pulcher and Lucius Calpurnius Piso, Appius, actuated by two motives, one of which was to serve Pompey, by excluding from the senate such as were hostile to him 1 , and the other to throw into the shade his own private irregularities by an ostentatious discharge of his public duties 2 , expelled Sallust from the senate on pretence that he was a flagrantly immoral character 3 . But Appius, by this proceeding, instead of serving Pompey, served Caesar; for many who had previously been favourable to Pompey, or had continued neutral, betook themselves immediately to Caesar's camp; in the number of whom was Sallust 4 . His attendance on Caesar did not go unrewarded; for when Ceesar returned from Spain, after his victory over Afranius and Petreius, he restored Sallust, with others under similar circumstances 5 , to his seat in the senate; and as it was not usual for a senator, who had been degraded from his rank, to be reinstated in it without being at the same time elected to an office, he was again made quaestor 6 , or, as Dion thinks, praetor. He was then intrusted with some military command, and sent into Illyria, where, as Orosius 7 states, he was one of those that were defeated by the Pompeian leaders Octavius and Libo. Afterwards, when the war in Egypt and Asia was finished, but while the remains of Pompey 's army, headed by Scipio and Cato, were still menacing hostilities in Africa, Sallust, with the title of praetor, was dircted to conduct against them a body of troops from Campania 8 . But Sallust was intrusted with more than he was able to perform. The soldiers mutinied on the coast, compelled him to flee, and hur- ried away to Rome, putting to death two senators in their way. It was on this occasion that Caesar humbled them by addressing them as Quirites instead of commilitones 9 . Sallust was then reinstated in command, and was sent, during the African war, to the island of Cercina, to bring off a quantity of corn that had been deposited there by the enemy ; a commission which he successfully executed 10 . Whether he performed any other service for Caesar in this war, we have no account; but Caesar, when it was ended, thought him a person of such consequence, that he gave him the government of Nu- 1 Dion. Cap., xl., 63. 2 Cic. Ep. ad Fam., viii., 14. 3 Dion., ib. 4 Pseudo-Cic. in Sail., c. 6. Gerlach, Vit. Sail., p. 7. 5 Suet. J. Cses., c. 41. « p S eudo-Cic, c. 6, 8. 7 Lib. vi. 15. Gerlach, Vit. Sail., p. 7. 8 Dion. Cass., xlii., 52. 9 Dion., ib. Appian. B. C, ii., 92. Plut. in Coos. Suet. J. Caes., e. 10. 10 Hirt. B. A., c. 8, 24. BIOGRAPHICAL NOTICE OF SALLTJST. IX midia, with the title of pro-consul. " He received the province from Caesar," says Dion, " nominally to govern it, but in reality to ravage and plunder it." Whether such was Caesar's intention or not, it is generally believed that he enriched himself by the spoil of it to the greatest possible extent 1 . When his term of office, which seems to have been only a year, was expired, he "appeared at Rome," says the declaimer, "like a man enriched in a dream." But the Numidians followed him, and accused him of extortion ; a charge from which he was only acquitted through the interposition of Caesar 2 , to whom he is said to have presented a bribe 3 . The trial had not been long concluded when Caesar was assassinated, and Sallust, being thus deprived of his patron, seems to have with- drawn entirely from public life. He purchased a large tract of ground on the Quirinal hill, where he erected a splendid mansion, and laid out those magnificent gardens of which so much has been related, Their extent must have been vast, if De Brosses, who visited the spot in 1739. obtained any just notion of it 4 . But some have thought them much smaller. He had also a country-house at Tibur, which had belo nged to Julius Caesar 5 . It was during this period of retirement, as is supposed, that he married Terentia, the divorced wife of Cicero, if, indeed, he married her at all; for their union rests on no very strong testimony 6 . It was at this time, too, it would appear, that he commenced the composition of history, with a view to the perpetuation of his name; for he entered on it, he says, when his mind was free from " hope, fear, or political partisanship 7 ;" and to no other time of his life are such ex- pressions applicable. Dion seems to have supposed that he appeared as a historian before he went to Numidia, but is in all probability mistaken. Sallust died on the thirteenth of May, in the year of the city seven hundred and eighteen, in the fifty- second year of his age s , leaving his grand-nephew, Caius Sallustius Crispus, whom want of children had induced him to adopt, heir to all his possessions. His gardens, some years after his death, became imperial property 9 . Such were the events, as far as we learn, of the life of Sallust ; and such is the notion which the voice of antiquity teaches us to form of 1 Dion., xliii, 9. Pseudo-Cic, c. 7. 2 Dion., xliii., 9. s Pseudo-Cic, c. 7. 4 De Brosses, (Euv. de Sail., vol. iii., p. 363. 5 Pseudo-Cic, c. 7. ! - Hieronym. adv. Jovin., i., 48. Gerlach, vol. ii., p. 8. De Brosses, torn, iii., p. 355. Le Clerc, Vit. Sail. 7 Cat., c 4. s Enseb. Chron. Clinton, Fasti. 9 See De Brosses, torn, iii., p. 368. X BI0GEAPH1CAL NOTICE OF SALLUST. his moral character. In modern times, some attempts have been made to prove that he was less vicious than he was anciently represented. Among those who have attempted to clear him of the charges usually brought against him, are Miiller 1 , Wieland 2 , and Roos 3 ; who are strenu- ously opposed by Gerlach 4 and Loebell 5 . The points on which his cham- pions chiefly endeavour to defend him, are the adventure with Fausta, and the spoliation of Numidia. Of the three, Miiller is the most enterprising. With regard to the affair of Fausta, he sets himself boldly to impugn the authority of Varro or Gellius, on which it chiefly rests ; and his reasoning is as follows : That such writers as Gellius are not always to be trusted; that Gellius often quoted from memory; that he cites older authors on the testimony of later authors; that he speaks of Varro, fide homo multa et gravis, as if he were a contempo- rary that needed commendation, not the well-known Yarro whose character was established; 'that the Varro of Gellius may therefore be a later Varro, whose book, a Pius," or "De Pace," may have been about Antoninus Pius, under whom Gellius lived, and who may have been utterly mistaken in what he said of Sallust ; and that, conse- quently, the passage in Gellius is to be suspected. Respecting the plunder of Numidia, his arguments are, that the province was given to Sallust to spoil, not for himself, but for Caesar; that of the money obtained from it, the chief part was given to Caesar; and that, conse- quently, Caesar, not Sallust, is to bear the blame for what was done. But such conjectures produce no more impression on the mind of a reader than Walpole's " Historic Doubts" concerning Richard the Third. They suggest something that may have been, but bring no proof of what actually was; they may be allowed to be ingenious, but the general voice of history is still believed. To all Muller's suggestions Gerlach exclaims, Credat Judceus ! Were there, in the pages of anti- quity, a single record or remark favourable to the moral character of Sallust, there would then be a point oVappui from which to commence an attack on what is said against him ; but the case, alas ! is exactly the reverse ; wherever Sallust is characterised as a man, he is charac- terised unfavourably. — His writings consisted of his narratives of the Conspiracy of Catiline and the War with Jugurtha, and of a History of Rome in five books, extending from the death of Sylla to the beginning of the Mithridatic war. The Catiline and Jugurtha have reached us entire; but of the History there now remain only four speeches, two letters, and a number of smaller fragments preserved among the grammarians. 1 C. Sallustius Crispus, Leipzig, 1817. 2 Ad. Hor. Sat., i., 2, 48. 3 Einige Bemerk. ub. den Moral Char, des Sallust. Prog. Giesse?i,, 1788, 4to. See Frotscher's note on Le Clerc's Life of Sail., init. Vit. Sail., p. 9, seq. 5 Zur Beurtheilung des Sail., Breslau, 1818. BIOGEAPHICAL NOTICE OF SALLTJST. XI That he was not the author of the Epistles to Caesar, the reader will find satisfactorily shown in the remarks prefixed to the translation of them in the present volume. ... Sallust is supposed to have formed his style on that of Thucydides 1 ; I but he has far excelled his model, if not in energy, certainly in con- ciseness and perspicuity of expression. " The speeches of Thu- cydides," says Cicero 2 , "contain so many dark and intricate passages, that they are scarcely understood." No such complaint can be made of any part of the writings of Sallust. " From any sentence in Thu- cydides," says Seneca the rhetorician 3 , " however remarkable for its conciseness, if a word or two be taken away, the sense will remain, it not equally ornate, yet equally entire ; but from the periods of Sallust nothing can be deducted without detriment to the meaning." Apud §n±ditas aures, says Quintilian 4 , nihil potest esse perfectius. ]/ ±ne defects of his style are, that he wants the Jiumen orationis so much admired in Livy and Herodotus 3 ; that his transitions are often abrupt ; and that he too much affects antique phraseology 6 . But no writer can combine qualities that are incompatible. He is justly preferred by Quintilian 7 to Livy, and well merits the praise given him by Tacitus 8 and Martial 9 , of being rerum Romanarumflorentissimus auctor, and Romand primus in historid . Of the numerous editions of Sallust, that of Cortius, which appeared at Leipsic in 1724, and has been often reprinted, long indisputably held the first rank. But Cortius, as an editor, was somewhat too fond of expelling from his text all words that he could possibly pro- nounce superfluous; and succeeding editors, as Gerlach, (Basil. 1823,) Kritz, (Leipsic, 1834,) and Dietsch, (Leipsic, 1846,) have judiciously restored many words that he had discarded, and produced texts more acceptable in many respects to the generality of students. Sallust has been many times translated into English. The versions most deserving of notice are those of Gordon, (1744,) Rose, (1751,) Murphy, (1807,) and Peacock, (1845). Gordon has vigour, but wants polish; Rose is close and faithful, but often dry and hard; Murphy is sprightly, but verbose and licentious, qualities in which his admirer, Sir Henry Steuart, (1806,) went audaciously beyond him; Mr. Pea- cock's translation is equally faithful with that of Rose, and far exceeds it in general ease and agreeableness of style. * Veil. Pat, ii., 36. 2 Oat, c. 9. 3 Controvers., iv., 24. 4 Inst Or., x., 1. 5 Monboddo, Origin and Prog, of Language, vol. ii., p. 200. fi Quint. Inst. Or., viii., 3. 7 Inst. Or., ii., 5. 8 Ann., iii., 30. 9 xiv., 191. BIOGRAPHICAL NOTICE OF FLORUS. Concerning Moras scarcely anything is known. That he lived in the reign of Trajan is apparent from the end of his Preface, where he says that the Roman empire sub Trojano principe movet lacertos, " raises its arms under the emperor Trajan." He there reckons, according to the common reading, CC years from the reign of Augustus to his own times, but as the period between the reign of Augustus and the end of that of Trajan included only CXLIII years, Vossius 1 is of opinion that we ought to read CL. The same critic, following Salmasius, supposes that he survived Trajan, and that he is the Florus to whom Spartianus alludes in his life of Hadrian, Trajan's successor. But the identity of the two is ex- tremely uncertain. Indeed, it has been doubted whether the author of the Erjitome has any right to the name of Floras, for in some manuscripts he is called only Lucius Annaeus, and Lactantius was accordingly dis- posed to attribute the work to Lucius Annaeus Seneca, the philosopher. But Salmasius 2 , in a manuscript of great accuracy, which he considered to be more than eight hundred years old, found the name written Lucius Annceus Florus, and Florus he will probably continue to be called. From his name Annaeus, he is generally supposed to have been a native of Spain, and of the same descent as Seneca and Lucan 3 . In commencing his work, he seems to have purposed to write as a foreigner; for through the whole of the first book he makes no use of the pro- nouns nos and noster, which appear for the first time in the second chapter of the second book. As a historian, he is of little authoritv. His work, it has been ob- 1 De Historicis Latinis. 2 Pref. to Florus. 3 Bunr. ad Quintil., x., 3. BIOGEAPHICAL NOTICE OF FLOBUS. Xlll served, is rather a panegyric on the Romans, than an accurate history of their actions. "He commits," says Rupertus 1 , "many a meta- chronism, and many a prochronism." His geography is not much better than his chronology. He seems to have been far more studious about his style than his matter. His style is, indeed, far too much studied. It is all floridity and affectation, and can please no reader of good taste. There is in it, as has been remarked 2 , a poetical tumour, of which a judicious historian ; would be ashamed. His pages are full of laboured conceits, such as all : students, ambitious of a good style, must avoid. He is childishly fond ■ of parenthetical exclamations, as, O nefas ! O pudor ! Horribile dictu I which can be regarded only with derision. His love of brevity has ren- dered his meaning sometimes obscure. Were a person to come to the perusal of Florus, without having previously learned anything of Roman history, he would be sadly puzzled to ascertain his meaning in many places. Of his conceits the following are specimens. When he relates the prodigy of the statue of Apollo perspiring at Cumse, he says that the exsudation proceeded from the concern of the god for his dear Asia 3 . When he speaks of the head of Cicero being set on the Rostra, he ob- serves that the people went to see him in no smaller numbers than they ? had previously gone to hear him 4 . When he describes the large ships of Antony, he remarks that they moved not without groaning on the part of the sea, and fatigue on that of the winds 3 . When he states that Caesar returned from Britain over a calm sea, he adds that the ocean seemed to acknowledge itself unequal to cope with him 6 . When he tells of Fabius Maximus attacking the enemy from a higher ground, he says that the aspect of the battle was as if weapons had been hurled on giants from the sky 7 . When he mentions that the Gauls were con- stant enemies of Rome, he speaks of them as a whetstone on which the Romans might sharpen their swords 8 . Abundance of other examples might be given, but something of the exquisiteness of the conceits is lost in a translation. Of his character as a man nothing can be gathered from his writings, except that he was not free from superstition 9 . Whether he was the author of the arguments to the books of Livy, which are printed with his History in some editions, it would be useless to attempt to discover. Translations of Florus are not numerous. In English I have seen 1 Ad Flori Prooera., init. 2 Rupert, ad Flor., i., 13, 17. 3 Lib. ii., c. 8. 4 Lib. iv., c. 7. 5 Lib. iv., c. 11. 6 Lib. iii., c. 10. 7 Lib. i., c. 17. 8 Lib. ii, c. 3. 9 Lib. iv., c. 2., Jin. atque alibi. XIV BIOGKAPHICAL NOTICE OF FLOftTJS. three; an anonymous one, printed at Oxford in 1636, which was full of mistakes, but was afterwards revised by Meric Casaubon, and re- printed in 1658; another by John Davies, published in 1672, which is neither very faithful to the sense, nor elegant in language, even for the time at which it was written; and a third by John Clarke, the trans- lator of Suetonius and other Latin authors, which is sufficiently true to the sense, but utterly contemptible in style- BIOGRAPHICAL NOTICE OF CAIUS VELLEIUS PATERCULITS. Of Velleius Paterculus, as of Floras, we obtain no information but from his own pages. He is not even named, as far as we know, by any ancient writer, unless he be the Marcus Yelleius, from whom Priscian quotes a few words in his sixth book; for what his praenomenwas is not at all certain; since Ehenanus, who published the editio princeps from the only manuscript which was then extant, and which has since been lost, calls him Caius in his title, and Publius in his index. The year of his birth is uncertain, but he is conjectured by Dodwell to have been born in the seven hundred and thirty -fifth year from the foundation of Rome, or the nineteenth before Christ ; the same year in which Virgil died. He was of an equestrian family in Campania, one of the distinguished members of which was Decius Magius 1 , who adhered to the Romans in the second Punic war. His grandfather served in the army, under Brutus and Cassius, and afterwards under Claudius Kero, as prqfectus fabrum, captain of the artificers or engineers 2 . His father, whom he does not name, was prsefect of cavalry; an office in which his son suc- ceeded him, and served for nine years under Tiberius Cassar in Ger- many 3 . He had previously been a military tribune 4 , and was after- wards quaestor 5 and praetor 6 . He wrote his book, in or after the year a.u.c. 783, when Marcus Vinicius, to whom he dedicates it, was consul. He composed it in great haste, being hurried on, he says, with the rapidity of a wheel or torrent 7 ; but the cause of such haste does not appear. It is called by his editors a Roman History, but the fragment of the first book shows that it also contained a large portion of the History of Greece. The manuscript of his work, which I have mentioned above, was found by Rhenanus in the convent of Murbach in Alsace; a collation of it, appended to the 1 Veil. Tat., ii., 16. 2 ii., 76. 3 ii., 104. 4 ii., 101. 5 ii., 111. 6 ii., 124. 7 i., 16. XVI NOTICE OF CAIUS YELLEIUS PATERCULUS. edition of 1546, was made by Burer before it was returned to the con- vent 1 . He intended to write a larger history 2 , but whether he executed his intention is unknown. His philosophical tenets seem to have been, or to have resembled, those of Epicurus 3 . The time of his death is uncertain; but Lipsius conjectures that he may have been involved in the ruin of Sejanus, to whom he seems to have attached himself, and whom, as well as Tiberius, he is censured for having grossly flattered. His flattery, however, seems to have con- sisted rather in concealing their faults, than in attributing to them imaginary virtues. His style is animated and energetic, but rough and unpolished ; his sentences are too long, and often clogged with parentheses. He has twice before been translated into English; by New comb, 1721, a rude and unfaithful version ; and by Baker, 1814, a performance resembling in style the Livy of the same writer. i Krause, p. 48, 49. 2 ii., 48, 96, 99, atque alibi 3 ii., 66, 123. CONSPIRACY OF CATILINE. THE ARGUMENT. The Introduction, I. — IV. The character of Catiline, V. Virtues of the ancient Romans, VI. — IX. Degeneracy of their posterity, X. — XIII. Cati- line's associates and supporters, and the arts by which he collected them, XIV. His crimes and wretchedness, XV. His tuition of his accomplices, and resolu- tion to subvert the government, XVI. His convocation of the conspirators, and their names, XVII. His concern in a former conspiracy, XVIII., XIX. Speech to the conspirators, XX. His promises to them, XXI. His sup- posed ceremony to unite them, XXII. His designs discovered by Fulvia, XXIII. His alarm on the election of Cicero to the consulship, and his design in engaging women in his cause, XXIV. His accomplice, Sempronia, charac- terised, XXV. His ambition of the consulship, his plot to assassinate Cicero, and his disappointment in both, XXVI. His mission of Manlius into Etruria, and his second convention of the conspirators, XXVII. His second attempt to kill Cicero; his directions to Manlius well observed, XXVIIt. His machi- nations induce the Senate to confer extraordinary power on the consuls, XXIX. His proceedings are opposed by various precautions, XXX. His effrontery in the Senate, XXXI. He sets out for Etruria, XXXII. His accomplice, Man- lius, sends a deputation to Marcius, XXXIII. His representations to various respectable characters, XXXIV. His letter to Catulus, XXXV. His arrival at Manlius's camp ; he is declared an enemy by the Senate ; his adherents con- tinue faithful and resolute, XXXVI. The discontent and disaffection of the populace in Rome, XXXVII. The old contentions between the patricians and plebeians, XXXVIII. The effect which a victory of Catiline would have produced, XXXIX. The Allobroges are solicited to engage in the con- spiracy, XL. They discover it to Cicero, XLI. The incaution of Catiline's accomplices in Gaul and Italy, XLII. The plans of his adherents at Rome, XLIII. The Allobroges succeed in obtaining proofs of the conspirators' guilt, XLIV. The Allobroges and Volturcius are arrested by the contrivance of Cicero, XLV. The principal conspirators at Rome are brought before the Senate, XL VI. The evidence against them, and their consignment to cus- tody, XL VII. The alteration in the minds of the populace, and the sus- picions entertained against Crassus, XL VIII. The attempts of Catulus and Piso to criminate Caesar, XLIX. " The plans of Lentulus and Cethegus for their rescue, and the deliberations of the Senate, L. The speech of Caesar on the mode of punishing the conspirators, LI. The speech of Cato on the same subject, LII. The condemnation of the prisoners ; the causes of Roman great- B i SALLTTST. ness, LIII. Parallel between Csesar and Cato, LIV. The execution of the criminals, LV. Catiline's warlike preparations in Etruria, LVI. He is com- pelled by Metellus and Antonius to hazard an action, LVII. His exhortation to his men, LVIII. His arrangements, and those of his opponents, for the battle, LIX. His bravery, defeat, and death, LX., LXI. I. It becomes all men, who desire to excel other animals 1 , to strive, to the utmost of their power 2 , not to pass through life in obscurity 3 , like the beasts of the field 4 , which nature has formed grovelling 5 and subservient to appetite. 1 I. Desire to excel other animals] Sese student prcestare cceteris animalibus. The pronoun, which was usually omitted, is, says Cortius, not without its force ; for it is equivalent to ut ipsi: student ut ipsi prcestent. In support of his opinion he quotes, with other passages, Plaut. Asinar. i., 3, 31 : Vult piacere sese arnica?, i. e.vult ut ipse amicce placeat ; and Ccelius Antipater apudFestum in " Topper:" Ita uti sese quisque vobis studeat asmulari, i. e. studeat ut ipse cemuletur. This explanation is approved by Bernouf. Cortius might have added Cat. 7 : sese quisque hostem ferire—properabat. " Student," Cortius interprets by " cu- piunt," 2 To the utmost of their power] Summd ope, with their utmost ability. " A Sallustian mode of expression. Cicero would have said summd opera, summo studio, summd contentione. Ennius has ' Summa nituntur opum vV " Colerus. 3 In obscurity] Silentio. So as to have nothing said of them, either during their lives or at their death. So in c. 2 : Eorum ego vitam mortemque juxta cestumo, quoniam de utrdque siletur. When Ovid says, Bene qui latuit, bene vixit, and Horace, Nee vixit male, qui vivens moriensquefefellit, they merely sig- nify that he has some comfort in life, who, in ignoble obscurity, escapes trouble and censure. But men thus undistinguished are, in the estimation of Sallust, little superior to the brute creation. " Optimus quisque," says Muretus, quoting Cicero, " honoris et glorise studio maxime ducitur ;" the ablest men are most ac- tuated by the desire of honour and glory, and are more solicitous about the cha- racter which they will bear among posterity. With reason, therefore, does Pallas, in the Odyssey, address the following exhortation to Telemachus : " Hast thou not heard how young Orestes, fiVd With great revenge, immortal praise acquir'd ? * * * * * greatly bless'd with ev'ry blooming grace, With equal steps the paths of glory trace ! Join to that royal youth's your rival name, And shine eternal in the sphere of fame." 4 Like the beasts of the field]. Veluti pecora. Many translators have rendered pecora " brutes " or " beasts ;" pecus, however, does not mean brutes in genera], but answers to our English word cattle. 5 Grovelling] Prona. I have adopted grovelling from Mair's old translation. co:n t spieacy of catiline. 6 • All our power is situate in the mind and in the body 1 . Of the mind we rather employ the government 2 ; of the hody, Pronus, stoopiDg to the earth, is applied to cattle, in opposition to erectus, which is applied to man ; as in the following lines of Ovid, Met. i., 76 : "Pronaque cum spectent animalia csetera terram, Os homini snblime dedit, ccelumque tueri Jussit, et erectos ad sidera tollere vultus." u while the mute creation downward bend Their sight, and to their earthly mother tend, Man looks aloft, and with erected eyes Beholds his own hereditary skies." Dry den. Which Milton (Par. L. vii., 502) has paraphrased : " There wanted yet the master-work, the end Of all yet done ; a creature, who not prone And brute as other creatures, but endued With sanctity of reason, might erect His stature, and upright with front serene Govern the rest, self-knowing, and from thence Magnanimous to correspond with heaven." So Silius Italicus, xv., 84 : " Nonne vides hominum ut celsos ad sidera vultus Sustulerit Deus, et sublimia finxerit ora, Ciim pecudes, volucrumque genus, formasque ferarum, Segnem atque obsccenam passim stravisset in alvum." " See'st thou not how the Deity has rais'd The countenance of man erect to heav'n, Gazing sublime, while prone to earth he bent Th' inferior tribes, reptiles, and pasturing herds, And beasts of prey, to appetite enslav'd?" 41 When Nature," says Cicero de Legg. i., 9, " had made other animals abject, and consigned them to the pastures, she made man alone upright, and raised him to the contemplation of heaven, as of his birthplace and former abode ;" a passage which Dryden seems to have had in his mind when he translated the lines of Ovid cited above. Let us add Juvenal, xv., 146 : " Sensum a ccelesti demissum traximus arce, Cujus egent prona et terram spectantia." " To us is reason giv'n, of heav'nly birth, Denied to beasts, that prone regard the earth." 1 All our power is situate in the mind and in the body] Sed omnis nostra vis in animo et corpore sita. All our power is placed, or consists, in our mind and our body. The particle sed, which is merely a connective, answering to the Greek Se, and which would be useless in an English translation, I have omitted. 2 Of the mind we — employ the government] Animi imperio — utimur. " Wiiat the Deity is in the universe, the mind is in man ; what matter is to the universe, the body is to us ; let the worse, therefore, serve the better." — Sen. Epist. lxv. b2 4 SALLUST. the service 1 . The one is common to us with the gods ; the other with the brutes. It appears to me, therefore, more reasonable 2 to pursue glory by means of the intellect than of bodily strength, and, since the life which we enjoy is short, to make the remembrance of us as lasting as possible. For the glory of w r ealth and beauty is fleeting and perishable ; that of intellectual power is illustrious and immortal 3 . Yet it was long a subject of dispute among mankind, Dux et imperator vitce mortalium animus est, the mind is the guide and ruler of the life of mortals. — Jug. c. 1. " An animal consists of mind and body,, of which the one is formed by nature to rule, and the other to obey." — Aristot. Polit. i., 5. Muretus and Graswinckel will supply abundance of similar passages. 1 Of the mind we rather employ the government; of the body, the service] Animi imperio, corporis servitio, magis utimur. The word magis is not to be re- garded as useless. " It signifies," says Cortius, u that the mind rules, and the body obeys, in general, and with greater reason." At certain times the body may seem to have the mastery, as when we are under the irresistible influence of hunger or thirst. 2 It appears tome, therefore, more reasonable, <$-c] Quo mihi rectius videtur, $c. I have rendered quo by therefore. " Quo" observes Cortius, " is propter quod, with the proper force of the ablative case. So Jug. c. 84: Quo mihi acrius adnitendum est, &c. ; c. 2, Quo magis pravitas eorum admiranda est. Some expositors would force us to believe that these ablatives are inseparably con- nected with the comparative degree, as in quo minus, eo major, and similar ex- pressions; whereas common sense shows that they cannot be so connected. ,, Kritzius is one of those who interprets in the way to which Cortius alludes, as if the drift of the passage were, Quanto magis animus corpori pr&stat, tanto rectius ingenii opibus gloriam qucerere. But most of the commentators and translators rightly follow Cortius. " Quo" says Pappaur, " is for quocirca" 3 That of intellectual power is illustrious and immortal] Virtus clara ccter- naque habetur. The only one of our English translators who has given the right sense of virtus in this passage, is Sir Henry Steuart, who was guided to it by the Abbe Thy von and M. Beauzee. " It appears somewhat singular," says Sir Henry, " that none of the numerous translators of Sallust, whether among ourselves or among foreign nations — the Abbe Thy von and M. Beauzee excepted — have thought of giving to the word virtus, in this place, what so obviously is the meaning in- tended by the historian ; namely, ' genius, ability, distinguished talents.' Indeed, the whole tenor of the passage, as well as the scope of the context, leaves no room to doubt the fact. The main objects of comparison, throughout the three first sections of this Procemium, or introductory discourse, are not vice and virtue, but body and mind ; a listless indolence, and a vigorous, honourable activity. On this account it is pretty evident, that by virtus Sallust could never mean the Greek aperrj, ' virtue or moral worth,' but that he had in his eye the well- known interpretation of Varro, who considers it ut virivis (De Ling. Lat. iv.), as denoting the useful energy which ennobles a man, and should chiefly distinguish him among his fellow-creatures. In order to be convinced of the justice of this CO^SPIKACY OP CATILINE. 5 whether military efforts were more advanced by strength of body, or by force of intellect. For, in affairs of war, it is necessary to plan before beginning to act 1 , and, after planning, to act with promptitude and vigour 2 . Thus, each 3 being in- sufficient of itself, the one requires the assistance of the other 4 . II. In early times, accordingly, kings (for that was the first title of sovereignty in the world) applied themselves in different ways 5 ; some exercised the mind, others the body. At that period, however 6 , the life of man was passed with- out covetousness 7 ; every one was satisfied with his own. rendering, we need only turn to another passage of our author, in the second section of the Prooemiuin to the Jugar thine War, where the same train of thought is again pursued, although he gives it somewhat a different turn in the piece last mentioned. The object, notwithstanding, of both these Dissertations is to illus- trate, in a striking manner, the pre-eminence of the mind over extrinsic advan- tages or bodily endowments, and to show that it is by genius alone that we may aspire to a reputation which shall never die. Igitur prceclara fogies, magnce diviticE, adhuc vis corporis, et alia hvjusmodi omnia, brevi dilabuntur : at ingenii egregiaf acinar a, sicut anima, immoi'talia sunt" 1 It is necessary to plan before beginning to act] Priusauam incipias, con- sulto—opus est. Most translators have rendered consulto " deliberation," or something equivalent ; but it is planning or contrivance that is signified. De- mosthenes, in his Oration de Pace, reproaches the Athenians with acting without any settled plan: c Ot fxtv yap SXXol rrdvres avOpcuTToi irpb rwv Trpayfidrcov iidoBa&i xprio-Bai rco ftovkeveaOaL, vfAeis ovde \iera ra Trpay/xara. 2 To act with promptitude and vigour] Mature facto opus est. "Mature facto " seems to include the notions both of promptitude and vigour, of force as well as speed; for what would be the use of acting expeditiously, unless expe- dition be attended with power and effect? 3 Each] Utrumque. The corporeal and mental faculties. 4 The one requires the assistance of the other] Alterum alter ius auxilio eget. " Eget," says Cortius, " is the reading of all the MSS." Veget, which Haver- camp and some others have adopted, was the conjecture of Palmerius, on account of indigens occurring in the same sentence. But eget agrees far better with con- sulto et — mature facto opus est, in the preceding sentence. 3 II. Applied themselves in different ways] Diversi. " Modo et instituto diverse, diversa sequentes." Cortius. 6 At that period, however] Et jam turn. " Tunc temporis prcecise, at that time precisely, which is the force of the particle jam, as Donatus shows. * * * I have therefore written etjam separately. * * * Virg. .En. vii., 737. Late jam turn ditione premebat Sarrastes populos." Cortius. " Without covetousness] Sine cupiditate. i; As in the famous golden age. See Tacit. Ann. iii., 26." Cortius. See also Ovid, Met. i,, 89, sea. But " such times were never," as Cowper says. b SALLUST. But after Cyrus in Asia 1 , and the Lacedaemonians and Athenians in Greece, began to subjugate cities and na- tions, to deem the lust of dominion a reason for war, and to imagine the greatest glory to be in the most extensive empire, it was then at length discovered, by proof and ex- perience 2 , that mental power has the greatest effect in mili- tary operations. And, indeed 3 , if the intellectual ability 4 of kings and magistrates 5 were exerted to the same degree in peace as in war, human affairs would be more orderly and settled, and you would not see governments shifted; from hand to hand 6 , and things universally changed and confused. For dominion is easily secured by those qualities by which it was at first obtained. But when sloth has introduced it-4 self in the place of industry, and covetousness and pride in that of moderation and equity, the fortune of a state is 1 But after Cyrus in Asia, cj-c.] Postea verb quam in Asia Cyrus, §c. Sallust writes as if he had supposed that kings were more moderate before the time of Cyrus. But this can hardly have been the case. " The Romans," says De Brosses, whose words I abridge, " though not learned in antiquity, could not have been igno- rant that there were great conquerors before Cyrus ; as Ninus and Sesostris. But as their reigns belonged rather to the fabulous ages, Sallust, in entering upon a serious history, wished to confine himself to what was certain, and went no farther back than the records of Herodotus and Thucydides." Ninus, says Justin, i., 1, was the first to change, through inordinate ambition, the veterem et quasi avitum gentibus morem, that is, to break through the settled restraints of law and order. Gerlach agrees in opinion with De Brosses. 2 Proof and experience] Periculo atque negotiis. Gronovius rightly interprets periculo " experiundo, experimentis," by experiment or trial. Cortius takes peri- culo atque negotiis for periculosis negotiis, by hendyadys ; but to this figure, as Kritzius remarks, we ought but sparingly to have recourse. It is better, he adds, to take the words in their ordinary signification, understanding by negotia " res graviores." Bernouf judiciously explains negotiis by " ipsa, negotiorum tracta- tione," i.e. by the management of affairs, or by experience in affairs. Dureau Delamalle, the French translator, has " l'experience et la pratique." Mair has " trial and experience," which, I believe, faithfully expresses Sallust's meaning. Rose gives only " experience" for both words. 3 And, indeed, if the intellectual ability, cj*c] Quod si — animi virtus, $c. 11 Quod si" cannot here be rendered but if; it is rather equivalent to quapropter si, and might be expressed by wherefore if, if therefore, if then, so that if. 4 Intellectual ability] Animi virtus. See the remarks on virtus, above cited. 5 Magistrates] Imperatorum. " Understand all who govern states, whether in war or in peace." Bernouf. Sallust calls the consuls imperatores, c. 6. 6 Governments shifted from hand to hand] Aliud alibferri. Evidently alluding to changes in government. CONSPIRACY OP CATILINE. 7 altered together with its morals; and thus authority is always transferred from the less to the more deserving 1 . Even in agriculture 2 , in navigation, and in architecture, whatever man performs owns the dominion of intellect. Yet many human beings, resigned to sensuality and indolence, uninstructed and unimproved, have passed through life like travellers in a strange country 3 ; to whom, certainly, contrary to the intention of nature, the body was a gratification, and the mind a burden. Of these I hold the life and death in equal estimation 4 ; for silence is maintained concerning both. But he only, indeed, seems to me to live, and to enjoy life, who, intent upon some employment, seeks reputation from some ennobling enterprise, or honourable pursuit. But in the great abundance of occupations, nature points out different paths to different individuals. III. To act well for the Commonwealth is noble, and even to speak well for it is not without merit 5 . Both in peace and in war it is pos- sible to obtain celebrity ; many who have acted, and many who have recorded the actions of others, receive their tribute of praise. And to me, assuredly, though by no means equal glory attends the narrator and the performer of illustrious 1 Less to the more deserving] Ad optimum quemque a minus bono. " From the less good to the best." 2 Even in agriculture, cfc.~\ Quce homines circuit, navigant, cedijicant, virtuti omnia parent. Literally, what men plough, sail, cfc. Sallust's meaning is, that agriculture, navigation, and architecture, though they may seem to be effected by mere bodily exertion, are as much the result of mental power as the highest of human pursuits. 3 Like travellers in a strange country j Sicuti peregrinantes. " Vivere nesciunt ; igitur in vita quasi hospites sunt :" they know not how to use life, and are there- fore, as it were, strangers in it. Dietsch. " Peregrinantes, qui, qua transeunt, nullum sui vestigium relinquunt :" they are as travellers, who do nothing to leave any trace of then course. Pappaur. 4 Of these I hold the life and death in equal estimation] Eorum ego vitam mortemque juxta cestimo. I count them of the same value dead as alive, for they are honoured in the one state as much as in the other. " Those who are devoted to the gratification of their appetites, as Sallust says, let us regard as inferior animals, not as men; and some, indeed, not as living, but as dead animals." Seneca, Ep. lx. 5 III. Not without merit] Baud absurdum. I have borrowed this expression from Eose, to whom Muretus furnished "sua laude non caret." "The word absurdus is often used by the Latins as an epithet for sounds disagreeable to the ear ; but at length it came to be applied to any action unbecoming a rational being." Kunhardt. 8 SALLTT8T. deeds, it yet seems in the highest degree difficult to write the history of great transactions ; first, because deeds must he adequately represented 1 by words ; and next, because most readers consider that whatever errors you mention with cen- sure, are mentioned through malevolence and envy ; while, when you speak of the great virtue and glory of eminent men, every one hears with acquiescence 2 only that which he himself thinks easy to be performed ; all beyond his own conception he regards as fictitious and incredible 3 . I myself, however, when a young man 4 , was at first led by inclination, like most others, to engage in political affairs 5 : but in that pursuit many circumstances were unfavourable to me ; for, instead of modesty, temperance, and integrity 6 , there prevailed shamelessness,, corruption, and rapacity. And although my mind, inexperienced in dishonest practices, de- tested these vices, yet, in the midst of so great corruption, 1 Deeds must be adequately represented, cfc] Facta dictis sunt exaquanda. Most translators have regarded these words as signifying that the subject must be equalled by the style. But it is not of mere style that Sallust is speaking. " He means that the matter must be so represented by the words, that honourable actions may not be too much praised, and that dishonourable actions may not be too much blamed ; and that the reader may at once understand what was done, and how it was done." Kunhardt. 2 Every one hears with acquiescence, cf*c.] Quai sibi — cequo animo accipit, aXAa dpa>vT€s, KTWfieOa rovs (j)(Xovs» 1 Fathers] Patres. " (Romulus) appointed that the direction of the state should be in the hands of the old men, who, from their authority, were called Fathers; from their age, Senatus." Florus, i., 1. Senatus from senex. " Patres ab h on ore — appellati." Livy. 2 Two magistrates] Binos imperatores. The two consuls. They were more properly called imperatores at first, when the law, which settled their power, said u Regio imperio duo sunto " (Cic. de Legg. iii., 4), than afterwards, when the people and tribunes had made encroachments on their authority. 3 VII. Almost incredible] Incredibile memoratu. See above, c. 6. 4 Able to bear the toils of war] Laboris ac belli patiens. As by laboris the labour of war is evidently intended, I have thought it better to render the words in this manner. The reading is Cortius's. Havercamp and others have " simul ac belli patiens erat, in castris per laborem usu militiam discebat;" butter laborem usu is assuredlv not the hand of Sallust. 14 SALLTTST. midable ; their valour had oyer come everything. But among themselves the grand rivalry was for glory ; each sought to he first to wound an enemy, to scale a wall, and to be noticed while performing such an exploit. Distinction such as this they regarded as wealth, honour, and true nobility 1 . They were covetous of praise, but liberal of money ; they desired competent riches, but boundless glory. I could mention, but that the account would draw me too far from my subject, places in which the Eoman people, with a small body of men, routed vast armies of the enemy ; and cities which, though fortified by nature, they carried by assault. VIII. -But, assuredly, Fortune rules in all things. . She makes everything famous or obscure rather from caprice than in conformity with truth. The exploits of the Athenians, as far as I can judge, were very great and glorious 2 , yet some- thing inferior to what fame has represented them. But because writers of great talent flourished there, the actions of the Athenians are celebrated over the world as the most splendid of achievements. Thus, the merit of those who have acted is estimated at the highest point to which illustrious intellects could exalt it in their writings. But among the Bomans there was never any such abun- dance of writers 3 ; for, with them, the most able men were the most actively employed. No one exercised the mind in- dependently of the body ; every man of ability chose to act rather than narrate 4 , and was more desirous that his own merits should be celebrated by others, than that he himself should record theirs. IX. Good morals, accordingly, were cultivated in the city 1 Honour and true nobility] Bonam famam magnamque nobilitatem. 2 VIII. Very great and glorious] Satis amplce magniftcaique. In speaking of this amplification of the Athenian exploits, he alludes, as Colerus observes, to the histories of Thucydides, Xenophon, and perhaps Herodotus ; not, as Wasse seems to imagine, to the representations of the poets. 3 There was never any such abundance of writers] Nunquam ea copiafuit. I follow Kuhnhardt, who thinks copia equivalent to multitudo. Others render it advantage, or something similar; which seems less applicable to the passage. Compare c. 28 : Latr ones— quorum —magna copia erat. 4 Chose to act rather than narrate] " For," as Cicero says, " neither among those who are engaged in establishing a state, nor among those carrying on wars, nor among those who are curbed and restrained under the rule of kings, is the desire of distinction in eloquence wont to arise." Graswinchelius. COtfSPlKACY OF CATILINE. 15 and in the camp. There was the greatest possible concord, and the least possible avarice. Justice and probity prevailed among the citizens, not more from the influence of the laws than from natural inclination. They displayed animosity, enmity, and resentment only against the enemy. Citizens contended with citizens in nothing but honour. They were magnificent in their religious services, frugal in their fami- lies, and steady in their friendships. By these two virtues, intrepidity in war, and equity in peace, they maintained themselves and their state. Of their exercise of which virtues, I consider these as the greatest proofs; that, in war, punishment was oftener inflicted on those who attacked an enemy contrary to orders, and who, when commanded to retreat, retired too slowly from the con- test, than on those who had dared to desert their standards, or, when pressed by the enemy 1 , to abandon their posts ; and that, in peace, they governed more by conferring benefits than by exciting terror, and, when they received an injury, chose rather to pardon than to revenge it. X. But when, by perseverance and integrity, the republic had increased its power ; when mighty princes had been van- quished in war 2 ; when barbarous tribes and populous states had been reduced to subjection ; when Carthage, the rival of Rome's dominion, had been utterly destroyed, and sea and land lay everywhere open to her sway, Fortune then began to exercise her tyranny, and to introduce universal innova- tion. To those who had easily endured toils, dangers, and doubtful and difficult circumstances, ease and wealth, the objects of desire to others, became a burden and a trouble. At first the love of money, and then that of power, began to prevail, and these became, as it were, the sources of every evil. Tor avarice subverted honesty, integrity, and other honourable principles, and, in their stead, inculcated pride, inhumanity, contempt of religion, and general venality. Am- bition prompted many to become deceitful ; to keep one thing 1 IX. Pressed by the enemy] Pulsi. In the words pulsi loco cedere ausi erant, loco is to be joined, as Dietsch observes, with cedere, not, as Kritzius puts it, with pulsi. " To retreat," adds Dietsch, u is disgraceful only to those qui ab hostibus se pelli patiantur, who suffer themselves to be repulsed by the enemy" 2 X. When mighty princes had been vanquished in war] Perses, Antiochus, Mithridates, Tigranes, and others. 16 SALLUST. concealed in the breast, and another ready on the tongue 1 ; to estimate friendships and enmities, not by their worth, bnt ac- cording to interest • and to carry rather a specious counte- nance than an honest heart. These vices at first advanced but slowly, and were sometimes restrained by correction ; but afterwards, when their infection had spread like a pesti- lence, the state was entirely changed, and the government, from being the most equitable and praiseworthy, became rapacious and insupportable. XL At first, however, it was ambition, rather than avarice 2 , that influenced the minds of men ; a vice which approaches nearer to virtue than the other. For of glory, honour, and power, the worthy is as desirous as the worthless ; but the one pursues them by just methods ; the other, being des- titute of honourable qualities, works with fraud and deceit. But avarice has merely money for its object, which no wise man has ever immoderately desired. It is a vice which, as if imbued with deadly poison, enervates whatever is manly in body or mind 3 . It is always unbounded and insatiable, and is abated neither by abundance nor by want. 1 To keep one thing concealed in the breast, and another ready on the tongue] Aliud clausum inpectore, aliud in lingua promptum, habere. 'E^^poff yap fxoi Ketvos o/zgos Aldao irvk-yviv Os x *T€pov pev Kevdei iv\ (ppearw, ciWo de /3afei. II. ix., 313. Who dares think one thing, and another tell, My heart detests him as the gates of hell. Pope. 2 XI. At first, however, it was ambition, rather than avarice, cfc] Sed primb magis ambitio quam avaritia animos hominum exercebat. Sallust has been ac- cused of having made, in this passage, an assertion at variance with what he had said before (c. 10), Igitur primb pecuniae, delude imperii cupido, crevit, and it will be hard to prove that the accusation is not just. Sir H. Steuart, indeed, endeavours to reconcile the passages by giving them the following " meaning," which, he says, "seems perfectly evident :" "Although avarice was the first to make its appearance at Rome, yet, after both had had existence, it was ambition that, of the two vices, laid the stronger hold on the minds of men, and more speedily grew to an inordinate height." To me, however, it " seems perfectly evident " that the Latin can be made to yield no such " meaning." " How these passages agree," says Rupertus, "I do not understand; unless we suppose that Sallust, by the word primb, does not always signify order." 3 Enervates whatever is manly in body or mind] Corpus virilemque animum efceminal. That avarice weakens the mind, is generally admitted. But how does it weaken the body? The most satisfactory answer to this question is, in the COFSPIItACV OF CATILINE. 17 But after Lucius Sylla, having recovered the government 1 by force of arms, proceeded, after a fair commencement, to a pernicious termination, all became robbers and plunderers 3 ; some set their affections on houses, others on lands ; his vic- torious troops knew neither restraint nor moderation, but in- flicted on the citizens disgraceful and inhuman outrages. Their rapacity was increased by the circumstance that Sylla, in order to secure the attachment of the forces which he had commanded in Asia 3 , had treated them, contrary to the prac- tice of our ancestors, with extraordinary indulgence, and ex- emption from discipline ; and pleasant and luxurious quarters had easily, during seasons of idleness, enervated the minds of the soldiery. Then the armies of the Homan people first became habituated to licentiousness and intemperance, and began to admire statues, pictures, and sculptured vases ; to seize such objects alike in public edifices and private dwell- ings 4 ; to spoil temples ; and to cast off respect for everything, sacred and profane. Such troops, accordingly, when once they obtained the mastery, left nothing to the vanquished. Success unsettles the principles even of the wise, and scarcely would those of debauched habits use victory with moderation. XII. When wealth was once considered an honour, and glory, authority, and power attended on it, virtue lost her in- fluence, poverty was thought a disgrace, and a life of inno- opinion of Aulus Gellius (iii., 1), that those who are intent on getting riches de- vote .themselves to sedentary pursuits, as those of usurers and money-changers, neglecting all such exercises and employments as strengthen the body. There is, however, another explanation by Valerius Probus, given in the same chapter of Aulus Gellius, which perhaps is the true one ; namely, that Sallust, by body and mind, intended merely to signify the whole man. 1 Having recovered the government] Receptee republicd. Having wrested it from the hands of Marius and his party. 2 All became robbers and plunderers] Rapere omnes, trahere. He means that there was a general indulgence in plunder among Sylla's party, and among all who, in whatever character, could profit by supporting it. Thus he says immediately afterwards, " neque modum neque modestiam victores habere." 3 Which he had commanded in Asia] Quern in Asia ductaverat I have here deserted Cortius, who gives inAsiam, " into Asia," but this, as Bernouf justly observes, is incompatible with the frequentative verb ductaverat. 4 In public edifices and private dwellings] Privatim ac public 'e. I have trans- lated this according to the notion of Bernouf. Others, as Dietsch and Pappaur, consider privatim as signifying each on his own account, and publice, in the name of the Republic. C 18 SALLUST. cence was regarded as a life of ill-nature 1 . From the influence of riches, accordingly, luxury, avarice, and pride prevailed among the youth ; they grew at once rapacious and prodigal ; they undervalued what was their own, and coveted what was another's ; they set at nought modesty and continence ; they lost all distinction between sacred and profane, and threw off all consideration and self-restraint. It furnishes much matter for reflection 3 , after viewing our modern mansions and villas extended to the size of cities, to contemplate the temples which our ancestors, a most devout race of men, erected to the Gods. But our forefathers adorned the fanes of the deities with devotion, and their homes with their own glory, and took nothing from those whom they conquered but the power of doing harm ; their descendants, on the contrary, the basest of mankind 3 , have even wrested from their allies, with the most flagrant injus- tice, whatever their brave and victorious ancestors had left to their vanquished enemies ; as if the only use of power were to inflict injury. XIII. For why should I mention those displays of extra- vagance, which can be believed by none but those who have seen them ; as that mountains have beon levelled, and seas covered with edifices 4 , by many private citizens ; men whom I consider to have made a sport of their wealth 5 , since they were 1 XII. A life of innocence was regarded as a life of ill-nature] Innocentia pro malivolentid duci cmpit. " Whoever continued honest and upright, was considered by the unprincipled around him as their enemy ; for a good man among the bad can never be regarded as of their party." Bernonf. 2 It furnishes much matter for reflection] Operce pretium est. 3 Basest of mankind] Ignavissumi mortales. It is opposed to fortissumi viri, which follows, " Qui nee fortiter nee bene quidquam fecere." Cortius. 4 XIII. Seas covered with edifices] Maria constrncta esse. Contracta pisces sequora sentiunt, Jactis in altwni molibus, #c. Hor. Od., iii., 1. The haughty lord, who lays His deep foundations in the seas, And scorns earth's narrow bound ; The fish affrighted feel their waves Contracted by his numerous slaves, Even in the vast profound. Francis. 5 To have made a sport of their wealth] Quibus mihi videntur ludibrio fuissa CONSPIRACY OF CATILINE. 19 impatient to squander disreputably what they might have enjoyed with honour. But the love of irregular gratification, open debauchery, and all kinds of luxury 1 , had spread abroad with no less force. Men forgot their sex ; women threw off all the restraints of modesty. To gratify appetite, they sought for every kind of production by land and by sea ; they slept before there was any inclination for sleep ; they no longer waited to feel hunger, thirst, cold 2 , or fatigue, but anticipated them all by luxurious indulgence. Such propensities drove the youth, when their patrimonies were exhausted, to criminal practices ; for their minds, impregnated with evil habits, could not easily abstain from gratifying their passions, and were thus the more inor- dinately devoted in every way to rapacity and extravagance. XIV. In so populous and so corrupt a city, Catiline, as it was very easy to do, kept about him, like a body-guard, crowds of the unprincipled and desperate. For all those shameless, libertine, and profligate characters, who had dissipated their patrimonies by gaming 3 , luxury, and sensuality ; all who had contracted heavy debts, to purchase immunity for their crimes or offences ; all assassins 4 or sacrilegious persons from every quarter, convicted or cbeading conviction for their evil deeds; all, besides, whom their tongue or their hand main- tamed by perjury or civil bloodshed ; all, in fine, whom wickedness, poverty, or a guilty conscience disquieted, were divitioz. " They spent their riches on objects which, in the judgment of men of sense, are ridiculous and contemptible." Cortius. 1 Luxury] Cidtus. " Deliciarum in victu, luxuries of the table; for we must be careful not to suppose that apparel is meant." Cortius. 2 Cold] Frigus. It is mentioned by Cortius that this word is wanting in one MS. ; and the English reader may possibly wish that it were away altogether. Cortius refers it to cool places built of stone, sometimes underground, to which the luxurious retired in the hot weather ; and he cites Pliny, Ep. v., 6, who speaks of a cryptopwticus, a gallery from which the sun was excluded, almost as if it were underground, and which even in summer was cold nearly to freezing. He also refers to Ambros., Epist. xii., and Casaubon. ad Spartian. Adrian., c. x., p. 87. 3 XIV. Gaming] Manu. Gerlach, Dietsch, Kritzius, and all the recent editors, agree to interpret manu by gaming. 4 Assassins] Parricidal. " Not only he who had killed his father was called a parricide, but he who had killed any man ; as is evident from a law of Numa Pompilius : If any one unlawfully and knowingly bring a free man to death, let him be aparricide." Festus sub voce Pan^ic'. c2 20 SALLTJST. the associates and intimate friends of Catiline. And if any one, as yet of unblemished character, fell into his society, he was presently rendered, by daily intercourse and temptation, similar and equal to the rest. But it was the young whose acquaintance he chiefly courted ; as their minds, ductile and unsettled from their age, were easily ensnared by his strata- gems. Foy as the passions of each, according to his years, appeared excited, he furnished mistresses to some, bought horses and dogs for others, and spared, in a word, neither his purse nor his character, if he could but make them his devoted and trustworthy supporters. There were some, I know, who thought that the youth, who frequented the house of Catiline, were guilty of crimes against nature ; but this report arose rather from other causes than from any evidence of the fact 1 . XV. Catiline, in his youth, had been guilty of many criminal connexions, with a virgin of noble birth 2 , with a priestess of Testa 3 , and of many other offences of this nature, in defiance alike of law and religion. At last, when he was smitten with a passion for Aurelia Orestilla 4 , in whom no good man, at any time of her life, commended anything but her beauty, it is confidently believed that because she hesitated 1 Than from any evidence of the fact] Quean quod cuiquam id compertum foret. 2 XV. With a virgin of noble birth] Cum virgine nobili. Who this was is not known. The name may have been suppressed from respect to her family. If what is fonnd in a fragment of Cicero be true, Catiline had an illicit connexion with some female, and afterwards married the daughter who was the fruit of the connexion : Ex eodem stupro et uxorem et filiam invenisti ; Orat. in Tog. Cand. (Oration xvi., Ernesti's edit.) On which words Asconius Pedianus makes this comment: "Dicitur Catilinam adulterium commisisse cum ea quae ei postea socrns fuit, et ex eo stupro duxisse uxorem, cum filia ejus esset. Haec Lucceius quoque Catilinae objecit in orationibus, quas in eum scripsit. Nomina harum mulierum nondum inveni." Plutarch, too (Life of Cicero, c. 10), says that Ca- tiline was accused of having corrupted his own daughter. 3 With a priestess of Vesta] Cum sacerdote Vestce. This priestess of Vesta was Fabia Terentia, sister to Terentia, Cicero's wife, whom Sallust, after she was di- vorced by Cicero, married. Clodius accused her, but she was acquitted, either because she was thought innocent, or because the interest of Catnlus and others, who exerted themselves in her favour, procured her acquittal. See Orosius, vi., 3 ; the Oration of Cicero, quoted in the preceding note ; and Asconius's commen- tary on it. 4 Aurelia Orestilla] See c. 35. She was the sister or daughter, as De Brosses thinks, of Cneius Aurelius Orestis, who had been praetor, A.u.o. 677. CONSPIEACY OP CATILINE. 21 to marry him, from the dread of having a grown-up step-son 1 , he cleared the honse for their nuptials by putting his son to death. And this crime appears to me to have been the chief cause of hurrying forward the conspiracy. For his guilty mind, at peace with neither Gods nor men, found no comfort either waking or sleeping ; so effectually did conscience deso- late his tortured spirit 2 . His complexion, in consequence, was pale, his eyes haggard, his walk sometimes quick and sometimes slow, and distraction was plainly apparent in every feature and look. XYI. The young men, whom, as I said before, he had enticed to join him, he initiated, by various methods, in evil practices. From among them he furnished false witnesses 3 , and forgers of signatures ; and he taught them all to regard, with equal unconcern, honour, property, and danger. At length, when he had stripped them of all character and shame, he led them to other and greater enormities. If a motive for crime did not readily occur, he incited them, nevertheless, to circumvent and murder inoffensive persons 4 , just as if they had injured him ; for, lest their hand or heart should grow torpid for want of employment, he chose to be gratuitously wicked and cruel. Depending on such accomplices and adherents, and knowing that the load of debt was everywhere great, and that the vete- rans of Sylla 5 , having spent their money too liberally, and re- membering their spoils and former victory, were longing for a civil war, Catiline formed the design of overthrowing the 1 A grown-up step-son] Privignum adultd cetate. A son of Catiline's by a former marriage. 2 Desolate his tortured spirit] Mentem excitam vastabat. " Conscience deso- lates the mind, when it deprives it of its proper power and tranquillity, and intro- duces into it perpetual disquietude." Cortius. Many editions have vexdbat. 3 XVI. He furnished false witnesses, tyc") Testis signatoresquefalsos commo- dare. " If any one wanted any such character, Catiline was ready to supply him from among his troop." Bernouf. 4 Inoffensive persons, $c.~] Insontes, sicuti sorites. Most translators have rendered these words " innocent" and " guilty," terms which suggest nothing satis - factory to the English reader. The insontes are those who had given Catiline no cause of offence ; the sontes those who had in some way incurred his displeasure , or become objects of his rapacity. 5 Veterans of Sylla, cfc] Elsewhere called the colonists of Sylla ; men to whom Sylla had given large tracts of land as rewards for their services, but who, having lived extravagantly, had fallen into such debt and distress, that, as Cicero said, nothing could relieve them but the resurrection of Sylla from the dead. Cic. ii., Orat, in Cat. 22 SALLUST. government. There was no army in Italy; Pompey was fighting in a distant part of the world 1 ; he himself had great hopes of obtaining the consulship ; the senate was wholly off its guard 3 ; everything was quiet and tranquil ; and all these circumstances were exceedingly favourable for Catiline. XVII. Accordingly, about the beginning of June, in the consulship of Lucius Caesar 3 and Caius Figulus, he at first addressed each of his accomplices separately, encouraged some, and sounded others, and informed them of his own resources, of the unprepared condition of the state, and of the great prizes to be expected from the conspiracy. When he had ascertained, to his satisfaction, all that he required, he summoned all whose necessities were the most urgent, and whose spirits were the most daring, to a general conference. At that meeting there were present, of senatorial rank, Publius Lentulus Sura 4 , Publius Autronius 5 , Lucius Cassius Longinus 6 , Caius Cethegus 7 , Publius and Servius Sylla 8 , the 1 Pompey was fighting in a distant part of the world] In extremis terris. Pompey was then conducting the war against Mithridates and Tigranes, in Pon- tus and Armenia. 2 The senate was wholly off its guard ] Senatus nihil sane intentus. The senate was regardless, and unsuspicious of any danger. 3 XVII. Lucius Cassar] He was a relation of Julius Cassar; and his sister was the wife of M. Antonius, the orator, and mother of Mark Antony, the triumvir. 4 Publius Lentulus Sura] He was of the same family with Sylla, that of the Cornelii. He had filled the office of consul, but his conduct had been afterwards so profligate, that the censors expelled him from the senate. To enable him to resume his seat, he had obtained, as a qualification, the office of praetor, which he held at the time of the conspiracy. He was called Sura, because, when he had squandered the public money in his qusestorship, and was called to account by Sylla for his dishonesty, he declined to make any defence, but said, " I present you the calf of my leg (swa);" alluding to a custom among boys playing at ball, of inflicting a certain number of strokes on the leg of an unsuccessful player. Plu- tarch, Life of Cicero, c. 17. 5 Publius Autronius] He had been a companion of Cicero in his boyhood, and his colleague, in the qurcstorship. He was banished in the year after the conspi- racy, together with Cassius, Lreca, Vargunteius, Servius Sylla, and Caius Corne- lius, under the Plautian law. Be Brosses. 6 Lucius Cassius Longinus] He had been a competitor with Cicero for the con- sulship. Ascon. Ped. in Cic. Orat. in Tog. Cand. His corpulence was such that Cassius's fat (Cassii adeps) became proverbial. Cic. Orat. in Catil, hi., 7. 7 Caius Cethegus] He also was one of the Cornelian family. In the civil wars, says De Brosses, he had first taken the side of Marius, and afterwards that of Sylla. Both Cicero (Orat. in Catil., iii., 7) and Sallust describe him as fiery and rash. 8 Publius and Servius Sylla] These were nephews of Sylla the dictator. Pub- CONSPIRACY OE CATILINE, 23 sons of Servius Sylla, Lucius Varguuteius 1 , Quintus Aimius 2 , Marcus Porcius Laeca 3 , Lucius Bestia 4 , Quintus Curius 5 ; and, of the equestrian order, Marcus Fulvius Isobilior 6 , Lucius Statilius 7 , Publius Grabinius Capito 8 , Caius Cornelius 9 ; with many froni the colonies and municipal towns 10 , persons of con- sequence in their own localities. There were many others, too, among the nobility, concerned in the plot, but less openly ; men whom the hope of power, rather than poverty or any otli*r exigence, prompted to join in the affair. But most of the young men, and especially the sons of the no- bility, favoured the schemes of Catiline ; they who had abun- dant means of living at ease, either splendidly or voluptuously, preferred uncertainties to certainties, war to peace. There were some, also, at that time, who believed that Marcus lius, though present on this occasion, seems not to have joined in the plot, since, when he was afterwards accused of having been a conspirator, he was defended by Cicero and acquitted. See Cic. Orat. pro P. Sylla. He was afterwards with Caesar in the battle of Pharsalia. Caes. de B. C, iii., 89. 1 Lucius Yargunteius] " Of him or his family little is known. He had been, before this period, accused of bribery, and defended by Hortensius. Cic. pro P. Sylla, c. 2." Bernouf. 2 Quintus Annius] He is thought by De Brosses to have been the same Annius that cut off the head of M. Antonius the orator, and carried it to Marius. Plu- tarch, Vit. Marii, c. 44. 3 Marcus Porcius Laeca] He was one of the same gens with the Catones, but of a different family. 4 Lucius Bestia] Of the Calpurnian gens. He escaped death on the discovery of the conspiracy, and was afterwards aedile, and candidate for the praetorship, but was driven into exile for bribery. Being recalled by Caesar, he became candidate for the consulship, but was unsuccessful. De Brosses. 5 Quintus Curius] He was a descendant of M. Curius Dentatus, the opponent of Pyrrhus. He was so notorious as a gamester and a profligate, that he was removed from the senate, a.u.c. 683. See c. 23. As he had been the first to give infor- mation of the conspiracy to Cicero, public honours were decreed him, but he was deprived of them by the influence of Caesar, whom he had named as one of the con- spirators. Sueton. Caes. 17 ; Appian. De Bell. Civ., lib. ii. 6 M. Fulvius Xobilior] " He was not put to death, but exiled, a.u.c. 699. Cic. ad Att. iv., 16." Bernouf. 7 Lucius Statilius ] Of him nothing more is known than is told by Sallust. 8 Publius Gabinius Capito] Cicero, instead of Capito, calls him Cimber. Orat. in Cat., hi., 3. The family was originally from Gabii. 9 Caius Cornelius] There were two branches of the gens Cornelia, one patri- cian, the other plebeian, from which sprung this conspirator. 10 Municipal towns] Municipiis. " The municipia were towns of which the inhabitants were admitted to the rights of Roman citizens, but which were allowed / 24 SALLUST. Licinius Crassus 1 was not unacquainted with the conspiracy ; because Cneius Pompey, whom he hated, was at the head of a large army, and he was willing that the power of any one whomsoever should raise itself against Pompey's influ- ence; trusting, at the same time, that if the plot should succeed, he would easily place himself at the head of the conspirators. XVIII. But previously 2 to this period, a small number of persons, among whom was Catiline, had formed a design against the state ; of which affair I shall here give as accu- rate account as I am able. Under the consulship of Lucius Tullus and Marcus Le- pidus, Publius Autronius and Publius Sylla 3 , having been tried for bribery under the laws against it 4 , had paid the penalty of the offence. Shortly after Catiline, being brought to trial for extortion 5 , had been prevented from standing for the consulship, because he had been unable to declare him- self a candidate within the legitimate number of days 6 . There to govern themselves by their own laws, and to choose their own magistrates. See Aul. Gell., xvi., 13 ; Beaufort, Rep. Rom., vol. rf Bernouf, 1 Marcus Licinius Crassus] The same who, with Pompey and Caesar, formed the first triumvirate, and who was afterwards killed in his expedition against the Parthians. He had, before the time of the conspiracy, held the offices of praetor and consul. 2 XVIII. But previously, ?YFce/)S abierat, c. 25. 3 In the first place] Primum omnium. " These words refer, not to item and postremo in the same sentence, but to deinde at the commencement of the next." Bernovf. 4 Civil rights had been curtailed] Jus libertatis imminutum erat. " Sylla, by one of his laws, had rendered the children of proscribed persons incapable of holding any public office; a law unjust, indeed, but which, having been established and acted upon for more than twenty years, could not be rescinded without inconve- nience to the government. Cicero, accordingly, opposed the attempts which were made, in his consulship, to remove this restriction, as he himself states in his Oration against Piso, c. 2." Bernouf. See Veil. Paterc, ii., 28; Plutarch, Vit. CONSPIEACY OF CATILINE. 45 All those, too, who were of any party opposed to that of the senate, were desirous rather that the state should be embroiled, than that they- themselves should be out of power. This was an evil, which, after many years, had returned upon the community to the extent to which it now prevailed 1 . XXXVIII. Eor after the powers of the tribunes, in the consulate of Cneius Pompey and Marcus Crassus, had been fully restored 2 , certain young men, of an ardent age and temper, having obtained that high office 3 , began to stir up the populace by inveighing against the senate, and proceeded, in course of time, by means of largesses and promises, to in- flame them more and more ; by which methods they became popular and powerful. On the other hand, the most of the nobility opposed their proceedings to the utmost; under pretence, indeed, of supporting the senate, but in reality for their own aggrandisement. Eor, to state the truth in few words, whatever parties, during that period, disturbed the republic under plausible pretexts, some, as if to defend the rights of the people, others, to make the authority of the senate as great as possible, all, though affecting concern for the public good, contended every one for his own interest. In such contests there was neither moderation nor limit ; each party made a merciless use of its successes. XXXIX. After Pompey, however, was sent to the mari- time and Mithridatic wars, the power of the people was diminished, and the influence of the few increased. These few kept all public offices, the administration of the provinces/and Syll. ; Quintil., xi., 1, where a fragment of Cicero's speech, Be Proscriptorum Liberis, is preserved. This law of Sylla was at length abrogated by Julius Caesar, Suet. J. Cses. 41 ; Plutarch Yit. Caes. ; Dio Cass., xli., 18. 1 This was an evil — to the extent to which it now prevailed] Id adeb malum multos post annos in civitatem reverterat. u Adeo^ says Cortius, " is partlcuJa eleganti-ssi-ina." Allen makes it equivalent to eb usque. 2 XXXVIII. The powers of the tribunes — had been fully restored] Tribunicia potestas restituta. Before the time of Sylla, the power of the tribunes had grown immoderate, but Sylla diminished and almost annihilated it, by taking from them the privileges of holding any other magistracy after the tribunate, of publicly addressing the people, of proposing laws, and of listening to appeals. But in the consulship of Cotta, A.u.C. 679, the first of these privileges had been restored ; and in that of Fompey and Crassus, A.u.c. 683, the tribunes were reinstated in all their former powers. 3 Having obtained that high office] Summam potestatem nacti. Cortius thinks these words spurious. SALLTTST. everything, else, in their own hands; they themselves lived free from harm 1 , in flourishing circumstances, and without apprehension ; overawing others, at the same time, with threats of impeachment 3 , so that, when in office, they might be less inclined to inflame the people. But as soon as a prospect of change, in this dubious state of affairs, had pre- sented itself, the old spirit of contention awakened their passions ; and had Catiline, in his first battle, come off vic- torious, or left the struggle undecided, great distress and calamity must certainly have fallen upon the state, nor would those, who might at last have gained the ascendancy, have been allowed to enjoy it long, for some superior power would have wrested dominion and liberty from them when weary and exhausted. There were some, however, unconnected with the con- spiracy, who set out to join Catiline at an early period of his proceedings. Among these was Aulus Pulvius, the son of a senator, w r hom, being arrested on his journey, his father ordered to be put to death 3 . In Rome, at the same time, Lentulus, in pursuance of Catiline's directions, was endea- vouring to gain over, by his own agency or that of others, all whom he thought adapted, either by principles or circum- stances, to promote an insurrection ; and not citizens only, but every description of men who could be of any service in war. XL. He accordingly commissioned one Publius Umbrenus to apply to certain deputies of the Allobroges 4 , and to lead them, if he could, to a participation in the war ; sup- 1 XXXTX. Free from harm] Innoxii. In a passive sense. 2 Overawing others — with threats of impeachment] C&teros judiciis terrere. " Accusationibus et judiciorum periculis." Bernouf. 3 His father ordered to be put to death] Parens necari jussit. ° His father put him to death, not by order of the consuls, but by his own private authority; ' nor was he the only one who, at the same period, exercised similar power." Dion. Cass., lib. xxxvii. The father observed on the occasion, that * he had begotten him, not for Catiline against his country, but for his country against Catiline." Val. Max., v., 8. The Roman laws allowed fathers absolute control over the lives of their children. 4 XL. Certain deputies of the Allobroges] Legates Alldbrogum. Plutarch, in his Life of Cicero, says that there were then at Rome two de}mties from this Gallic nation, sent to complain of oppression on the part of the Roman governors. CONSPIRACY OF CATILINE. 47 posing that as they were nationally and individually involved in debt, and as the Gauls were naturally warlike, they might easily be drawn into such an enterprise. Umbrenus, as he had traded in Gaul, was known to most of the chief men there, and personally acquainted with them ; and consequently, without loss of time, as soon as he noticed the deputies in the Forum, he asked them, after making a few inquiries about the state of their country, and affecting to commiserate its fallen condition, " what termination they expected to such calamities?" When he found that they complained of the rapacity of the magistrates, inveighed against the senate for not affording them relief, and looked to death as the only remedy for their sufferings, "Yet I," said he, "if you will but act as men, will show you a method by which you may escape these pressing difficulties." "When he had said this, the Allobroges, animated with the highest hopes, besought Umbrenus to take compassion on them ; saying that there was nothing so disagreeable or difficult, which they would not most gladly perform, if it would but free their country from debt. He then conducted them to the house of Deci- mus Brutus, which was close to the Eorum, and, on account of Sempronia, not unsuitable to his purpose, as Brutus was then absent from Borne 1 . In order, too, to give greater weight to his representations, he sent for Gabinius, and, in his presence, explained the objects of the conspiracy, and mentioned the names of the confederates, as well as those of many other persons, of every sort, who were guiltless of it, for the purpose of inspiring the ambassadors with greater confidence. At length, when they had promised their as- sistance, he let them depart. 1 As Brutus was then absent from Rome] Nam turn Brutus ab Roma aberat. From this remark, say Zanchius and Omnibonus, it is evident that Brutus was not privy to the conspiracy. " What sort of woman Sempronia was, has been told in c. 25. Some have thought that she was the wife of Decimus Brutus; but since Sallust speaks of her as being in the decay of her beauty at the time of the conspiracy, and since Brutus, as may be seen in Caesar (B. G. vii., sub tin.), was then very young, it is probable that she had only an illicit connexion with him, but had gained such an ascendancy over his affections, by her arts of seduction, as to induce him to make her his mistress, and to allow her to reside in his house." Beauzee. I have, however, followed |those who think that Brutus was the husband of 48 SALLUST. XLI. Yet the Allobroges were long in suspense what course they should adopt. On the one hand, there was debt, an inclination for war, and great advantages to be expected from victory 1 ; on the other, superior resources, safe plans, and certain rewards 2 instead of uncertain expectations. As they were balancing these considerations, the good fortune of the state at length prevailed. They accordingly disclosed the whole affair, just as they had learned it, to Quintus Fabius Sanga 3 , to whose patronage their state was very greatly indebted. Cicero, being apprised of the matter by Sanga, directed the deputies to pretend a strong desire for the suc- cess of the plot, to seek interviews w T ith the rest of the con- spirators, to make them fair promises, and to endeavour to lay them open to conviction as much as possible. XLIL JMuch about the same time there were commotions 4 in Hither and Farther Gaul, in the Picenian and Bruttian territories, and in Apulia. For those, whom Catiline had pre- viously sent to those parts, had begun, without consideration, and seemingly with madness, to attempt everything at once ; and, by nocturnal meetings, by removing armour and wea- pons from place to place, and by hurrying and confusing everything, had created more alarm than danger. Of these, Quintus Metellus Celer, the prsetor, having brought several to trial 5 , under the decree of the senate, had thrown them into prison, as had also Caius Muraena in Farther Gaul 6 , who governed that province in quality of legate. Sempronia. Sallust (c. 24), speaking of the women, of whom Sempronia was one, says that Catiline credebat posse — vivos eavttm vel adjungere sibi, vel inter- Jiceve. The truth, on such a point, is of little importance. 1 XLI. To be expected from victory] In spe victovice. 2 Certain rewards] Cevta pvcemia. " Offered by the senate to those who should give information of the conspiracy. See c. 30." Kuhnhardt. 3 Quintus Fabius Sanga] " A descendant of that Fabius who, for having sub- ■ dued the Allobroges, was surnamed Allobrogicus." Bernouf. Whole states often chose patrons as well as individuals. 4 XLII. There were commotions] Motus evat. " Motus is also used by Cicero and Livy in the singular number for seditiones and twnultus. No change is there- fore to be made in the text." Gevlach. "Motus bellicos intelligit, tumultus; ut Flor., iii., 13." Covtius. 5 Having brought several to trial] Compluves — caussa cognita. " Cavssam cognosceve is the legal phrase for examining as to the authors and causes of any crime." Dietsch. 6 Caius Murtena in Farther Gaul] In Ulteviove Gallia C. Murcena. All the CONSPIRACY OP CATILINE. 49 XLIII. (But at Koine, in the mean time, Lentulus,'with the other leaders of the conspiracy, having secured what they thought a large force, had arranged, that as soon as Catiline should reach the neighbourhood of Fsesulse, Lucius Bestia, a tribune of the people, having called an assembly, should complain of the proceedings of Cicero, and lay the odium of this most oppressive war on the excellent consul 1 ; and that the rest of the conspirators, taking this as a signal, should, on the following night, proceed to execute their re- spective parts. These parts are said to have been thus distributed. Sta- tilius and Grabinius, with a large force, were to set on fire twelve places of the city, convenient for their purpose 2 , at "the same time ; in order that, during the consequent tumult 3 , an easier access might be obtained to the consul, and to the others whose destruction was intended ; Cethegus was to beset the gate of Cicero, and attack him personally with vio- lence ; others were to single out other victims ; while the sons of certain families, mostly of the nobility, were to kill their fathers : and, when all were in consternation at the massacre and conflagration, they were to sally forth to join Catiline. While they were thus forming and settling their plans, editions, previous to that of Cortius, have in citeriore GalUa. " But C. Marina," says that critic, ' ; commanded in Gallia Transalpina, or Ulterior Gaul, as appears from Cic. pro Mursena, c. 41. To attribute such an error to a lapse of memory in Sallust, would be absurd. I have, therefore, confidently altered citeriore into ulteriore." The praise of having first discovered the error, however, is due, not to Cortius, but to Felicius Durantinus, a friend of Rivius, in whose note on the passage his discovery is recorded. 1 XLIII. The excellent consul] Optimo consv.li. With the exception of the slight commendation bestowed on his speech, lucidentam atque viilem rei public a>, c. 31, this is the only epithet of praise that Sallust bestows on the consul through- out his narrative. That it could be regarded only as frigid eulogy, is apparent from a passage in one of Cicero's letters to Atticus (xii., 21), in which he speaks of the same epithet having been applied to him by Brutus : "Brutus thinks that he pays me a great compliment when he calls me an excellent consul (optimum con- sulem) ; but what enemy could speak more coldly of me ?" 2 Twelve places of the city, convenient for their purpose] Duodecim — opportumi loca. Plutarch, in his Life of Cicero, says a hundred places. Few narratives lose by repetition. 3 In order that, during the consequent tumult] Qn-o tumidtu. " It is best," says Dietscb, " to take quo as the partkula finalis (to the end that), and tumidtu as the ablative of the instrument." SO SALLTJST. Cethegus was incessantly complaining of the want of spirit in his associates ; observing, that they wasted excellent op- portunities through hesitation and delay 1 ; that, in such an enterprise, there was need, not of deliberation, but of action ; and that he himself, if a few would support him, would storm the senate-house while the others remained inactive. Being naturally bold, sanguine, and prompt to act, he thought that success depended on rapidity of execution. XLIV. The Allobroges, according to the directions of Cicero, procured interviews, by means of Gabinius, with the other conspirators ; and from Lentulus, Cethegus, Statilius, and Cassius, they demanded an oath, which they might carry under seal to their countrymen, who otherwise w r ould hardly join in so important an affair. To this the others con- sented without suspicion ; but Cassius promised them soon to visit their country 2 , and, indeed, left the city a little be- fore the deputies. In order that the Allobroges, before they reached home, might confirm their agreement with Catiline, by giving and receiving pledges of faith, Lentulus sent with them one Titus Volturcius, a native of Crotona, he himself giving Volturcius a letter for Catiline, of which the following is a copy : 1 Who I am, you will learn from the person whom I have sent to you. Reflect seriously in how desperate a situation you are placed, and remember that you are a man 3 . Consider what your views demand, and seek aid from all, even the lowest." In addition, he gave him this verbal message: " Since he was declared an enemy by the senate, for what reason should he reject the assistance of slaves ? That, in the city, everything which he had directed was arranged; and that he should not delay to make nearer approaches to it." XL V. (Matters having proceeded thus far, and a night being appointed for the departure of the deputies, Cicero, 1 Delay] Dies prolatando. By putting off from day to day. 2 XLIV. Soon to visit their country] Semet eb brevi venturum. "It is plain that the adverb relates to what precedes (ad elves') ; and that Cassius expresses an intention to set out for Gaul." Dietsch. 3 Remember that you are a man] Memineris te virum. Eemember that you are a man, and ought to act as one. Cicero, in repeating this letter from memory (Orat. in Cat., iii., 5), gives the phrase, Cura ut virsis. CONSPIRACY OF CATILINE. 51 being by theni made acquainted with everything, directed the praetors 1 , Lucius Valerius Elaccus, and Caius Pomtinus, to arrest the retinue of the Allobroges, by lying in wait for them on the Milvian Bridge 3 ; he gave them a full explana- tion of the object with which they were sent 3 , and left them to manage the rest as occasion might require. Being military men, they placed a force, as had been directed, without dis- turbance, and secretly invested the bridge ; when the de- puties, with Yolturcius, came to the place, and a shout was raised from each side of the bridge 4 , the Gauls, at once comprehending the matter, surrendered themselves imme- diately to the praetors. Volturcius, at first, encouraging his companions, defended himself against numbers with his sword ; but afterwards, being unsupported by the Allobroges, he began earnestly to beg Pomtinus, to whom he was known, to save his life, and at last, terrified and despairing of safety, he surrendered himself to the praetors as unconditionally as to foreign enemies. XLYI. The affair being thus concluded, a full account of it was immediately transmitted to the consul by messengers. Great anxiety, and great joy, affected him at the same mo- ment. He rejoiced that, by the discovery of the conspiracy, the state was freed from danger ; but he was doubtful how he ought to act, when citizens of such eminence were de- tected in treason so atrocious. He saw that their punish- ment would be a weight upon himself, and their escape the destruction of the Commonwealth. Having, however, formed his resolution, he ordered Lentulus, Cethegus, Statilius, Ga- binius, and one Quintus Cceparius of Terracina, who was preparing to go to Apulia to raise the slaves, to be sum- moned before him. The others came without delay: but Coeparius, having left his house a little before, and heard of the discovery of the conspiracy, had fled from the city. The consul himself conducted Lentulus, as he was praetor, hold- 1 XLV. The prsetors] Prcetoribus urbanis, the praetors of the city. 2 The ]\iilvian Bridge] Ponte Mulvio. Now Ponte Molle. 3 Of the object with which they were sent] Rem — cvjus gratia mittebantur. 4 From each side of the bridge] Utrinque. " Utrinque," observes Cortius, 41 glossse MSS. exponunt ex utrdque parte pontis" and there is little doubt that the exposition is correct. No translator; however, before myself, has availed him- self of it. e2 52 SALLUST. ing him by the hand, and ordered the others to be brought into the Temple of Concord, under a guard. Here he assem- bled the senate, and in a very full attendance of that body, introduced Volturcius with the deputies. Hither also he ordered Valerius Flaccus, the prsetor, to bring the box with the letters 1 which he had taken from the deputies. XL VII. Volturcius, being questioned concerning his jour- ney, concerning his letter 3 ; and lastly, what object he had had in view 3 , and from what motives he had acted, at first began to prevaricate 4 , and to pretend ignorance of the conspiracy ; but at length, when he was told to speak on the security of the public faith 5 , he disclosed every circumstance as it had really occurred, stating that he had been admitted as an associate, a few days before, by Gabinius and Cceparius ; that he knew no more than the deputies, only that he used to hear from Gabinius, that Publius Autronius, Servius Sylla, Lucius Vargunteius, and many others, were engaged in the con- spiracy. The Gauls made a similar confession, and charged Lentulus, who began to aifect ignorance, not only with the letter to Catiline, but with remarks which he was in the habit of making, " that the sovereignty of Borne, by the Sibylline books, was predestined to three Cornelii ; that China and Sylla had ruled already 6 ; and that he himself was the . 1 XLVI. The box with the letters] Sannium cum Uteris. Litterce may be rendered either letter or letters. There is no mention made previously of more letters than that of Lentulus to Catiline, c. 44. But as it is not likely that the deputies carried a box to convey only one letter, I have followed other translators by putting the word in the plural. The oath of the conspirators, too, which was a written document, was probably in the box. 2 XL VII. His letter] Litteris. His own letter to Catiline, c. 44. So prater litteras a little below. 3 What object he had had in view, cfc] Quid, aid qua de causa, consilii habuisset. What design he had entertained, and from what motive he had enter- tained it. 4 To prevaricate] Finger e alia. "To pretend other things than what had reference to the conspiracy." Bemouf. 5 On the security of the public faith] Fidepublica. " Cicero pledged to him the public faith, with the consent of the senate; or engaged, in the name of the republic, that his life should be spared, if he would but speak the truth/' Ber- novf. 6 That Cinna and Sylla had ruled already] Cinnam atque Syllam antea. " Had ruled," or something similar, must be supplied. Cinna had been the means of recalling Marius from Africa, in conjunction with whom he domineered over the city, and made it a scene of bloodshed and desolation. CONSPIRACY OF CATILINE. 53 third, whose fate it would be to govern the city ; and that this, too, was the twentieth year since the Capitol was burnt ; a year which the augurs, from certain omens, had often said woidd be stained with the blood of civil war." The letter then being read, the senate, when all had pre- viously acknowledged their seals 1 , decreed that Lentulus, being deprived of his office, should, as well as the rest, be placed in private custody 2 . Lentulus, accordingly, was given in charge to Publius Lentulus Spinther, who was then gedile ; Cethegus, to Quintus Cornificius ; Statilius, to Caius Caesar ; Grabinius, to Marcus Crassus ; and Cceparius, who had just before been arrested in his flight, to Cneius Terentius, a senator. XL VIII. The common people, meanwhile, who had at first, from a desire of change in the government, been too much inclined to war, having, on the discovery of the plot, altered their sentiments, began to execrate the projects of Catiline, to extol Cicero to the skies ; and, as if rescued from slavery, to give proofs of joy and exultation. Other effects of war they expected as a gain rather than a loss ; but the burning of the city they thought inhuman, out- rageous, and fatal especially to themselves, whose whole pro- perty consisted in their daily necessaries and the clothes which they wore. C On the following day, a certain Lucius Tarquinius was brought before the senate, who was said to have been ar- rested as he was setting out to join Catiline. This person, having offered to give information of the conspiracy, if the public faith were pledged to him 3 , and being directed by the 1 Their seals] Signa sua. " Leurs cachets, leurs sceaux." Bernouf. The Romans tied their letters round with a string, the knot of which they covered with wax, and impressed with a seal. To open the letter it was necessary to cut the string: " nos linum incidimus." Cic. Or. in Cat., iii., 5. See also C. Nep. Paus. 4, and Adam's Roman Antiquities. The seal of Lentulus had on it a like- ness of one of his ancestors; see Cicero, loc. cit. 2 In private custody ] In Uteris custodiis. Literally, in " free custody," but 11 private custody" conveys a better notion of the arrangement to the mind of the English reader. It was called free because the persons in custody were not con- fined in prison. Plutarch calls it adeafjiov (pvXaKrjv, as also Dion., cap. lviii., 3. See Tacit. Ann., vi., 3. It was adopted in the case of persons of rank and consi- deration. 3 XLVIII. If the public faith were pledged to him] Si fides publico, data esset. See c. 47. 54 SALLTJST. consul to state what he knew, gave the senate nearly the same account as Volturcius had given, concerning the in- tended conflagration, the massacre of respectable citizens, and the approach of the enemy, adding that " he was sent by Marcus Crassus to assure Catiline that the apprehension of Lentulus, Cethegus, and others of the conspirators, ought not to alarm him, but that he should hasten, with so much the more expedition, to the city, in order to revive the courage of the rest, and to facilitate the escape pf those in custody 1 ." When Tarquinius named Crassus, a man of noble birth, of very great wealth, and of vast influence, some, thinking the statement incredible, others, though they supposed it true, yet, judging that at such a crisis a man of such power 2 was rather to be soothed than irritated (most of them, too, from personal reasons, being under obligation to Crassus), ex- claimed that he was " a false witness," and demanded that the matter should be put to the vote. Cicero, accordingly, taking their opinions, a full senate decreed, " that the testi- mony of Tarquinius appeared false ; that he himself should be kept in prison ; and that no further liberty of speaking 3 should be granted him, unless he should name the person at whose instigation he had fabricated so shameful a ca- lumny." There were some, at that time, who thought that this affair was contrived by Publius Autronius, in order that the inte- rest of Crassus, if he were accused, might, from participation in the danger, more readily screen the rest. Others said that Tarquinius was suborned by Cicero, that Crassus might not disturb the state, by taking upon him, as was his custom 4 , the defence of the criminals. That this attack on his character 1 And to facilitate the escape of those in custody] Et illi facilius e periculo 2 A man of such power] Tanta vis hominis. So great power of the man. 3 Liberty of speaking] Potestatem. " Potestatem loquendi." Cyprianus Popma. As it did not appear that he spoke the truth, the pledge which the senate had given him, on condition that Tie spoke the truth, went for nothing ; he was not allowed to continue his evidence, and was sent to prison. 4 As was his custom] More suo. Plutarch, in his Life of Crassus, relates that frequently when Pompey, CaBsar, and Cicero, had refused to undertake the de- fence of certain persons, as being unworthy of their support, Crassus would plead in their behalf; and that he thus gained great popularity among the com- mon people. CO^SPIEACX OE CATILHSTE. 55 was made by Cicero, I afterwards heard Crassus himself assert. XLIX.; Yet, at the same tune, neither by interest, nor by solicitation, nor by bribes, could Quintus Catulus, and Caius Piso, prevail upon Cicero to have Caius Caesar falsely ac- cused, either by means of the AUobroges, or any other evi- dence. Both of these men were at bitter enmity with Caesar ; Piso, as having been attacked by him, when he was on 1 his trial for extortion, on a charge of having illegally put to death a Transpadane Graul ; Catulus, as having hated him ever since he stood for the pontificate, because, at an ad- vanced age, and after filling the highest offices, he had been defeated by Caesar, who was then comparatively a youth 3 . The opportunity, too, seemed favourable for such an accu- sation; for Caesar, by extraordinary generosity in private, and by magnificent exhibitions in public 3 , had fallen greatly into debt. But when they failed to persuade the consul to such injustice, they themselves, by going from one person to another, and spreading fictions of their own, which they pre- tended to have heard from Volturcius or the AUobroges, excited such violent odium against him, that certain Roman knights, who were stationed as an armed guard round the Temple of Concord, being prompted, either by the greatness 1 XLIX. Piso, as having been attacked by him, when he was on, e}c.~] Piso, oppugnatus in judicio repetundarum propter cujusdam Transpadani supplicium injustwn. Such is the reading and punctuation of Cortius. Some editions insert pecuniam.m before repetundarum, and some a comma after it. I have interpreted the passage in conformity with the explanation of Kritzius, which seems to me the most judicious that has been offered. Oppugnatus, says he, is equivalent to graviter vexatus, or violently assailed ; and Piso was thus assailed by Caesar on account of his unjust execution of the Gaul ; the words in judicio repetundarum merely mark the time when Caesar's attack was made. W T hile he was on his trial for one thing, he was attacked by Caesar for another. Gerlach, observing that the words in judicio are wanting in one MS., would omit them, and make oppugnatus govern pecuniarum repetundarum, as if it were accusatus; a change which would certainly not improve the passage. The Galli Transpadani seem to have been much attached to Caesar; see Cic. Ep. ad Att., v., 2; ad Fam., xvi., 12. 2 Comparatively a youth] Adolescentulo. Caesar was then in the thirty-third or, as some say, the thirty-seventh year of his age. See the note on this word, c. 3. 3 By magnificent exhibitions in public] Publice maximis muneribus. Shows of gladiators. 1 56 SALLUST. of the danger, or by the impulse of a high spirit, to testify more openly their zeal for the republic, threatened Caesar with their swords as he went out of the senate-house. L. Whilst these occurrences were passing in the senate, and whilst rewards were being voted, on approbation of their evidence, to the Allobrogian deputies and to Titus Voltur- cius, the freedmen, and some of the other dependants of Lentulus, were urging the artisans and slaves, in various directions throughout the city 1 , to attempt his rescue j some, too, applied to the ringleaders of the mob, who were always ready to disturb the state for pay. Cethegus, at the same time, was soliciting, through his agents, his slaves 2 and freed- men, men trained to deeds of audacity, to collect themselves into an armed body, and force a way into his place of con- finement. The consul, when he heard that these things were in agita- tion, having distributed armed bodies of men, as the circum- stances and occasion demanded, called a meeting of the senate, and desired to know " what they wished to be done concerning those who had been committed to custody." A full senate, however, had but a short time before 3 declared them traitors to their country. On this occasion, Decimus Ju- nius Silanus, who, as consul elect, was first asked his opinion, moved 4 that capital punishment should be inflicted, not I 1 L. In various directions throughout the city] Variis itineribus — in vicis. Going hither and thither through the streets. 2 Slaves] Familiam. " Servos suos, qui proprie famUia" Cortius. Familia is a number of famuli. 3 A full senate, however, had but a short time before, avdpes AflrjvcuoL) orav re its ra irpa.yp.aTa drro- ^Ae^o), Kal orav 7rpos tovs Xoyovs ovs clkoiko* tovs pev yap Xoyovs irepi tov TipcoprjaacrBai Qiknnrov 6pco yuyvopivovs, ra de irpaypara its tovto 7Tpor)KOvra wore 07Tods prj TreiaropeOa dvrol rrporepov KaKcos CTKtyacrQai biov. " I am by no means affected in the same manner, Athe- nians, when I review the state of our affairs, and when I attend to those speakers who have now declared their sentiments. They insist that we should punish Philip ; but our affairs, situated as they now appear, warn us to guard against the dangers with which we ourselves are threatened." Leland. 3 Their altars and their homes] Aris atque focis suis. a When arm and foci are joined, beware of supposing that they are to be distinguished as referring the one (am) to the public temples, and the other {foci) to private dwellings. * * * Both are to be understood of private houses, in which the ara belonged to the Dii Penates, and was placed in the impluvium in the inner part of the house ; theybctts was dedicated to the lares, and was in the hall." Ernesti, Clav. Cic, sub. v. Ara. Of the commentators on Sallust, Kritzius is, I believe, the only one who has concurred in this notion of Ernesti ; Langius and Dietsch (with Cortius) adhere to the common opinion that arai are the public altars. Dietsch refers, for a complete refutation of Ernesti, to G. A. B. Hertzberg de Diis Roma- 64 SALLITST. 3 selves against them, than to take counsel as to what sentence r we should pass upon them. Other crimes you may punish c after they have been committed ; but as to this, unless you i prevent its commission, you will, when it has once taken i effect, in vain appeal to justice 1 . "When the city is taken, no i power is left to the vanquished. ( " But, in the name of the immortal gods, I call upon you, 1 who have always valued your mansions and villas, your statues ] and pictures, at a higher price than the welfare of your coun- try ; if you wish to preserve those possessions, of whatever 1 kind they are, to which you are attached ; if you wish to j secure quiet for the enjoyment of your pleasures, arouse yourselves, and act in defence of your country. We are not now debating on the revenues, or on injuries done to our j allies, but our liberty and our life is at stake. 1 " Often, Conscript Fathers, have I spoken at great length i in this assembly ; often have I complained of the luxury and avarice of our citizens, and, by that very means, have incurred the displeasure of many. I, who never excused to myself, or to my own conscience, the commission of any fault, could not easily pardon the misconduct 2 , or indulge the licentious- ness, of others. But though you little regarded my remon- strances, yet the republic remained secure ; its own strength 3 was proof against your remissness. The question, however, at present under discussion, is not whether we live in a good or bad state of morals ; nor how great, or how splendid, the empire of the Roman people is ; but whether these things novum Penatibus, Hala?, 1840, p. 64; a book which I have not seen. Certainly, in the observation of Cicero ad Att., vii., 11," Non est respublica in parietibus, sed in aris et focis," arcs must be considered (as Schiller observes) to denote the public altars and national religion. See Schiller's Lex. v. Ara. 1 In vain appeal to justice] Frustra judicia implores. Judicia, trials, to pro- cure the inflictions of legal penalties. 2 Could not easily pardon the misconduct , cfc] Hand facile alterius lubidini malefacta condonabam. " Could not easily forgive the licentiousness of another its evil deeds." 3 Yet the republic remained secure ; its own strength, $c.~] Tamen respublica firma, opidentia neglegentiam tolerabat. This is Cortius's reading ; some editors, as Havercamp, Kritzius, and Dietsch, insert erat after firma. Whether ojmkntia is the nominative or ablative, is disputed. " Opidentia" says Allen, " casum sextum intellige, et repete respublica (ad tolerabat).'''' " Opidentia" says Kritzius, " melius nominativo capiendum videtur ; nam quvo sequuntur verba novam enun- ciation em efficiunt." I have preferred to take it as a nominative. I CONSPIRACY OF CATILINE. 65 around us, of whatever value they are, are to continue our own, or to fall, with ourselves, into the hands of the enemy. " In such a case, does any one talk to me of gentleness and compassion ? Eor some time past, it is true, we have lost the real names of things 1 ; for to lavish the property of others is called generosity, and audacity in wickedness is called heroism; and hence the state is reduced to the brink of ruin. But let those, who thus misname things, be liberal, since such is the practice, out of the property of our allies ; let them be merciful to the robbers of the treasury ; but let them not lavish our blood, and, whilst they spare a few criminals, bring destruction on all the guiltless. '" Caius Caesar, a short time ago, spoke in fair and elegant language 2 , before this assembly, on the subject of life and death ; considering as false, I suppose, what is told of the dead; that the bad, going a different way from the good, inhabit places gloomy, desolate, dreary, and full of horror. He accordingly proposed that the property of the conspirators should he confiscated, and themselves kept in custody in the municipal towns; fearing, ifc seems, that, if they remain at Rome, they may be rescued either by their accomplices in the conspiracy, or by a hired mob ; as if, forsooth, the mis- chievous and profligate were to be found only in the city, and not through the whole of Italy, or as if desperate attempts would not be more likely to succeed where there is less power to resist them. His proposal, therefore, if he fears any danger from them, is absurd ; but if, amidst such universal terror, he alone is free from alarm, it the more concerns me to fear for you and myself. " Be assured, then, that when you decide on the fate of Lentulus and the other prisoners, you at the same time de- 1 We have lost the real names of things, #c] Imitated from Thucydides, iii., 82: Kat T7]v iioaOvLav a£[(oo~iv tcdv ovofxarcov is tcl epya durrjWa^au rfj §iKai eV avrrjv avOis dveKkrjSrjcravj dvop.do~€i€v) evofilo-Qrj, Intelligit itaque ejusmodi homines veteranos, etsi non proprie erant tales evocati, sed sponte castra Catilina? essent secuti." Cortlus. 1 Into the foremost ranks] In primam aciem. Whether Sallust means that he ranged them with the eight cohorts, or only in the first line of the subsidia, is not clear. 2 A certain officer of FaBsulas] Fcesulcmum quemdam. " He is thought to have been that P. Furius, whom Cicero (Cat, hi., 6, 14) mentions as having been one of the colonists that Sylla settled at Faesulse, and who was to have been executed, if he had been apprehended, for having been concerned in corrupting the Allobrogian deputies." Dietsch. Pmtarch calls this officer Furius. 3 His freedmen] Libertis. "His own freedmen, whom he probably had about him as a body-guard, deeming them the most attached of his adherents. Among them was, possibly, that Sergius, whom we find from Cic. pro Domo, 5, 6, to have been Catiline's armour-bearer." Dietsch. 4 The colonists] Colonis. "Veterans of Sylla, who had been settled by him as colonists in Etruria, and who had now been induced to join Catiline." Ger- lack. See c. 28. 5 By the eagle] Propter aquilam. See Cic. in Cat., i., 9. 6 Being lame] Pedibas ceger. It has been common among translators to render pedibus ceger afflicted with the gout, though a Roman might surely be lame with- out having the gout. As the lameness of Antonius, however, according to Dion Cassius (xxxvii., 39), was only pretended, it may be thought more probable that he counterfeited the gout than any other malady. It was with this belief, I sup- pose, that the writer of a gloss on one of the manuscripts consulted by Cortius, interpreted the words, idtroneam passus est podagram, "he was affected with a voluntary gout." Dion Cassius says that he preferred engaging with Antonius, who had the larger army, rather than with Metellus, who had the smaller, because he hoped that Antonius would designedly act in such a way as to lose the victory. 7 To meet the present insurrection] Tumulti causa. Any sudden war or in- surrection in Italy or Gaul was called tumultus. See Cic. Philipp., v., 12. CONSPIRACY OF CATILINE. 77 rest of his force in lines. Then, riding round among his troops, and addressing his men by name, he encouraged them, and bade them remember that they were to fight against unarmed marauders, in defence of their country, their children, their temples, and their homes 1 . Being a military man, and having served with great reputation, for more than thirty years, as tribune, praefect, lieutenant, or praetor, he knew most of the soldiers and their honourable actions, and, by calling these to their remembrance, roused the spirits of the men. LX. When he had made a complete survey, he gave the signal with the trumpet, and ordered the cohorts to advance slowly. The army of the enemy followed his example ; and when they approached so near that the action could be com- menced by the light-armed troops, both sides, with a loud shout, rushed together in a furious charge 3 . They threw aside their missiles, and fought only with their swords. The veterans, calling to mind their deeds of old, engaged fiercely in the closest combat. The enemy made an obstinate re- sistance; and both sides contended with the utmost fury. Catiline, during this time, was exerting himself with his light troops in the front, sustaining such as were pressed, sub- stituting fresh men for the wounded, attending to every exigency, charging in person, wounding many an enemy, and performing at once the duties of a valiant soldier and a skilful general. "When Petreius, contrary to his expectation, found Catiline attacking him with such impetuosity, he led his praetorian cohort against the centre of the enemy, amongst whom, being thus thrown into confusion, and offering but partial re- sistance 3 , he made great slaughter, and ordered, at the same time, an assault on both flanks. Manlius and the Faesulan, sword in hand, were among the first 4 that fell ; and Catiline, when he saw his army routed, and himself left with but few supporters, remembering his birth and former dignity, rushed into the thickest of the enemy, where he was slain, fighting to the last. 1 Their temples and their homes] Aris atquefocis suis. See c. 52. 2 LX. In a furious charge] Infestis signis. 3 Offering hut partial resistance] Alios alibi resistentes. Not making a stand in a body, but only some in one place, and some in another. 4 Among the first, <$•&] Inprimis pugnantes cadunt. Cortius very properly refers in primis to cadunt. 78 SALLUST. LXL VWhen the battle was over, it was plainly seen what boldness, and what energy of spirit, had prevailed throughout the army of Catiline ; for, almost everywhere, every soldier, after yielding up his breath, covered with his corpse the spot which he had occupied when alive. A few, indeed, whom the praetorian cohort had dispersed, had fallen somewhat differently, but all with wounds in front. Catiline himself was found, far in advance of his men, among the dead bodies of the enemy ; he was not quite breathless, and still expressed in his countenance the fierceness of spirit which he had shown during his life. Of his whole army, neither in the battle, nor in flight, was any free-born citizen made prisoner, for they had spared their own lives no more than those of the enemy. ]N"or did the army of the Roman people obtain a joyful or bloodless victory ; for all their bravest men were either killed in the battle, or left the field severely wounded. Of many who went from the camp to view the ground, or plunder the slain, some, in turning over the bodies of the enemy, discovered a friend, others an acquaintance, others a relative ; some, too, recognised their enemies. Thus, glad- ness and sorrow, grief and joy, were variously felt throughout the whole army. CHRONOLOGY OF THE COISPffiACI OF CATILINE. EXTRACTED FROM DE BROSSES. A.U.C. 685. Coss. L. C^cilitjs Metellus, Q. Maecius Rex. — Catiline is Praetor. 686. — C. Calpueklus Piso, M. Acilius GtLabeio. — Cati- line Governor of Africa. 687. — L. Volcatius Tullus, M. JEmilius Lepidus. — De- puties from Africa accuse Catiline of extortion, through, the agency of Clodius. He is obliged to desist from standing for the consulship, and forms the project of the first conspiracy. See Sail. Cat., c. 18. 688. — L. Maistlius Toequatus, L. Aueelius Cotta. — Jan. 1: Catiline's project of the first conspiracy becomes known, and he defers the execution of it to the 5th of February, when he makes an unsuccessful attempt to execute it. July 17 : He is acquitted of extortion, and begins to canvass -for the consulship for the year 690. 689. — L. Julius Cjbsae, C. Maecius Figulus Theemus. — June 1 : Catiline convokes the chiefs of the second conspiracy. He is disappointed in his views on the con- sulship. 690. — M. Tullius Ciceeo, C. Antoetus Htbeida. — Oct. 19 : Cicero lays the affair of the conspiracy before the senate, who decree plenary powers to the consuls for defending the state. Oct. 21 : Silanus and Mursena are elected consuls for the next year, Catiline, who was a candidate, being rejected. Oct. 22 : Catiline is accused under the Plautian Law de vi. Sail. Cat., c. 31. Oct. 24 : Manlius takes up arms in Etruria. Nov. 6 : Ca- tiline assembles the chief conspirators, by the agency of Porcius Lseca. Sail. Cat., c. 27. Nov. 7 : Yargunteius and Cornelius undertake to assassinate Cicero. Sail. Cat., c. 28. Nov. 8 : Catiline appears in the senate ; Cicero delivers his first Oration against him ; he threatens to extinguish the flame raised around him in a general de- struction, and quits Rome. Sail. Cat., c. 31. Nov. 9 : Cicero delivers his second Oration against Catiline, before 80 SALLTJST. A.U.C. an assembly of the people convoked by order of the senate. Nov. 20, or thereabouts : Catiline and Manlius are declared public enemies. Soon after this the conspi- rators attempt to secure the support of the Allobrogian deputies. Dec. 3 : About two o'clock in the morning the Allobroges are apprehended. Towards evening Ci- cero delivers his third Oration against Catiline, before the people. Dec. 5 : Cicero's fourth Oration against Ca- tiline, before the senate. Soon after, the conspirators are condemned to death, and great honours are decreed by the senate to Cicero. 691.— D. Junius Silantts, L. Licinius Mttelzena.— Jan. 5_t Battle of Pistoria, and death of Catiline. The narrative of Sallust terminates with the account of the battle of Pistoria. There are a few other particulars con- nected with the history of the conspiracy, which, for the sake of the English reader, it may not be improper to add. "When the victory was gained, Antonius caused Catiline's head to be cut off, and sent it to Rome by the messengers who carried the news. Antonius himself was honoured, by a public decree, with the title of Imperator, although he had done little to merit the distinction, and although the number of slain, which was three thousand, was less than that for which the title was generally given. See Dio Cass, xxxvii., 40, 41. The remains of Catiline's army, after the death of their leader, continued to make efforts to raise another insurrec- tion. In August, eight months after the battle, a party, under the command of Lucius Sergius, perhaps a relative or freedman of Catiline, still offered resistance to the forces of the government in Etruria. Heliqidce conjuratorum, cum L. Sergio, tumultuantur in Hetrurid. Eragm. Act. Diurn. The responsibility of watching these marauders was left to the proconsul Metellus Celer. After some petty encounters, in which the insurgents were generally worsted, Sergius, having collected his force at the foot of the Alps, attempted to pene- trate into the country of the Allobroges, expecting to find them ready to take up arms ; but Metellus, learning his inten- tion, pre-occupied the passes, and then surrounded and de- stroyed him and his followers. CHBOtfOLOGY OF THE CONSPIRACY. OF CATILINE. 81 At Rome, in the mean time, great honours were paid to Cicero. A thanksgiving of thirty days was decreed in his name, an honour which had previously been granted to none but military men, and which was granted to him, to use his own words, because he had delivered the city from fire, the citizens from slaughter,* and Italy from war. u If my thanks- giving," he also observes, " be compared with those of others, there will be found this difference, that theirs were granted them for having managed the interests of the republic suc- cessfully, but that mine was decreed to me for having pre- served the republic from ruin." See Cic. Orat. iii., in Cat., c. 6. Pro Sylla, c. 30. In Pison. c. 3. Philipp. xiv., 8. Quintus Catulus, then princess senatus, and Marcus Cato, styled him, several times, the father of his country . Boma parentem, Eoma patrem patriae Ciceronem libera dixit. Juv. Sat. viii., 244, Of the inferior conspirators, who did not follow Sergius, and who were apprehended at Rome, or in other parts of Italy, after the death of the leaders in the plot, some were put to death, chiefly on the testimony of Lucius Vettius, one of their number, who turned informer against the rest. But many whom he accused were acquitted ; others, supposed to be guilty, were allowed to escape. THE JUGURTHINE WAR. THE ARGUMENT. The Introduction, I. — IV. The author's declaration of his design, and pre- fatory account of Jugurtha's family, V. Jugurtha's character, VI. His talents excite apprehensions in his uncle, Micipsa, VII. He is sent to Numantia. His merits, his favour with Scipio, and his popularity in the army, VIII. He re- ceives commendation and advice from Scipio, and is adopted by Micipsa, who resolves that Jugurtha, Adherbal, and Hiempsal, shall, at his death, divide his kingdom equally between them, IX. He is addressed by Micipsa on his death- bed, X. His proceedings, and those of Adherbal and Hiempsal, after the death of Micipsa, XL He murders Hiempsal, XII. He defeats Adherbal, and drives him for refuge to Rome. He dreads the vengeance of the senate, and sends am- bassadors to Rome, who are confronted with those of Adherbal in the senate- house, XIII. The speech of Adherbal, XIV. The reply of Jugurtha's ambas- sadors, and the opinions of the senators, XV. The prevalence of Jugurtha's money, and the partition of the kingdom between him and Adherbal, XVI. A description of Africa, XVII. An account of its inhabitants, and of its principal divisions at the commencement of the Jugurthine war, XVIIL, XIX. Jugur- tha invades Adherbal's part of the kingdom, XX. He defeats Adherbal, and besieges him in Cirta, XXL He frustrates the intentions of the Roman depu- ties, XXII. Adherbal's distresses, XXIII. His letter to the senate, XXIV. Jugurtha disappoints a second Roman deputation, XXV, He takes Cirta, and puts Adherbal to death, XXVI. The senate determine to make war upon him, and commit the management of it to Calpurnius, XXVII. He sends an in- effectual embassy to the senate. His dominions are vigorously invaded by Cal- purnius, XXVIII. He bribes Calpurnius, and makes a treaty with him, XXIX. His proceedings are discussed at Rome, XXX. The speech of Memmius con- cerning them, XXXI. The consequences of it, XXXII. The arrival of Jugur- tha at Rome, and his appearance before the people, XXXIIL, XXXIV. He procures the assassination of Massiva, and is ordered to quit Italy, XXXV. Albinus, the successor of Calpurnius, renews the war. He returns to Rome, and leaves his brother Aulus to command in his absence, XXXVI. Aulus miscarries in the siege of Suthul, and concludes a dishonourable treaty with Jugurtha, XXXVII. , XXXVIII. His treaty is annulled by the senate. His brother, Albinus, resumes the command, XXXIX. The people decree an in- quiry into the conduct of those who had treated with Jugurtha, XL. Con- sideration on the popular and senatorial factions, XLL, XLII. Metellus assumes the conduct of the war, XLIII. He finds the army in Numidia with- THE JTJGiniTHI^E WAR. S3 out discipline, XLIV. He restores subordination, XLV. He rejects Jugurtha's offers of submission, bribes his deputies, and marches into the country, XL VI. He places a garrison in Vacca, and seduces other deputies of Jugurtha, XL VII. He engages with Jagurtha, and defeats him. His lieutenant, Rutilius, puts to flight Bomilcar, the general of Jugurtha, XLVIIL— LIII. He is threatened with new opposition. He lavs waste the country. His stragglers are cut off by Jugurtha, LIV. His merits are celebrated at Rome. His caution. His pro- gress retarded, LV. He commences the siege of Zama, which is reinforced by Jugurtha. His lieutenant, Marina, repulses Jugurtha at Sicca, LVI. He is joined by Marius, and prosecutes the siege. His camp is surprised, LVIL, LVIII. His struggles with Jugurtha, and his operations before the town, LIX., LX. He raises the siege, and goes into winter quarters. He attaches Bomilcar to his interest, LXI. He makes a treaty with Jugurtha, who breaks it, LXII. The ambition of Marius. His character. His desire of the consulship, LXIII. His animosity towards Metellus. His intrigues to supplant him, LXIV, LXV. The Vaccians surprise the Roman garrison, and kill all the Romans but Turpi- lius, the governor, LXVL, LXVII. Metellus recovers Vacca. and puts Turpi- lius to death, LXVIIL, LXIX. The conspiracy of Bomilcar and Nabdalsa against Jugurtha, and the discovery of it. Jugurtha's disquietude, LXX. — LXXII. Metellus makes preparations for a second campaign. Marius returns to Rome, and is chosen consul, and appointed to command the army inNumidia, LXXIII. Jugurtha's irresolution. Metellus defeats him, LXXIV. The flight of Jugurtha to Thala. The march of Metellus in pursuit of him, LXXV . Jugurtha abandons Thala, and Metellus takes possession of it, LXXVI. Me- tellus receives a deputation from Leptis, and sends a detachment thither, LXXVIL The situation of Leptis, LXXVIII. The history of the Philsmi. LXXIX. Jugurtha collects an army of Getulians, and gains the support of Bocchus, King of Mauritania. The two kings proceed towards Cirta, LXXX., LXXXI. Metellus marches against them, but hearing that Marius is appointed to succeed him, contents himself with endeavouring to alienate Bocchus from Jugurtha, and protracting the war rather than prosecuting it, LXXXII., LXXXIII. The preparations of Marius for his departure. His disposition to- wards the nobility. His popularity, LXXXIV. His speech to the people, LXXXV. He completes his levies, and arrives in Africa, LXXXVI. He opens the campaign, LXXXVIL The reception of Metellus in Rome. The suc- cesses and plans of Marius. The applications of Bocchus. LXXXVIII. Marius marches against Capsa, and takes it, LXXXIX. — XCI. He gains possession of a fortress which the Xumidians thought impregnable, XCII. — XCIV. The arrival of Sylla in the camp. His character, XCV. His arts to obtain the favour of Marius and the soldiers, XCVI. Jugurtha and Bocchus attack Marius, and are vigorously opposed, XCVIL, XCVQI. Marius surprises them in the night, and routs them with great slaughter, XCIX. Marius prepares to go into winter quarters. His vigilance, and maintenance of discipline, C. He fights a second battle with Jugurtha and Bocchus, and gains a second victory over them, CI. He arrives at Cirta. He receives a deputation from Bocchus, and sends Sylla and Manlius to confer with him, CII. Marius undertakes an expedition. Bocchus prepares to send ambassadors to Rome, who, being stripped by robbers, take refuge in the Roman camp, and are entertained bv Svlla during g2 84 SALLXTST. the absence of Marius, €111. Marius returns. The ambassadors set out for Eome. The answer which they receive from the senate, CIV. Bocchus desires a conference with Sy 11a ; Sylla arrives at the camp of Bocchus, CV. — CVII. Negotiations between Sylla and Bocchus, CVIIL, CIX. The address of Bocchus to Sylla, CX. The reply of Sylla. The subsequent transactions between them. The resolution of Bocchus to betray Jugurtha, and the execution of it, CXI. — CXIII. The triumph of Marius, CXIV. __ — . . I." Mankind unreasonably complain of their nature, that, being weak and short-lived, it is governed by chance rather than intellectual power 1 ; for, on the contrary, you Avill find, upon reflection, that there is nothing more noble or excellent, and that to nature is wanting rather human industry than ability or time. The ruler and director of the life of man is the mind, which, when it pursues glory in the path of true merit, is sufficiently powerful, efficient, and worthy of honour 3 , and needs no assistance from fortune, who can neither bestow integrity, industry, or other good qualities, nor can take them away. But if the mind, ensnared by corrupt passions, abandons itself 3 to indolence and sensuality, when it has indulged for a season in pernicious gratifications, and when bodily strength, time, and mental vigour, have been wasted in sloth, the infirmity of nature is accused, and those who are themselves in fault impute their delinquency to circum- stances 4 . 1 1. Intellectual power] Virtute. See the remarks on virtus, at the commence- ment of the Conspiracy of Catiline. A little below, I have rendered via virtutis, " the path of true merit." 2 Worthy of honour] Clarus. " A person may be called claims either on ac- count of his great actions and merits ; or on account of some honour which he has obtained, as the consuls were called clarissimi viri ; or on account of great expec- tations which are formed from him. But since the worth of him who is clarus is known by all, it appears that the mind is here called clorus because its nature is such that pre-eminence is generally attributed to it, and the attention of all di- rected towards it." Dietsch. % Abandons itself] Pessum datvs est. Is altogether sunk and overwhelmed. 4 Impute their delinquency to circumstances, <£*(?.] Suavi quisque culpam auctores ad negotia transferunt. Men excuse their indolence and inactivity, by saying that the weakness of their faculties, or the circumstances in which they are placed, render them unable to accomplish anything of importance. But, says Seneca, Satis natura hominideditroboins, si Mo utamur ;— -nolle in causa, non posse prce- tenditur. " Nature has given men sufficient powers, if they will but use them ; THE JUGUfrTHIKE WAK. 85 If man, however, had as much regard for worthy objects, as he has spirit in the pursuit of what is useless 1 , unprofitable, and even perilous, he would not be governed by circum- stances more than he would govern them, and would attain to a point of greatness, at which, instead of being mortal 3 , he would be immortalised by glory. II. As man is composed of mind and body, so, of all our concerns and pursuits, some partake the nature of the body, and some that of the mind. Thus beauty of person, eminent wealth, corporeal strength, and all other things of this kind, speedily pass away ; but the illustrious achievements of the mind are, like the mind itself, immortal. Of the advantages of person and fortune, as there is a beginning, there is also an end ; they all rise and fall 3 , increase and decay. But the mind, incorruptible and eternal, the ruler of the human race, actuates and has power over all things 4 , yet is itself free from control. The depravity of those, therefore, is the more surprising, who, devoted to corporeal gratifications, spend their lives in luxury and indolence, but suffer the mind, than which nothing is better or greater in man, to languish in neglect and inac- but they pretend that they cannot, when the truth is that they will not." " Ne- gotia is a common word with Sallust, for which other writers would use res, facta.'''' Gerlach. " Cujus rei nos ipsi sumus auctores, ejus eulpam rebus ex- tends attribuimus." Jfiiller. u Auctores" is the same as the Greek airioi. 1 Useless] Aliena. Unsuitable, not to the purpose, not contributing to the im- provement of life. 2 Instead of being mortal] Pro mortalibus. There are two senses in which these words may be taken: as far as mortals can, and instead of being mortals. Kritz and Dietsch say that the latter is undoubtedly the true sense. Other commentators are either silent or say little to the purpose. As for the translators, they have studied only how to get over the passage delicately. The latter sense is perhaps favoured by what is said in c. 2, that M the illustrious achievements of the mind are, like the mind itself, immortal." 3 II. They all rise and fall, <|*c.] Omnia oria occidunt, et aucta senescunt. This is true of things in general, but is here spoken only of the qualities of the body, as De Brosses clearly perceived. 4 Has power over all things] Habetcuncta. " All things are in its power." Dietsch. " Sub ditione tenet. So Jupiter, Ov. Met. i., 197: Quum mihi qui fulmen, qui vos habeoque rogoque." Burnouf. So Aristippus said, Habeo Laidem, non kabeor a Laide, e^oo ovk e^o/xat. Cic. Epist. ad Fam. ix., 26. 86 SALLUST. tivity ; especially when there are so many and various mental employments by which the highest renown may be attained. III. Of these occupations, however, civil and military offices 1 , and all administration of public aifairs, seem to me, at the present time, by no means to be desired ; for neither is honour conferred on merit, nor are those, who have gained power by unlawful means, the more secure or respected for it. To rule our country or subjects 3 by force, though we may have the ability, and may correct what is wrong, is yet an ungrateful undertaking ; especially as all changes in the state lead to 3 bloodshed, exile, and other evils of discord; while to struggle in ineffectual attempts, and to gain nothing, by wearisome exertions, but public hatred, is the extreme of 1 III. Civil and military offices] Magistratus et imperia. " Illo vocabulo civilia, hoc militaria munera, significantur." Bietsch. 2 To rule our country or subjects, cf-e.] Nam vi quidem regere patriam av.t parentes, fyc. Cortius, Gerlach, Kritz, Dietsch, and Muller, are unanimous in understanding parentes as the participle of the verb pareo. That this is the sense, says Gerlach, is sufficiently proved by the conjunction aut ; for if Saliust had meant parents, he would have used nt; and in this opinion Allen coincides. Doubtless, also, this sense of the word suits extremely well with the rest of the sentence, in which changes in government are mentioned. But Burnouf, with Crispinus, prefers to follow Aldus Manutius, who took the word in the other sig- nification, supposing that Saliust borrowed the sentiment from Plato, who says in his Epistle ad Dionis Propinquos : Hare pa de rj prjrepa 6v% ocriov rjyov- fjLUL irpocrfiia^ecrOai, pr) vocrco Trapatypoj-vvrjs ixopevovs. Biav 8e wa- rptSt Trdkireias peTaftokrjs pr) Trpoo-tyeptiv, orav avcv (j)vya)v, Kal (T0ay^9 avbpcdv, pr) dvvarov fj yiveaBai rr)v dpLcrrrjy, And he makes a • similar observation in his Crito: liavra-^ov ttolt]T€ov^ o av KeXevoi r) 7to\ls re, Kal r) narpls. Bidfecr&u 8e 6v% oviov ovre prjTepa, ovre narepa' ttoXv &e tovtcov %tl tjttov ttjv Trarpiha. On which sentiments Cicero, ad Fam. i., 9, thus comments: Id enim jubet idem ille Plato, quern ego auctorem veJiementer sequor ; tantum contendere in republica quantum probare tuis civibus possis : vim. neque parenti, neque patriot a fferre oportere. There is also another passage in Cicero, Cat. i., 3, which seems to favour this sense of the word: Site parentes timerent atque odissent tui, neque eos ulla ratione placare posses, ut opinor, ab eorum oculis aliqub concederes; nunc tepatria, qua; com- munis est omnium nostrum parens odit ac metuit, cfc. Of the first passage cited from Plato, indeed, Sallust's words may seem to be almost a translation. Yet, as the majority of commentators have followed Cortius, I have also followed him. Saliust has the word in this sense in Jug., c. 102 : Parentes abunde habemus. So Veli. Pat. ii., 108: Principalis constans ex voluntate parentium. 3 Lead to] Portendant. " Portendere in a pregnant sense, meaning not merely to indicate, but quasi secum ferre, to carry along with them." Kritzius. THE JUGURTHINE WAR. 87 madness ; unless when a base and pernicious spirit, per- chance, may prompt a man to sacrifice his honour and liberty to the power of a party. IV. Among other employments which are pursued by the intellect, the recording of past events is of pre-eminent utility; but of its merits I may, I think, be silent, since many have spoken of them, and since, if I were to praise my own occupation, I might be considered as presumptuously 1 praising myself. I believe, too, that there will be some, who, because I have resolved to live unconnected with political affairs, will apply to my arduous and useful labours the name of idleness ; especially those who think it an important pur- suit to court the people, and gain popularity by entertain- ments. But if such persons will consider at what periods I obtained office, what sort of men 2 were then unable to obtain it, and what description of persons have subsequently entered the senate 3 , they will think, assuredly, that I have altered my sentiments rather from prudence than from indolence, and that more good will arise to the state from my retirement, than from the busy efforts of others. I have often heard that Quintus Maximus 4 , Publius Scipio 5 , and many other illustrious men of our country, were accus- tomed to observe, that, when they looked on the images of their ancestors, they felt their minds irresistibly excited to 1 IV. Presumptuously] Per insolentiam. The same as insolenter, though some refer it, not to Sallust, but to quis existumet, in the sense of strangely, i. e. foolishly or ignorantly. I follow Cortius's interpretation. 2 At what periods I obtained office, what sort of men, T E WAE. 131 these severe measures were directed, than from concern for the republic ; so violent was the fury of party. Whilst the rest of the delinquents were in trepidation, Marcus Scaurus 1 , whom I have previously noticed as Bestia's lieutenant, contrived, amidst the exultation of the populace, the dismay of his own party, and the continued agitation in the city, to have himself elected one of the three commis- sioners who were appointed by the bill of Mamilius to carry it into execution. But the investigation, notwithstanding, was conducted 3 with great rigour and violence, under the in- fluence of common rumour and popular caprice ; for the inso- lence of success, which had often distinguished the nobility, on this occasion characterised the people. XLI. The prevalence of parties among the people, and of factions in the senate, and of all evil practices attendant on them, had its origin at Eome, a few years before, during a period of tranquillity, and amidst the abundance of all that mankind regard as desirable. For, before the destruction of Carthage, the senate and people managed the affairs of the republic with mutual moderation and forbearance ; there were no contests among the citizens for honour or ascen- dancy ; but the dread of an enemy kept the state in order. When that fear, however, was removed from their minds, licentiousness and pride, evils which prosperity loves to foster, immediately began to prevail ; and thus peace, which they had so eagerly desired in adversity, proved, when they had obtained it, more grievous and fatal than adversity itself. The patricians carried their authority, and the people their liberty, to excess; every man took, snatched, and seized 3 I what he could. There was a complete division into two factions, and the republic was torn in pieces between them. 1 Marcus Scaurus] See c. 15. That he was appointed on this occasion, is an evident proof of his commanding influence. 2 But the investigation, notwithstanding, was conducted, cfc] Sed qucestio exercita, §c. Scaurus, it is probable, did what he could to mitigate the violence of the proceedings. Cicero, however, says that Caius Galba a sacerdos, with four consulares, Bestia, Caius Cato, Albinus, and Opimius, were condemned and exiled by this law of Mamilius. See Brut. c. 34. 3 XLI. Took, snatched, and seized] Ducere, trahere, rapere. " Ducere con- veys the notion of cunning and fraud ; trahere of some degree of force ; rapere of open violence." Midler. The words chiefly refer to offices in the state, as is appa- rent from what follows. k2 132 SALLTJST. Yet the nobility still maintained an ascendancy by conspir- ing together ; for the strength of the people, being disunited and dispersed among a multitude, was less able to exert itself. Things were accordingly directed, both at home and in the field, by the will of a small number of men, at whose dis- posal were the treasury, the provinces, offices, honours, and triumphs ; while the people were oppressed with military ser- vice and with poverty, and the generals divided the spoils of war with a few of their friends. The parents and children of the soldiers 1 , meantime, if they chanced to dwell near a powerful neighbour, were driven from their homes. Thus avarice, leagued with power, disturbed, violated, and wasted everything, without moderation or restraint ; disregarding alike reason and religion, and rushing headlong, as it were, to its own destruction. Eor whenever any arose among the nobility 3 , who preferred true glory to unjust power, the state was immediately in a tumult, and civil discord spread with as much disturbance as attends a convulsion of the earth. XLII. Thus when Tiberius and Caius Gracchus, whose forefathers had done much to increase the power of the state in the Punic and other wars, began to vindicate the liberty of the people, and to expose the misconduct of the few, the nobility, conscious of guilt, and seized with alarm, endea- 1 The parents and children of the soldiers, cfc] Quid quod usque proximos Revellis agri terminos, et ultra Limites clientium Salis avarus ? Pellitur paternos In sinu ferens deos Et uxor et vir, sordidosque natos. Hor. Od., ii., 18. What can this impious av rice stay ? Their sacred landmarks torn away, You plunge into your neighbour's grounds, And overleap your client's bounds. Helpless the wife and husband flee, And in their arms, expeli'd by thee, Their household gods, adored in vain, Their infants, too, a sordid train. Francis. 2 Among the nobility] Ex nobilitate. Cortius injudiciously omits these words. The reference is to the Gracchi. THE JUGUETHISTE WAR. 133 voured, sometimes by means. of the allies and Latins 1 , and sometimes by means of the equestrian order, whom the hope of coalition with the patricians had detached from the people, to put a stop to the proceedings of the Gracchi ; and first they killed Tiberius, and a few years after Caius, who pur- sued the same measures as his brother, the one when he was tribune, and the other when he was one of a triumvirate for settling colonies ; and with them they cut off Marcus Fulvius Flaccus. In the Gracchi, indeed, it must be allowed that, from their ardour for victory, there was not sufficient pru- dence. But to a reasonable man it is more agreeable to submit 2 to injustice than triumph over it by improper means. The nobility, however, using their victory with wanton ex- travagance, exterminated numbers of men by the sword or by exile, yet rather increased, for the time to come, the dread with which they were regarded, than their real power. Such proceedings have often ruined powerful states ; for of two parties, each strives to suppress the other by any means whatever, and to take vengeance with undue severity on the vanquished. But were I to attempt to treat of the animosities of parties, and of the morals of the state, with minuteness of detail, and suitably to the vastness of the subject, time would fail me sooner than matter. I therefore return to my subject. XLIII. After the treaty of Aulus, and the disgraceful flight of our army, Quintus Metellus and Marcus Silanus, the consuls elect, divided the provinces between them ; and jNumidia fell to Metellus, a man of energy, and, though an 1 By means of the allies and Latins] See on, c. 40. 2 But to a reasonable man it is more agreeable to submit, engage in close combat with the besieged. The Zamians, on the other hand, rolled down stones, and hurled 1 Sicca] It stood on the banks of the Bagradas, at some distance from the coast, and contained a celebrated Temple of Venus. Val. Max. ii., 6. D'Anville thinks it the same as the modern Kef, THE JUaTJETHI^E WAB. 149 burning stakes, javelins 1 , and wood smeared with pitch and sulphur, on the nearest assailants. Nor was caution a suf- ficient protection to those who kept aloof ; for darts, dis- charged from engines or by the hand, inflicted wounds on most of them ; and thus the brave and the timid, though of unequal merit, were exposed to equal danger. LVIII. While the struggle was thus continued at Zama, Jugurfcha, at the head of a large force, suddenly attacked the camp of the Eomans, and, through the remissness of those left to guard it, who expected anything rather than an attack, effected an entrance at one of the gates. Our men, struck with sudden consternation, acted each on his own im- pulse ; some fled, others seized their arms ; and many of them were wounded or slain. About forty, however, out of the whole number, mindful of the honour of Home, formed themselves into a body, and took possession of a slight eminence, from which they could not be dislodged by the utmost efforts of the enemy, but hurled back the darts dis- charged at them, and, as they were few against many, not without execution. If the Numidians came near them, they displayed their courage, and slaughtered, repulsed, and dis- persed them, with the greatest fury. Metellus, meanwhile, who was vigorously pursuing the siege, heard a noise, as of enemies, in his rear, and, turning round his horse, perceived a party of soldiers in flight towards him ; a certain proof that they were his own men. He instantly, therefore, despatched the whole of the cavalry to the camp, and immediately after- wards Caius Marius, with the cohorts of the allies, intreat- ing him with tears, by their mutual friendship, and by his regard for the public welfare, to allow no stain to rest on a victorious army, and not to let the enemy escape with im- 1 LVII. Javelins] Pila. This pilum may have been, as Muller suggests, similar to the falarica which Livy (xxi., 8) says that the Saguntines used against their besiegers. Falarica erat Saguntinis, missile telum hastili abiegno, — id, sicut in pilo, quadratum stuppd circumligabant, linebantque pice : — quod cum me- dium accensimi mitteretur, <§c. Of Sallust's other words, in the latter part of this sentence, the sense is clear, but the readings of different editors are extremely various. Cortius and Gerlach have sudes, pila, prceterea picem sulphure et tceda mixtam ardentia mittere; but it can scarcely be believed that Sallust wrote picem — tcedd mixtam. Havercamp gives pice et sulphure t&dam mixtam ardentia mittsre, which has been adopted by Kritzius and Dietsch, except that they have changed ardentia, on the authority of some of the manuscripts, into ardenti. 150 SALLTTST. punity. Marius soon executed his orders. Jugurtha, in consequence, after being embarrassed in the entrenchments of the camp, while some of his men threw themselves over the ramparts, and others, in their haste, obstructed each other at the gates, fled, with considerable loss, to his strong- holds. Metellus, not succeeding in his attempt on the town, retired with his forces, at the approach of night, into his camp, LIX. On the following day, before he marched out to re- sume the siege, he ordered the whole of his cavalry to take their station before the camp, on the side where the approach of Jugurtha was to be apprehended; assigning the gates, and adjoining posts, to the charge of the tribunes. He then marched towards the town, and commenced an assault upon the walls as on the day before. Jugurtha, meanwhile, issu- ing from his concealment, suddenly attached our men in the camp, of whom those stationed in advance were for the moment alarmed and thrown into confusion; but the rest soon came to their support ; nor would the JNumidians have longer maintained their ground, had not their foot, which were mingled with the cavalry, done great execution in the struggle ; for the horse, relying on the infantry, did not, as is common in actions of cavalry, charge and then retreat, but pressed impetuously forward, disordering and breaking the ranks, and thus, with the aid of the light-armed foot, almost succeeded in giving the enemy a defeat 1 . LX. The conflict at Zama, at the same time, was con- tinued with great fury. Wherever any lieutenant or tri- bune commanded, there the men exerted themselves with the utmost vigour. JSTo one seemed to depend for support on others, but every one on his own exertions. The townsmen, on the other side, showed equal spirit. Attacks, or prepa- rations for defence, were made in all quarters 3 . All appeared 1 LIX. And thus, with the aid of the light-armed foot, almost succeeded in giving the enemy a defeat] Ita expeditis peditibus suis hostes pane victos dare. Cortius, Kritzius, and Allen, concur in regarding expeditis peditibus as an abla- tive of the instrument, i. e. as equivalent toper expedites pedites, and victos dare as nothing more than vincere. This appears to be the right mode of explanation ; but most of the translators, French as well as English, have taken expeditis pedi- tibus as a dative, and given to the passage the sense that "the cavalry delivered up the enemy, when nearly conquered, to be despatched by the light-armed foot." 2 LX. Attacks, or preparations for defence, were made in all quarters] Oppug- THE JTTGUBTHIKE WAB. 151 more eager to wound their enemies than to protect them- selves. Shouts, mingled with exhortations, cries of joy, and the clashing of arms, resounded through the heaven. Darts flew thick on every side. If the besiegers, however, in the least relaxed their efforts, the defenders of the walls imme- diately turned their attention to the distant engagement of the cavalry ; they were to be seen sometimes exhibiting joy, and sometimes apprehension, according to the varying for- tune of Jugurtha, and, as if they could be heard or seen by their friends, uttering warnings or exhortations, making -signs with their hands, and moving their bodies to and fro, like men avoiding or hurling darts. This being noticed by Marius, who commanded on that side of the town, he artfully ■ x relaxed his efforts, as if despairing of success, and allowed j the besieged to view the battle at the camp unmolested. : Then, whilst their attention was closely fixed on their coun- \ trymen, he made a vigorous assault on the wall, and the 1 soldiers, mounting their scaling-ladders, had almost gained the top, when the townsmen rushed to the spot in a body, and hurled down upon them stones, firebrands, and every description of missiles. Our men made head against these annoyances for a while, but at length, when some of the ladders were broken, and those who had mounted them dashed to the ground, the rest of the assailants retreated as they could, a few indeed unhurt, but the greater number miserably wounded. Night put an end to the efforts of both parties. LXI. When Metellus saw that all his attempts were vain ; that the town was not to be taken ; that Jugurtha was resolved to abstain from fighting, except from an am- \ bush, or on his own ground, and that the summer was now far \ advanced, he withdrew his army from Zama, and placed gar- * risons in such of the cities that had revolted to him as were ' sufficiently strong in situation or fortifications. The rest of his forces he settled in winter quarters, in that part of our province nearest to Numidia 1 . nare aut parare omnibus locis. There is much discussion among the critics whether these verbs are to be referred to the besiegers or the besieged. Cortius and Gerlach attribute oppugnare to the Romans, and parare to the men of Zama ; a distinction which Kritzius justly condemns. There can be little doubt that they are spoken of both parties equally. 1 LXI. The rest of his forces — in that part of our province nearest to Numidia] 152 SALLUST. This season of repose, however, he did not, like other com- manders, abandon to idleness and luxury; but as the war had been but slowly advanced by fighting, he resolved to try the effect of treachery on the king through his friends, and to employ their perfidy instead of arms. He accordingly addressed himself, with large promises, to Bomilcar, the same nobleman who had been with Jugurtha at Eome, and who had fled from thence, notwithstanding he had given bail, to escape being tried for the murder of Massiva ; selecting this person for his instrument, because, from his great intimacy with Jugurtha, he had the best opportunities of betraying him. He prevailed on him, in the first place, to come to a conference with him privately, when, having given him his word, " that, if he should deliver up Jugurtha, alive or dead, the senate would grant him a pardon, and the full possession of his property," he easily brought him over to his purpose, especially as he was naturally faithless, and also apprehen- sive that, if peace were made with the Eomans, he himself would be surrendered to justice by the terms of it. LXII. Bomilcar took the earliest opportunity of address- ing Jugurtha, at a time when he was full of anxiety, and la- menting his ill success. He exhorted and implored him, with tears in his eyes, to take at length some thought for himself and his children, as well as for the people of Kumidia, who had so much claim upon him. He reminded him that they had been defeated in every battle ; that the country was laid waste; that numbers of his subjects had been captured or slain; that the resources of the kingdom were greatly reduced; that the valour of his soldiers, and his own fortune, had been already sufficiently tried ; and that he should beware, lest, if he delayed to consult for his people, his people should consult for themselves. By these and similar appeals, he prevailed with Jugurtha to think of a surrender. Ambassa- dors were accordingly sent to the Boman general, announcing Cceterum exercitum in provinciam, quce proximo, est Numidice, hiemandi gratia collocat. " The words quce proximo est Numidice Cortius would eject as super- fluous and spurious. But it is to be understood that Metellus did not distribute his troops through the whole of the province, but in that part which is nearest to Numidia, in order that they might be easily assembled in case of an attack of the enemy or any other emergency. There is, therefore, no need to read with the Bi- pont edition and Miiller, qua proximo, cj-c, though this is in itself not a bad con- jecture." Kritzius. THE JUGUKTHIKE WAE. 153 that Jugurtha was ready to submit to whatever he should desire, and to trust himself and his kingdom uncondition- ally to his honour. Metellus, on receiving this statement, summoned such of his officers as were of senatorial rank, from their winter quarters ; of whom, with others whom he thought eligible, he formed a council. By a resolution of this assembly, in conformity with ancient usage, he de- . manded of Jugurtha, through his ambassadors, two hundred thousand pounds' weight of silver, all his elephants, and a portion of his horses and arms. These requisitions being imme- -diately complied with, he next desired that all the deserters should be brought to him in chains. A large number of them were accordingly brought ; but a few, when the sur- render first began to be mentioned, had fled into Mauretania to king Bocchus. When Jugurtha, however, after being thus despoiled of arms, men, and money, was summoned to appear in person I at Tisidium 1 , to await the consul's commands, he began again to change his mind, dreading, from a consciousness of guilt, the punishment due to his crimes. Having spent several days in hesitation, sometimes, from disgust at his ill success, believing anything better than war, and sometimes considering with himself how grievous would be the fall from sovereignty to slavery, he at last determined, notwith- standing that he had lost so many and so valuable means of resistance, to commence hostilities anew. At Rome, meanwhile, the senate, having been consulted about the provinces, had decreed Numidia to Metellus. LXIII. About the same time, as Caius Marius, who happened to be at Utica, was sacrificing to the gods 3 , an augur 1 LXII. Was summoned to appear in person at Tisidium, cf*c] Cum ipse ad imperandum Tisidium vocaretur. The gerund is used, as grammarians say, in a passive sense. " The town of Tisidium is nowhere else mentioned. Strabo (xvii., 3, p. 488, Ed. Tauch.) speaks of a place named Tto-tatot, which was utterly destroyed, and not a vestige of it left." Gerlach. 2 LXIII. Sacrificing to the gods] Per hostias dis supplicante. Supplicating or worshipping the gods with sacrifices, and trying to learn their intentions as to the future by inspection of the entrails. " Marius was either a sincere believer in the absurd superstitions and dreams of the soothsayers, or pretended to be so, from a knowledge of the nature of mankind, who are eager to listen to wonders, and are more willing to be deceived than to be taught." Bmmcnif. See Plutarch, Life of 154 SALLTJST. told him that great and wonderful things were presaged to him ; that he might therefore pursue whatever designs he had formed, trusting to the gods for success ; and that he might try fortune as often as he pleased, for that all his undertakings would prosper. Previously to this period, an ardent longing for the consulship had possessed him ; and he had, indeed, every qualification for obtaining it, except antiquity of family ; he had industry, integrity, great knowledge of war, and a spirit undaunted in the field ; he was temperate in pri- vate life, superior to pleasure and riches, and ambitious only of glory. Having been born at Arpinum, and brought up there during his boyhood, he employed himself, as soon as he was of age to bear arms, not in the study of Greek elo- quence, nor in learning the refinements of the city, but in military service ; and thus, amidst the strictest discipline, his excellent genius soon attained full vigour. When lie solicited the people, therefore, for the military tribuneship, he was well known by name, though most were strangers to his face, and unanimously elected by the tribes. After this office he attained others in succession, and conducted himself so well in his public duties, that he was always deemed worthy of a higher station than he had reached. Yet, though such had been his character hitherto (for he was afterwards carried away by ambition), he had not ventured to stand for the consulship. The people, at that time, still disposed of 1 other civil offices, but the nobility transmitted the consulship from hand to hand among themselves. Nor had any commoner appeared, however famous or distin- guished by his achievements, who would not have been thought unworthy of that honour, and, as it were, a disgrace to it. LXIV. But when Marius found that the words of the augur pointed in the same direction as his own inclina- tions prompted him, he requested of Metellus leave of ab- Marius. He could interpret omens for himself, according to Valerius Maxi- mus, i., 5. 1 The people — disposed of, cfc] Etiam turn alios rmgistrat'us plebes, comidatum nobilitas, inter seper manias tradebat. The commentators have seen the necessity of understanding a verb with plebes. Kritzius suggests kabebat ; Gerlach gerebat or accipiebat. 2 A disgrace to it] Pollutus. He was considered, as it were, unclean. See Cat., c. 23,^. THE JUGTJRTEOTE WAS. 155 sence, that he might offer himself a candidate for the consulship. Metellus, though eminently distinguished by virtue, honour, and other qualities valued by the good, had yet a haughty and disdainful spirit, the common failing of the nobility. He was at first, therefore, astonished at so extraordinary an application, expressed surprise at Marius' s views, and advised him, as if in friendship, " not to indulge such unreasonable expectations, or elevate his thoughts above his station ; that all things were not to be coveted by all men ; that his present condition ought to satisfy him ; and, finally, that he should be cautious of asking from the Eoman people what they might justly refuse him." Having made these and similar remarks, and finding that the resolution of Marius was not at all affected by them, he told him " that he would grant what he desired as soon as the public business would allow him 1 ." On Marius repeating his request several times afterwards, he is reported to have said, " that he need not be in a hurry to go, as he would be soon enough if he became a candidate with his own son 3 ." Metellus' s son was then on service in the camp with his father 3 , and was about twenty years old. This taunt served only to rouse the feelings of Marius, as well for the honour at which he aimed, as against Metellus. He suffered himself to be actuated, therefore, by ambition and resentment, the worst of counsellors. He omitted nothing henceforward, either in deeds or words, that could increase his own popularity. He allowed the soldiers, of whom he had the command in the winter quarters, more relaxation of discipline than he had ever granted them before. He talked of the war among the merchants, of whom there was a great number at Utica, censoriously with respect to Metellus, and vauntingly with regard to himself; saying " that if but half of the army were granted him, he would in a few days have 1 LXIV. As soon as the public business would allow him] Ubi primiim po- tuissetper negotia publica. As soon as he could through (regard to) the public business. 2 With his own son] Cumjilio suo. With the son of Metellus. He tells Marius that it would be soon enough for him to stand for the consulship in twenty-three years' time, the legitimate age for the consulship being forty-three. 3 In the camp with his father] Contubernio patris. He was among the young noblemen in the consul's retinue, who were sent out to see military service under him. This was customary. See Cic. Pro Ccel. 30; Pro Plane. 11. 156 SALLUST. Jugurtha in chains; but that the war was purposely pro- tracted by the consul, because, being a man of vanity and regal pride, he was too fond of the delights of power." All these assertions appeared the more credible to the merchants, as, by the long continuance of the war, they had suffered in their fortunes ; and to impatient minds no haste is sufficient. LXV. There was then in our army a jNumidian named Grauda, the son of Mastanabal, and grandson of Masinissa, whom Micipsa, in his will, had appointed next heir to his immediate successors. This man had been debilitated by ill- health, and, from the effect of it, was somewhat impaired in his understanding. He had petitioned Metellus to allow him a seat, like a prince, next to himself, and a troop of horse for a body-guard ; but Metellus had refused him both ; the seat, because it was granted only to those whom the Eoman people had addressed as kings, and the guard, because it would be an indignity to Eoman cavalry to act as guards to a Numidian. While Grauda was discontented at these refusals, Marius paid him a visit, and prompted him, with his assistance, to seek revenge for the affronts put upon him by the general ; in- flating his mind, which was as weak as his body 1 , with flatter- ing speeches, telling him that he was a prince, a great man, and the grandson of Masinissa ; that if Jugurtha were taken or killed, he would immediately become king of Xumidia ; and that this event might soon happen, if he himself were sent as consul to the war. Thus partly the influence of Marius himself, and partly the hope of obtaining peace, induced Grauda, as well as most of the Eoman knights, both soldiers and merchants 2 , to write to their friends at Eome, in a style of censure, respecting Metellus' s management of the war, and to intimate that Ma- rius should be appointed general. The consulship, accord- ingly, was solicited for him by numbers of people, with the most honourable demonstrations in his favour 3 . It happened 1 LXV. Which was as weak as his body] Ob morbos—jmrum valido. Sallust had already expressed this a few lines above. 2 Merchants] Negotiatores. " Every one knows that Romans of equestrian dignity were accustomed to trade in the provinces." Burnovf. 3 With the most honourable demonstrations in his favour] Honestlssimd suf- fragatlone. " Suffragatio was the zealous recommendation of those who solicited the votes of their fellow-citizens in favour of some candidate. See Festus, s. v. Svffragatores, p. 266, Lindem." DietseJi. It was honourable, in the case of THE JUaURTHIKE WAB. 157 that the people too, at this juncture, having just triumphed over the nobility by the Mamilian law 1 , were eager to raise commoners to office. Hence everything was favourable to Marius's views. LXVI. Jugurtha, meantime, who, after relinquishing his intention to surrender, had renewed the war, was now hasten- ing the preparations for it with the utmost diligence. He assembled an army ; he endeavoured, by threats or promises, to recover the towns that had revolted from him ; he forti- fied advantageous positions 3 ; he repaired or purchased arms, -weapons, and other necessaries, which he had given up on the prospect of peace ; he tried to seduce the slaves of the Romans, and even tempted with bribes theEomans themselves who occupied the garrisons ; he, indeed, left nothing untried or neglected, but put every engine in motion. Induced by the entreaties of their king, from whom, indeed, they had never been alienated in affection, the leading inha- bitants of Vacca, a city in which Metellus, when Jugurtha began to treat for peace, had placed a garrison, entered into a conspiracy against the Romans. As for the common people of the town, they were, as is generally the case, and especially among the Numidians, of a fickle disposition, factious and turbulent, and therefore already desirous of a change, and adverse to peace and quiet. Having arranged their plans, they fixed upon the third day following for the execution of them, because that day, being a festival, celebrated through- out Africa, would promise merriment and dissipation rather than alarm. When the time came, they invited the cen- turions and military tribunes, with Titus Turpilius Silanus, the governor of the town, to their several houses, and butchered them all, except Turpilius, at their banquets ; and then fell upon the common soldiers, who, as was to be ex- pected on such a day, when discipline was relaxed, were wandering about without their arms. The populace followed the example of their chiefs, some of them having been pre- viously instructed to do so, and others induced by a liking for Marius, as it was without bribery, and seemed to have the good of the republic in view. 1 The Mamilian law] See c. 40. 2 LXVI. Advantageous positions] Suos locos. Places favourable for his views. See Kritzius on c. 54. 158 SALLTJST. such disorders, and, though ignorant of what had been done or intended, finding sufficient gratification in tumult and variety. LXYII. The Roman soldiers, perplexed with sudden alarm, and not knowing what was best for them to do, were in trepidation. At the citadel 1 , where their standards and shields were, was posted a guard of the enemy; and the city-gates, previously closed, prevented escape. "Women and children, too, on the roofs of the houses 2 , hurled down upon them, with great eagerness, stones and whatever else their position furnished. Thus neither could such twofold danger be guarded against, nor could the bravest resist the feeblest ; the worthy and the worthless, the valiant and the cowardly, were alike put to death unavenged. In the midst of this slaughter, whilst the JSTumidians were exercising every cruelty, and the town was closed on all sides, Turpilius was the only one, of all the Italians, that escaped unhurt. "Whether his flight was the consequence of compassion in his entertainer, of compact, or of chance, I have never discovered ; but since, in such a general massacre, he preferred inglorious safety to an honourable name, he seems to have been a worthless and infamous character 3 . LXVIII. When Metellus heard of what had happened at Vacca, he retired for a time, overpowered with sorrow, from the public gaze ; but at length, as indignation mingled with his grief, he hastened, with the utmost spirit, to take ven- geance for the outrage. He led forth, at sunset, the legion that was in winter quarters with him, and as many Numi- dian horse as he could, and arrived, about the third hour on the following day, at a certain plain surrounded by rising 1 LXVII. Were in trepidation. At the citadel, cfc.] I have translated this passage in conformity with the texts of Gerlach, Kritzius, Dietsch, Miiller, and Allen, who put a point between trepidare and ad arcem. Cortius, Havercamp, and Burnouf have trepidare ad arcem, without any point. Which method gives the better sense, any reader can judge. 2 On the roofs of the houses] Pro tectis cBdifidonim. In front of the roofs of the houses; that is, at the parapets. "In prima tectorum parte." Kritzius. The roofs were flat. 3 Worthless and infamous character] Improlus intestabilisque. These words are taken from the twelve tables of the Roman law: See Aul. Gell. vi., 7; xv., 3. Horace, in allusion to them, has intestabilis et sacer, Sat. ii., 3, 181. Intestabilis signified a person to be of so infamous a character that he was not allowed to give evidence in a court of justice. THE JUaUKTHINE WAK. 159 grounds. Here he acquainted the soldiers, who were now exhausted with the length of their march, and averse to fur- ther exertion 1 , that the town of Vacca was not above a mile distant ; and that it became them to bear patiently the toil that remained, with the hope of exacting revenge for their countrymen, the bravest and most unfortunate of men. He likewise generously promised them the whole of the plunder. Their courage being thus revived, he ordered them to resume their march, the cavalry maintaining an extended line in front, and the infantry, with their standards concealed, keep- ing the closest order behind. LXIX. The people of Vacca, perceiving an army coming towards them, judged rightly at first that it was Metellus, and shut their gates ; but, after a while, when they saw that their fields were not laid waste, and that the front consisted of Numidian cavalry, they imagined that it was Jugurtha, and went out with great joy to meet him. A signal being immediately given, both cavalry and infantry commenced an attack ; some cut down the multitude pouring from the town, others hurried to the gates, others secured the towers, re- venge and the hope of plunder prevailing over their weari- ness. Thus Yacca triumphed only two days in its treachery ; the whole city, which was great and opulent, was given up to vengeance and spoliation. Turpilius, the governor, whom we mentioned as the only person that escaped, was summoned by Metellus to answer for his conduct, and not being able to clear himself, was condemned, as a native of Latium 2 , to be scourged and put to death. LXX. About this time, Bomilcar, at whose persuasion 1 LXVIII. Averse to further exertion] Turn dbnuentes omnia. Most of the translators have understood by these words that the troops refused to obey orders ; but Saliust's meaning is only that they expressed, by looks and gestures, their unwillingness to proceed. 2 LXIX. As a native of Latium] Nam is civis ex Latio erat. il As he was a Latin, he was not protected by the Porcian law (see Cat., c. 51), though how far this law had power in the camp, is not agreed." Allen. Gerlach thinks that it had the same power in the camp as elsewhere, with reference to Eoman citizens. But Eoman citizenship was not extended to the Latins till the end of the Social War, a.u.c. 662. Plutarch, however, in his Life of Caius Gracchus (c. 9), speaks of Livius Drusus having been abetted by the patricians in proposing a law for exempting the Latin soldiers from being flogged, about thirty years earlier ; and it seems to have been passed, but, from this passage of Sallust, appears not to 160 SALLTJST. Jugurtha had entered upon the capitulation which he had discontinued through fear, being distrusted by the king, and distrusting him in return, grew desirous of a change of government. He accordingly meditated schemes for Jugur- tha' s destruction, racking his invention night and day. At last, to leave nothing untried, he sought an accomplice in Nab- dalsa, a man of noble birth and great wealth, who was in high regard and favour with his countrymen, and who, on most occa- sions, used to command a body of troops distinct from those of the king, and to transact all business to which Jugurtha, from fatigue, or from being occupied with more important matters, was unable to attend 1 ; employments by which he had gained both honours and wealth. By these two men in concert, a day was fixed for the execution of their treachery ; succeeding matters they agreed to settle as the exigencies of the moment might require. JSTabdalsa then proceeded to join his troops, which he kept in readiness, according to orders, among the winter quarters of the Eomans 3 , to prevent the country from being ravaged by the enemy with impunity. But as Nabdalsa, growing alarmed at the magnitude of Have remained in force. Lipsius touches on this obscure point in his Militia Ro- mana, v., 18, but settles nothing. Plutarch, in his Life of Marius, c. 8, says that Turpilius was an old retainer of tbe family of Metellus, whom he attended, in this war, as prcefectus fabrum, or master of the artificers ; that, being afterwards appointed governor of Vacca, he exercised his office with great justice and humanity; that his life was spared by Jugurtha at the solicitation of the inhabitants ; that, when he was brought to trial, Metellus thought him innocent, and that he would not have been condemned but for the malice of Marius, who exasperated the other members of the council against him. He adds, that after his death, his innocence became apparent, and that Marius boasted of having planted in the breast of Metellus an avenging fury, that would not fail to torment him for having put to death the innocent friend of his family. Hence Sir Henry Steuart has accused Sallust of wilfully misrepresenting the character of Turpilius, as well as the whole transaction. But as much credit is surely due to Sallust as to Plutarch. 1 LXX. To which Jugurtha— was unable to attend] Quce Jugurthce, fesso, aut majoribus astricto, superaverant. " Which had remained to (or been too much for) Jugurtha, when weary, or engaged in more Important affairs." 2 Among the winter quarters of the Romans] Liter hiberna Romanorum. It is stated in c. 61, as Kritzius observes, that Metellus, when he put his army into winter quarters, had, at the same time, placed garrisons in such of Jugurtha's towns as had revolted to him. The forces of the Romans being thus dispersed, Nabdalsa might justly be said to have his army inter hiberna, "among their winter quarters." THE JUGURTHINE WAH. 161 the undertaking, failed to appear at the appointed time, and allowed his fears to hinder their plans, Bomilcar, eager for their execution, and disquieted at the timidity of his asso- ciate, lest he should relinquish his original intentions and adopt some new course, sent him a letter by some confiden- tial persons, in which he " reproached him with pusillanimity and irresolution, and conjured him by the gods, by whom he had sworn, not to turn the offers of Metellus to his own destruction;" assuring him " that the fall of Jugurtha was approaching ; that the only thing to be considered was whe- ther he should perish by their hand or by that of Metellus ; and that, in consequence, he might consider whether to choose rewards, or death by torture." LXXI. It happened that when this letter was brought, Nabdalsa, overcome with fatigue, was reposing on his couch, where, after reading Bomilcar's letter, anxiety at first, and afterwards, as is usual with a troubled mind, sleep over- powered him. In bis service there was a certain Nuniidian, the manager of his affairs, a person who possessed his con- fidence and esteem, and who was acquainted with all his designs except the last. He, hearing that a letter had ar- rived, and supposing that there would be occasion, as usual, for his assistance or suggestions, went into the tent, and, whilst his master was asleep, took up the letter thrown care- lessly upon the cushion behind his head 1 , and read it ; and, having thus discovered the plot, set off in haste to Jugurtha. jSabdalsa, who awoke soon after, missing the letter, and hearing of the whole affair, and how it had happened, at first attempted to pursue the informer, but finding that pursuit was vain, he went himself to Jugurtha, to try to appease him ; saying that the disclosure which he intended to make, had been anticipated by the perfidy of his servant ; and be- seeching him with tears, by his friendship, and by his own former proofs of fidelity, not to think that he could be guilty of such treachery. • r . LXXII. To these intreaties the king replied with a mild- ness far different from his real feelings. After putting to death Bomilcar, and many others whom he knew to be privy to the plot, he refrained from any further manifestation of 1 LXXI. Behind his head] Super caput On the back of the bolster that supported his head ; part of which might be higher than the head itself. M 162 SALLTJST. resentment, lest an insurrection should be the consequence of it. But after this occurrence he had no peace either by day or by night ; he thought himself safe neither in any place, nor with any person, nor at any time ; he feared his subjects I and his enemies alike ; he was always on the watch, and was startled at every sound ; he passed the night sometimes in one place, and sometimes in another, and often in places little suited to royal dignity ; and sometimes, starting from his sleep, he would seize his arms and raise an alarm. He was indeed so agitated by extreme terror, that he appeared under the influence of madness. LXXIII. Metellus, hearing from some deserters of the fate of Bomilcar, and the discovery of the conspiracy, made fresh preparations for action, and with the utmost despatch, as if entering upon an entirely new war. Marius, who was still importuning him for leave of absence, he allowed to go home ; thinking that as he served with reluctance, and bore him personal enmity, he was not likely to prove a very useful officer. The common people at Rome, having learned the contents of the letters written from Africa concerning Metellus and Marius, had listened to the accounts given of both with eagerness. But the noble birth of Metellus, which had pre- viously been a motive for paying him honour, had now become a cause of unpopularity ; while the obscurity of Marius' s origin had procured him favour. In regard to both, however, party feeling had more influence than the good or bad qua- lities of either. The factious tribunes 1 , too, inflamed the populace, charging Metellus, in their harangues, with offences worthy of death, and exaggerating the excellent qualities of Marius. At length the people were so excited, that all the artisans and rustics, whose whole subsistence and credit depended on their labour, quitting their several employments, attended Marius in crowds, and thought less of their own wants than of his exaltation. Thus the nobility being borne down, the consulship, after the lapse of many years 3 , was 1 LXXIII. The factious tribunes] Seditiosi magistratus. 2 After the lapse of many years] Post multas tempestates. Apparently the period since A.u.c. 611, when Quintus Pompeius, who, as Cicero says (in Verr. ii., 5), was liumili atque obscuro loco natus, obtained the consulship ; that is, a term of forty-three or forty-four years. THE JUGUETHI^E WAK. 163 once more given to a man of humble birth. And afterwards, when the people were asked By ilanilius Mancinus, one of j their tribunes, whom they would appoint to carry on the war ; against Jugurtha, they, in a full assembly, yoted it to Marias. The senate had previously decreed it to Metellus ; but that decree was thus rendered abortive 1 . LXXIV. During this period, Jugurtha, as he was bereft of his friends (of whom he had put to death the greater number, while the rest, under the influence of terror, had fled partly to the Eomans, and partly to Bocchus), as the war, too, could not be carried on without officers, and as he thought it dangerous to try the faith of new ones after such perfidy among the old, was involved in doubt and perplexity ; no scheme, no counsel, no person could satisfy him; he changed his route and his captains daily ; he hurried some- times against the enemy, and sometimes towards the deserts ; depended at one time on flight, and at another on resistance ; and was unable to decide whether he could less trust the cou- rage or the fidelity of his subjects. Thus, in whatever direc- tion he turned his thoughts, the prospect was equally dis- heartening. In the midst of his irresolution, Metellus suddenly made his appearance with his army. The Numidians were assem- bled and drawn up by Jugurtha, as well as time permitted ; and a battle was at once commenced. Where the king com- manded in person, the struggle was maintained for some time ; but the rest of his force was routed and put to flight at the first onset. The Eomans took a considerable number of standards and arms, but not many prisoners ; for, in almost every battle, their feet afforded more security to the JNumidians than their swords. LXXV. In consequence of this defeat, Jugurtha, feeling 1 That decree was thus rendered abortive] Ea res f rostra fait. By a lex Sempronia, a law of Caius Gracchus, it was enacted that the senate should fix the provinces for the future consuls before the comitia for electing them were held. But from Jug. c. 26, it appears that the consuls might settle by lot, or by agreement between themselves, which of those two provinces each of them should take. How far the senate were allowed or accustomed, in general, to interfere in the arrangement, it is not easy to discover ; but on this occasion they had taken upon themselves to pass a resolution in favour of the patrician. Lest similar scenes, however, to those of the Sempronian times should be enacted, they yielded the point to the people. m2 164 SALLUST. less confidence in the state of his affairs than ever, retreated with the deserters, and part of his cavalry, first into the deserts, and afterwards to Thala 1 , a large and opulent city, where lay the greater portion of his treasures, and where there was magnificent provision for the education of his children. When Metellus was informed of this, although he knew that there was, between Thala and the nearest river, a dry and desert region fifty miles broad, yet, in the hope of finishing the war if he should gain possession of the town, he resolved to surmount all difficulties, and to conquer even JNature herself. He gave orders that the beasts of burden, therefore, should be lightened of all the baggage excepting ten days' provision ; and that they should be laden with skins and other utensils for holding water. He also collected from the fields as many labouring cattle as he could find, and loaded them with vessels of all sorts, but chiefly wooden, taken from the cottages of the JNumidians. He directed such of the neighbouring people, too, as had submitted to him after the retreat of Jugurtha, to bring him as much water as they could carry, appointing a time and place for them to be in attendance. He then loaded his beasts from the river, which, as I have intimated, was the nearest water to the town, and, thus provided, set out for Thala. When he came to the place at which he had desired the JSuinidians to meet him, and had pitched and fortified his camp, so copious a fall of rain is said to have happened, as would have furnished more than sufficient water for his whole army. Provisions, too, were brought him far beyond his ex- pectations ; for the INumidians, like most people after a recent surrender, had done more than was required of them 2 . The men, however, from a religious feeling, preferred using the rain-water ; the fall of which greatly increased their courage, 1 LXXV. Thala] The river on which this town stood is not named by Sallust, but it appears to have been the Bagrada. It seems to have been nearly destroyed by the Romans, after the defeat of Juba, in the time of Julius Ca3sar ; though Tacitus, Ann. hi., 21, mentions it as having afforded a refuge to the Romans in the insurrection of the Numidian chief, Tacfarinas. D'Anville, and Dr. Shaw, Travels in Bombay, vol. i., pt. 2, eh. 5, think it the same with Telepte, now Ferre-anah; but this is very doubtful. See Cellar, iv., 5. It was in ruins in the time of Strabo. 2 Had done more than was required of them] Officia intenderant. " Auxit intendilque sawitiam exacerbatus indicio filii sui Drusi." Suet. Tib. 62. THE JrGHTBTHrSTE WAK. 165 for they thought themselves the peculiar care of the gods. On the next day, to the surprise of Jugurtha, they arrived at Thala. The inhabitants, who had thought themselves secured by the difficulties of the approach to them, were astonished at so strange and unexpected a sight, but, never- theless, prepared for their defence. Our men showed equal alacrity on their side. LXXVI. But Jugurtha himself, believing that to 31 e- tellus, who, by his exertions, had triumphed over every obstacle, over arms, deserts, seasons, and finally over Xature herself that controls all, nothing was impossible, fled with his children, and a great portion of his treasure, from the city during the night. Xor did he ever, after this time, continue 1 more than one day or night in any place ; pretending to be hurried away by business, but in reality dreading treachery, which he thought he might escape by change of residence, as schemes of such a kind are the consequence of leisure and opportunity. -Metellus, seeing that the people of Thala were determined on resistance, and that the town was defended both by art and situation, surrounded the walls with a rampart and a trench. He then directed his machines against the most I eligible points, threw up a mound, and erected towers upon < it to protect 2 the works and the workmen. The townsmen, \ on the other hand, were exceedingly active and diligent ; and nothing was neglected on either side. At last the Eomans, though exhausted with much previous fatigue and fighting, got possession, forty clays after their arrival, of the town, and the town only; for all the spoil had been destroyed by the deserters ; who, when they saw the walls shaken by the battering-ram, and their own situation desperate, had con- veyed the gold and silver, and whatever else is esteemed valuable, to the royal palace, where, after being sated with wine and luxuries, they destroyed the treasures, the building, 1 LXXyi. Nor did he ever — continue, Romans whetted the sword of their valour on each of those nations as upon a whetstone. The Ligurians, lying close to the bottom of the Alps, between the" ¥ivei>s Varus and Macra, and shrouded in woody thickets, it was more trouble to find than to conquer. Defended by their position and facilities of escape, and being a hardy and nimble race, they rather com- mitted depredations as occasion offered, than made regular war. After all their tribes, therefore, the Salyi, the Deceates, the Oxybii, the Euburiates, and the Ingauri, had baffled the Romans for a long time with success, Fulvius at length sur- rounded their recesses with flames, Bsebius drew them down into the plains, and Posthumius so disarmed them that he scarcely left them iron to till the ground. 3 aiJ ^ fi CHAP. IT. THE GALLIC WAR. The Galli Insubres, who were also borderers upon the Alps , had the tempers of savage beasts, and bodies greater than human. But by experience, it was found that, as their first onset was more violent than that of men, so their subsequent conduct in battle was inferior to that of women. The bodies of the pepple about the Alps, reared in a moist atmosphere, have somewhat in them resembling their snows, and, as soon as they are heated in fight, run down with perspiration, and are relaxed witli any slight motion, as it were by the heat of the sun. These had often at other times sworn, but espe- cially under their general Britomarus, that they would not OldvJwo former nations — daily and domestic enemies] Utrique quotidiani et qyasi domestici hostes. As Floras speaks of three nations, and then says utrique, the commentators have been in doubt which of them are meant by that word. I have fallowed Salmasm*, with whom rerizonius coincide*. The IMvrians were more remote than the other two. Book II.] EPITOME OF EOMAN HISTORY. 321 loose their belts before they mounted the Capitol. And it happened accordingly ; for iEmilius conquered and disarmed them in the Capitol. Soon after, with Ariovistus for their leader, they vowed to their god Mars a chain made out of the spoils of our soldiers. But Jupiter prevented the perform- ance of their vow ; for Elaminius erected a golden trophy to Jove out of their chains. "When Yiridomarus was their king, they vowed the arms of the Bomans to Vulcan ; but their vows had a very different result ; for Marcellus, having killed their king, hung up his arms to Jupiter Peretrius, being the third spolia opima since those of Bomulus, the father of the city. CHAP. V. The Illyrians, or Liburnians, live at the very root of the Alps, between the rivers Arsia and Titius, extending far over the whole coast of the Adriatic. This people, in the reign of a queen named Teutana, not content with depredations on the Boman territory, added an execrable crime to their audacity. Eor they beheaded our ambassadors, who were calling them to account for their offences ; and this death they inflicted, not with the sword, but, as if they had been victims for sacri- fice, with the axe ; they also burnt the captains of our ships with fire. These insults were offered, to make them the more offensive, by a woman. The people were in consequence universally reduced to subjection, by the efforts of Cnseus Bulvius Centimalus ; and the axe, descending on the necks of their chiefs, made full atonement to the manes of the am- bassadors. CHAP. VI. THE SECOjSD PUNIC WAE. After the first Carthaginian war, there was scarcely a rest of four years, when there was another war ; inferior indeed in length of time, (for it occupied but eighteen years,) but so much more terrible, from the direfulness of its havoc, that if any one compares the losses on both sides, the people that conquered was more like one defeated. What provoked this noble people was, that the command of the sea was forced from them, that their islands were taken, and that they were obliged to pay tribute which they had before been accustomed to impose. Hannibal, when but a boy, swore to his father, before an altar, to take revenge on the Bomans ; nor was y flohus. [Book II. he backward to execute his oath. Sagunturn, accordingly, was made the occasion of a war; an old and wealthy city of Spain, and a great but sad example of fidelity to the Bo- mans. This city, though granted, by the common treaty, the special privilege of enjoying its liberty, Hannibal, seeking pretences for new disturbances, destroyed with his own hands and those of its inhabitants, in order that, by an infraction of the compact, he might open a passage for himself into Italy. Among the Romans there is the highest regard to treaties, and consequently, on hearing of the siege of an allied city, and remembering, too, the compact made with the Cartha- ginians, they did not at once have recourse to arms, but chose rather to expostulate on legal grounds. In the mean time the Saguntines, exhausted with famine, the assaults of ma- chines, and the sword, and their fidelity being at last car- ried to desperation, raised a vast pile in the market-place, on which they destroyed, with fire and sword, themselves, their wives and children, and all that they possessed. Hannibal, the cause of this great destruction, was required to be given up. The Carthaginians hesitating to comply, Eabius, who was at the head of the embassy, exclaimed, " What is the meaning of this delay ? In the fold of this garment I carry war and peace ; which of the two do you choose ?" As they cried out ""War," "Take war, then," he rejoined, and, shaking out the fore-part of his toga in the middle of the senate- house, as if he really carried war in its folds, he spread it abroad, not without awe on the part of the spectators. The sequel of the war was in conformity with its com- mencement ; for, as if the last imprecations of the Sagun- tines, at their public self-immolation and burning of the city, had required such obsequies to be performed to them, atone- ment was made to their manes by the devastation of Italy, the reduction of Africa, and the destruction of the leaders and kings who engaged in that contest. When once, therefore, that sad and dismal force and storm of the Punic war had arisen in Spain, and had forged, in the fire of Saguntum, the thunderbolt long before intended for the Eomans, it imme- diately burst, as if hurried along by resistless violence, through the middle of the Alps, and descended, from those snows of incredible altitude, on the plains of Italy, as if it had been hurled from the skies. The violence of its first assault Book II.] EPITOME OE BWUffiffl 1 1" RTSTOKY. burst, with a mighty sound, between the Po and the Ticinus. There the arm y under Scipio was routed; and the general himself, being wounded, would have fallen into the hands of the enemy, had not his son, then quite a boy 1 , covered his father with his shield, and rescued him from death. This was 2 the Scipio who grew up for the conquest of Africa, and who was to receive a name from its ill-fortune. To Ticinus succeeded Trebia, where, in the consulship of Sempronius, the second outburst of the Punic war was spent. On that occasion, the crafty enemy, having chosen a cold and snowy day, and having first warmed themselves at their fires, ' and anointed their bodies with oil, conquered us, though they were men that came from the south and a warm sun, by the aid (strange to say !) of our own winter. / The third thunderbolt 3 of Hannibal fell at the Trasimene lake, when Flaminius was commander. There also was em- ployed a new stratagem of Carthaginian subtlety; for a body of cavalry, being concealed by a mist rising from the lake, and by the osiers growing in the fens, fell upon the rear of the Romans as they were fighting. INor can we complain of the gods ; for swarms of bees settling upon the standards, the reluctance of the eagles 4 to move forward, and a great earthquake that happened at the commencement of the battle, (unless, indeed, it was the trampling of horse and foot, and the violent concussion of arms, that produced this trembling of the ground.) had forewarned the rash leader of approaching defeat. The fourth, and almost mortal wound of 'the Soman em- pire, was at Cannae, an obscure village of Apulia ; which, however, became famous by the greatness of the defeat, its celebrity being acquired by the slaughter of forty thousand men. Here the general, the ground, the face of heaven, the day, indeed all nature, conspired together for the destruction 1 Ch. VI. Quite a boy] Prcetextatus admodum. " As we say admodum puer, admodum adolescens." Salmasius. He had but just laid aside the toga prcetexta, and assumed the toga virilis. 2 This was] Hie erat. Duker and others read erit. 3 The third thunderbolt. $c] Trasimenus locus tertium fuhnenJIamiibalis. Literally, " The Trasimene lake was the third thunderbolt of Hannibal," an affected mode of expression. 4 Eeluctance of the eagles, $c.~] Aquilm prodirc nolentes. The standards, which were fixed in the ground, could scarcely be pulled up. t2 824 BIH ffififfiNo ZU0T11X ^Ook II. of the unfortunate army. For Hannibal, the most artful of generals, not content with sending pretended deserters among the "Romans, who fell upon their rear as they were fighting, but having also noted the nature of the ground in those open plains, where the heat of the sun is extremely violent, the dust very great, and the wind blows constantly, and as it were statedly, from the east, drew up his army in such a position, that, while the Romans were exposed to aH these inconveniences, he himself, having heaven, as it were, on his side, fought with wind, dust, and sun in his favour. Two vast armies 1 , in consequence, were slaughtered till the enemy were satiated, and till Hannibal said to his soldiers, "Put up your swords." Of the two commanders, one es^ caped, the other was slain ; which of them showed the greater spirit, is doubtful. Paulus was ashamed to survive ; Yarro did not despair. Of the greatness of the slaughter the fol- lowing proofs may be noticed; that the Aufidus was for some time red with blood ; that a bridge was made of dead bodies, by order of Hannibal, over the torrent of Vergellus ; and that two modii 2 of rings were sent to Carthage, and the equestrian dignity estimated by measure. It was afterwards not doubted, but that Borne might have seen its last day, and that Hannibal, within five days, might have feasted in the Capitol, if (as they say that Adherbal, the Carthaginian, the son of Bomilcar, observed,) " he had known as well how to use his victory as how to gain it." But at that crisis, as is generally said, either the fate of the city that was to be empress of the world, or his own want of judg- ment, and the influence of deities unfavourable to Carthage, carried him in a different direction. "When he might have taken advantage of his victory, he chose rather to seek en- joyment from it, and, leaving Rome, to march into Campania and to Tarentum, where both he and his army soon lost their vigour, so that it was justly remarked that " Capua proved a Cannae to Hannibal ;" since the sunshine of Campania^ and the warm springs of Baia3, subdued (who could have believed 1 Two vast armies] Duo maximi exercitus. The armies of the two consuls, Paulus iEmilius and Varro. 2 Twornodii] The vrwdius, in Dr. Smith's Dictionary, is s -1 gall. 7.8576 pints, English measure. Two. modii will 3| gallons. Book IX] EPITOME OP kdMAK HISTOEY. 325 it r) him who had been unconquered by the Alps, and un- shaken in the field. In the mean time the Romans "began to recover, and to rise as it were from the dead. They had no arms, but they took them down from the temples ; men were wanting, but slaves were freed to take the oath of service ; the treasury was exhausted, but the senate willingly offered their wealth for the public service, leaving themselves no gold but what was contained in their children's lulled 1 , and in their own belts and rings. The knights followed their example, and the common people that of the knights ; so that when the wealth of private persons was brought to the public treasury, (in the consulship of Lsevinus and Marcellus,) the registers scarcely sufficed to contain the account of it, or the hands of the clerks to record it. But how can I sufficiently praise 2 the wisdom of the cen- turies in the choice of magistrates, when the younger sought advice from the elder as to what consuls should be created ? They saw = that against an enemy so often victorious, and so full of subtlety, it was necessary to contend, not only with courage, but with his own wiles. The first hope of the em- pire, now recovering, and, if I may use the expression, coming to life again, was Fabius, who found a new mode of conquering Hannibal, which was, not to figlit. Hence he received that new name, so salutary to the commonwealth, of Cunctator, or De- layer. Hence too it happened, that he was called by the people tlw shield of the empire. Through the whole of Samnium, and through the Falerian and Gauran forests, he so harassed Hannibal, that he who could not be reduced by valour, was weakened by delay. . The Romans then ventured, under the command of Claudius Marcellus, to engage him ; they came to close quarters with him, drove him out of his dear Cam- pania, and forced him to raise the siege of ]N r ola. They ventured likewise, under the leadership of Sempronius Grac- 1 Bulla?] A sort of ornament suspended from the necks of children, which, among the wealthy, was made of gold. It was in the shape of a bubble on water, or as Pliny says, (H. X., xxxiii., 1,) of a heart. 2 But how can I sufficiently praise, cfc.~\ Quid autem vi deligendis magistrati- bus quce centuriarum sapientia, cj-c. As these words want coherence, Granius would omit the quid, and read In ddigendis cmtem magistratibus qua, cjc. Duker thinks it sufficient to understand diccim or memorcm: Quid autem memorem — quce sapienticij cfc. SM .raoTgiH FLdsirs. [Book II % chus, to pursue him throiigh Lucania, and to press hard upon his rear as he retired; though they then fought him (sad dishonour!) with a body of slaves; for to this extremity had so many disasters reduced them; but they were rewarded with liberty 1 ; and from slaves they made them Eomans. ? q Of -amazing confidence in the midst of so much adversity ! O extraordinary courage and spirit of the Roman people in such oppressive and distressing circumstances ! At a time when they were uncertain of preserving their own Italy, they yet ventured to look to other countries ; and when the enemy were at their throat, flying through Campania and Apulia, and making an Africa in the middle of Italy a , they at the same time both withstood that enemy, and dispersed their arms over the earth into Sicily, Sardinia, and Spain. Sicily was assigned to Marcelius, and did not long resist his efforts ; for the- whole island was conquered in the eon- quest of one city. Syracuse, its great and, till that period, unconquered capital, though defended by the genius of Ar- chimedes, was at last obliged to yield. Its triple wall, and three citadels, its marble harbour, and the celebrated fountain of Arethusa, were no defence to it, except so far as to pro- cure, consideration for its beauty when it was conquered. Sardinia Gracchus reduced; the savageness of the in- habitants, and the vastness of its Mad Mountains 3 , (for so they are called,) availed it nothing. Great severity was exercised upon its cities, and upon Caralis, the city of its cities 4 , that a nation, obstinate and regardless of death, might at least be humbled by concern for the soil of its country. 1 But they were rewarded with liberty, cj-c] The whole of the concluding sen- tence of this paragraph, in Duker's edition, as well as most others, stands thus : Nam hue usque tot mala compulerant, sed libertate donatio feeen^ant de servitude Romanes. The passage is in some way corrupt, as all the commentators have noticed. Salmasitis conjectures, Sed libertate donati. Fecerat de servis virtus Romanes. No better emendation has been proposed. 2 Making an Africa in the middle of Italy] All the editors have either Mediam- que de Italia Africamfacerent, or Mediamque jam de, $c. I have followed the conjecture of N. Heinsius, Medidque de Italia Africamfacerent. 3 Mad Mountains] Insanorum montium. "A frigid and absurd conceit of Floras,: These mountains were on the sea, and startling in name rather than in reality. Livy speaks of them, lib. xxx. A Corsica in Sardiniam trajecit [Claudius]. Ibi super antem Insanos Montes — tempestas — disjecit classem" kalmasius. * Caralis, the city of its cities] Urbemque urbium Caralim. Now Cagliarl Book II.] EPITOME OF EOMA3" HISTOBY. 327 Into Spain were sent the two Scipios, Cnaeus and Publius, who wrested almost the whole of it from the Carthaginians; hut, being surprised by the artifices of Punic subtlety, they again lost it. even after they had slaughtered the enemy's forces in great battles. The wiles of the Carthaginians cut off one of them by the sword, as he was pitching his camp, and the other by surrounding him with lighted faggots, after he had made his escape into a tower. But the other Scipio, to whom the fates had decreed so great a name from Africa, being sent with an army to revenge the death of his father ■ and uncle, recovered all that warlike country of Spain, so famous for its men and arms, that seminary of the enemy's force, that instructress of Hannibal, from the Pyrensean mountains (the account is scarcely credible) to the Pillars of Hercules and the Ocean, whether with greater speed or good fortune, is difficult to decide ; how great was his speed, four years bear witness ; how remarkable his good fortune, even one city proves, for it was taken on the same day in which siege was laid to it, and it was an omen of the conquest of Airica that Carthage in Spain was so easily reduced. It is certain, however, that what most contributed to make the province submit, was the eminent virtue of the general, who restored to the barbarians certain captive youths and maidens of extraordinary beauty, not allowing them even to be brought into his sight, that he might not seem, even by a single glance, to have detracted from their virgin purity. These actions the Bomans performed in different parts of the world, yet were they unable, notwithstanding, to remove Hannibal, who was lodged in the heart of Italy. Most of the towns had revolted to the enemy, whose vigorous com- mander used even the strength of Italy against the Eomans. However, we had now forced him out of many towns and districts. Tarentum had returned to our side ; and Capua, the seat, home, and second country of Hannibal, was again in our hands ; the loss of which caused the Punic leader so much affliction, that he then directed all his force against Borne. O people worthy of the empire of the world, worthy ot the favour and admiration of all, not only men but gods ! Though they were brought into the greatest alarm, they desisted not from their original design ; though they were gfg YaoTSiH if&gs# s?o aMOTi^a [SJofclS attemptfei0n;G^fitia|obatffa¥t;of their army being left there with the consul Appius; and part having followed j Maceus to Eome, they fought farthbaf htf>^6 £n&^^ time. Why then should we wonder that the gods thefe selves^ the gods, I say, (nor shall I be ashamed 1 to admit it,) again opposed Hannibal as he was preparing to march for- ward when at three miles' distance from Borne. For. at every movement of his force, so copious a flood of rain d0seeiided, and suck a violent storm of wind arose, that it was evident the enemy was repulsed by divine influence, ancl the temlpeBt proceeded, not from heaven, but from t&e' ^alM of the city and the Capitol. He therefore^ fled and departed^ and withdrew to the furthest corner of Italy, leaving the eityiu a manner adored 2 . It is but a small matter to men- tion, yet sufficiently indicative of the magnanimity of the Eoman people, that 'during those very days in which the city was besieged, the ground which Hannibal occupied with his camp was offered for' sale at Borne, ancl, being put up to auction \ actually found a purchaser. Hannibal, on the 1 other side, wished to imitate such confidence, and put up for sale the bankers' houses in the city ; but no buyer was foiuid^^i that it was evident that the fates had their presages. But as yet nothing had been effectually accomplished by so much valour, or even through such eminent favour from the gods; for Hasclrubal, the brother of Hannibal, was ap- proaching with a new army, new strength, and every fresh requisite for war. There had doubtless been an end of Borne, if that general had united himself with his brother but Oladius ^ero, in conjunction with Livius Salinator, over- threw hun as he was pitching his camp, j^ero was at that time keeping Hannibal 'at* fey in the furthest corner of Italy; frrfibxi ni olrdws "eaolfioitoor boots vofiT ^o&eq "to 1 Nor shall I be ashamed, .^c] Why should he be ashamed to admit that Ee>me was saved by the md of the gods? i I To receive assistance from the gods was a proof of merit. The gods help those who help themselves, says' the pro- verb. When he says that the gods '.' again opposed Hannibal/' he seems, to refer to what he* said above in speaking of the. battle of Cannae, that the deities, averse to Carthage, prevented Hannibal from marching at that time to Rome. 2 In a. manner adored] Torttvm non adoraficm. ■ Not being able to take the dftyjiVsaYd Gta)viu$i !" Ihj&; Seemed to have come only to look at it and turn away, as those do who adore any object. This is the meaning of Fl0rtis , sxonceit. v Bgofcjg] EPITOME a&$3&£& HISTOEY. while Livius had marched to the very opposite quarter,, thai is,. to the very entrance and confines of Italy; and of the ability and expedition with which the consuls joined their forces, (though so vast a space, that is, the whole of ItaJ^t where it is longest, lay between them,) and defeated the enemy with their combined strength, when they expected no attack, and without the knowledge of Hannibal, it is difficult to give a notion. When Hannibal, however, bad knowledge of the matter, and saw his brother's head thrown down before his camp, he exclaimed, " I perceive the evil destiny of Car- tjiajge." This was his first confession of that kind, nob without a sure presage of his approaching fate ; and it/ was now certain, even from his own acknowledgment, that Han- nibal might be conquered. But the Roman people, full of confidence from so many successes, thought it would be a noble enterprise to subdue such a desperate enemy in his own Africa. Directing their whole force, therefore, unddi the leadership of Scipio, upon Africa itself, they began to imitate Hannibal, and to avenge upon Africa the sufferings of their own Italy. What forces of Hasdrubal, (good gods !) what armies of Syphax, did that commander put to; flight ! How great were the camps of both that he destroyed in one night by casting firebrands into them ! At last, not at three miles' distance, but by a close siege, he shook the very gates of Carthage itself. Ajid thus he succeeded in drawing oif Han- nibal when he was still clinging to and bro6ding over Italy. There was 310 more remarkable day, during the whole course of the Roman empire, than that on which those two generals, the greatest of all that ever lived, whether before or adrtei them, the one the conqueror of Italy, and the other of Spain, drew up their forces for a close engagement. But previously a conference was held between them concerning conditions of peace. They stood motionless awhile in admiration of each other. When they coald not agree on a peace, they gave the signal for battle. It is certain, from the confession of both, that no troops could have been better drawn vp, and no fight more obstinately maintained \ This Hannibal acknow- ledged concerning the army of Scipio, and Scipio concerning that of Hannibal. But Hannibal was forced to yield, and Africa became the prize of the victory ; and the whole earth soon followed the fate of Africa. 330 florus. [Book II. CHAP. VII. THE TIKST MACEDONIAN W1E. When Cartilage was overcome, no nation was ashamed of being conquered. The people of Macedonia, Greece, Syria, and all other countries, as if carried away by a certain tide and torrent of fortune, immediately shared the destiny of Africa. But the first of all were the Macedonians, a people that had formerly aspired to the dominion of the world. Though Philip, therefore, was then king, the Romans seemed nevertheless to be fighting against king Alexander. The Ma- cedonian war was greater from its name than from any regard due to the nation itself. It had its origin from a treaty of Philip, by which he had joined to himself Hannibal when he was previously triumphant in Italy. Further cause was then given for it, by an application from Athens for relief against the injuries of the king, at a time when, beyond the just rights of victory, he was wreaking his fury upon their tem- ples, altars, and the sepulchres of the dead. To petitioners of such consideration the senate thought it right to give assist- ance ; for kings, commanders, peoples, and nations, were now seeking protection from this one city. Under the consul Lsevinus, therefore, the Roman people, having entered the Ionian Sea for the first time, coasted along the whole of Greece with their fleet, as if in triumph ; for it carried all the spoils of Sicily, Sardinia, Spain, and Africa; and a laurel that grew up 1 in the general's ship, promised certain victory. Attalus, king of Pergamus, came of his own accord to their assistance ; the Rhodians, too, came, who were a naval people, and who struck terror into all parts by sea with their ships, while the consul did the same on land with his horse and foot. The king was twice defeated, twice put to flight, and twice despoiled of his camp ; but nothing was more terrible to the Macedonians than the sight of their wounds, which were not inflicted with darts, arrows, or any Grecian weapon, but with huge javelins, and swords of no less weight, and gaped beyond what was necessary for producing aeatn . 1 A laurel that grew up, cj-c] Nata in praitoria puppe law y vs. This is men- tioned by Livy, xxxii., 1, as having been reported to the senate by the proconsul P. Sulpicius. 2 Beyond what was necessary for producing death] Ultra mortem. " Majora erant quam necesse esset ad mortem inferemdam." Rychius. Some copies have ultra morem. Book II.] EPITOME OF EOMAN HISTOET. 331 Under the conduct of Flaminius, too, we penetrated the mountains of the Chaonians, which were before impassable, and the river Aous 1 , flowing through, steep places which form the very barriers of Macedonia. To have effected an en- trance, was victory ; for the king, never afterwards ventur- ing into the field, was forced to submission in one engage- ment, which indeed was far from being a regular battle, at the hills which they call Cynosceplialse. But the consul granted him peace, and restored him his kingdom ; and afterwards, that no enemy might be left behind, reduced Thebes, Eubcea, and Lacedsemon, which, was making some attempts at opposition under its tyrant Xabis. To Greece he then restored its ancient condition, allowed it to live according to its own laws, and to enjoy its ancient liberty. "What rejoicings, what shouts of pleasure, were heard, when this was proclaimed by the herald at the quinquennial games, in the theatre at jN"emea ! What an emulation of applause was there! what flowers did they heap upon the consul I They called on the herald to repeat the proclamation, in which the liberty of Achaia 2 was declared, again and again ; nor did they enjoy the declaration of the consul less than the most harmonious concert of flutes and harps. ! CHAP. Till. THE SYBIA3T WAE AGAINST KlXa A^TIOCHUS. Antiochus immediately followed the fate of Macedonia and king Philip ; fortune, by a certain influence, and as if by design, directing affairs in such a manner, that as the empire had advanced from Africa into Europe, so, from occasions spontaneously presenting themselves, it might proceed from Europe into Africa, and that the order of its victories might keep its course according to the situation of the quarters of the world. As far as the report of it was concerned, there never was any war more formi- dable, when the Romans reflected upon the Persians and the east, upon Xerxes and Darius, and the times when impassable mountains are said to have been cut through, and the sea to have been hidden with sails. An apparent menace from 1 Aous] A river of Illyricum, flowing into the Ionian Sea, mentioned by Livy, xxxii., 21, xxxviii., 49. 2 Achaia] The name which the Romans gave to Greece as their province. heaven also alarmed them, for Apollo, at Cumse, was in a con- stant perspiration ; but tliis was only the fear of trie god, under concern for his beloved Asia. To say the truth, no country is better furnished with men, money, and arms, than Syria; but it had fallen into the hands of so spiritless a' monarch, that the highest praise of Antiochus was that he was conquered by the Romans. There were two persons who impelled the king to this war ; on the one hand Thoas, prince of iEtolia, who complained that his ser- vice in the war against Macedonia had not been sufficiently rewarded by theEomans ; on the other, Hannibal, who, con- quered in Africa, exiled from his country, and impatient of peace, was seeking through the whole world for an enemy to the Soman people. And how great would the danger have been to Eome, if the king had been guided by his directions, that is, if the desperate Hannibal had wielded the whole power of Asia! But the king, trusting to his resources, and to the mere title of monarch, thought it enough, to begin the war 1 . Europe^ without dispute, was now the property of the Eomans ; but Antiochus demanded from them Lysi- maehia, a city founded by his ancestors on the coast of Thrace, as if it were his by hereditary right. By the influ- ence of this star 3 , so to speak, the tempest of the Asiatic war was raised. But this greatest of kings, content with having boldly declared war, and having marched out of Asia with a great noise and tumult, and taken possession of the islands and coasts of Greece, thought of nothing but ease and luxury j as if he were already conqueror. The Euripus divides from the continent the island of Euboea, which is close to it, by a narrow strait, the waters of which are continually ebbing and flowing. Here Antiochus, having erected tents of cloth of gold and silk, close to the murmuring noise of the stream, while the music of flutes and stringed instruments mingled with the sound of the waters, 1 Ch. VIII. To begin the war] Bellum movere. So, jusfbeloW, : content us firmer mdixisse helium. 2 This star] Hoc velut sidere. " That is, this dispute was the cause of the Asiatic war, as the rising or setting of certain stars, such as Arcturus. the Hyades, and Pleiades, occasions tempests. Xam id tempestatis sce.pe certo alfquo ccdi signo commotentur, sic in hac comitiorum tempestate popular i scepe intelli- gas, quo signo commota sit: Cie. pro Mur'am., c. 17." Dtiker. IJqoJkXL] EPITOME OF.BOMAf HISTOKY. 8gg and haying collected roses, though it was winter, from. all quarters, formed levies, that he might seem in every way a general, of damsels and youths. Such a king, already van- quished by his own luxury, the Eoman people, under the command of the consul Acilius Grlabrio, having approached while he was still on the island, compelled him to flee from it by the very news of their coming. Having then overtaken him, as he was fleeing with precipitation, at Thermopylae, a place memorable. for the, glorious death of the three hundred Spartans, they obliged him (not having confidence in the ground so as to make resistance; even there) to flee before them by sea and land. "Without the least delay they pro- ceeded straight into Syria. The king's fleet was committed to Polyxenides and Hannibal, for Antiochus himself could not endure to look on the fight ; and it was wholly destroyed by the Roman general, iEmilius Kegillus, the Bhodians lend- ing him their assistance. Let not Athens plume. itself on its victories ; in Antiochus we conquered a Xerxes ; in iEmilius we equalled Themistocles ; in our triumph at Ephesus 1 we matched that at Salamis. The Eomans then determined on the entire subjugation of Antiochus under the generalship of the consul Scipio, whom his brother Africanus, recently conqueror of Carthage, volun- tarily accompanied in the character of lieutenant-general. The king had given up the whole of the sea ; but we pro- ceeded beyond it. Our camp was pitched by the river Mseander and Mount Sipylus. Here the king had taken his position, with so many auxiliary and other forces as is quite incredible. There were three hundred thousand foot, and no less a number, in proportion 2 , of cavalry and chariots armed with scythes. He had also defended his army, on either side, with elephants of a vast size, making a gay ap- pearance with gold, purple, silver, and their own ivory. But all this mighty force was embarrassed by its own vastness, as 1 In our triumph at Ephesus] Ephesiis. "We must read i^eso, for the Romans did not fight with the Epheslans, hut with the fleet of Antiochus at Myonesus, not far from Ephesus." Grcevius. 2 Nojess a number, in proportion, $c.^\ Equitum fcdcatorumque curruuvi non minor numerus. It is necessary to supply the words in proportion in the trans- lation. " The sense is, that the number of cavalry and chariots was not less than the multitude of infantry required." Freinshemius. 334 ixorus. [Book II. well as by a shower of rain, which, pouring down on a sudden, had, with wonderful luck for us, spoiled the Persian bows. There was at first consternation, next flight, and then a triumph. To Antiochus, vanquished and suppliant, it was resolved to grant peace and a portion of his kingdom ; and this the more readily, because he had so easily yielded. CHAP. IX. THE JETOLIA3* WAB. To the Syrian war succeeded, as was to be expected, that of iEtolia ; for after Antiochus was conquered, the E/Omans pursued the incendiaries of the Asiatic war. The charge of taking vengeance on them was committed to Pulvius JSTobi- lior, who immediately, with his engines of war, assaulted Ambracia, the metropolis of the nation, and sometime the royal residence of Pyrrhus. A surrender followed. The Athenians and Bhodians supported the intreaties of the iEtolians for mercy ; and, as we remembered the aid 1 which they had given us, we resolved to pardon them. But the war spread widely amongst their neighbours, and through all Cephallenia and Zacynthus ; and whatever islands lie in that sea between the Ceraunian mountains and the promontory of Malea, became a portion of our conquests in that war. • CHAP. X. THE ISTEIAN WAR. The Istrians shared the fortune of the iEtolians, whom they had recently assisted in their Avarlike efforts. The commencement of the enemy's military operations was successful, but that very success was the cause of their overthrow. Por after they had taken the camp of Cnaeus Manlius, and were devoting themselves to the enjoyment of a rich spoil, Appius Pulcher attacked them as they were mostly feasting and revelling, and not knowing, from the influence of their cups, where they were. Thus they yielded up their ill-gotten prey with their blood and breath. Apulo, their king, being set on horseback, because he was constantly stumbling from intoxication and lightness of head, could scarcely be made sensible, after he came to himself, that, he was a prisoner. 1 Ch. IX. We remembered the aid, ftfaey Mil ^o^iuuiHlfMhis? faMier^ They induced the' [Etaa£iMis;;tarJ^^^ tempered the dexterity of the Macedonians with: iheTr©¥usb valour of the Thradian^ and^jthe^^ng^iTit-of fctfeifEnW- cians with the discipline of the ■■ Macedonians. Toi this aste rangement was added the pntience of the prince, who • having surveyed the face of the country from: lie top of Ifemus, and having pitched several camps in steep plaoe&,r/had so secured. his_ kingdom with' men and arms r that *he-;seemedi;bd> have left no access for &aemie% -i^idesB^ti!^y^.caiaedc^^^c4B heaven. [gmxriid erTT But the Romans 1 , under the consul fMarciius IBhilipjwas; having entered the province, and having carefully explored the approaches by the lake of Astrus 2 , over troublesome mill dangerous hills, and heights which seemed inaccessible even to birds, forced a passage for themselves, and, by a sudden inroad of war, alarmed the king, who was lying secure, and apprehending nothing of the kind. His consternation was so great, that he ordered all his money to be thrown into the sea, lest it should be lost 3 , and his fleet to be bmmBdfilesfcit should be set on fire. Under the consul Paulus, when stronger garrisons, in great numbers, had been stationed on the frontiers, Mace- donia was surprised by other ways, through the consummate art and perseverance of the general, who made a feint on one part, and effected an entrance at another; and whose mere approach was so alarming to the king,, that he durst not meet the enemy in the field, but committed the manage- ment of the struggle to his generals. Being vanquished, therefore, in his absence, he fled to the sea, and took refuge in the island of Samothrace, trusting to the well-known 1 But the Romans] Nam—populus Romanus. As nam seems out of place here, N. Eeinsius suggested tamen. 2 The lake of Astrus] Astrudem paludem. As this lake is nowhere else men- tioned, the critics in general think the passage corrupt ; and Salmasius proposes to read Bistonidem paludem. Livy, in his narrative of the same circumstances, (xliv., 2,) has Ascuridem paludem. 3 Thrown into the sea, lest it should he lost, skot [ifcM city which the grandfather had shaken, dying beasts are wont to be most fatal, trouble with Carthage half-ruined, than when it was in its full strength. The Eomans baying shut the enemy up in their single fortress, had also blockaded the harbour; but upon this they "dug another harbour on the other side of the city, not ; with a design to escape, but because no one supposed that they could even force an outlet there! Here a new fleet, as if just born., started forth ; and, in the mean while, some- times by day and sometimes by night, some new mole, some new machine, some new band of desperate • inen, perpetually started up, like a sudden flame from a fire sunk in ashes. At last, their affairs becoming desperate, forty thousand men, and (what is hardly credible) .with Hasdrubal at their head, surrendered themselves. How much more nobly did a woman behave, the wife of the general, who, taking hold of her two children, threw herself from the top of her house into the midst of the flames, imitating the queen that "built Car- thage. How great a city was then destroyed, is shown, to say nothing of other things, by the duration of the fire, for the flames coiud^areely fe^ extinguished at the end of seven- teen daysr, flames which the enemy themselves had raised in their houses, ani, temples, that since the city could not be rescued, .from, the Eomans, all matter for triumph might at ^^Bft^F^d- auomsti edi toftA .anna njmro> : -afiiL rldrw ton .shrzr has ysLjfiTL «o [i^EtftL .esiib owi \ CHAP. XTI. THE ACH^AK W r AE. -19q fJJ¥ MO .01977 tl ah ,1 _ . _ .OHO snOIT££" JII91 As if this age had been destined for the subversion of cities, Corinth, the metropolis . of Achaia, the ornament of Greece, situated,. as. if for an object of admiration, between the Ionian and 2Sgean Seas, soon after shared the fate of Carthage. This city (a pro.cee^ing; unworthy of the Kom.a-ii name) was destroyed even before it was counted among the number of undoubted enemies. The cause of the war was Critolaus 1 , who used the liberty granted him hy the Eomans against themselves, and insulted the ambassadors sent from Eome, whether by personal violence is doubtful, but cer- tainly by words. E evenge for this affront was committed to Moteilus, who was at that time settling the state of Ma- ton tBJjJgJ^jjAi-L; . | t apiqbS, $ut mucli diffculty, 'part of the cities which had been subject to the kings 1 , and re- duced a few, which offered resistance, as Myndus^ ~ aiid Colophon, by ;f6tce : of -'arms:. r He then cut to pieces- the army of the pra^to^Crassus, and took Crassus himself pri- soner. But the Roman general, remembering the dignity of his family and the name of Some, struck out the eye. of the ferbarian, who had him mcustody r with a wand, and this'pro- yoked him, as he intended, to put him to death. Aristonicus, not long after, was-deffeateo. and, captured by Perperna, and, upan giving iip all claim to the kingdom, kept in connne- miiit. ( Aquilius then suppressed the . relies of the Asiatic war, by poisoning certain .-springs^ (a most . dishonourable proceeding,) in order to force some cities to a surrender. This act, though it hastened his' victory, rendered it infa- mous ;~ for, contrary to the laws of the gods and the practices of our ancestors, he' desecrated' the Soman arms^ which had tillthen been pure; and : inviolate, by the use of detestable mlSiX^ ^W^L odn<* <&mimtel£ \o mobgnii edi sdT .sdtannjT, tema-gs tbtt 10I hosboi lodions s^y eiiil -moo saw woflol o* bbw M^M^mi otf* snijoiflm to iaai lo idmb rwrfinrloY edi jfeooiift $a&i kingdom between him and Adherbal, and having; overcome the very integrity of the Eoman empire 1 .in Scaurus^ he prosecuted with greater confi'derxce the wicked course which he had commenced. But dishonesty cannot long.be concealed ; the corrupt acts of Scaurus's; bribed commission came to light, and it was resolved by the Eomans to make war on the fratricide 2 . The consul Calpurnius Bestia was the first general sent to -Numidia ; but Jugurtha,, having found that gold was more efficient against the Eomans than iron, purchased peace of him. Being charged with this underhand dealing, and summoned, on the assurance of safe conduct, to appear before the senate, the prince, with equal boldness, both came to the city and procured the death of Massiva, his competitor for the kingdom of Masinissa, by the aid of a hired assassin. This was another reason for war against Jugurtha. The task of inflicting the vengeaiic£ that was to follow was com- mitted to Albinus; but Jugurtha (shameful to relate!) so corrupted his army also, that, through the voluntary flight of our men in ithe field, he gained a victory > and became master of pt*r camp ; and am * ignominious treaty, as the price of safety to the Eomans, being added to their previous dis- honour, he suffered the army, which he had before bought, to depart. gnrdismog ssiir sneiti Brftar^ut ni him : fa At this time, to support, not so much the Eoman empire as its honour, arose Metellus, who, with great subtlety, as- sailed the enemy with his own artifices ; an enemy who sought to delude him, sometimes with intreat-ies, sometimes with threats, sometimes with flight that was evidently pre- tended, and sometimes with McB as seemed-to be real 8 / But bH .norK]' 1 Ch. I. The very integrity of the Roman empire] Ip4o$ Momani imperii mores. u Because Seanrus seemed .of all Fremshemius. See the note on Sal] " n ' 2 Fratricide] Pccrricirfam; 'Seei 3 Flight that was evidently pretended — such as seemed to be real] Jam simu- late jam quasi vercifirga. There is something corrupt in this passage : for, as 850 floktts. [Book III, the Roman, not content with devastating the fields and vil- lages, made attempts on the principal cities of Numidia, and for a long time sought in vain to reduce Zama ; but Thala, a place stored with arms and the king's treasures, he suc- ceeded in capturing. Afterwards he pursued the prince himself, deprived of his cities, and forced to flee from his country and kingdom, through Mauretania and Gretulia. [Finally, Marius, having greatly augmented the army, (for, from the obscurity of his own birth, he enlisted numbers of the lowest class of people,) attacked the king when he was already defeated and disabled, but did not conquer him more easily than if he had engaged him in full and fresh vigour. The same general, also, with wonderful good fortune, re- duced Capsa, a city built by Hercules, lying in the middle of Africa, and defended by serpents and sandy deserts, and forced his way, by the aid of a certain Ligurian, into Mu- lucha, a city seated on a rocky eminence, the approach to it being steep and apparently inaccessible. Soon after he gave a signal overthrow, near the town of Cirta, not only to Jugurtha himself, but to Bocchus, the king of Mauretania, who, from ties of blood, had taken the part of the ]Numidian prince. But the Mauretanian, distrusting the condition of his own affairs, and apprehensive of being involved in an- other's ruin, offered to purchase, by the surrender of Jugur- tha, a treaty and alliance with Rome. That most treacherous of princes, accordingly, was ensnared by the treachery of his own father-in-law, and delivered into the hands of Sylla, and the people of Rome at last beheld Jugurtha loaded with chains and led in triumph, while the king himself, conquered and captive, looked again on the city which he had vainly prophesied a was to be sold, and doomed to perish if it could but find a buyer." But if it had been to be sold 1 , it had a purchaser in him, and since he did not escape, it will appear certain that it is not destined to perish. Duker and Perizonius observe, there is no conceivable difference between quasi vera fuga and simulata fuga. The manuscripts vary a little, but afford no help. 1 But if it had been to be sold] Jam ut venalis fuisset. Madame Dacier pro- prosed nam ut. Some editions have tamen ut. Book III.] EPITOME OF EOMA^ HISTORY. 351 CHAP. II. THE WAR WITH THE ALLOBEOGES. Thus did tlie Romans succeed in the south. In the north there were much more sanguinary proceedings, and in a greater number of places at once. Nothing is more in- clement than those regions. The air is severe, and the tem- pers of the inhabitants similar to it. From all this tract, on the right and the left, and in the midst of the northern quarter, burst forth savage enemies. The Salyi were the first people beyond the Alps that felt our arms, in consequence of Marseilles, a most faithful and friendly city, having com- plained of their inroads. The Allobroges and Arverni were the next, as similar complaints from the iEdui called for our assistance and protection against them. The river Varus is a witness of our victories, as well as the Isara and Vindelicus, and the Rhone, the swiftest of all rivers. The greatest terror to the barbarians were the elephants, which matched the fierceness of those people. In the triumph there was nothing so conspicuous as king Bituitus, in his variegated arms and silver chariot, just as he had fought. How great the joy was for both victories, may be judged from the fact that both Domitius iEnobarbus, and Eabius Maximus, erected towers of stone upon the places where they had fought, and fixed upon them trophies adorned with the arms of the enemy : a practice not usual with us, for the Roman people never upbraided their conquered enemies with their victories over them. CHAP. III. THE WAES WITH THE COIBEI, TEUTO^ES, AND TIGUREST. The Cirnbri, Teutones, and Tigurini, fleeing from the ex- treme parts of Gaul 1 , because the Ocean had inundated their country, proceeded to seek new settlements throughout the world ; and being shut out from Gaul and Spain, and wheel- 1 Ch. III. From the extreme parts of Gaul] Ah extremis Gallice. As Gallia occurs again, a few lines below, it is apparent that there is something wrong in the passage. Cluverius, Germ. Antiq., i., 10, h\, 4, iii., 22, suggests that we should read Germanics. Graevius and Duker say that the most ancient inhabi- tants of Gaul were Germans, and that therefore Florus may reasonably have used Gallia as synonymous with Germania. I have little doubt, however, that Cluverius is right ; for Florus was too careful of his language to make so inelegant a repetition as exclusi Gallia after ah extremis Gallice prof ugi. ^ .YstoTaiB i-LORTis. [Book III. ing about 1 towards Italy, they sent deputies to the camp of Silanus, and from thence to the senate, requesting that " the people of Mars 2 would allot them some land as a stipend, and use their hands and arms for whatever purpose they pleased." But what lands could the people of Rome give them, when they were ready to fight among themselves about the agra- rian laws ? rinding their application, therefore, unsuc- cessful, they resolved to obtain by force what they could not get by intreaty. Silanus could not withstand the first attack of the barbarians, nor Manlius the second, nor Csepio the third. All the three commanders were routed, and driven from their camps. Some would have been destroyed, had not Marius happened to live in that age. Even he did not dare to engage them at once, but kept his soldiers in their camp, until the impetuous rage and fury, which the barba- rians have instead of valour, should subside. The savages, in consequence, set off for Borne, insulting our men, and (such was their confidence of taking the city) asking them whether they had any messages to send to their wives. With not less expedition than they had threatened, they marched in three bodies over the Alps, the barriers of Italy. But Marius, exerting extraordinary speed, and taking a shorter route, quickly outstripped the enemy. Assailing first the Teu- tones, at the very foot of the Alps, in a place which they call Aquce Seoetice, in how signal a battle (O heavenly powers !) did he overthrow them ! The enemy possessed themselves of a valley, and a river running through the midst of it, while our men wanted water; but whether Marius allowed this to happen designedly, or turned an error to his advantage, is doubtful; certain it is, however, that the courage of the Bomans, stimulated by necessity, was the cause of their victory. Eor when the troops clamoured for water, " You are men," he replied; "yonder you have it" Such, in con- sequence, was the spirit with which they fought, and such the slaughter of the enemy, that the Bomans drank from the ensanguined stream not more water than blood of the bar- i Wheeling about] Quum—regyrarent The latter word is a conjecture of Salmasius, approved by Grasvius. Duker retains the common reading remi- grareni, which is manifestly corrupt. 2 The people of Mars] Martins populus. They intimated that one warlike people ought to oblige another warlike people. , Book III.] EPITOME OftfjgftfgN HISTOBT. 3gg£ barians. Their king r himself, TeutobocKuSy who was accus- tomed to vault oyer four or six horses at once, could scarcely mount one- when ho fled, and being taken prisoner in the neighboiu-ing forest, was a remarkable object in the triumph^ for, being a man of extraordinary stature, he towered above the trophies themselves, [j gnom.6 td-oft oi vbrm -v The TeutoneS; being utterly cut off,;MtoJiiB directed Mk efforts against the Gimbri. This people had ip.ade a descent, even (who would believe it ?) in the time of winter^ which raises the Alps 1 still higher than ordinary, rolling 7 forward, like a falling mass of roek^jfrom the Tridentine heights into Italy as f ar .as the Aclige. Attempting the. ■ passage of the river, not by the aid, of a bridge or of boats, but, with the stupidity of savages, trying to stem, it with their bodies, a^d: making vain efforts to stop its current with their hands and shields, they at last blocked it up with a mass of trees thrown into . it, and so got across. And had they; immediately marched for Home in a body, and eager for battle, the danger to the city would have been great ; but delaying in the parts about Venice, where .the .climate of Italy is most luxurious, their vigour was diminished by the very mildness of the country and atmosphere. "When they had been further relaxed by the use of bread, cooked flesh, and pleasant wines, Marius opportunely came up with them. They requested our general to fix upon a day for battle, and he ap- pointed the next. They engaged in an open plain, which they call the Eaudian field. There fell on the side of the enemy to the number of sixty thousand; on ours fewer tha^ .three hundred. The barbarians were slaughtered during an entire day. Marius had also assisted valour bj artifice, in imitation of Hannibal and his stratagem at Cannge. In the first place, he had fixed on a foggy day 3 , so that he could charge the enemy before they were aware of his approach ; and, as it 1 Raises the Alps] Quoe altiiis Alpes levat. " This is very true," says Grse- vius, " for snow is spread over snow, and is turned, they say, into stone." See.c. 10, hyeme creverant Alpes. 2 He had fixed on a foggy day] Nebulosum diem. To attribute these stra- tagems to Marius, in imitation of Hannibal, is absurd. Marius was asked to fix a day for battle, and chose the next, without knowing whether it would be foggy or clear. The fog, too, as Floras says, was so dense that the Gauls could not see the Romans approaching ; yet he states that there was sunshine reflected from the Roman helmets, and making the heaven seem in a blaze. 2a 354 flobtts. [Book III. was windy also, he manoeuvred so that the dust was driven into the eyes and faces of the enemy ; while, in addition, he had arranged his troops to face the east, so that, as was afterwards learned from the prisoners, the heaven seemed to be on fire from the glittering of the Eoman helmets and the reflection of the sun's rays from them. But the struggle with the enemies' wives was not less severe than that with themselves ; for the women, heing mounted on the waggons and other carriages, which had been ranged around as a defence, fought from them, as from towers, with spears and pikes. The death of these savages was as glorious as their contest for victory ; for when, upon sending an embassy to Marius, they failed to obtain their liberty, and sacerdotal protection 1 , which it was not lawful to grant, they either fell, after strangling or braining the whole of their children, by mutual wounds, or hanged themselves, with ropes made of their own hair, upon trees and the yokes of their waggons. Their king Bojorix fell in the battle, fighting furiously, and not without avenging himself. The third body, the Tigurini, which, as if for a reserve, had taken post on the Noric heights of the Alps, dispersing in different ways, and betaking themselves to ignoble flight or depredations, at last quite disappeared. This joyful and happy news, of the deliverance of Italy and the securing of the empire, the people of Eome received, not, as is usual, by the mouths of men, but, if we may believe it, by the intervention of the gods themselves. Por the very same day on which the contest was decided, two young men, crowned with laurel, were seen, in front of the temple of Castor and Pollux, to deliver a letter to the prsotor ; and a general rumour prevailed in the theatre of a victory over the Cimbri 2 , attended with the expression, " May it be happy for 1 Sacerdotal protection] Sacerdotium. " They did not desire, as Madame Dacier supposes, to institute any sacerdotal body, either peculiar to themselves, or in common with any other priests, but merely requested to be committed to the custody of the Vestal virgins. Ordrunt tit — virginibus Vestalibus dono mii- terentur, affirmantes ceqiie se, atque illas, virilis concubitus expertes futuras, Val. Max., vi., 1, fin." Duker. 2 Of a victory over the Cimbri, cf*c] Frequensque in spectactdo rumor Victorias Cimbrica? Feliciter, dixit Thus stands the passage in Duker's text, and, I believe, in all others, as if Victoria were a dative depending on feliciter, and the sense were, u Good fortune for the victory over the Cimbri. 1 ' In this sense Book III.] EPITOME OF EOMAK HISTOEY. 355 us." What could "be more wonderful, what more extraor- dinary, than this ? For as if Rome, raised on her own hills, had taken a view of the battle, the people were clapping their hands in the city, as is the case at a show of gladiators, at the very moment when the Cimbri were falling in the field. CHAP. IT. THE THRACIAST WAR. After the Macedonians were subdued, the Thracians, please the gods 1 , rebelled ; a people who had themselves been tributary to the Macedonians, and who, not satisfied with making inroads into the neighbouring provinces of Thessaly and Dalmatia, advanced as far as the Adriatic. Being con- tent with this as a boundary, nature apparently stopping their progress, they hurled their weapons into the waves. ISTo cruelty, however, during the whole course of their march, had been left unexercised by their fury upon such as they took prisoners ; they offered human blood to the gods ; they drank from men's skulls ; they made death, from fire and sword 2 , more ignominious by every kind of insult ; and they even forced by tortures 3 infants from their mothers' wombs. Of all the Thracians the most savage were the Scordisci ; and to their strength was added cunning. Their situation Gruter and Freinshemius expressly say that the words are to be taken, and adduce a passage or two from Suetonius in which feliciter is joined with a dative. But these datives in Suetonius are, as Duker observes in his note, datives of the person ; and both he and Scheffer doubt whether a dative of the thing, such as victoria?, can properly be used with feliciter. Duker therefore proposes to take victorice Cimbricce as a genitive with rumor, and to let feliciter stand by itself, as in Phaed., v., 1, 4 : Feliciter, subclamant. In this sense I have given the passage in the translation. 1 Ch. IV. Please the gods] Si diis placet. A contemptuous expression, similar to our phrase God wot, as " Peter, God wot, thought to do it." 2 Death, from fire and sword] Mortem tain igni quain fumo is the common reading. I have adopted Wasse's conjecture, ferro. Duker, indeed, endeavours to support fumo by references to Cicero, Verr., i., 17, where a man is described as tortured by fumigation, and to Vulcat. Gall., iv., with the notes of Casaubon and Salmasius. But there would be no need to say that the Thracians added insidt to death by smoke, a death sufficiently insulting in itself. 3 Forced by tortures, tfc.~\ Extorquere tormentis. u Tormenta accipio funes circa ventrem tensos et ligatos. Tormento tensior, Priap. Carrn., v. Vide ibi Scalig. Colv. et Scip. Gentil. ad Apul. Apol. non longe a princ. Quanquam etiam aliis modis compresso ventre partus extorqueri potest." Duker, 2a2 §88 .rao florusio emotim [J&ok III. among woods, and mountains agreed "with their teifiper, , . Ai} army, accordingly, which Cato commanded, was not only routed or put to flight; by them, but, what resembled ..$ prodigy, entirely cut off. Didius, however, drove them back, as they were . straggling and dispersed in unrestrained de- viation of the country, into their own Thrace. Drusus repelled ) them further, and hindered them from crossing the Danube. .-. Minucius made havoc of them -all along the banks ofithe Hebrus, though he lost many of his men when the river, which: deceived them with its ice, was attempted by hisHcavalry. Piso passed over Bhodope and Caucasus. , Curiq wenjt^s far as Dacia, but was afraid to penetrate the dark^ ness -of its forests. Appius advanced to the, Sarmatians, LuouUus to the Tanais, the boundary of those nations, and to the lakeMaeotis. ^Nor were these most savage of enemies subdued by any other treatment than such as they exercised on others; for cruelties, by fire and sword were inflicted on all that were taken prisoners. But nothing seemed more horrid to these barbarians than that they should be left with their hands cut off, and be obliged to "live and surviv@ ^iriSUifergmg^ smoK 'to ph sift bm ylaJl L'rtosTto n CHAP. V. THE MITHBIDATIC WAE. mi ID V- V r 4. 4.1 % 14-1 4.1 The Pontic- nations lie to the north, along the. sea on the left 1 , and have their name from the Pontus. Of these people and countries the most ancient king was iEetes. After him. reigned Artabazes, who was sprung from one of the seven Persians. Then came Mithridates, the mightiest of all kings ; for though four years were sufficient to defeat Pyrr- hus, and seventeen to conquer Hannibal, this monarch held out for forty years, till, being subdued in three great wars, he was, by the good fortune of Sylla, the bravery of Lucullus, and the greatness of Pompey, entirely brought to nothing. As a pretext for war, he alleged to Cassius, our ambas- sador, that "his borders were wasted by Nicomedes, king of Bithynia." Moved, however, by a spirit of ambition, he burned with a desire to grasp all Asia, and, if he could, all Europe. Our vices gave him hope and confidence ; for while we were distracted by civil wars, the opportunity of attacking * Ch. V. Along the sea 6n the left] In mare shmtrum. The Pontus Euxinns. which lies on the left of those sailing from Italy into Asia Minor, Book'Ilf.] EPITOME Or EOMAN HISTOEY. 857 us tempted him ; and Mariiis, Sylla, and Sertorius showed him from a distance that the side of the empire was exposed, In the midst, therefore, of these -sufferings and disturbances of the commonwealth, the tempest of the Pontic war, as if seizing its opportunity, suddenly descended, as from the ex- treme heights of the north, upon a people wearied and pre- occupied. Its first irruption at once snatched Bithynia from us. Asia was next seized with similar terror, and our cities and people without delay revolted to the king. He himself was active and urgent, and exercised cruelty as if he thought 'it a virtue. Tor what could be more atrocious than one of his edicts, ordering all citizens of Borne that were in Asia to be put to death ? Then, indeed, homes, temples, and altars, and all obligations, human and divine, were violated. This terror in Asia opened to the king also a passage into Europe. Accordingly, Arch elans and JSeoptolemus, two or his generals, being despatched thither, the Cyclades, Delos, Eubcea, {and all the islands except Ehodes, which adhered to us more firmly than ever,) with Athens, the very glory of Greece, were seized by his troops. The dread of the king even affected Italy and the city of Rome itself. Lucius Sylla, therefore, a man excellent in war, hastened to oppose him, and repelled, as with a push of the hand, the enemy who was advancing with equal impetuosity. Athens, a city which was the mother of corn, he first compelled, by siege and famine, to eat (who would believe it ?) the flesh of human beings ; and then, having undermined the harbour of the l4ra?eus, with its six walls and more 1 , and having reduced tlie most uncrrateful of men 2 , as he himself called them, he vet 1 With its six walls and more] Sex quoque et amplius muris. " What six walls were those," says Grawius, " that were overthrown by Sylla ? From the records of antiquity it does not appear that the Piraeus had any other than the two long walls." He therefore conjectures that these six walls must have been merely walls erected for the occasion, one behind the other, as successive defences against the besiegers ; a conjecture which he supports by a reference to Appian's account of the siege. Duker agrees with Gra3vins. Bede, indeed, on the Acts of the Apostles, and Orosius, vi.,-2, speak of the Piraeus as being fortified with a sevenfold wall, (septemiAici muro,) but they seem merely to have been misled by this passage of Floras. 2 Most ungrateful of men] Ingratlssimos Iwminum. As having banished or ill-treated most of their benefactors, and great men, Theseus, Solon, Miltiades, Cimon, Demosthenes, cfc. FLOKTTS. [Book III. spared them for the honour of their deceased ancestors, and for the sake of their religion and fame. Having next driven the king's garrisons from Euboea and Boeotia, he dispersed the whole of his forces in one battle at Chseronea, and in a second at Orchomenns ; and shortly after, crossing over into Asia, he overthrew the monarch himself, when the war would have been brought to a conclusion, had he not been desirous to triumph over Mithridates rather speedily than com- pletely 1 . The following, however, was the condition in which Sylla placed Asia. A treaty was made with the people of Pontus. He recovered Bithynia for 2 king JSTicomedes, and Cappadoeia for Ariobarzanes. Asia thus became ours again, as it had begun to be. But Mithridates was only repulsed. This state of things, accordingly, did not humble the people of Pontus, but incensed them. For the king, being caught, as it were, with the hope of possessing Asia and Europe 3 , now sought to recover both by right of war, not as belonging to others, but because he had before lost them. As fires, therefore, which have not been completely extin- guished, burst forth into greater flames, so Mithridates, with an increased number of forces, and indeed with the whole strength of his kingdom, descended again upon Asia, by sea, by land, and along the rivers. Cyzicus, a noble city, adorns the shore of Asia with its citadel, walls, harbour, and towers. This citv, as if it had been another Borne, he assailed with 1 Bather speedily than completely] Cito quam vere. " Floras has here fallen into an error, for Sylla did not triumph over Mithridates till some years after- wards, at the conclusion of the civil war. Nor did he make peace with Mithridates from desire of a triumph, but that he might be at liberty to turn his arms against the faction of Marius, which was then domineering in Italy." Duker. 2 He recovered Bithynia for, f his vices, was not wanting to his own destruc- tion ; but by indulging, from ambition and luxury, in eveiy 1 Ch. VIII. With a vastly superior force.] Tantd mole. The tarda is evidently corrupt. Tollius conjectures tandem totd mole. 2 Casting his rings into the sea] Annulis in mare abjectis. What rings are meant, is a point of dispute. Madame Dacier and Duker think that they are the rings Sextus Pompey wore on his fingers, and which he threw away that he might not be known by them. Eupertus supposes that they were the fetters worn by the rowers who were the slaves of Pompey, (fetters being called rings by Martial, Epig., ii., 29, xi., 38,) and which were thrown away that they might make less noise ; a supposition much less probable than the other. 3 Not afraid that he should perish] Non timens ne periret. "Here I accept the interpretation of Eupertus, who says that Sextus Pompey had hopes of safety from Antony." Duker. 4 Ch. IX. Knot and obstacle] Nodus et mora. " In imitation of Virgil, zEn. 7 x., 428 : Pugnaz nodumque moramqueP Freinshemius. Eook IY.] EPITOME OE E0MA3T HISTOEY. 411 irregular course, lie first freed our enemies, then his own countrymen, and lastly the age in which he lived, from the dread of him. The Parthians, on the overthrow of Crassus, had assumed greater courage, and had heard with joy of the civil discords among the Romans. As soon, therefore, as an opportunity showed itself, they did not hesitate to rise in arms, especially as Labienus earnestly incited them, who, having been sent thither by Brutus and Cassius, such is the madness of civil discord, had solicited the enemies of Rome to assist them. The Parthians, under the conduct of Pacorus, a youth of the royal family, expelled the garrisons of Antony. Saxa, An- tony's lieutenant-general, owed it to his sword that he did not fall into their hands. At length, Syria being taken from us, the evil extended itself more widely, as the enemy, under pretence of aiding others, were conquering for them- selves, and would have continued to conquer, had not Yen- tidius, also a lieutenant-general of Antony, overthrown, with incredible good fortune, not only the forces of Labienus, but Pacorus himself, and all the Parthian cavalry, along the whole plain between the Orontes and Euphrates. The slain amounted to more than twenty thousand 1 . JNor was this effected with- out stratagem on the part of the general, who, pretending fear, suffered the enemy to come so close on our camp, that, by depriving them of room for discharging their arrows, he rendered them useless. The prince fell fighting with great bravery ; and his head being carried about through the cities which had revolted, Syria was soon recovered without fur- ther war. Thus by the slaughter of Pacorus we made com- pensation for the overthrow of Crassus. CHAP. X. THE WAE OE AKTOKY WITH THE PAETHIA^S. After the Parthians and Romans had made trial of one another, and Crassus and Pacorus had given proof of their mutual strength, their former friendship was renewed with expressions of equal regard on either side, and a treaty with 1 More than twenty thousand] Viginti amplius millium fait. " The author is obscure," as Duker remarks, " from excess of brevity," for he leaves it uncertain whether the slaughter was of the cavalry or of the whole army. I have followed the interpretation of Faber. 412 .Tff otbih mmm.^o emotim [B6bk IV, the king was concluded by; Antony himself. But such was the excessive vanity of the man, that being desirous, from a love of distinction, to have Araxes and Euphrates read under his statues, he suddenly quitted Syria, and made an inroad on those very Parthians, and that without any cause or rea- son, or even pretended proclamation of war, as if it were among a general's accomplishments to surprise people by stealth. The Parthians, who, besides having confidence in their arms, are crafty and subtle, pretended to be alarmed, and to retreat across the plains. Antony, as if already vic- torious, instantly pursued, when suddenly a body of the enemy, not very numerous, rushed suddenly forth, like a storm of rain, upon the Eomans, who, as it was evening, were tired with the day's inarch. Discharging their - : arrows from all sides, they overwhelmed two legions. But this Avas nothing in comparison with the destruction that would have, met them on the following day, had not the mercy of the gods interposed. One of the Eomans who had survived the overthrow of Crassus, rode up to the camp in a Parthian dress, and having saluted the soldiers in Latin, and thus gained credit with them, told them of the danger which threatened them : saying, that " the king would soon come up with all his forces ; that they ought therefore to retreat, and take shelter in the mountains ; and that possibly, even if they did so, enemies would not be wanting." In consequence, a smaller number of enemies overtook them than had been in- tended. Overtake them, however, they did ; and the rest of the army would have been destroyed, had not the soldiers, while the arrows were falling on them like hail, fortunately sunk down, as if they had been taught, upon their. knees, holding up their shields above their heads, and making it appear as if they were killed. The Parthians then refrained from shooting. "When the Eomans afterwards rose up, the proceeding appeared so like a miracle, that one of the bar- barians exclaimed, " Go, and fare ye well, Eomans; fame deservedly speaks of you as the conquerors of nations, since you have escaped death from the arrows of the Parthians." After this, there was no less endured from want of water, than at the hands of the enemy. The country, in the first place, was deadly from its drought ; the river, too, with its Book "IV.] EPITOME OF ROMAF HISTOBY. 413 brackish and bitter water 1 , was more deadly to some; and besides, even good water was pernicious to many, being drunk greedily when they were in a weak condition. Sub- sequently the heat of Armenia, i the snows of Cappadocia, and the sudden change in climate from one to the other, was as destructive as a pestilence. Scarce the third part, therefore, of sixteen legions being left, and his silver being everywhere cut up with hatchets 2 , the excellent general, begging death, from time to time, at the hands of a gladiator of his, escaped at last into Syria, where, by some unaccountable perversion of mind, he grew considerably more presuming than before, as if he had conquered because he had escaped. i CHAP. XI. THE WAS, WITH ANTONY AND CLEOPATRA. The madness of Antony, which could not be allayed by ambition, was at last terminated by luxury and licentious- ness. After his expedition against the Parthians, while he was disgusted with war and lived at ease, he fell in love with Cleopatra, and, as if his affairs were quite prosperous, enjoyed himself in the queen's embraces. This Egyptian woman demanded of the drunken general, as the price of her favours, nothing less than the Roman empire. This Antony promised her ; as though the Bomans had been easier to conquer than the Parthians. He there- fore aspired to sovereignty, and not indeed covertly, but- forgetting his country, name, toga, and fasces, and degene- rating wholly, in thought, feeling, and dress, into a monster 3 . In his hand there was a golden sceptre ; a scymitar by his side ; his robe was of purple, clasped with enormous jewels ; ii SB c n i 1 Ch. X. With its brackish and bitter water] Salinacidis,,sc* aquis, according to Salmasius, whom Gramus and Duker follow. A word compounded of scdinus (for 3al$us) and acidus. Others write the word salmacldus, as in Flin. H. X., xxxi., 3, 22; but Salmasius's method 'appears the better. 2 And his silver being everywhere cut up with hatchets] Q\mm argehtmn ejus passim dolabris concideretur. This was done, according to Plutarch, by Antony's own soldiers, during a riot. " Those who were known. to be possessed of gold or silver were slain and plundered, and the money conveyed in the baggage was carried off. Last of all his [Antony's] own baggage was seized, and the richest bowls and tables were cut asunder and divided among the pillagers." Life of Antony, c G4. Langhorne's Translation. 3 Ch. XL Into a monster] In Mud monstrum. That is, into that monster of a king, such as he is afterwards described. See note on desciscit in regem, c. 3. 414 flortjs. [Book IV. and he wore a diadem, that he might dally with the queen as a king. At the first report of his new proceedings, Csesar had crossed the sea from Brandusium to meet the approaching war. Having pitched his camp in Epirus, he beset the island of Leucas, Mount Leucate, and the horns of the Ambracian Gulf, with a powerful fleet. We had more than four hundred vessels, the enemy about two hundred, but their bulk made amends for their inferiority in num- ber; for, having from six banks of oars to nine, and being mounted with towers and high decks, they moved along like castles and cities, while the sea groaned and the winds were fatigued. Yet their magnitude was their de- struction. Caesar's vessels rose from three banks of oars to not more than six, and being therefore ready for all that necessity required, whether for charging, retreating, or wheeling round, they attacked, several at once, each of those heavy vessels, too unwieldy for any kind of contest, as well with missile weapons, as with their beaks, and fire- brands hurled into them, and dispersed them at their pleasure. Nor was the greatness of the enemy's force shown by anything so much as by what occurred after the victory. The vast fleet, being shattered in the engagement, spread the spoils of the Arabians and Sabaeans, and a thou- sand other nations of Asia, over the whole face of the deep. The waves, driven onward by the winds, were continually throwing up piu'ple and gold on the shore. The queen, commencing the flight, made off into the open sea with her gilded vessel and sails of purple. Antony immediately followed. But Caesar pursued hard on their track. Neither their preparations, therefore, for flight into the Ocean 1 , nor the securing of the two horns of Egypt, Paraetoniuni and Pelusiuin, with garrisons, were of the least profit to them. They were almost caught by Caesar's own hand. Antony was the first to use his sword against himself. The queen, falling at the feet of Caesar, tempted his eyes in vain ; for her charms were 1 Preparations — for flight into the Ocean] Prceparata in Oceanum fuga. Floras alludes to the project of Cleopatra, to draw her vessels over the Isthmus of Suez from the Mediterranean into the Bed Sea, and to flee to some more re- mote country. See Plutarch, Vit. Anton., c. 89. Book IV.] EPITOME OF ROMAS" HISTORY. 415 too weak to overcome the prince's continence. Her snit was not for life, which was offered her, but for a portion of the kingdom. Despairing of obtaining this from Caesar, and seeing that she was reserved for his triumph, she took advan- tage of the negligence of her guard, and withdrew herself into a mansolenm, a name which they give to the sepulchres of their kings 1 . Having there put on her best apparel, as she used to be dressed, she placed herself by her dear An- tony in a coffin 2 filled with rich perfumes, and, applying serpents to her veins, died a death resembling sleep. CHAP. XII. WARS WITH FOREIGN RATIO'S. This was the termination of the civil wars. Those which followed were with foreign nations, and started up in various parts of the world while the empire was distracted with its own troubles. Peace was new ; and the swelling and proud necks of the nations not yet accustomed to the curb of bondage, recoiled from the yoke that had been but recently imposed upon them. The pail: of the world lying to the north, peopled by the Xorici, Illyrians, Pannonians, Dalma- tians, Mysians, Thracians, Dacians, Sarmatians, and Germans, was in general the most violent. The Alps and then snows, to which they thought that war could not reach, gave confi- dence to the BTorici ; but Ca?sar, with the aid of his step-son, Claudius Drusus, subjugated all the people of those regions, the Brenni, Senones, and Tindelici. How savage these nations were 3 , their women plainly proved, for, when weapons failed, they threw their very infants, after having dashed them on the ground, in the faces of the soldiers. The Illyrians lie at the foot of the Alps, and guard their deep valleys, which are a sort of barriers 4 of defence to them, 1 A name which they give to the sepulchres of their kings] Sepulchra regum sic vacant. Salmasius and Freinshemins would eject these words, as a mere in- truded gloss. 2 In a coffin] In solio. u Solium is here put for the loculus (coffin) in which dead bodies were buried; as in Plin. H. X., xxxv., 12; Q. Curt., x. ? 1, 32.*' Freinshemius. Also Suet. Xer., c. 50: Solium Porphyvetici marmoris. 3 Ch. XII. How savage these nations were] Quce fmrit callidarum gentium feritas. The word callidarum, with which none of the critics are satisfied, I have omitted. Salmasius conjectures Alpicarum; Xic. Heinsius Validarum. 4 A sort of barriers] Et qu&dam quasi claustra. I read ut, with Gruter. $l£ FLOKTJS. [Book IY. surrounded by precipitous torrents. Against this people Caesar himself undertook an expedition, and ordered bridges to be constructed in order to reach them. Here the waters and the enemy 1 throwing his men into some confusion, he snatched a shield from a soldier hesitating to mount a bridge, and was the first to inarch across ; and when the army had followed, and the Illyrians, from their numbers, had broken down the bridge, he, wounded in his hands and legs, and appearing more comely in blood and more majestic in danger 3 , did great execution on the enemy's rear. The Pannonians were defended by two forests, as well as ; by three rivers, the Drave, the Save, and the Ister. After laying waste the lands of their neighbours, they had with- drawn themselves within the banks of the streams. To reduce them, he despatched Vibius, and they were cut to pieces along both the rivers 3 . The arms of the conquered were not burnt, according to the usage of war, but were gathered up, and thrown into the rivers, that the news of the victory might thus be conveyed to those who still held out. | The Dalmatians live for the most part in woods, whence |hey boldly sally out to commit robberies. This people Marcius had before, as it were, deprived of a head, by burn- ing their city Delminium. Afterwards Asinius Pollio, he that was the second orator in Kome 4 , deprived them of their flocks, arms, and lands. But Augustus committed the final subjugation of them to Vibius, who forced the savages to dig the earth, and collect the gold from its veins, for which this nation, naturally the most covetous of all people, seeks with I * Here the waters and the enemy, tius ; for no man balanced the fatigues of business with the enjoy- ments of leisure more judiciously than Scipio, as he was con- stantly studying the arts either of war or of peace, and constantly exercising either his body in toil or his mind in learning. Mummius, on the contrary, was so extremely -istfiil bins hi * XIII. New man] See Sail., Cat., c. 23. Book I.] COMPENDIUM OP ROMAN HISTORY. 4§$ ignorant, that when, on the taking of Corinth, he was hiring persons to carry pictures and statues, finished by the hands of the greatest masters, into Italy, 'he ordered notice to be given to the contractors, that, if they lost any of them, they must find new ones. Yet I think you, Yinicius, must be of opinion, that it would have been more for the advantage of our countrymen that their minds should have remained still ignorant of Corinthian elegancies, than that their knowledge of them should have reached its present height ; and that the ancient ignorance woidd have been more conducive to the public honour than our modern skill. XIY. As a view of any historical subject, when contracted into one continuous narrative, is retained more easily in the eye and the memory than when left dispersed in different periods, I have determined to introduce between the former and latter part of this volume, a summary of particulars on a not unimportant subject, and to specify, in this part of my work, what colonies, since the capture of Koine by the Gauls, have been established by order of the senate, and at what times ; for of the military settlements the occasions and founders are sufficiently known from their names. "With this detail I shall unite, I think without impropriety, an account of the enlargement of the state, and the extension of the Eoman name, by the communication of its privileges. Seven years after the G-auls took the city, the colony of Sutrium was settled ; the year after, that of Setia ; and, after an interval of nine years, that of Xepe. Two-and-thirty years afterwards, the Aricians received the civic franchise. Three hundred and sixty-two years ago, in the consulship of Spurius Posthumius and Yeturius Calvinus, the freedom of the city, but without the right of voting, was given to the Campanians and part of the Samnites ; and the same year a colony was settled at Cales. Three years afterwards, the people of Fundi and Formiae were admitted as citizens, in the very year that Alexandria was founded. In the following consulship, when Spurius Posthumius and Philo Publilius were censors, the civic franchise was granted to Acerra. Three years after- wards the colony of Terracina was settled ; four years after- wards, that of Luceria ; in four years more, that of Suessa Aurunca, and two years later, those of Saticula and Inter- 438 YELLEITTS PATEECULUS. [Book I. amna. Then followed ten years in which nothing of the kind occurred; at the end of which time were established the colonies of Sora and Alba, and two years afterwards that of Carseoli. In the consulate of Quintus Pabius for the fifth time, and that of Decius Mus for the fourth time, the year in which Pyrrhus began to reign, colonies were sent to Sinuessa and Minturnse, and four years afterwards to Yenusia. After an interval of two years, in the consulate of Marcus Curius and Rufinus Cornelius, the rights of citizenship, but without that of voting, were given to the Sabines ; an event which took place about three hundred and twenty years ago. About three hundred years ago, in the consulship of Pabius Dorso and Claudius Canina, colonies were sent to Cosa and Paestum, and five years afterwards, in the consulship of Sem- pronius Sophus and Appius, the son of Appius Caecus, to Ariminum and Beneventum ; and the right of voting was then granted to the Sabines. At the commencement of the first Punic war, Pirmum and Castrum were occupied with colonies, and the following year ^Esernia ; in seventeen years afterwards JEsulum and Alsium ; two years later, Pregenaa ; in the next year, when Torquatus and Sempronius were con- suls, Brundusium ; three years after, in the year when the games of Plora commenced, Spoletium. Two years later, Valentia was colonised, and, about the time of Hannibal's arrival in Italy, Cremona and Placentia, XV. Neither while Hannibal remained in Italy, nor for several years immediately succeeding his departure, had the Romans any opportunities of founding colonies ; for, while the war lasted, they were obliged to press soldiers, instead of discharging them, and, when it was ended, their strength re- quired to be recruited rather than dispersed. However, in the consulship of Manlius Volso and Pabius Nobilior, about two hundred and seventeen years ago, the colony of Bononia was settled, and five years afterwards, those of Pisaurum and Po- tentia; in three years more, Aquileia and Gravisca; four years later, Luca. During the same period, though some express a doubt of it, colonies were sent to Puteoli, Salernum, and Bux- entum. One hundred and eighty-seven years ago, a colony was sent to Auximum in the Picenian territory ; this took place three years before Cassius the censor began to build the Book I.] COMPENDIUM OP EOMAST HISTOET. 439 theatre looking from the Lupercal 1 towards Mount Palatine, when the great austerity of manners, and the consul Scipio, prevented him 3 from completing it ; an occurrence which I number among the most honourable testimonies to the public character in those days. In the consulship of Cassius Lon- ginus and Sextius Calvinus, (who defeated the Salyes 3 at the springs which were from him named Aqum Sextice,) about one hundred and fifty-seven years ago, the colony of Fabra- teria was settled, and the year after those of Scylacium, Minervium, Tarentum, and Neptunia, as well as Carthage in Africa 4 , which was, as I have said, the first colony planted beyond the bounds of Italy. Concerning Dertona there is no certainty ; but INarbo Martius in Graul was settled in the consulship of Porcius and Marcius, about a hundred and fifty- three years ago. Twenty-three years after was founded Eporedia among the Bagienni 5 , when Marius was consul, for the sixth time, with Valerius FLaccus. Any colony settled since that time, except the military colonies, I am unable to recollect. XVI. Though this little portion of my work has exceeded the limits intended, and though I am sensible that in so hasty a composition, which, like a wheel or rapid torrent 6 , allows me nowhere to make a stand, I ought rather to omit some things that may seem necessary than to introduce any that are superfluous, I yet cannot refrain from noticing a point on which I have often reflected, and on which I could never arrive at any satisfactory conclusion. For who can suffi- ciently wonder, that the most eminent geniuses in every art 1 XV. From the Lupercal] A Lupercali. " The Lupercal was a grotto sacred to Pan, near the Palatine mount." Krause. 2 When the great austerity of manners — prevented him, <£c] There are various readings of this passage, but all producing much the same sense. Krause reads, Cui (Cassio) id demoliendo — restitere ; that is, " the austerity of manners, and Scipio the consul, opposed Cassius by pulling it (the theatre) down." 3 Salyes] A people of Gallia Narbonensis. 4 Carthage in Africa] A colony was established on the site of the old city by the Gracchi, and called Colonia Carthago. 5 Bagienni] Otherwise called Vagienni, a people of Liguria, near the source of the Po. 6 XVI. Torrent] Gurgitis. The words ac verticis, which follow this, and which Ruhnken and Krause think a mere gloss, I have omitted. 440 YELLEIUS PATERCTJLTTS. [Book I. have agreed in one common character, and have fallen within one period of time ; and that, as different kinds of animals, shut np in a fold or other inclosnre, continue each distinct from those around it, and form themselves into separate bodies, so minds, capable of any great achievements, have formed distinct assemblages about the same time and with similar effect ? One age, and that not extending through many years, gave lustre to tragedy by the works of those great authors, men animated by a, divine spirit, iEschylus, Sophocles, and Euripides. One age produced the Ancient Comedy, under Cratinus, Aristophanes, and Eupolis. As for the New Comedy, Menander, with Philemon and Di- philus, his equals in age rather than ability, not only invented it within a few years, but left works in it beyond imitation. The distinguished philosophers, too, deriving their knowledge from the lips of Socrates, in how short a time did they all, whom I have a little before enumerated 1 , nourish after the death of Plato and Aristotle ! And in oratory what splendour was there before Isocrates, or after the death of his hearers and their immediate disciples ? So crowded were they into a short space of time, that all who were worthy of being remem- bered must have been known to each other. XVII. Nor has this peculiarity occurred more among the Greeks than among the Eomans. Eoman tragedy, unless we go back to the rudest and most barbarous efforts, which de- serve no praise but as attempts at invention, subsists wholly in the writings of Accius and his contemporaries. The agreeable sportiveness of Latin humour displayed itself, about the same time, in Crecilius, Terence, and Afranius 2 . As for the historians, a period of less than eighty years (even if we include Livy in the age of the earlier writers) produced them all, with the exception of Cato and some old and obscure an- nalists. Nor did the assemblage of poets extend further in time, either upwards or downwards. With respect to oratory, 1 Whom I have a little before enumerated] Quos paulo ante enumeravimus. In some part of the book which is now lost. 2 XVII. Caecilius, Terence, and Afranius] Why does he omit Plautus? " I must suppose either that the name of Plautus has dropped out of the text, or, what seems more probable, that Paterculus entertained the same opinion ot Plautus as Horace expresses, De Arte Poetica, 270, and therefore intentionally omitted him." Krause. Book I.] COMPENDIUM OF ROMAN HISTORY. 441 forensic pleading, and the perfect beauty'of prose eloquence, they burst forth complete (to say nothing of Cato, and to speak with due respect for Publius Crassus, Scipio, Lselius, the Gracchi, Fannius, and Servius Gralba) under Cicero, who was the coryphaeus in his art ; as of all other orators we re- ceive pleasure from few, and admire none, except such as lived in his time, or immediately succeeded it 1 . That the same has been the case with regard to grammarians, statuaries, painters, and sculptors 2 , whoever investigates the records of ages will easily convince himself, and will see that the most eminent performances in every art are confined within very narrow limits of time. Of this concurrence of similar geniuses in the same period, of their corresponding devotion to like pursuits, and their equality of progress, I often inquire for the causes, but find none that I can regard as satisfactory. Some, however, I discover that are probable ; among which are the following. Emulation nourishes genius ; and at one time envy, at another admiration, kindles a spirit of imitation. Any art, too, which is pursued with extreme zeal, will soon reach the height of excellence ; and to stand still on the summit is difficult ; as, in the natural course of things, what cannot advance, recedes. And as we are at first excited with ardour to overtake those whom we think our superiors, so, when we once despair of surpassing or equalling them, our zeal flags with our hope, ceases to pursue what it cannot attain, and, relinquishing that object as already pre-occupied, turns to something new. De- clining any pursuit in which we cannot arrive at eminence, we endeavour to find one that will allow scope for our exer- tions ; and the consequence is, that such changes, if frequent and unsteady, prove the greatest obstacle to perfection. 1 Except such as lived in his time, or immediately succeeded it] Neminem — nisi aut ah illo visum, aut qui ilium viderit. This is translated according to the inter- pretation of Krause. Those who were visi ah illo were his contemporaries, (some of them, perhaps, a little his seniors,) with whom he lived, as it were, face to face; those qui ilium viderunt were the men of the succeeding generation, who were just old enough to have had a sight of him. Thus Ovid says of Virgil, Virgilium lantum vidi. 2 Statuaries — sculptors] Plastis — scalptoribus. Plastes, one that makes figures of any soft matter, as clay ; scalptor, or sculptor, one who works with harder material, as stone or wood. 442 TELLEIUS PATEECULUS. [Book I. XVIII. Our wonder may well be transferred from ages to cities. One city in Attica was distinguished in eloquence for a greater number of years, and for more achievements in it, than all the rest of Greece ; so that, though the natives of that country were dispersed through its different states, we might suppose its genius to have been confined entirely within the walls of Athens. Nor do I more wonder that this should have been the case, than that not a single orator of Argos, Thebes, or Lacedsemon, was thought worthy of notice during his life, or of remembrance after his death. In such studies, these, as well as many other cities, were wholly unproductive, except that the single muse of Pindar conferred some degree of lustre on Thebes. Alcman 1 the Lacedaemonians falsely claim. * * * * 1 XVIII. Alcman] He was a native of Lydia, and brought to Lacedaemon - when very young, as a slave. Book II.] COMPESTDITJM 01 ROMAN HISTOET. 443 BOOK II. THE ARGUMENT. Declension of Roman virtue after the destruction of Carthage; wars with Viria- thus and Numantia, I. Acts and death of Tiberius Gracchus, II., III. Aris- tonicns defeated; Numantia overthrown; character and death of Publius Scipio, IV. Acts of Aulus Brutus in Spain, V. Proceedings and death of Caius Gracchus, VI. Cruelty of Opimius, VII. Narbo Martius founded; Cato condemned for extortion ; triumphs of the Metelli and Minutius, VIII. Eminent Roman orators and writers, IX. Severity of the censors ; family of the Domitii, X. The Jugurthine war ; the acts of Marius, XI., XII. Ill- fortune and death of Drusus, XIII., XIV. The colony of Carthage; the Italian war, XV., XVL The civic franchise granted to the Italians ; character of Sylla, XVII. War with Mithridates commenced ; acts of Sulpicius, XVIII. Civil war between Marius and Sylla, XIX. The consul Pompeius murdered by the soldiers ; proceedings of Cinna, XX. Cinna succeeds in recalling Marius, XXI. Marius's proscription, XXII. Marius's death ; success of Sylla against Mithridates, XXIII. Deaths of Fimbria, Lucilius, and Cinna, XXIV. Further proceedings of Sylla, XXV., XXVI. Fate of Pontius Telesinus, and of the younger Marius, XXVII. SyhVs dictatorship and proscription, XXVIII. Character of Pompey, afterwards called the Great, XXIX. Death of Sertorius ; triumphs of Metellus and Pompey ; war with Spartacus, XXX. Pompey sup- presses the pirates, XXXI. , XXXII. Pompey receives the command of the Mithridatic war ; acts of Lucullus, XXXIII. Conquest of Crete ; conspiracy of Catiline, XXXIV. Character of Cato ; deaths of Catiline and the other con- spirators, XXXV. Augustus Caesar born ; learned men of that age, XXXVI. Tigranes surrenders to Pompey, XXXVII. Names of Roman provinces, and by whom conquered, XXXVIIL, XXXIX. Pompey conquers Mithridates, and triumphs, XL. Descent, character, and actions of Julius Caesar, XLI. — XLIII. First Triumvirate ; consulship of Caesar, XLIV. Of Clodius, Cicero, and Cato, XLV. Caesar's acts in Gaul; Crassus killed in Parthia, XL VI. Further pro- ceedings of Caesar; Clodius slain by Milo, XL VII. Civil war between Caesar and Pompey, XL VIII. — LII. Death of Pompey, LIII. Cesar's actions in Egypt, Africa, and Spain, LIV., LV. Caesar's triumphs and death, LVL, LVII. Proceedings of Brutus and Cicero, LVIII. Opening of Caesar's will; family and character of Augustus, LIX. Dissensions and war between Caesar and Antony, LX., LXI. Provinces decreed to Brutus and Cassius by the se- nate ; Caesar slighted, LXII. Antony joins the army of Lepidus, LXIII. Death of Decimus Brutus ; banishment of Cicero, LXIV. The second Triumvirate, LXV. Another proscription ; death of Cicero, LXVI. Conduct of the Romans at the time of the proscription, LXVII. Of Caelius and Milo ; of the clemency of Caesar, LXVI II. Of Dolabella, Vatinius, and the Paedian law, LXLX. Proceedings of Brutus and Cassius ; they are slain in the battle of Philippi, LXX. Consequences of the battle, LXXL, LXXII. Of Sextus Pompeius, 444 YELLEIUS PATEKCULTTS. [Book II. LXXIII. Of Antony, Caesar, and Livia, LXXIV., LXXV. Of Caius Velleius andFulvia; peace between Caesar and Antony, LXXVI. Peace with Sestus Pompeius, LXXVII. Antony marries Octavia, Caesar's sister; Labienus over- thrown, LXXVIII. War resumed with Sextus Pompeius ; Caesar marries Livia, LXXIX. Degradation of Lepidus, LXXX. Caesar suppresses a mutiny in the army, LXXXL Antony invades Parthia, LXXXII. Of Plancus, LXXXIII. Battle of Actium, and what immediately followed it, LXXXIV.— LXXXVI. Death of Antony, LXXXYII. Conspiracy, death, and character of Lepidus, LXXXVIII. Caesar's triumphs and plans of government, LXXXIX. Reduction of Spain and Dalmatia, XC. Roman ensigns recovered from the Partisans, XCI. Of Sentius Saturninus, XCII. Of Marcellus and Agrippa, XCIII. Expeditions of Tiberius and Drusus; death of Drusus, XCIV.— XCVII. The Thracian war, XCVIIL Tiberius retires to Rhodes, XCIX. Hostilities resumed in Parthia and Germany; excesses of Julia, C. Caius Caesar in Parthia; his death, CI., CIL Tiberius and Agrippa adopted by Augustus, CIIL, CIV. Acts of Tiberius in Germany, CV. — CIX. Insurrec- tion in Dalmatia, CX. Proceedings of Tiberius against the Dalmatians and Pannonians ; both are subdued, CXI. — CXV. Of some who were distinguished in this war, CXVI. Loss of the legions in Germany under Varus, CXVIL Of Arminius; death of Varus, CXVIIL, CXIX. Tiberius conducts the German war; his triumphs, C XX. — CXXII. Death of Augustus, CXXIII. Tiberius succeeds him, CXXIV. Mutiny in Germany and Illyricum suppressed, CXXV. Government of Tiberius, CXXVI. Of Sejanus, CXXVIL, CXXVIII. Observations on Tiberius, CXXIX., CXXX. Prayer for the prosperity of Rome J CXXXI. - I. The former Scipio had opened for the Romans the way to power ; the latter 1 opened that to luxury. For when their dread of Carthage was at an end, and their rival in empire was removed, the nation, deserting the cause of virtue, went over, not gradually, but with precipitation, to that of vice - % the old rules of conduct were renounced, and new intro- duced; and the people turned themselves from activity to slumber, from arms to pleasure, from business to idleness. Then it was that Scipio built porticos on the Capitol ; that Metellus erected those before mentioned 3 ; and that Cnseus Octavius raised that pre-eminently delightful one in the Circus ; and private luxury soon followed public magnificence. There soon succeeded a lamentable and disgraceful war in Spain, conducted by Viriathus, a captain of banditti ; which, 1 I. The former Scipio — the latter] The former was Scipio Africanus Major, the conqueror of Hannibal ; the latter Scipio Africanus Minor, who destroyed Carthage and Numantia, and who is mentioned above, i., 15. 2 Before mentioned] See i., 2. Book II.] COMPENDIUM OF ROMAK HISTORY. 445 though it proceeded with various changes of fortune, was oftener adverse than favourable to the Romans. And Viria- thus, rather through the treachery than valour of Serviiius Caepio, being killed, a still more violent war with Numantia burst forth. This city never had under arms more than ten thousand of its inhabitants, yet, whether from the obstinacy of their spirit, the inexperience of our generals, or the caprice of fortune, it compelled both Pompeius, a man of great reputation, (the first of the name who held the consul- ship,) to sign a treaty of peace on most dishonourable terms, and the consul Mancinus Hostilius to make another not less mean and disgraceful. Interest secured Pompey from punish- ment ; but the modesty of Mancinus, by shrinking from no penalty 1 , led to his being surrendered by heralds to the enemy, stripped of his robes, and with his hands tied behind his back. But the JNuinantines, acting like the people of Gaudium in former times, refused to receive him, saying that a public violation of faith was not to be expiated by the blood of an individual. II. This surrender of Mancinus excited violent dissensions in the state. Por Tiberius Gracchus, (son of a most illus- trious and eminent citizen, and grandson, on his mother's side, of Publius Africanus,) who had been quaestor at the time, and by whose encouragement that treaty had been concluded, was both grievously offended at the annulling of it, and entertained apprehensions for himself of a similar sentence or punishment ; from which causes, though in his other conduct a man of the strictest integrity, endowed with the highest abilities, and pure and upright in his intentions, in short, adorned with every virtue of which man when per- fected both by nature and cultivation is susceptible, he, on being appointed tribune of the people in the consulate of Pub- lius Mutius Scaevola and Lucius Calpurnius, a hundred and sixty-two years ago, deserted the worthy party, and by pro- mising the rights of citizens to all the inhabitants of Italy, and proposing at the same time agrarian laws, threw all things, while all men were eager to secure a footing in the 1 Shrinking from no penalty, cfc] Non recusando perduxit hue, §c. The text is here so obscure that Buhnken says, " Ego nihil hie intelligo," and supposes that some words are lost. On Caudium, see Floras, i., 16. 446 YELLEIXTS PATEECTJLTTS. [Book II. state 1 , into the utmost confusion, and brought the Common- wealth into imminent danger, of which it was for some time doubtful what would be the event. Octavius, one of his colleagues, who stood up in defence of the public good, he compelled to resign his office, and procured the election of himself, his father-in-law Appius, who had been consul, and his brother Gracchus, then very young, as commissioners to distribute lands, and settle colonies. III. On this, Publius Scipio Nasica, grandson of him who had been pronounced by the senate the best man in the state, son of him who in his censorship had built the por- ticos to the Capitol, and great grandson of Cnseus Scipio, a man of very illustrious character, uncle of Publius Africa- nus ; this Scipio, I say, though not invested with any mili- tary or public office, and though he was cousin to Tiberius Gracchus, yet, preferring his country to family connexion, and considering whatever injured the public as hurtful to each individual, (for which merits he was afterwards, in his absence, created chief pontiff ; the first instance of the kind,) wrapped the lappet of his gown round his left arm, and mounted to the upper part of the Capitol ; where, standing on the summit of the steps, he called on all that desired the safety of the Commonwealth to follow him. Immediately the chief of the nobility, the senate, the greater and better part of the equestrian body, and such plebeians as were unallured by the pernicious views of the Gracchi, rushed together against Gracchus, who, with some bands of his par- tisans, was standing in the court, haranguing a concourse of people from almost every part of Italy. Betaking himself to flight, he was struck, as he was running down the descent from the Capitol, with a piece of a broken bench, and thus prematurely closed a life which he might have passed with 1 II. Ail men were eager to secure a footing in the state] Omnibus statum concupiscentibus. Such is the way in which Krause and Orellius understand this phrase. Lipsius said that there was no sense in it, and conjectured omnibus (sc. legibus istis agrariis) statum concutientibus, which Gruter and Heinsius approved, and Ruhnken admitted into his text. But concupiscentibus seems to have been too hastily condemned by these critics. " Statum habere." says Krause, " est vel civitatem, vel bona certa, agros scilicet, habere, et sic esse aliquid in republica." So, he adds, the proscribed are said, c. 72, nullum statum habere. Book II.] COMPENDIUM OP BOMAK HISTORY. 447 the greatest honour. This was the commencement of civil bloodshed, and of impunity to the sword, in Rome. Hence- forward right was oppressed by strength ; the more powerful were the more highly esteemed ; disputes between citizens, which were formerly settled on amicable terms, were decided by the sword ; and wars were undertaken, not for honour- able reasons, but from prospects of gain. Nor can this excite our wonder; for examples do not stop where they begin ; but, if allowed to spread through a channel ever so narrow, make way for themselves to any extent ; and, when men have once deviated from the right path, they are hurried headlong into wrong ; and no one thinks that dishonourable to himself which is gainful to another. IV. During the course of these transactions in Italy, Aristonicus, who, on the death of king Attalus, by whom Asia had been bequeathed to the people of Rome, (as Bi- thynia was afterwards bequeathed to them by Nicomedes,) pretending to be sprung from the royal family, had seized the government by force of arms, was conquered, and led in triumph by Marcus Perperna, and afterwards put to death by Manius Aquilius, for having, at the commencement of hostilities, killed the proconsul Crassus Mucianus, a man eminent for his knowledge of the law, as he was on his journey out of the country. After so many defeats experienced at ISTumantia, Publius Scipio Africanus iEroilianus, the destroyer of Carthage, being elected a second time consul, and sent into Spain, supported in that country the character for conduct and success that he had acquired in Africa, and within a year and three months after his arrival levelled JNumantia, after surrounding and shaking it with batteries, to the ground. !N"or did any man of any nation, before his time, consecrate his name to perpetual remembrance by a more remarkable destruction of cities ; for, by-the overthrow of Carthage and Numantia, he freed us from the dread of the one, and from the dishonour that we suifered from the other. It was this Scipio, who, being asked by Carbo, a tribune, what he thought of the killing of Tiberius Gracchus, replied, that if he had any thought of usurping the government, he was justly slain ; and, when the whole assembly cried out against him, he ex- claimed, " After having so often heard, without fear, the 448 VELLEIUS PATEECULUS. [Book II. shouts of armed enemies, how can I be alarmed at the cries of such as you, to whom Italy is but a stepmother 1 ?" Returning, from a short absence, into the city, in the con- sulate of Manius Aquilius and Caius Sempronius, a hundred and fifty-eight years ago, after his two consulships and two triumphs, and after having removed two objects of terror to his country, he was found one morning dead in his bed, and marks of strangulation were observed on his neck. Yet concerning the death of so great a man no inquiry was made ; and the body of him by whose services Rome had raised her head above the world, was carried to its burial- place with the head veiled 2 . Whether he died a natural death, as most people think, or came to his end, as some have asserted, by treachery, he certainly passed a life of such honour that it is eclipsed by none before his time except that of his grandfather. He died at about fifty-four y^ars of age. If any one questions this, let him look back to Scipio's first consulship, to which he was elected at the age of thirty- six, and doubt no more. V. Before the destruction of jSTumantia, the military efforts of Decimus Brutus in Spain had been remarkable ; so that, having made his way through all the nations of that country, subdued vast multitudes of men, and a great number of cities, and visited places of which the names had scarcely been heard, he merited the surname of Gallgecus. A few years before him, military obedience, under Quintus Mace- donicus, was enforced in that country with such severity that, while he was besieging a city named Contrebia, he ordered five legionary cohorts, which had been repulsed in an attack on a very steep place, to mount it again immedi- ately. Though all the soldiers made their wills in prepara- tion for action, as if going to certain destruction, the obsti- nate general was not deterred from his purpose, and saw his men return with victory, whom he had sent out in expecta- 1 IV. To whom Italy is but a stepmother] Quorum noverca est Italia. The idle and dissolute crowd that wandered about the city, many of whom were not natives of the country, were not considered or valued by Italy as her children, but regarded by her with the disdain of a stepmother. The origin of the expression, as Wesseling pointed out, is in Plato's Menexenus. Comp. Val. Max., vi., 2, 3. 2 With the head veiled] Velato capite. " Obvoluto capite elatus est, ne livor in ore appareret." Aurel. Vict., 58. This seems to have been customary. Book II.] COMPENDIUM OF BOMAtf HISTOEY. 449 tion of death. So great was the effect of shame blended with fear, and of hope springing from despair. He gained much credit for courage and strictness ; but Fabius JEmiKa- nus showed in Spain the most noble example of discipline. VI. After an interval of ten years, the same rage which had animated Tiberius Gracchus, seized his brother Caius, who, resembling him in all his virtues as well as in his want of judgment, was in abilities and eloquence far his superior ; and who, though he might, without the least anxiety of mind, have become the very first man in the state, yet, prompted by a desire either of revenging his brother's death, or of preparing a way for himself to regal power, he entered on a tribuneship of similar character to that of his brother, forming projects, however, much more extensive and influential. He designed to extend the civic franchise to all the Italians, as far almost as the Alps ; to divide the lands, and to prohibit every citizen from possessing more than five hundred acres ; a restriction which had once been enjoined by the Licinian law. He likewise wished to lay new taxes on imported goods, to fill the provinces with new colonies, to transfer the privilege of being judges 1 from the senators to the knights, and to distribute corn to the popu- lace ; in short, he was resolved to leave nothing quiet and undisturbed, nothing in the condition in which he found it. He even procured himself to be re-elected tribune. But the consul Lucius Opimius, who in his praetorship had demo- lished Fregellae, attacked him with an armed force, and put him to death, and together with him Fulvius Flaccus, a man who had been consul, and had triumphed, but was equally inclined to noxious measures ; and whom Caius Gracchus had nominated a commissioner in the room of his brother Tiberias, and associated with himself to be a sharer in his king-like power. One particular in Opimius's conduct is mentioned deserving of reprobation, namely, that he offered a reward for the head, not merely of Gracchus, but of any turbulent Roman citizen, promising its weight in gold. Ilaccus, while he was collecting a party in arms on the Aventine, with intent to make resistance, was killed, together 1 VI. To transfer the privilege of being judges, $c.~\ See Pseudo-Sallust, first Epistle to Caesar, e. 3, 8. 450 TELLEITJS PATEBCTTLTJS. [Book II. with his elder son; Gracchus, attempting to escape, and being nearly overtaken by a party sent by Opimius, held out his neck to Euporus his slave, who slew himself with the same fortitude with which he relieved his master. Pompo- nius, a Eoman knight, showed on that day a singular degree of attachment to Gracchus ; for, like Codes, he withstood his enemies on the bridge, and then run himself through with his sword. The body of Caius Gracchus, with great barba- rity on the part of the victors, was thrown into the Tiber, as had previously been the case with that of Tiberius. VII. Such was the latter part of the lives, and such the deaths, of the sons of Tiberius Gracchus, the grandsons of Publius Scipio Africanus, men who made a bad use of the best talents, and who died while their mother, the daughter of Africanus, was still alive. Had these men fixed their desires on any degree of eminence compatible with civil liberty, (whatever it was that they sought to gain by their tur- bulent proceedings,) the public would have granted it without an effort on their part. To the severity before mentioned, was added an act of unparalleled barbarity. A youth of uncommon beauty, in the eighteenth year of his age, son of Eulvius Elaccus, but innocent of his father's offences, being sent to negotiate terms of accommodation, was ordered to be put to death by Opimius. A Tuscan soothsayer, his Mend, seeing the lad weep as he was dragged to prison, said to him, " "Why do you not rather act thus ?" And immediately dash- ing his head against a stone pillar at the prison-door, beat out his brains, and expired. Examinations of the friends and clients of the Gracchi were soon after held, and with great severity. Hence, when Opimius, who, in other matters was upright and respected, was afterwards condemned on a trial before the people, no commiseration was shown him by his countrymen, through their recollection of his former want of feeling. The same general odium afterwards deservedly crushed, under trials before the people, Eutilius and Popillius, who, being consuls at the time, had acted cruelly towards the friends of Tiberius Gracchus. Amongst affairs of such importance I shall men- tion one of which the knowledge is of little consequence. This is the Opimius, from whom, when he was consul, the celebrated Opimian wine was named. That there is none of Book II.] COMPENDIUM OF BOMAST HISTORY. 451 it at present may be inferred from the distance of time, for between bis consulate and yours, Marcus Vinicius, a hundred and fifty-one years have elapsed. The conduct of Opimius met the less approbation, because his object was revenge from personal enmity ; and his severity seemed to have been inflicted to satisfy, not public justice, but private hatred. VIII. [Soon after, in the consulate of Marcius and Por- cius, the colony of Narbo Marcius was settled 1 .] Let the strictness of judicial proceedings in those times be here recorded. Caius Cato, who had been consul, and who was grandson of Marcus Cato, and son of the sister of Africanus, was convicted of extortion committed in Macedonia, and fined eighteen sestertia 2 ; for judges then considered the in- clination of the man to dishonesty rather than the magni- tude of the offence, and estimated deeds, in general, by in- tention, regarding rather what had been done than to how great an extent. About the same time, the two Metelli, brothers, triumphed on one day. Another instance of dis- tinction not less honourable, and hitherto unparalleled, was, that two sons of Fulvius Elaccus, him who had taken Capua, were joined together in the consulship. One of them indeed had been adopted, and received into the family of Manlius Acidinus. As to the two Metelli, who were censors together, they were cousins-german, not brothers ; the circumstance of two full brothers being united in office fell to the lot of none but the Scipios 3 . At this time the Cimbri and Teutones came across the Rhine, and soon made themselves notorious by the calamities that they brought on us and on themselves. At the same time, there was celebrated a brilliant triumph of Minucius, him who built the porticos now so much ad- mired, over the Scordisci. IX. During this period flourished those eminent orators Scipio jEmilianus, Lselius, Servius Gralba, the two Gracchi, Caius Fannius, Papirius Carbo, and, above all, Lucius Crassus and Marcus Antonius. Nor must we omit Metellus Numi- dicus, or Scaurus. These, in time as well as genius, were i VIII. The sentence inclosed in brackets is evidently out of place, as Burman and Kranse remark. 2 Eighteen sestertia] About 159?. 7s. 6d. s The Scipios] The office in which the Scipios were united was the aBdileship, as Krause says, who supposes that some words to that effect have been lost out of the text. 2<*2 452 TELLEIUS PATEECULUS. [Book II. followed by Caius Caesar Strabo and Publius Sulpicius. As to Quintus Mucins, lie was more noted for bis knowledge of the law than for eloquence. During the same age appeared the bright genius of Afranius in comedy, and those of Pacu- vius and Attius in tragedy ; geniuses who rise into competi- tion with the spirit of the Greeks. Then were displayed, too, the powers of Ennius 1 , who claims for his works an honourable place with theirs ; for, though they wrote with more correctness, he seems to have had the greater share of energy. A distinguished name was likewise acquired by Lucilius, who in the jNumantine war had served in the cavalry under Publius Africanus. At the same time Ju- gurtha and Marius, then both young, learned in the same • camp under Africanus that skill which they were afterwards to practise in opposite camps. Sisenna the historian was then young, but some years after, at a more advanced age, published his history of the civil wars, and those of Sylla. Ccelius was prior to Sisenna : coeval with him were Bntilius, Claudius Quadrigarius, and Valerius Antias. We must not, however, forget that Pomponius lived in this age, a writer admired for his thoughts, though rude in language, and chiefly deserving notice for the novelty of what he invented 2 . X. Let us here record a severe act of the censors Cassius Longinus and Caepio, who, a hundred and fifty-five years ago, . summoned before them an augur, JEmilius Lepidus, because h^ rented a house at six sestertia 3 . At present, if any person lived at so low a rent, he would scarcely be acknowledged as a senator : so soon do people proceed from the reasonable to the unreasonable, from the unreasonable to the vicious, from the vicious to the extravagant. During this period a re- markable victory was gained by Domitius over the Arverni, and another by Pabius over the Allobroges. Fabius, who was grandson of Paulus, acquired from his success the sur- name of Allobrogicus. Here we may observe a peculiar 'kind of happiness attending the Domitian family, which was 1 IX. Of Ennius] The name of Ennius has been supplied in the texts of Euhnken and Krause from a conjecture of Heinsius. 2 What he invented] He was an eminent writer of the Falulce Atellance, but not the inventor of that kind of composition. But perhaps he was the first that gave them any regularity of form. "3 X. Six sestertia] About 53?. 2s. 6d. Book II.] COMPENDIUM OF EOMAN HISTOBY. 453 highly distinguished, though confined to a small number. Before the present Cnseus Domitius, a youth of most re- markable goodness of disposition, there were seven of that family, the only sons of their respective parents, who all arrived at the consulship and priesthood, and almost all at the honours of a triumph. XI. The Jugurthine war was then conducted by Quintus Metellus, a commander inferior to no one of the age. Under him acted, as lieutenant-general, Caius Marius, whom we- mentioned above, a man of mean birth, coarse and rough in his manners, but of strict temperance 1 , who, in proportion as he was excellent in war, was fatal to peace. He was immo- derately eager for glory, his ambition was insatiable, his pas- sions ungovernable, so that he, was never at rest. By dis- seminating, through farmers of' the revenue, and others who traded in Africa, insinuations against Metellus, as being dilatory in his operations, and purposely protracting the war to the third year, as well as invectives against the natural pride of the nobles, and their ambition to continue in posts of power, he succeeded, after obtaining leave of absence to come to Borne, in procuring his election to the consulship, and getting the management of the war, now nearly termi- nated by Metellus, who had twice routed Jugurtha in the field, intrusted to himself. Nevertheless, the triumph of Metellus was exceedingly magnificent, and the surname of Numidicus, which he had well earned by his merits in the field, was conferred upon him. As we previously noticed the splendid fortune of the Domitian family, we may here mention that of the Csecilian, for within about twelve years of this time there were above twelve Metelli either consuls or censors, or who enjoyed triumphs. Hence it would ap- pear that the fortune of families, like that of cities and empires, flourishes, fades, and decays. XII. Caius Marius, at this early time, had Lucius Sylla connected with him in quality of quaestor, as if from some precaution of the fates 2 , and having sent him ambassador to 1 XI. Of strict temperance] Vita sanctus. This is, as Krause observes, evi- dently the sense. So Crassus, in c. 46, is said to be sanctissimus immunisque voluptatibus, Marius is called by Sallust, Jug., c. 63, lubidinis atque divitiarum victor. 2 XII. From some precaution of the fates] Ut prcecaventibus fatis. As if the- 454 VELLEITJS PATERCTTLTTS. [Book II. king Bocehus, received, through his means, king Jugurtha as a prisoner; an event which took place a hundred and thirty-eight years ago. Being elected consul a second time, and returning to Eome, he led Jugurtha in triumph on the first of January, the day on which his second consulship commenced. As the overwhelming force of the German tribes, the Cimbri and Teutones mentioned above, had van- quished and put to flight in Gaul the consuls Caepio and Manlius, as well as Carbo and Silanus previously, and had dis- persed their armies, and killed Aurelius Scaurus the consul, as well as other leaders of great reputation, the Eoman people deemed that no commander was better qualified than Marius to repel such formidable enemies. Thenceforward consulships multiplied on him. His third was spent in pre- parations for the war, and in the same year Cnseus Domitius, a tribune of the people, got a law passed, that the people should appoint priests, who were formerly elected by the sacerdotal body. In his fourth he engaged the Teutones, at Aqua Sextice, beyond the Alps, and in two successive days slew a hundred and fifty thousand of them, and utterly re- duced their nation. In his fifth, he himself, and the pro- consul Quintus Lutatius Catulus, met the Cimbri on what are called the Baudian plains, on this side of the Alps, and put an end to the war by a most successful battle, killing or taking above a hundred thousand men. By these victories Marius seems to have deserved that his country should not regret his birth ; and to have made amends by his services for the evils that he brought upon it. The sixth was con- ferred on him as a reward for his merits. Yet must not this consulship be defrauded of its due share of praise, for, during the course of it, the consul repressed, with an armed force, the excesses of Servilius, Glaucia, and Saturninus Apuleius, who, maintaining themselves in office, were inflict- ing deep wounds on the constitution, and dispersing the assemblies of the people with violence and bloodshed ; and he at last put those pestilent disturbers to death in the Curia Hostilia 1 . XIII. At the end of a few succeeding years, Marcus fates, by uniting them together at this time, had been anxious to prevent the discord that afterwards raged between them. Krause. 1 Curiae were houses of assembly for the wards (curiae) of the city. Book II.] COMPENDIUM OF ROMAN HISTORY. 455 Livius Drusus entered on the office of tribune ; a man of the noblest birth, the greatest eloquence, and the strictest purity of life ; but who, in all his undertakings, was more distin- guished by ability and good intention than by success. He formed a design of restoring to the senate its ancient dig- nity, and of transferring from the knights to that body the right of being judges ; because when the knights, by the Sempronian laws, were invested with that authority, they had treated with cruel severity many of the most illustrious and most innocent citizens ; and in particular had brought to trial for extortion Publius Rutilius, a man distinguished for virtue not only above his own, but above any age, and, to the exceeding great grief of the public, had condemned him to pay a penalty. But in those very efforts which he made in fa- vour of the senate, he found the senate itself opposed to him. Tor they did not perceive that whatever he brought forward in favour of the plebeians was intended to allure and attract the multitude, in order that, being gratified in smaller mat- ters, they might consent to others of greater importance. Such, indeed, was the fate of Drusus, that the senate favoured the injurious proceedings of his colleagues more than his own excellent designs, rejecting with scorn the honour offered by him, while they submitted patiently to the wrong done them by the others ; looking, in short, with envy on his very exalted reputation, and with indulgence on the mean characters of his opponents. XIV. When such well-intended plans were badly received, the purpose of Drusus was changed, and he resolved to ex- tend the civic franchise to all Italy. As he was taking mea- sures for this purpose, on coming home one day from the forum, surrounded by the immense disorderly crowd that constantly attended him, he was stabbed in the court-yard of his own house with a knife, which was left sticking in his side, and within a few hours expired. While he was draw- ing almost his last breath, he uttered an expression, as he looked on the crowd standing round and lamenting over him, very consonant to his inward feelings. " My relations and friends," said he, " will the Commonwealth ever again have a citizen like me ?" Thus ended the life of this illus- trious man. One incident which marks the goodness of his disposition must not be omitted. When he was building a 456 YELLEIUS PATERCTJLUS. [Book II. house on the Palatine Mount, on the spot where that stands which formerly was Cicero's, afterwards Censorinus's, and now belongs to Statilius Sisenna, and the architect offered to con- struct it in such a manner, that it would be proof against all overlookers, no one being able even to cast a glance into it, " Bather," replied he, " if you have such skill, construct my house in such a manner, that whatever I do mav be seen by aH." XV. [Among the most pernicious measures introduced by the laws of Gracchus, I reckon the planting of colonies out of Italy. Such a proceeding our ancestors had so care- fully avoided, (because they saw Carthage so much more powerful than its mother city Tyre ; Marseilles than Phocaea ; Syracuse than Corinth ; Cyzicus and Byzantium than Mile- tus,) that they even called home Bom an citizens from the provinces to be registered by the censors in Italy. The first colony planted beyond the limits of Italy was Carthage 1 .] The death of Drusus hastened the breaking out of the Ita- lian war, which had been gathering to a head during a con- siderable time before ; for in the consulate of Lucius Caesar and Publius Butilius, a hundred and twenty years from the present, all Italy took arms against the Romans. This un- fortunate insurrection had its origin among the people of Asculum, (who killed Servius a praetor, and Fonteius a lieu- tenant-general,) and from them it soon spread to the Mar- sians, and diffused itself through every quarter of the coun- try. As the subsequent sufferings of those people were very severe, so were their demands extremely just ; for they claimed the privileges of a country, whose power they sup- ported by their arms ; every year, and for every war, they furnished a double number of men, both horse and foot, and yet were not admitted to the privileges of the state, which, by their services, had arrived at that very eminence from which it looked down with disdain on men of the same nation and blood, as aliens and foreigners. This war carried off above three hundred thousand of the flower of Italy. The Roman generals most distinguished in it were, Cnaeus Pompey, father of Cnaeus Pompey the Great ; Caius Marius before 1 XV. The words inclosed in brackets are entirely out of place, like those at the beginning of c. 8. Book II.] COMPENDIUM OF EOMAN HISTOBY. 457 mentioned ; Lucius Sylla, who was praetor in the preceding- year ; and Quintus Metellus, son of Numidicus, who de- servedly obtained the surname of Pius : for when his father was banished by Lucius Saturninus, a tribune of the people, because he alone refused to swear obedience to his laws, the son, by his dutiful exertions, and with the sanction of the senate, and the approbation of the Roman people, procured his recal. So that Numidicus was not more honoured by his triumphs and distinctions than by the cause of his exile, the exile itself, and his return from it. XVI. The most remarkable leaders of the Italians were Silo Popsedius, Herius Asinius, Insteius Cato, Caius Ponti- dius, Telesinus Pontius, Marius Egnatius, and Papius Muti- lus. JNor shall I, through mistaken modesty, withhold any part of the praise due to my own family, while I relate only the truth ; for much honour ought to be paid to the memory of Minatius Magius of iEculanum, my ancestor in the fourth degree. He was grandson of Decius Magius, (a man of high distinction and trust among the Campanians,) and displayed in this war such a faithful attachment to the Ro- mans, that, with a legion which he himself had raised among the Hirpinians, he, in conjunction with Titus Didius, took Herculaneum, and with Lucius Sylla besieged Pompeii, and gained possession of Compsa. His virtues have been celebrated by several writers, but by Hortensius, in his Annals, more fully and clearly than by any other. The Roman people amply recompensed his fidelity, by voting him a citizen with peculiar distinction, and electing his two sons praetors, at a time when only six were elected. So variable and alarming was the fortune of the Italian war, that in the course of two successive years two Roman consuls, first Rutilius and afterwards Porcius Cato, were slain by the enemy, and the armies of the Roman people discomfited in several places, so that a general assumption of the military dress 1 took place, and was long continued. The enemy chose for their seat of government the city of Corfinium, which 1 XVI. Assumption of the military dress] Ad saga iretur. " Livy, Epit. lxxii., says, with reference to these times, saga populus sumpsit. This military garment, the sagum, the Romans assumed, by a decree of the senate, in the most alarming wars, and retained it till better fortune appeared, when they returned to the toga. Compare Liy., Epit. lxxiv. ; Cic, Phil., xiv., 1." Krause. 458 TELLEIUS PATERCULXTS. [Book II. they named Italicum. The strength of the Eomans was afterwards recruited, though slowly, by admitting into citi- zenship such as either had not taken arms, or had laid them down early, while the exertions of Pompey, Sylla, and Marius, revived the energy of the government when it was debili- tated and ready to sink. XVII. An end being now nearly put, except where the remains of hostility continued at N ola, to the Italian war, (the result of which was that the Eomans, themselves ex- hausted, consented to grant the privilege of citizenship to certain states that were vanquished and reduced, rather than to the whole when flourishing in unimpaired strength,) Quintus Pompeius and Lucius Cornelius Sylla entered upon their consulship. Sylla was a man, who, before he had sub- dued his competitors, could not be sufficiently commended, nor afterwards too severely censured. He was of a noble family, being the sixth in descent from Cornelius Eufinus, one of the most celebrated leaders in the war with Pyrrhus ; but as the lustre of the family had been for some time ob- scured, he conducted himself, through a great part of his life, in such a manner, that he seemed to have no thought of standing for the consulship. However, after his praetor ship, having acquired great reputation in the Italian war, (such as he had before gained when lieutenant-general under Marius in Gaul, where he defeated some of the enemy's most eminent commanders,) he assumed courage from success, and be- coming a candidate for the consulship, was elected by the almost universal suffrage of his countrymen. When he attained this honour, he was in the forty-ninth year of his age. XVIII. About this time Mithridates king of Pontus, a prince who must neither be passed without notice, nor be slightly mentioned; a man most active in war, pre- eminent in courage, distinguished sometimes by success and always by spirit ; in council a general, in action a soldier, and in hatred to the Eomans another Hannibal, took forcible possession of Asia, and put to death all the Eoman citizens that were in it, whom, by sending letters to the different states, filled with promises of great rewards, he procured to be slain on the same day and hour. At this crisis no people equalled the Ehodians, either in resolute exertions against Book II.] COMPENDIUM OF EOMA1ST HISTORY. 459 Mithridates, or in firm attachment to the Eomans ; and a lustre was thrown on their fidelity by the perfidy of the Mitylenseans, who gave up in chains to Mitkridates, Manius AquiUius and several others ; and yet to these very Mity- lenseans liberty was afterwards granted by Pompey, merely to gratify Theophanes 1 . Mitkridates, now becoming for- midable, seemed to threaten even Italy, when the province of Asia fell to the lot of Sylla. After leaving Eome, he stayed some time in the neighbourhood of Nola ; (for that city, as if repenting of the fidelity to us, which it had saeredly maintained during the Punic war, continued in arms with persevering obstinacy, and was then besieged by a Eoman army ;) during which interval, Publius Sulpicius, a tribune of the people, an eloquent and active man, distin- guished for wealth, interest, the number of his friends, and the vigour of his understanding and character, (who, though he had formerly, with the best apparent intentions, obtained from the people the highest office in the state, yet after- wards, as if he repented of his virtues, and as if his good resolutions were profitless, grew suddenly vicious and vio- lent, and attached himself to Marius, who, at the end of his seventieth year, was still coveting every command and every province,) this man, I say, now proposed a law to the people, by which Sylla' s commission was annulled, and the conduct of the Mithridatic war decreed to Marius ; to which he added other laws of pernicious and fatal tendency, such as could not be endured in a free state. He even, by means of some emissaries of his faction, put to death a son of the consul Quintus Pompeius, who was also son-in-law of Sylla. XIX. On this, Sylla, having collected a body of troops, and returned to the city, took possession of it by force of arms, and expelled twelve promoters of these new and per- nicious measures, among whom were Marius, his son, and Publius Sulpicius ; at the same time procuring a law to be passed declaring them exiles. As for Sulpicius, some horse- men overtaking him in the Laurentine marshes, put him to death ; and his head, being elevated and displayed on the 1 XVUI. Theophanes] A native of Mitylene, and friend of Pompey, of whose acts he wrote a history. 460 VELLEIUS PATEECTJLUS. [Book II. Rostrum, was an omen, as it were, of the approaching pro- scription, Marius, after his sixth consulship and his seven- tieth year, being found naked, and covered with mud, with only his eyes and nose above the surface, among the reeds at the margin of the lake of Marica, where he had concealed himself to escape the pursuit of Syria's horsemen, was taken out, and, with a cord about his neck, dragged to the prison of Minturnse, by order of one of the two colonial magis- trates. A public servant, by nation a German, who hap- pened to have been taken prisoner by Marius in the Cim- brian war, was sent with a sword to despatch him ; but no sooner did he recognise Marius, than, with a loud outcry, showing how much he was shocked at the fall of so great a man, he threw away the weapon, and hurried out of the prison. His countrymen, thus taught by a barbarian 1 to commiserate the man who was recently at their head, sup- plied him with clothes and provision for a voyage, and put him on board a ship. Having overtaken his son near the island of iEnaria, he steered his course to Africa, where, in a hut among the ruins of Carthage, he lived in a state of indigence. Here, while Marius viewed Carthage, and Car- thage contemplated him, they might afford consolation to each other. XX. In this year the hands of the soldiers were first stained with the blood of a Eoman consul. Quintus Pom- peius, Sylla's colleague, was slain by the troops of Cnseus Pompey the proconsul, in a mutiny which their leader had himself excited. # * * * Cinna showed no more moderation than Marius and Sul- picius; for although the citizenship of Eome had been granted to Italy, on the understanding that the new mem- bers should be included in eight new tribes, (lest otherwise their power and numbers might detract from the dignity of the original citizens, and the receivers of the kindness be more powerful than their benefactors,) he now promised that he would distribute them through all the tribes. With this object in view, he had drawn together into the city a vast multitude from all parts of Italy. But he was driven out of 1 XIX. By a barbarian] Abhoste. "Abarbaro." Krause. Hostis, as opposed to civis. Book II.] COMPENDIUM 01? SOMAN HISTOBY. 461 Eoine by the power of his colleague and of the nobles ; and, while he was on his way to Campania, the consulship was taken from him by a vote of the senate, and Lucius Corne- lius Merula, flamen of Jupiter, was appointed in his place ; an illegal proceeding, better suited to the demerits of the man, than for a precedent. Cinna, after first bribing the tribunes and centurions, and then gaining over the soldiers by promises of largesses, was received as leader by the army at Nola, and when all the troops had sworn obedience to him, he, retaining the ensigns of consul, turned their arms against his country ; depending chiefly, however, on the vast number of the new citizens, of whom he had enlisted above three hundred cohorts, and filled up the complement of thirty legions. His party stood in need of men of character and influence ; and, to add to these, he recalled from exile Caius Marius, his son, and the others who had been banished with them. XXI. While Cinna was making war on his country, Cnseus Pompeius, father of Pompey the Great, (who had done emi- nent service to the state in the Marsian war, especially in the Picenian territory, and had taken Asculum, near which city, while the troops were dispersed in various other parts, seventy-five Eoman citizens, in one day, maintained a con- flict with more than sixty thousand Italians,) had become, from being disappointed of another consulship, so equivocal in his conduct, and so apparently undecided for either party, that he seemed to do nothing but with a view to his own advantage, and to be watching for opportunities of turning himself and his army to one side or the other, wherever the greater prospect of power for himself should appear. But at last he came to a collision with Cinna, in a long and fierce battle, of which, begun and ended as it was under the very walls and view of the city of Borne, it can hardly be expressed how grievous was the result both to the com- batants and the spectators 1 . Soon after, while a pestilence was ravaging both armies, as if they were not sufficiently exhausted by the sword, Cnseus Pompeius died; but the joy felt at his death was in a great measure counterbalanced by sorrow for the loss of so many citizens, cut off by the 1 XXI. To— the spectators] From the loss of their relatives. 462 VELLEITJS PATEBCULUS. [Book II. sword or by sickness. The Eoman people vented on his corpse the resentment which they owed to him when alive. "Whether there were two or three families of the Pompeii, Quintus Pompeius was the first consul of that name, with Cnaeus Servilius, about a hundred and sixty-seven years ago. Cinna and Marius, after several encounters, not with- out considerable bloodshed on both sides, made themselves masters of the city ; but Cinna entered it first, and proposed a law for the recal of Marius. XXII. Soon after, Caius Marius made his entry into the city, an entry fatal to his countrymen. Nothing could have surpassed his victorious irruption in cruelty, had not that of Sylla speedily followed. ]S"or was the licentious barbarity of the sword inflicted only on the middling ranks ; but men of the highest stations, and most eminent characters, were_ destroyed under various kinds of sufferings ; among these the consul Octavius, a man of the mildest disposition, was slain by order of Cinna. Merula, who, on the approach of Cinna, had resigned the consulship, having opened his veins, and sprinkled his blood on the altars, implored the same gods, whom, as priest of Jupiter, he had often intreated to preserve the Commonwealth, to pour curses on Cinna and his party, and then resigned a life, which had greatly served the state. Marcus Antonius, a man as eminent in civil dignity as in eloquence, was, by order of Marius and Cinna, stabbed by the swords of the soldiers; whom he long caused to hesitate by the power of his eloquence. Quintus Catulus, cele- brated for his other merits, as well as for the fame acquired in the Cimbrian war, which was common to him and Ma- rius, when search was made for him by executioners, shut himself up in a place lately plastered with mortar 1 , had fire brought in to raise a strong smell, and then, by inhaling the noxious vapour, and holding in his breath, he found a death agreeable to the wishes, though not to the intentions of his enemies. Everything was falling headlong into ruin, but no person was yet found who dared to make a donation of the property of a Eoman citizen, or to ask for it. Afterwards this additional evil was introduced, that avarice supplied 1 XXII. With mortar] Cake arenaque. With lime and sand. Floras, iii., 21, says that Catulus died ignis haustu, by swallowing fire. Book II.] COMPENDIUM OF EOMAK HISTOBY. 463 motives for cruelty ; magnitude of guilt was estimated by- magnitude of wealth ; whoever was rich, was criminal, and became a reward, as it were, for his own destruction 1 ; nor was anything considered dishonourable that was gainful. XXIII. Cinna now entered on his second consulship, and Marius on his seventh, to the utter disgrace of the former six. In the early part of it he fell sick and died, leaving a character for having been implacable in war toward his ene- mies, and in peace toward his countrymen, and utterly im- patient of quiet. In his room was elected Valerius Haccus, the author of a most dishonourable law, by which he obliged all creditors to accept a fourth part of what was due to them ; for which proceeding deserved punishment overtook him within two years after. "While Cinna tyrannised in Italy, the greater part of the nobility fled into Achaia to Sylla, and thence afterwards into Asia. Sylla meanwhile engaged the generals of Mithridates, near Athens, in Boeotia, and Macedonia, with such success that he recovered Athens, and, after expending a vast deal of labour in reducing the numerous fortifications of the Pirseeus, slew above two hun- dred thousand of the enemy, and took at least as many prisoners. If any person imputes the guilt of rebellion to the Athenians, at the time when their city was besieged by Sylla, he is certainly ignorant both of the truth and of history. For so invariable was the fidelity of the Athenians to the Eomans, that at all times, and in every transaction, whatever was performed with perfect good faith, the Eomans used to say was done with "Attic faith." But that people, overpowered by the force of Mithridates, were in a most miserable condition, held in possession by their enemies, be- sieged by their friends, and, while their inclinations were outside the walls, compelled by necessity to keep their per- sons within. Sylla, then passing over to Asia, found Mi- thridates submissive, and ready to agree to any terms whatever. He obliged him, after paying a fine in money, and delivering up half of his ships, to withdraw from Asia and all the other provinces of which he had taken possession by force of arms ; he recovered the prisoners, punished the 1 A reward — for his own destruction] Suir—periculi merces. " His property being divided among those who procured his death." Ruhriken. 464 VELLEITJS PATERCULTJS. [Book II. deserters and other traitors, and ordered the king to confine himself within his father's territory, that is, Pontus. XXIV. Caius Plavius Fimbria (who, being general of the cavalry before Sylla came into Asia, had put to death Vale- rius Placcus, a man that had been consul, and, having as- sumed the command of the army, and been saluted with the title of Imperator, had got the better of Mithridates in a vi- gorous engagement) slew himself on Sylla' s arrival. He was a young man, who executed with bravery what he planned with utter disregard of honesty. In the same year Publius Lsenas, a tribune of the people, threw from the Tar- peian rock Sextus Lucilius, who had been tribune the year before ; and as his colleagues, whom he had fixed a day to bring to trial, fled in alarm to Sylla, he procured a sen- tence of banishment 1 against them. Sylla, having now arranged affairs beyond sea, and having, as chief of all the Eomans, received ambassadors from the Par- thians, (some of whom, being magi, foretold from marks on his body that his life and memory would be glorious,) sailed home to Italy, landing at Brundusium not more than thirty thousand men to oppose two hundred thousand of his ene- mies. I can scarcely consider any part of Sylla's conduct more honourable than this ; that while the party of Marius and Cinna held Italy in subjection, during three years, and while he never dissembled his intention of turning his arms against them, he yet did not relinquish the affairs which he had in hand, judging it right to humble an enemy, before he took vengeance on a countryman ; nor was it till fear from abroad was removed, and till he had subdued foreign foes, that he proceeded to suppress opposition at home. Before the arrival of Lucius Sylla, however, Cinna was slain in a mutiny of his troops. Such a man deserved to die rather by the sentence of a conqueror, than by the rage of the soldiery. But he was a character, of whom it may truly be said, that he dared what no good man would dare, and accomplished what could be effected by none but the bravest ; that he was precipitate in forming his designs, but executed 1 XXIV. Procured a sentence of banishment] Aqua ignique iis inter dixit. See Florus, iii., 16. Book II.] COMPENDIUM OP EOMAX HISTORY. 46t> them like a man. Carbo, electing no colleague in his room,, continued sole consul for all the rest of the year. XXV. It might be supposed that Sylla had come into Italy, not to take vengeance for the war raised against him, but merely to establish peace ; so quietly did he lead his army through Calabria and Apulia into Campa- nia, taking the greatest care for the safety of the fruits, lands, inhabitants, and towns ; and endeavouring to put an end to the war on just and equitable terms. But peace could never be acceptable to those whose desires were un- principled and without control. In the mean time Sylla' s army increased daily ; for all the best and most judicious flocked to his standard. Then, by a happy concurrence of events, he suppressed the consuls Scipio and Xorbanus near Capua ; Xorbanus was conquered in battle ; Scipio, deserted by his troops and delivered into Sylla's hands, was dismissed without injury. So different was Sylla as an adversary and a conqueror, that, while he was still gaining a victory, he was merciful to excess 1 , but after it was secured, more cruel than any on record. Thus he dismissed the disarmed con- sul, as we have said, and released, in like manner, Quintus- Sertorius, (soon to prove the firebrand of so great a war,) and many others whom he had taken ; in order, we might suppose, that a proof might be seen of the existence of two dis- tinct and opposite minds in the same person. After his victory, on the spot where, in his descent from Mount Tifata, he had encoimtered Caius Xorbanus, he gave solemn thanks to Diana, the deity to whom that tract is sacred, and dedicated to the goddess the waters so celebrated for their salubrity and for curing diseases, with all the adjacent land. An in- scription on a pillar at the door of her temple, and a brazen tablet within it, preserve to the present day the memory of this grateful religious ceremony. XXVI. The next consuls were Carbo, a third time, and Caius Marius, son of him who had been seven times consul ,- the latter was then twenty-six years old, and was a man of his father's spirit, though not of his father's length of life 2 . 1 XXV. Merciful to excess] Justissimo lenior. The text is here defective. 2 XXVI. A man of his father's spirit, though not of his father's length of life] Vir anirrti magis quani cevi jmtemi. " JEvum is here for astas. Marina did not iive as many years as his father, being killed young, as is related in c. 2J.' r Kranse. 2h 466 YELLEITJS PATEECULUS. [Book II. He made many courageous efforts, nor did he, as consul, fall in any way below his name. But being defeated by Sylla in a pitched battle at Sacriportus, he retreated with his troops to Prseneste, a place which was well defended by nature, and in which he had placed a strong garrison. That nothing might be wanting to the public calamities, men rivalled each other in crimes, in a state where the rivalry had always been in virtues ; and he thought himself the best man who proved himself the worst. Thus Dama- sippus, then praetor, during the contest at Sacriportus, mur- dered in the Curia Hostilia, as abettors of Sylla' s party, Domitius, Mucius Scsevola, who was chief pontiff, and highly celebrated for his knowledge both of divine and human law, Caius Carbo, who had been praetor, and was brother of the consul, and Antistius, who had been sedile. Let not Cal- purnia, daughter of Bestia, and wife of Antistius, lose the re- nown of a very glorious act. When her husband was put to death, as we have said, she stabbed herself with a sword. "What an accession of glory and fame to her family 1 ! # # XXVII. At this time, Pontius Telesinus, a Samnite general, a man of great spirit and activity in the field, and a thorough enemy to all the Eoman name, having assembled about forty thousand young men of the greatest bravery, and the most determined obstinacy in continuing the war, maintained, in the consulship of Carbo and Marius, on the first of November, a hundred and eleven years ago, such a struggle with Sylla at the Colline gate, as brought both him and the republic into the utmost peril ; nor was the state in more imminent danger when it beheld the camp of Hannibal within three miles of the city, than on that day when Tele- sinus, hurrying through the ranks of his army, exclaimed that the last day of Eome was come, and exhorted them in a loud voice to pull down and destroy the city, adding, that those wolves, the devourers of Italian liberty, would never cease from ravaging, until the woods, in which they took re- fuge, were hewn down. At length, after the first hour of the night, the Eoman troops took breath, and those of the enemy retired. Next day Telesinus was found mortally wounded, but wearing the look of a conqueror, rather than of a man at 1 The words at the end of this chapter are so defective, that it is useless to attempt a translation of them. Book II.] COMPENDIUM OE EOMAK" HISTOET. 467 the point of death. Sylla ordered his head to be cut off, and carried and displayed around the walls of Prameste. Young Caius Marius, then at length seeing his cause desperate, en- deavoured to make his way out through subterraneous passages 1 , which, constructed with wonderful labour, led to different parts of the adjacent country, but, as soon as he emerged from an opening, he was slain by persons stationed there for the purpose. Some say, that he died by his own hand ; others, that as he was struggling with the younger brother of Telesinus, who was shut up with him, and attempt- ing to escape at the same time, they fell by mutual wounds. In whatever manner he died, his memory, even at this day, is not obscured by the grand reputation of his father. What was Sylla' s opinion of the youth, is manifest ; for it was not till after his death that he assumed the title of Eelix, which he would have adopted with the greatest justice, had his vic- tories and his life ended together. The commander of the forces that besieged Marius in Praeneste was Lucretius Ofella, who, having been previously a leader on Marius' s side, had deserted to Sylla. The happy issue of that day, on which Telesinus and the Samnite army were repulsed, Sylla honoured with an annual celebration of games in the Circus, which are exhibited under the title of " Sylla's Games." XXVIII. A short time before Sylla's battle at Sacri- portus, some officers of his party had defeated the enemy in engagements of great importance ; the two Servilii at Clu- sium, Metellus Pius at Paventia, and Marcus Lucullus near Pidentia. The miseries of civil war seemed now to be at an end, when they were renewed with additional violence by the cruelty of Sylla ; for, being made dictator, (an office which had been discontinued a hundred and twenty years, the last having been in the year subsequent to Hannibal's departure from Italy ; whence it is evident that the Eoman people did not so much desire the authority of the dictatorship in times of danger, as they dreaded it in those of peace,) he used that power, which former dictators had employed to preserve the state from imminent dangers, with the unrestrained indul- gence of wanton barbarity. He first adopted (would that 1 XXVII. Subterraneous passages] Cunicuhs. " Made either for the convey- ance of water, or for secret ways of exit from the city. See Strabo, v., p. 365." Xrause. 2h2 468 VELLEITJS PATEECULUS. [Book II. he had been the last !) the plan of proscription ; so that, in a state in which justice is granted to a hissed actor, if as- sailed with abusive language, a reward was publicly offered for the murder of a Soman citizen ; he who procured most deaths, gained most money ; the price for killing an enemy was not greater than that for killing a citizen ; and each man's pro- perty became a prize for depriving him of life 1 . He vented his barbarous rage, not only on those who had borne arms against him, but on many who could not be charged with any guilt. He directed, also, that the goods of the proscribed should be sold ; and the children, after being excluded from the pro- perty of their fathers, were deprived of the right of suing for places of honour ; thus, what was most unreasonable, the sons of senators were obliged to bear the burdens of their station, and at the same time lost their privileges. XXIX. Not long before Lucius Sylla's arrival in Italy, Cnseus Pompey, son of that Cnseus Pompey whose great exploits in his consulship, during the Marsian war, we have previously mentioned, being then twenty-three years of age, a hundred and thirteen years ago, began to form great projects, depending as well on his own private resources as on his own judgment, and boldly to put them in execution ; and in order to support or restore the dignity of his country, assembled a strong army from the Picenian territory, which was wholly filled with his father's clients. To do justice to this man's greatness would require many volumes ; but the limits of my work require that he should be characterised in a few words. His mother's name was Lucilia, of a senatorial family ; he w T as remarkable for beauty, not such as adorns the bloom of life, but of such dignity and serenity as was well adapted to his rank and station, and which accompanied him to the last day of his life. He was distinguished for tem- perance, was eminent for integrity, and had a moderate share of eloquence. He was excessively covetous of power, when conferred on him from regard to his merit, but had no desire to acquire it by irregular means. In war, he was the most skilful of generals ; in peace, the most modest of citizens, ex- cept when he was jealous of having an equal. He was con- stant in his friendships, placable when offended, most cordial 1 XXVIII. A prize for depriving him of life] Quisque merces mortis suce. Comp., c. 22. Book II. ] COMPENDIUM OP EOMAK HISTOBY. 469 in reconciliation, most ready to receive an apology. He never, or very rarely, stretched his power to excess, and was almost exempt from vice, unless it be counted among the greatest vices, that, in a free state, the mistress of the world, though, in right, he saw every citizen his equal, he could not endure to behold any one on a level with him in dignity. From the time of his assuming the manly gown, he was trained to war in the camp of his father, a general of consum- mate judgment ; and he improved a genius naturally good, and capable of attaining all useful knowledge, with such sin- gular skill in military affairs, that while Metellus received higher praise from Sertorius, Pompey was much more - dreaded by him. XXX 1 . # # # # At this time Marcus Perperna, a man who had held the prsetorship, one of the proscribed, and who was of high family, but of little honour, assassinated Serto- rius at a feast at Osca ; and by this execrable deed procured certain victory for the Eomans, ruin for his own party, and a most shameful death for himself 2 . Metellus and Pompey triumphed for the conquest of Spain. At the time of this triumph, also, Pompey was still a Roman knight ; yet on the day before he entered on his consulship, he rode through the city in his chariot 3 . Must it not be matter of wonder, that this man, elevated to the summit of dignity through so many extraordinary gradations of preferment, should be displeased at the Eoman senate and people for favouring Caius Caesar in his application for a second consulship ? So apt are men to think everything pardonable in themselves, and to show no indulgence to others ; regulating their dislike of proceed- ings, not by the merits of the case, but by their own wishes and feelings for particular characters. In this consulate, Pompey re-established the tribunitial power, of which Sylla had left the shadow without the substance. 1 XXX. Krause thinks that there is a considerable hiatus between these two chapters. 2 Shameful death for himself] His treachery led to his desertion by his troops, and his defeat and death at the hands of Pompey. See Appian, B. C., i., 115 ; Plutarch, Sert, c. 27 ; Pomp., c. 20. 3 Rode through the city in his chariot] There was a law which forbade any one, who was not of consular or praetorian dignity, to have a triumph. But this was Pompey's second triumph. Hence Velleius says hoc quoque triumpho, "in this triumph also." See Plutarch, Pomp., c. 14, 22. 470 YELLEIUS PATERCXJLTTS. [Book II, "While the war with Sertorius continued in Spain, sixty- four fugitive slaves, headed by Spartacus, made their escape out of a gladiator's school at Capua; and, forcibly supplying themselves with swords in that city, directed their course at first to Mount Vesuvius. Afterwards, increasing daily in numbers, they brought many and grievous disasters on the whole of Italy. At length they became so numerous, that in the last battle which they fought, they opposed forty thousand men to the Eoman army. The honour of termi- nating this war fell to Marcus Crassus, who soon after became a leading man among the Eoman people. XXXI. The character of Cnaeus Pompey had attracted the attention of the whole world, and he was regarded as something more than man. In his consulship he had very laudably taken an oath, that, on the expiration of his office, he would not take the government of any province ; and this oath he had observed ; when, two years after, Aulus G-abinius, a tribune of the people, got a law passed, that, whereas cer- tain pirates kept the world in alarm with their fleets, en- gaging in regular warfare, and not in mere robberies or secret expeditions, and had even plundered several cities in Italy, Cnseus Pompey should be commissioned to suppress them ; and should have authority in all the provinces, equal to that of the proconsuls, to the distance of fifty miles from the sea. By this decree the government of almost the whole world was vested in one man. However, a law of the like kind had been made two years before in the case of Marcus An- tonius, when praetor ; but as the character of the person concerned renders such a precedent more or less pernicious, so it augments or diminishes men's disapprobation of the proceeding. "With regard to Antonius, they acquiesced without displeasure, for people are rarely jealous of the honours of those whose influence they do not fear. On the contrary, they look with dread on extraordinary powers con- ferred on persons who seem able either to resign or retain them at their own choice, and who have no limit to their acts but their own will. The nobility opposed the measure, but prudence was overcome by party violence. XXXII. It is proper to mention in this place, a testimony to the high character, and extraordinary modesty, of Quintus Catulus. Arguing against this decree in the assembly, and Book II.] COMPENDIUM OF ROMAN HISTORY. 471 having observed that Poxnpey was undoubtedly a man of ex- traordinary merit, but that he was already too great for a member of a free state, and that all power ought not to be reposed in one individual, he added, " If anything shall happen to that man, whom will you substitute in his place?" To which the whole assembly answered aloud, " Yourself, Quintus Catulus." On this, being overcome by the general concurrence of opinion, and by such an honourable proof of the public esteem, he withdrew from the assembly. Here it is pleasing to admire the modesty of the man and the justice of the people; his modesty in desisting from pressing his opinion further, and their justice in proving themselves un- willing to defraud him of a due testimony of esteem, though he was opposing and arguing against their inclinations. About the same time, Cotta divided equally between the two orders the privilege of being judges 1 , which Caius Gracchus had taken from the senate, and transferred to the knights, and which Sylla had again restored to the senators. Eoscius Otho now restored 2 to the knights their places in the theatre. Cnaeus Pompey having engaged many officers of great abili- ties to assist him in the war, and having raised a navy suffi- cient to command every nook of the sea, very soon, with his invincible hand, freed the world from apprehension, defeated the pirates * # # in various places 3 , and, attacking them on the coast of Cilicia, gave them a final overthrow. And in order the sooner to conclude a war so widely spread, he col- lected the remains of these depredators together, and ap- pointed them fixed residences in towns, and in parts remote from the sea. Some blame this proceeding ; but the high character of the man sufficiently justifies it ; though, indeed, its reasonableness would have justified it in a man of any character. Enabling them to live without plundering, he of course diverted them from a predatory life. 1 XXXII. Privilege of being judges] Judicandl munus. See the Pseudo- Sallust's First Epistle to Caesar, c. 7. 2 Roscius Otho now restored] Otho Roscius — restituit. " The same word is twice used, in speaking of this law, by Cicero, proMurasn., c. 19, so that it is pro- bable, as Puteanus has suggested, that the equites had seats separate from the plebs before this well-known law was passed." Ruhnken. 3 Defeated the pirates * * * in various places] Proedonesque per multa * * * a myitis locis, #c. A defective passage. The Bipont editor reads per multa maria multis, lius, his sedition, V., ii'. Caeninenses, PL, i. 1 Caepio, Quintus, J., 114 Caepio, Servilius, PL, iii. 17; V., ii. 10, 12 Caesar, Augustus. See Augustus Caesar, Cains Strabo, orator, V., ii. 9 Caesar, Julius, greatly in debt, C, 49. Odium excited against him by Catulus and Piso, ib. His speech to the senate concerning the conspirators, C, 51. His character, contrasted with that of Cato, C, 51. His wars in Gaul, PL, iii. 10 ; V., ii. 43—43. Invades Britain, ib. Civil war with Pompey, PL, iv. 2. His war in Egypt, ib. With Phar- uaces,i6. His triumphs, ib. His dic- tatorship and death, ib. See V., ii. 41, 49, 52, 55, 58, 59 Caesar, Lucius, C, 17 Caesar, Tiberius. See Tiberius Caesars, Caius and Lucius, grandsons of Augustus, PL, iv. 12 ; V., ii. 96. Their deaths, ib. ; V., 101, 102 Calpurnia kills herself, V., ii. 26 Caipurnia, wife of Caesar, V., ii. 57 Calpurnius Plamma, PL, ii. 2 Camillus, PL, i. 13, 22 Campania described, PL, i. 16. Cam- panians made citizens, V., i. 14. See V., ii. 81 Cannae, battle of, PL, ii. 6 ; Cantabrians subdued by Augustus, PL, iv. 12 i Caprea, lake of, FL, i. 1 Oapsa, besieged bv Blarius, J., S9. Taken, J., 91 ; PL, iii. 1 Caralis in Sardinia, FL, ii. 6 Carbo, Ep. ii. 4 • Carbo, consul, V., ii. 12, 2fc Carrae, PL, i. 11 ; iii. 11 Carthage destroyed, PL, ii. 15; V., ii.12. First colony out of Italy, V., i. 15. More powerful than Tyre, V., ii. 15. When founded, V., i. 6 Carthaginians, how treated by the Romans, C., 51. Carthaginians and Cyrenians, J., 79 Cassias, Lucius C Longinus, O., 17. Sets out for Gaul, C, 41 ! Cassius, Lucius, praetor, despatched to bring Jugurtha to Rome, J., 32 | Cassius kills Caesar, PL, iv. 2 ; V., ii. 56. His war with Octavius and Antony, and death, FL, iv. 7 ; Y., ii. 70. His war in Parthia, V., ii. 4(5 I Castor and Pollux, FL, i. 11 : ii. 12 Catabathmos, J., 17, 19 i Catiline, his birth, character, and mode of life, C, 5. Wishes to make himself tyrant of his country, ib. His asso- ciates. C, 14. His crimes, C, 15. Con- ceives the plan of the conspiracy, C, 1(5. His first plot, and its failure, C, is. His speech to the con- spirators, C., 20. Atrocity said to have followed it, C, 22. Has a view to the consulship, C, 26. Lays plots for Cicero, ib. Resolvo? on war, ib. His exertions, C, 27. His audacity in entering the senate, and threats, C, 31. Leaves Rome for the camp, C, 32. Sends letters to different persons, C., U. His letter to Catulus, C, 85. De- clared a public enemy, C, 36. Con- sequences that would have resulted from his success, C, 39. Prepares his forces, C, 56. Deserted by many of his followers, and endeavours to reach Gaul, C, 57. Resolves on giving battle to Antonius : his speech to his troops, C, 57, 53. His conduct in the battle, C, 60. His death, C, 61. See FL, iv. 1; V.,ii. 34, 36 I Cato, C, condemned for extortion, V., ii. 7 Cato, Marcus Porcius, (the Censor,) his style, Fr., B.i. Urges the destruction of Carthage, PL, ii. 15 See V., i. 7, 13,17 1 Cato, Marcus Porcius, his speech to the senate, recommending that the con- spirators be put to death, C, 52. His opinion is followed, C, 53. His cha- racter, as compared with that of Caesar, C, 54, See also Ep. i. 9. Sent ItfDEX. 551 to Cyprus, PL, iii. 9. His death, PL, iv. 2* See Y., ii. 35, 45, 128. His wish to acquit Milo, Y., ii. 47 Catullus, the poet, Y., ii. 36 Catulus, Quiutus, receives a letter from Catiline, C, 35. Could not prevail on Cicero to accuse Caesar, C, 49. "Why he hated Caesar, ib. Catulus, consul, Fr., B. iii. (Speech of Maeer Licinius) Catulus, his modesty, V., ii. 32. Dies before the civil war, V., ii. 49 Caudine Porks, FL, i. 16 Cavelian princes, PL, iii. 10 Celia, beer, PL ii. 17 Ceres, her festival, V., i. 4 Cethegus, Caius, C, 17. Appointed to attack Cicero, C, 43. His ardour, ib. Brought before the senate by Cicero, and committed to custody, C., 46, 47. Endeavours to get himself rescued, C, 50. His death, C, 55. Mentioned in the speech of Philippus, Fr., B. i. See V., ii. 34. Chalcis, Y., i. 4. Charops, archon, V., i. 2, 8 Chrysocolla, PL, iv. 12 Cicero, Marcus Tullius, a new man, C, 23. Obtains the consulship with An- tonius, C. 24. His precautions against Catiline, C, 26 ; Y. ? ii. 34. Brings the affair of the conspiracy before the senate, C, 29. Delivers' his powerful speech against Catiline, C, 31. Ap- pointed by the senate to protect the city, C, 36. Arrests the xillobrogian deputies, and obtains proofs of the conspirators' guilt, C, 46. Some of them are committed to custody, C, 47. Is said to have falsely accused Crassus of favouring Catiline, C, 48. Refuses to accuse Caesar, C, 49. Convokes the senate to pass sentence on the con- spirators in custody, C, 50. Proceeds to put them to death, C, 55. His banishment, Y., ii. 45. His death, V., ii. 66 Cilicia subdued by Isauricus, Y., ii. 39 Cilician Pirates, PL, iii. 6 Cimbri, war with them, PL, iii. 3 : Y., ii. 8, 12, 120 Ciminian Forest, FL, i. 17 Cincinnatus, PL, i. 11 China, his actions with Marius, PL, iii. 21 ; V., ii. 20, 21, 24 Cirta, J., 20. Besieged by Jugurtha, J., 23, 25. Surrendered to him, J., 26. In possession of Metellus, J., 81 Civic franchise demanded, FL, iii. 17, 13 Claudius Quadrigarius, historian, Y., ii. 9 Cleopatra, FL, iv. 2- In love with An- tony, FL, iv. 3. Her death, FL, iv. 11. SeeY^ii. 85,87 Clodius, his character ; he banishes Ci- cero, and removes Cato, Y., ii. 45. Killed by Milo, Y., ii. 47 Cloelia, PL, i. 10 Clusium, PL, i. 13 ; Y., ii. 2S Clypea, city, FL, ii. 2 Codru.s, last king of Athens, Y., i. 2 Ccelius, historian, Y., ii. 9, 36 Cceparius, one of the conspirators, flees from Rome, C, 46. Arrested in his flight, and committed to custody, C, 47. Put to death, C. 55 Colchians, Y., ii. 40 Colophon built, Y., i. 4 Compsa, Y., i. 14 ; ii. 16, 68 Confluentes, PL, iv. 6 Consuls, FL, i. 9 Corfinium, Y., ii. 16, 50 Corinth destroved by Mummius, PL, ii. 16 ; Y., i. 13. When built, Y., 1, 3. Seized by Agrippa, Y., ii. 84 Corinthian brass, PL, ii. 16 Coriolanus, FL, i. 11, 22 Cornelia, mother of the Gracchi, Y., ii. 7 Cornelia, wife of Pompey, Y., ii. 53 Cornelius, Caius, C, 17, 28 Cornelius, scriba, Fr., B. i- Corsa, a woman who gave name to Cor- sica, Fr., B. ii. Coruncanius, Y., ii. 128 Corvinus, orator, Y., ii. 36 Cossus, Fl.,i. 11; Y., ii. 116 Cotta, Caius, Fr., B. iii. His speech to the people (End of the Fragments) Cotta, Lucius, C, 18 Cotta, Marcus, routed by Mithridates, Fr., B. iv. (Letter of Mithridates) Cotys, FL, iv. 2 ; Y., ii. 129 Crassus, Marcus Licinius, believed to be privy to the conspiracy, C, 17. His hatred to Pompey, C, 17, 19. Accused of promoting the conspiraev, C, 48. His fate in Parthia, FL, iii. 11. One of the triumvirate, PL, iv. 2. See Y., ii. 30, 44, 46 Crassus, orator, Y., ii. 9 Crassus, praetor, killed in Pergamus PL, ii. 20 Crastinus, FL, iv. 2 Cratinus, comic writer, \~., i. 16 Creon, first annual archon, Y., i. 7 Cretans, Fr., B. iv. (Letter of Mithri- dates). Subdued by Metellus, FL, iii. 7 ; Y., ii. 34, 38, 81 Cures, town of, PL, i. 2 Curiatii, PL, i. 3 Curicta, PL, iv. 2, note Curio, FL, iv. 2 ; Y.. ii. 18, 55 Curio, Caius, Fr., B. iii. (Speech of Licinius) Curius, Quintus, C, 17. His character, C, 23, 26. Gives private information to Cicero, C, 23 Cydonia, PL, iii. 7 Cynoscephalae, PL, ii. 7 Cyprus subdued, FL, iii. 9 ; Y., ii. 38, 45 552 INDEX. Cyrene, a colony from Thera, J., 19. Cyrenians, J., 79 Cyrus, C, 2, and note Cvzicus, siege of. Fr., B. v. (Letter of Mithridates) ; FL, iii. 5 ; V., ii. 15, 33 Dabar, an adherent of Bocchus, J., 108, 112 Dacians subdued by Augustus, FL, iv. 12 Dalmatians subdued by Augustus, FL, iv. 12. See Y., ii. 90, 110, 115 Damasippus, C, 51; Fr., B. i. (Speech of Philippus) ; V., ii. 26 Danube, A'., ii. 110 Decemviri, FL, i. 24 Dcclamation,spurious,of Sallust against Cicero, p. 276 Cicero against Sallust, p. 230 Deiotarus, FL, iv. 2 Dellius, his change of parties, V., ii. SI Delos, i. 4 Deserters, J., 53 Diaua honoured by Sylla, Y., ii. 25 Didius. V., ii. 16 Dido founds Carthage, V., i. 6 Diphilus, writer of comedy, V., i. 10 Dolabella, accused by Caesar, V., ii. 13. His furious acts, V-, ii. 60- His death, V., ii. 69 Domitian family, good fortune of, V., ii. 10 Domitius defeats the Arverni, V., ii. 10 Domitius, Cn., his fleet, V., ii. 72. Joins Antony, Y., ii. 76. Goes over to Caesar, Y.. ii. 84 Domitius, Criaeus, Ep. ii. 4 Domitius, Lucius, Ep. i. 4, 9 Domitius, a centurion, intimidates the Mysians, Fl., iv. 12 Domnes, FL, iv. 12 Drusus. Claudius, step-son of Augustus, Iris acts in Germany, FL, iv. 12 ; V., ii. 95. His death, FL, iv. 12 ; Y., ii. 97 Drusus, Marcus Livius, Ep. i. 6. Sedi- tion of, FL, iii. 17 ; V., ii. 13, 14 Duilius defeats the Carthaginians, FL, ii. 2 Dynasties, Y-, ii. 51 Dyrrachiiun, FL, iv. 2 ; Y., ii. 24, 50, 51 Egeria, goddess, FL, i. 2 , Eggius, V., ii. 119 Egnatius, Italian general, Y., ii. 16 Egypt, Caesars war in, FL, iv. 2 Elissa, or Dido, founds Carthage, Y., i.6 Ephesus founded, Y., i. 4 Ephyra in Thesprotia, Y, i. 1 Ephyre or Corinth, Y., i. 3 Epirus, Y., L 3 Eporsedia, Y., i. 15 Erythra, Y., i. 4 Ethiopians, J., 19 Etrurians, C, 51. Their wars with the Romans, FL, i. 17 Eumenes, Fr., B. iv. (Letter of Mithri- dates) ; Y., i.9 Eunus heads an insurrection in Sicilv, FL, iii. 19 Euphrates, V., ii. 46, 101 Eupolis, comic writer, Y., i. 16 Euripides, Y., i. 16 Evander,FL, i. 1 Fabii, FL, i. 12 Fabius JDraUianus, Y., ii. 5 '■ Fabius Ainbustus, Fl.,i. 26 1 Fabius Cunetator, FL, ii. 6 , Fabius Maximus defeats the Sabines, FL, i. 17 Fabius Sanga, Quintus, C, 41 Fabius defeated by the Gauls, FL, i. 13 Fabrieius. FL, i. 17 1 Faesulae, C, 24, 27 ; Falisci, FL, i. 12 j Fannius, orator, Y , i. 17 ; ii. 9 Fathers, the senate so called, C, 6 ; FL, I {1 I Favonius, Marcus, Ep. i. 9 Favonius. V., ii. 53 i Fidense, FL, i. 1, 12 | Figulus, Caius, C., 17 ! Fimbria, Y., ii. 24 i Flacci, two, consuls together, Y., ii. 8 , Flamen of Jove, Y., ii. 20 , Flaminius Flamma, Caius, C, 36 i Floralisa, Y., i. 14 Fortune, has power in everything, C-, 8 • Ep. ii. 1 Fregella, colony, Y., i. 15. Destroyed by Opimius, V., ii. 6 Fufidius, Fr., B. i. Fulvia, a licentious and extravagant woman, C, 23, 26. Sends intelligence to Cicero, C., 28; Fl.,iv.l Fulvia, wife of Antonv, FL, iv. 5 ; Y., ii. 74 Fulvius Flaccus, Marcus, his death, J., 31; V., ii. 6, 7 Fulvius, Marcus F. Nobilior, C, 17 Gabii, FL, i. 7 Gabinius, Marcus G. Capito, C, 17, 40. Appointed to fire the city, C, 43. Ac- cused before the senate, and com- mitted to custody, C, 46, 47. Put to death, C.,55 Gades built, Y., i. 3 Galba, orator, V., i. 17 ; ii. 9 Galli Insubres, their war with the Ro- mans, FL, ii. 4 Galli Senones, their conflicts with the Romans, FL, i. 13 Gallogrsecian war, FL, i. 11 ; Y., ii. 39 Gauda, grandson of Masinissa, J., 65. His weakness and folly, ib. Gaul, exhausted state of, Fr., B. iii. (Letter of Pompey) Gauls, their valour, J., 114. Caesar's wars with them, FL, iii. 10 ; V., ii. 39 ISDEX. 553 Gcntius, king of Illyria, V., i. 9 Germans joined with the Gauls against Caesar, FL, iii. 10. Reduced by Dru- sus, FL, iv. 12. Kill Varus, ib. See \ V., ii. 9S, 100, 106, 117 Getulians and Libyans, original inha- I bitants of Africa, J., 18. Getulians armed by Jugurtha, J., 80. Subdued by Cossus under Augustus, Fl., iv. 12 i Glaucus, V., ii. S3 Gracchus, Caius, killed, J., 31, 42. Re- i marks on his character and proceed- ings, ib. Account of him, FL, iii. 15 ; V., ii. 6 Gracchus, Tiberius, killed, J., 31, 42. Remarks on his character and pro- ceedings, ib. Account of him, FL, iii. 14 ; Y., ii. 2, 3 Gradivus, Mars, V., ii. 131 Granicus, Y., i. 11 Greece, scourging adopted from, C, 51 Greek learning, J., 85 Greeks emigrate to Asia, Y., i. 4 Gulussa, J., 5 Hamilcar of Leptis, J., 77 Hannibal, J., 5. His conduct of the second Punic war, FL, ii. 6; V., ii. 27 Hasdrubal, brother of Hannibal, FL, ii. 6 Hasdrubal surrenders at the siege of Carthage, FL, ii. 15 Helvetii, PI., iii. 10 Heraclidae, V., i. 2 Herculaneum, V., ii. 16 Hercules, J., 18; V., i. 2,7 Hereynian Forest, FL, iii. 10 ; V., ii. 108.109 Herennius, a Spanish leader, slain, Fr., B. iii. (Letter of Pompey) Hesiod, his character, V., i. 7 Hiempsal, son of Micipsa, J., 5.' His dislike to Jugurtha, J., 11. Mur- dered by him, J., 12 ; FL, iii. 1 Hiempsal, king of Xumidia, son of Gu- lussa, J., 17. His Punic volumes, ib. Hiero, FL, ii. 2 Hippo, J., 19 Hirtius, consul, his advice to Julius Cae- sar, Y., ii. 57 Historian, duty of, C, 3 Homer, his character, Y., i. 5 Horatii and Curiatii, FL, i. 3 Horatius Codes, FL, i. 10 ; Y., ii. 6 Hortensius, orator, V., ii. 36. His death, V., ii. 49. His son killed at Philippi, V., ii. 70 Janus, temple of, FL, ii. 3 ; iv. 12 ; V., ii. 3S Jerusalem, entered by Pompey, FL, iii. 5 Illyrians, Roman wars with them, FL, ii. 5, 13. Subdued by Augustus, FL, iv. 12 ; V., ii. 39 Indians send ambassadors to Augustus, FL, iv. 12 Indutiomarus, FL, iii. 10 Ion, V., i. 4 Iphitus, institutes the Olympian games, Y., i. 7 Isocrates, orator, Y., i. 1G Istrian war, FL, ii. 10 Italic war, Y., ii. 15 Juba overthrown by Ca?sar, FL, iv. 2. His death, ib. ; V., ii. 53, 54 Judges, or Jurymen, Ep. i. 7 Jugurtha, son of Mastanabal, and ne- phew of Masinissa, J., 5- His cha- racter and habits, J., 6. His popu- larity dreaded by Micipsa, ib. Sent with auxiliary troops to the Romans at the siege of* Xumantia, J., 7. Flat- tered there by certain Romans, and receives friendly advice from Scipio, J., 8. Adopted by Micipsa, J., 9. Ad- dressed by Micipsa on his death-bed, J... 10. His conference with Adher- bal and Hiempsal after Micipsa's death, J., 11. Plots against Hiemp- sal, J., 12. Murders him, ib. Aspires to the sovereignty of all Xumidia, and defeats Adherbal, J., 13. Sees no hope of ultimate success but in Ro- man avarice, ib. Success of his bri- bery, J., 13, 15. Ten commissioners sent to divide the kingdom between him and Adherbal, J., 16. Works on Scaurus, and obtains the more valu- able portion of Numidia, ib. Invades the territories of Adherbal, J., 20. Receives another embassy from the senate, J., 22. Disregards it, and be- sieges Cirta, J., 22, 23. Takes it, and puts Adherbal to death, J., 26. Sends more deputies to Rome with bribes, who are not admitted into the city, J., 2S. Bribes the consul Oalpurnius to grant him peace, J., 29. Is brought by Cassius to Rome to give evidence. J., 32. Bribes Baebius, one of the tribunes, J., 33. Procures the death of Massiva, J., 35. Quits Italy, i It. Manoeuvres against the consul Albi- nus, J., 36. Surprises Aulus, and sends the Romans under the yoke, J., 38. Finds that he has to contend with a man of ability in Metellus, J., 46, 4S. Resolves to come to a battle with him, J., 48. Description of the ar- rangements and contest, J., 49—52. Is at last repulsed, J., 53. Not dis- pirited, J., 54. His activity, J., 55. Attacks the Roman camp near Zama. J., 58. Resolves on surrendering to Metellus, J., 62. Changes his mind, ib. His renewed activity, J., 66. His disquietude from the treachery of his adherents, J., 72, 76. Routed bv Metellus, J., 74. Flees to Thala, J., 554i INDEX. 75. Quits it, J., 76. Flees to Getu- lia, J., 80. Unites with Bocchus, J., 80,81. Surprised by Marius, J., 88. He and Bocchus unsuccessfully at- tack Marius, d ., 97—99, 101. Desirous of peace, J , 111. Agrees to a con* ference, J., 112. Seized by the trea- chery of Bocchus, J., 113. See FL, hi. 1 ; V., ii. 9, II, 12 Julia Augusta, daughter of Livius Dru- sus, V., ii. 71 Julia, daughter of Augustus, wife of Marcel lus, then of Agrippa, then of Tib. Nero, V., ii. 94, 96. Her miscon- duct and banishment, Y., ii. 100 Julia, Pompey's wife, her death, Fl., iv. 2 ; V., ii. 47 Julius, Caius, C, 27 Julius Proculus, FL, i. 1 Junia, sister of Brutus, V., ii. 83 Junius Blaesus, V., ii. 125 Junius Silanus, Decimus, gives his opinion for putting the conspirators to death, C, 50. Cgesar's observations on it, C, 51 Jupiter Stator, FL, i. 1 King, the first title of sovereignty, C, 2 Labienus, FL, iv. 2 ; V., ii. io. Falls at Munda, Y., ii. oo Labienus, his son, Y., ii. 78 Lacedaemonians, C, 2 ; V., i. 4, 17- Conquer tho Athenians, and set the thirty tyrants over them, C, 51 Laoca, Marcus fortius, C.,27 Lcelius, orator, Y., i. 17 ; ii. 9 Lancia, FL, iv. 12 Langobardians, V., ii. 108 Laodicea taken, Y., ii. 69 Lares, town of, J-, 90 Latins, their wars with the Romans, FL, i. 11, 14 Laurel growing up in a ship, FL, ii. 7 Laurentian marshes, T., ii. 19 Laws, Agrarian, ii. 2, 6. Roscian, V., ii. 32. Manilian, Y., ii. 33 Lentulus, Publius L. Sura, C, 17. His operations at Rome, C, 39, 40. Gives Yulturcius a letter for Catiline. C, 44. Brought before the Senate by Cicero, C, 46. Committed to custody, C, 47. His freedmen seek to rescue him, C, 50. Put to death, C, 55 ; FL, iv. 1 ; Y., ii. 34 Lepidus, Marcus, C, 18 Lepidus, Marcus iEmilius, consul, his speech against Sylla, Fr., B. i. Speech of Philippus against him, ib. His in- surrection, Fl.,iii. 23 Lepidus the Triumvir, FL, iv. 6. Pro- scribes his brother, ib. ; V., ii. 67. Left to eaiard the city, FL, iv. 7. See V., ii. 63, 64, m, 67, 80, 88 Lepidus,his son, plots against Augustus. V„ ii. SS Leptis Major, J., 77- Faithful to the Romans, ib. Its origin, J., 7S Leptis Minor, J., 19 Lesbos, V., i. 2 Libyans, and Getulians, original inha- bitants of Africa, J., 18. Subdued under Augustus, FL, iv. 12 Licinius, Macer, tribune, his speech to the people on the tribunitial power, Fr., B. hi. Ligurians, their war with the Romans, FL, ii. 3 Livia, daughter of Drusus, her flight, V., ii. 75. Married to Augustus, V., ii. 79 Livy, V., i. 17 ; ii. 36 Lollius defeated in Germany, V., ii. 97. His death, V., ii- 102 Lucilia, mother of Pompey, Y.,ii. 29 Lueilius, poet, Y., ii. 9 Lucretius, poet, Y., ii. 36 Lucullus defeats Mithridates and Ti- granes, Y., ii. 33. Opposes Pompey, V., ii. 40. His avarice and luxury, Y., ii. 33. His triumph, V., ii. 34 Lucullus, his son, falls at Philippi, V., ii. 71 Lucullus, Publius, a tribune, J., 37 Lupercal, Y., i. 15 ; ii- 56 Lupia, river, V., ii- 105 Lutatius, Q, Catulus, aids Marius in defeating the Cimbri, Y., ii. 12. His death, Y., ii. 22 Lycia conquered by Brutus, Y., ii. 69, 102 Lycurgus, Y., i. 6 Lydia and Lydus, Y., i. 1 Lysippus, Y., i. 1 Macedonia gains universal empire, Y., i. 6. Made a Roman province, Y., ii. 38. Overrun by barbarians, Y., ii. 110 Macedonian war, 0., 51 ; FL, ii. 7. Se- cond, FL, ii. 12. Third, ii. 14 Macedonicus, Y., ii. 74 Mad Mountains of Sardinia, FL, ii. 6 Maecenas, Y., ii. 88 MEelius, FL, i. 26 Magius, Celer Yelleianus, the author's brother, Y., ii. 115 Magius, Minatius, the author's ances- tor, Y., ii. 16 Magius, Decius, ditto, Y., ii. 16 Mamilius of Tusculum, FL, i. 11 Mamilius Limetanus, a tribune, pro- poses a law for investigating Jugur- tha's affairs, J., 40. It is passed, ib. Maucinus besieges Carthage, FL, ii. 15. Surrendered to the Numantines, FL, ii. 17 ; V., ii. 1 Manilius Mancinus, J., 73 Manlius Caius, an adherent of Catiline, C, 24, 27. 28, 30. Sends messengers to QuintusMarcius Rex, C, 32,33. Com- INDEX. 555 roands the right wing in Catiline's army, C, 59. Is killed, C, 60 Manlius Capitolinns defends the Capi- tol, FL, i. 13. His death, i. 26 Manlius Torquatns, FL, i. 13 Manlius, Auhis, lieutenant-general to Marius, J., 86, 90, 100, 102 Manlius, Marcus, J., 114 Manlius Torquatus, Titus, put his own son to death, C, 52 Marcellus opposes Hannibal, PL , ii. 6. Makes Sicily a province, V., ii. 3S Marcellus, nephew of Augustus, Y., ii. 93 Marcius Philippus, PL, ii. 12 Marcius Rex, Quintus, C, 30. His an- swer to the deputies from Manlius, C.,34 Marcomanni, V., ii. 108 Marica, lake, V., ii. 19 Marius, Cains, lieutenant-general of Metellus, J., 46. Joins Metellus at Zama, J., 57. Supports him, J., 58, 60. Elated by omens in sacrificing, J., 63. A native of Arpinum, ib. His youth and character, ib . Resolves on stand- ing for the consulship, J., 64. Re- sents the haughtiness of Metellus, ib. His boasts, ib. Works upon Gauda, J., 65. Goes to Rome, and is chosen consul, J., 73. Is appointed to con- duct the war in Xumidia, J., 73, 82- His hostility to the nobles, J., 84. His speech to the people, J., 85^ Enlists the lowest of the people, J., 86. As- sumes the command in Numidia, ib. His proceedings, J., 87. Surprises Ju- gurtha, J., 88. Determines to besiege apsa, J., 89. Takes it, J., 91. Takes a strong fort on the river Mulucha, J., 92—94. Attacked by Jugurtha and Bocchus, but routs them, J., 97 — 99. His caution, J., 100. Routs the two kings again, J., 101. Receives Jugur- tha prisoner from Sylla, J., 113. Elected consul again, and triumphs, J., 114. See PL, iii. 1. Defeats the Cimbri and Teutones, PL, iii. 3. Civil war with Sylla, PL, iii. 21. See Y., ii. 11, 13, 15, 19, 20, 23 Marius the younger, PL, iii. 21 ; V., ii. 26, 27 Marius, Caius, his eagle, C ., 59 Maroboduus, V., ii. 108, 109 Mars, temple of, V.,ii. 100 Marseilles, PL, iv. 2 ; V., ii. 15, 50 Masinissa, king of Xumidia, his services to the Romans. J., 5. His friendship for them, ib. ; PL, iii. 1 Massiva, grandson of Masinissa, J., 35. Murdered by Jugurtha's agents, ih. ; PL, iii. 1 Mastanabal, father of Jugurtha, J., 5 Mauretania, J., 19 Maximus, Quintus, J., 4 Mecles, J., 18. Name said to be cor- rupted into Moors, i&. Universal em- pire of, V., i. 6 Medon, Archon, Y., i. 2 Memrnius, Caius, a tribune of the people, hostile to Jugurtha, J., 27. His speech to the people, J., 31. His address to the people, and to Jugur- tha, J., 33 Menander, V., i. 16 Menenius Agrippa, PL, i. 23 Merula, flamen of Jupiter, V., 20, 22 Messala Corvinus saved bv Octavius, V., ii. 70 Messana, PL, ii. 2 Metapontum, Y., i. 1 Metellus Celer, Quintus, C, 30, 42. Cuts off Catiline's retreat into Gaul, C, 57 Metellus, Balearicus, PL, iii. 8 Metellus Creticus, Quintus, C.,30. Sub- dues Crete, PL, iii. 7. His triumph, PL, iv. 2 Metellus Xumidicus, Quintus, elected cousul, J., 43. Has Xumidia for his province, ib. Receives the command of the army from Albinus, J., 44. His judicious reformation of ifc, J., 44, 45. His activity, J., 46. Retorts upon Jugurtha his own artifices, J., 48, 43. Repulses Jugurtha, after a hard con- test, J., 50—53. His further opera- tions, J., 54. His success causes great joy at Rome, J., 55. Besieges Zama, J., 56—60. Raises the siege, J., 61. Works upon Bomilcar, J-, 61. Re- ceives offers of surrender from Ju- gurtha, J., 62. Offended at Marius's ambition for the consulship, J., 64. Takes Thala, J., 75, 76. His feelings on hearing that Marius was to suc- ceed him, J., 82, 83. Tampers with Bocchus, J., 83. His return to Rome, and reception there, J., 88. See PL, iii. 1 ; Y., ii. 11, 15. Was an orator, Y., ii. 9 Metellus Pius, son of Xumidicus, his reception and conduct in Spain, Pr., B. ii. Engaged in the Italic war, Y., ii. 15. Defeats Svlia's enemies at Faventia, V., ii. 28 Metius Pufetius, PL, i. 3 Micipsa, son of Masinissa, J., 5. His fear of Jugurtha, J ., 6, 7. Endeavours to win him by kindness, and adopts him, J., 9. His dying address to Ju- gurtha, J., 10 ; FL, iii. 1 Miletus colonised, Y., i. 4 Milo kills Clodius, V., ii. 47. Is killed at Compsa, Y., ii. 68 Milvian Bridge, Allobroges arrested on, C, 45 Mind, observations on, J., 1, 2 MinturnaB, Y., i. 14 ; ii. 19 Mithridates, his letter to Arsaces, Pr., B. iv. War between him and the 556 INDEX. Romans, FL, iii. 5. His death, ib. See V., ii. 18, 37, 40 Mitylene, V., i. 4. Its treachery, V., ii. 18, 53 Morini, Fl., iii. 10 Mucius, Scaevola, Fl., i. 10 Mucius, a lawyer, V., ii. 9 Mulucha, city, FL, iii. 1 Mulucha, river, J. ,19. Divided the king- doms of Jugurtha andBocchus, J., 92 Mummius destroys Corinth, Fl., ii. 16 ; V., i. 12, 13. A new man, V., ii. 128 Munda, battle of, FL, iv. 2 Muraena, Caius, C.. 42 Muraena, L., conspires against -Au- gustus, V., ii. 91 Mural crown, V., i. 12 Muthul, river, J., 48 Mutina, battle of, FL, iv. 4 Mutina, V., ii. 61 Mysians subdued by Augustus, FL, iv. 12 Nabdalsa, leagues against Jugurtha, J ., 70. Discovered, J., 71 Narbo Marcius, V., i. 15; ii. 8 Neapolis, V., i. 4. Its games in honour of Augustus, V., ii. 123 Nero, Tib. CL, father of Tiberius Caesar, raises commotions, V., ii. 75 Nero, Tiberius. See Tiberius Nestor, V., i. 1 Nicoraedes, king of Bithynia, Fr., B. iv. (Letter of Mithridates) ; FL, iii. 5 ; Y., ii. 4, 39 Ninus, V.,i. 6 Nobilitv, tyranny of, J., 41 Nola, V., i. 7 Xucerinus, Publius Sittius, C, 21 Numa Pompilius, reign of, FL, i. 2, 8 Numantinc War, J., 7. Destruction of Numantia, FL, ii. 18 Numidians, whence their name, J., 18. Their origin and progress, ib. Numi- dia made a province, Y., ii. 39 Nurnitor, FL, i. 1 Oblivion, river of, FL, ii. 17 Obsidional crown, Y., i. 12 Ocriculum, FL, i. 7 Octavia, sister of Augustus, wife of Antony, Y., ii. 78 Octavius, father of Augustus, Y., ii. 59 Octavius. See Augustus Caesar Olympic games instituted, Y., i. 7 Opimian wine, Y., ii. 7 Opimius, Lucius, chief of ten commis- sioners for dividing the kingdom of Numidia, J., 16. Kills C. Gracchus and Fulvius Flaccus, Y-, ii. 6 Ops, her temple, V., ii. 60 Orestes, Y-, i. 1. His sons, Y., i. 2 Orestilla, Aurelia, C-, 15, 35 Orodes,king of Parthia, cuts off Crassus, V.,ii. 46,91 Osci corrupt Cuma, Y., i. 4 Ostia,FL,i.4; Y., ii. 94 Otho, Roscius, his law, Y-, ii. 32 Ovid, Y., ii. 36 Pacorus, the Parthian prince, defeated, FL, iv.9; Y.,ii. 78 Pacuvius, writer of tragedies, Y., ii. 9 Palinurus, prom., Y., ii. 79 Pannonians, subdued bv Augustus, FL, iv. 12 ; Y.,ii. 39, 114. Rebel, V., ii. 110 Pansa, his advice to Caesar, Y., ii. 57. His death, V., ii. 61 Parilia, birthday of Rome, V., i. 7 Parthia, war of the Romans with, FL, iii. 11 Parthians conquer Crassus, FL, iii. 11. Defeated by Yentidius, FL, iv. 9. Conquer Antony, iv. 11. Return the Roman standards, FL, iv. 12; V., ii. 91. See Y., ii. 46, 100, 101 Parties, political, how formed, J., 41 Patricians, Y., i. 8 Paulus iEmilius subdues Perses, FL, ii. 12 ; V., i. 9. His sons, V., i. 10 Paulus iEmilius slain at Cannae, Y., i. 9 Pedius, consul, his law against Caesar's assassins, V., ii. 69 Pelasgi remove to Athens, Y., i. 3 Peloponnesians build Megara, V., i. 2 Pelops, his family expelled by the Heraclidae, V., i 2 Penthilus, son of Orestes, V., i. 1 Perperna conquers Aristonicus, Y., ii.4 Perperna murders Sertorius, Y., ii. 30. Conquered by Pompey, FL, iii. 22 Perses, king of Macedonia, C, 51, 81 ; Fr., B. iv. (Letter of Mithridates) Fl.,ii.l2; V., i. 9, 11 Persians, J., 18. Their universal empire, Y., i. 6 Perusia, siege of, FL, iv. 5 ; Y., ii. 74 Petreius, Marcus, commands for Anto- nius in the battle with Catiline, C, 59 Petreius and Afranius in Spain, FL, iv. 2. Petreius's death, ib. See Y., ii. 48, 50 Pharnaces, conquered by Caesar, FL, iv. 2 ; Y., ii. 40 Pharsalia, battle of, FL, iv. 2 ; Y., ii. 52 Philaeni, Altars of, J., 19. Legend of thePhilaeni, J., 79 Philemon, writer of comedy, Y., L 16 Philip, king of Macedonia, (Letter of Mithridates,) Fr., B. iv. ; FL, ii. 7; Y.,i. 6 Philip, step-father of Augustus, V., ii. 59, 60 Philippi, battle of, FL, iv. 7; Y., ii. 70 Philippus, Lucius, his speech against Lepidus, Fr., B. i. Phoenicians, some settled in Africa, J., 19 Picenum, C, 57. War with the people of, FL,i. 19; Y.,ii. 29, 105 Pindar, Y., i. 17 tyu J.- y^ f ^x , m. 6 V., ii 63. Pro- . 74. riees His desertion Piraeus, Y., ii. 23 Pirates subdued by Pornpey, Fl V., ii. 31. Crucified by Caesar, 42 Piso, Caius, could not prevail on Cicero to accuse Caesar, C, 49. "Why he hated Caesar, ib. Piso, Cnaeus, C., IS. Sent into Spain, C., 19. His death, ib. Pistoria, C, 57 Placentia, Y. f i. 14 Plancus joins Antony, V., ii scribes his brother, V with Fulvia, Y., ii. 76 to Augustus, and servility, Y., ii. 83 Plato, V., i. 16 Plautian Law, C, 31 Plautus, Lucius, accuses Catiline, C.,S1 Pollio. See Asinius Pompeius Rufus, Quintus, C, 30 Pornpey, first consul of the family, V., ii. 1 Porapey, consul, slain by the troops of Cn. Pompey, V., ii. 20 Pompey, father of Pornpey the Great, V., ii". 15. His conduct and death, \ ., ii. 21 Pompey, Cnaeus, C, 16, 17- His letter to the senate, Fr , B. iii. Mentioned in INDEX. 557 Proscription, invented bv Svlla, Y., ii. 28 ; Fl., iii., 21. That of the trium- virate, FL, ii. 6 ; V., ii. 66 Pseudo-Philippus, FL, ii. 14 ; Y., i. 11 Ptolemv, Y., i. 10 Ptolemy, Fr., B. iv. (Letter of Mithri- dates) Ptolemy causes Pompev's death, FL, iv. 2 ; Y., ii. 53 Ptolemy, king of Cyprus, FL, iii. 9 ■ Y., ii. 45 Punic wars, first, FL, ii. 1. Second, ii. 6. Third, ii. 15 Punic books of king Hiempsal, J., 17 Pyrrhus, his war with the Romans, FL, i. 18. See Y., i. 1, 15 Quinctius, Lucius, Fr., B. iii. (Speech of Licinius) Quintilius Yarns, killed by his freed- man,Y., ii. 71 Quintilius Yarus, son of the former, killed with his army in Germany, Y., ii. 117—120 Quirinus, name of Romulus, FL, i. 1 Rabirius, poet, Y., ii. 36 Raudian plains, Y., ii. 12 ; FL, iii. 3 Regulus. FL, ii. 2 •, Y., ii. 38 the speech of Licinius, Fr., B-iii. Hi3 ' Remus, FL, i. 1. His death, ib. followers, Ep- ii. 2- Takes the com mand of the Mithridatic war, FL, iii. 5. His further proceedings in the East, and at Jerusalem, ib. Subdues the pirates, FL, iii. 6. Civil war with Caesar, FL, iv. 2. His theatres, ib. His death, ib. ; Y , ii 52, 53. See V., ii. 29, 30, 32, 37, 49. Marries Julia, V., ii. 44 Pompey, Cnaeus, son of Pompey the Great, his contests with Caesar, FL, iv. 2. His death, ib: Pompey, Sextus, son of Pompey the Great, his contests with Caesar, FL, iv. 2. His war with Octavius and Antony, and death, FL, iv. 8. See Y., ii. 72, 77, 79 Pomtinus, Caius. See Yalerius Flaccus Pontius, the Samnite general, Fl., i. 16 Pontius Telesinus, V., ii. 27 ; FL, iii. 18, 21 Pontus, war with, FL, iii. 5. Made a province. Y., ii- 38 Popedius, FL, iii. 18 Popilius Laenas, Y., i. 10 Populace, their feelings, C, 37, 48 Porciaii Law, C, 51 Porcius, Marcus P. Laeca, C, 17 Porsena, his war with the Romans, FL.i.lO Porticos of Metellus and Scipio. Y., ii. l Posthumius, Albinus, severe censor, V., i.10 Posthumius, dictator, FL, i. 11 Posthumius, Lucius, Ep. i. 9 Rewards offered for information about the conspiracy of Catiline, C, 30 Rhaetians subdued, Y., ii. 39, 95 Rhea Sylvia, Fl. i. 1 Rhodes, faithless to Rome in the Mace- donian war, C, 51 ; Y., L 9. Act with zeal against Mithridates, V., ii. is. Takenby Cassius, V., ii. 69 Rhoemetafces, king of Thrace, V., ii. 112 Rome, founded by the Trojans, C.,6; V., i. 7. Character and actions of its early inhabitants, C, 6 — 11. Com- mencement of licentiousness among the soldiery, C, 11- Its condition at the time of Catiline's conspiracy, C, 36. Romans adopted from other na- tions whatever they considered eli- gible, C, 51 ; FL, i. 5. Causes of Rome's greatness, C ., 53. When most powerful, Fr., B. i. When most blameless in morals, ib. Cause of dissensions in Rome, Fr., B. i. Rea- sons why Romans made war on other nations, Fr., B. iv. (Letter of Mithri- dates.) Degeneracy of the common people, Ep. i. 5. How Rome likely to fall, Ep. ii. 5. Rome's greatness, FL, Pref. Its infancy, youth, man- hood, and old age, ib. Its just and unjust wars, FL, ii. 19. Its gradual corruption of morals, FL, hi., 12 Romulus, his name applied to Sylla, Fr., B. i. Romulus, son of Mars and Rhea Sylvia, Fl.,i.l. His youth, ib. Builds Rome, 558 INDEX. ib. His reign and death, il). His efficiency, FL,i. 8 Rubicon, v., ii. 49 Rutilius, a lieut.-geii. of Metcllus, J., 49,86 Rutilius, historian, V., ii. 9 Sabines, FL, i. 1, 15. Made Roman citi- zens, V., i. 14 Sacriportus, V., ii. 26 Saenius, Lucius, C, 30 Saguntum, FL, ii. 6 Salendicus. Fl., ii. 17 Sallentine War, Fl., i. 20 SaHu8t,engaged early in political affairs, C, 3- Determines on writing detached portions of the history of Rome, C, 4. "Where his large history commenced, Fr., B. i., init. Did not write the Two Epistles to Caesar, p. :250, seq. Rival of Thucydides, V., ii. 36 Salyi, or Salyes, Fl., hi. 1 ; V., i. 15 Samnitcs, C. 51. Their wars with the Romans, FL, i. 16, 17. Made Roman citizens, V., i. 14 Sardanapalus killed, V., i. 6 Sardinia, conquered, FL, ii. 6; V., ii. 38 Sarmatians subdued by Augustus, FL, iv. 12 Saturninus, Fr., E. i. (Speech of Phi- lippus); V., ii, 12 Scaeva, centurion, his vnloivr, FL, iv. 2 Scaurus, ^Emilius, his character, J., 15. One of an embassy to Jugurtha. J., 25. Accompanies the consul Bestia into Numidia, J., 28. Bribed by Jiururtha, J., 29. His influence with the senate, J., 30. Appointed ono of three com- missioners to investigate Juirurtha's affairs, J., 40 ; FL, iii. 1 Scaurus, orator, V.. ii. 9 Scipio Africanus, Publius, J., 4. Re- ceives Masinissa into alliance with Rome, J., 5. His patronage of Ju- gurtha at the siege of Kumantia, J., 7, 22. His advice to him, J. 5 8. His letter to Micipsa, J., 9. He destroys Carthase, FL, ii. 15 Destrovs Nil- mantia, FL. ii.18. See V., i. 12, 13; ii. 4 Scipio, brother of Scipio Africanus, sub- dues Antiochus, Fl , ii. 8 Scipio, orator, V«, i. 17 Scipio INasica, consul, J., 26 ; V., ii. 1 Scipio, P., son of Africanus, V., i. 10 Scipio Asiaticus, deserted bv his troops, V., ii. 25 Scipios, Cnaeus and Publius. their acts in Spain, FL, ii. 6, 17 ; V., ii. 3S. Are slain, V, U 90 Scipios, Two, aediles, V., ii. 8 Scorcla, FL, ii. 13 Scordisci, FL, iii. 4 ; V., ii. 8, 39 Scribonia, mother of Julia, V.. ii. 100 Scyrrus, Fr., B. i. 1 Scythians send ambassadors to Au- gustus, FL, iv. 12 Seditions at Rome, FL, i. 22—26; iii. 13-17 1 Sejanus, V., ii. 116, 127 ! Seleucia, V., ii. 46 I Semiramis, V., i. 6 1 Sempronia, her character, C, 25. Her connexion with Decimus Brutus, C, 40 I Sempronius Gracchus, V., ii. 100 1 Senate, might be augmented in num- ber, Ep. i. 11, 12 ; Sentius Saturninus, V., ii. 27, 92. His character, V., ii. 105, 109 ' Septimius, C, 27 Seres send ambassadors to Augustus, FL, iv. 12 Serpent at Bagrada, FL, ii. 2 Sertorius, Fr., B. iii. (Letter of Pom- pev). The war with him, FL, iii. 22. See V., ii. 25, 30, 90 Servilia, wife of Lenidus, kills herself, V.,ii. 88 Servius Tullius, his reign, FL, i. 6, 8 ; Sextia3 Aquae, V., i. 15 ; FL, iii. 3 Sicca, town of, J., 56. Revolts from Jugurtha, ib. Sicilv, FL, ii. 2 ; V., ii. 37. Conquered by Marcellus, FL, ii. 6 5 V., ii. 38. In- surrection of slaves in, FL, iii. 19 Sidonians built Leptis Major, J., 78 Siirimcr, German prince, V., ii. 118 Silanus, Marcus, V., ii. 12, 77 Silo. See Popedius Sisenna, the historian, J., 95; V., ii. 9 Slaves, war of Rome with, FL, iii. 19 Smyrna built, V., i. 4 Socrates, V., i. 16 Sophocles, ib. Sosius, Antony's admiral, V,, ii. 85 Spain, war in, FL, ii. 6, 17 ; iv. 2 ; V., ii. 38. Finally reduced under Augustus, FL, iv. 12; V., ii. 90 Spartacus, his insurrection, FL, iii. 20 ; V., ii. 30 Spolia Opima., FL, i. 1; ii. 4 Spurius Cassius, FL, i. 26 Statilius, .Lucius, C, 17. Appointed to fire the city, C, 43. Charged before the senate, and committed to custodv, C, 46, 47. Put to death, C, 55 Statius Murcus, V., ii. 69, 72, 77 Suessa Pometia, FL, i. 7 I Sulpicius, orator, V., ii. 9 ! Suthul, town of, besieged by Aulus, J., 37 ; Sylla, Lucius, C, 6. Began well, but ended far otherwise, C, 11. His ve- terans, C, 16. His arrival in Numidia as quaestor to Marius, J., 95. His family and character, ib. His popu- larity with the army, J., 96. Sent by Marius to Bocchus, J., 102. His speech to Bocchus, ib. Goes again to Boc- chus, J., 105. His meeting with Yolux, J., 105—107. Persuades Bocchus to INDEX. 559 betray Jugurtha, J., 111. Takes Ju- gurtha prisoner, J., 111. Speech of Le- pidus against him. Fr., B. i. Abridged the power of the tribunes, Fr., B. iii. (Speech of Licinius). Goes against Mithridates, FL, iii. 5; V., ii. 23, 21. Civil war with Marius, FL, iii. 21 ; V., ii. 26, 27. His atrocities and proscrip- tion, ib. ; V., ii. 28. See V., ii. 17. 19, 23, 24, 26, 28 Sylla, Pubiius, C, 17 Sylla, Servius, C, 17 Svphax, subdued by the Romans, J., 5 Syracuse, FL, ii. 6; V., ii. 15, 38 Syria, FL, ii. 8 ; V., ii. 37, 38, 46 Syrtes, J., 19. Described, J., 78 Tanaquil, FL, i. Tarcondiinotus, FL, iv. 2 Tarentines, their war with the Romans, FL, i. 18 Tarentum, a colony, V., i. 15 Tarpeian rock, V., ii. 24 Tarquinius, Lucius, accuses Crassus of leaguing with Catiline, C, 48. His ac- cusation deemed false by the senate, ib. Tarquinius Priscus, his reign, FL, i. 5, 8 Tarquinius Superbus, his reign, FL, i. 7,8 Tarrula, Fr., B. i. Tatius, FL, i. 1 Taurus, general of Octavius, V., ii. 85 Telamon, V., i. 1 Telesinus, FL, iii. 18, 21 ; V., ii. 16, 27 Tencteri, FL, iii. 10 Terence, V., i. 17 Teucer builds Salamis in Cyprus, V., i. 1 Teutobochus, FL, iii. 3 Teutones, FL, iii. 3 ; V., ii. 8, 12 Thala, city of, J., 75. Besieged by Me- tellus, ib. Taken, .J., 76 ; FL, iii. 1 Thapsus, battle of, FL, iv. 2 Theophanes, V., ii. 18 Therseans founded Cyrene, J., 19 Thessaly, V., i. 3 Thirmida, J., 12 Thoas the iEtolian, Fl , ii. 8 Thracians, war of the Romans with them, FL, in. 4. Subdued bv Augustus, Fl.,iv. 12; V., ii. 98 Thurii, V., ii. GS Tiberius, emperor. His character, V., ii. 94. Marries Julia, 96. Triumphs over the Paunonians, 97. Retires to Rhodes, ib. Adopted by Augustus, 103. Subdues Germany, 106. Pre- pares to attack Maroboduus, 108. Con- quers the Dalmatians, 117. Made equal in rank with Augustus, 121. Takes the government, 124. View of his administration, 126 Tiberius Claudius Nero, V., ii. 75 Tiberius Nero, his opinion concerning the conspirators, C, 50 Tibullus, V.,ii. 3G Ticinus, battle of, FL, ii. 6 Tigranes, Letter of Mithridates, Fr., B. iv. Defeated by Lucullus, V., ii. 33. Surrenders to Pompey, V., ii. 37 Tigurini, FL, iii. 3. Tisidium, J., 62. Torquatus. Lucius, C, 18 Trajan, FL, Pref. Trasimene lake, battle of, FL, ii. 6 Trebia, battle of, FL, ii. 6 Trebonius, a conspirator against Csesar, V., ii. 56. Slain, 69 Treviri, FL, iii. 10 Tribunitial power, seditious nature of, Fl.,iii.l3 Triumvirate of Csesar, Pompey, and Crassus, FL, iv. 2 ; v., ii. 44 Triumvirate of Augustus, Antony, and Lepidus, FL, iv. 6 ; V., ii. 65 Trojans founded Rome, C, 6 Tullia, FL, i. 7 Tullian dungeon, C, 55 Tullus Hostilius, reign of, FL, i. 3, 8 Tullus, Lucius, C, 18 Turpilius, the Roman governor of Vacca, J., 67. Put to death, J., 69 Tyrants, Thirty, at Athens, C, 51 Tyrrhenus, V., i. 1 Yacca, orYaga, J., 29. Metellus places a garrison in it, J., 47. Revolts from the Romans, J., 66. Recovered by Metellus, J., 69 Yalerius Antias, V.,ii. 9 Yalerius Flaccus, Lucius, employed in arresting the Allobrogian deputies, C., 45 j Yalerius Publicola, FL, i. 9 Yargunteius, Lucius, C, 17, 23 I Yarro, his death at Cannse, FL, ii. 6 i Yarro, poet, V., ii. 36 i Yarus, river, FL, iii. 2 Yarns killed in Germany, FL,iv-12; V., ii. 117, 118, 119 Yatinius, V., ii. 69 Vejentes, FL, i. 12 Ye'lleius, grandfather of the author, V., ii. 6 Yellica,FL,iv.l2 Yeneti, FL, iii. 10 Yentidius defeats the Parthians, FL, iv. 9; V., ii. 65, 78 Yercingetorix, FL, iii. 10 Yettius Picens, Fr., B. i . Yienne, V., ii. 121 Yilla I'ublica, Ep. ii. 4 Yindelicia, V., ii. 39, 95 Yinicius, Marcus, V., i. 1, 13; ii. 113, at que alibi Yirgil, prince of poets, V., ii. 36 Yirginius, FL, i. 24 Yiriathus, FL, ii. 17 ; V., ii. 1, 90 Yiridomarus. FL, ii. 4 Yisurgis, V., ii. 105 560 INDEX. Umbrenus Publius, his transactions with the deputies of the Allobroges, C, 40 Volsini, war of the Romans with them, FL, i. 21 Volnx, son of Bocchus, J., 101, 105. His meeting with Sylla, J., 106, 107 Voting by ballot, remarks on, Ep. i. 11 TJtica, J., 25, 63. Built, V., i. 2 Vulso, Manlius, subdues Gallogrsecia, V., ii. 39 Vulturcius, Titus, accompanies the Al- lobrogian deputies on their departure from "Rome, C, 41. Arrested, C, 45. Makes a full confession, C, 47. Re- warded by the senate for his testi- mony, C, 50 Wealth, too much regarded, C, 12 Will of Caesar, V. t ii. 59 Wills made amidst preparation for bat- tle, V., ii. 5 Xanthippus, FL, ii. 2 Xerxes in a toga, V., ii. 33 Zama, an important city, besieged by Metellus, J., 56. Its vigorous defence, J., 57, 60. Metellus raises the siege, J., 61; FL, iii. 1. THE END. WHITING, BEATJEOET HOUSE, STEAND. ' ■ - "•* ^ " %<& • % 1 - «W W -", **■ *v *V '-*•