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"'"' ,\^ ,. -^-^ ^ « ° " * •» '"o 9' *^ p^% ■0^^ ,-.*^ >* ^ ^ "■f^^ .4' ■;, -^ EUROPE IN 1914 L=( irand Duchy of Luxemburg Andorra is a semi-independent republic San Marino is an independent republic Monaco is an absolute monarchy ^ i - ■ ■- w H W w H P^ O) "o C o c A HISTORY OF MEDIEVAL AND MODERN EUROPE For Secondary Schools BY WILLIAM STEARNS DAVIS Professor of History in the Uninjersity of Minnesota ASSISTED BY NORMAN SHAW McKENDRICK Instructor in History in Phillips Exeter Academy HOUGHTON MIFFLIN COMPANY BOSTON NEW YORK CHICAGO Revised Edition 13103 I ^ a o COPYRIGHT, 1920, BY WILLIAM STEARNS DAVIS Copyright, 1914, by William Stearns Davis ALL RIGHTS RESERVED Eighth Impression Jaiiuayy, ig2o aCfjt jRibcrSfte 3^re66 CAMBRIDGE • MASSACHUSETTS U • S ■ A JAN 12 1921 ©CI.Ae04932 ^,v« I PREFACE The main purpose of this book is to tell the story of the building of Europe, in a way useful for students in the secon- dary schools, or, in other words, to answer the question how the European nations, especially the prime units in civihza- tion, — England, France, Germany, and Italy, — came to be what they are to-day. There has been an earnest effort not to take too much for granted in the way of previous information, not to overload the student with facts and names of which so little can be told that they cannot " body-out " in his imagina- tion, and not to cover any but the essential features of the main subjects. While our story must for completeness go back to the fall of the Roman Empire, common sense dictates that for most students the medieval era is of relatively less importance than the last four centuries. The amount of space allotted to given events is, therefore, increasingly ample as recent times are approached : thus, there is a much longer discussion of Napoleon than of Charlemagne. On the other hand, it has seemed needful to keep the treatment of even the modern period within fair limits, especially by adhering closely to the study of Europe only. Thus there is merely an allusion to many of the events which created the British Empire, and the student will have to go elsewhere to learn how France acquired a great dominion in North Africa, and how Russia was checked by Japan in the Far East. This is a misfortune, for such a process as the open- ing of China may prove to be a matter of more importance in universal history than the whole Thirty Years' War, but the limitations on the time of most students and the need of adhering to the main thread of what is at best a very long narrative, seem to forbid the treatment of many fascinating as well as valuable problems. IV PREFACE In including or excluding an event, a name, or an institution, in or from this history, the tests have been usually these, — (i) Is this matter really important historically.'' (2) If so, can it be stated clearly, and so as to appeal to the imagination and understanding of an immature student in a relatively short number of words? For example, the institutions of the Anglo- Saxons have high significance for advanced scholars in English history, but such details cannot be made to have any real meaning for young students unless explained at very consider- able length ; and rather than have a mass of dry and probably meaningless statements cast into the learner's teeth, the whole subject has been almost ignored. On the other hand, the French wars of Edward III have been traced with clear details, because a very few statements about Crecy and Poitiers will make those names assume a real meaning in the mind of any red-blooded student, and make the Hundred Years' War seem a vital period of history. For this reason, too, more has some- times been said about men than about institutions. " Parlia- ment " is an abstraction that probably means little to many high-school students: John Pym, lighting the battle for human liberty in the name of the vindication of Parliament, can be- come a very genuine figure, indeed. In this process of inclusion and exclusion the author has been obliged in every sentence to exercise his own personal judg- ment. Literally thousands of more or less important facts and names have been omitted. The excuse has to be that the length of a textbook of this kind is strictly limited by the many de- mands of the modern curriculum upon a student's time and energy, and that this history, therefore, if it is not to fall into the capital error of being a dry-as-dust compendium, must re- sign any pretension of putting a full quart into a pint pot. If in the end of the study the reader has gained some con- sciousness of the " increasing purpose," which has led the nations onward, from Roman degeneracy and Germanic dark- PREFACE V ness, through the long twilight into the present brightness of promise; if he has come to recognize how the brotherhood of civihzed men owes its enlightenment and hope not to the deeds of one age or nation only, but to a long, painful, often agonizing process of building, stretching across the centuries; if, in short, he has learned that " history is the continuous record of human achievement," and that the man of to-day is infi- nitely the debtor to the man of yesterday, — this little history will have fulfilled its modest purpose. In preparing this textbook the collaborating author, Mr. McKendrick, has revised the entire manuscript with helpful scrutiny, suggesting many improvements of every kind. He has also been the originating author of all the questions, analyses, bibhographies, maps, tables, etc., which will prob- ably be considered among the most important features of the work. Indeed, the preparation of the volume as a working textbook would have been quite impossible without his always friendly and faithful cooperation. Professor J. T. Shotwell, of Columbia University, has given the entire volume the benefit of a searching criticism from the standpoint of up-to-date, advanced scholarship, and has added many practical suggestions of very pronounced value. Mr. M. T. Sadler, formerly of Oxford University, has performed a like kindly and extremely helpful service. Last, but not least, mention must be made of the publishers of this book. It was at their suggestion that the work was originally undertaken, and through the long process of its development they have never failed with patient supervision, with fertile and stimulating suggestion, and with a painstaking attention to all the excellent mechanical details which it is beheved this book will be found to possess. WILLIAM STEARNS DAVIS. University of INIinnesota, Minneapolis, May, 1914. CONTENTS Suggestions to Teachers xlv I. The Dying Empire and the Forest Peoples .... i I. The greatness of the Roman Empire. 2. Why the Empire was declining. 3. The German tribes beyond the Rhine and the Danube. II. The Germans in the Old Empire 10 4. The Huns drive the Germans southward. 5. The sack of Rome by the Visigoths. 6. The Germanic kingdoms within the faUing empire. 7. Theodoric the Ostrogoth and the later Germanic kingdoms. III. The Christian Church in the Early Middle Ages 18 8. The Christian Church survives the Empire. 9. The secular Gov- ernments make use of the Church. 10. The organization of the Church. II. The rise of the Papacy. 12. The rise of monasticism. IV. The Mohammedans and the Eastern Empire ... 29 13. The Arabians before Mohammed. 14. The career of Mohammed. 15. The doctrines of Islam. 16. The conquests of the Arabians. 17. The Eastern Empire repulses the Saracens. 18. The later caliphate. 19. The wonderful city of Constantinople. V. The Monarchy of the Franks 39 20. Clovis and the Merovingian Franks. 21. The evil successors of Clovis. 22. The "Mayors of the Palace." 23. The battle of Tours. 24. Pepin the Short. VI. Charlemagne and his Age 49 25. Charlemagne's personality and power. 26. Charlemagne's Saxon wars. 27. The downfall of the Lombards. 28. Charlemagne's other wars. 29. The coronation of Charlemagne. 30. Charlemagne the civilizer. VII. The Terrible Ninth Century and the Rise of Feudalism 61 31. Why Charlemagne's empire dissolved. 32. The growth of new national units. 33. The feudal system. viii CONTENTS VIII. The Holy Roman Empire in Germany and Italy (to 1056) 71 34. The origins of the Kingdom of Germany. 35. Henry the Fowler. 36. Otto I — his power in Germany. 37. Otto I — his revival of the Holy Roman Empire. 38. The successors of Otto I. 39. Henry III, the Pope-maker. IX. The Rise of the French Kingdom 82 40. The founding of the Capetian monarchy. 41. The mediaeval Kingdom of France — its weakness. 42. The first phases of the monarchy. 43. Philip Augustus, maker of France. 44. St. Louis confirms the French monarchy. X. The Crusades 93 45. Origin of the crusades. 46. The preaching at Clermont. 47. The leaders of the First Crusade. 48. The crusaders reach the East. 49. The sieges of Antioch. 50. The taking of Jerusalem. 51. The Christian Kingdom of Jerusalem. 52. The later crusades. 53. The results of the crusades. XI. The Origins of the English N.^^tion 108 54. The sea as a factor in English history. 55. The coming of the Saxons. 56. The Saxon kingdoms: the christianizing of England. 57. The Northmen and Alfred. 58. Cnutand Edward the Confessor. 59. William the Conqueror. 60. The successors of William. 61. The Great Charter (Magna Charta). 62. The thirteenth century in England. 63. The origins of the "common law" and of trial b}^ jury. XII. Life in the Feudal Ages 127 64. The feudal castle. 65. Life in the castle. 66. The relations of suzerain and vassal. 67. Feudal wars. 68. The general wretchedness of feudal life. 69. Life in the Church. 70. The intellectual life of the Middle Ages. 71. The Gothic cathedrals. XIII. The Rise of the Non-Noble Classes 141 72. The evil state of the peasants. 73. The slow rise of the agricul- tural classes. 74. The rise of the free towns. 75. The aspect of a mediaeval city. 76. The cities of Flanders. 77. Venice and Florence. 78. The revival of commerce and industry. XIV. The Popes, the Emperors, and the Medieval Church i53 79. "The freedom of the Church." 80. Hildebrand: as monk and as Pope-maker. 81. Henry IV and his bad rule in Germany. 82. The humiliation at Canossa. 83. The end of the investiture contest. CONTENTS ix 84. St. Bernard of Clairvaux. 85. Frederick I (Barbarossa). 86. Innocent III, arbiter over kings. 87. Frederick II, the "wonder of the world." 88. The triumph of the Church. 89. St. Francis and his friars. XV. The Hundred Years' War 168 90. The causes and contestants. 91. The Crecy campaign. 92. Poitiers and the Treaty of Bretigny. 93. Charles V and the first expulsion of the English. 94. The second coming of the English: Agincourt. 95. Jeanne d'Arc. 96. The end of the war. XVI. The Later Middle Ages in England 181 97. Edward I and Scotland. 98. Robert Bruce and Bannockburn. 99. Wiclif and Richard II. 100. The rising of the peasants and the rule of the House of Lancaster. loi. The Wars of the Roses. 102. The bad King Richard III. 103. Henry VII, restorer of law and order. 104. England at the end of the Middle Ages. 105. The English in Ireland. XVII. The Popes, the Schism, and the Councils . . .195 106. The downfall of Boniface VIII. 107. The "Babylonish Cap- tivity" at Avignon. 108. The Great Schism. 109. The councils. John Hus. I ID. The final era of the mediaeval Papacy. XVIII. The Renaissance • 204 III. The mediaeval universities and schoolmen. 112. The new conditions in Italy. 113. The epoch-makers — Dante, Petrarch, and Boccaccio. 114. The "new learning." 115. The revival of "the joy of living." 116. The new art. 117. The new inventions. 118. The Northern Renaissance. XIX. The World at the End of the Middle Ages . .216 119. The state of France. 120. The "German" Empire. 121. The coming of Spain. 122. The coming of the Turks. 123. The mihtary revolution caused by gunpowder. 124. The expansion of the world by foreign discoveries. 125. General unrest of the times. XX. The Protestant Revolt in Germany and Switzer- land 229 126. The state of the Church in the sixteenth century. 127. The early career of Martin Luther. 128. Tetzel, and Luther's Theses. 129. The hearing before Cajetanus. 130. The disputation at Leipzig. 131. Luther at Worms and the Wartburg. 132. The spread of the revolt in Germany. 133. The religious peace at Augsburg. 134. Zwingli and Calvin in Switzerland. 135. The Council of Trent and the Catholic reaction. X CONTENTS XXI. The Religious Revolt in England 242 136. Henry VIII — his character and poUcy. 137. The divorce of Catherine of Aragon. 138. The break with Rome. 139. The spread of Protestantism. 140. Edward VI — The Protestants control the Government. 141. Mary Tudor and the Cathohc reaction. 142. The economic troubles of the age. XXII. The Age of Philip of Spain and Elizabeth of England 255 143. Philip II of Spain — his power and his character. 144. How Elizabeth began her reign. 145. Mary Stuart blunders in Scotland. 146. William the Silent and the revolt of the Netherlands. 147. The execution of Mary Stuart. 148. The Spanish Armada. 149. The Huguenots in France and Henry of Navarre. 150. Conclusion of the epoch. XXIII. The Early Stuarts in England 274 151. James I, the "wise fool" of England. 152. The Gunpowder Plot. 153. The Spanish marriage. 154. James and his Parliaments. 155. Charles I and the Duke of Buckingham. 156. Charles's quarrels with his Parliaments. 157. The arbitrary rule of Charles. 158. The revolt of the Scots. XXIV. The Great Civil War in England and the Rule OF Cromwell 285 159. The Scots and the "Short Parliament." i6o. The "Long Parlia- ment." 161. The trial and death of Strafford. 162. The attack on the five members. 163. The "Great Civil War" and the rise of Cromwell. 164. The triumph of the army and the death of the king. 165. The Commonwealth and the "Rump" Parliament. i66. Crom- well, Lord Protector of England. 167. The return of the Stuarts: what the Civil War accomplished. XXV. The Thirty Years' War in Germany 299 168. Origin of the great struggle. i6q. The revolt of Bohemia against Austria. 170. The appearance of Wallenstein. 171. The Edict of Restitution. 172. Gustavus Adolphus in Germany. 173. The fall of Wallenstein. 174. The French period of the war. 175. The Peace of Westphalia. XXVI. Louis XIV, Dominator of Europe 310 176. The greatness of France in 1661. 177. Louis XIV — his abso- lute government and his court. 178. The persecution of the Hugue- nots. 179. The wars of Louis XIV. 180. The siege of Vienna by the Turks. 181. The War of the Spanish Succession. 182. The effect of the example of Louis XIV : his end. CONTENTS xi XXVIL The Later Stuarts in England and their Over- throw 322 183. Charles II, "The Merry Monarch." 184. The persecution of the Puritans and the Catholics. 185. James II — his character and aims. 186. The first years of James. 187. The case of the seven bishops. 188. "The Great Revolution": the overthrow of James. 189. William III and Mary. 190. The reign of Anne: the end of the revolutionary period in England. XXVIII. The Growth of Russia and Prussia . . . .335 191. Early Russia. 192. Peter the Great. 193. Peter the Great and Charles XII of Sweden. 194. The Electorate of Brandenburg. 195. The Great Elector, Frederick William. 196. Brandenburg becomes the Kingdom of Prussia. 197. Frederick W illiam I. XXIX. The Eighteenth Century 348 198. The character of the age. 199. Louis XV and Madame de Pompadour. 200. Maria Theresa of Austria. 201. Frederick the Great. 202. The wars of Frederick the Great. 203. Joseph II of Austria, the crowned idealist. 204. The division of Poland. 205. Louis XVI and the last years of the Old Regime in France. 206. The "Balance of Power in Europe." XXX. England under the Georges 361 207. The general tsndencies of the age. 208. The four Georges. 209. The growth of English industry and commerce. 210. The naval supremacy of England. 211. The winning of India. 212. The English colonial empire. 213. The rise of the cabinet system. 214. The great parties and the great ministers. 215. England at the end of the Georgian age: the case of Ireland. XXXI. The Causes of the French Revolution . . .378 216. The general expectancy of Europe in the eighteenth century. 217. Why the revolution started in France. 218. The French mon- archy, despotism tempered by inefficiency. 219. The pri\'ileged and idle nobility. 220. The bourgeoisie of the towns. 221. The helpless and discontented peasantry. 222. The unequal and absurd system of taxation. 223. A worldly and unbelieving clergy. 224. Voltaire and Rousseau. 225. The prime factors in the French Revolution. XXXII. The French Revolution 391 226. The summoning of the States General. 227. The meeting of the States General. 228. The tennis-court oath. 229. The fall of the Bastille. 230. Paris captures the monarchy. 231. The new constitu- tion. 232. The flight to Varennes. 233. The new legislature. xii CONTENTS 234. The outbreak of war. 235. The downfall of French royalty. 236. The Convention and the massacres. 237. The death of the king. 238. The war with all Europe. 239. The Committee of Public Safety and the Terror. 240. The revolts against the Jacobins. 241. The fall of Danton and the dictatorship of Robespierre. 242. The down- fall of Robespierre. 243. The "Third" Constitution and the whiff of grapeshot. XXXin. How Napoleon Bonap.arte overturned the Old Europe 420 244. The youth and early career of Napoleon. 245. The "First Italian Campaign." 246. The Treaty of Campo Formio. 247. The naval power of England. 248. The Egyptian expedition. 249. Napo- leon First Consul. 250. The end of the Holy Roman Empire. 251. Napoleon, Emperor of the French. 252. Trafalgar and Austerhtz. 253. The humiliation of Prussia. XXXIV. The Downfall of Napoleon 438 254. Napoleon at the height of his power. 255. The Continental Blockade. 256. The resistance of Spain and Austria. 257. The regeneration of Prussia. 258. The IMoscow campaign. 259. The great uprising against Napoleon. 260. The "Battle of the Nations": Leipzig. 261. The first abdication. 262. Waterloo and St. Helena. 263. Napoleon's character and place in history. XXXV. The Reaction in Europe: the Domination of Metternich 454 264. The Congress of Vienna. 265. The Holy .Alliance. 266. The Greek and the Belgian revolts. 267. France under the Bourbons. 268. The Revolution of 1830. 269. The situation in Germany, 270. The situation in Italy. 271. Louis Philippe's rule in France. XXXVI. The Revolutions of 184S, and the Second Empire 466 272. The downfall of Louis Philippe. 273. The Second French Republic. 274. The revolution in Germany. 275. The revolution in Austria-Hungary. 276. The revolution in Italy. 277. The Assembly in Paris. 278. Louis Napoleon, President of France. 279. The Coup d'Etat. 2S0. The Second Empire: Napoleon HI. XXXVII. How Cavour made Italy . . , 4S0 281. Italy after 1S4S. 282. Cavour's policy in Sardinia. 283. The intervention of Napoleon HI. 284. The making of the Italian King- dom. 2S5. The conquest of Naples. 286. The winning of Venetia, 287. The winning of Rome. CONTENTS xiii XXXVIII. How Bismarck made Germany 491 288. After the 184S Revolution in Germany. 289. The coming of Bismarck. 290. The Danish War. 291. The Austro-Prussian War. 292. The founding of the North German Confederation. 293. Bis- marck and Napoleon III. 294. The outbreak of the Franco-Prussian War. 295. The Franco-Prussian War. 296. The German Empire. XXXIX. Nineteenth-Century England 507 297. The Problem of 1830: the "Unreformed Parhament." 298. The Great Reform Act. 299. The era of liberal reforms. 300. Queen Victoria. 301. The repeal of the Corn Laws. 302. The Indian, or Sepoy, Mutiny. 303. The Second Reform Act, and Gladstone. 304. Disraeh and Imperialism. 305. The return of Gladstone: the Home Rule Question. 306. The British colonial empire. 307. The death of Queen Victoria. "vL. The Most Recent Age in Europe 524 308. France since (1871) the Third Republic. 309. Germany after the unification. 310. The new Italy. 311. The Austro-Hungarian Empire. 312. The Triple Alliance and its enemies. 313. The twenti- eth century in Great Britain. 314. The evolution of Russia. 315. The crumbhng of Turkey. 316. The Balkan War. 317. The Hague Peace Tribunal. XLI. The March of Democracy 550 318. The recovery of Democracy after the French Revolution. 319. The example of the United States. 320. The industrial revolu- tion. 321. The new means of communication. 322. The new con- sciousness of nationality. 323. The spread of education. 324. The Free Press. 325. The new military system. 326. The enormous expenses of modern governments. 327. Socialism. 328. A summary and retrospect. Conclusion. The Great European War. 1914-18 . 547*7 The summer of 1914. — The Serbian Note. — • Germany declares war. — Invasion of Belgium; Spread of the War. — The first battles of the Marne and of the Yser. — The defeat of Russia. — The struggle in the west. — The submarines and the United States. — The Russian Revo- lution. — -The intervention of the United States. — The breaking of the deadlock on the western front, 1018. — The collapse of Germany. — The Armistice (November ii, 1918). — The world at the end of the Great War. — The Treaty of Versailles. Appendix i List or Maps xi List of Portraits and Illustrations xii Key to Pronunciation xv Index . . . . xix SUGGESTIONS TO TEACHERS These suggestions, and the "helps" provided in the body of the book, are for the many teachers of history in our secondary schools who are endeavoring to do justice to the subject without having had special preparation for teaching it. It is realized that experienced teachers of history will probably make use of the book in their own ways, with little regard to the aids with which the book is equipped. Under the heading "Review," a set of questions is provided at the end of each chapter which will thoroughly test the pupil's knowledge of the material presented in the chapter, and which will call constantly upon him to examine causes and results and their relations, as well as require him to make frequent comparisons in all possible ways. Question number one in each instance gives opportunity for a rapid drill upon the signifi- cant names and phrases found in the chapter. The second question emphasizes the importance of map-work in the study of European history. All the map-work called for should be done. The maps in the book have been made especially to illustrate the text. With a very few unimportant exceptions, all the places and regions mentioned in the text are located on the accompanying maps, and the important territorial changes are shown with suiTicient fullness. Except in a few instances, the maps show only the places referred to in the text; thus the useless "padding" of maps, so often found in textbooks, is avoided. The maps, however, cannot supplant an atlas: the pupils should have access to a good one. It is probable that greater benefit will be derived by using various kinds of outline maps than by confining the use to those made by one publishing-house only. Under the heading "Exercises," a set of questions is further provided which is based upon the material found in the list of "Readings." Where time permits, the use of these questions will be found to be of great value, for every pupil should extend his study of history beyond the covers of a single book. It is not expected that each pupil will attempt to find answers for all the questions. In making the list of books to be used in connection with the "Exercises," regard was had to the need of keeping the cost within reach of all schools. The books can be obtained at a con- siderable reduction below the list price, possibly for a sum of twelve or fifteen dollars, if some of the books marked with a star are omitted. Many teachers will wish to substitute for the list in the Appendix (pp. ii-iv), other books which seem to them more desirable. The only claim made for the list of books chosen is that it makes a very usable and well- SUGGESTIONS TO TEACHERS XV rounded working library, the cost of which is moderate enough for any school to meet. Most students of history will agree, probably, that the habit of "brows- ing," i.e., reading casually, is an excellent one to cultivate. To help in the development of this habit and to give practice in the use of the table of contents and index, the questions in the "Exercises" are left without direct references to the particular page or pages upon which the answers may be found. In the search for the answers, the attention of the pupils must often be arrested by incidents aside from the particular matter in hand. In the study of European history, one of the most difficult things to impress upon the minds of the pupils is the fact that the events described in one chapter did not necessarily happen before the events described in the following, or some subsequent, chapter, just because the first chapter precedes the others. in the text. The following chart has been found, by actual experience, a very efficient means of overcoming this difficulty. It is recommended that only the events which are described in the text, or referred to in the "Exercises," be used in making the chart. In the "List of Important Dates" (Appendix, p. i), brief statements ,are made concerning the significance of each event. The pupils should be asked to explain the statements, to enlarge upon them, to find illustra- tions of them, and to make similar lists of other important dates. A bare list of dates, without some such use made of it, has little value. PLAN FOR A CHRONOLOGICAL CHART England France Eoly h Em Germany 'oman bire Italy The Papacy Spain Russia, Scandinavian and Balkan Slates Names perors be writ across of Em- should ten this line. Suggestions : — The Chart may be made by the pupils during the year ; or, as an aid to review at the end of the year. In each column should be entered the names and dates of the rulers, and the names and dates of the important events in each reign. Contemporary rulers and events should occupy, as far as possible, the same horizon- tal lines. Some events, e.g., the battle of Bouvines, should appear in several columns, since they concern several nations. Individual columns for Russia and the Scandi- navian and Balkan States, etc., may be made at the discretion of the teacher. The Chart may be made upon one or two large sheets of paper, or may be divided into a number of sheets, taking the events period by period, or century by century. A HISTORY OF MEDI/EVAL AND MODERN EUROPE CHAPTER I THE DYING EMPIRE AND THE FOREST PEOPLES I. The greatness of the Roman Empire. In the fourth cen- tury of the Christian era the Roman Empire embraced almost every land then civilized. All the country now bordering upon the Mediterranean was subject to it, and also Britain (modern England). The intelligence and wisdom not merely of ancient Italy, the home land of the conquering Romans, but of old Greece and older Egypt and Syria had been absorbed by the men of the Empire. A traveler from the Euphrates River to Londinium (London) would not as to-day have had to pass through half a score of different countries with varying lan- guages, laws, customs, religions, often sorely hostile one to an- other; he would have been moving continuously within a single vast empire, all under one firm government, with the same law, the same general manner of religion, the same general social conventionalities. The same money passed current every- where. If he had had to transact any official business he could always have dispatched it in Latin, though in the Eastern Provinces the more usual language was Greek; and in various rural districts the old local dialects were still in use. The only books he would have read would have been either in Latin or in Greek, He would have found a vast commerce passing over a magnificent road system. On the great frontier rivers, the Euphrates (where the Empire fronted the Kingdom of Per- sia), the Danube, and the Rhine (whence the Romans looked 2 HISTORY OF EUROPE out against the German tribes), he would have discovered highly disciplined armies ready to cast themselves upon any invader. At short intervals in his travel he would have entered stately cities with magnificent palaces, theaters, forums (public squares), triumphal arches, and especially amphitheaters where the multitude sought the gladiatorial games wherein they so delighted. Everywhere there was a profusion of splen- did sculptures, statues, bas-reliefs, and paintings. Life in these cities was highly cultured : there were numerous literary men, and scholars were held in high esteem. Some of these cities were of notable size: besides Rome,^ which was undoubtedly an exceedingly large city even from a modern standpoint, there were Carthage in North Africa, Alexandria in Egypt, Antioch in Syria, and especially the new capital, Constanti- nople (founded in 330 a.d. by the Emperor Constantine as a counterpoise to old Rome), which rivaled the '' Queen of the Tiber," in magnitude and splendor. In the open country were great landed estates, where the fortunate owners lived in their villas amid refined ease and luxury. By about 375 a.d. the religion of this huge empire was nom- inally Christian. The days of the martyrs were over: Con- stantine (died 337), the first Christian Emperor, had begun the official discouragement of paganism, and since his day — despite some reactions — the old heathen religion had steadily declined. In a few generations more it was to be almost dead, and " Rome " and " Christianity " were to become practically synonyms. 2. Why the Empire was declining. And yet this stately, almost universal empire was declining, and was doomed to a slow, lingering, but certain death. Among the causes of this ^ The safest guess as to the population of Imperial Rome seems to put it at over 1,000,000; possibly up to 1,500,000. The student must remember that until decidedly modern times reliable census figures are lacking. THE DYING EMPIRE AND THE FOREST PEOPLES 3 "Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire," — ^ which consti- tutes some of the most significant chapters of history, — are these : — (a) The government of the Empire was that of a despotism. Once the Roman Emperors had tried to veil their power under a decent show of maintaining some kinds of popular liberties, but now the Cassars were for all substantial purposes as abso- lute autocrats as if they had called themselves " Shahs " or "Sultans."^ The sole thing they really dreaded was the mu- tiny of the army. The Empire was suffering from the numbing effects of an absolute monarchy, one of the most destructive things possible to private ambition and effort. (b) Along with this despotism went a grasping and grinding system of taxation. To pay for the expensive court and the increasing demands of the army it was necessary to tax the ' subjects of the Roman Empire as few people have been taxed. This taxation swept off all the surplus wealth, and left the multitude hopeless, discontented, and often starved. (c) The army was ceasing to protect the frontiers properly. The long years of peace had given the men of the Empire a distaste for the military life. Most of the soldiers were recruits from the German tribes. These troops were brave but unreli- able. By their mutinies they raised and destroyed emperors. The bonds of discipline were becoming relaxed. Very soon this demoralized army would cease to be able to hold back the invaders. (d) As a canker at the heart of the Empire was the evil of slavery, A great proportion of the people were still slaves, although the spirit of Christianity was opposed to the slave system. Slavery was brutal to its victims: but its effect on the masters was still worse. It taught them to be pitiless and ^ At this period the Empire had been divided, usually, into a western and an eastern portion, each with its own emperor. But the Empire was always in theory one, and the two sovereigns were expected to work in harmony. 4 HISTORY OF EUROPE tyrannical and to despise all fonns of toilsome labor as fit only for bondsmen. No great country ever contained such a pro- portion of dishonest idlers as the later Roman Empire. For this evil, slavery was largely responsible. The men of the fourth century had hardly an idea of the dignity of labor. (e) Along with slavery, as its disastrous counterpart, went the great disproportion in the distribution of wealth. Most of the landed property was in the hands of a relatively small num- ber of immensely wealthy magnates of the " Senatorial Class." The masses were either the actual slaves toiling on the mag- nate's estates, or colon i, — a kind of serfs,- with some nominal rights, but whose actual condition was not a great deal better than that of the slaves. When the Empire stood in sore peril, these down-trodden millions would not feel a great deal of interest in preserving a system in which their rights were so little considered. In their last fights for existence the Caesars could not appeal to the patriotism of their people as can a modern government in a great crisis. (/) Besides these evils, we meet the fact that the old Graeco- Roman civilization had almost spent itself. Its philosophers and poets had spoken their last word. Its sculptors could not surpass their former creations. Literature had ceased to be creative. Art was becoming florid and over-elaborate. There was still much refinement and learning in the old world, but also much artificiality and absolutely no originality. (g) The spirit of Christianity had come too late to save a civilization already condemned. There were many noble indi- vidual Christians, but too many men accepted the new religion with their lips, while they continued pagan and selfish in their hearts. To teach the nations the true Gospel of Love was to be the work of long ages. 3. The German tribes beyond the Rhine and the Danube. Beyond the northern frontiers of this great but decadent em- pire lay a swarm of barbarous peoples commonly called by THE DYING EMPIRE AND THE FOREST PEOPLES 5 the general name of the Germans. The Franks, Alemanni, and Saxons were some of the tribes nearest the Rhine, while north of the Danube lay particularly the powerful Gothic nations, divided into the Ostrogoths (East Goths) and the Visigoths (West Goths). These Germans were decidedly inferior to the men of the Empire in most of the essentials of civilization, but they were far from being absolute savages. In the vast forests, the swamp lands, or the plains of their northern homes they were slowly developing some- thing like settled agricultural life, although hunting and grazing still furnished their 'chief means of subsistence. They were a tall, blond, blue -eyed race, — " Northern Gi- ants " the weak- er races of the Empire anxiously called them ; and in battle only the superior discipline of the Roman armies had flung back the rushes of their sword pha- lanxes and of their terrible battle-axes. War, both with the Romans and with their fellow Germans of neighboring tribes, was the only real pursuit enjoyed by "men of spirit." The hunting of bears and wild boars would suffice to employ a northern chief during the intervals of "inglorious peace." Most of the real toil of life, outside of fighting or the chase, fell on the women. The villages of low wattled huts were separated by wide intervals of forest land. There were no roads through the woodland; only forest trails. Life in a German hamlet KOAIAXS DESTROYING A VILLAGE OF THE GERMANS {Relief from the Column of Marcus Aurelins at Rome.) Ob- serve the circular huts constructed of wickerwork, without windows and having but a single narrow door HISTORY OF EUROPE doubtless seemed brutal and sordid enough to any unlucky Roman who came as an explorer or a prisoner. Nevertheless amoijg these rude peoples were distinct evi- dences of better things. Manly purity and female honor were better observed than in the gay but sinful cities of the Empire. There were slaves: but they were neither very numerous, nor treated (according to German standards) with great severity. At a carousal in his village the German warrior would drink himself immoderately drunk, but on the campaign he might exhibit all the sober virtues. Germans as a rule kept their oaths : and they were remarkably faithful to any chief they had sworn to follow. Indeed, the loyalty a comitatus (band of picked fighting men) had for its war chief was probably far greater than the loyalty its members bore toward the com- mon tribe. For a band to come back from the battle where its chief had fallen un- avenged, was a disgrace almost impossible to wipe away. The whole company would sooner perish. The political organization of the Ger- mans was loose and primitive. In times of peace each little village community gov- erned itself, or rather, the elders among the nobles managed its simple affairs. In times of threatened war, there would be assem- blies of deputies from the villages, perhaps in some forest glade under a ''sacred oak," to consider the weal of the common folk and to plan the campaign. Some tribes had no permanent " king," and only elected a spe- cial leader for each war: but usually each tribe had its own " king," who, however, exercised little power save while on the warpath, when he would be obeyed with reasonable diligence. A GERMAN WAR CHIEF (Restored. From the Musee d'Artillerie at Paris) THE DYING EMPIRE AND THE FOREST PEOPLES 7 There seems to be evidence that by the fourth century the Germans were becoming more civilized. They were learning the arts of peace from the Romans and developing intern- ally. Their governments were becoming firmer: their kings had greater authority. Missionaries (especially the famous Goth, Ulfilas) had re- cently converted most of them to a manner of Christianity/ al- though probably the crude worship of the old nature deities (e.g., Donar, the Storm and Thunder God) still lingered on in many villages, and in some entire tribes. They were becoming more content with the lands which they possessed, and a little less intent upon roving. Yet re- peatedly their bands had collided with the Romans. In the third century many German hordes had penetrated into the Empire, and had been destroyed with the greatest difficulty. In the fourth century the legions seemed to be preventing any actual armed invasion ; but tens of thousands of Germans themselves were enlisted in the legions, while many more were entering the Empire as peaceful settlers. The Germans cheerfully recog- nized the Romans as superior to themselves in everything but war, and the glitter and splendor of Rome fascinated and lured them southward. Late in the fourth century came events DWELLING-HOUSE IN A TOWN OF THE FIFTH CENTURY (Restored. After Gamier and A mmann, Uistoire dc I'ha- bitalion hnmaine.) Note that the building is largely com^ posed of fragments of earlier monuments and structures ' To Arianism, a kind of Unitarianism, which involved the acceptance of Jesus Christ as a "God-Man," but denied his actual divinity. 8 HISTORY OF EUROPE which broke the barriers on the Danube and the Rhine, and let them into the Empire. GENERAL NOTE ON ORDEALS The Germans had one custom which was not merely a curious usage of barbarous peoples, but which they took with them into the Roman Empire and worked into the legal practices of the early Middle Ages in many parts of Europe. This was the method of set- tling many lawsuits not by a verdict after hearing the evidence, but by an ordeal, a solemn question put to Heaven, which was supposed to answer — according to the result of the ordeal — as to the guilt or innocence of the accused. Ordeals might take two general forms: among a certain class of German warriors, and between mediaeval noblemen who imitated their example, the favorite method was the wager by battle. In this the two litigants, after due precautions to secure fair play, literally "fought it out" with proper weapons, until one of them was slain, or — if spared — the defeated man "confessed himself recreant," that is, owned his guilt or retracted his charges. The second form was more directly a query addressed to God. In the "Ordeal by Boiling Water" the accused was obliged to take a stone out of a deep boiling hot caldron. The condition of the ac- cused's hand after the trial determined his fate. Or there might be a "Fire Ordeal" — e.g., the accused might be obliged to walk nine feet blindfolded over red-hot ploughshares. If he were badly burned, clearly he was guilty. Would not Heaven protect the innocent? There were a good many other possible tests. One much in vogue after the Germans became Christians was the "Ordeal of the Morsel," — when, after a priest had solemnly consecrated the bread in the sacrament, the accused partook of the holy element, calling on God to strike him dead if he swore falsely to his innocence. Owing to the simple faith and the belligerent spirit of the early Middle Ages it was long before these usages were replaced by more rational forms of trial. In fact some dead traces thereof lingered in the law-books down to modern times. A person accused of murder in England demanded trial by wager of battle as late as 1818, but the court promptly disallowed his demand, and the formal right was soon legally abolished. THE DYING EMPIRE AND THE FOREST PEOPLES g REVIEW 1. Explain briefly, or state concisely the important facts connected with the following names or topics — Coloni — Comitatus — Ullilas — Arianism — Constantine — Ordeals. 2. Compare the map facing page i with the front linings, and locate on a blank map of Europe the modern nations within the boundaries of the Roman Empire. 3. In what ways was the Roman Empire "great"? 4. Make a list of the causes of the decline of the Empire. 5. Compare the Germans with the Romans as to their respective elements of strength and weakness. EXERCISES 1. For what were Carthage, Alexandria, and Antroch noted? 2. Do any of the conditions marking the decline of the Empire exist in the United States at present? For what conditions are there no parallels here? READINGS Sources. Ogg: Chapter i. Robinson: vol. i, no. 8. Modern Accounts. Emerton: Introduction: pp. 1-26. Seignobos: pp. 3-11, 16-18. Bemont and Monod: pp. 1-36. ^ For this and all the subsequent chapters the questions marked "Review" are based upon the text of the book, and are intended to bring out from various angles the facts and inferences which ought to be gathered from a careful study of each chapter. In the geographical questions, to be studied always with due use of the maps, important locah'ties which are mentioned for the first time are given. It is assumed that places which have been prominent in earlier chapters are already familiar. The questions marked "Exercises" are of the "seek-further" variety. They cannot be answered properly from the text, and must be studied by reference to some or all of the books mentioned under "Readings." A large part of the value of the work should come from, the frequent use of these "Exercises," teaching the student to pass beyond the bare statements of the text, to clothe the facts of history with enough detail to give them real life, and to train the student in that use of judgment and inference from conflicting evidence which is one of the mort valuable gains from historical study. — See " Suggestions to Teachers " (pp xiv-xv) for more complete directions. CHAPTER II THE GERMANS IN THE OLD EMPIRE 4. The Huns drive the Germans southward. Far away in the heart of Asia lay barbarous tribes of warrior nomads, com- monly called the Huns .^ They were as far below the Germans in civilization as the latter were below the Romans: this, how- ever, did not prevent them from being almost invincible in battle. About 350 a.d. their hordes were roHing westward seeking new fields of conquest. Meeting the Germanic Goths in what is to-day southern Russia, they enslaved the Ostro- GERMANIC SWORD {in sheath) goths, and drove the whole people of the Visigoths before them in a panic toward the Danube, where lay the Roman barrier forts and the protecting legions (375). At the bank of the great river the Visigoths begged Valens, the Emperor of the Eastern Provinces, to admit them to his dominions, promising faithful service against his enemies, and especially against the Huns who were pressing at their heels. In an evil hour Valens consented. The whole Visigothic folk — men, women, and children — were ferried across, avowedly to settle quietly in the Roman provinces. But almost immediately disputes arose with the imperial officials: and alleging unjust treatment the Visigoths soon took up amis against those who had harbored ^ The best short formula wherewith to describe the Huns is to rename them "Tartars." They were certainly very like the least civilized of the bands that still traverse the steppes of Mongolia and Turkestan, although our information about many of their traits is scanty. THE GERMANS IN THE OLD EMPIRE ii them. Valens called out a large part of the whole imperial army. At Adrianople (378) he staked everything on a great battle. He lost his army and his life. The victors wandered ravaging through the Balkan peninsula. The spell of Roman invincibility was broken. Valens's successor in the East, Theodosius, made a new treaty, indeed, with the Goths and induced them to remain peaceably for some years near the Danube. They actually aided him to conquer the western provinces, and he became Emperor of the whole Roman world: but in 395 he died. To one feeble son, Arcadius, he gave the East; to another, Honorius, the West. The Empire was divided, never to be united again. The ministers of these purple-clad youths were for the most part inefficient and corrupt.^ The opportunity of the Germans was come. 5. The sack of Rome by the Visigoths. In 400, Alaric, King of the Visigoths, with his valorous people, set forth from Illyricum^ to invade Italy.' Their first attempt ended, how- ever, at the great battle of Pollentia (402) , when for about the last time the old legions won a notable victory. Alaric returned to Illy ri cum and slowly recruited his swordsmen. In 408, he again invaded Italy. No effective army now barred his path. With a kind of awe and trembling, but with bold daring and resolve in their hearts, the Visigoths pressed on. The tale runs that Alaric believed a divine voice was saying to him, " Thou shalt reach the City!" and he knew that "the City " was august Rome, " Mother of Empire," which no victorious foe had approached for many centuries. He block- aded the great capital, and presently hunger pinched the vast multitude within the gates. "Give me all your gold, all your silver, all your movable property, and all your barbarian ^ Stilicho, the prime minister of Honorius, was a brave and capable warrior, and until he was murdered (408) the Goths made no great headway. It is worth noticing, however, that Stilicho was descended from a chief of the Vandals, one of the German tribes. * Modern Servia, Bosnia, and Croatia. 12 HISTORY OF EUROPE slaves — then I will raise the siege," — so he told a deputation of trembhng senators. " What, then, will you leave us? " " Your lives," was the grim answer. However, the invaders presently agreed upon a more reasonable ransom. But two years later, Alaric returned (410), and this time Rome did not escape. Terror spread through the world as men told one another with bated breath how the "Eternal City " had been sacked by the Gothic barbarians, even as Roman amiies, in days now past, had sacked a score of capitals. If Rome could be violated, what hope for any lesser city? The very end to civilized life seemed come! The Visigoths did not long remain in Italy. Alaric himself soon succumbed to the hot, unfamiliar southern climate. Even in her weakness the majesty of Rome and the superiority of her civilization impressed itself upon the invaders. Said Athaulf, Alaric 's successor, " My first wish was to destroy the Roman Empire, [but now] I choose the glory of renewing and main- taining by Gothic strength the fame of Rome, desiring to go down to posterity as the preserver of that Roman power which it is beyond my power to replace." The Visigoths presently made a kind of treaty with the feeble Western Emperor by which they were permitted to occupy Spain and Southern Gaul: and here they estabUshed a permanent dominion, their king lording it over his own folk and also over the Romanized provincials, who as a rule found their new Gothic lords more just and less exacting than the former imperial officials. This Gothic kingdom in Spain lasted till 711. 6. The Germanic kingdoms within the falling Empire. Alaric had shown the way for many another (jcrmanic war chief to enter the Empire. To make the last stand in Italy against the Visigoths, the Roman Government had been obliged to recall the legions guarding the Rhine and the dis- tant province of Britain. Over the undefended frontiers soon THE GERMANS IN THE OLD EMPIRE 13 DECORATIVE METAL-WORK {In the Cabinet dcs Medaillcs at Ike Bib- liotiieque Nationale, Paris) poured one barbarian tribe after another — all seeking the lands and booty which the helpless provinces seemed so able to supply. The fifth century witnessed the utter rending of the Western Roman Empire. Cen- turies of peace had made the provincials forget the use of arms and trust for all protection to the professional amiy, and now this army was practically no more. Sometimes the barbarians came in a comparatively inoffensive manner; respected the Romans' private rights and superior cul- ture; contented themselves with merely a fair share of the pro- ducts of the soil and reasonable taxes. Sometimes the reverse was the case; the invasions meant blood, sack, slavery — the ruin, in short, of all the arts of peace, of all civilized life. At best the fifth century was a time when men of intelligent instincts must have believed the real progress of the world turned backward, all the accumu- lated refinements and learning of the past centuries almost hopelessly lost. To trace the progress of these invasions in a few words is difficult, indeed. One can only name and locate the principal Gemianic kingdoms which spring into view after the period of wandering and warfare is somewhat over. Besides the Visigoths in Spain and South Gaul, the Vandals ^ (a very untamed and oppressive folk) seized northern Africa and spread their piratical naval power oxer the Mediterranean. In east central Gaul settled the Burgundians, in North Gaul the Franks (of whom more hereafter) . For a Httle while the old Roman Government held on in 1 From them, of course, comes the term "vandalism." 14 HISTORY OF EUROPE Italy and in part of Gaul. It had still strength enough to join forces with the Visigoths, and when Attila, the terrible leader of the Hunnish hordes, led his destroying horsemen into Gaul, Roman and German united against him and defeated him in the famous battle of Chalons (451),^ saving western Europe from a second devastation infinitely more terrible than the first. This was the last gleam of success, however. In 476, Odoacer (a German of the Herul tribe), commander of the Imperial Guard, deposed Romulus Au- gustulus, the last of the weak- ling Western Emperors. A barbarian himself, he dared not take the imperial title. By a transparent fiction he GERMANIC HUNTING-HORN Called himsclf Patnciau of Italy," and pretended to rule the land as deputy for the Emperor at Constantinople. None the less the Roman Empire of the West was ended. 7. Theodoric the Ostrogoth and the later Germanic king- doms. Odoacer did not rule long. Another branch of the Goths came on the scene: the Ostrogoths, under a remarkable king — Theodoric- Armed with a kind of commission from the Eastern Emperor, Theodoric led his people into Italy, over- threw Odoacer's army, and slew its leader. From 493 to 526, Theodoric reigned in Italy, treating the Roman population with singular tactfulness, respecting their laws, rebuilding the ancient monuments, fostering commerce, literature, and all the 1 Attila's power was not broken by this battle. Next year he was strong enough to invade Italy, but in 453 he died, and the hordes that had obeyed him soon drifted into civil war, in which the Hunnish nation practically destroyed itself. 2 Theodoric as a boy had been a hostage at Constantinople, and probably had imbibed there many ideas as to Graeco-Roman civilization and law and order. The Ostrogoths had been vassals to the Huns. After the fall of Attila's power, they had invaded the Balkan Peninsula. 1 6 HISTORY OF EUROPE fair things of peace. His successors, however, were less happy in dealing with their subjects, and in the sixth century it bechanced that at Constantinople there was reigning over the eastern part of the old realm of Augustus a great Emperor — Justinian (527-65). In the eastern part of the Empire many elements of the original Roman power had survived.^ Justinian was now able to send out reorganized and formidable armies to recover a part of the lost western provinces. Before this attack the Vandals of northern Africa succumbed; likewise the Ostrogoths of Italy: their very races were almost blotted out in the wars, and their ephemeral kingdoms became again parts of the Roman Empire, ruled now, however, by the Caesars, not of Rome, but of Constantinople. This imperial restoration, nevertheless, did not last long in Italy. About 568 the Lombards, one of the last of the Gennanic peoples to quit their northern homes, invaded Italy. They could not seize the whole of the peninsula, nor capture Rome: part of the country remained long in the possession of the Eastern Emperors; but they established their monarchy in the north with their capital at Pavia, and for over two centu- ries the unhappy peninsula was rent by devastating wars between rival governments, neither strong enough to expel the other. In this miserable state Italy continued until a new power arose beyond the Alps which gave to the troubled west- ern world the semblance of order. This was the Frankish kingdom. REVIEW 1. Topics — Valens; Theodosius; Alaric; Stilicho; Attila; Odoacer; Theodoric; Justinian. 2. Geography — (a) Locale, with dates of important events occurring there, these places — Adrianople; Chalons; Pavia. 1 See chapter v, section 19. THE GERMANS IN THE OLD EMPIRE 17 (b) Trace on the map the routes of the migrations. (Emerton, p. 34.) (c) Mark the bounds of the Empire under Justinian, indicating his re-conquests. (d) Mark the German tribes in their permanent locations in the Empire. 3. What happened in 378, in 410, and in 476? 4. Compare Theodoric with Alaric. EXERCISES 1. Compare the Huns and the Germans in regard to civihzation. 2. Which battle had the greater effect on history, that of Adrianople or that of Chalons? 3. What impression upon the men of that time was made by the sack of Rome (410)? 4. Theodoric and his work. Cassiodorus, his prime minister. 5. The results of the invasions upon the civilization of the Empire. 6. Why was Ravenna noted? READING Sources. Ogg: chapters 11, iii. Robinson, nos. 9-16. Modern Accounts. Emerton: pp. 26-59. Seignobos: pp. 11-15, 46-47. Bemont and Monod: pp. 36-64. CHAPTER III THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH IN THE EARLY MIDDLE AGES 8. The Christian Church survives the Empire. The Western Empire had perished amid blood, confusion, and misery. Many of the barbarian kingdoms that had been erected on its ruins went down ahiiost as rapidly as they were founded. All human virtues save those of the savage warrior seemed in jeopardy had not one great factor in the fallen Roman world survived the shock: — the Christian religion. Most of the Germans had been converted to a kind of Chris- tianity ere they started on the invasions, and although their " Arian " type of behef was pronounced " heresy " by the ortho- dox theologians, they were wilHng as a rule to respect Chris- tian churches, priests, and church properties, although certain Arian kings — e.g., the Vandal rulers in North Africa — proved severe persecutors of their Catholic ^ provincial sub- jects. In the moil and toil of the invasions the last remnants of the old Graeco-Roman heathenism had perished, save in a few very obscure districts. The Romanized provincials,^ torn from their former government and political institutions, came to rally more loyally than ever around the only one of their old organizations still left — their Church. 9. The secular Governments make use of the Church. On the other hand, the barbarian conquerors found the Church distinctly useful in their new kingdoms. Although they had ^ "Catholic" may here be used as detininp: those Christians who accepted the famous "Nicene Creed" (drawn up at Nica;a in 325), afiirming the divin- ity of Christ, which the Arians rejected. ^ The Christian Church is said to have taken over a good many matters of outward usage from old paganism. Thus various heathen festivals were duly given an orthodox significance, and then adopted by Christianity. THE CHURCH IN THE MIDDLE AGES 19 destroyed much of the old imperial civil organization, they had still to control many milHons of provincials, who had customs and a legal system which the untutored Germans by no means understood. Some experienced administrative officers whom the provincials could trust, and whom (by their non-mihtary character) the conquerors could control, were necessary. The Christian bishops, already, under the Empire, clothed with many secular functions, were exactly such officers. The Roman proconsul had vanished, but the Christian bishop remained. During the early Middle Ages a bishop was almost as much a secular as a religious adminis- trator. He was usually a high magnate able to rank with the greatest nobles among the laity. As long as the Christian Emperors had ruled, they had repeatedly meddled in Church affairs, appointing and removing bishops, con- vening "councils" (i.e., assemblies of all the leading ecclesiastics of the world) for the set- tling of Christian faith or conduct, and even issuing articles of faith which all good sub- jects of the Empire were expected to believe. In short when the Church had ceased to be persecuted by the Roman Government, that Government had captured it for great political ends. The better class of churchmen had always deprecated this yoking of Church and State. " Better to have the Church poor and persecuted, than so swamped by worldhness," complained many a great " Father " of the early Middle Ages: but no one seemed able to prevent the evil. The Church was exceed- ingly wealthy. Rich men, dying with vexed consciences, knew no better way to square themselves with Heaven than to bequeath great properties to the Church. Pious women would A BISHOP Seventh century (5. Venanzio, Rome) 20 HISTORY OF EUROPE leave their all to the local bishop for hospitals, poor relief, or stately religious edifices. Great provincial lords, Germanic chiefs, Roman Emperors, all had gifts to shower. There was much noble charity, and much perfectly legitimate use for this wealth; but the fact remained that the Church was very rich, and that usually the office of bishop carried with it, not merely honor and influence, but a great income. In such an age it was impossible for these high positions always to fall to men of simple piety and zeal. The Roman Emperors had shown how useful the Church was to the State if properly controlled. The barbarian kings controlled and interfered with the Church even more, although they were often pitiless war- riors whose conduct was a parody on their Christian profes- sions. A large part of the history of the Middle Ages was to be the story of how the Church struggled — in the end successfully — against this capture of itself by the secular Government. 10. The organization of the Church. Already, before the Western Empire fell, the Church had perfected an internal organization which it maintained for many centuries, and which, in its more striking features, the Roman Catholic Church perpetuates to-day. It was held that the whole body of Christian believers was divided into two great classes, namely, the clergy entrusted with " the cure of souls," and the laity whose duty in religious matters was to obey passively the directions of their spiritual guides. The clergy itself was organized into a well-established hierarchy. The lowest class of really effective clergy were the deacons,' and above these the presbyters (or "elders"), or, as they w^re frequently called, the priests. These were the ordinary working guides of a parish, the local church district: but over a group of a rather varying number of parishes and with a recognized authority ' Before becoming a deacon one had to pass through various "minor orders, subdeacon," etc.; but these persons had relatively little importance. THE CHURCH IN THE MIDDLE AGES 21 over all the lesser clergy, was the episcopus, or bishop. The term episcopus meant in Greek simply "overseer": and many people have held that in the early Church this word and that of presbyter might be applied indifferently to any regular working clerg>iTian. But by the fourth century it was well recognized that a bishop far outranked any ordin- ary parish priest. Ordinarily there was a bishop in every sizable city, with a number of lesser clergy under him, and in his diocese (area of jurisdiction) would be included all the outlying towns and villages of the region.^ The bishop was the usual working head of the Church: he disciplined his clergy and laity, managed the ample church property, enforced the canons (i.e., fundamental laws of the Church), and could punish violators of his mandates by excommunication, — exclusion from all the rites and consola- tions of religion, — a very serious matter in an age when a man whom the Church had banned was considered not merely a misbeliever, but a kind of semi-criminal. The bishop, too, even more than the ordinary clergyman, was a sacrosanct per- sonage: consecrated with peculiar solemnities and presumed to stand as a special representative of God before men. He was not, however, the highest officer in the Church. The bishops of the very largest cities claimed a certain superior jurisdiction, as archbishops, over their brethren in the smaller communities. Such cities were ordinarily the capital cities of the old Roman provinces. This assumption of power was often resisted, yet the greater influence of the bishops of the leading cities was undoubted. Higher, nevertheless, than the arch- . bishops was the final authority of the council. An assembly of all the bishops of all Christendom, meeting commonly at the summons of the Emperor, was presumed to be particularly * Generally speaking, in the Eastern countries the tendency was for the dioceses to be smaller, and hence the bishops were more numerous and less influential than in the West where their districts were always decidedly large. 22 HISTORY OF EUROPE inspired in its actions by the Holy Ghost. Such a council at Nicsea (325) had drawn up the famous Nicene Creed, the IVORY LID OF A SACRAMENTARV Depicting the celebration of mass. The Sacrcmentary is a book relating to all the points of ritual connected with the Roman Catho- lic Mass. This particular book dates from the ninth century, (i) Preparation for mass; the celebrant sits on his throne. (2) He repeats the Confitcor. (3) He gives the kiss of peace. (4) He kisses the Book, placed upon the altar. (5) He returns to his throne. (6) He returns to the altar. (7) [left] He receives the offering; [right] he places the bread on the altar. (8) He repeats the prayers of con- secration. (9) He communicates. acceptance or rejection of which was the usual test of orthodox Christianity. The councils naturally met only on special sum- mons at rare intervals. Local synods (meetings of the clergy THE CHURCH IN THE MIDDLE AGES 23 of a province) would be convened more frequently, but of course could deal only with local questions. The Church as a whole, notwithstanding many worldly and evil-minded bishops, and much political meddhng, presented an admirable picture of a firm, well-disciplined organization, conscious of a lofty mission, and confident and serene at a time when all the secular side of civilized existence seemed falling away. It seemed to need, however, a center and a leadership around which it might rally in its fight to preserve the spiritual and ideal side of life during the wreck and ruin of the early Middle Ages. It found that leadership at Rome. II. The rise of the Papacy. Men to-day differ as to the validity of the right of the Popes of Rome to claim the spiritual allegiance of all Christians, but no one denies that those claims were considered excellent by most Europeans during the Middle Ages. It is easy to state the main reasons why the Bishops of Rome came to be considered something more than ordinary archbishops; to be regarded, in short, as the especial deputies of God set over all Christendom. {a) They were in Rome, and Rome, even in her decadence, was a large city, with an incalculable prestige. The bishop thereof was bound to be a most important personage. {h) In the confusion and ruin of the period of barbarian in- vasion the Christians of the West, especially their bishops, would look to some central authority for advice in matters of discipline and faith, and for moral support in their perils. No other churchman could compare with the Bishop or Pope ^ of Rome in the weight of his opinions through the mere im- portance of his commanding position. (c) While not all the Popes were men of great genius, they were usually men of common sense and very decided ability. > The word "pope" is derived from the Greek term papa — "father": in this case, of course, the "Holy Father," — later to be singled out above all the rest. 24 HISTORY OF EUROPE They usually managed to keep the Roman Church out of those profitless squabbles about doctrine and dogma which ex- hausted the energy of the Eastern churches and brought on them the fearful charge of " heresy." The Popes were as a rule accounted highly "orthodox," by all CathoHc Christians. ((/) Behind these reasons and reinforcing them was the great claim which the Popes made for a divine commission, giving them a peculiar supremacy over all other churches. This claim (which many millions of Christians accept to-day) is centered upon the famous words whicli Christ spoke to St. Peter, "Thou art Peter, and upon this rock I will build my church; and the gates of hell shall not prevail against it." ' The advocates of the Papacy argued, and a large part of Christendom was wilhng to accept their claim, that this inspired commission to Peter was not for himself only, but for all his successors in the episcopal office: and according to the general behef of the Church, Peter had been the founder of the Christian community at Rome, and all Roman Bishops partook of his especial power. Besides, the great Apostle Paul was regarded as practically another founder of the Roman Church, and the Popes inherited his great spiritual authority also. How far in the early Middle Ages the Popes had more than an advisory authority over the outside churches is a matter over which scholars still argue at the present day: but no one denies that by about 600, the Pope was undoubtedly the leading churchman of the world. A leading champion of papal authority was the famous Gregory the Great (Pope, 590-604). In his day, owing to the attacks of the Lombards and the feebleness of the Eastern Emperors, Rome was practically an independent city-state with the Pope as its temporal head. Gregory made treaties 1 The rest of the text (Matt, xvi, 18-19) reads, "And I will give unto thee the keys of the kingdom of heaven: and whatsoever thou shalt bind on earth shall be bound in heaven; and whatsoever thou shalt loose on earth shall be loosed in heaven." Another text often quoted (John xxi, 15-17) is where Jesus said tc Peter, "Feed my sheep." THE CHURCH IN THE MIDDLE AGES 25 with the Lombards ahiiost as if he were a secular prince, and conducted defensive warfare. He corresponded with Germanic kings, and with great ecclesiastics all over the world: he sent out missionaries who reclaimed the Anglo-Saxon conquerors of Britain to Christianity: he used his vast influence for the appointment of good bishops, and the maintenance of orthodox doctrine: he was, in short, the mainspring of the Church. The Papacy thus continued in this position of recognized leader- ship till the alHance it made with the Prankish Kingdom in the eighth century enabled it to go on from strength to strength. 12. The rise of Monasticism. One other great factor ap- pears in early mediaeval Christianity — Monasticism. The world was a very dreary place during the centuries of the fall- ing Empire. It seemed full of sin and confusion, and abundant evidences of God's wrath. How to escape the fires of hell, which were very real to men's imaginations, and how to win the saint's heaven, were questions that milhons wrestled with, amid sore trials of spirit. To flee from the world and its ini- quities or engrossing pleasures, to try by vigil, prayer, and " mortification of the flesh " to conquer evil thoughts and to win a sure hope of heaven, — this problem had begun to appeal to Christians even before the barbarians first broke into the Empire. Early in the fourth century there were many monks ^ in the Egyptian deserts, at first simply isolated hermits living on the small oases, sleeping as little as possible, eating a few dried dates, and spending their whole time in meditation on the mysteries of religion. Such men were regarded as peculiarly holy, as possessing an unusual chance of blessedness hereafter. They had many imitators, and the example spread from Egypt to Syria, and presently to Europe. The life of a mere hennit without any human intercourse was, however, found to have its drawbacks. If he might have visions of angels, visions of devils might attend his solitary vigils also. It was speedily ' The word "monk" means in the Greek "one who lives alone." 26 HISTORY OF EUROPE recognized that the truest peace of mind came to a monk when he was with a number of fellow monks in a common " mon- astery," living together a well attuned religious life under " monastic rule " or system of religious discipline.^ It is exceedingly easy for moderns to ridicule the monastic life and its ideals, to charge it with selfishly seeking the indi- vidual's salvation and of leaving the world at large to perish unaided. At the same time, amid the infinite confusion of the early Middle Ages, to any refined or sensitive nature the life of the average layman must often have seemed very repulsive : and even the " secular clergy " ^ were frequently caught in the worldly, unspiritual life about them. Probably by the sixth or seventh century a very large fraction of what we may call the " cultivated minds " of the time was in the monasteries ^ (or nunneries for women) as the only true refuge. The outraged, the oppressed, the timid, who feared the world and its storms, the intellectually minded, all took the " vows of rehgion " and merged their personahties in the life of the multitudinous monastic communities. The great organizer of Monasticism in the West was St. Benedict of Nursia, a noble Itahan, who about 526 drew up his famous Benedictine Rule, a system of monastic discipline which many Catholic institutions follow up to the present day. According to his idea, although a monk was to spend many hours in prayer and attending the services of the monastery church, he was neither to torture himself by undue severities, nor starve himself by too spare a diet. However, on entering the monastery he ceased to be his own master: he took a vow of poverty (no property was to be his own, all was to belong to ^ Hence the term "regular clergy" — those living under a "rule" (Latin — regiila). Isolated hermits remained very common in the East. Community life was prevalent among the monks of the West. ^ The priests, bishops, etc., who cared for the ordinary worship of the Church and the faith and morals of the laity. ' A "convent" is substantially the same thing as a "monastery," although it is a name now commonly given to nunneries also. THE CHURCH IN THE MIDDLE AGES 27 the community), of chastity, and finally of obedience, — obedience implicit and entire to the abbot,^ the elected head of the monkish community. Benedict enjoined upon the monks the duty of labor. At first this labor was simply the tilling of the monastery farm, though even here the pride in doing a thing "well unto God " would lead the monks to make their agri- culture as skillful as possible, no doubt an example to all neighboring farmers; but presently came the cultivation of other arts. A monastery prided itself on the beauty of its church and buildings, as planned and actually erected by the monks themselves unaided. Again, the copying of manuscripts and the increasing of the common library came to be regard- ed as a work especially favored by Heaven ; and to the patient monkish copyists we owe a very large part of all the precious Greek and Roman classics handed down from antiquity. Finally, in the monastery might be a school for the whole countryside, where at least the youths intended for the clergy could be taught Latin and a few simple sciences, in an age when even a great noble among the laity could seldom read or write. A monastery, then, was not merely part of a religious system: it was a center for the handicrafts, for the arts, and for learning, often in a very backward or half-barbarous community. Such are some of the leading aspects of the Church of the Middle Ages. To criticize its institutions seems for some mod- A BENEDICTINE (Front the A ttnales de rOrdre de Saint Benoit) * The term "abbot" is from Syriac ahha — "father." The chief assistant of an abbot was known as the "prior." An abbey was simply a large monastery ruled by an abbot. 28 HISTORY OF EUROPE erns exceedingly easy, yet it was really the one thing that saved civilization from being blotted out in the barbarian invasions. A Germanic king feared a Christian bishop and his appeal to the saints and to Heaven, when he feared no Roman Emperor; and by the Church the ideals of humanity were upheld in an age which had almost forgotten them. REVIEW 1. Topics — Council; Priest; Bishop; Archbishop; Parish; Diocese; Canon; Excommunication; Nicene Creed; Synod; Orthodox; Heresy; Regular Clergy; Secular Clergy; Abbot; Benedictine Rule. 2. Geography — Locate Rome; Nicasa; Monte Cassino. 3. What were the relations of the rulers to the Church (a) before and {b) after the German invasion? 4. What were the sources of the wealth of the Church? 5. Summarize the reasons for the rise to leadership of the Bishop of Rome. 6. What were the causes for the rise of monasticism? EXERCISES 1. The work of Gregory the Great. 2. The work of St. Benedict, and the Benedictine Rule. 3. The work of the monks as sustainers of civilization. READINGS Sources. Ogg: chapter vi. Robinson: nos. 5, 6, 7, 18-37. Modern accounts. Emerton: pp. Q2-113; 135-49- Seignobos: pp. 18-23. Bemont and Monod: pp. 15-1S; 119-24. CHAPTER IV THE MOHAMMEDANS AND THE EASTERN EMPIRE 13. The Arabians before Mohammed. In the seventh cen- tury arose the rehgion which was to prove the dark counter- foil to mediaeval Christianity and which was to play a great part in the making and ruin of nations — Mohammedanism. It originated in the hot peninsula of Arabia, a land of desert, oasis, and infrequent strips of arable territory, which had hitherto contributed very little to civilization or history. The Arabians or Saracens ' of the land were split into nomadic tribes, living by their herds of sheep or camels, and dwelling usually in black haircloth tents, with only here and there a permanent city. The tribes were frequently at bloody feud one with another: anything like a general government was lacking. The general conditions of Hfe were those of the Hebrew patri- archs — Abraham and Jacob. ^ The religion of these desert dwellers was a crude idolatry, but their old traditions and intercourse with the Christians and Jews of Syria had given them certain higher religious notions: how besides their heathen deities there was one great god (Allah) in the heavens. They were a valiant, vigorous race, with many fine mental qualities ; but their disunion had made them harmless to neigh- boring nations. Now a genius was to unite them, imbue them with religious fanaticism , and launch them on the conquest of a great part of the world. 14. The career of Mohammed. Mohammed, " the Prophet of Islam," was born at Mecca, the largest city of Arabia, about ' These names have come to mean practicall}' the same people. ^ The Arabs were Semites of the same great race as the Jews and had a similar language. They claimed to be descended from Ishmael, the son of Abra- ham and the half-brother of Isaac. 30 HISTORY OF EUROPE 571. Although at first merely a poor camel-driver, he became comparatively rich by a lucky marriage. He was always a contemplative, mystically minded individual, and in 611 he announced to his friends that he had seen visions: — Allah, the high God, had commissioned him to order the Arabs to put away their idols, and to adore the one God after the manner of the new gospel which Mohammed had been empowered as " the last of the Prophets " to deliver. Mohammed to-day would probably be regarded as an interesting, harmless " crank." Among his unsophisticated countrymen he was taken more seriously. Did his inspiration come from God or the Devil, was the question, or was he a plain impostor? His own tribe at Mecca exiled him in 622,^ with threats against his Ufe. He fled to Medina, the next largest city in Arabia, and there had far greater success. Medina adopted his gospel and at his summons took up arms against the tribes who refused to be converted. Mohammed speedily developed remarkable quahties as a general and an organizer, as well as an ability to inspire even forced converts with the truth of his mission, and to make them its zealous champions. Tribe after tribe went over to him. When he died in 632 he was the uncrowned King of Arabia, and was preparing to attack both the Roman and the Persian Empires. History has long since ceased to dismiss Mohammed merely as an impostor whose work was pro- moted by Satan. There is much that is noble in his character. He doubtless had an honest belief in his own gospel ; and that gospel has profoundly affected human history. 15. The doctrines of Islam. Mohammed's fundamental doc- trine was one of great simplicity: "There is no God but God, and Mohammed is his prophet." Allah (God) had in the past 1 This flight to Medina is called the "Hegira" by the Moslems, who use it is a starting-point for dating their years. The Mohammedan year is 354 (some- times 3ss) days. The year 1332 a.h. {Anno Hegira) began November 30, I9I3 A.D. MOHAMMEDANS AND THE EASTERN EMPIRE 31 revealed Himself to men by several great prophets whereof Jesus was one of the mightiest; but Jesus was not the actual son of God, and now Mohammed is sent with a better and final revelation. At the "Last Day," when all souls are assembled for judgment, all sinful Moslems and the whole mass of un- believers (Christians, Jews, pagans, etc.) will be consigned to the endless Gehenna, and " there shall they be [forever] amid boihng water, in a dense smoke, and they shall drink of the scalding water." True Moslems, however, are promised an eternal paradise. They shall '' recline on couches, adorned with gold and precious stones," in delightful gardens: they shall eat and drink delicious foods and wines continually without satiety, and be attended by ravishingly beautiful maidens, the houris. All this, like the woes of Gehenna, shall never end. To win this reward no great religious austerities are neces- sary. He who prays five times per day, fasts from sunrise till sunset during the sacred month of Ramadan, gives liberal alms to the poor, goes once in a normal lifetime on a pilgrim- age to the holy city of Mecca, and keeps the leading moral precepts in Mohammed's book of revelations, the Koran, ^ will be sure of eternal happiness. But the surest way to win heaven is to fall fighting against the unbeliever: then he who dies martyr is translated instantly to paradise. He who em- barks on the " holy war " and survives will have the spoils of the infidel ; he who perishes secures the greater reward in heaven. What a prospect to the booty-loving, courageous, imaginative, and withal sensual desert-dwellers! Mohammed's religion unites worldly reward with emotional appeal as does no other gospel. Islam," then, has certain great temporal advantages over ^ The Koran is not a connected book. It is a series of disconnected utter- ances (suras) of Mohammed, somewhat on the style of the Hebrew psalms. It contains much noble poetry, although the imagery is often too forced and Oriental to appeal to Western students. ^ This official name for Mohammed's rehgion means "Submission to the will of .'\llah." 32 HISTORY OF EUROPE media?val Christianity: — there is no intricate theology, no hard doctrine of perfection; one need not turn monk to be certain to win heaven, but only lead a hfe of very reasonable morality,^ and execute certain entirely practicable religious acts. It is not surprising that a large part of the population of the Orient, on whom Christianity had only feeble hold, fell away at the first attack by these strange Arabian fanatics. i6. The conquests of the Arabians (632-732). Mohammed left able lieutenants. The caliphs ('' Successors of the Prophet ") sent forth their hordesmen simultaneously against Persia and the East Romans. Those mighty empires had just been terribly weakened by a long, exhausting war, and were in no condition to resist the unexpected onslaught of the redoubt- able desert horsemen. Religious enthusiasm and Semitic pas- sion made the Arabians for the while irresistible. " Victory or paradise is before you: hell and the Devil are behind you: — charge! " a Moslem general is said to have called to his men, as he launched them upon superior numbers — and not in vain. All Persia was conquered within about ten years. After 641, that country was prostrate before the caliphs. Syria and Egypt were as quickly torn from the Eastern Empire. The early caliphs proved themselves men of great skill in organizing their new governments, dealing justly with the conquered popula- tions" and elaborating the simple laws and usages of the Arabians to meet the needs of a great empire. After 661, their capital was transferred from Mecca to Damascus, and the caliphate became a family possession of the Ommiad Dynasty. In 750, tills dynasty was overthrown by the hne of the Abba- 1 Thus Mohammed very conveniently allowed his followers /oz/r wives. The Christian precept, "Be ye therefore perfect, even as your Father in Heaven is perfect," is not found in the Koran. ' Under the temporal advantages offered, practically all the Persians, and a large fraction of the SA'rian and Egyptian Christians, accepted Islam; but with such non-Moslems as submitted cheerfully and paid tribute, the early caliphs dealt justly and even liberally. Taxes were probably lighter under their rule than under the later Roman regime. MOHAMMEDANS AND THE EASTERN EMPIRE 33 sides, who founded the new capital of Bagdad: the Ommiads keeping only the independent government of Spain. But some years earher the Arabian Empire had already reached its limits toward Europe. Northern Africa was wrested (about 690) from the East Romans ; in 7 1 1 , a Moslem force crossed to Spain and ^..Boundaries of East Roman and Persian Empires about ^^ Mohammedan Conquests 6 " •' 661-7 20* Longitude Euut 30* from THE MOHAMMEDAN LANDS IN THE EAST destroyed the kingdom of the Visigoths. How western Europe was saved at Tours is told in another place (see chapter v). Frankland, however, was not the only European region whose life was in sore peril early in the eighth century. Fifteen years before the battle of Tours the Moslems had dashed them- selves upon the walls of Constantinople. 17. The Eastern Empire repulses the Saracens (717). To Constantinople nearly all the remnants of the old Graeco- Roman art, learning, and culture seem to have retreated. Western Europe was at this time deep in the semi-barbarism into which it had been cast by the Germanic invasions. It would require centuries before conditions would be such that 34 HISTORY OF EUROPE it could welcome again and understand the ancient civilization which Constantinople could give back. Had the Moslems taken the great city in 717, the loss to later civilization might have proved incalculable; but fortunately there were still huge stores of strength in the Eastern Empire. Many provinces had been lost, but the old Greek lands and Asia Minor opposed a des- perate resistance to the invader.^ Christian fanaticism in turn was rekindled : — was it not doing God and the saints a service to hurl back the invading blasphemers? The Empire had been sorely shaken in the preceding wars, but when in 717 a mighty Moslem land and naval armament ap- peared before Constantinople, Islam was doomed to its first great repulse. A bold soldier, Leo the Isaurian,- seized the power and conducted a valorous defense w'orthy of the old Roman tradi- tions. An unwontedly severe win- ter devastated the camp of the besiegers, — southern - born as they were. A recent invention — Greek Fire ^ — enabled Leo to destroy the attacking fleet. A pitiful remnant of the great host escaped back to the Caliph- 1 In the lands which were truly Grecianized or Latinized, the Modems as a rule penetrated only very slowly. It was in the Oriental part of the Emi)ire that they found the prom]3tcst welcome. - Isauria was a mountainous district in southeastern Asia Minor. ' This was a combustible, probably composed of naphtha, sulphur, and pitch. It could be poured or hurled upon the enemy, and could not be extinguished with water. Until the invention of gunpowder, it was the most destructive agent known in war. SOLDIERS OF THE IMPERIAL GUARD Restored. (From a mosaic in the Church of St. Vitale at Ravenna, Italy.) On one of the shields, note the two first letters of the Greek word for Christ: XP MOHAMMEDANS AND THE EASTERN EMPIRE 35 ate, to tell the tale of how Allah had refused victory to his chosen people. The Eastern Empire was saved. More than seven centuries were to pass ere the Moslem standards might wave upon the walls of Constantinople, and in the mean time Longitude "WeetO THE EAST ROMAN EMPIRE ABOUT 750 AD. The Mohammedan lands in the West western Europe was to grow strong enough to advance Chris- tian civilization alone. The present age owes an unmeasured debt to Leo the Isaurian. 18. The later Caliphate. This defeat, followed by the disaster at Tours (732), dampened the ardor of the Moslems. Their first fanaticism had ceased. The original Arab conquerors had become a mere fraction of the less vigorous races which had now accepted Islam. About 800, the Caliphate of Bagdad under Haroun-al-Raschid, was at its height. The caliph was obeyed from the Atlantic to the frontier of India. His capital had all thegold and ghtter, also the tawdriness and filth, of a great and typical Oriental city. The Moslems rapidly learned the refine- ments and arts of the conquered races. They even developed certain sciences, and transmitted their learning to the Western world. Much of our knowledge of algebra and chemistry is 36 HISTORY OF EUROPE derived from them: also our "Arabic numerals.'^ Many manufacturing processes, — e.g., the making of muslin and of paper; and many plants — as lemons, oranges, and the sugar- cane and tulip — had an Arabian origin. After St,;^, however, the power of the Bagdad caliphs declined rapidly. Provinces revolted : the barbarous / \ Turks invaded from the North. 2 By 900, the Arabians had ceased to be formidable to the men of the West. 19. The wonderful city of Constantinople. The Eastern Empire had survived the death- grapple with Islam. Leo the Isaurian (717-41) and the Emperors after him reorganized it upon a firmer basis. Many provinces had been lost, but old Asia Minor and Greece plus Macedonia and Thrace gave a large and wealthy realm, with inhabitants far more industrious and advanced in the arts of peace than any neighbors. The East Roman (or " Byzantine ") navy was the strongest on the Mediterranean. The merchant ships of Constantinople carried most of the world's commerce. The Government of the Empire, although highly despotic, was ' Which the Arabians seem in turn to have borrowed from the Hindus. * The Turks (a race originating in the great plains of Central Asia) are in no wise akin to the Arabs. They were invaders who presently overthrew the caUph- ate, although they adopted Islam. They have proved a decidedly inferior race to the Arabs in everything, save the deeds of war. BYZANTINE PATTERNED SILK {From the Musee de Ciuny.) The center medallion represents the games in the Circus MOHAMMEDANS AND THE EASTERN EMPIRE 37 in the main exceedingly energetic and intelligent. A well-dis- ciplined professional army held back Moslem invaders from Syria and Bulgarian invaders from the North. Down to about 1050, the Eastern Empire remained the best-governed and most highly civilized state in the world, well able to command the respect of its neighbors. Constantinople was the focus of this great dominion: its commerce, the number of its factories (which supplied the world with metal goods, fine fabrics, delicate glass, and many other wares which other nations had forgotten how to manufacture), its magnificent pubKc buildings adorned with statues filched from old Athens or Rome, the vast multitudes, drawn from many lands, which swarmed its squares or cheered the races in the hippodrome, — all these things made men account it the wonder of the world. " The city guarded by God " was the name its proud citizens gave it. Here alone, if a man of the present age were suddenly to return to the ninth century, let us say, would be found conditions somewhat similar to modern life: — an intelligent government, great pubhc buildings, something akin to modern universities, hospitals, etc., and a thrixdng commerce covering the known world. Constantinople preserved this lordly position until well after the year 1000. Then her rulers became inefficient, new ene- mies (the Turks) attacked her, the rising power of Venice seized her commerce, and her power declined. REVIEW 1. Topics — Hegira; Koran; Islam; Caliph; Leo the Isaurian; Haroun- al-Raschid; Greek fire. 2. Geography — • (a) Locate Mecca; Medina; Damascus; Bagdad; Constantinople. {b) Mark on the map the regions conquered by the Mohammedans. 3. What were the principles of the Mohammedan beh'ef ? Why were they often more attractive to the Oriental people than the principles of Christianity? 4. What were the contributions of the Arabs to civilization? 5. Describe the civiHzation of the city of Constantinople at its best. 38 HISTORY OF EUROPE EXERCISES 1. The work of Justinian. 2. Write a summary of the events occurring in western Europe during the period 571-750. 3. The East-Roman Empire is known also as the Byzantine and the Greek Empire. Why? 4. Which repulse of the Mohammedans — that at Constantinople, or that at Tours — was of greater importance to Europe? READING Sources. Ogg: chapter vii. Robinson: no. 48. Modern Accounts. Emerton: pp. 122-26. Seignobos: pp. 27-38, 39-460 Bemont and Monod: pp. 99-114, 135-66, 336-47. CHAPTER V THE MONARCHY OF THE FRANKS 20. Clovis (481-511) and the Merovingian Franks. Of all the kingdoms founded by the Germanic invaders on the wreck of the old Western Roman Empire, only one really survived — THE MONARCHY OF THE FRANKS the kingdom of the Franks. Bloody and barbarous as the early annals of this kingdom seem, they cannot be ignored, for 40 HISTORY OF EUROPE the Franks were the founders both of modern France and, in a less direct sense, of modern Germany. In former days the Franks had lain along the eastern bank of the Rhine, close neighbors to the Romans. During the storm and stress of the fifth century they moved across into the northern provinces of Gaul and seized their share of the dying Empire; but they differed from other invaders in that they never wholly evacuated their homeland beyond the Rhine. A large part of their dominions always lay in regions that had never submitted to the imperial legions. •The Franks were probably fiercer and seemingly less tract- able to civilization than many other invaders. " From their youth up," wrote an anxious Roman, " war is their passion. [Against superior numbers] death may overwhelm them, but not fear." Their very name is usually derived from their favorite weapons, the franciscas, their great battle-axes with which they knew equally well how to smite and how to hurl. Nevertheless, uncouth as they were, they had elements of abiding strength. They were more famihar with the con- quered Romans, thanks to long residence as neighbors, than certain other Germanic invaders, and, despite their original savagery, they amalgamated with them much better. Then their first great king, Clovis, became a Christian under condi- tions that gained him favor with a most influential body of his subjects. Clovis was as brutal and cruel a war-lord as has ever defiled Germanic annals. Through treachery and blood he won his way to the supremacy over both the terrified Romans of North Gaul and the rival chieftains of his own nation; but he was becoming convinced that his old heathen gods could not help him as well in his fighting as the Deity of the Christians, whose priests never failed to promise temporal advantage to the " true believers." Little enough could Clovis understand of theology, but he was probably satisfied that " the white THE MONARCHY OF THE FRANKS 41 Christ " was " good magic " and worth having on his side. Clovis's queen, Clothilde, was a Christian and constantly- urged her rehgion upon her husband. At last, in 496, Clovis was in battle with the rival tribe the Alemanni. The fight was against him. His best axe-men were pressed hard. Clearly his old gods were of no avail. The king vowed then and there he would become a Christian if the Christians' God would give victory. The tide was turned. The Alemanni were routed. Clovis stood to his vow. He was baptized by St. Remigius, Bishop of Rheims, and 3000 of his mighty men with him. " Bow down thine head meekly, O Sigambrian,"^ spoke the bishop; "adore [the holy things] which thou hast burned: burn what thou hast adored." Seldom has a religious conversion produced more wide- reaching results. Clovis became a Catholic Christian, filled •with a belligerent zeal for his new faith, while nearly all the other Germanic kings were Arian Christians, hated by the orthodox clergy as heretics httle better than pagans. Clovis and his monarchy received the full support and benediction of the Catholic Church. Under his vigorous leadership and that of his immediate successors, nearly all of present-day France, plus a considerable strip along western Germany, became fused into the Frankish monarchy. The character of Clovis was the vilest. He removed rivals by assassination and waged blood- thirsty wars of spohation, " in order, with God's help, to seize the land of the Arians." In all these bloody deeds, in which self-seeking was masked by piety, however, the Church blessed him in gratitude for his strenuous orthodoxy. 2 The history of both France and Gennany in one sense may be reckoned as beginning with his brutally effectual reign. 1 The name for a branch of the Frankish peoples. ^ After reciting various bloody and treacherous deeds, a pious chronicler adds: "The Lord cast Clovis's enemies under his power day after day, and increased his kingdom, because he walked with a right heart before Him, and did that which was pleasing in his sight." THE MONARCHY OF THE FRANKS 43 21, The evil successors of Clovis. The Merovingian Dynasty (which Clovis raised to power) ruled in Frankland as actual or nominal kings for more than two centuries after him. There was no strict rule of primogeniture among the Franks. Clovis divided his realm among his four sons, and the brothers promptly waged bloody war over the apportionment of the heritage. For three years (558-61) the kingdom was reunited, then fell asunder again with three grandsons of Clovis at each other's throats about the division of territory. Finally, in the seventh century there was an outward show of union, but by this time the energy of the Merovingian kings and the loyalty of their people had been well-nigh exhausted. The history of the time seems a mere chronicle of battle, treachery, and sud- den death, with only a few important facts emerging clearly. (a) The Franks and the Romans were welded together into practically one society. The men of East Frankland (Aus- trasia) were more Gennanic, those of West Frankland (Neus- tria) more Roman ; but there was now no sharp division between the invaders and the invaded. (b) City life was nearly destroyed. The old Roman towns were sunken usually to starving hamlets. The free peasants were dwindling. The noniial type of life was on the great landed estates, — the manor house of the lord, and the huts of the serfs close at hand.^ (c) The arts of civilized life were half -forgotten. The Church suffered, indeed, from the evil influences of the age: but in the Church was the only intellectual life. There were no schools outside the monasteries. Probably almost nobody save priests or monks understood the mysteries of reading and writing. Then gradually a better day dawned. 22. The ''Mayors of the Palace.'' The incessant civil wars of the Merovingian monarchs had been a great benefit to their ' This development of the great manor {villa) had been well under way in Roman times. 44 HISTORY OF EUROPE nobles; lands, power, and influence the kings must all grant to keep their warriors' aid. By the middle of the seventh century the kings were only nominally the first persons in their king- dom. The supreme power had been grasped by the " Mayor of the Palace," ^ the chief of their royal ofiicers. Practically every kingly function was usurped by these great prime minis- ters, while the help- less " kings ' ' were con- fined on some great estate, and only pro- duced as carefully guarded prisoners on state occasions. Many of these may- ors of the palace were men of great ability and applied their en- ergy genuinely to the pubhcgood. Particu larly, in a happy year Charles Martel (714- 41) came into power. Far - sighted, active, and capable, he set himself to repressing the anarchy every- where prevalent,- and restored something akin to law, order, and comparatively civihzed life. It was well that he did so. In 732, a terrible peril confronted Frankland and all Christ- endom, and Charles needed his entire strength. 23. The Battle of Tours (732). In 711, the disastrous battle 1 The "Major Donius," as the officers are often styled, after the Latin. ^ Much effective preliminary work had been done by Charles's father, Pepin of Heristal, the mayor of the palace before him, and himself no mean figure in Franl-.i:h annals. CHAIR OF THE SEVENTH CENTURY Restored in the twelfth century. [In the Cabinet dcs Medaillcs) THE MONARCHY OF THE FRANKS 45 of Xeres delivered Spain into the hands of the Moslem invad- ers. The long-decadent Visigothic kingdom vanished in blood and smoke. Only in the extreme northwest of the land, close to the Atlantic and the stormy Bay of Biscay, a little band of Christians turned at bay, and checked the invader. But this seemed a mere incident. Spain was now practically a Moham- medan land. In 721, the victorious hordes of Islam began pressing over the Pyrenees and threatening southern Gaul, Odo, the Duke of Aquitaine, had been a disobedient vassal of Charles Martel. He strove at first to fling back the "Paynims" with his own might, but by 732 he had been so beaten that he had no refuge save in the help of his overlord. It was a great crisis confronting Christianity. If Charles could be overcome, there seemed no reason why at least southern Frankland and Italy (where the Lombards were very weak) should not become two more pro\ances for Islam. The Moslem leader, Abd-Rahman, sent his light cavalry ravaging and pillag- ing almost to the Rhine. ^ Presently near Tours (732), on the Loire River, Charles, with the whole levy of northern Frank- land, came face to face with these foes of Christian civilization. The battering charges of the Moslem horsemen were desperate; but " like walls of ice " the Frankish axemen flung them back. All day the fight lasted. By nightfall, Abd-Rahman was slain, and the Christians were as terrible as ever. Courage had oozed out of the Orientals: "Allah had turned against them." In the darkness they fled away southward, leaving huge spoils to the Christians. Never again was Frankland and the west in such mortal danger. Possibly it is due to Charles Martel ' and his sturdy 1 The invading host probably was made up mosth' of Moors. The Arabs had found the inhabitants of North Africa very apt converts to Islam: and their habits of life and temperament were very like those of the original Mohamme- dans. There were many Spanish-Christian rcnegados also in the Moslem host. ^ Charles seems to have gained his surname "Martel" ("the Hammer") after this terrible pounding of the Moslems. 46 HISTORY OF EUROPE Austrasians and Neustrians that Europe and America to-day are reading the Bible and not the Koran. 24. Pepin the Short (741 68). Charles Martel, the un- crowned King of Frankland, left his power jointly to his two sons, Pepin " the Short " and Karlmann. The latter, however, acting in a manner characteristic of the age, soon voluntarily resigned his " mayorship " and went to save his soul in a mon- astery: but Pepin proved himself a son worthy of Bis mili- tant father. The borders of Frankland were extended. The outlying " Dukes " ^ of Bavaria and Aquitaine were reduced to obedience. In 752, Pepin was able to disregard the lingering remnants of the Merovingian puppet kings, and cause himself to be crowned king in their stead. This he did with the consent of the most august moral force then in Christendom • — the Roman Papacy. " It is better," replied the Pope to Pepin's inquiring messengers, " that he who has the power in the state should be king, rather than he who is falsely called the king." The last Merovingian puppets (" Sluggard Kings " the last of them were styled) disappeared from history. A new and worthier dynasty was on the throne of Frankland. Pepin the Short threw his protecting a'gis over a great missionary, St. Boniface,- the "apostle to the Germans." The Gospel was preached among the Teutonic peoples in modern Hesse and Thuringia. By a skillful mingling of argument and authority, the priests of the old heathenism were silenced. Monasteries sprang up at Inilda and elsewhere which became notable cen- ters for temporal civilization as well as for religion. Only the fierce Saxons and Frisians to the north resisted Boniface and kept their ancient gods until Pepin's son, the mighty Charle- 1 The term "duke" (Latin, dux) at this time maj' be often taken as equivalent to a "king writ small": — i.e., a national chieftain, who is not quite able to assert his independent authority. - He was an Englishman. It is interesting to notice that thus early (and Boni- face in turn had important English and Irish predecessors) the churches of the British Isles began to distinguish themselves by missionary activity. THE MONARCHY OF THE FRANKS 47 magne, preached to them with the gospel of the sword. Other- wise the work of Christianizing the Gemians had been nearly accomplished ere Boniface died a martyr's death (755). But Pepin did more than sustain Boniface in his activities. In 754, Pope Stephen II appeared in Frankland begging mih- tary help against the much-hated Lombards who seemed about to seize Rome.^ Pepin could not forget the favor done him in the matter of the transfer of the kingship, and the formidable Frankish anny was put in motion. Twice Pepin descended into Italy. The second time he forced the Lombard king to admit his overlordship and to surrender certain territories in Central Italy which he had seized from the feeble viceroy of the Eastern Empire. These lands Pepin did not care to administer from a distance. He bestowed them as a temporal possession upon " St. Peter," — i.e., upon the Pope. From this time forth the Frankish kings were established as official protectors of the Papacy, and the Popes were es- tablished as regular civil rulers in Italy — both facts pregnant with future history. In 768, Pepin the Short died after a prosperous reign which paved the way for greater events to come. REVIEW 1. Topics — Clovis; "Arian Christian"; Merovingian; Primogeniture; Austrasia; Mayor of the Palace; Charles Martel; Tours (learn its date); "Sluggard Kings"; St. Boniface. 2. Geography — (a) Locate Rheims; Tours; Fulda. (b) Mark on the map the growth of the Frankish territory under Clovis. (c) Compare Clovis's lands with modern France in extent. 1 The Popes were in sore peril. If the Lombards seized Rome, there would be a limit to the independence of action of the Popes, even if the Lombards professed to respect them. The Popes had quarreled with their former protectors ^ the Eastern Emperors — on theological matters. Besides, these Eastern rulers were too busy fighting the Moslems to send efficient help to Italy to protect their old territories against the Lombards. What the Popes desired was a protector, powerful, but not too near at hand. Pepin seemed to be such a champion. 48 HISTORY OF EUROPE 3. Wherein did the Franks dit'ler from otlier German tribes? 4. How does the reason which the Pope gave for consenting to Pepin's coronation compare with the idea of the early Germans as to what a king should be? 5. What were the results of Pepin's interference in Italy? EXERCISES 1. The character and deeds of Clovis: of Charles Martel; of Pepin the Short. Compare these three men as to their relations with the Church. 2. Chalons and Tours are classed among the world's most important battles. (See Creasy's Fifteen Decisive Battles.) Compare Tours with Adrianople and Chalons as to importance. What is meant by c "decisive battle"? 3. Why did the Popes desire that their "protector" should not be "too near at hand"? READING Sources. Ogg: chapters iv, viii. Robinson: nos. 17, 43-47, 40-5 -• Modern Accounts. Seignobos: pp. lo, 25-26, 4S-52. Emerton: pp. 60-72, 114-22, 126-34, 150-79. Bemont and Monod: pp. 64-QS, 167-7C. Duruy: pp. 3-^-73- CHAPTER VI CHARLEMAGNE AND HIS AGE 25. Charlemagne^ s personality and power. In 768, Pepin the Short, the great King of the Franks, passed away to make room for his greater son, whom the common usage of history knows in Latin as Carolus Magnus, or, to use the famihar French form, Charlemagne/ The new monarch may be con- sidered on the whole as the most important personage in mediaeval history. His reign marks an epoch between the ancient world and the modern, and his masterful personality stamped its deep impress upon his own age, and cast its shadow over several subsequent centuries. An intimate companion^ has left us a well-rounded pen- portrait of this truly remarkable man. We are told that he was "large and robust, and of commanding stature and excellent proportions. The top of his head was round, his eyes large and animated, his nose somewhat long. He had a line head of gray hair, and his face was bright and pleasant; so that whether standing or sitting he showed great presence and dignity. His walk was firm and the whole carriage of his body was manly. His voice was clear, but not so strong as his frame would have led one to expect." We are told of his simple habits as to dress; his temperance in eating and drinking; his delight in riding and hunting, and manly sports. "He was ready and fluent in speaking, and able to express himself with great clearness. He took pains to learn foreign languages, gaining such a mastery of Latin that he ^ He may very properly be called in English Charles or Karl the Great. Down to 771, he shared his power with his brother Karlmann, who then died. ^ Einhard, who wrote an excellent Life of Charlemagne, — one of the best literary productions of the Middle Ages. so HISTORY OF EUROPE could make an address in that tongue as well as in his own; while Greek he could understand rather than speak." When at table he delighted in music, or in listening to the reading of pious books or histories. He was fond of attending the lectures .^. ,-^ ^ 'Mi-^ m &\# i.-.=J^.,.i5V- ^w;- ii. . i .5.-.- A BANQUET Carolingian period. {Rcslonilion after a Unlh century manuscript in the Bibliolheque Naiionalc) on grammar, logic, and astronomy, of the learned men of his day. One must not exaggerate the profundity of this royal scholar, however. With all his genuine love of letters, he never really learned how to write. In his temperament Charlemagne had many human infirmi- ties; he could be cruel and perpetrate acts of manifest tyranny, but considering his age he may be called just, magnanimous, and far-sighted. From his father he inherited an effective war- power, and none of the neighbors of the Franks could match him in arms. He had a high regard for the old Roman civiliza- tion as he understood it, and throughout his reign labored earnestly and intelligently to increase the knowledge and influ- ence the morals of his people. Beginning his career simply as a powerful Germanic king, as he found his dominions swelling into a veritable Western Empire, he allowed his imagination CHARLEMAGNE AND HIS AGE 51 to lead his ambition to a nobler title. The ruler who began as King of the Franks, ended as a Roman Emperor, claiming all the power of the old Caesars. 26. Charlemagne's Saxon wars. Charlemagne's work was only partly that of a warrior, yet some of his campaigns left a permanent stamp upon history. When he came to the throne a large fraction of present-day Germany was not merely inde- pendent of the Frankish monarchy, but was heathen and sav- age. Behind their swamps and forests the Saxons had resisted every attempt at their conversion and civilization. Many years of Charlemagne's reign (772 to 804, with many intermis- sions) were consumed in the attempt to bring this fierce, un- tamed, yet potentially noble people under the yoke of the Frankish monarchy. Modern ethics do not commend the propagation of Christianity and civiHzation by the sword, yet the fact remains that if the Saxons had been let alone one of the most valuable portions of the Gennan folk would have been left to centuries of squalor and degradation. Campaign after campaign Charlemagne directed into their country. Usually the Frankish host invaded the swampy Saxon land in the spring and remained for the summer, chasing the enemy into the forests, taking hostages, bribing or browbeating the prison- ers into accepting baptism, and finally erecting a few fortresses in which were left garrisons. Then the invaders would retire; the Saxons would emerge from the greenwood; some of the Frankish fortresses would be taken; others besieged. The next spring would bring a new invading host, and the former process would be repeated; only each campaign fastened the Frankish yoke a little more firmly, and left the pagan party a little weaker and less resolved upon resistance. With the host of Charlemagne would go another host of priests and abbots, " so that this race (says the mediaeval chronicler), which from the beginning of the world had been bound by the chains of demons, might bow to the yoke of the sweet and gentle Christ." 52 HISTORY OF EUROPE Wherever conditions admitted, churches and monasteries were built, bishoprics established, and the whole population duly baptized — usually under sore compulsion. It was a weary, uneventful war. There were no great battles. The contest was almost entirely of the guerrilla order; petty skirmishes, raids, and sieges. In 785, Wittekind, the chief Saxon leader, made his submission ; but many of his followers held out till 804. Thenceforth there w^as peace in the exhausted land. With surprising rapidity Christianity and Prankish re- finements took root in Saxony. A century later it could be reckoned among the most civilized countries of Europe and was actually giving Emperors to Charlemagne's old dominions^ — one of the most astonishing transformations in history. 27. The downfall of the Lombards. Charlemagne's father, Pepin, had answered the call of the Pope for deliverance against the oppressive Lombards, but his death had seemed to reheve this intractable people of most of their fears of Prankish inter- vention. For a moment Charlemagne actually was likely to become the ally of King Desiderius, by becoming his son-in- law; but on some pretext, the Lombard princess was soon put away. To the marked rehef of the Pope (who saw in Charle- magne his only worldly help against domination from Pavia), the two monarchs proceeded to quarrel. Probably Desiderius had trusted to a faction among the Prankish nobles for help against their lord, but no disaffection materialized. In 773, with an overpowering host, the great King of the North swept through the Alpine passes. Desiderius dared not risk a battle. He shut himself within his fortress-capital of Pavia, awaiting the outside help which never came. Charlemagne blockaded the city, and let famine do its work. He himself left his army to press the siege while he went on to Rome — there to be received with all those pompous honors the Romans have known so well how to bestow in every age. ' See p. 74. CHARLEMAGNE AND HIS AGE 53 He was duly proclaimed "Patrician " ^ of the Holy and Eternal City. The citizens took oath to him; and he promised the Pope to confirm to him the very wide but equally ill-defined grants of temporal authority in Italy which had been made by Pepin. In 774, Pavia surrendered. Desiderius and his children were shut up in monasteries. The Lombard royal line was at end; and with it one more of the kingdoms which had reared them- selves on the ruins of the old Roman Empire of the West. Outside of the petty Anglo-Saxon states in England every one of these kingdoms had perished except that of Frankland. The Moslems had absorbed Africa and Spain; Charlemagne held Gaul and all of North and Central Italy. "King of Italy" he was now styled, when he declared himself Desiderius's lawful successor. He was now the holder of two crowns, besides being "Patrician" of Rome, making him an almost indispen- sable protector to the Pope. Such a monarch might well aspire to the imperial title. 28. Charlemagne^ s other wars. The earlier Frankish kings had possessed indefinite rights of overlordship east of the Rhine, extending into what is now South and Central Germany and western Austria. Part of the folk here were Germanic, farther east lay the savage Slavs and the still more savage Avars. The security of his frontier, as well as the honor due his name, required that these restless peoples should be conquered thoroughly. Charlemagne devoted much of his military energy to the task. In 786, the outbreak of Tassilo, Duke of Bavaria, the leading prince among these uneasy vassals, gave the great king abundant pretext for a thorough conquest. Tassilo was deposed, and his nigh-independent dukedom of Bavaria was absorbed. The chastisement of his barbarous allies the Avars carried the war far to the east. The Frankish armies were not halted until much of the modern land of Austria had been 1 The exact meaning of this word, in Charlemagne's case, is very hard to define briefly. Perhaps "Royal and Especial Protector" is the best translation. 54 HISTORY OF EUROPE brought within Charlemagne's growing domains. Christianity (hitherto with a very feeble footing in tnose parts) now became the dominant, and soon the only lawful, religion. Almost the entire German people were brought to the new faith, and a be- ginning had been made in the conversion of the non- Germans beyond them. In 778, Charlemagne had gone on an expedition elsewhere, of greater fame than importance. Some disaffected emirs had invited him to invade Mohammedan Spain. A few cities directly south of the Pyrenees were seized, but it was soon evi- dent that the Moslems had too firm a grip on the land to be readily shaken; and Charlemagne had other projects. On the retreat through the pass of Roncesvalles the Basque moun- taineers fell on the king's rearguard, and slew " Count Roland of Brittany " and a contingent with him. It was an insignificant loss, but two and a half centuries later it was seized upon by the French minstrels, and made the subject of a great epic poem. The Chanson de Roland, telling how Roland -and his knights were slain at Roncesvalles, forms the burden of the noblest epic produced in the Age of Chivalry. After a few years, however, Charlemagne reoccupied the country as far as the Ebro, and organized it into the Spanish '^ March." ^ This was an important step in the Christian recovery of Spain. 29. The coronation of Charlemagne. As years went on, as the Frankish monarchy grew from power to power, as its ruler seemed ever more irresistible in war, more indefatigable in spreading the works of peace, the conviction doubtless deep- ened steadily that here was a sovereign and a dominion for which the old names and titles of a mere German kingdom were totally inadequate. Even in Charlemagne's boyhood no one seems to have questioned that, however much the authority ^ The "Marches" (or in Germany, "Marks") were frontier districts, usually of high military Importance, ruled by a "Count of the Marches" ("Marquis," or "Markgraf "), who ranked very high in the scale of mediffival nobility. CHARLEMAGNE AND HIS AGE 55 of the Csesar of Constantinople may have been defied in fact, in theory he was the lord of at least the whole Christian world. But the Lombards had destroyed the last vestige of East Roman authority in Italy, before they had been themselves overwhelmed by the Franks. The Popes had quarreled with the Eastern Caesars on many theological points, and they were CHARLEMAGNE'S EMPIRE also profoundly jealous of the Patriarch of Constantinople, who affected a kind of equality with themselves. Could there be two Roman Emperors? Could the old Empire of the West, whereof the fame had never been forgotten, ever be revived? Could not the "Roman People,"^ whose ancestors had once 1 The remnant of the Roman population, that Hved on in the vast but crum- bling city all through the Middle Ages, never ceased to take pride in their ancestry, to trade on their great name, and to affect to keep up the traditions of Roman sovereignty. It was an absurd pretension, but so captivated were men by the fame of the Eternal City that at times they half-recognized it. 56 HISTORY OF EUROPE ruled the world, bestow the imperial title on whom they would? Should not the Pope, the Vicar of Christ on earth, have a great part in the bestowal of the greatest temporal honor? Such questions must have been earnestly debated all through the last decade of the eighth century. The time was ripe for bold assertion of the claims of Charlemr.gne; for at Constanti- nople the imperial throne had been seized by a brilliant but unscmpulous woman, Irene; and it was very doubtful if in strict law a woman could reign over the Roman Empire. If her title were bad, the throne of Augustus and of Constantine was vacant. In 800, Charlemagne found himself in Rome to quell certain local disturbances. It was Christmas Day. A brilliant com- pany had gathered in the magnificent and sacred Basilica of St. Peter.' The king was praying at the great altar. One can imagine the impressive ceremonial: the incense smoke, the chanting choir, the splendidly arrayed courtiers in the nave; the still more splendidly vested ecclesiastics nearer the altar. Suddenly Pope Leo approached the kneehng monarch, and placed on his head a glittering crown. Catching the mean- ing instantly, the populace made the great church quiver with their shout, " To Charles the Mighty, great and pacific Emperor of the Romans, crowned of God, — be long life and victory! " Whether Charlemagne was Emperor because the Roman people had so saluted him, because the Pope as God's vicegerent had crowned him, or because by his own glory and victories he had won the title (which this act then merely proclaimed), no man at the moment took pains to decide. Charlemagne afterward declared himself displeased at what had befallen in the church. Perhaps he wished the Pope's part had been less, yet in any event he made no effort to repudiate the title. For * Not the present famous church of St. Peter, but its predecessor, on the same site; a building in some respects possibly nobler than the e."^ b^ : J / /= V o (f^^^"""'^ - *• /'•^ 1 • -' v^ S p~-^;j ' .^ .-i^^^r / / / // / a C //^ •*'"''' •'/ / /^ // S/y .••■"'.''' •>-' _./=/ // ''M'" .•/ l^l\/'''\_ // 1/ s u ^ ^ — ^^^5^"^^^ z::^ KJ/ :^?^ o /'''''''''''''^ £•■ P \/ U^/ / 1 / 3 Pc • \ ' 1^ '^•" /y /I ^ ^ '' 1 / 1 o \W • ^ n « '^* y^/ /^ 1 / / 1 'Si •^ T^;-~-2iiil 1 .-^^^i^^ / / 1 c p^ ^-^ -c:! vy ~'^- \- " *"^ T^"''^ o G/ ^„ \ h> 1 /^ — -^ to 1 °s °s °s ■ — 1 THE CRUSADES 97 some to have been the ablest and most genuinely devout of these chieftains. (b) Robert of Normandy, son of William the Conqueror, a prince very brave in battle, but very inept elsewhere. (c) Raymond, Count of Toulouse, a pious but haughty man, leader of a great host of the South French. (d) Bohemond of Tarentum, leader of those Normans who had recently conquered southern Italy and Sicily. ^ He had marked courage and skill, but was utterly self-seeking and of inferior moral stuff. Behind these leaders went a countless host of all sorts and conditions of Frenchmen, — great barons, petty nobles, peasants, priests, monks, — even women. Possibly 300,000 souls started on the expedition, though there were by no means so many trained warriors. Discipline was direfully lax; the arrangements of the commissariat abominable. Probably nothing was understood of camp sanitation in Oriental coun- tries. The leaders knew very little of strategy; but the personal valor of the crusaders was superb. Christian fanaticism was to strike Moslem fanaticism ; and for the moment the latter was to give way. 48 The crusaders reach the East. After weary marches by devious routes these armies concentrated at Constantinople. Their coming was hardly welcome to Alexius, the Greek Em- peror, although he had appealed to the Pope for aid against the Turks that were harrying his own dominions. He had not, however, expected such a horde of importunate Westerners, who seemed quite wilhng to begin the work of slaying infidels by first plundering the rich capital of the Greek Christians, with whom they had little sympathy. But delicate handling induced the crusaders to cross into Asia, there to confront the * He led the only important contingent on this crusade which did not come from France, or at least from lands near France. And even he and his men prob- ably called Norman-French their mother tongue. 98 HISTORY OF EUROPE Moslem in real earnest. The Turkish Sultan of Asia Minor tried to halt their progress. At Dorylaeum (1097) in a great battle the Christians taught the enemy that, with anything like a fair field and even num- bers, the mailed Western knights could scatter the light-armed Turkish horsemen with terrible proficiency. The cru- saders were left after their victory to strug- gle onward, across the deserts of southeastern Asia Minor, fighting the more dangerous enemies of hunger and thirst. Presently they halted before the great city of Antioch, the key of northern Syria, the cap- ture whereof seemed absolutely necessary ere pushing on to Jeru- salem. 49. The sieges of Antioch. Antioch was strongly fortified, and held by a courageous Turkish emir with a stout garrison. The LATIN STATES IN SYRIA ® crusaders had great difficulty in pressing the siege, and for a while were in THE CRUSADES 99 danger of breaking up in despair. Then Bohemond found a traitor within the walls; a tower was betrayed, the city taken; — but in the orgy following the capture the Chris- tians became completely demoralized. Before they had re- covered discipline, a terrible danger confronted them. Ker- bogha, emir of Mossul, at the head of a vast army of allied Turks, fell on them, and drove them to take refuge behind the very city walls they had just won from the enemy. In the previous siege and sack all the provisions had been con- sumed, and soon the whole Christian host was starving. They even negotiated with Kerbogha, — offering to abandon the crusade, — but he would grant no tolerable terms, believing them utterly in his power. In their agony a miracle seemed necessary to save them, and the equivalent of a miracle came when it was announced by the leaders that the " Holy Lance " ^ had been discovered, buried under the altar of one of the Antioch churches. Heartened by this talisman, the famishing Christians issued from Antioch and gave battle to the Turks. Fanaticism and desperation worked together to make the cru- saders fight as never before. Despite the fact that nearly all their horses had perished in the siege, and that the French knights had to charge as footmen, Kerbogha's host was ut- terly routed. With such a warning it was some time ere the Turks dared join battle with these terrible " Franks " again. 50. The taking of Jerusalem. It was the spring of 1099 before the Christians could fairly start southward from Antioch on their last great march to Jerusalem. Perhaps not more than thirty thousand fighting men were left; but a good army is hke the fabled serpent; its head dies last. These warriors were the best of the whole expedition. They found Jerusalem held not by Turks but by the generals of the 1 Wherewith the Roman soldier is said to have pierced the Saviour's side. After the danger was passed, most of the crusaders became convinced that the miracle was spurious, but it had entirely accomplished its purpose. 100 HISTORY OF EUROPE caliph of Egypt, with a garrison greater than the whole cru- sading army. The Egyptians, however, were none the less infidels, and desperate fighting was still called for; but after the experience at Antioch, the Christians were capable of everything. On July 15, 1099, after two days of reckless and bloody attack, the Holy City was stormed. The crusaders showed their " piety " by a terrible massacre of the Moham- medans within the walls. In Solomon's Temple, '' our men rode in the blood of the Saracens up to the knees of their horses," wrote one of the conquerors. While the massacre still lasted, anxious "to thank God for their victory," Godfrey and his peers hastened to pray at the Holy Sepulcher. The First Crusade had succeeded. 51. The Christian Kingdom of Jerusalem. Thus came into being the mediaeval Kangdom of Jerusalem, with various dependent principahties. It embraced the old Palestine of the Jews plus a narrow strip northward along the Syrian coast up to and including Antioch. It was a feudal state organized on the model of France, with its ruling population made up of barons of the regular mediaeval t^pe, who had lost none of their belligerent Norman, Flemish, or South French propensities because they had '^ taken the Cross " and emigrated to the Holy Land. These barons owed very wavering allegiance to the " king "^ they had set up in Jerusalem. There were several semi-independent outlying principalities, — e.g., those of the Counts of Tripoli, and the Princes of Antioch, — and of vari- ous lesser barons who ruled their castles with scant heed of their nominal overlord at Jerusalem. The lower population was made up of native Syrian Christians, of a certain number of Moslems to whom a grudging toleration was extended, and 1 Godfrey of Bouillon, the first sovereign of Jerusalem, took only the title of "Baron of the Holy Sepulcher" — refusing to be called "king" where his Saviour had been crucified; his less modest successors accepted the roj'al title. His reign and the next one following were taken up in the conquest of most of Palestine. THE CRUSADES lOI divers European pilgrims of the baser sort who were induced to settle in Palestine. This kingdom, then, was a hybrid in the East; a European colony in a hostile Asiatic environment, differing utterly in laws, customs, religion, from the nations adjoining. It speaks highly for the valor and ability of the crusaders that they were able to hold Jerusalem for eighty- eight years. Various reasons enabled the Christians to do this : — (a) The great personal valor of the Western knights, who repeatedly, with inferior numbers, outmatched the huge armies of the lightly armed and ill - disciphned Moslems. -(b) The divisions of the Mohammedans among them- selves. The Arabs were at strife with the Turks; the Egyptians with the Syrians. Down to 1 140, the Orientals could hardly unite against the European invader. (c) The constant influx of pilgrims to Palestine from Europe, who, now that the way had been opened, came in considerable numbers, and were glad to join military exploits against the infidel with acts of piety at the Holy Places. Very important help, too, came from the rising commercial cities of Venice and Genoa, that found in Christian Palestine a great center for their trade. (d) The great strength of the castles erected by the Chris- tians in Palestine. Some of these castles, held by the feudal barons, were marvels of the mihtary art of the time, and could defy vast armies, though held by only small garrisons. BATTLE BETWEEN CRUSADERS AND SARACENS (From a stained-glass window in the A bbey of Saint-Denis, now destroyed. After Mont- faticon) I02 HISTORY OF EUROPE (e) The development of the miHtary orders of monks (especially the " Knights of the Hospital " and the " Knights of the Temple"), who, to most of the usual monkish vows, added the duty — very congenial in the Middle Ages — of fighting the unbeliever. These valorous monks were mighty helpers to the hard-pressed Kings of Jerusalem. 52. The later crusades. The first Crusade had founded the kingdom, but ere half a century had passed (1144) the Moslems regained Edessa, a strong town that had protected the Chris- tians of northern Syria. The rulers of Jeru- salem trembled for their safety and be- sought help from Eu- rope. St. Bernard of Clairvaux (the great- est churchman of his age) preached the Sec- ond Crusade. The Kings of France and Germany headed the great expedition, but it was a sorry failure. Bad strategy, ignorance of the best routes, and general incompetence destroyed most of the army on the way. The remnant accomplished nothing in Palestine. The Moslems continued to grow in power almost unchecked. In 1 187, came the catastrophe which had been impending. The Mohammedans were united under a wise and energetic ruler, the famous Saladin. Near old Nazareth, in Galilee, he defeated and took prisoner Guy, King of Jerusalem. The Holy City itself was forced to capitulate. Europe was horrified to hear that the Sacred Places were again polluted by the infidel. MILITARY AND CIVIL COSTUME IN THE TIME OF RICHARD I THE CRUSADES 103 Again the crusade (Third Crusade) was preached, and kings and barons responded. Frederick Barbarossa of Germany led a great host to the East, and might have accompHshed much (he was a skilled and respected general), but he was drowned accidentally in Cilicia. Richard the Lion-Hearted of England reached Palestine and won notable successes against Saladin. He recaptured Acre (the port of Palestine, and next to Jerusa- u 1 ^ THE CASTLE OF KRAK, SYRIA {Restored ; after Rey.) This fortress was erected by the Hospitalers at the beginning of the thirteenth century, on a height dominating the pass between the Orontes valley and the Mediterranean basin. lem its chief city) and displayed his knightly valor in a manner which struck terror into the Moslem. ^ But his quarrels with King Philip Augustus of France hampered his efforts to retake Jerusalem. In 1192, he sadly made peace with Saladin and departed from the East. The Christians had not won back the * It was said that for many years the Turkish women would name Richard as a bogey-man wherewith to frighten their disobedient children. 104 HISTORY OF EUROPE Holy City, but they still held a long, thin strip of the coast of Syria from Cilicia down to Egypt, and men hoped for yet another crusade that would undo the disastrous battle near Nazareth. Such a triumph never came. Once more a crusade (commonly called the Fourth Crusade) was preached in 1202, and might have accomplished much had not the Venetians ^ in an evil hour persuaded the princely leaders to attack Constantinople in the interest of certain claimants to the throne of the now feeble Greek Empire. This attempt ended in the actual seizure of the throne of Constantinople (1204) by a Western prince (Count Baldwin of Flanders), the plunder of the magnificent and wealthy city by the invading harpies, — who thus eternally defiled their pretensions to piety, — and the diversion of the great trade of Constantinople to Venice, an object the canny merchants of that city had always kept in view. A blow was given the old East Roman or Greek Empire by this foul shock, from which it never truly recovered; but the Western Latins were not able to retain their grip on the famous capital. In 1 261, the Greeks had regained enough energy to eject the successors of the crusaders, and restore — in a very tottering manner — their empire. The whole issue of the Fourth Cru- sade was, then, not to regain Jerusalem, but to make the Greek Christians of the East hate their Latin brethren of the West with a bitter hatred (which they keep unto this day), almost greater than that which they reserved for the Mohammedans. This was not the last crusade, but it was the last that had a serious chance of success. The Mohammedan states of Syria and Eg^pt were again become too powerful, and the Chris- tian leaders lacked the military skill and local knowledge of Oriental conditions needful for victory. In 1229, the Christians gained Jerusalem under a treaty, but soon lost it (1244). In ^ Who had suppHed the crusaders with transport ships, and to whom they were therefore much beholden financially. THE CRUSADES 105 1248, St. Louis of France (Louis IX) made a brave but fruitless attempt to win Palestine by first conquering Eg}pt. His army- was destroyed, and he himself taken prisoner. When he died in 1270, at Tunis, in northern Africa, on a second expedition, the crusading spirit had spent itself. Men had found other ways of satisfying their consciences than by armed expeditions to the Holy Land, and princes were too busy with their national conflicts to listen to the call of the Popes to a new "Sacred War." In 1291, the Moslems took Acre, the last Christian fortress in Palestine. 53. The results of the crusades. Millions of persons, Euro- peans and Orientals, lost their lives in these crusades and the continual lesser warfare accompanying them; and the Holy Land was not really regained. Nevertheless, the result of these vast movements was not unmitigated evil and misery. (a) Although the kings had joined in some of the crusades, the bulk of the fighting and of the loss fell upon the feudal nobility. Feudafism was weakened by the destruction of many princes and barons whose vacant holdings reverted to the Crown, thus greatly increasing royal authority. This was peculiarly true in France. (b) An outlet was provided for the fighting spirit of the age. After such enormous effort in warfare a reaction to more peace- ful conditions was bound to come. The crusades, then, were a real blow to the ceaseless feudal warfare and anarchy. (c) Many city communities obtained charters of liberties thanks to the fact that their lords were going on a long and costly expedition, and needed the subsidies of their subjects. The lower classes were thus enabled to buy their emancipation. The necessity of the lord was the opportunity of the non-noble peasant or townsman. (d) Most important of all, the crusades brought the men of the West in contact with an Eastern world far superior in io6 HISTORY OF EUROPE many ways to the civilization of their own. Oriental spices and carpets, many fruits and vegetables, many manufactured articles, such as morocco, muslin, velvet, paper, sugar, etc., were very possibly first carried to the West by the returning crusaders, who often brought back the secrets of their culture or manufacture with them. They thus brought back new handi- crafts, new ideas, a wider knowledge of the world in every way. The new wants and new ideas also were a notable stimulus to commerce and home industry just at a time when Europe was beginning to awaken of itself to renewed peaceful activities.^ This increasing knowledge of the world with all that went with it, was one of the chief factors in hastening the passing of the Middle Ages. REVIEWS 1. Topics — Seljuk Turks; Urban II; Clermont; Peter the Hermit; Godfrey of Bouillon; "Franks"; Antioch; The Holy Lance; St- Bernard; Saladin; Frederick Barbarossa; Acre. 2. Geography — ((/) Mark the routes of the first four Crusades. (h) Locate Dorylasum; Antioch; Jerusalem; Clermont; Acre; Pisa; Genoa; Venice. (c) Mark the Latin states of Syria. 3. What were the general conditions in Europe at the beginning of the crusades? 4. Why did not the crusades come earlier? 5. Summarize the causes of the crusades. 6. Compare the inducements offered the crusaders to go upon a "holy war" with those ofTered to Mohammedans (see chapter iv). 7. How do you account for the changes in the crusading Routes from land routes to water routes, comparing the First and Third Crusades. 8. The organization of the Latin Kingdom of Jerusalem. 9. Why did the Christians hold the Holy Land for such a long period? 10. What were the reasons for the failure of the later crusades? 11. Make a summary of the results of the crusades. * It is hard to trace the exact amount of Eastern culture that came to the West through the crusaders: Christian Europe learned much from the Moslems of Spain and Sicily, but in any case the crusade factor was the most important. THE CRUSADES 107 EXERCISES 1. Early pilgrims to Jerusalem. 2. The story of Peter the Hermit. 3. The crusaders at Constantinople. 4. The difficulties of the siege of Jerusalem. 5. The importance of the commercial cities in the history of the crusades and of the Latin kingdoms in the East. 6. TheAssizes of Jerusalem. Compare the feudal system in the Kingdom of Jerusalem with the system established in England under William I, 7. The Prankish castles in Syria. 8. The military orders — their origin and subsequent history. 9. Frederick II and the Saracens. 10. Mediaeval ships. READINGS Sources — Ogg: chapter xvii; chapter xix, pp. 314-21. Robinson: nos. 123-33- Modern Accounts. Emerton: chapter xi. Bemont and Monod: chapter XXII. Seignobos: chapter viil. Archer and Kingsford: all chapters. Duruy: pp. 126-34. CHAPTER XI THE ORIGINS OF THE ENGLISH NATION 54. The sea as a factor in English history. In the story of the " Building of Europe " one nation stands apart — England. Great has been the influence of the sea upon history, but sel- dom greater than when twenty miles of stormy water were set between the chalk cUffs of Dover in southern England and the opposite coast of France. The result of this separation of the British Isles from the rest of Europe has been not merely to render them far more defensible against invaders, but often to sever them from movements of thought and politics in which all the Continent more or less shared. England was thus, in the main, able to work out its own special national salvation, develop its own type of institutions and structure of society; and create, in brief, a type of civilization somewhat peculiar to itself. This fact had a potent bearing upon the history and institutions of nations yet unborn, which were destined to look to England as their founder — especially upon the develop- ment of the United States of America. 55. The coming of the Saxons. In Roman days " Britain " had been a province of the great Empire, although perhaps less deeply permeated by Roman manners and civilization than the neighboring lands in Gaul. About 407, the imperial legions had been withdrawn to defend the tottering home government. The natives appear to have seen their Roman protectors go with regret, and they were justified in their feelings. Within half a century their island had begun to be a prey to Germanic invaders, who went forth to conquer by sea, even as their Gothic and Prankish brethren started on their conquering migrations by land. THE ORIGINS OF THE ENGLISH NATION 109 These Saxons^ from the shores of Germany were at first a race of battle-worthy, untamed barbarians: pagans still, and capable chiefly as ravaging destroyers. The struggle began about 450, and lasted at least a century and a half. The Saxons began most of their invasions on the east coast of England, and slowly fought their way westward, in the face of desperate resistance from the native Celtic inhabitants. Sev- eral times the advance of the Saxons was temporarily halted,^ only to be resumed, until by about 600, nearly all the Celtic element had been driven into the extreme west of Britain: into the gnarled hill country of Wales, and into the peninsula of Cornwall. Here, finally, they stood at bay and maintained independent principalities for centuries. The Welsh are indeed to-day an important factor in British Hfe and still keep up their traditions and their Celtic language. But the great bulk of -the land had passed to the invaders. Roman institutions and Roman religion (Christianity) seem to have been thor- oughly uprooted.'' The Saxon tribes had possessed all of England (Angle-land), and had given it their own language and type of government and society. 56. The Saxon Kingdoms: the christianizing of England. By 600, the Saxon conquest was substantially complete, but the invaders were far from having founded a united nation. At least seven warring kingdoms possessed the land, and bloody and tedious is the tale of their colhsions.^ In the institutions 1 As a matter of fact, the invaders were of different tribes, but all of the same general type and race: — thus we find the Anglo-Saxons and the Jutes all at- tacking Britain almost simultaneously, and seizing portions of the soil. 2 Possibly it was at this time that King Arthur ruled among the native Celts and gave a temporary check to the invaders, but the facts of his career are hope- lessly shrouded in legend: indeed, it is somewhat hard to prove that he is an historical character. ' It is generally held that the extermination or expulsion of the romanized Celts was so complete that the later England owes very little of its law and civili- zation to them. * These kingdoms were Kent, Essex, Sussex, Wessex, Northumbria, East Anglia, and Mercia; and this period is often called the time of the " Heptarchy" (" Seven Kingdoms "). West 2 fn.in Greenwich Lutifitiide KasI ENGLAND TO 1300 THE ORIGINS OF THE ENGLISH NATION m and laws of these Anglo-Saxons (Angles plus Saxons) can be found the germs of very many of the institutions of England and America to-day, but the process of tracing them is often obscure and difficult. Slowly the seven kingdoms were fused into a single monarchy, but considerably before this process was completed the Anglo-Saxons had renounced paganism, even as had their Germanic brethren on the continent. The great Pope Gregory I ' sent Augustine and other Roman missionaries to England, and in 597, they converted Ethelbert, King of Kent. The old heathen worship died hard : there were reactions to paganism, and new Christian martyrs. But the Anglo-Saxons evidently were already finding their crude nature-worship unable to explain the great problems of life and eternity. Thus spoke one of " the king's chief men " while Edwin of Northumbria deliberated on accepting Chris- tianity: " O King, this present life of man seems to me like the swift flight of a sparrow, passing through the room where you sit at supper in winter: in at one door he comes, then out of the other into the storm he vanishes. So is our life. If this new doctrine contains somewhat more certain, justly it deserv^es to be followed." The adoption of Christianity was followed by a remarkable building of monasteries which in England as everywhere became notable seats of learning. The greatest scholar of the age, the "Venerable" Bede (d. 735), was an Anglo-Saxon monk of Jarrow. By about 829 the process of uniting had gone so far that all the seven kingdoms were under the rule of Egbert of Wessex. There was now a real English kingdom. 57. The Northmen and Alfred. Hardly had the new king- dom begun to consolidate than sore trials smote it. England was now to be invaded by the same Northmen who were simultaneously sending their bands against Frankland. The ^ See section 11. 112 HISTORY OF EUROPE Anglo-Saxons and the Scandinavian Northmen were, indeed, of much the same general stock and origin, but the former had been settled a good four hundred years in England, long enough to lose many of their savage habits, to change their rehgion, and to acquire the arts of peace. The Northmen came at first merely to plunder; then returned to make permanent con- quests; and proved themselves often more than a match for the less military English. For a while, indeed, their onslaughts (which involved a return to the worst forms of barbarism and paganism) were halted by a very noble ruler, King Alfred of Wessex (871-901), who defended his people against great odds for many years, and finally compelled the Northmen to settle in northeastern England and leave the remainder in peace. Alfred is, indeed, a refreshing character to meet in an age of violence and bar- barism : a warrior of no mean ability; the builder of a war fleet; the promulgator of many beneficent laws for his kingdom; the encourager of schools and educational institutions at least for the clergy and nobility; the translator of Latin books into Anglo-Saxon that his people might possess a desirable literature; — all this combined with a humane and genuinely Christian character make Alfred one of the rare figures in mediaeval history. Alfred's son Edward (901-25) and his grandsons reigned after him not unworthily; but in 980, when a long line of capable kings had degenerated, the Northmen invasions began again. The weak "Ethelred the Unready" was on the throne, and the work of Alfred seemed speedily undone. 58. Cnut and Edward the Confessor. The leaders of the Northmen were now the Kings of Denmark, and in Cnut the invaders had a terribly capable champion. By 1017, he had beaten down the resistance of the English and added England to his other realms of Denmark and Norway. Cnut, how- ever, was no untamed barbarian. His people, through foreign THE ORIGINS OF THE ENGLISH NATION 113 contact, were losing their fierceness, and Cnut himself became a Christian. During his reign (1017-35) England had what it seldom enjoyed before, — relative peace, law, and order. From a sadly undeveloped agricultural country, something like commerce, industry, and town Hfe began to manifest itself. London (already the chief town) rose to new prominence. Cnut on his death left only weak successors; and the relation WESTMINSTER ABBEY IN THE DAYS OF EDWARD THE CONFESSOR {From the Bayctix Tapestry) to Denmark was peacefully dissolved in 1042 when Edward the Confessor^ (of the old line of Alfred) was summoned by general consent to the throne of his fathers. 59. William the Conqueror (1066-87). Hitherto England had lain too much apart from the main channels of civiHzation. Its Norsemen invaders had been barbarians, less civilized than the old inhabitants. The natives had been forced to struggle to preserve their own civilization. Now in a drastic but effec- tive fashion they were to be brought into contact with the out- side world and made to participate in the culture of Europe. ^ The title of " Confessor" has been bestowed upon Edward in recognition of his general piety and extreme devotion to the Church. 114 HISTORY OF EUROPE The Norman Conquest is almost the keystone of English history. Edward the Confessor had spent his youth in residence in Normandy, and had learned there at the ducal court many of the refinements familiar in France, though all but unknown among the Anglo-Saxons. A weak prince himself, easily influ- enced, his reign witnessed a great flocking of Normans across the Channel to his court to receive positions in his govern- ment. The Anglo-Saxon nobles naturally resented this, and presently forced the king to dismiss most of the foreigners from their posts. Nevertheless, ties had been established HAROLD SWEARS ON THE RELICS While Harold was visiting in Normandy, William had forced him to support his claims to England. {From the Baycux Tapestry) between England and Normandy which were not readily broken. When Edward died in 1066, without sons, the Nor- man Duke William was ready to claim the succession to the English crown on the strength of a promise made him by the late king. Edward had no legal right to make such a grant without the consent of the Witan (the " Wise Men " of the realm), but here was a plausible claim for a capable, ambitious, unscrupulous warrior. The native party declared for Harold, the leader of the Anti-Norman reaction, and a gallant warrior THE ORIGINS OF THE ENGLISH NATION 115 and worthy of William's steel. The sword was clearly to be the arbiter. William assembled his Norman liegemen and a great host of French volunteers. The prize was the whole land of England. Landing in southern England, the duke soon confronted Harold, the new king, at Hastings^ (October 14, 1066). Seldom has there been a more decisive battle, and if \dctory went to* the Normans the Anglo-Saxons proved themselves dangerous foemen. For long through the day Harold's army of infantry- THE BATTLE OF HASTINGS {From the Bayeux Tapestry) men with their mighty axes maintained their shield wall against the headlong charges of William's mounted knights. Finally, the better discipline of the Normans and their great superiority in archers gave them the battle. Harold fell, with his two brothers and all their bodyguard, battling to the last. It was a hard-won victory but decisive. Anglo-Saxon resistance col- lapsed. On Christmas Day, 1066, William the Conqueror was crowned in London. England, on the whole, submitted to William (reigned 1066- 87) with surprisingly little resistance. There were several fierce ^ Sometimes known as the battle of Senlac. ii6 HISTORY OF EUROPE revolts against his authority, but he crushed them with a heavy hand, and the rebels brought about nothing but their own ruin, and the confiscation of their estates to reward William's Norman followers. A whole horde of military adven- turers had accompanied the Conqueror from the Continent. He had perforce to pay them by giving them nearly all the great offices in the Church and State, and by land grants whereby the original English were usually reduced to the status of under-tenants of their unwelcome Norman lords. But -ffipu^ ^ j-e^^. E Tc fe dcfa ^ . ... fTt^. moUj^ uiu-U^x . ifs ei.ut car In^nw.e "«^V.i-iHi^ Vt.t.tori'ci^.,,. o»^cu.if, tar- ib«- «« • fcr"t 7 mtfliii'Vc.jTWT. U^t^-Jmt^'jCciaa^ S tliu. ic. V. t>orc^ Valuro yut . lij^.-7|stf(^.-^. Ct.mdXoL^W.r^t F.\CSIMILE OF ENTRIES IN DOMESDAY BOOK William had no intention of creating another feudal France, where the king's power was at the mercy of the disobedient seigneurs. The feudal system never gained the hold upon England that it did upon the Continent. William kept a firm rein upon his Norman barons, and prevented any one man or group thereof from becoming all-powerful. ^ He kept the right to tax all his subjects, and in 1086 he produced the " Domesday 1 Thanks to the fact that England was conquered gradually from the south upward, it came to pass that most Norman barons had their "manors" (estates) well separated, and not all in one district. A baron could then draw revenues from all his lands, but he could not readily assemble all his armed vassals to act against the king. This was indeed a mere incident in the conquest, but it redounded greatly to the advantage of the monarch. THE ORIGINS OF THE ENGLISH NATION 117 Book," a careful record of a survey of the taxable wealth of all England. In that year, too, he exacted from all the land- holders of England the great Salisbury Oath, by which they bound themselves by direct allegiance to the king, and could not plead the commands of some intermediate seigneur (as in France) if they took up arms against him. WilUam the Conqueror, in short, did a most necessary work by severe methods. The old anarchy of Anglo - Saxon days was largely ended. The " King's Peace " and the " King's Law " prevailed throughout England. ''Good peace he made in this land," said the old Anglo-Saxon chronicler, who de- plored his many faults, " so that a man might travel over the kingdom with his bosom full of gold without mo- lestation." Terrible though this period seemed for the down- pressed Anglo-Saxons, nevertheless it cleared the way for better things. 60. The Successors of William (1087-1100). William was succeeded by his unscrupulous but not incapable son William II (loSy-iicxD),! and he by his talented brother Henry I (iioo- 35), under whom began the slow process of reconcihation and intermarriage between Norman and Anglo-Saxon. Henry won * Usually known as William "Rufus" (= "The Red"). EXCHEQUER TABLE {From " The Red Book of the Exchequer Court of Ire- land," fifteenth century) ii8 HISTORY OF EUROPE the loyalty of the English by marrying a princess of the old Saxon royal hne, and by pledging himself in a charter to restore the laws of Edward the Confessor. From his reign also date certain important de\dces for good government which had considerable future significance. The king's justice was to be secured not merely by the terror of men-at-arms, but by traveling judges going upon regular rounds through the country ('' justices on circuit "), and by a sort of high court consisting of the king and his cliief ministers. The king's money, also, — taxes, feudal dues, fines, etc., — was to be brought in twice per year to a meeting of the ministers who had charge of it, and piled upon a table which had a checker- board cover, to aid in counting. From this circumstance the meeting was called the " Exchequer," ^ a name which is sometimes given to the British Treasury unto this day. Henry was strong enough to enforce his reforms, but under his nephew Stephen (1135-54) the lawless barons plundered 1 The finance minister of England is slilJ called the "Chancellor of the Exchequer." ._.— Bounds of the , Englis h lands in France under Henry II. He iu leritirt, tlirou^h bis mother Noniiaudy and Maine. from I eiirv I; from hh father. Anjou and Touraiue. He ffaituM by uia riage «ith Eleanor, al A([Uita ne. He asserted feudal rights over Cnttany, f ■ 1 English Lands by the T caly ol Pans 1S59 ENGLISH LANDS IN FRANCE TO 1300 THE ORIGINS OF THE ENGLISH NATION 119 and ravaged far and wide, and built up their castles, — after the bad fashion in France, — ■ to defy the royal justice. Henry's daughter Matilda waged war on Stephen, and finally he accepted her son Henry as his heir. This Henry II brought back happier days for England. He sternly repressed the robber nobles, and restored the reforms of the first Henry, while adding yet others. ^ From his father, the Count of Anjou, Henry II had inherited a great dominion in France, - and much of his time was spent out of England. Even in his able hands such a condition worked harm for England, for the interests of both nobles and king were continually divided. It was a boon for the island kingdom, when, after the in- conclusive reign of the brave crusader, Richard I (1189-99),^ his brother John (i 199-12 16) lost almost all the continental possessions, even the ancestral land of Normandy, to the wily and able Philip Augustus of France.^ ^ See p. i2>. 2 Hence he and his descendants were called "Angevin" (Anjou) kings, or "Plantagenets," from the broom-plant (Latin, planta genista), which his father is said to have worn as a badge. ^ Richard the Lion-Hearted: for his crusade, see p. 103. ^ In the reign of Henry II occurred a famous incident which illustrates at once the violence and lawlessness of the feudal ages and also the mighty retributiv'e power of the Church. Thomas a Becket, Archbishop of Canterbury, and conse- quently first prelate of England, a high-minded and aggressive man, had long been at odds with Henry II over what he alleged were the king's usurpations of the rights of the Church. After a period of banishment, Becket had been recalled to his dignities, but his relations with the king again became strained. Finally he excommunicated certain bishops who had been firm adherents of the king's party. When the news of Becket's deed traveled to France, where the king was, Henry burst out in wrath, — "Of the cowards who eat my bread is there none who will free me of this turbulent priest!" Four of the royal knights took this as a license to commit murder. They journeyed to England, and pres- ently forced their way into Canterbury' Cathedral, and slew Becket at the very foot of the altar (11 70). Henry was stricken with horror at the thought of what his partisans had done in his name. The Pope excommunicated the murderers, and enrolled Becket among the saints. In 1174, to restore himself to the favor of Heaven, Henry (though at this time a most powerful and dreaded king) visited Canterbury as a barefoot penitent, and at the tomb of the slain prelate implored forgiveness for his part in the crime. Then, kneeling against the tomb, he suffered all the I20 HISTORY OF EUROPE 6i. The Great Charter {Magna Charta). John did not lack d certain frantic energy, but his general character was that of a faithless, cowardly, and wholly unscrupulous tyrant. He embroiled himself with the great Pope Innocent III, fell under the papal anathema, and finally was driven into actually confessing himself a feudal vassal of the Papacy. Philip Augustus stripped him of his noble French inheritance, — Normandy, Anjou, Maine, and Touraine. In England the king's blundering despotism alienated almost all his nobles. By 1 2 14 he had driven them to desperation, and they met the king in arms. Already in the century and a half since Hastings the institu- tions of '' Free England " had begun to shape themselves, sometimes on the basis of old Saxon usages, sometimes from a modification of feudahsm. Now the demands which the mal- content barons made upon John were couched in a distinctly less selfish and personal spirit than those of ordinary feudal revolters. Not because they loved the common people, but because they needed their countenance and help against the overweening power of the king, the Enghsh barons were obliged to take the interests of the commonalty somewhat into account in the program of reform. John found himself for the moment helpless, and '' nursing his wrath the tyrant summoned the barons to a conference at Runnymede," July 15, 1 215. Here in a meadow near Windsor was sealed by the unwilling king Magna Charta. Many of the provisions of this famous document have only a Hmited or personal appHcation. It was not a general constitu- tion or bill of rights for the realm, and the interests of the churchmen present (about eighty) to smile him with their lashes upon his naked shoulders, — every monk giving three blows, and every bishop five. Becket's shrine became among the most famous in Christendom, miracles and wonders were reported to have been wrought at it, and great wealth was bestowed upon it. The pilgrimage to "St. Thomas of Canterbury" remained one of the most popular of all pious journeyings down to the end of the Middle .'\ges. (Recall Chaucer's Canterbury Pilgrims.) THE ORIGINS OF THE ENGLISH NATION 121 nobility were those most carefully provided for; nevertheless, certain fundamental principles therein stated remain the basis of Anglo-Saxon " Uberty " unto this day. Particularly was it provided that no " aids and scutages" (i.e., various forms of taxation) should be collected except by the consent of an assembly of the feudal lords, ■ and again the king pledged, " no man is to be taken or imprisoned [or otherwise molested] except by the legal judgment of his equals, and by the law of the land." Imperfect as were these provisions, many historians find fvjff rtff im cxaef emw FACSIMILE EXTRACT FROM MAGNA CHARTA the prophecies here for the two fundamental privileges of British and American citizens — freedom from arbitrary taxation and freedom from arbitrary imprisonment. The " Great Charter " deserves its name. 62. The thirteenth century in England. John died in 12 16, utterly discredited and still at war with his subjects. During the long reign of his son, Henry III (1216-72), the country prospered in spite of the incompetence of the sovereign. For a while the barons, led by Simon de Montfort, actually took the government into their own hands, defying the king and ^ This gathering was by no means a representative parliament: but during the next century the king's councils and assemblies came more and more to contain delegates from all classes of the population. 122 HISTORY OF EUROPE calling upon the lesser nobles to help them raise the taxes. From 1272 to 1307, however, England was in the control of one of the greatest statesmen in its long line of kings, — Edward I, son of the late Henry III. Following the lead of the barons, he called together representatives of the "counties" (i.e., local districts) and the towns to meet with his "Great Council"; and so began the English Parliament (1295). This " Model Parliament" contained two classes, the great nobles and the high prelates, who alike received individual summonses to come, and the two representatives from each shire (county) and borough (incorporated town), who came upon a gen- eral summons to the place, ordering it simply to elect depu- ties to advise with the king. This distinction marked the "Lords" from the "Commons." Only the latter were elected. Edward's reason, indeed, for calling in the Commons was to get their authorization for taxes. The Commons voted these, and in return, although they did not yet claim the right to "pass laws," they could "petition the king" for this or that favor, and he was under considerable constraint to "redress their grievances." Under a weaker king, about a century later, ^ the voting of money was actually made condi- tional upon the king's acceptance of the "bill" of Parliament, which — upon receiving his seal — became a regular part of the law of the land. 63. The origins of the " common law ' and of trial by jury. As early as the reign of Henry II there are evidences of the clear beginnings of certain legal usages which have left their influence down to this day. In the twelfth century the legal system of England was still in a very unfixed state. Old Anglo-Saxon usage had favored the ordeals — e.g., b)' Ijoiling water or the red-hot iron — to decide law suits: the Normans had favored the ordeal of wager of battle." Another old Germanic method 1 Henry IV (see p. 187, note 2). 2 On " Ordeals," see note at end of chapter i, p. 8. THE ORIGINS OF THE ENGLISH NATION 123 in favor was for the accused to clear himself by getting a certain number of his neighbors to swear that they believed him in- nocent. If he had thus enough "oath-helpers" he went free.' But by the time of Henry II, the king's traveling ("itinerant ") judges were beginning to administer a different system. (a) There was the need being felt of a more scientific and THOMAS A BECKET DISPUTING WITH HENRY H universal set of laws than the old " local customs," which had been hitherto applied each in its own petty district.^ As the king's judges went about holding court " on circuit," they began to develop a "common law" (i.e., usages and customs good for all England). These general laws were worked out comparatively scientifically along the Hne of the old customs, but with an improved spirit, thanks to the example of the old ^ This process was called "compurgation." ^ The "local customs" were at their worst in France where there were several hundred petty codes in as many little districts. 124 HISTORY OF EUROPE Roman law, the study whereof was reviving among the learned. This " common law," in short, was so successful that it became the basis for all English law of later times, and is the fundamental private law of the United States unto this day.^ (b) In Henry II's reign we hear of the jury. It was then used not to try criminals, who must still endure the " ordeal," but to accuse them. This was the origin of our modern " grand jury." At about this time also we find a jury to settle "civil" (private) lawsuits, but it was not until after the or- deal had been abolished, in 1 215, that there developed a second jury to try criminals after they had been accused by the first jury. This new body was called the "petit jury." All these bodies were varieties of an earlier "inquest jury" which William I had used to collect information and assess property. This body in turn seems to have come from Normandy and is very likely traceable back to the old Roman law. So origin- ated our system of trial by jury, which is one of the most important contributions of England to the world's legal his- tory. Hereafter under the new system a man's fate was to be settled, not by a superstitious ordeal, or by an official of a pos- sibly tyrannous ruler, but by a group of his neighbors and peers. A great safeguard, surely, against absolutism! By 1300, it is fair to say that the process of blending the Saxons and the Normans into one race is practically completed. "' Norman-French " is still the language of the courtly nobility and Latin that of the judges and lawyers, but English — a tongue based on the old Anglo-Saxon, but with a great com- mingling of Latin, introduced through the Norman-French — has become the general language of the now solidified land. This new " English " people has ceased to look back to the " Conquest " as an age of victory or oppression. The descend- ants of the Norman barons feel themselves at home in their * Except in the State of Louisiana, wlicrc the basis of the law is not English but Roman, derived through the French. THE ORIGINS OF THE ENGLISH NATION 125 island possessions; their " tenantry " and "yeomen" no longer consider them foreign tyrants. There is a common loyalty to the king, to the " English nation," and to the " good old customs of England "; above all, there have developed cer- tain political and legal institutions which will go into every Anglo-Saxon land hereafter. By 1300, England, though less populous and wealthy than several European countries, had become a well-ordered and compact nation, and was able to interfere in the affairs of the Continent. REVIEW 1. Topics — Venerable Bede; Alfred the Great; Cnut; Edward the Confessor; Harold; Domesday Book; Itinerant Justices; Jury; Magna Charta; Model Parliament. 2. Geography — Locate, and tell why important: London; Salisbury; Runnymede; Canterbury; York; Oxford; Hastings. 3. By an indication of the general lines of attack adopted by the different invaders of England before the Norman Conquest, suggest the influ- ence of geographical features on the settlement, invasion, and subse- quent distribution of the Romans, Saxons, and Danes. 4. Would the fact that there was one church with one head in England help the unity of the country in Saxon days? In the Norman period? 5. Compare Alfred and Charlemagne. 6. The character and work of William I: what circumstances aided his conquest? 7. Magna Charta, — how obtained? its importance and chief provisions? EXERCISES 1. The work of St. Patrick. 2. The council of Whitby and its importance. 3. Contrast the England of Edward the Confessor's time with the Eng- land of 1087. In what did it differ at this latter date from the duchy of Normandy? Why? 4. The Norman kings and their relations to the Papacy and the national English Church. Note especially the work of Anselm and Stephen Langton. 5. Trace the growth of the English judicial system from Henry I to Edward I. 126 HISTORY OF EUROPE 6. Henry II as king: his difficulties with his sons, his barons, his French lands, and the Church? What did his reign really achieve? 7. Simon de Montfort and his rebellion. What were his ideas of Parlia- mentary government? How did they differ from the final results under Edward I. 8. Edward I, "the EngHsh Justinian." Show the great importance of his reign in the development of the English Constitution. READINGS Sources. Ogg: chapters V, XI, XIV, xviii. Robinson, nos. 39-42; g^a, 96- lOI. Modern Accounts. Bemont and Monod: pp. 124-32; 445-66. Seignobos: pp. 147-57. Any good textbook of English history (as Ransome's Advanced Hisiorv of England, pp. 3-205; especially pp. gi-io,^, and 135-81). CHAPTER XII LIFE IN THE FEUDAL AGES 64. The feudal castle. In the Middle Ages there were really only three classes of people, — feudal warriors, pri\ileged priests, and servile peasants. ^ We will consider now the hfe of the first two of these classes — the only two classes then usually reckoned to be of real importance. The regular unit of Hfe in the Middle Ages was not the city or the open farmstead. It was the feudal castle — a more or less pretentious fortification, situated if possible upon a lofty hill, and often with a little village of the rude huts of the lord's peasants clustered close beside it. During the earher feudal period these castles were of a very primitive nature. In most cases they would be simply a single huge wooden, and then later stone, tower — round or square, with merely a rude palisade with a ditch for outworks. The height would baffle any scahng-ladder. There would be no opening in its blank masonry until a considerable distance from the ground. Then the nar- row door would be entered only by a flimsy wooden bridge, easy to demoHsh, or a frail ladder — drawn up every night. Inside this tower there would be a series of dark, cavernous rooms, one above another, communicating by means of lad- ders. The sole purpose of such a comfortless castle was defense: — and that defense by mere height and mass,^ not by any skill in arranging the various parts. ^ Any artisans — carpenters, weavers, and the like — would usuall)' be num- bered among the peasants, and probably would spend a part of their time in agriculture. As for commerce, it had sunk to the importation of a few luxuries, — e.g., silks, spices for cooking, incense for the Church. These Oriental wares would be supplied through the rare visits to the castles by wandering peddlers. 2 There were many castles with donjons that rose over one hundred feet high, 128 HISTORY OF EUROPE Little by little this simple donjon became more complicated. ^ The original tower was kept, but only as the last citadel of a great complex of fortifications. There developed outer pali- sades, moats, flanking towers, gates defended by drawbridge and portcullis, a great courtyard surrounded by fairly habit- able buildings, with the donjon still frowning down as the center of all. Great ingenuity was displayed in making a series of concentric lines of defense. To force the outer barriers meant simply that you had a far stronger inner bulwark before you. The best kind of a mediaeval castle needed only a very small garrison. From behind its walls even a petty baron could defy a kingly army. 65. Life in the castle. In this castle (more or less extensive according to the power and ambitions of its owner) would live the feudal lord (seigneur), his family, and some scores or hun- dreds of personal retainers — men-at-arms, '' varlets," and serving-women. For a normal mediaeval nobleman there was only one legitimate calling — warfare, or the preparation for the same. A lad of noble family would only learn to read and write by some exception.- From his earliest manhood he would be taught the use of arms, — to mount a " destrier," one of the ferocious war-horses; to leap and strike actively in ponderously heavy armor; to handle sword and lance with precision. Probably his father would send him to the court of his own feudal suzerain to be " nourished " — i.e., taught all the things which pertained to a high-born warrior. Here as his lord's " squire " he would be given certain lessons in court and with walls fully twenty feet thick. At Coucy (in northeastern France), a relatively late and highly elaborate castle, was a tower two hundred and ten feet high. 1 Probably the mediaeval castle-builders got many of their ideas of fortification through the crusades — from the military art of the East Romans and Moham- medans. Castles kept getting more and more complicated down to about 1400. ^ This was surely true in the earlier Middle Ages; in the later Middle Ages, the nobles, of course, became increasingly literate, and presently we find high- born scholars and genuine patrons of learning. LIFE IN THE FEUDAL AGES i2g ceremonial, in the courtesy due noblewomen, the waiting on banquets, fetes; but his main education would still be military. When about twenty, his training would be complete. He would be a first-class warrior now: a match with his great horse and formidable armor for twenty less trained and poorly armed footmen. His lord at length would give him an elaborate feast, where the young noble would be given new spurs and girded with a new sword. Finally, the lord would give him the formal buffet on the head or shoul- der — the accolade. " Be val- iant!" he would enjoin. The young squire was henceforth a "knight."^ In due time this youth, if an eldest son, might hope to inherit his father's castle. A younger son must turn adven- turer and try to win a vacant fief — or a rich heiress — by the grace of some prince in whose service he fought. The times which were spent at the castle without actual warlike occupation could be whiled away by endless hunting, with dogs or hawks, with wild feasting (too often turning into bestial carousals), or with tournaments — i.e., mock battles, in which the element of deadly risk was often great. The average feudal seigneur had few enough quiet avocations. He might make a winter's evening endurable by playing chess, or Kstening to a minstrel's tale of " the great deeds of Roland 1 Knighthood was clearly at first only the public recognition that the young noble was now a full-fledged warrior. The idea of a religious ceremonial, "chiv- alric" vows and duties, an especial blessing by the Church, etc., all came in the later Middle Ages. A HAWKING PARTY {From c. Ihirtccnlh-cenlury German man- uscript in the Heidelberg Library) I30 HISTORY OF EUROPE and Charlemagne "; but he was Hkely to find such diversions weary stuff. ^ The women of the castle were of like temper with the men. The seigneur's dame had probably been married to him by her parents while a very young girl, with httle heed paid to her own wishes. At times he might treat her almost as brutally as he did his oafish serving-men; but she in turn would be a hardened, masterful woman, well able to chastise her dozens of slovenly " weaving- women," and to command the castle garrison when her lord was off on the foray. The age was a strenuous one, and few weaklings would be able to survdve the physical perils of childhood. 66. The relations of suzerain and vassal. Theoretically the feudal system was a most humane arrangement between " lord " and '' man " — of reciprocal loyally and protection, service and reward. Actually it put a premium on contention, oath-breaking, aggression, insurrection. Practically, every " noble " (i.e., member of the feudal fighting class) was a vassal - of some one, and had vassals under him. The vassal was bound to kneel before " his gracious lord," and take oath to be a faithful helper in return for the landed fief granted him. This was " doing homage." The main duties of a trusty vassal were to give his lord good counsel, •' certain limited money aids, and especially to fight for him (along with his own followers) so many days each year, and, of course, never to do anything to injure the lord's interests. The latter in turn owed his vassal " justice and protection." 1 A list has been made of the possible amusements of a French media?val seigneur: there are fifteen; these include fencing, playing chess, eating and drink- ing, listening to songs, watching bear fights, talking with ladies, holding his court, warming himself, having himself cupped and bled, and watching the snow fall! ^ " Vassals " were always noblemen: the term was never applied to peasants or townsmen. ^ Especially in aiding the lord in pronouncing legal judgments, for the ex- ecution of which the lord and his advisers were naturally responsible. LIFE IN THE FEUDAL AGES 131 The value of this pact usually depended on the power and tact of the lord in enforcing it, and the necessities of the vassal. An ambitious, skillful prince could build up a great feudal dominion: under a weak heir there would be a general " refusal of homage " — the dependent fief would crumble away from him. Many a nominally subordinate baron would "hold" his various fiefs of two or more suzerains at once — and often these might be at war: the result would be that the vassal would play off one against the other to his own great advan- tage. Often the " homage " became the merest formality, and the vassal was to all intents and purposes an independent piince.^ Then, too, the question of the relation of his vassals to the overlord was always a deHcate one. The overlord was always trying to get away the sub-vassals (of his dependents) , so as to have them as his " immediate " (direct) liegemen, as being then more subservient and therefore more serviceable to himself. " The vassal of my vassal is not my vassal " ran the saying. Over these questions of " sub-infeudation " would come endless friction. 67. Feudal Wars. Feudal wars were incessant. Every baron was likely to nurse a giudge against his equal, — the lord of the next feudatory, - — against his suzerain (or suze- rains), and against his own vassals, for all kinds of reasons. The right of " private warfare " was cherished by even the lowest nobles. The Church, aided sometimes by the kings, tried to mitigate these local wars by the " Truce of God " (cessation of fighting between Wednesday night and Monday morning and on holy days) and by various other restrictions, but to settle one's troubles with sword and battle-axe was a " noble right "; it was really a concession, often, if the contend- ing barons fought out their troubles in single combat (the ' A case to the point is the stor}- of Geoffrey of Anjou (eleventh century), who captured Thibaut of Blois, forced him to grant in fief his county of Tours, then "did homage" to his prisoner. 132 HISTORY OF EUROPE so called " judicial duel ") before judges who arranged fair play, and did not embroil the whole countryside in general warfare. Quarrels over hunting and fishing rights, over boundaries of fiefs, over titles to fiefs, over the di\dsion of a fief between SACK OF A VILLAGE {From a manuscript of the second half of the fifteenth century, in the Germanic Museum, Nuremberg) brothers, over the dowry claims of a widowed mother, over the right of the overlord to declare a fief vacant — these were a few of the pretenses for plunging a community into misery. Contrary to general belief, feudal wars saw few great battles. ' ^ Of course, a good many real battles are recorded during the whole course of LIFE IN THE FEUDAL AGES 133 The weaker bands shut themselves up in their castles: the stronger party tried to coerce its foes by burning their open \'illages, ravaging their fields, driving off their cattle, perse- cuting their peasantry. What fighting there was usually came in single combats, raids, ambuscades, or skirmishing on a small scale. The main sufferers were the wretched peasantry, the helpless prey of either party. At length one party would be- come exhausted. Peace would be made — and duly sworn to upon the box of holy saints' relics in some near-by church; but at any time the feud might be resumed if the formerly losing side saw new hopes of victory. There was exceedingly little, therefore, that was morally ennobling in this warfare of the sometimes-lauded days of "chivalry and romance." 68. The general wretchedness of feudal life. The feudal anarchy was at its worst in the tenth century: from about 1000 onward matters steadily improved, yet even by 1200 law and order were woefully lacking in many parts of France, not to name less settled countries. It requires some stretch of imagination to think of a time when war, not peace, was the order of the day, and when to " take one's weapons " was almost as usual as to don one's cloak. A journey of any length without arms for one's self, and if possible a strong escort, was (except for churchmen^ and ragged peasants) practically unthinkable. There were many other drawbacks to fife in the feudal ages, apart from this reign of armed violence. Outside of the Church practically all men were illiterate. Great barons and peasants alike were victims of crass superstitions. The Church mediaeval history. But they are decidedly few, considering the total amount of warfare which was going on. When they did occur, they were usually very un- scientific; huge bodies of warriors rushed on one another; each man selected an opponent; the side which won the majority of the resulting duels would win the final day. There are almost no great strategists to be found among the mediaeval captains. ^ Even monks and priests were subject to frequent attack and pillage by bandits and barons who defied the thunders of the Church. 134 HISTORY OF EUROPE did well to lay great emphasis on the warnings of hell-fire — it was only the animal fear of the eternal burning that kept many a sinful nobleman within the bounds of decency. Castles and hovels lacked the merest rudiments of modern sanitation and conseciuent healthfulness. On the floors of the great halls, where the lords and retainers feasted and drank deep, would lie a thick htter of nishes, changed only a few times each year. Into these rushes would be cast most of the scraps from the meal. What the numerous dogs did not devour would there remain until the distant day of sweeping. Probably as late as 1 200, there was not a castle in Europe (even of a great king) where a modern visitor would not have been utterly horrified by very many matters to offend eyes, ears, and nostrils. Medical science was often mere c|uackery.^ A great proportion of chil- dren were born dead: another great fraction died in infancy. In short, thanks to bad sanitation, lack of medical treatment, and ignorance of the laws of health, the proportion of persons who grew to old age (apart even from those cut ofl" in war) was much less than to-day. The original feudal castle was merely a cheerless barracks, and fortunate it was that the folk of the Middle Ages spent as much of their time as possible in the open air. The later castles became more livable and in the end — in a crude way — luxu- rious, although never really comfortable in the gray days of winter. But to the man of modern ideas, the great drawback to mediaeval life was its extreme mental limitations and monotony, — the lack of most intellectual pleasures, the extreme paucity of ideas, the narrowness of the human horizon,^ ' The best medical science of the Middle Ages was often derived from the Mohammedans, especially the Moors of Spain. Occasionally by the use of com- mon sense and rough knowledge gained b}' experience, a mediaeval doctor could accomplish real cures, but the average physician was often an unpunished murderer! - A great source of mental narrowness was, of course, the absence of easy communication: roads often were mere trails or tracks; dangerous fords in place of bridges; no decent inns; robbers everywhere. Practically all commerce had to LIFE IN THE FEUDAL AGES 135 the perpetual round of carousing, hawking, boar-hunting, tournaments, and downright warfare. It was amid this almost soul-deadening monotony that the great seigneur lived. Was there, indeed, any escape from such a melancholy stagnation, for men of weaker bodies and nobler intellects? The answer came — " in the Church." 69. Life in the Church. From 900 to 1250, or later, the best intelligence of Europe was usually in the Church. It absorbed A MYSTP:RY play at COVENTRY the energies which to-day are absorbed, not only by the clergy, but by the lawyers, physicians, teachers, and many of the more important forms of business. The Church had entered the feudal system. Possibly nearly one third of the lands of western Europe were held by churchmen — doing homage for them to overlords, and receiving the homage in turn of lay vassals. Many a dying baron, stricken in conscience after a turbulent be by pack-horses instead of carts. Under such circumstances ideas, no less than foreign commodities, can be exchanged only slowly. 136 HISTORY OF EUROPE life, had willed most of his estates to some bishopric or abbey " for the eternal profiting of his soul." Of course, the " one Catholic Church " was the only one allowed to exist by public law and pubUc opinion. It was as inconceivable to have two permissible religions on earth as to have two suns in heaven; and by both secular and church law the stake and fagots awaited heretics as certainly as the gallows awaited murderers. No one dreamed of having things otherwise. The churchmen fell roughly into two great classes — the secular clergy, who lived " in the world " and had the " cure of souls "; and the regular clergy (i.e., monks subject to the monastic rule).^ The bishops had often great revenues from the estates of their " dioceses " (districts): they were usually feudal overlords of a considerable principality, and besides managing the churches of the region, were immersed in secular business. They were often the king's ministers, diplomats, and sometimes even leaders of his armies. Men of humble birth occasionally rose to be bishops, but as a rule they were noble-born, — a bishopric proving a very convenient deposi- tory for the younger sons of a noble house when the eldest had the principaUty. The humbler parish priests were usually appointed by the rich layman (or his heirs) who had endowed the local church, and these priests were frequently peasant- born. Compared with the bishops they were inferior, indeed, but among their fellow-peasants they were revered, not merely as the sacred intermediaries between God and man, but as the only individuals, often, in the parish who had the least edu- cation, — i.e., could read, write, and speak a Kttle Latin. Among the regulars, the abbots of .the monasteries often had positions of feudal influence almost equal to the great bishops. The monks were as a rule more learned than the parish priests, because they had less work to do among the laity and could devote their leisure to studies. At its worst, the 1 Compare chapter in, section 12. LIFE IN THE FEUDAL AGES 137 monastic life was said to imply great idleness and gluttonous dinners: at its best, a monk was intensely busy with all kinds of peaceful arts and with continuous hard study. Neighboring abbeys differed often in character. One might be extremely lax; the next famous for its learning and pious austerities. One thing all churchmen claimed in common: exemption from trial in the ordinary lay courts. A priest must be tried by his bishop, a m.onk by his abbot. The Church was, in fact, "a state within a state." 70. The intellectual life of the Middle Ages. Down to about 1200, almost all intellectual life seemed centered in the Church^ — at first only in the monasteries, which maintained schools for the training of their novices or intended priests, and later in the schools attached to the great cathedrals. The learning preserved in these monasteries was almost entirely in Latin, and based either upon the Bible, the early Christian writers (the '' Fathers "), or upon such old Roman authors as Cicero and Virgil. There was exceedingly little originality of scholarship, almost no personal investigation of the phenomena of nature, and a great willingness to say [e.g.], " thus says St. Jerome," and to consider all discussion of the case closed by merely citing a time-honored authority. This, of course, often led to many absurd notions, when either the ancients them- selves were wrong, or when (very often) their real meaning was misunderstood. Nevertheless, it was of great merit that the monks kept any intellectual life at all in the Middle Ages, con- sidering the general storm and stress! Also, it was of no less service that the gains for civilization by the ancients were in the main preserved until the next age could build a nobler civilization upon them. The mediceval monk, despite his slavish bowing to the dicta of " Master Aristotle,"- his endless ^ This was so much the case that it was assumed that if a man could read he was a "clerk" — i.e., in churchly orders. ^ Aristotle wrote in Greek; but some of his works had been translated into Arabic, and then, by a curious round-about process, into Latin. Other of his 138 HISTORY OF EUROPE parchments upon the obscure mysteries of theology, his hope- lessly unscientific " chronicles " which record, so imperfectly the annals of his own time, should nevertheless be the hero of an age when to fix one's ambition on anything save feudal glory must have been infinitely hard. By about 1200, we find the hitherto despised " vernacular " of the laity — French, German, Itahan — beginning to express itself in hterature, but for a long time the stately Latin of the mediaeval churchmen held its own as the language of all learned men. It had been hardly displaced by the age of the Protestant Reformation.' 71. The Gothic cathedrals. In its own especial way this mediaeval society was intensely religious. It showed its zeal in a series of great architectural monuments which remain as the most glorious witnesses to the best in the Middle Ages. The great mediaeval churches cover Germany, Italy, northern Spain, England, and especially France. Sometimes great barons built them, sometimes bishops or abbeys, but often whole communities united in one great offering to God — devoting their wealth and energy for a century more or less to building a stately cathedral.- At first these were in the Romanesque (rounded arch) style. After about 11 50, they began to rise in the more elegant Gothic (with pointed arches).^ writings were available in a sixth-century translation by Boethius. Aristotle was the great authority of the Middle Ages in all matters of secular learning. 1 Among learned men, thanks especially to the influence of the Church, this mediicval Latin came much nearer giving the world a "universal language" than anything wc have to-day. ^ A cathedral is, of course, the especial seat of a bishop (his scdcs = seat; hence the word "see.") Often the ordinary parish churches or the abbey churches were built with a magnificence equal to a cathedral. Usually the medi:e- val cathedrals were undertaken on such a magnificent scale that a whole genera- tion could build only a small part of them. It has been well said, "No Gothic church has ever been finished!" ' More technicall,v, we can say that diagonal ribs are used in Gothic churches to hold up the masonry vaulting, so that the weight of the roof is all on the capi- tals, none on the walls (which can be very thin, and have elaborate windows). A few genuinely Gothic churches have rounded arches. LIFE IN THE FEUDAL AGES 139 The climax came in such French cathedrals as Notre Dame of Paris, and, better still, Amiens, Chartres, and Rheims. These " symphonies of stone " — with their soaring towers, lofty vaulted roofs, elaborate stone carvings, multitudes of sculp- tured saints, vast windows of inimitable stained glass — are witness to the truly devout and artistic life that could develop in the Middle Ages, and tell us that despite the feudal anarchy the forces of civilization and righteousness were winning the '/ictory. ^ REVIEW 1. Topics — Donjon; Squire; Knight; Tournament; Homage; Vassal; Sub-infeudation; Truce of God; Secular Clergy; Regular Clergy; Clerk; Aristotle; Cathedral; Romanesque; Gothic. Find the mean- ings of these terms in any good dictionary: — Palisade; Moat; Port- cullis; Drawbridge; Benefit of Clergy. 2. What are the chief diiTerences between castles of the earlier Mid- -dle Ages and those of the later INIiddle Ages? 3. Compare the education of the noble youth of this period with the educational aims of Charlemagne. (See Emerton, Introduction, pp. 225, 228-2Q; Ogg, p. 145.) 4. Amusements in the Middle Ages. 5. What occasions would there be for feudal wars? 6. The influence of the Church as to maintaining peace and order. 7. What "comforts of life" existed in the Middle Ages? 8. What effects did the difficulties of travel and communication have? 9. Position of the Church and churchmen in the feudal system. 10. What were the textbooks of the Middle Ages? In what language were they written? 11. What is the significance of the cathedrals of the Middle Ages? Name some of the most famous. EXERCISES 1. What are the striking differences between a feudal army and a modern army? 2. Did the nobles pay taxes in the Middle Ages? If so, to whom? Compare with taxation under the Roman Empire. 1 It is an interesting fact that often in the mediaeval churches the inner side of sculptures, etc., is elegantly finished, although set so as not to be exposed to any spectators. "But God can behold if our work is imperfect!" a mediaeval craftsman would have said. 140 HISTORY OF EUROPE 3. Travel and communication in the Middle Ages. Compare with the same under the Roman Empire. 4. Life in a mediaeval monastery. 5. The origins of the terms "Romanesque" and "Gothic" as applied to architecture. What are the characteristics of each style? 6. The armor and weapons of the feudal period. 7. What was meant by "honor" in the Middle Ages? 8. Compare in general life in the Roman Empire and that in feudal times. READINGS Sources. Ogg: chapter xiii (in review) ; chapter xv, section 44. Robinson: pp. 377-80. Modern Accounts. Seignobos: pp. 63-67, 71-go, 128-39. Bemont and Monod: pp. 254-67, chapter x.xxi. Seignobos: Feudal Regime, chap- ters II, III. Emerton: chapters xiii, xiv, xvi. Duruy: pp. 111-16. CHAPTER XIII THE RISE OF THE NON-NOBLE CLASSES^ 72. The evil state of the peasants. The knights and the priests with their swords or their pens made nearly all the history of the earlier Middle Ages; yet barely one man in forty belonged to these two favored classes taken together. It is time to say a little of the less favored thirty-nine. In 1000, the bulk of the peasantry in Europe were serfs — bound to the soil, subject to the extremes of forced labor and personal taxation, able to marry only with the consent of the seigneur, and able to transmit their little farm and personal belongings to their children only by the payment of a heavy tax, again to the seigneur. They could be actually bought and sold, but only along with the land to which they were unalter- ably attached.- If they ran away, they could be chased down as "masterless men," and reclaimed like runaway slaves. There were, however, also an increasing number of free peasants. These men could marry and change their abode at will, and transmit their property. But their social status was scarcely better than that of the serfs. They were without effective protection against the lords, who could tax and maltreat " serfs " and " freemen " alike with impartial brutality and arbitrariness. Nobles and churchmen ahke taught that it was the duty of 1 While many of the statements in this chapter apply to the whole of western Europe, especial reference is made to France, as the most typical of all feudalized countries. 2 In being thus bound to the soil, and having the real use if not actual owner- ship of a little farm, the medieval serfs, ditTercd from absolute slaves. There were a few genuine slaves in Europe in the Middle Ages, but not enough to make them a real factor. 142 HISTORY OF EUROPE these " villeins "Ho submit cheerfully to their lot, to support the upper classes with their labors, to thank Heaven if they were treated with a modicum of justice, and to endure patiently if the feudal lord abused them (as too frequently) a httle worse than his dogs and cattle. Truth to tell, the \illeins were prob- ably a brutish lot. Their days were consumed in grinding field labor with spade and mattock; their homes were mere hovels of wood, sun-dried brick and thatch; their clothing a few coarse PEASANTS OF THE FOURTEENTH CENTURY {Adapted from a Bible of ijSo in the Brussels Library) rags; their food always scanty. Of their intelligence, manners, cleanHness, nothing need be said. In the average peasant's hut, the dirty, half-naked children would struggle on the earthen floor along with the little pigs and the poultry. " How could God and the saints love such creatures? " — Betwixt peasant and noble there was surely a great gulf fixed ! 73. The slow rise of the agricultural classes. In the Middle ^ That is, dwellers in a villa or farm, whence later came the idea of a "vil- lain" as a clownish, rascally countryman. THE RISE OF THE NON-NOBLE CLASSES 143 Ages the towns were at first few and insignificant, and nearly all peasants lived in miserable huts on the feudal estates. Agricultural methods were extremely primitive; a drought or a wet year meant a famine and misery for a wide district. Dur- ing times of great shortage there are grim tales told of feasts on human flesh, and of the multiplication of wolves, human and quadruped. Even the rights which the feudal law secured to the peasant were seldom enforcible if his seigneur were an unscrupulous man : — for how could the serf ever hale his mail- clad lord to justice? Sickening stories of extreme tyranny and cruelty abound. Nevertheless, little by little the peasantry found their lot improve, for various reasons : — (a) On the ample Church lands, the churchmen as a rule treated their peasants with greater humanity than did the average seigneur. ^ (b) The Church declared the freeing of serfs a most merito- rious act for a nobleman. Frequently a conscience-stricken baron would try to square accounts with Heaven by freeing all or a part of his peasants. (c) Especially in crusading times the lords had great need of ready money for their wars. Wretched as the serfs were, often individuals or villages had saved up a little private stock. They could now " buy their freedom," by one lump payment. So the serfs were always tending to become "free peasants." They were still despised villeins and " non-noble," but they were not quite so defenseless. They were next able to make an agreement with their lords so that the taxes they paid on their lands, and the amount of forced labor requirable of them should be limited to a certain fixed amount. Besides, the kings (especially in France) were growing in power. They would give a certain protection to the peasants, as a makeweight to the nobles. Nevertheless, the country villeins continued ^ Especially the peasants dependent upon an abbey could count on being fed by the monks in times of famine. 144 HISTORY OF EUROPE to be as a rule oafish, ignorant, and outrageously oppressed all through the Middle Ages. The non-nobles of Europe first found their opportunity and their power in the growth of the towns. 74. The rise of the free towns. The Roman Empire had been covered with stately cities. Many of these had perished outright; others were (in 1000) merely starving villages inside the ruins of the old walls. But in the decades following the year 1000 came a revival of civic life. Sometimes a reviving commerce reawoke a nigh-dead community; sometimes an unwontedly intelligent seigneur fostered its growth; sometimes the presence of a prosperous monastery was the decisive factor. By 1 100, there are signs of city life over western Europe. By 1200, cities are numerous and relatively important.^ At first these cities were mere collections of a few nobles and a mass of peasants who preferred trading to farming. Ordinary feudal law (or lack of law) obtained in a community. The peasants were subject to about the same burdens as if they had worked in the fields. But in these towns the non-nobles could join together as never in the open country. They soon learned their numbers and their strength. Merchants and master artisans were becoming wealthy. They, too, were no longer utterly defenseless against the seigneur. The towns soon built walls which could defy an ordinary feudal army. Inside the gates the mounted knights — so formidable in the open field — were almost helpless in the narrow streets when stones and boiling water rained on them from the houses above. During the twelfth and thirteenth centuries the cities of France, England, Flanders, and Germany were winning charters from their king or lords. Occasionally these charters were freely granted by magnani- 1 The small size of these "cities" must be clearly realized. In the Middle Ages 1000 inhabitants would make a considerable town: 10,000 a "great city," indeed. Very possibly in 1200 (outside of Italy), there were no places of much more than 10,000 inhabitants in all Western Christendom, save Paris and London. THE RISE OF THE NON-NOBLE CLASSES 145 mous and intelligent princes. Often they were purchased — through an extraordinary payment by the townsfolk. Some- times, also, the king or emperor would grant them — perhaps in the teeth of the local feudal ruler — to set up a rival power beside that of the dangerous baron. Or often city folk rose en masse: the gates would be closed; the great alarm-bell rung; the residence of the local prince or prince-bishop would be stormed, and the charter would be granted before the threat of gleaming weapons. The ordinary result in any case was the same, a carefully drafted and sealed document creating a " free town " — i.e., with specific rights of local self-government, and all taxes and other obligations due to the lord defined and limited. Hereafter the inhabitants of such a town are no longer helpless peasants. They are called (in France) bourgeoisie, — "free-burghers," — with their own especial rights. They elect their own magistrates, levy their local militia, raise their own taxes; and if fortune favors, the bond uniting them to their old feudal lord becomes very frail, indeed. The cities then become veritable httle " city-states " — almost on the old Greek model. This new order of burghers, which intruded itself between the two favored upper classes and the peasants, was unwel- come, indeed, to the former. " Commune — a name new and execrable! " cries a priestly chronicler. But the nobles and churchmen were fain to make the best they could of these intruders: for wealth, intelligence, enterprise, and new ideas made haste to find their way to the free towns. 75. The aspect of a mediaeval city. The government of a mediaeval city differed with time and country. In Italy, where the feudal power had always been weakest, the towns became most independent and were justly called " republics." In Germany, Flanders, and France the assertion of liberty was never quite so complete. In any case the mediaeval city was never a democracy. Sometimes various petty nobles actually 146 HISTORY OF EUROPE settled in the town, fraternized with the non-nobles, and made a civic aristocracy. More often, the great merchants, the heads of the trading and craft guilds, etc., formed a body of city " patricians," which dominated the city council, and usually supplied the " burghermasters " (Germany), " mayors " (France), or " consuls " or " podestas " (Italy), as the head magistrates were variously called. Yet While it was an aristocracy, such a government was usually intelligent and public-spirited. A burghermaster could hardly dare to im- itate a feudal prince in his contempt for the wishes and rights of the lower classes. The government of a " free city," in short, would often be founded on efficiency and justice, though not on human equality. As presented to the eye, a typical mediaeval city would be a remarkable sight. Its extent would be small, both because of the Hmited population, and the need of making the circuit of the walls to be defended as short as possible; but within these walls the huge, many-storied houses would be wedged closely together. The narrow streets would be dirty and ill-paved — often beset by pigs in lieu of scavengers; but everywhere there would be busthng human hfe with every citizen elbowing close to everybody else. Out of the foul streets here and there would rise parish churches of marvelous architecture, and in the center of the town extended the great square — marketplace — where the open-air markets would be held, and close by it, dwarfing the lesser churches, the tall gray cathedral, — the pride of the community; close by, also, the City Hall (Hotel de Ville, or, in Germany, Rathhaus), an elegant secular edifice, where the council met, where the great public feasts could take place, and above which rose the mighty belfry, whence clanged the great alarm-bell to call the citizens together in mass meet- ing, or to don armor and man the walls. The magnificent houses, walls, churches, and civic buildings of Nuremberg (South Gemiany), as they stand to-day, testify to the glories THE RISE OF THE NON-NOBLE CLASSES 147 of many of the greater media?val cities toward the end of the Middle Ages. 76. The cities of Flanders. In one northern country the free cities came almost to dominate the whole political situa- tion. The Counts of Flanders were nominally vassals of the Kings of France, but during the period 1200 to 1400, or later, their powxr was greatly curtailed by the growth of the great manufacturing towns, which reached such a size and power that only by calHng in French help was the count able to keep them in any kind of formal obed- ience. The prosperity of Flanders rested on the manufacture of woolens (the first great manufacturing industry of northern Europe) . The importation of wool from England gave emplo3rment for many vessels.^ Thousands of looms in Ypres, Ghent, and especially Bruges, made these cities among the wealthiest in the woild until the fifteenth century, when they receded before the rapid rise of Antwerp. All kinds of commerce followed this woolen trade. The cities of the neighboring land of Holland were growing rich on the trade in North Sea her- * Usually sent out hy the North German cities of the "Hanseatic League." (See chapter xix, section 1 20, footnote.) LENDIT FAIR IN THE FIFTEENTH CENTURY {After a miniature representing the blessing of the Fair by St. Denis, in a Latin manuscript in the Bib- liotheqite Nationalc) 148 HISTORY OF EUROPE ring.^ The whole region of the " Low Countries " became, in short, the center for a number of city-republics, highly in- telligent, conscious of their might and restive of feudal dom- ination. The Flemings even defied the whole power of the Kings of France, and in 1302 the army of the French chivaln,' was disgracefully routed by the Flemish citizens (at the battle of Courtrai). In due time the Flemings were reduced again to French overlordship; but never to shameful vassalage. The " Low Countries " kept their wealth and their liberties until, in the sixteenth century, they fought the battle of freedom for all the world when they broke the power of Spain. 77. Venice and Florence. In Italy, two city-states demand more than a passing word. About 452, when Attila's hordes devastated Italy,- the tradition runs that desperate fugitives took refuge on the small islands at the head of the Adriatic Sea. The settlements they founded became united under the name of Venice. At first this maritime republic professed loyalty to the Emperors of Constantinople; but by 11 00 (or earlier), Venice was well able to stand alone — a proud and independent city-state, ruled by a despotic but highly intelligent and enter- prising oligarchy Venetian merchant ships covered the Medi- terranean. Venice held nearly all the Greek islands in her possession; her naval power for long checked the advancing Turks; while thanks to her great Oriental trade she truly " held the Golden East in fee." The beauty of the palaces of her merchant princes has become traditional. In 1450, she was by all odds the wealthiest, the most luxurious, the most formid- able city in Europe. Her rival in wealth was inland Florence. Banking and manu- facturing had made Florence powerful. Her government was more democratic than that of Venice; her history is a long story 1 The numerous and strictly observed fast days of the mediaeval Church made the trade in fish relatively more important than it is to-day. ° See p. 14. THE RISE OF THE NON-NOBLE CLASSES 149 of civic feuds, revolutions, banishments, " returns of exiles," conspiracies. About 1434, she fell under the control (at first purely unofficial) of the famous Medici family (originally bankers) who governed in the main with skill and moderation. Florence was the strongest power in North Central Italy, but her true title to fame was not her riches or her valiant generals. Florence was the birthplace of poets, artists, and scholars, who TRADE ROUTES AND COMMERCIAL CITIES have made their native city almost a rival of Athens in her contributions to civilization.^ 78. The revival of commerce and industry. In the later Mid- dle Ages, despite bad roads, bad inns, bad bridges,^ bandits 1 Mention might also be made in this age of Genoa, a proud naval and com- mercial republic, that almost distanced Venice in the struggle for maritime supremacy, but at the last test failed. * The medieval bridges were in the average so bad and perilous that we I50 HISTORY OF EUROPE and "robber knights," commerce was again reviving. Spices, carpets, silks, and " Damascus steel " weapons were imported from the Orient. The merchant vessels began feeling their way along the coast, and as ships became larger and stancher, their captains grew bolder. From Venice or Genoa a considerable caravan trade also found its way over the Alps, to Lyons in France, or to the German Augsburg or Nuremberg, which became centers for an active commerce. The Rhine, the Dan- ube, and the great French rivers became covered with freight boats and barges. ^ In the larger cities famous fairs sprang up, where merchants from all Europe and the nearer Orient came together to interchange alike new commodities and new ideas. Gradually, too, men learned to put aside the prejudice against lending money at interest (" usury ") which had been forbidden by the Church in the earlier Middle Ages. Great credit trans- actions and an elaborate banking system had developed, at least in Italy, by the time Columbus discovered America. ^ All this meant another step in human progress. Commerce (the importation of foreign wares) came first. The next step was to try to imitate or improve upon the foreign importations. From 1200 onward, there is a great revival of European industry, and all the arts and crafts improve. Manu- facturing is usually, indeed, on a small scale: the " master," with a few " apprentices " and " journeymen " (wage- workers), find in the prayer-books formulas for " commending one's soul to God ere start- ing to cross a bridge." 1 River navigation played an extremely important part in commerce before the days of railroads. Nearly all the great media;val cities lie upon navigable rivers. - It was regularly agreed that money was a barren thing — it could not grow of itself — how, then, was it right to demand interest "to make money breed money?" The Church practically forbade Christians to lend at interest. The result was that about ail lending transactions had to be through Jens ("who had no souls to lose!"), who had to demand a tremendous interest because they often lacked the legal means to collect their debts, and had to recoup themselves for their losses. The Jews were practically forced to become money-lenders. They were not allowed to enter the feudal system and hold land, and they had no other way to invest their wealth. THE RISE OF THE NON-NOBLE CLASSES 151 makes in the rear of the little shop the articles which he sells at retail over the counter in front: the prices, however, the manufacturing methods, the whole mode of trade is controlled by the " guild " to which they all belong — a kind of labor- union, but managed by the employers. By 1500, in brief, the merchants and the craftsmen have won back the place they once held in Grasco-Roman so- ciety, as important parts of the body politic. During the next four centuries they are to grow continually in strength until they seem to overshadow alike the old nobles, the churchmen, and the peasants. REVIEW 1. Topics — Serf; Free Peasant; Villein; Commune; Burghers; Burgher- master; Podesta; City Hall; Medici; Guild. 2. Geography — (a) Locate Nuremberg; Flanders (see map on page 256); Ghent; Bruges; Antwerp; Holland; Courtrai; Venice; Florence; Augsburg; Lyons; Genoa. {b) Mark the trade routes. 3. Position of the villeins in mediaeval society. Were their masters under any obligations to them? 4. How might the serfs become free? 5. Make a summary of the reasons for the rise of the agricultural classes. 6. What were the causes of the revival of city life? 7. What rights were ordinarily given to the cities by the charters? 8. If the "free towns" were so objectionable to the nobles and clergy, and if these were so much more powerful than the non-noble class, why w^ere the "free towns" allowed? 9. Describe the government of the chartered towns. 10. What conditions made the cities of Flanders so powerful? What changes in these conditions would lessen the power and importance of the Flemish cities? 11. What part had \'enice taken in the crusades? 12. What difficulties were in the way of commerce in the Middle Ages? 13. What was the objection to charging interest on money? What was the result? 14. Compare the guild with a modern labor union. 152 HISTORY OF EUROPE EXERCISES 1. Obligations of the peasants to their lords. 2. Occupations of the workers in the Middle Ages. 3. The life on the manor. 4. Town halls of the Middle Ages. 5. The government of Venice. Compare with that of Florence. 6. The expansion of Venetian territory. 7. Rivalry of Venice and Genoa. 8. The Medici family. g. What "poets, artists, and scholars" made Florence almost a rival of Athens? 10. What goods were exchanged between northern and southern Europe? 11. Famous fairs. 12. Position of the Jews. Did the Crusades affect their position? 13. Merchant and craft guilds. 14. The Hanseatic League. READINGS Sources. Ogg: chapter xx. Robinson: nos. 157-71. Modern accounts. Bemont and Monod: pp. 375-90. Seignobos: pp. 67-71, 88-89, ii5~i7i 140-46, 164-72. Emerton: chapter xv. Gibbins: pp. 36- loi. Seignobos: Feudal Regime, chapter i. CHAPTER XIV THE POPES, THE EMPERORS, AND THE MEDIEVAL CHURCH 79. " The freedom of the Church.'' In 1056, died the Emperor Henry HI, in whose reign the government of the Holy Roman Empire had seemed about to establish its com- plete domination over the Papacy and the entire Western Church. The Emperor had removed and named Popes even as he might secular officials. He had filled up the German and Italian bishoprics (with their great princely as well as spiritual powers) with appointees devoted to his interests. Was not the whole Church on the point of being " captured " by the tem- poral government? Was not '' Coesar " about to dominate '^ Christ " ? This interference of the State in the Church was, indeed, deplored by almost every pious churchman, yet for the moment there seemed no avoiding it. The Church, and its central office, the Papacy, had become demoraHzed and dis- credited. Until there had been a new spirit put into the whole organization it was useless to expect the State to cease its " unholy " intermeddling. But the Church had still its millions of zealous supporters. A great reform movement was about to purify the whole mighty fabric, and make the Empire tremble in turn before the Papacy. ^ Some of the reforms demanded were these : — {a) An orderly method must be provided for the election of Popes : hitherto they had been too often the choice of a riotous faction in Rome. {h) " Simony " (i.e., the sale of Church offices), a common scandal, must be ended. * This reform movement is commonly considered I.0 have started at the great and influential monastery of Clmiy in France: hence it is sometimes called the "Cluny Movement." 154 HISTORY OF EUROPE (c) The marriage of the clergy (denounced now as a crying sin) must cease. ^ (d) The investiture (i.e., confirmation in office of bishops) by laymen must also end. These various demands were all summed up in the call for the " freedom of the Church ": — that is, its exemption from secular interference, and the reform program found a notable champion — Hildebrand. , 80. Hildebrand: as monk and as Pope-maker. To a certain individual humbly born at Saona, Italy, about 1020, the mediaeval Papacy owes more than to any other one man.^ Hildebrand spent his youth as a monk at Rome, witnessing the worldly abuses and confusions of the Church, but also busying himself in maturing plans to right them. " His was that rarest and grandest of gifts, an intellectual courage and power of imaginative beUef which, when it has convinced itseh of aught, shrinks not from acting upon it at once." He was not a mere dreamer, but he combined with the typical monk's contempla- tion a notable ability as a constructive statesman; he was a manipulator of men, a leader who could tire others with his own high courage, and a combatant who never spared a foe, nor himself, in what he considered the war for righteousness. Beginning with 1048, he became the indispensable adviser to several very worthy Popes who were striving to execute the reform program in the Church. After 1056, when the death of Henry III left the Empire in weak hands and relieved the Papacy from governmental interference, Hildebrand was able 1 Up to this time the marriage of bishops had been absolutely forbidden, but in many sections the marriage of ordinary priests had been at least winked at. Besides the objections which the Catholic Church still urges against clerical marriage, another one could be advanced in the Middle .'\ges — that if priests were allowed to raise families, inevitably (under feudal conditions) their sons would soon inherit their Church offices, and the priesthood would become an arrogant "priestly caste" like the Brahmans of India. 2 In his later career his name did not fail to be seized upon by his enemies for ill-natured puns, Hildebrand = Brand of Hell ! etc. THE POPES AND THE EMPERORS 155 to carry out his policy with drastic thoroughness. Thanks to his sagacious counsel, the Popes of the day reasserted their old leadership over the Church: and it was established that the Popes must be elected in a peaceable and proper matter by the cardinals.^ Papal " legates " (deputies) visited different parts of Gemiany and Italy and held synods wherein the '' simoniacal " and otherwise unworthy bishops were disci- plined or deposed. The decrees against clerical marriage were sternly enforced despite much outcry and, no doubt, suffering on the part of the unfortunate priests called upon to " put away their concubines " — their wives. In 1073, the Church had largely purged itself, and was pre- pared to attack the great problem of secular interference in its pohcies. In that year Hildebrand himself became Pope. 81. Henry IV and his bad rule in Germany. While this monk, "small of stature but with a lion's soul," was lifting again the power of the Papacy, the one-time dominator thereof — the Empire — was falhng into an evil case. Henry IV (1056- II 06), son of Henry III, was not by any means cowardly or incapable, but from his early youth he was taught to consider himself " monarch of all the world," and to indulge in very ignoble pleasures; while his German realm was run by regents, usually politically minded bishops who perpetrated acts of tyranny in his name and brought the imperial power into dis- repute. When Henry became of age and ruler in his own right, things went no better. He was himself a Franconian (Central German) : by 1073 he had goaded the Saxons (North Germans) into revolt. 2 After some fighting he gained a temporary 1 Every student should investigate the origin and nature of the "College of Cardinals." It is an essential part of the government of the Catholic Church to-day. (See any good encyclopedia.) ^ The Saxons had never forgotten that they were the original imperial race of the Ottos; and the}' took very ill the domination of their rivals of Franco- nia. But apart from this jealousy, Henry's rule had been blundering if not tyrannical. 156 HISTORY OF EUROPE mastery over the rebels ; but his power was in a feeble way when he collided with Hildebrand. 82. The humiliation at Canossa. Hildebrand took the title of Gregory VII (1073-85) . As Pope his real power in the Church was not made greater than it was formerly, but became more recognized. All the earlier lines of reform were followed with new zeal, but especially Gregory undertook to strike the prac- tice of lay investiture. So long as princes, and the Emperor in particular, kept the power to give or withhold from a newly made bishop the " temporalities " (i.e., the feudal powers and territorial wealth of a bishopric), just so long would they retain a firm grip on the act'ial appointment of the bishops and fill the great positions of the Church with unspiritual politicians. ^ On the other hand, with the bishops holding about the same secular powers as the feudal princes, and with a large fraction of the whole realm actually under their control, the naming of them was a very vital matter to the Emperor. A great conflict was absolutely certain. Gregory began by treating Henry IV with moderation, but in 1075, he issued a decree from Rome forbidding any lay ruler to presume to invest a bishop, and forbidding any churchman to accept " lay investiture." The blow was very clearly aimed at Henry, who was not minded to give up the long-standing usage of the Crown touching this most valuable kind of patron- age. After a little correspondence, both parties drifted to open war. The many prelates who dreaded a reform of the Church egged Henry on to defy Gregory to do his worst, and to order " Hildebrand " to " quit the Papacy which he had usurped." Gregory's answer was a sentence of anathema and excom- munication. Speaking as the Vicar of Christ, set above all ^ Theoretically the bishop would be chosen "by the clergy and people" of his diocese. Practically these would never elect a man unless the prince was sure to confirm him, otherwise he would never receive an essential part of his temporal property and power. The result would be that the prince really named the new bishop. THE POPES AND THE EMPERORS 157 kings and emperors, Gregory '' prohibited Henry from ruling in Germany and Italy," and " released all Christian men from the obligation of their oaths to him." " I forbid all men to serve him as king, ^ and I bind him with the bonds of the anathema." Almost instantly at these dread thunders Henry's cowardly adherents in the Church fell away, while the Saxons rose against him. He was declared suspended from his kingly functions, and it was proposed to hold a council in Germany to try him for his crimes, with the Pope as actual president of the council. To escape this certain doom Henry hastened almost unat- tended over the Alps in midwinter, and presented himself before Gregory at Canossa, an Itahan castle where the Pope was halting on his way north. Three days in biting winter weather the man who claimed to inherit the power of Augustus and of Charlemagne waited barefoot in the snow entreating "' entrance " and " absolution " from the stern-visaged Pope. At last Gregory yielded, though misdoubting the king's loud professions of penitence. Henry was admitted and after mani- fold pledges absolved. Thus " Caesar " literally prostrated himself before " Peter " — the humbly born monk of Saona : a proclamation to all the world of the victory of the spiritual over the temporal power! It was the greatest moment of outward triumph ever enjoyed by any Pope, and in some ways the most typical and significant scene in the entire Middle Ages. 83. The end of the investiture contest. The glory for the hour was with Gregory, but not the entire advantage. He had humiliated Henry too much, and laid himself open to the charge of un-Christian pride. There was a reaction of public opinion in Germany in the king's favor. He was able to ^ Henry IV had not yet been crowned in Rome, and so was technically only "king" and not "emperor"; his actual power, however, was practically the same. 158 HISTORY OF EUROPE reassemble armies and defy again both his rebel nobles and the Pope. Gregory's second anathema did not wither Henry's power as did the first. The king beat down the Saxon malcon- tents, and in 1081 again went into Italy — this time with an army. He besieged Gregory in Rome and actually captured the greater part of the city, and had himself crowned " Em- peror " by an anti-Pope of his own creation. He was obliged soon to retire northward, but Gregory's position in Rome had become untenable and he was forced to take refuge with his South Italian ally, the Prince of Naples. In 1085, the great Pope passed away at Salerno. Almost at the end he renewed the ban upon Henry. Proud and defiant were his final words: " I have loved righteousness and hated iniquity: therefore, I die in exile." He had for the moment failed in his attempt to set the Pope as an arbiter over kings, but it was a magnificent failure. In 1 106, Henry IV died, banned by the Church and at war with his own son. In 11 22, this son (Henry V) ended the " investiture conflict " by a treaty (Concordat of Worms) with the Pope. Both parties were weary of the contest and glad of a compromise. The Emperor was to cease to " invest " bishops, but still retained some control upon their choosing, so that he could hamper the election of downright enemies. 84. St. Bernard of Clairvaux. Gregory VII had been prema- ture in trying so abruptly to make the Pope and the Church dominators over the feudal princes, but his example had been notable and not in vain. Never was the Church stronger than in the twelfth century. The crusades, indeed, redounded greatly to the glory of the Papacy, but from about 1 1 20 to his death (11 53), the most influential man in Christendom was not the Pope, but a great Abbot, — St. Bernard of Clairvaux, — a French monk of remarkable piety, spirituaHty, and withal worldly wisdom. His moral leadership was such that he was practically able to 'decide between rival candidates to the THE POPES AND THE EMPERORS 159 Papacy, to give good advice (gratefully received) to the Popes themselves, to control the councils of kings, and to set in mo- tion by his eloquence the Second Crusade.^ This " mellifluous doctor " was really the first man of his age: a wonderful testi- mony to the manner in which the moral ideals upheld by the mediaeval Church were able to dominate a society just emerg- ing from feudal violence. 85. Frederick I (Barbarossa) — (1152-90). After the end of the investiture struggle, the Emperors are for some time unimportant. They were really only elective feudal kings of Germany, with a very weak hold upon their subjects there, and a still weaker hold upon Italy — although in theory they were still " Cssars," " Lords of all the World ": but the Middle Ages were accustomed to rulers of mighty claims and very limited power. In 1 152, however, the German princes elected a man of a bolder stamp, Frederick Barbarossa (" Red-Beard ' ') , who made a decisive bid for all the old authority of Charlemagne and of the Ottos. The new ruler was of the famous Hohenstaufen (South German) family — " the most gifted race which ever reigned in Germany." He was a man of soaring ambition, of truly * See p. 102. Besides being a prolific theological writer and carrying on a vast correspondence, Bernard was the author of many beautiful hymns. His Jesu, Dulcis Meiiioria'i" Jesus, the very thought of thee," etc.) is sung to-day in many churches, Protestant and Catholic. THE CASTLE OF FREDERICK BARBAROSSA At Kaiserswerth on the Rhine. {Restoration after Jdger.) i6o HISTORY OF EUROPE noble physical presence, and able to command enthusiasm, sometimes cruel, yet magnanimous and never petty.' His reign is the story of many attempts, sometimes nearly successful, to rivet his power especially upon northern Italy. Once he actually destroyed the great city of Milan (1162), and seemed to have all the rich city-republics of Lombardy at his feet. But the Italian free towns loathed the domination of the hated " Northerners " from Germany; while the Papacy trembled at Frederick's growing power, and made common cause with the " Lombard League "- against him. In Germany, the great duke of united Saxony and Bavaria, Henry the Lion, also undermined his power. At Legnano (1176), the Lombard cities routed Frederick's amiy, and he was forced to grant them their independence in all but namc.^ His power was not ruined, however. In Germany, he humiliated Henry the Lion and restored his own authority; in southern Italy, he married his son (Henry VI) to the heiress of the Kingdom of Naples and Sicily. Everything was ripe for a new attack on Italy when the Emperor felt constrained to depart upon the Third Crusade, in which he ]^crishcd. 86. Innocent III (1198-1216) arbiter over kings. Frederick Barbarossa had almost restored the Empire to its state of domination over the Church even as before the days of Gregory VH, but now Heaven again glorified the Papacy. Frederick's very capable son, Henry VI, soon died, during an attempt to seize his wife's inheritance in Sicily.'' His death ' Probably Frederick Barbarossa fills the imagination more completely with all that is implied by the term "mediaeval emperor " than any other ruler except Charlemagne. ^ A federation of North Italian city-states for mutual protection. By its united efforts Milan was rebuilt in 1167 as a necessar\' bulwark against the Emperor. ^ The Emperor retained some unsubstantial rights of confirming their mag- istrates. * It was vastly for the Emperor's advantage (and the Pope's disadvantage) to secure Sicily and southern Italy (then united in one kingdom). The Imperial- ists could then threaten Konie from both north and south. THE POPES AND THE EMPERORS i6i delivered Germany over to a ruinous civil war between rival kings and gave to a great Pope his opportunity. Innocent III was not, perhaps, the ablest Pope who ever reigned, but he made high-minded and statesmanlike use of his office to exalt every papal pretension. Using with full effect the awful weapon of excommunication and anathema, he in turn humiliated the Kings of England and France and forced them to bow to his dem.ands, asserted the rights of decision and lead- ership in almost every great question of the day, and claimed the power to arbitrate between the contending rivals in Germany. Boldly he announced his theory, — " God has instituted two high dignities: the Papacy which rules over the souls of men; the Monarchy which rules over their ^0(//t'5. But . . . as the moon receives its hght from the sun, so does the royal power derive all its glory and dignity from the papal power. ' ' - In I2I2, the Emperor, Otto IV, ceased to be on friendly terms with Innocent, who thereupon showed that his claims were not mere theories, by giving his blessing and authoriza- tion to the claims of young Frederick II (son of the late Henry VI). ^ Frederick crossed the Alps from Italy, and aided by the mighty influence of the Church soon ruined his enemy's power. 2 Otto died in 1 218, with only a few faithful castles still left to him. Innocent had passed away two years earlier. No personage since the days of Charlemagne had exercised such power as did he. What Gregory VII had attempted seemed now almost to be fulfilled. 87. Frederick II (1212-50), the " wonder of the world.'' Could Innocent III have read the future he would not have died happy. Young Frederick II proved to be a deadly foe to the Papacy, and one of the succeeding Popes was of phable stuff. Frederick himself was a man of remarkable capacity and 1 Otto had been recognized by all Germany, since 1208 (the date of the death of the rival claimant, Philip of Swabia). Young Frederick II had been growing up meanwhile in Sicily, the kingdom he inherited through his mother. ^ For an account of the battle of Bouvines, which helped ruin Otto, see p. 89. 1 62 HISTORY OF EUROPE versatility; he had been bred in half-Oriental Sicily, and never felt at home in his cold reahns of the North, which he must from time to time visit. He was a troubadour of no mean abil- ity. He loved to converse with misbeheving Arabian men of science and letters. He spoke many tongues. His religious views were liberal and extremely unorthodox. ^ His private morals were lax; his court was gay, luxurious, and wicked; he preferred an armed force of Saracen mercenaries to the regular feudal armies;'- his governmental methods were those of an enhghtened, clever, but extremely arbitrary and cruel, despot. The " wonder of the world " his admiring courtiers called him: the "first modern man" some later historians have named him; — in any case, it is certain that both in his virtues and in his vices he was born entirely ahead of his age. Relatively little of Frederick's life was spent in Germany, where he let the feudal princes do much as they would, while he concentrated his main efforts on Italy. From 1227 to 1250, his reign was one desperate contest with the Popes, broken only by intermittent truces. It was no one question that was at stake, but the whole issue, whether any secular sovereign could become so powerful in Italy as to be able to keep the Papacy hopelessly in leading-strings. In open warfare and less bloody intrigue, Frederick was for long victorious, but like his grandfather (Frederick I) he goaded the Lombard cities into revolt, and their hostihty finally made victory inchne to the Papacy. In 1 245, the Council of Lyons put him under the most complete outlawry of the Church. In 1250, still contending desperately iii arms, the Emperor died, " taking," so his delighted foes proclaimed, " nothing with him to hell but his 1 It was currently reported among his horror-stricken enemies that he said there had been three capital deceivers — Moses, Mohammed, and Christ. This did not prevent him from trying to conciliate the Church by exceedingly severe laws for the punishment of heretics. " His preference for the Saracens, no doubt, was because they surely would not be "loosed from their allegiance" by the papal ban, under which Frederick rested for much of his Ufe! THE POPES AND THE EMPERORS 163 sins." With him practically ended the " great " period of the medigeval Empire, and its bid for world sovereignty. 88. The triumph of the Church. Frederick II's last legiti- mate son died in 1254. In 1268, Conradin, his young grandson, perished in a vain attempt to seize his ancestor's kingdom in Sicily; and no male representative of " the accursed and heretical spawn of the Hohenstauien " was left to menace the Papacy. A French dynasty had (at the papal invitation) already seized southern Italy and Sicily. In Gemiany, civil war raged between pre- tenders to the crown. Not for many years was the Papacy really to fear an " Emperor " who could abridge its powers and free- dom of action. In truth, a great page of human his- tory had been closed. The dream of a universal em- pire founded upon the elective feudal kingship in Germany had ended in sheer disaster. When the GeiTnanic kings ought to have been strengthening their power at home, they had been chasing the impe- rial will-o'-the-wisp in Italy. Their attempt had been broken upon the resistance of the Papacy and the hatred of Itahans for German domination. The failure left Germany still a dissevered feudal country, with its " Emperor " only the pretentious head of a weak con- federation of princes: while in Italy there was even greater disunion without any common monarch at all. POPE CLEMENT IV (1265-126S) Endowing Charles of Anjou. by a papal bull, with the crown of the Two Sicilies. {From a fresco at Femes ( Vaucluse), France) i64 HISTORY OF EUROPE The Papacy seemed for the moment triumphant. As a matter of fact, while it had been beating down the Germans, a new power had been rising to prominence — France; and before the swelling power of the French monarchy, the Popes were soon to learn how groundless were their hopes of becoming secular dominators of the world with its kings their obedient deputies. 89. St. Francis and his friars. The clang and clash of the wars of the Popes and the Emperors fills much of the thirteenth century, but it was by no means an age of naught but struggle and confusion. In the reign of the great Innocent III himself began a new phase of the old monastic movement which soon put its impress upon almost the whole intellectual and spiritual Hfe of Europe. In 1182, was born at Assisi (in Umbria, in Italy) St. Francis, one of the most beautiful and refreshing characters in all history. Before he died in 1226, he had founded the " Franciscan Order of Friars," which is a great force in the Catholic Church unto this day. St. Francis was an enthusiast, but an enthusiast able to make men love him, follow him, submit to him. He began as a young man by giving up his hopes for a martial career and becoming a religious hermit; but not, however, as a selfish recluse who in his secluded cell " fled the world," and sought merely for his own salvation. St. Francis declared that all men, even the vilest, were his brothers; and he often spent his days in pauper hospitals and in caring for lepers. He took the Bible injunctions against riches literally. He and his fol- lowers slept in haystacks or lepers' hovels, and repudiated every kind of property save only the most necessary garments; while "Holy Poverty " he declared to be "his bride." His great effort was not only to preach morality, but so to exemplify in his own life the spirit of Christ as to carry the Gospel throughout the sinful world. " To preach the Gospel and to bear Christ's cross " was the real summing-up of his rules for THE POPES AND THE EMPERORS 165 his brethren ; and in all his efforts he displayed a serene cheer- fulness, a childlike trust in God and love for his fellow men which make men of a far later age dwell on his career with admiring delight. Innocent III at first looked askance at the proposition to sanction this new movement. The Church seemed to have already too many orders of monks: but Francis was tremen- dously in earnest with his petition for a papal confirmation,^ and Innocent was statesman enough to see the value of such enthusiasm placed at the disposal of the Church. The con- firmation was granted. Instantly Francis's brotherhood grew by leaps and bounds. Before he died his " friars " (brothers)^ were active in every Christian land. Francis himself was too impractical really to systematize the great movement which he had started. Much to his dis- tress the " Franciscans " had to be organized, under a " gen- eral," with lesser officers. The rules he estabhshed enjoining absolute poverty were so austere that they had to be some- what relaxed.^ A man who spoke of the sun and moon as his personal " brother " and " sister," and who Hterally delivered eloquent sermons to " our sisters the birds," was surely not an adept in worldly wisdom! Nevertheless, the influence of his example was tremendous. The beauty and unselfishness of his fife made him the greatest saint of the Middle Ages, and it was long before his followers lost the glow of his spirituaHty. Almost simultaneously with Francis, the Spaniard Dominic (1170-1221) was founding the Dominican order of friars, a ' The tale runs that Innocent said to Francis, "Go, brother: go roll in the mud with the pigs, and to them set forth the doctrines you have so admirably ex- pounded"; and speedily Francis returned, saying, "My lord — I have done so." ^ The original name for the Franciscans was the "little brethren"; i.e., Francis did not consider them worthy to be ranked beside the "Great" (ordin- ary) monks of the older orders. ' Thus the Franciscans obtained the possession of convents by- some such device as letting the Pope own the convent, while the friars had merely the use of it. Later the Popes refused to act as trustees for the order, and the Franciscans were obliged to strain their rules and actually own their monasteries. 1 66 HISTORY OF EUROPE less sympathetic but an almost equally powerful order, on much the same lines as those of Francis, only laying less stress on poverty, and more on theological learning and on formal pulpit eloquence, in order to combat the heresies of the day. It is impossible to overestimate the influence of this friar movement: ^ a large fraction of the best intellects of the later Middle Ages found its way into one or the other of these new orders. Between them they vastly purified the Church, and perhaps long postponed the Protestant Reformation. REVIEW 1. Topics — Simony; Lay Investiture; "Freedom of the Church"; Cluny; Henry IV; Gregory \'II; "Temporalities"; Excommunication; Canossa; Concordat of Worms; Bernard of Clairvaux; Frederick Barbarossa; Lombard League; Legnano; Henry the Lion; Innocent III; Frederick II; Conradin; St. Francis; St. Dominic; Mendicant Orders. 2. Geography — {a) Locate Canossa; Clairvaux; Milan; Assisi. {b) ALark the towns of the Lombard League, (c) Mark the bounds of the Empire under the Hohenstaufen Emperors. 3. The relations of Empire and Church at the death of Henry III. 4. What were the objects of the Cluny Reform? 5. Why did Hildebrand have such enormous influence before he became Pope? 6. What were the aims and ideals of the mediicval Emperors as com- pared with the mediaeval Popes? Why were these amis and ideals wholly incompatible? 7. What were the causes of the "Investiture Contiict"? 8. What was the significance of the event at Canossa? g. Why was it that "Gregory's second anathema did not wither Hemy's power as did the first "? 10. Why did St. Bernard have more influence than any of the Popes of his time? 11. Summarize the leasons for Frederick I's failure to "rivet his power" upon Italy. ^ The friars' orders are often called the mendicant orders, because Francis and Dominic allowed their followers to go about begging from the charitable for their own sustenance and in behalf of the poor. THE POPES AND THE EMPERORS 167 12. The power and influence of Innocent III. 13. The character of Frederick II. How do you explain it? 14. The character of St. Francis. 15. What was the importance of the work of the friars? EXERCISES 1. The Cluny Program. 2. The College of Cardinals. 3. Hildebrand's work before he became Pope. 4. The event at Canossa. 5. Compare the Concordat of Worms with the agreement between Henry I of England and Anselm. 6. Is it likely that St. Bernard would have retained his great influence if he had been chosen Pope? Why? 7. Compare Innocent HI with Gregory VII. Which was more success- ful? Why? 8. Frederick II. His reforms in Sicily. 9. Was it possible for Emperor and Pope to be on friendly terms? Com- pare their relations with the relations between the Kings of France and of England during the period when England held lands in France. 10. The "Rule" of St. Francis. 11. How did friars differ from monks? 12. The Albigensians. READINGS SoiDxes. Ogg: chapters xv, xvi, xx, section 58; xxii, xxiv, sections 71- 72. Robinson: nos. 107-22, 146-56. Modern Accounts. Bemont and Monod: pp. 286-335, 47Q~87. 488-514. Seignobos: pp. 97-109, 160-63. Emerton: chapters vii-x. Pattison: pp. 58-86, 114-43. Lewis: pp. 161-234. CHAPTER XV THE HUNDRED YEARS WAR go. The causes and contestants. At the beginning of the fourteenth century both England and France had become in a way true " nations," not merely " feudal kingdoms." As near neighbors, each filled with enterprising peoples and ruled by ambitious kings, frequent collisions (under mediaeval con- ditions) were inevitable; especially as the English still held considerable terri- tory in southern France. A dis- puted succession in France, however, in which England was interested, now gave especial ani- mus to the rivalry.-' From 1338 to 1453, England and France were at war or merely in a state of armed truce. This " Hundred Years' War"- — long, bloody, and devastat- ing — threatened once or twice to reduce France to a mere dependency of England. In the end, the Enghsh attack failed, 1 There were plenty of reasons why a general collision was unavoidable. The French wished to expel the English from Gascony, and were helping the Scots, the enemies of England. They were also interfering in the important English wool trade with Flanders. 2 Of course, it really lasted more than one hundred years. On the other hand, fortunately, the warfare was by no means continuous. ENGLISH KNIGHTS AND A FRENCH MAN-.^T-ARMS The fisure to the left wears civilian costume THE HUNDRED YEARS' WAR 169 but only after France had undergone a terrible ordeal while trying to save her national existence. It was one of the most useless great wars in all history. The immediate excuse for the war was the claim which Edward III of England asserted to the crown of France in the name of his mother Isabella, daughter of the French King Philip IV. According to the pretended "Salic law,"^ women were excluded from the French throne; but did the prohibition also exclude their male heirs? If so, Philip of Valois (a French prince by a side-line) had the better claim when the direct Capetian line died out (1328). If not, then Edward's preten- sions were at least plausible. The law was not clear, and prece- dents were few. Edward could well persuade himself that he ought to reign in Paris as well as in London. In this contest France seemed by far the larger and richer country, but her opponents were more united and decidedly better disciplined. Above all, in the actual fighting the English made use of a special type of soldier — the yeoman archer. The terrible English longbow with its " clothyard arrow," had only recently been developed in all its possibilities. The trained archers could accomplish therewith marvels in the way of ac- curacy and penetration.- These men (recruited from the hith- erto despised peasant class) had the mounted mail-clad knight — who was still the pride and stay of the French armies — 1 The name arose from the alleged derivation of the law from the old Salian Franks. It was really a law of exceedingly doubtful validity and application, but there were many practical reasons for objecting to the rule of a woman in a turbulent mediaeval kingdom. Probably, if Edward had been a Frenchman, his case would have been more favorably considered at the outset; but the French nobles had just reasons for objecting to have a foreign-born king come to rule over them. ^ The yew bow was about six feet long, and so powerful that it required a careful training as well as considerable strength to be able to bend it. Such a weapon had almost the range of an old-style musket, and could penetrate all but the best armor. If the latter was "proof," the archer could at least aim with deadly precision at the eye-holes in his opponent's helmet. Scott gives an admir- able idea of the capabilities of the English bowmen in his Ivanhoc. I70 HISTORY OF EUROPE almost at their mercy. Destroying the monopoly of martial prowess hitherto held by the feudal nobility was a distinct step toward the coming of general democracy. 91. The Crecy campaign (1346). Edward III became King of England in 1327 and saw his rival PhiHp (of Valois) accepted as sovereign of France in 1328. He was then too young and too much involved in home trou- bles to assert his own claims, and in fact ac- tually did homage to Philip for his South French lands; but in 1339, he was able to con- duct an invasion of France. Edward's first campaigns were unskill- ful and led to little, but he presently developed into an accomplished warrior. In 1346, he led an army across the north of France, ravaging up to the walls of Paris. Such a defiance Philip VI (a brave, showy, but not very capable prince) could not tolerate. He called out all the magnificent feudal chivalry of the land, and started after Edward as he marched northward. At Cre'cy in Picardy, the two armies met, and with headlong valor the French knights strove to ride down the serried fines of English archers, stiffened by thin companies of dismounted men-at-arms. HORSEMAN IN FULL ARMOR Period of the Hundred "i'ears' War. Note that delicate plate-mail has now replaced the earlier ring- mail. This was the highest development of the arm- orers' art, which reached its perfection just before the coming of gunpowder. (From a restoration in the Miisee d'Artillerie, Paris) THE HUNDRED YEARS' WAR 171 The slaughter wrought by the long bows was horrible. The French fell in heaps, shot down usually before they could even strike their lances against the terrible bowmen. Twelve hun- dred knights, thirty thousand rank and file of the attackers, are said to have perished, ere the remnant of Philip's army drifted away in rout. Edward pursued his march to the seaboard, and FRANCE DURING THE HUNDRED YEARS' WAR after a long siege took Calais (1347) — an important port oppo- site England. He held now a door into France, a convenient base for any subsequent attack toward Normandy and Paris. ^ ' Calais remained in English hands until 1558. During the entire interval it was a thorn in the side of the French. 172 HISTORY OF EUROPE 92. Poitiers and the Treaty of Bretigny. Further campaign- ing was suspended for the time being by the direful " Black Death," a pestilence from the Orient which now swept over Europe (1348) and smote victor and vanquished alike. One third of the whole population of Europe is alleged to have died, and in some districts probably more than half of all the inhab- itants. Such a visitation, of course, disorganized alike warfare and peaceful commerce and agriculture.^ Yet in a short time the contest was renewed. The English kings had always kept a part of the old Angevin dominions in Guienne. Now the " Black Prince," the capable son of Edward III,- conducted a ravaging campaign from the southward, working into the very heart of France. Philip VI had been succeeded by his son John (1350-64), a king with little to commend him save head- long valor. At Poitiers (1356), John confronted the Black Prince with a greatly superior army, but threw away all his advantages by a series of utterly blundering frontal attacks. Again the bowmen shot with terrible advantage. When the day ended, eleven thousand French lay on the field, and the English held several thousand prisoners, including King John himself. Edward had now become convinced that he could hardly conquer the whole of France, but after several years' captivity, John in turn was glad to purchase peace by the Treaty of Bretigny (1360). He kept his crown, indeed, but had to pay an enormous ransom and to cede to England a great block of territory south of the Loire. When he died, his kingdom was thus dismembered, and the remnant of it was oppressed by taxation, and rent ])y the wars of the lawless nobles, who were vexing the country even more than the English. 93. Charles V (1364-80) and the first expulsion of the Eng- 1 See chapter xvi, p. loo. - His real name was Edward, but he was named the "Black Prince" from the armor which he usually wore. He was above the average of mediteval warrior* in really soldierly qualities. THE HUNDRED YEARS' WAR 173 lish. John's successor was his son Charles V, surnamed the " Wise," or, perhaps more happily, the " Adroit." There was nothing heroic about Charles, but much craft, tenacity, and ingenuity. He was able to see clearly the cause of the French disasters : — the French cavalry could not ride down the English archers. As soon as he dared (1369), he repudiated the recent treaty, and defied the EngUsh to their worst. Tbjir armies again harried the land, but now the French refused them pitched battles, cut oft' supplies, and forced them to waste their strength in long sieges. In Bertrand Duguesclin, Charles found a general of no mean ability who wearied the English out. The Black Prince retired to England to die of disease (1376), and practically all his conquests were lost. The English held only Calais in the north, and Bordeaux and Bayonne in the' south. Charles was even more successful as a CLvil administrator. He reformed the machinery of govern- ment, and gave back to his subjects law and order, with the accompanying prosperity. Everything promised a most glori- ous reign when the king died at the age of only forty-three (1380). His eldest son was only twelve, and an evil day had dawned for France. 94. The second coming of the English: Agincourt (1415). Civil strife in England for long put a check on new projects of invasion, but the reign of Charles VI (1380-1422) was not one of peace for miserable France. The king soon proved himself an imbecile.^ Two great court parties, the " Armagnacs " (or Orleanists, to which the dauphin or crown prince belonged) and the " Burgundians " (faction of the Duke of Burgundy), waged a bitter war of open battle and secret assassination for the control of the king and the kingdom. The state of the realm went from bad to worse, and in 141 5, Henry V of Eng- 1 To the misfortune of his people Charles did not become actually insane, — he had lucid intervals, — and as a result he could not be put under guardians and a regular regent appointed. Instead, the poor king was the helpless tool, now of one faction, now of another, to the great ruin of the country. 174 HISTORY OF EUROPE land (the wild "Prince Hal," famed by Shakespeare), a bold, chivalrous, and very ambitious sovereign, renewed the foreign war. Somewhat in way of repetition of the Crecy campaign, he invaded France from the north and swept ravaging through Normandy. The " Armagnac " princes (then in control of the government) attacked him at Agincourt with a magnificent t ATTACK AND DEFENSE OF A CITY IN THE FIFTEENTH CENTURY Note the very primitive cannon just before the gate. (From a tnanu- script of Froissart's Chronicles, in the Bibliotlicquc Nalionah') army of the old-style feudal horsemen. Sixty thousand Frenc?i assailed twelve thousand English, but the clothyard shafts of the bowmen had lost nothing of their terrors, and Henry fought his men with superb generalship. Three French dukes, six counts, ninety-two barons, five hundred lesser nobles, and eight thousand of the rank and file lay on the field of battle. The English took so many prisoners that they could hardly guard them. The resisting power of France seemed utterly crippled. THE HUNDRED YEARS' WAR 175 This disaster put the " Burgundian " faction in control of the feeble-minded king and the royal government. In 141 9, the Duke of Burgundy, however, was murdered under circum- stances of foul treachery by the "Armagnacs." The crime drove the " Burgundians " into the arms of England. By the Treaty of Troyes (1420), poor Charles \T was made to accept Henry V as his son-in-law and to promise him his kingdom upon his own death. The English occupied Paris and nearly all the north of the kingdom. Charles's own son, the dauphin, was declared barred from the succession to the throne of his fathers. 1 France seemed on the very point of becoming an English dependency, when in 1422, Henry V and Charles VI both died, almost simultaneously. The claimant aUke to England and France was now the former's son, Henry VI (of England), an infant of barely nine months. 95. Jeanne (TArc (1429-31). The former " dauphin " was now, to really loyal Frenchmen, " King" Charles VII (1422- 61), but he had little power in the realm north of the Loire. The English were in Paris and firmly intrenched in all the northern districts. On the eastern side the great Duke of Burgundy (Philip, son of the murdered Duke John) was their ally. The infant Henry VI was proclaimed as king in nearly half of France, and his uncle and regent, the Duke of Bedford, was a skillful and active warrior. As for the dauphin,- " a lazy, kindly, good-looking prince," he seemed incapable of honest or strenuous exertion. His court was the scene of selfish factions. His captains were ill-supported and worse directed. His remnants of power seemed crumbhng. Yet only a Httle was needed to kindle France into desperate resistance. The English were hated. Even the Burgundians disliked their 1 The dauphin had been personally involved in the murder of John, Duke oi Burgundy, and this made the entire "Burgundian" faction willing to prefer an Englishman, rather than him, as king. ^ So he was still called by many even of his loyal subjects, never having been crowned and consecrated at Rheims — the religious capital of France. 176 HISTORY OF EUROPE allies. The English soldiery were valorous, but by no meam numerous enough to conquer and hold a bitterly hostile land. What France needed was an inspiration and a leader. Both were supplied in one of the most remarkable characters in history — Jeanne d'Arc. Jeanne d'Arc, " the Maid " {la Pucellc), as the French have fondly called her, was a humble peasant girl of the village of Domremy, in Champagne. Beginning in 1423, she began (she as- serted) to have visions of angels, with a message which became increasingly definite. " Jeanne," spoke an archangel, '' go deliver the King of France, and restore him to his king- dom." — " Ah! my Lord, I am only a poor girl : how can I lead men-at-arms! " — " St. Catherine and St. Margaret will aid you." For six years the \dsions continued. At length she convinced her kindred and the local commandant of her divine mission. She cut off her long hair, put on male garments, and with a small escort set off across France to Chinon, the castle of Charles. ' What followed reads like romance, but is perfectly authentic history. Already the war was at a crisis — the English were STATUE OF JEANNE D'ARC Place des Pyramides, Paris THE HUNDRED YEARS' WAR 177 besieging Orleans, one of the main props of what remained of the kingdom. Jeanne convinced the doubtful king and the scoffing courtiers that she came with a divine mission. ^ An army was put at her disposal. With a military skill which added to the enthusiasm she inspired in the soldiers by her nobihty of character and her modest simplicity, she forced her SIEGE OF A CITY IN THE FIFTEENTH CENTURY Note the large shields, the scaling-ladders, and the crossbows. (From a manuscript of Froissart's Chronicles, in the Bibliotheque Nationale) way into Orleans, then by a successful sortie drove the English from their lines. Orleans was saved: the tide had turned in favor of France ; and Jeanne followed up her astonishing success by conducting Charles VII through the heart of the enemy's country to Rheims, where, amid "pomp and circumstance," he was crowned king in the great cathedral. ^ Modern worldly wisdom would have declared her "the victim of hallucina- tions." Jeanne's contemporaries asked (in this case more wisely), "Is she inspired by God or the Devil?" — and, determining it was "by God," followed her. 1 78 HISTORY OF EUROPE So far her career had been one of unparalleled success, but the French courtiers had become shamefully jealous of her. In her further attempts upon the English she was ill-supported. In 1430, she was captured at Compiegne. The EngUsh had already denounced her as a witch; now subser\dent churchmen caused her to be tried in the Inquisition. One of the foulest scenes in human annals w^as when the Bishop of Beauvais, with every kind of argument and plain threats of the rack, tried to wring from this pure girl confessions of personal iniquity and of deahngs with the Devil. The end was inevit- able. Despite all threatenings, Jeanne made only very unsatis- factory " confession." In 143 1, she was burned at the stake in Rouen. She met her end with such noble heroism and reU- gious stedfastness that her tormentors trembled. " We are lost! " cried an English witness; '' we have burned a saint." ^ Charles VII, who had used her services, and who almost owed his crown to her, did nothing in her behalf. Probably he was glad to be rid of such irregular aid. On him, more than on Jie justly terrified English, must fall the anathemas of history.- 96. The end of the war (1453). But Jeanne's work was almost done. England was lapsing again into internal strife, and could not keep up her forces in France. Duke Philip of Burgundy was weary of alliance with the alien, and in 1435 he concluded (in return for heavy concessions) a treaty with Charles VII, whereby his great influence was transferred again to the French side. After that, what with the new lighting spirit enkindled by Jeanne, the English were hopelessly on the defensive. In 1436, they lost Paris, then little by httle their other holdings until, in 1449, Rouen, their Norman ^ As soon as the war was decided in favor of the Frencli, the Church trial of Jeanne was set aside by the Roman authorities as utterly illegal and void. Quite recently, she has been declared one of the "Blessed" by the Catholic Church. 2 Charles could readily have saved her. In his custody were various noble Englishmen. The mere threat that their fate would be the same as Jeanne's would have sufficed. THE HUNDRED YEARS' WAR 179 stronghold, fell, and in 145 1, Bordeaux, the city in the south which they had held for hundreds of years. In 1453, there came a great victory of the French over an English force at Castillon^ (near Bordeaux), and the war was over. French national integrity was secure forever. Charles VII never repented of his execrably supine conduct in allowing Jeanne d'Arc to perish, but in his later years he displayed an energy and an ability as a ruler which she would have rejoiced to see. Once more law and order ruled ; the hordes of disbanded mercenary soldiers (" flayers ") were broken up. Prosperity returned, after generations of devastating war. In the crucible of sore affliction, France had found herself. She was more united now; more loyal to her king; less feudaHzed. She was, in short, in a position to develop into the first country of Europe — but she had bought this preparation at a terrible price. To get rid of the mercenary bands and the English, the king had been allowed to maintain a standing army. To pay the costs of this army through the long war he had been allowed to tax his subjects almost at will. Both of these privileges, the French kings carefully retained after the English danger ended. With a standing army and with very arbitrary powers of taxation, the monarchs of France could go far on the road which leads to absolutism. REVIEW 1. Topics — Salic Law; Crecy; the Black Death; the Black Prince; Poitiers; Bretigny ; x\rmagnacs; Burgundians; Henry V; Jeanne d'Arc. 2. Geography — ((?) Locate Crecy; Calais; Poitiers; Agincourt; Orleans; Compiegne; Domremy; Bordeaux; Castillon. (ft) Mark lands in France held by England at the beginning of the ■ war. ^ By this time the French had learned how to deal with the tactics of the archers and had developed a very tolerable archer force of their own. They had also the use of the newly invented artillery. I So HISTORY OF EUROPE (c) Mark the English territories in France at the time of the Peace of Bretigny. (d) Mark the Enghsh territory in France in 1429. 3. What conditions made hostility between England and France inevit- able? 4. The English archers — their skill and importance. 5. Why was Calais important? 6. What was the effect of the Black Death upon England and France? 7. Compare the work of Charles V of France with the work of Henry II of England. 8. How did the Agincourt campaign resemble that of Crecy? g. The Treaty of Troyes. 10. What were the conditions in France at the coming of Jeanne d'Arc? 11. The work of Jeanne d'Arc. Her trial. 12. What are the reasons for the final triumph of the French? 13. What were the conditions in France during the later years of Charles VII's reign? EXERCISES 1. How were the expenses of the war paid, in both France and England? 2. The English armies — how organized? Compare with the organization of the French. 3. The relations between the nobles and non-nobles in the English armies. Compare with similar relations in the French army. 4. The strategy of the Crecy campaign. 5. The Black Death and its economic effects. 6. The Black Prince and the Spanish E.xpedition. 7. "States General " of France 1302-1439. 8. Henry V as a warrior. Why did he renew the war? 9. The career of Jeanne d'Arc. How do you explain her success? 10. The economic effects of the war upon France; upon England. READINGS Sources. Ogg: chapter xxv. Robinson: nos. 197-202. Modern Accounts. Seignobos: pp. 179-87, 192-204. Duruy: pp. 187-247. Any good textbook in English history (as Ransome, pp. 242-78; 313-39)- CHAPTER XVI THE LATER MIDDLE AGES IN ENGLAND 97. Edward I and Scotland. In 1272, there came to the throne of England one of the greatest of her kings, Edward I. Not merely was he a statesman of very high ability in whose reign the English Parliament assumed a shape which it was to preserve with little change for many generations ;i but he undertook to bring the two outlying Celtic fragments of Great Britain under Anglo-Norman supremacy. Wales, where the descendants of the old Britons had hitherto remained piacti- cally independent, was now invaded (1276-84), its prince Llewelyn, who disowned Edward's overlordship, was beaten down, and after his death (1282), the whole of this small rocky country was brought under English supremacy (1284). From this time onward, " Prince of Wales " has been the regular title of the heir to the English crown. But Wales presented only the minor part of Edward's problem. Scotland was a far larger country, and offered tena- cious resistance. Since WilHam the Conqueror's day the king of this northern fraction of Britain had " clone homage " to England; but the hold of the Scotch kings upon their own sub- jects was very weak. In the " Lowlands " (South Scotland), where there was a strong infusion of Anglo-Saxon settlers, something Hke law, order, and royal authority prevailed. In the " Highlands " (North Scotland), the wild Gaelic clans owed far more allegiance to their various chiefs than to any king. Civihzation (even from a mediaeval standpoint) had been very backward in Scotland ; but in the thirteenth century better things had prevailed, and the country had made consid- * See chapter xi, p. 122. i82 HISTORY OF EUROPE erable peaceful progress. Now the sudden death of King Alexander III (1286) precipitated a disputed succession and the inevitable civil war, whereof Edward took prompt advantage. In 1292, he thrust Baliol (one of the claimants) upon the Scot- tish throne as his vassal. In 1296, he forced this puppet king to resign, and undertook to rule Scotland in his own right, as an actual appanage of England. Englishmen soon held the castles and the chief government posts in Scotland, but the patriotic and jealous people blazed up in revolt. They found a gallant and capable leader in Sir William Wallace. The revolt he headed in 1297 swept nearly all the English from the land, and reduced their power to a few castles; but Edward hastened north with a great anuy. At Falkirk (1298) he won a complete victory, and the rebellion seemed broken. Wallace was presently betrayed by a traitor and put to a shameful death. The head of this patriot long bleached above one of the gates of London. But the Scotch national spirit was merely bent, not broken. In 1306, Robert Bruce (a rival claimant for the crown with Baliol) kindled a new revolt; and Edward I died while on his way again to Scotland, leaving the problem of conquest to a weak successor. 98. Robert Bruce and Bannockburn (13 14). Edward II (1307-27), son of Edward I, was one of the most feeble kings who ever occupied the English throne. When after many delays he assembled a great army and invaded Scotland, the whole of the outraged northern kingdom had rallied around their sovereign, Bruce. At Bannockburn, one hundred thousand English are said to have confronted thirty thousand Scots. The miserably commanded " Southrons " could make little use of their numbers, and Bruce gained a complete victory. This battle made abiding history. The English entered Scot- land again in later days as ravagers, but never with the real intent of permanent conquest. When Bruce died in 1329, Scottish national independence had been fairly won. THE LATER MIDDLE AGES IN ENGLAND 1S3 This great struggle with England, however, had wrought permanent harm. Britain was kept divided between two dis- trustful and often hostile nations. During the next two centu- ries Scotland was usually the ally of England's standing enemy, France, and was involved in wars wherein she had very slight interest. Again, this severance from her richer and more civilized neighbor stunted her peaceful growth, and condemned her to isolation, weak government, and many bloody wars and feuds. Yet, notwithstanding these misfortunes, the successful defense made by the Scots against national absorption by their great rival must stand as one of the most creditable pages in the story of the nations. 99. Wiclif and Richard II. A large part of the history of England for the next century and more is that of the Hun- dred Years' War with France.^ But the achievements of Englishmen were not merely those of warriors. The four- teenth century was the age of Geoffrey Chaucer, the first great poet in the noble array of writ- ers in the develop- ing English tongue : it was also the age of a religious innovator, who launched a movement which caused no small trouble to the Church, and was a forewarning of the greater commotions of the Protestant Reformation, 1 See chapter xv. A GROUP OF CANTERBURY PILGRIMS As described in Chaucer's Canterbury Tales. {From Cutis' s Parish Priests) 1 84 HISTORY OF EUROPE John Wiclif ^ (about 1320-84) was an English priest and a professor of the University of Oxford, who presently developed into a most daring theologian. He made use of the current dis- cussion of the worldly doings of politically minded Popes and prelates to subject the whole Church system to a criticism such as it had never faced before in the Middle Ages. The more orthodox churchmen of the day shuddered at his " blasphe- mies " — his denial of the miracle of transubstantiation;- his afhrmation that regularly ordained priests were not necessary for a la>iiian who wished to approach God ; his stress upon the free interpretation of the Bible, even by the unlearned. WicHf, however, was a man of organizing ability and personal magnet- ism, as well .as a learned theologian. High noblemen protected him in his lifetime. His itinerant " poor priests " carried his most informal gospel out among the peasantry. Indeed, part of his doctrine may be accounted a potent factor in the Peas- ants' Revolt of 1381.^ He questioned the necessity of paying tithes to the priest, and a discontented peasantry was not slow to apply a similar challenge to the payment of rent, whether on land or in service, to landlords. He crowned his work by translating the Bible into English. It was before the days of printing, yet many copies seem to have been made, and Wiclif's version is one of the monuments of English Hterature. After his death his followers, the Lollards, ■• for some time made considerable head among the peasantry, but the Church authorities at length stirred up the Government to halt their propaganda by the standard means of stake and fagots (1401), As a sect they disappeared, yet not so certainly their tradition ' His name is also spelled Wycliffe and several other ways. In this age manj' English spellings seem to have been decidedly "phonetic." " The teaching of the Catholic Church that the bread and wine in the com- munion, upon the consecration by the priest, really become the actual body and blood of Christ. ^ See p. 186. * The word is commonly derived from the German Lollen (losing), from the hymn-chanting habits of the Wiclifites. THE LATER MIDDLE AGES IN ENGLAND i$5 and influence, which may have made many Englishmen ready for the great religious revolt started by Luther. 100. The rising of the peasants and the rule of the House of Lancaster. The worthless Edward II was followed by the brave and victorious Edward III (1327-77). The story of his wars in Ijunmii^tf f^QU&immq'^>^^nt°^ QihTpUvebutytcottoiWa (rtoi CORONATION OF AN ENGLISH KING IN THE FOURTEENTH CENTURY (Either Edward II or Edward III). {From a sixUenth- century miniature at Cambridge, England) France is told elsewhere. ^ At home in England the middle of his long reign was marked by the frightful Black Death, which in 134Q swept away one third to one half of the popu- lation of England. The direct misery caused was appalling, ' Chapter xv. i86 HISTORY OF EUROPE and almost as severe was the wretchedness arising from the unsettling of all trade, industry, and commerce. Where were the human hands left to till the fields and reap the harvests? The prices for necessities rose, and the demands by the sur\dv- ing peasants for higher wages naturally rose also. Such inso- lence on the part of " valiant laborers," taking advantage of the dearth to require more pay, filled the nobles and gentry con- trolling the Government with savage wrath. The famous " Statute of Laborers " then passed forbade the bestowal of alms upon an " able-bodied vagrant," fixed the maximum wage it was lawful to pay him, and finally forbade him to emigrate to other districts where he might better his condition. For years thereafter the EngKsh peasantry were in a state of simmering discontent.^ Early in the reign of Richard II (1377-99), Edward's grandson and successor, a prince of very inferior stamp, the climax came. A great revolt shook the peasantry of England (1381).- A severe poll-tax imposed by the royal Government, and falling heavily upon the poorest classes, was the pretext for the rising. Tumultuous bands of peasants burned the manor houses of the squires, — their oppressive landlords, — murdered the king's officers, and marched on London, demanding of the young king that he " free us forever, us and our lands; and that we be never named nor held for serfs." Needless to say, the nobles and country gentry soon had all the military power on their side. Some of the peasants were cajoled by false promises to go home, the rest were overcome and their leaders hanged. Yet the revolt had not been in vain. The dread of another such outbreak hung as a millstone over the country landlords. The enfranchisement of the serfs, which is said to have been 1 Wild theories of social equality were afoot. Said the "mad priest" John Ball, one of the preachers of sedition, — " When Adam delved and Eve span, Who was then the gentleman ? " * From its leader called "Wat Tyler's Revolt." THE LATER MIDDLE AGES IN ENGLAND 1S7 halted by the Black Death, now went quietly on, until within a century and a half after the great rising had "failed," there was hardly a " vdllein " in all England. In place of the serfs had come a sturdy class of free peasant farmers, who were to do their share in making England a great nation. This upheaval had come early in the reign of Richard 11; later the king's general mismanagement led to a revolt of the nobiHty, which had a very different issue. Henry of Lancaster, the king's cousin, by skillful intrigues was chosen to reign, and inaugurated a new (Lancastrian) dynasty, Henry IV (1399-1413) was a clever and masterful king, who built up for himself a power all the greater for being constitu- tionally won. During his reign the cause of the Commons in Parhament made a great advance in freedom and influence. ^ Henry IV has been overshadowed in lustory by the more showy and heroic career of his son Henry V - (1413-22), but the unobtrusive developments of the former reign were of real benefit to England, while Henry V's French wars, conducted brilHantly though they were, wasted great numbers of hves and much money in disastrous and unnatural attempts to unite the Crowns of France and England. In 1422, his death gave the rule nominally to his infant son Henry VI (1422-61). During the regency for this unlucky prince the French conquests dropped away^ and the English Government at home drifted into increasing difflculties. In 1453, the king became practically insane, and although he ^ Important in the successful alliance of King and Commons was the crushing of the great uprising of the northern nobles, among whom was the redoubtable Harry Percy (Hotspur), at the battle of Shrewsbury (1403). - -The stories, honored by Shakespeare, about his wild youth are none too well authenticated. Both Henry V, and even more his father, Henry IV, were obliged — probably thanks to their dubious title to the crown — to make great conces- sions to the claims of the Commons in Parliament to take part in the government. These concessions became a model and precedent for the Parliament party two hundred years later, while contending with the Stuart kings. (See chapter XXIV.) * See p. 178. 1 88 HISTORY OF EUROPE recovered a certain lucidity later, here was really the culminat- ing misfortune for the Lancastrian House. Discredited in France, inefficient at home, the Government was now attacked by a coalition of nobles led by the Duke of York, and England was plunged into a series of civil wars which, for the nonce, ruined her power abroad and reduced the one-time dominator of France into a distracted second-class nation. loi. The Wars of the Roses (1455-85). For thirty years, with occasional happy intervals of peace, England was racked by a succession of bloody wars between the Lancastrians (" Red Rose ") and the princes of the rival Yorkists ("White Rose "). The moving spirits were really parties of ambitious and lawless nobles who had got almost completely out of kingly control. In 1461, the weak and " saintly " Henry VI was deposed by the Yorkist leader, who assumed the throne as Edward IV (1461 83). He was a fine warrior and a clever man, but indolent and utterly selfish . Then the weathercock of feudal loyalty turned. In 1470, Edward was chased as a fugitive to Flanders and the unfortunate Henry VI was again proclaimed. In 147 1, Edward returned, crushed the Lancas- trians in the great battle of Tewkesbury, and made bloody work with his prostrate enemies. Henry died a prisoner (prob- ably murdered) in the Tower of London, and Edward IV ended his reign amid com.parative peace, although the contest was by no means ended. 102. The bad King Richard III (1483-85). Edward IV had left a son (Edward V) and a still younger brother; but the new king was only thirteen, and his uncle the Duke of Gloucester was proclaimed " protector " of the kingdom. The regent was one of the most unscrupulous and cruel of all the evil nobles bred by the civil wars. Within three months Edward V and his brother " disappeared " in tlie Tower of London,^ and their * There is every moral proof (though a >t legal proof) that these "little princes in the Tower" were murdered by their dastardly uncle. Richard had THE LATER MIDDLE AGES IN ENGLAND 189 guardian, "urged " by the citizens of London and others, took the title of Richard III. In 1485, Henry, Earl of Richmond, the successor to the old Lancastrian claims, raised the standard of rebelHon, and at the battle of Bosworth Richard, deserted by nearly all his followers, died fighting desperately with a bravery which contrasted with his vileness. Bosworth ended the civil wars: the land had, indeed, need of rest. 103. Henry VII, restorer of law and order (1485-1509). Henry VII, " Henry Tudor " and Earl of Richmond before he won the crown by conquest, was not a redoubtable warrior nor an original statesman: but England needed neither of these. She needed a benevolent despot, who (without aboHshing the forms of law) would crush down the turbulence of the nobiHty who had almost usurped the government during the civil wars, enforce common justice, refrain from needless wars, and give the commonalty orderly prosperity: — and such a monarch was Henry VII. The Wars of the Roses had killed off a very large number of the nobles, and it was therefore easy for the king to overwhelm the remainder by raising to those peerages - now vacant men of his own choosing, who had proved their skill as middle-class merchants and who would owe their eleva- tion entirely to the king himself. After some vain struggles, the few survivors among the great nobles, who had maintained small standing armies of their own and defied the common course of justice, found their power broken. The lords had paid scant respect to the ordinary judge and jury: they now found themselves haled before a special royal court of " Star Chamber"^ and punished for their usurpations. High-born earlier been guilty, very possibly, of the murder of his brother, the Duke of Clarence. ' A special commission chosen for most of its members from the king's Privy Council. Such a court could not, of course, be intimidated as could an ordinary tribunal. This court became later a great engine of oppression. Origi- nally it was usually a terror only to "noble" evildoers. I90 HISTORY OF EUROPE friends of the king were not exempted. When the king visited the Earl of Oxford, he cast a frowning look upon the earl's array of " gentry and yeomen" drawn up as if to do him honor. " I thank you for your hospitality," spoke Henry, ^' but I cannot allow my laws to be broken in my sight "; and the Star Cham- ber fined Oxford £15,000^ for maintaining an armed force of private retainers contrary to the statute. Some of Henry's measures were utterly despotic. In place of new taxes on the people at large, he wrung out of his wealthier subjects " benevolences," which were really nothing but forced contributions; but such measures were obnoxious only to a limited class.- When Henry died, he left a full treasury, a con- tented people, and valuable foreign alhances to his successor. Henry VII stood at the parting of the ways between mediae- val and modern times. His reign saw the beginning of English maritime expansion. In 14Q7, John Cabot had made the first voyage under the English flag to North America. Building thus upon the somewhat commonplace prosperity estabhshed by Henry, England was about to enter upon her wonderful six- teenth century. 104. England at the end of the Middle Ages. In 1500, Eng- land was still a distinctly agricultural country, with almost no large town outside of London, and very little foreign trade save the export of natural products and a little cloth.^ Thus economically she was backward (as compared with most parts of France), but politically she had made marked progress. She had a firm government and well-estabHshed political and 1 Possibly ten times as much in modern money, purchasing power considered. 2 Cardinal Morton (Henry's prime minister) invented what was known as "Morton's fork" for dealing with reluctant "givers out of their benevolence." "If a man lived handsomely, he was told that he clearly had money to spare. If he lived plainly, that he was saving money and was rich enough to help the king." ^ All through the period of the Wars of the Roses, the non-noble free farmers (yeomanry) had been coming into respectable prominence; there had also been a considerable development of cloth manufacture which enabled the English to compete with the Flemish woolen trade. THE LATER MIDDLE AGES IN ENGLAND 191 legal institutions. 1 Her Tudor kings had almost despotic power, gained principally by their ability in interpreting and manipulating the existing laws in their own favor, rather than in arbitrarily setting them aside. Again, the kings had no formidable standing army. Their power rested on the general support and loyalty of their subjects, and they were quite aware of the fact and governed accordingly. The ParHaments •tt* C nctpt$ f;pyij ^at tboU ^uc fengc J^ Ipff tx> ftnotbe t§e craf 6e of ^Ifcmc go; ticimp^, (^n^ fo fct to 6epc «n(jmuctlp^d[?« ^Mf^ of lt^0ft)^p/ fot40|j tMi^ not «ii)fe FACSIMILE SPECIMEN OF CAXTON'S PRINTING The art of printing was brought to England in 1477 were extremely dependent upon the royal will, but the king never undertook to govern without them. Theoretically there was lawful consent given for even the most extreme acts of oppression ; and this perpetuation of parliamentary institutions was to make the erection of genuine political liberties later very easy — it being necessary merely to give real freedom and vitality to existing forms. The next crisis, however, confront- ing England was not political but religious — she was to give her own pecuhar answer to the question of separating from Rome. 105. The English in Ireland. All through the later Middle Ages the English kings had been putting forth their hands upon the great Celtic island to the westward. Ireland had probably ^ Particularly the nobility had been stripped of nearly all their political advantages except the hereditary seats of the "Lords" in Parliament. There were fewer "privileges" for the upper classes, and more general equality before the law for all classes of men in England than in any other large country, while serfage was almost extinct. 192 HISTORY OF EUROPE been as civilized a land as Anglo-Saxon England before the Norman Conquest:^ but it had been rent asunder by tribal wars; petty kings had contended for petty kingdoms, and no strong native ruler had ever consolidated the clans under his authority. The Danes, too, had harried Ireland sorely, about the time that they were ravaging England. In 1169, a band of Anglo-Norman nobles crossed from England and began a conquest on their own authority.'- King Henry II (fearing lest a kingdom ruled by his former subjects would become a dan- gerous neighbor) himself invaded Ireland in 1172. The Celtic chiefs were soon beaten down, and henceforth the foreign power never loosed its grip from the feud- rent island. But while the English could conquer, they could not really subdue : their settlers themselves often drifted into Irish speech and customs, and the power of the royal viceroys was seldom formidable beyond Dubhn and the " English Pale " — the district adjacent. This miserable condition of half-conquest continued for centuries. The EngUsh kings were unable to dispatch the relays of armies needful for a real subjugation: the Irish were unable to effect a union (like that of Wallace and Bruce in Scotland) and to drive the alien from the land. The result was, of course, perpetual petty warfare, raiding, tyranny, and bloody reprisal which make the story of " Celt and Saxon " one of the most melancholy in the world. When the Reformation came and the EngHsh accepted Protestantism, the bulk of the Irish were ready — thanks to long centuries of animosity — to see everything good in the old Cathohc religion of their fathers. So to national hatred was added religious hatred, and the " Irish 1 According to the stories of the Hfe of St. Patrick, the great Irish saint (372- 454), Ireland was among the most highly civilized countries in the world at the dawn of the Middle Ages. Thanks to St. Patrick, Ireland was converted to Christianity nearly two centuries Ijefore Anglo-Saxon England. 2 This conquest came as a direct result of the feuds among the Irish chiefs themselves. One of them sought help in England and wa§ authorized by Henry II to obtain it among the Norman barons. THE LATER MIDDLE AGES IN ENGLAND 193 Question," with all its woes, was sharpened to vex British politics, and to be a sore bane to England hardly less than to Ireland even down to the present day. REVIEW 1. Topics — William Wallace; Robert Bruce; Bannockburn; Chaucer; Wiclif ; Transubstantiation; Lollards; the Lancastrian Kings; Wars of the Roses; Richard III; Henry Tudor; Star Chamber; Benevolences; the EngHsh Pale; St. Patricli. 2. Geography — Locate Bannockburn; Oxford; Bosworth; Dublin; the English Pale. 3. Edward I and Scotland. 4. The work of Robert Bruce. 5. The teachings and influence of Wiclif. 6. What made the Wars of the Roses possible? How did these wars afTect England? 7. Compare the effects of the Wars of the Roses upon England with the effects of the Hundred Years' War upon France. 8. The character of Richard. HI. 9. What did Henry VII accomplish for England? By what means? 10. What were the conditions in Ireland at the time of the English con- quest? Did Ireland improve under English control? Why? EXERCISES 1. The conquest of Wales. Origin of the title "Prince of Wales." 2. Did Baliol have the best claim to the Scottish throne ? 3. The character of William Wallace. 4. Robert Bruce. 5. The relations between France and Scotland at the time of Edward I. 6. Relations between England and Scotland under Edward HI. 7. Geoi^rey Chaucer. 8. Wiclif as an author. 9. The effect of the Hundred Years' War and the economic changes under Edward HI upon the power of Parliament. 10. Richard II and Ireland. 11. The relations between Henry IV and Parliament. 12. The persecution of the Lollards. 13. The Earl of Warwick has been called the "King-Maker"; also the "Last of the Barons." Why? i^. How did the Wars of the Roses affect the towns ? 194 HISTORY OF EUROPE 15. The foreign policy of Henry VII. 16. The growth of commerce under Henry VII. 17. Early Irish civilization READINGS Sources. Ogg: chapter xxvii. Robinson: nos. 202, 207-09. Modern Accounts. Seignobos: pp. 157-59. Gibbins: pp. 94-101. Any good textbook in English history (as Ransome,pp. 205-42: 278-313: 3,39-92). CHAPTER XVII THE POPES, THE SCHISM, AND THE COUNCILS io6. The downfall of Boniface VIII (1294-1303). In 1250, when Frederick II died, the Popes seemed about to dominate the Western world as " God's Vicars," supreme over secular kings as well as over matters spiritual. Within two generations they had been sorely humiliated, and the secular power had put them entirely on the defensive. The new national spirit and patriotism, which would rally behind a king, even against the Pope, had silently come into being — especially in France. The Pope could no longer bring a king to terms by " loosing his subjects from their oaths of fealty." The subject people simply denied the Pope's right to meddle in non-spiritual matters at all, and continued in their loyalty. It took some time, however, for the world to realize this change, until a masterful and incautious Pope brought about his own humilia- tion, and terribly proved the disillusionment of Boniface VIII. This Pope began to reign in 1 294. He was an elderly, learned, personally blameless man, but very ambitious, obstinate, and utterly untactful. His chief antagonist was King Philip IV, " the Fair " (1285-1314), of France, the grandson of the famous St. Louis, and himself a grasping, capable monarch, careless of the means to his end and well served by supple ministers. In 1296, the Pope began hostilities by a bull^ for- bidding the clergy of France to pay taxes to the king,- and the 1 A solemn papal pronunciamento. The name comes from the great bulla ( = seal) attached to such documents. ^ The clergy represented possibly one third of the wealth of France. The Pope was not so much zealous for ///e/V rights as anxious to keep the privilege of taxing them for himself. Philip might well ask whether he were an effective king if so many of his nominal subjects were exempt from his taxation. 196 HISTORY OF EUROPE king had effectively countered by forbidding the export of " precious metals and jewels " from the realm, thereby cutting ofT the papal income from France. Boniface made a temporary truce, but soon on various minor issues war blazed forth again. The Pope asserted his supremacy over kings, quoting the Bible to prove that God had raised the Popes " to pluck down, to destroy, scatter, rebuild, and plant "; and finally (1302) asserted "it is absolutely necessary for the salvation of every human creature that he be subject to the Roman PontilT."^ In the bold defiance which Philip offered to these claims he was sustained by the best sentiment of his whole kingdom. The French clergy, no less than the nobility and the free towns, loudly professed their loyalty. One of the Pope's bulls was actually burned by the public hangman at Paris, and the climax came at Anagni (a small town near Rome) in 1303. Boniface was there about to promulgate another bull, de- claring Philip deposed from his throne, when the town was invaded by a loose band of hireling soldiers in the king's pay. Boniface's life was threatened: he was grossly insulted and flung into a dungeon. In a few days his friends rallied, rescued and took him to Rome, but the insult had broken his spirit. To be about to depose a mighty king, and then to become the prey of semi-bandits! — the humiliation was deadly. Speedily he died (1303), and his high pretensions and abject fate were a warning to his successors. " He got in like a fox,^ he played the Pope like a lion, he died like a dog," — so his ill-wishers summed up his disastrous pontificate. He was almost the last Pope able to utter dangerous threats against great princes. 107. The ''Babylonish Captivity^' at Avignon (1305-78). The resistance of France had frightened the worldly-minded cardinals. They desired peace with the kings and quiet enjoy- ' This is the climax of the famous bull " Unam Sanciam." The papal bulls are usually named by their first (Latin) words. " This refers to the very dubious means by which Boniface is said to have pro- cured the resignation of his predecessor — Celestine V. THE POPES, THE SCHISM, THE COUNCILS 197 ment of their revenues. In 1305, they chose a Frenchman Pope, — Clement V, - — who proved himself utterly subservient to PhiHp IV and his political influence. He withdrew the Papal Court from Rome to Avignon in southern France. Here for more than seventy years the Popes remained, often entirely under French control, and leaving Rome " widowed and deso- late." The Popes and cardinals built magnificent palaces at this " sinful city of Avignon." The Papal Court was reputed among good Cathohcs to be the most luxurious, expejisive, and withal worldly in Europe.' Frenchmen filled all the chief offices of the Church, and permitted the grossest kind of financial abuses. " The Babylonish Captivity," in short, was one long scandal, which did much to undermine the general reverence men held for the Church; yet it was to be followed by something worse. . 108. The Great Schism (1378 1415). In 1378, a relatively good Pope (Gregory XI) died during a visit to Rome. The French cardinals were minded to choose a Pontiff who would return with them to their luxurious A\ignon; but the Roman mob was bent on keeping the Papacy within the sacred city. " A Roman! A Roman! or at least an Itahan, — or your heads be as red as your hats! " rang the yells of the multitude as the cardinals entered the " Conclave " to elect; while bells rang, weapons clashed, and an angry throng roared outside the Vati- can palace so long as the cardinals deliberated. ' Among the abuses imputed to this Avignon Government were: — (a) Nepotism — thrusting of relatives into the offices of the Church. {h) Expcciilives — the sale in advance of the appointment to an office in the Church, whenever the present holder of that appointment might die or resign. (c) Unnecessary Dispensations — the release, for a fee, from inconvenient vows and churchly impediments. {d) Making all Church litigation exceedingly slow, complicated, and conse- quently costly. (e) Pluralities — Allowing favored churchmen to hold several well-paid church offices simultaneously. These were all matters of practice. The Church doctrines were not yet in question. 198 HISTORY OF EUROPE ilii, ' f 'KA 1/ II '^ 111 , "l! I ti^l ^ s//(- iM III 1 I '1 In fear of their lives the cardinals elected, indeed, an Italian, — Urban VI, — but a man whom they expected to prove subservient to their wishes. It soon appeared that he would be to them an unbending master, who utterly refused to return to Avignon. The cardinals were wrathful and disappointed. Had they not elected Urban under compulsion? Was he the lawful Pope? A few months after this first election, the car- dinals declared the Pa- pacy vacant, and pro- ceeded to choose a new Pontiff, — Clement VII, — who speedily went to Avignon. A momentous ques- tion was now propoun- ded to every king of Europe. Which Pope should he recognize? ^ Urban and Clement mutually excommunicated one another, and devoted their rivals and all their rivals' helpers to the Devil. It was all very well to say a true Christian should obey the Pope. Who 7vas the Pope? Each king had really to settle the matter for himself. France, the Spanish kingdoms, and Scotland speedily supported Clement, the Avignon Pope: Germany, Italy, England, and the other lands chose Urban of Rome. The "two obediences" split the "one Church" asunder. ' Later Catholic historians consider Urban VI the true Pope and Clement VII the Anti-Pope, but it is admitted that Clement was not a vulgar pretender, and that a very plausible technical case could be made out on his side. The Church never made an authoritative statement as to which claimant represented the true line. ITALIAN ECCLESIASTICAL PROCESSION IN THE FIFTEENTH CENTURY {From a miniature in a fijleenth-century Breviary in the Bibliotheque Nationale) THE POPES, THE SCHISM, THE COUNCILS 199 Neither Pope could crush his rival. Neither would yield. When one died, his cardinals ^ hastened to elect a successor, who continued the strife. There seemed, to the learned university " doctors " who wrought long upon the question, only one satisfactory solution — a council of the bishops, theologians, and learned laymen of the whole Church, before whose authority even a Pope must bow. Many good churchmen balked at this proposal, but the need was great, and pubhc opinion demanded it. 109. The councils. John Hus. The first council held at Pisa (1409) only made bad matters worse. It declared both Popes deposed, and chose a new one (Alexander V). Most of the nations acknowledged him, but not all;^ — and there were now three Popes dividing Christendom. Moreover, the new Pisa Pope soon died, and his successor, John XXIII, was an -ItaHan poHtician of scandalous life whose enemies declared that he had spent his youth as a pirate.^ But a second council met in Constance (in southern Germany 1414-18), with much greater success. John XXIII, by his slippery deahngs and pledge-breaking, lost all his supporters and was declared deposed in turn. The old " Rome " Pope had the wisdom to resign; the old " Avignon " Pope was obstinate, but his fol- lowers left him in disgust. In 1417, Christendom rejoiced to hear that a new and undoubted Pope had been chosen, — Martin V — and the " seamless robe of the Church " was reunited, although the hoped-for reformation of the Church had not taken place. However, the Council of Constance had not merely to heal the schism; it had to deal with acute heresy. In Bohemia, 1 Urban had made haste to " create " a new body of cardinals as soon as he had broken with the old ones. ^ Some districts in Italy still held to the "Rome" Pope (Gregory XII); and most of Spain to the "Avignon" Pope (Benedict XIII). ^ John's moral unworthiness is undoubted, but Catholic historians disclaim all responsibility for him, as not being a really lawful Pope. 200 HISTORY OF EUROPE John Hus, a popular preacher of Prague, the capital city, had been infected with the teachings of the Englishman, Wiclif . ' Hus soon earned the distrust of the Church authorities by his free denunciations of the more worldly clergy and by his tend- ency to make very free use of the Bible to justify many doc- trines which were, to say the least, only semi-orthodox. He was summoned to Constance to give an account of his teachings, and seems to have gone willingly,- con\inced that he could bring the council to his way of thinking. When, however, he was informed that " the assembled Fathers " adjudged his doctrines heresy, he refused stedfastly to recant. " It is better for me to die," he asserted, " than to fall into the hands of the Lord by withdrawing from the truth." Under the law of the time there could be only one end for him. He was burned at Constance (1415), and the ashes of " the execrable heretic " were scattered in the Rhine. ^ Hus perished, but not his cause. The Bohemians considered him a national hero. His friends rose to avenge him, seized the local government, organized a non-Catholic Church in accord- ance with his teachings,^ and raised armies which harried Germany and defied every effort by the Church and German princes to subdue them (1418-30). Force having failed, the Church was induced to try persuasion. A new council was held at Basel (1431), at which the Hussites were treated with an 1 See p. 184. ^ He was given a pledge of safe-conduct by the Emperor, which was deliber- ately broken by the council on the ground that faith need not be kept with heretics, and that the Emperor had no right to promise immunity. ^ Hus's punishment arose not so much from any specifically unorthodox doctrine, but from his whole attitude of questioning the final authorities of the Church. His enemies were not worldly-minded prelates, but, according to their lights, honest and learned reformers, very an.xious to reestablish the Church in its purity, but also anxious, while they cast out evil Anti-Popes, not to open the door to false doctrine. * The Hussite Church would to-day be considered very " Protestant " in some of its methods and doctrines: its cardinal point was especially the bestowal of the cup (in the Communion) to the laity as well as to the clergy. The Hussites were often called the Calixlines (from calix = cup). THE POPES, THE SCHISM, THE COUNCILS 201 indulgence unusual in the Middle Ages, and readmitted into the Church with a special license to retain some of their peculiar usages. The Council of Basel, however, was in the main a failure. The demand for a " reform of the Church in head and in members " — i.e., the ending of such abuses as had marked the Avignon regime — was loud in all lands. The council, therefore, con- tinued long in session and pro- posed drastic remedies; but its leaders wTre unwise radicals. They quarreled with the Pope (Eugenius IV), and disgusted the world with an attempt at a new schism. As a result the council broke up in 1449, hav- ing accomplished extremely little. no. The final era of the mediaeval Papacy. Following the fiasco at Basel, no mote real efforts were made to re- form the Church for two gen- erations. The Popes had now resigned all attempts to play the political dictator over kings: they kept their spiritual sovereignty over the entire Church, but their real interests seemed to be those of temporal princes in Central Italy, — ambitious to build up a strong dominion around Rome. As a result, while some of these fifteenth-century Popes were admirable men, — like the great scholar and patron of A CHURCH CGUXCIL IN THE FIFTEENTH CENTURY The Pope is presiding. About him are the high prelates. In the lowest rank are the abbots. {From a fifteenth-century manuscript in the British Museum) 202 HISTORY OF EUROPE learning, Nicholas V (1447-55), — others were so wrapped in the problems of the secular government of the city of Rome and the strengthening of the political power of the Popes in Italy that critics of the Papacy declared that they neglected their spiritual functions to the detriment of the Church. The most famous of these Popes was Alexander (VI) Borgia (1492- 1503), a ruler of remarkable energy in war and poUtics, but around whose pontificate has centered a great deal of angry discussion. Nothing however was done to meet the growing demand for a resolute handling of the admitted difficulties of the Church, and within fifteen years of Alexander's death his successors were being vexed by an unwelcome name — Luther. REVIEW 1. Topics — Boniface VIII; Philip the Fair; "Unam Sanctam"; Baby- lonish Captivity; Nepotism; Expect atives; Dispensation; Clement V; Conclave; Vatican; the Great Schism; Council of Pisa; Council of Constance; Martin V; lohn Hus; Wiclif. 2. Geography — Locate Rome; Avignon; Pisa; Constance; Prague; Basel. 3. What was the position of the Papacy under Innocent III? 4. What had been the general character of the relations between the French kings and the Popes? 5. How do you account for the support given to Philip by his subjects as compared with the attitude of the subjects in the other contests? 6. The Papacy at Avignon. 7. The Great Schism. How did the Babylonish Captivity and the Great Schism affect the position and influence of the Papacy? Of the whole Church? 8. The results of the Councils of Pisa and of Constance. Q. Compare the work of Hus with that of Wiclif. 10. How did the position and influence of the Papacy during the last part of the fifteenth century compare with its position and influence during the last part of the thirteenth century? How do you account for the difference? EXERCISES 1. In what did the wealth of the French clergy consist ? 2. What were the relations between Boniface VIII and Edward I of England? 3. The Babylonish Captivity. THE POPES, THE SCHISM, THE COUNCILS 203 4. Would Wiclif and Hus have made so powerful an impression had there been no trouble in the Church? 5. The subsequent history of the Hussites. 6. The Council of Basel and Eugenius IV. 7. The general character of the Popes of the Renaissance. 8. Alexander Borgia. READINGS Sources. Ogg: chapters xxiii, xxvii (in review). Robinson: nos. 205-16, 23 20-3 2C. Modern Accounts. Seignobos: pp. 108-0Q, 204-oQ. Lewis: pp. 276-85. Symonds: chapter iv. Any English history (for Wiclif, Ransome, pp. 274/.) CHAPTER XVIII THE RENAISSANCE III. The mediaeval universities and schoolmen. As the Middle Ages advanced, learning became more general. It was no longer quite so exclusively the property of the clergy. It was no longer taught solely at the monastery or cathedral schools. Especially in Italy, France, and England (and a little later in Germany), universities sprang up. At "first they were merely informal associations of students and their " masters "; then gradually they obtained government charters, special privileges, a fi.xed organization, and the power to grant " learned degrees." The " capped and gowned " doctor of philosophy, law, or theology comes into existence, with a prestige and power so great as to constitute almost a rival order to the nobility. The influence of these universities on the Church is often decisive. Their one-time students become bishops, cardinals, popes. The most famous of these institu- tions was the University of Paris, which had been chartered in 1 200, and for the next three centuries was the leader of enlight- enment in Europe. It was, indeed, this university which prac- tically arranged the Councils of Pisa and Constance, insured their success, and ended the Great Schism. The prime study in these universities was, of course, theol- ogy, but this was not their exclusive interest. Bologna boasted especially her teaching of the civil (old Roman) law; Salerno, her medicine. Astonishing energy was devoted to the niceties of formal logic and " dialectic " (argumentation). The great doctrines of the Church were naturally first accepted as mat- ters of faith, then justified by very acute arguments. In non- essential religious matters great latitude of discussion was THE RENAISSANCE 205 often allowed, and mediaeval disputations, if often very arid from a modern standpoint, show remarkable sharpness of intellect.^ Thomas Aquinas (1226-74), " the angelic doctor," who was perhaps the most famous of these ''schoolmen," is still considered an almost infallible expositor of Catholic doc- trines, and is undoubtedly one of the leading metaphysicians of any age. The old " scholastic " learning, then, had marked advan- tages. It gained by its intensity something of what it had lost by its narrow range of subjects. It created an atmosphere of interest in intellectual studies, and paved the way for greater things. 112. The new conditions in Italy. During the earlier Middle Ages the prevailing view of hfe (among thoughtful men) had been sufficiently austere — that this life was a mere probation, in itself evil and painful, before the eternal heaven or the eternal hell;^ temporal benefits were therefore doubtful; tem- poral pleasures, still more doubtful. Any studies which did not bear on preparing men for their eternal state were useless or worse. Especially one must not learn to love too well the old pagan Latin writings, for what had heathens like Cicero and Virgil — with all their literary charm — to give to pious ^ Some of the stock "schoolmen's" discussions, after the movement had begun to degenerate, were on subjects such as, "How many angels can dance on the point of a needle? " The subject seems trivial, but it was excellently adapted for its object — the sharpening of fine logical distinctions. ^ This view of the hereafter, the imminence of the day of judgment, and the important bearing of the present life upon man's eternal felicity or misery, is well expressed in the opening lines of a twelfth-century hymn by Bernard of Cluny. (The succeeding stanzas are often sung in present-day churches as the hymn, "Jerusalem the Golden.") "The world is very evil. The times are waxing late, Be sober and keep vigil, The Judge is at the gate; The Judge who comes in mercy, The Judge who comes in might, To terminate the evil, To diadem the right." Neale, translator. 2o6 HISTORY OF EUROPE Christians? So long as this attitude was taken toward the world and human hfe, intellectual and scientific progress were at best handicapped. It was in Italy that the first change came in public opinion. Italy had always kept more of the old Roman civilization and city life than the sterner North. Italy was first quickened by the revival of commerce — the growth of such rich cities as Venice and Florence. She was also less afflicted by the evils of the feudal system. Sadly as her city-states were divided one from another, they were usually the seats of elegance and luxury; and conditions, too, helped the growth of a leisure class, — men of good family, who found no joy in knightly fighting, and who, if they went into the Church, had httle interest in the formal acts of piety. Such men were destined to supply most of the professional scholars who now come into evidence. Again, too, many of the Italian cities, after being ruled awhile as turbulent " republics " (faction against faction, family against family), sank at length under the rule of local despots, — princes often of diabolical cruelty and ruthlessness,^ but also men of finesse, elegant manners, and quite able to play the " gracious patron " to obsequious poets and scholars, even while their victims groaned in the dungeons under the palace. It was in this peculiar atmosphere, of tense, turbulent, but very vital city-republics, or of immoral but highly elegant city- despotisms, that the leaders of the " New Thought " grew up in Italy. 113. The Epoch-makers — Dante, Petrarch, and Boccaccio. The end of the thirteenth century saw the beginning of what has been called the Renaissance, — the " rebirth " of the old 1 So Verona, Milan, Ferrara, Urbino, and Modena, — not to name many others, — were at various times under "tyrants," who were usually strange admixtures of art-patrons and unscrupulous blackguards, — alike able to criti- cize a painting and to negotiate the poisoning or stilettoing of a rival. THE RENAISSANCE 207 Graeco-Roman culture and art, of interest in secular learning, of keen interest in this present world without direct reference to its bearing upon the hereafter. This " revival of learning " in Italy is attended " by two great achievements, — the dis- covery of the world, and the discovery of [the nature of] man." ^ It is a movement of wide activities and interests. Theology or fighting no longer engrosses human attention. There are so many lines of development that it is impossible to trace more than a few, yet through this wonderful fourteenth century stand out the names of three great Italians who have done more for the world than many famous warriors or kings — Dante, Petrarch, and Boccaccio. Dante (1265-1321), born at beautiful Florence, but banished forever from his homeland in 1301, is more the herald of the Renaissance than its actual champion. He (like all learned men) wrote much and ably in Latin; but his fame rests on the " Divine Comedy " — one of the world's very greatest poems, wherein he sums up in a single composition almost the whole of mediaeval erudition, political theory, and religious aspiration in his vision of inferno, purgatory, and heaven. And the " Divine Comedy " is not in Latin, but in Italian.^ The mere fact that so great a poem could be written in a national ver- nacular is a witness that the Middle Ages were passing. The second great spirit was Petrarch (1302-74), also of Florentine parentage,^ a great lyric poet whose sonnets in praise of " Laura " have won deserved immortality. But Petrarch's real glory was as a new kind of Latinist. His Latin lore was very different from that of the monkish theologians. He was practically the founder of later-day classical learning. He studied the old authors intelligently and critically; tried 1 Michelet. ^ Dante is said to have hesitated ere writing on so noble a subject in so crude a language as the Italian vernacular, and therefore came near ruining his great poem by writing it in Latin. ^ He was actually born in the small city of Arezzo. 208 HISTORY OF EUROPE to fathom their real meaning; rescued nigh-forgotten manu- scripts; in short, made all but a religion of his passion for antiquity. To him Cicero and Tacitus were not " lost heathen," but almost saints whose works and words were to be treasured as semi-inspired. He was transported with awe-struck delight when a copy of Homer was given him, although he could hardly read a word of the Greek. Petrarch, therefore, stands in history as the first great secular scholar the modern world had seen; and it was a notable day when a gifted man would dedicate his life to learn- ing, simply for learning's sake. Less famous but hardly less influential was Pe- trarch's friend, Boccaccio (1313-75)-' He, like Petrarch, was a zealous collector of Greek and Latin manuscripts, and composed treatises on classical history and mythology which were to be the starting-point for much later scholarship. But his place in history was won by his " Decameron," a collection (in Italian) of graceful tales (" short stories " they might well be called), which, by their ingenuity, wit, and skill of nar- ration, became models for almost every later novehst and DECORATIVE TITLE (reduced) Of a manuscript copy of Le Roman dc la Rose, a romance of the thirteenth and fourteenth cen- turies. (/;; the Bibliotheque Nationale) 1 He was born in Paris but of Italian parentage, and he spent most of his life in Italy. — " Dante was admired: Petrarch was praised: Boccaccio was read," is a striking summary given of the achievements of these three immortals. THE RENAISSANCE 209 furnished ideas and actual plots for such English writers as Chaucer and Shakespeare Before Boccaccio's day " story- telling " had been the trivial task of wandering minstrels and mountebanks: after him it became an art which might engage the greatest literary genius. It is a sign of the progress of the Italians in their love of secular learning that Boccaccio, before his death, became a lecturer at the University of Florence, commissioned to ex- pound the " Divine Comedy." So we have with him the beginning also of the literary criticism of modern literatures, another step away from the old " scholastic " curriculum. 114. The " New Learning/' For about a century and a half after Boccaccio's death, the main interest of many of the best minds of Italy was centered upon the recovery of the life, let- ters, ideas, and ideals of the ancient world. An enormous stress was laid upon the writing of pure elegant Ciceronian Latin.' " I fear a single letter from the pen of Salutati more than a thousand horsemen," spoke the tyrant of Milan of a certain secretary to the Republic of Florence famous for his masterly Latin style. The zeal for Latin studies, in fact, sometimes ran to absurdities. " ' Virtue,' which meant manliness in the Roman Age, and goodness in the Middle Ages, in the revival of learning meant mainly a knowledge of Latin." ^ Latin hterature, however, only summed up one half of antiquity — perhaps the less valuable half. Truly to revive the old learning, one must have Greek, and Greek study had almost perished in the West during the Middle Ages, though the monks sometimes made unintelligent transcripts of Greek manuscripts. Petrarch and Boccaccio knew very little Greek, but the next age advanced far beyond them. Constantinople was still a Christian city. Greek scholars drifted thence to ' The mediceval "monk's Latin," though often very vigorous, contained many uncouth forms and words, and sometimes was so intermixed with terms from the local vernacular as to become "hog Latin," indeed. ^ Sandys, Revival of Learning, p. 56. 210 HISTORY OF EUROPE Italy. In 1396, a famous Greek teacher, Chrysoloras, settled in Florence, and the youths of the city flocked around him. From this time onward, Homer, Plato, Sophocles, and their peers, were " given back to Europe," and in their own tongue. All the matchless wealth of the Greek intellect in history, philosophy, physics, and art was now at the disposal of men of the West at the very moment that they were emerging from the disorders of the Middle Ages and able to make fertile use of new ideas. In 1453, the Turks, indeed, took Constantinople, but Greek studies and books were being treasured elsewhere. " Greece had not perished," we are told by a scholar of the age, " but had emigrated to Italy." And Greece continues to supply the bases for a great proportion of the thought of the world even to this day. 115, The revival of " the joy of living ^ The revival of Graeco-Roman studies brought with it the revival of the old Graeco-Roman ideals. The world was not a gloomy place of probation, after all, but a joyous habitation full of possibilities and stirring experiences. Men continued to call themselves " good CathoHcs," but often their reverence for the Church became merely formal. Scholars founded " Platonic acade- mies," and even imitated the old pagan sacrifices and temple rites. Morality was sacrificed to the mere delight of " knowing the world," and indulging in all manner of new sensations. When the old restraints were withdrawn, men often became unscrupulous in the pursuit of any darhng ambition.^ Hence the stories of intrigues and elegant criminality with which this Italian age is full; yet in the end the good outweighed the bad. 1 The following story will illustrate how insatiate was the desire of Italians of this age for fame — at whatever cost. In 1414, the tyrant of the Italian city of Lodi had as his guests both the Emperor (Sigismund) and the Pope (John XXIII). He took his guests upon a high tower to show them the view of the city. While there a desire seized him to hurl them both thence, and so render his own name immortal as the destroyer of both Pope and Emperor! He resisted the temptation. His guests retired unharmed; but in after years the tyrant lamented his scruples and his lost opportunity. CERVANTES Spanish novelist Born 1547 Died 1616 DANTE ALIGHIERI Italian poet Born 1265 Died 132 1 JOHANN WOLFGANG VON GOETHE WILLIAM SHAKESPEARE German author English poet and dramatist Bom 1749 Died 1832 Born 1564 Died 1616 GREAT WRITERS THE RENAISSANCE 211 After the reaction from the old austere views had spent itself would come the acceptance by the world of a more normal, just type of morality than that of either the Middle Ages or the Renaissance. Typical of the Renaissance spirit, with its frivolity and its savagery, its elegance and its brutality, is the rise of the " Condottieri," or roving mihtary leaders. These men were sometimes bold adventurers, who sold themselves from state to state as generals in the constant petty wars. Sometimes, however, they were themselves princes, such as the Marquis of Mantua, and, most famous of all, Caesar Borgia, son of Pope Alexander VI. ^ This splendid warrior had a short and glorious career in which he all but succeeded in conquering for himself a principaHty, made up of several of the small dukedoms of Central Italy. Only the death of the Pope and a sudden illness of his own lost to him at the last moment the hard-earned results of a life spent in aggression and merciless warfare. 116. The new art. Along with the " new learning " and new attitude toward life and the world went a new manner of art. Here again the old Gr^eco-Roman monuments furnished the model. The " Gothic " style of architecture of the Middle Ages was replaced by the " Renaissance " type, a use of elab- orate Corinthian columns, with arches and mighty domes of the classic style, whereof a notable example is the rebuilt Church of St. Peter at Rome (sixteenth century). The med- iaeval sculpture was now made natural and beautiful by such sculptors as Donatello (1386-1466), a worthy successor to the old masters of Greece. But painting especially was brought to a perfection which probably went beyond even the best of the ancient world. From Cimabue (d. about 1302) to Raphael (d. 1520) and Michael Angelo-(d. 1564), we have an ' See p. 202. ' Michael Angelo was more than a great painter. He was at once a master architect, sculptor, artist, and poet. The Renaissance produced numbers of men gifted with a wonderfully many-sided genius. 212 HISTORY OF EUROPE ascending series of Italian painters (especially from Florence), who have given us what are usually counted supreme examples in one of the noblest of all the arts. 117. The new inventions. The Renaissance saw also the coming of the great inventions which were to help remould civilization. The effects on history of gunpowder are described elsewhere. 1 The mariner's compass, introduced, at first, in a very crude form, possibly from the Chinese and more directly through the Arabs, was also coming into use during this period. 2 No longer need the naviga- tor hug the shore. He could boldly launch out into the deep. The discovery of America was really made possible by this invention. Even more vital was the invention of printing. Dur- ing most of the Middle Ages there was so little call for books that mere manuscript reproduction sufficed well enough. The growth of in- terest in literature, however, created a need for prompter and cheaper methods of copying, and the need pre- sently brought its own so- lution. First the manufacture of linen paper (in place of costly parchment) was introduced from the Mohammedan Orient; then came various crude attempts to make printed pages of books by engraved blocks of wood. The glory ^ See p. 224. 2 At first the compass was merely a magnetic needle floating on a cork upon a pail of water or oil. In Italy the idea developed of hanging it upon a metal pivot beneath a glass cover. It now became really available for mariners. A PRINTING-PRESS SOON AFTER GUTENBERG THE RENAISSANCE 213 of inventing printing, however, belongs not to Italy, but to Germany. About 1440, John Gutenberg began at Strass- burg to attempt to cast a font of type from metal. Having withdrawn to Mainz, about 1456, he issued a Bible — the first printed book ever published. The expert Italian manuscript copyists sneered at first at the work of the clumsy hand-presses, but the value of the " German art " (as it was rightly called) was almost instantly recognized. By 1500, there were printing- presses in every Christian country of Europe, and between 1460 and 1525 one after another of the great authors of anti- quity were finding their way into print, and becoming avail- able for even very humble scholars.^ Every modern writing of worth was, of course, printed. The importance of Guten- berg's invention proved, therefore, incalculable; " and, from the day of the discovery of printing, humanity has made more progress in four hundred and fifty years, than it had made in the three thousand or four thousand years preceding. Printing has been and is still the indispensable instrument of all progress and all liberty."- 118. The Northern Renaissance. At first this great intel- lectual and artistic movement was confined largely to Italy, but by 1500, swarms of Northern scholars, French, Enghsh, and German, were finding their way to the bright land beyond the Alps and returning home with ideas which were destined to revolutionize the life and thought of their nations. Paris, Oxford, and the German universities became seats of Greek learning. The art of Italy inspired such German painters as Diirer (d. 1528) and Holbein (d. 1543). As a rule the Northern apostles of the new learning were more moderate and contained than the Italians. There w\as less indiscriminate admiration of antiquity: greater regard for the old moralities. The most 1 It has been well pointed out that in 1500 one could buy, for the equivalent of fifty cents, a printed book whereof the manuscript in 1450 would have cost over fifty dollars. ^ Malet. 214 HISTORY OF EUROPE famous figure in the Northern Renaissance was Erasmus, of Rotterdam, in Holland (d. 1536), a scholar of remarkable acuteness and learning, who devoted so much of his energies to a shrewd criticism of the abuses in the Church that he was considered a forerunner of Luther, although, when Luther's revolt actually did break out, he declined to join the rehgious radicals. By 1 5 17, to sum up, a new spirit had possessed itself of the minds and the attitude toward life of thinking men throughout Europe. In that year the new spirit displayed itself in reference to the Church. REVIEW 1. Topics — Bologna; Salerno; Paris; Thomas Aquinas; Scholastic Learning; Divine Comedy; Petrarch; Decameron; "Virtue," Chry- soloras; Gothic Architecture; Renaissance Architecture; John Guten- berg; Erasmus. 2. The nature of the early university. 3. What is meant by "Schoolman"? 4. Did the "scholastic" learning help in the progress of civilization? 5. Why did the Renaissance begin in Italy? 6. Is economic prosperity always accompanied by an increase in general culture? 7. What did Dante, Petrarch, and Boccaccio contribute toward the "Revival of Learning" ? 8. Why was a knowledge of Latin literature less valuable, from the point of view of the Renaissance, than a knowledge of Greek literature ? 9. What effect did the capture of Constantinople in 1453 have upon the spread of a knowledge of Greek? 10. How did the revival of the classical learning affect the manner of learning? 11. How did it affect art? 12. Why were the new inventions of the period important? 13. Would gunpowder and printing play an important part in the history of the New Wodd? Why? 14. How was the spirit of the Renaissance carried northward? 15. What was the difference between the Italian and the Northern Renaissance? 16. The influence of Erasmus. THE RENAISSANCE 215 EXERCISES 1. The earlier universities — when, where, and how did they originate? 2. The "trivium" and "quadrivium." 3. Famous "Schoolmen." 4. Scholasticism. 5. The scientific knowledge of the Middle Ages. 6. Dante as a scientist. 7. What was the attitude of Petrarch toward Aristotle? 8. The meaning of "hn.ianism." 9. Typical Italian Des/ S. especially Ferrante of Naples, Ludovico il Moro (Sforza), Lorenz... de Medici, and Sigismondo Malatesta of Rimini. 10. Savonarola. 11. What is meant by the revival of the "classic influence" in Italian art? By studying pictures, tell how the general treatment, and techniques of Giotto and Raphael differ; and the sculpture of Donatello and Michael Angelo. 12. Early books and printing. 13. The Renaissance in northern and western Europe. 14. The careers of Erasmus, Diirer, and Holbein the Younger. READINGS Sources. Ogg: chapters xxi, xxvi. Robinson: nos. 182-96, 217-30, 231a- 51b. Modern accounts. Emerton: chapter xiii. Bemont and Monod: pp. 515- 27. Seignobos: pp. 125-32, 225-28, 235-38, 268-82. Symonds: ^a^^/iw. Pattison: pp. 165-89. CHAPTER XIX THE WORLD AT THE END OF THE MIDDLE AGES 1 19. The state of France. By the year 1500, the map of Europe had begun to assume a shape which would seem famihar even at the present day. Certain cou^/cries were still backward and divided by the discredited relics of feudalism, but others had become powerful centralized " nation-states." The most notable of these was France. ^ From the wreck and ruin of the Hundred Years' War she had recovered with that alacrity which is a French characteristic. Under a very remarkable king, Louis XI (1461-83), a person of vulpine and mysterious character, but of really statesmanlike ability, she had con- tinued to consolidate her government and increase her general prosperity. Louis, in particular, had outmaneuvered and com- passed the ruin of the great Charles the Bold fDuke of Bur- gundy and Prince of the Low Countries — modern Belgium and Holland), an ambitious prince, who had become an inde- pendent king in all but name, and who had come very near to establishing a " third monarchy " between France and Ger- many.- Charles's death left France the richest, best-governed, and most united power in Europe. No one could question the valor of the French nobility whose swords were at their king's disposal; but even more valuable were the constant revenues poured into his coffers by the millions of industrious artisans, peasants, and traders. If France did not at once assume the ' What had happened, in effect, was that the kinp; had become incomparably the greatest of the feudal lords, and now, between his "feudal" powers and his "roj^al" powers, his authority was irresistible. ' How Louis XI played the fox against his opponent's lion, undermined Charles's power by intrigues, and finally embroiled him in a disastrous war with the hardy Swiss mountaineers is admirably told in Scott's two novels, Qucntin Durward and Anne of Geierslcin. THE WORLD AT END OF MIDDLE AGES 217 leadership in Europe which belonged to her by her national genius and by her wealth, it was because of the inferior caliber of the next two generations of her rulers. Charles VIII (1483- 98) and Louis XII (1498-1515) were mediocre, over-ambitious kings, who wasted their subjects' blood and treasure in profit- less efforts to conquer Italy — wars which finally ended by delivering that unhappy peninsula over to the despotic power of Spain. Francis I (1515-47), though equally incHned to wasteful wars in Italy, was a great art-patron and probably the chief agent in introducing into France the beauties and ideals of the ItaHan Renaissance. The famous castle at Blois was built as a palace for him. 120. The "German'' Empire. France had thus achieved a real nationality. Much less happy was her great neighbor Germany. The failure of her elective sovereigns to conquer Italy in the thirteenth century left her little better than an ill-compacted federation of feudal princes and " free cities," under a ruler who, indeed, still called himself " Caesar Augustus " and " Holy Roman Emperor," but really possessed only the rights of a president of a league rather than of a true monarch of a nation. " Imperial power " in Italy had long since sunk to a name; while within Germany its extent was usually measured by the personal influence of the Emperor, — who, to be sure, often as hereditary prince of a considerable dominion, might be a decidedly formidable personage. Some of these somewhat inglorious Emperors were really important figures in history. Rudolf of Hapsburg (1273-91) started his career as merely a petty prince with dominions in modern Switzerland,^ and ended by transmitting to his sons the hereditary rights to the valuable " Austrian lands " — the territories around Vienna, the nucleus of the present-day 1 One of the reasons why Rudolf was elected was because he seemed too insig- nificant to curb his fellow princes. From the "Hapsburg" line which he founded are descended the present Emperor of Austria and the King of Spain. It is one of the most famous dynasties in history. Longitude East 5 from Greenwich 2l8 HISTORY OF EUROPE Austrian Empire. Another Emperor, Charles IV, a practical, conservative ruler, issued, in 1356, the " Golden Bull " — a kind of constitution for the German Empire, especially regu- lating the method of electing the Emperor, and so diminishing the chances of civil war.^ In 1500, the reigning Emperor was THE EMPEROR CHARLES IV DINING IN STATE Served by the Elector Palatine. (From a manuscript copy of the Golden Bull, in the Library of Vienna) Maximilian, a chivalrous monarch of the Hapsburg line, who has been well called " the last of the knights," both from his valorous, visionary character, and the ludicrous difference between his soaring schemes for " conquering the world " and their repeated and absurd failures. As ruler of the ample " Austrian lands," he was, nevertheless, a powerful sovereign, but in the rest of Germany he was treated with more lip ser\Tce than obedience. The real government of Germany was vested in the very 1 The Electors who alone could choose the Emperors — the greatest princes, therefore, of the Empire — were: — (Spiritual Electors) — (i) Archbishop of Mainz. (2) Archbishop of Treves. (3) Archbishop of Cologne. B. (Temporal Electors) — (4) Duke of Saxony. (5) King of Bohemia. (6) Count Palatine of the Rhine. (7) Markgraf of Brandenburg. From 1440 down to Napoleon's time only once, however, was an Emperor chosen who did not belong to the Hapsburg dynasty, which thus came to con- sider the election as almost its prescriptive right. THE WORLD AT END OF MIDDLE AGES 219 numerous " electors," " dukes," " markgrafs," " counts of the Empire," and " free cities." Practically speaking, these powers were semi-independent, waging war and making treaties and local laws in true feudal style. The largest of these princi- palities (e.g.. Saxony) were really small kingdoms; the smallest, the " Ritters " (knights') holdings, were mere patches of ground with a small castle and a few starving peasants. A match for any save the mightiest princes were the larger free cities like great Nuremberg in the South and lordly Liibeck on the Baltic, 1 — magnificently built cities, full of industry and commerce; rivals of the Italian city-states in their elegance, and in the refined homes of their merchant princes; and gov- erned by city aristocracies whose enterprise and wealth often put them far ahead of the old landed nobility. From time to time an Imperial Diet met — a gathering of the multitude of princes or their envoys and of the deputies of the free cities. The Emperor presided; there was enormous pomp, ceremony, feasting, and hard drinking. But the Diet was a most ineffective organ. The discordant elements united on a common decree only with ponderous slowness. Such a decree, once promulgated, was almost non-enforcible. Frequently a state would refuse to enforce an unwelcome decree, and in that case the only remedy was to declare war upon the offender. Common taxation for the whole " Empire " was often al- most impossible. " Private wars " were frequent. " Robber knights " "let their horses bite off traveler's purses." - There were thus many tokens of public anarchy. Yet this is only one side of the picture. Many of the principalities were well governed. A great spirit of enterprise and a ready acceptance ^ Liibeck was the presiding city of the great Ilansealic League of cities of North Germany, especially those along the North Sea and Baltic, — a confed- eracy which for a long time controlled the trade in those parts and fought on equal terms with the Kings of Denmark and of Sweden. ^ A rhyme current among lawless peasants ran: — "To ride and to rob is no shame! The best in the land do the same!" 51.-J-— I, ^ THE WORLD AT END OF MIDDLE AGES 221 of new ideas had permeated the bulk of the population. There was a great zeal to develop schools, and to found universities in all the important states. Also Germans were very proud of the " Fatherland " and jealous of foreigners. The longing for a united, firm government which should give prosperity at home and glory abroad was very great. There was also a strong current of feeling that all was not well with the Church, and that here, too, must come a radical reformation. 121. The coming of Spain. By 1500 a new Christian power had begun to interfere in the affairs of Europe — the united A SPANISH CAMP Note the mediaeval tents. {From a late thirteenth-century manuscript in the Escurial Library, Madrid) monarchy of Spain. Very slowly in their northern mountains had the Spanish Christians rallied after the Moslems had over- whelmed their land (eighth century). Foot by foot, mile by mile, all through the age of the CaroKngians and the German Ottos and Hohenstaufen, the Christians had won back, first the center, then the richer southern part of their peninsula. Frenchmen had gone only occasionally on crusades. To the Spaniard, life was one continuous crusade against the ever- present infidel. The story of these " holy " wars and of the rise of new Christian kingdoms is very confusing. By about 222 HISTORY OF EUROPE 1250, nearly all the land had been recovered, save where, in the far south, in the small but fertile and populous kingdom and city of Granada,' the Moors had made a last stand, and the Christians were for many years too hampered by their own feuds to expel them. The growth of the Christian powers in Spain had been spasmodic, and sorely retarded by more than the usual number of feudal wars and dynastic contests. On the northeast had developed the kingdom of Aragon; in the center, the greatest of these kingdoms, Castile; on the west, small but full of mari- time enterprise, Portugal.- Days of internal peace and of foreign power dawned when, in 1469, Ferdinand, the heir to Aragon, wedded Isabella the Catholic, the high-minded Queen of Castile. Immediately the royal power in the united mon- archy took a notable bound forward. The first fruits came in 1492, when the last Moorish king sadly surrendered Granada and the country was clear of the infidel. That same year the Itahan Columbus, with Spanish ships and Spanish patronage, landed in the New World, and the great story of the Spanish Empire in America was begun. In 1500, Spain was a comparatively new country; her people, brave, ingenious, and ambitious, but full of pride and haughti- ness, and just released from the famihar task of war with the Moslem, were ready for any kind of high enterprise. They were intensely devoted to the Catholic Church, and ready to fly to the defense of their rehgion at the first summons. Their kings shared their religious zeal and their ambitions.^ For a hundred 1 At that city, of course, is the famous Alhambra, the marvelously beautiful Moorish palace described by Washington Irving. In most of the arts of peace, the Moors of Granada surpassed the Spaniards who conquered them. 2 In the mountain district between France and Spain there lay also the very small kingdom of Navarre, which was presently absorbed between the two countries; Spain getting Navarre proper; France, Beam, the district north of the Pyrenees. * It is worth noticing that the perpetual warfare with the IMoslem, extending as it did over nearly eight hundred years, had almost unfitted the Spanish THE WORLD AT END OF MIDDLE AGES 223 years Spanish valor and American gold made those kings al- most the -first monarchs in Christendom. 122. The coming of the Turks. In the East a new power was also rising, a far more sinister one than Spain : — the Moham- medan Turks were now in Europe. After the Fourth Crusade the Greeks had, indeed, recovered Constantinople (1261), but the power of these successors of the old East Romans had been exhausted. Various races like the Serbs pressed them hard in the Balkan Peninsula. In Asia Minor, the tribe of Ottoman Turks took the offensive; tore away the last Christian cities there; then forced their way into Thrace. In 1361, the great city of Adrianople fell into their hands, and from this capital they reached out and con- quered the neighboring Serbs and Bulgarians. Constantinople, itself, thanks to its admirable site and fortifications, still defied -them; but long ere the final catastrophe, the " Greek Emperor " had been stripped of nearly all his dominions outside the very suburbs of his capital. ^ At last, in 1453, the hour of doom came. Mohammed II blockaded the old city of the Caesars by land and sea with all his hordes of Orientals. The last Emperor, Constantine XII (Palasologus) , a hero worthy of his great name, made a desper- ate defense, but his case was hopeless. His city was cut off from the rest of Europe. His appeals for help to the Western Powers were met only by a few reinforcements from Genoa and Venice. The newly invented siege-guns used by the Turks beat down the old towers and battlements which had defied the enemies of " New Rome " so long. On May 29, 1453, Constantine died fighting in the breach of the city he could not save, and the Turks sacked Constantinople with true Eastern fury and cruelty. Mohammed II rode in triumph to the peoples for most peaceful activities. They had developed very little industrial ability. They were almost a race of professional soldiers. 1 He retained some districts in southern Greece, down to the actual taking of Constantinople. 224 HISTORY OF EUROPE famous Church of St. Sophia, where the Moslem crier sum- moned the faithful to worship " the One Allah and his Pro- phet." A great chapter of history had been ended, and the ever troublous " Eastern Question " had been begun for Europe. The fall of Constantinople was followed by the more com- plete subjugation of Servia, Bulgaria, and Greece proper by the Turks, and the partial conquest of Hungary. In 1529, the great Sultan, Soliman the Magnificent, was barely repulsed before the German imperial capital of Vienna. For the next century and a half the " Cross " and the " Crescent " continued their doubtful battle in Eastern Europe, and only slowly did the scales begin to incline toward the Christians. It is fair to say that this intrusion of the Turks into Europe was an unmitigated curse. They were a race of rude soldiers with only a veneer of even Oriental civilization. They brought with them an alien religion and a government that was an absolute despotism.^ Their coming involved war, misery for innocent non-combatants, and the ruin of commerce and peaceful industry. In line, this very real " Turkish peril " forms the dark background to the story of Christendom down to at least the year 1700. 123. The military revolution caused by gunpowder. During this age a new military factor was working wide political results. Gunpowder was more than an improved agent for murdering men. It was a prime factor in destroying the relics of feudalism. As early as 1300, clumsy " bombards," to hurl stone balls propelled by the mysterious black dust, had been used to batter down fortresses. From 1400 onward, " hand- guns " and "arquebuses" began to compete with the old longbows and crossbows in open battles. Clumsy as these weapons were, their presence was speedily felt in warfare. 1 What made the Turkish regime more obnoxious was the fact that for tliree hundred years their best army corps, the Ja>iizaries, was recruited by a tax levied on the Christian subjects — a tax payable in young boys who were torn THE WORLD AT END OF MIDDLE AGES 225 (a) Even a very feeble battering-train could demolish a feudal castle. It was impossible any longer for a baron with a few followers to " drop his portculUs and defy the king ": his walls would soon be tumbHng down about his ears. Every new cannon was an argument for royal as against feudal power. (b) The musket ("arquebus"), although at first absurdly slow-firing and unwieldy, very soon had the most heavily armored knight at its mercy. Any clod-ploughing peasant could discharge the bullet which might annihilate the great seigneur. The day of the cavalier in "armor of proof" van- ished forever; — another gain for democracy.^ 124. The expansion of the world by foreign discoveries. During the Middle Ages the human horizon had been fearfully contracted. The broad Atlantic had stretched away as a " Sea -of Darkness," inhabited if at all by terrible monsters. From the Orient had come wild, vague tales of India and of Zipango (Japan) and Cathay (China). Now the scope of geographical knowledge was widening with extraordinary rapidity; and with this geographical knowledge went a general spirit of receptivity to new ideas. As early as 1295, Marco Polo, a bold Venetian, had returned to his native city with great tales of his residence in Tartary and China at the court of the " Grand Khan"; but it took two centuries for Europe and the Far from their parents, then taught Mohammedanism, and trained to be devoted fighters for the Sultan. 1 Of course the Enghsh longbow had already done much in this direction (see p. i6q); but to become a good bowman required a very special training, while infinitely less training was needed to manage an arquebus. So great, how- ever, was the skill of the English archers that in England the bow was retained as a serious fighting weapon long after the coming of gunpowder. One of the early uses of gunpowder was to scare the cneniy^s hnrscs! This was especially the case, according to one account, at the battle of Crecy. There is a droll story of how several of the petty German princes clubbed together to purchase one cannon, which they passed around among themselves, to beat down the castles of the defiant robber knights in their respective dominions. 226 HISTORY OF EUROPE Orient to enter really into direct contact. All through the fifteenth century hardy Portuguese navigators had been feeling their way ever farther down the west coast of Africa. Almost simultaneously now came the discovery of the New World and of the road to the Far East. In 1492, Columbus (a Genoese navigator, but with Spanish ships) landed in the West Indies, seeking " golden Zipango " and discovering a new continent by accident. In 1498, the Portuguese Vasco da Gama swept into the Indian harbor of Calicut, soon to sail back with a cargo THE FLEET OF THE GRAND KHAN of spices, jewels, and muslins, and with the report of a better route to the golden East. In 1520, Magellan was to round the southern cape of Patagonia; and his ship returned to Spain with the first story of the circumnavigation of the globe (1522).^ Deeds like these were enough to herald a new age. 125. General unrest of the times. The Italian Renaissance 1 Magellan himself (a Portuguese, but in Spanish service) perished in the Philippine Islands, after successfully conducting a marvelous voyage across the broad Pacific. As a mere achievement of daring, his expedition far exceeded that of Columbus. (See John Fiske's Discovery of America, vol. 11, pp. iqi^- ^or an e.xcellent account.) THE WORLD AT END OF MIDDLE AGES 227 had wrought a great change in man's whole attitude toward the world and life within it. The new inventions^ and the new geographical discoveries were unsettling old beliefs, and mak- ing even very conservative persons open to all manner of new ideas. In place of feudal kingdoms there were appearing — at least, in France, England, and Spain — solidly compacted monarchies. The rapid development of commerce and indus- try, and the premium now put upon wealth and not birth, were destroying the prestige and influence of the old-time nobilities. Serfdom had disappeared in many Christian lands, and seemed dwindling in most of the others. In short, by 1500 nearly every time-honored human idea and institution had been essentially modified save only the Catholic Church. Could that alone go through the changes of the age un- scathed? The answer came from Germany in 1517. REVIEW 1. Topics — Louis XI; Rudolph of Hapsburg; the Golden Bull; Electors; Ritter; Diet; Hanseatic League; Alhambra; Ottoman Turks; St. Sophia; SoHman the Magnificent; Janizaries; Marco Polo. 2. Geography — (a) Locate Mainz; Treves; Cologne; Nuremberg; Liibeck; Granada; Aragon; Castile; Portugal; Navarre; Adrianople; Constantinople. {h) Mark the bounds of France, Germany, Italy, Spain, and Turkey in Europe about 1500. 3. The work of Louis XI. 4. What were the reasons for the failure of Germany to achieve "a real nationality"? 5. What did Rudolph of Hapsburg and Charles IV contribute to the devel- opment of the Empire? 6. What was the origin of Austria? 7. What made possible the wealth and refinement of such cities as Venice, Liibeck, and Antwerp? 8. What conditions favorable for the development of a "nation-state" existed in Germany about 1500? 9. Why had not Spain taken a prominent part in European affairs before 1500? 1 See p. 212, 228 HISTORY OF EUROPE 10. What conditions among the Mohammedans aided the Christians to recover Spain? 11. What was accompUshed by Ferdinand and Isabella in the develop- ment of Spain? 1 2. What prevented an earlier conquest in Europe by the Ottoman Turks? 13. Mohammed II is known as "the Conqueror." Why? 14. The effects upon the Balkan Peninsula of the conquests by the Turks. Compare with the effects upon the Spanish Peninsula of the con- quest by the Saracens. 15. How did gunpowder help the growth of democracy? 16. What had been accomplished in discovery by 1525? 17. How would the discoveries affect European civilization? EXERCISES 1. Louis XI and Charles the Bold. 2. The Italian Wars. 3. The Golden Bull of Charles IV. 4. The Hanseatic League (Hansa). 5. The Christian Reconquest of Spain. 6. The Alhambra. 7. How did the expulsion of the Moors affect the economic conditions in Spain? 8. Columbus at the Court of Spain. 9. The government of Spain about 1500. 10. Cardinal Ximenes and the Church in Spain. 11. Why did not Christian Europe unite to repel the Turks? 12. Constantine XII (Palasologus). 13. Compare the sack of Constantinople by the Christians (1204) with that by the Turks. 14. The invention and early uses of gunpowder. 15. Geographical knowledge before 1492. 16. Prince Henry the Navigator and the Portuguese sailors. 17. The ships of the period. READINGS Sources. Ogg: chapter xxiv, section 72. Robinson: nos. 203-04, 231. 232, 233-38. Modern Accounts. Bemont and Monod: pp. 474-79. Duruy:pp. 247-313, 319-24. Lewis: pp. 235-353. Scignobos: pp. 187-91, 211-62. Gibbin; pp. 105-09. Pattison: pp. 144-64, 190-214. Lodge: chapter I, CHAPTER XX THE PROTESTANT REVOLT IN GERMANY AND SWITZERLAND 126. The state of the Church in the sixteenth century. In 1517, even devout friends of the Catholic Church admitted that the great fabric was full of evils. The reigning Pope Leo X was an upright, well-intentioned ruler personally, but he was far more intent on strengthening his political position as an Italian prince, and playing the patron to poets and artists,^ than in cleansing the Church of its obvious abuses. There were many worthy bishops, but as a rule to be a bishop meant to be a great nobleman who entered the Church as a ^'career" with a view to the financial, political, and social advantages. The friar movement of St. Francis and St. Dominic had lost much of its noble impulse. The friars were now charged with averaging more idle, more greedy, more morally worthless than the ordinary monks. The regular priests also were often charged with gross ignorance, with neglecting their parishes, and with leading unworthy lives to the detriment of their credulous laity. As for the Papal Court at Rome, all sorts of worldliness, financial greediness, extreme luxury, and downright immorality were constantly imputed even to the highest cardinals. No doubt there was much exaggeration in these charges: it was easy for one rascally churchman to destroy the effect of the good deeds of a dozen pious men; — nevertheless, many ugly facts appeared to remain. The world was advancing, but in the great Church evils seemed every day more prominent.^ ^ Among his favorites at court were Raphael and Michael Angelo. ' Catholic scholars of the present day admit all these facts, but declare that the remedy was one caUing for the peaceful internal reform of the Church: not 230 HISTORY OF EUROPE Yet this Church was still acknowledged throughout all Western Christendom: all attempts to alter its body of doc- trines and scheme of government had failed. Men might deplore " the worldliness of Rome," yet still profess firm loy- alty to priest, bishop, and Papacy. There were no more out- ward signs of a great religious revolt in 1516 than in 1416.^ Then suddenly forces, long at work silently, manifested them- selves. In a surprisingly short time Western Christendom was spHt into two hostile camps, not even at this present day united. All great movements, however, usually revolve around a leader; — the Protestant Revolt or Reformation revolves around the person of the German friar, Martin Luther. 127. The early career of Martin Luther. It is safe to say that there would have been a marked religious change in any event. It is also safe to say that Martin Luther gave his own personal stamp and impetus to the new movement. The main facts of his life are fundamentals in the world's history. He was born a Saxon peasant in 1483 ; and worked his way through the schools at Eisenach and through the University of Erfurt by self-denial and begging.^ His friends expected him to be- come a lawyer; but in 1505, being in great fear for the salvation of his soul, he amazed them by becoming a friar. In the con- vent he practiced every monkish mortification, but only found peace for his soul upon being convinced that merely the " free grace of God," not any personal self-righteousness, could bring salvation to the penitent sinner. He became Professor of Theology in the Saxon University of Wittenberg; and was soon famous as a theological lecturer and as a preacher of a violent rcvohiliou in which the whole fabric of the Church, not simply the abuses, was demolished. 1 Nor so many signs, perhaps: the memory of the heretic John Hus (see p. 199) would, in 1416, still have been keen. ^ Luther's father had prospered enough to be of some assistance to him when he went to the university. — Attempts to explain the Protestant Reformation as a merely social and economic movement, and to ignore Luther, are very futile. MARTIN LUTHER Leader of German Reformation Born 1483 Died 1546 DESIDERILS ERASMUS Dutch scholar Born i466(?) Died 1536 ■ ^^" ^H T \ '^^^^H i m 1 Q IGNATIUS I)L l.dMil \ CHARLES WESLEY Spanish founder uf So..ietj ^l Jt^a^ English Methodist preacher Born 1491 Died 1556 Bora 1707 Died 1788 LEADERS OF BELIEF THE PROTESTANT REVOLT 231 divine grace and righteousness to the laity. He was praised for his eloquence, learning, and piety. In normal times he might have become a bishop. Then, in 15 17, he did a deed which made all Europe talk of him. 128. Tetzel, and Luthefs Theses {i<,i*j). To raise money for building the new Cathedral of St. Peter, at Rome, the church authorities had commissioned one John Tetzel, a friar, to preach and sell valuable indulgences through North Germany.^ These remissions from the penances due for sin were only valid when not merely a price had been paid, but also when the purchaser had professed real sorrow for his evil actions; however, there is little doubt that Tetzel exceeded his com- mission.^ The indulgences were sold for a round price, and Tetzel was anxious to report as large sales as possible. In his noisy sermons through the German cities he seems to have said much of the money, little of the contrition.'"^ Untaught peasants, at least, gained the belief that the purchase of an indulgence squared all accounts with Heaven, and left one shriven and sinless. When Tetzel preached and sold in Jiiter- bog, a town near Wittenberg, the accounts of his doings which came thence aroused Luther to drastic action. On October 31, 1517, Luther nailed to the door of the 1 The indulgences were not (as Protestants often believe) "forgivenesses of sins"; they were only the remission of the penances — fasts, alms deeds, pil- grimages, etc. ^ — which the priest could require of one who professed sorrow for his misdeeds and asked for absolution. At the same time, many Catholic scholars admit that the theory was one open to abuses if not carefully safeguarded, and that Tetzel was a very unworthy, rapacious man. ^ What made the case more objectionable was that the Archbishop of Mainz (who had sent out Tetzel) was heavily in debt to the Fuggers — a great banking- house of Augsburg. A clerk of the Fuggers accompanied Tetzel, and appropri- ated a large share of the indulgence money to pay his employers — a highly "secular" proceeding! ^ Most dubious of all were his urgings that people buy indulgences for their relatives then in the fires of purgatory. "The money in the strong box rings — The ransomed soul to heaven upsprings!" — is the scandalous rhyme imputed to him. 232 HISTORY OF EUROPE "Castle Church,"^ in Wittenberg, ninety-five "theses," or statements relative to indulgences, in which he attacked the methods of Tetzel, and by implication cast doubts upon the whole value of the documents. Luther had no intention (he later said) of questioning any of the great doctrines of the Church or the authority of the Pope. But it was soon plain that he had stirred up a hornet's nest. The " Theses " were printed and distributed over all Germany. Instantly he was both praised and blamed with extreme violence: praised for daring to attack a greedy monk who was deluding the laity, blamed for assailing by insinuation the fundamental power and prerogatives of the Pope (whose license Tetzel bore). Tetzel himself and his friends retaliated with venomous counter- theses. All intelligent Germany began to take sides. 129. The hearing before Cajetanus (1518). At first Pope Leo regarded the trouble as an unimportant " monks' quarrel." But it was soon evident that something must be done " to quench the flames." It was not enough to repudiate Tetzel.'^ Luther (and the learned friends who had rallied around him), in trying to justify their first attack on the indulgence-hawker, were using new arguments which seemed to involve the under- lying doctrines of the Church. In 1518, Luther was cited before the papal legate, the Cardinal Cajetanus, at Augsburg. The cardinal was a kindly and blameless man, anxious to see good in Luther, but he firmly pressed for a " recantation." Luther tried to justify the points at issue with arguments. This was not what Cajetanus wanted : the bold friar must submit with- out argument to the declared teachings of the Church. Really ' This was the regular bulletin board for the notices at the University of Wittenberg. Luther did not advance his theses as proved facts, but onlj' as theories relative to indulgences which he was ready to defend with arguments (a common academic procedure), but the discussion soon ranged far beyond ordinary university controversy. 2 Tetzel was later so severely reprimanded for his coarse folly by Miltitz, the Pope's commissioner to Germany, that he retired to a convent in disgrace, and is said to have died soon after of mortification. THE PROTESTANT REVOLT 233 the two men (both sincere and honest) stood on such different grounds that reconciliation was almost impossible. Cajetanus was defending the claim of the Church, first, to define the true belief, and then to require all Christians to accept it. Luther was claiming the right of every man to evolve his own personal theology without necessarily accepting the dicta of the Church.^ This difference was fundamental, and remains fundamental to this day. " Recant! " at length ordered Cajetanus, " or never see my face again." Luther refused, and left Augsburg. This was the second step in the great religious revolt. 130. The disputation at Leipzig (1519). The next year, at Leipzig, Luther joined with a Catholic champion, Eck, in a formal public disputation on their differences. More and more Luther had become convinced, as his opponents had pressed him, that the papal authority and all the great Church fabric connected therewith were hopelessly bad, and needed com- plete reconstruction. At Leipzig, he astonished his hearers by asserting personal sympathy with the Bohemian Hussites, ^ long since condemned as heretics by the Church. A like boldness of assertion against Church authority had not been for centuries. Speedily came rumors of a papal bull of excom- munication against Luther, and he in turn became defiant. The newly invented printing-press was at his disposal. He had developed a wonderfully trenchant literary style both in Latin (for the learned) and in the popular German. ^ In two great 1 It is perfectly true that Luther laid great stress upon the teachings of the Bible as against the decrees of the Church: seeming simply to substitute one authority for another. But the Bible is by no means a book to be received with- out careful study and interpretation; and then comes in the personal element — every man must make his own interpretation of the Bible, if he will not let the Church do it for him. ' See p. 200. * Luther's friends and enemies alike have admitted that a large part of his success came from his matchless literary and argumentative gifts. He is justly criticized for extreme violence of statement and invective, but no one has denied 234 HISTORY OF EUROPE pamphlets, — " The Appeal to the German Nobility " and " On the Babylonish Captivity of the Church," — he denounced the alleged abuses of Rome in unmeasured terms. No other theological pamphlets ever had such an effect. Public opinion rallied to him — "a pious German friar attacked by worldly MARTIN LUTHER BURNING THE POPE'S BULL OF EXCOMMUNICATION ItaKans." When the papal bull against him was published (1520), a very large fraction of Germany was ready to applaud Luther's action, as, upon a great public bonfire at Wittenberg, he cast this notice of excommunication, and proclaimed his contempt for " Anti-Christ " (the Pope) and all his power. 131. Luther at Worms and the Wartburg (1521-22). Leo now demanded of the newly elected Emperor, Charles V, that he arrest and punish the man whom the law of the Church had condemned. But a great majority of the Germans seemed that his trenchant pen made his arguments carry double weight. He knew his countrymen thoroughly, and had a marvelous power of appealing to their hopes, fears, prejudices, and patriotism. THE PROTESTANT REVOLT 235 to be on Luther's side. A powerful prince — Frederick the Wise of Saxony — was his protector. It was impossible to condemn him without a hearing. Although Charles V ^ (Fleming born and of Spanish descent) was a devout Catholic and not unwilling to sustain the Pope, he could not override the wishes of his German subjects too ruthlessly. Luther was accordingly summoned under safe-conduct to the Imperial Diet at WormSo Luther's friends told him that he would never be allowed to leave Worms alive, but he was determined to bear his witness: " I will go to Worms," vowed he, " though there be as many devils there as there be tiles on the house-tops! " On April 18, 1 52 1, the peasant's son, in his humble friar's frock, was led in • before the august and glittering array of the Emperor, his court, and all the German princes. But to the demand that he recant his writings, Luther was as stedfast as before Caje- tanus. Finally he was pressed for an unequivocal answer " without horns." " I cannot recant," was the final reply, " unless I be proved in the wrong by Scripture or by plain reasoning. Here I stand. I cannot do otherwise. God help me. Amen! "2 Under the law there was only one fate for obvious heretics. Luther was ordered to return to Wittenberg, there to await " the ban of the Empire," and, no doubt, a iiery punishment; but on his way home he was kidnapped by his friends and con- fined secretly as a prisoner of honor in one of the Elector of Saxony's castles — the famous Wartburg, in the beautiful Thuringian forest.^ While there he translated the Bible into 1 Charles V (Emperor, 1519-56) was, besides holding the imperial crown, the Prince of the Netherlands (Belgium, Holland), and, as grandson of Ferdinand and Isabella, the King of Spain and Spanish America. He was an astute and very capable monarch, who fell short by only a little of being one of the world's greatest rulers. ^ There is some question as to the exact verbal form of Luther's answer. The words given seem, on the whole, well authenticated. ' So completely did he disappear that many of his friends believed him dead, and accusecl the Catholic party of murdering him. 236 HISTORY OF EUROPE German. His version at once ran into many editions, and became both a German classic and a great weapon for his party. In 1522, Luther ventured to leave the Wartburg and return to Wittenberg. To most Germans he was a national hero. The Emperor was about to plunge into war with France, and dared not ahenate the nation by enforcing the ban. 132. The spread of the revolt in Germany. Luther lived unmolested in Wittenberg till his death in 1546. He was gen- erally counted the mentor and patron of the new movement, but he was no longer essential to its progress. In northern Germany, between 1522 and 1530, the people seem to have revolted against the old Church almost at one bound. Nuns and monks left their convents; priests married;^ communion was administered in "both kinds";- Luther's doctrine of "salvation by grace " (in lieu of pious works) was generally accepted. Many of the princes (e.g., of Saxony and Hesse) joined the movement sometimes from sincere zeal, sometimes because the "Reformation" meant a pretext for confiscating the Church lands. There were, of course, serious setbacks: wild sects of fanatics arose — e.g., the Anabaptists, who found in the Bible justification of open polygamy; and there occurred a great revolt of the peasantry, who, like oppressed wild beasts, seized on the public unrest as an occasion for a revolt against the tyrannous knights and princes, and who were presently put down in blood by the authorities (1524 25). Luther him- self, perhaps over- scrupulously, kept on the side of "law and order," and taught his followers to submit to the leadership of the constituted princes. He had his reward, however. Several of the greatest principalities ranged themselves on his side, and were ready to defend " the Reformed Religion " by armed 1 Luther himself married an ex-nun (Catherine von Bora; "my Kathe"), in 1525- ' That is to say, both the bread and the wine were given to the laity, not the bread only as in the Catholic Church. , CHARLES V Holy Roman Emperor (1519-56) King of Spain as Charles I (1516-56) Born 1500 Died 1558 THE PROTESTANT REVOLT 237 force if need be. In 1529, these Lutheran princes " protested " at the Diet of Spires against the decision to carry out the Edict of Worms (against Luther and his supporters), and so won for themselves and their cause the abiding name of "Protestants." In 1530, the new Lutheran churches united against their foes under a common creed and program, " The Confession of Augsburg," and in 1531, their princes drew together into a close military alUance, the Schmalkaldic ^ League. Meantime throughout Germany every thoughtful man was making his choice — ■ the old Church or the new. Many who had at first ap- plauded Luther drew back, but the bulk of the nation, especially in North and Central Germany, com- mitted themselves to one or another type of " Protestantism." 133. The religious peace of Augsburg (1555). Hardly was Luther dead (1546) when the Emperor Charles, who had long dissembled his wrath against the German Protestants, owing to his embroilments with France, sought to enforce the ban against heresy. The forces of the Schmalkaldic League were routed, its leading princes imprisoned; Charles made certain promises of tolerance for a few Protestant tenets; yet the whole movement seemed doomed. But the Lutherans found a new champion in the Elector Maurice of Saxony, a former supporter of the Emperor, although a Protestant, who now fell out with his master, and suddenly (1552) turned his arms GERMAN PEDDLER OF THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY (From a book by Hans Ganlz (Frankfort. 1568) describing the va- rious trades of the period) ^ The name comes from the town (Schmalkalden) where the league was or- ganized. 238 HISTORY OF EUROPE against him.' Charles, who had beheved he had Germany at his mercy, was obHged to fly, ill with gout, in a Htter over the snowy Alps from Innsbruck to avoid capture by Maurice. The attempt to conquer the Protestants had failed: more particularly as they could always look for aid to Charles's arch enemy — France. The Emperor in despair concluded a preliminary treaty (at Passau), which became a permanent peace at Augsburg (1555). The compact of Augsburg was a compromise satisfactory to neither party, but perhaps as good as could be secured at the moment. It was agreed that the Lutherans (adherents of the "Confession of Augsburg") should be tolerated in as many districts of Germany as were then ruled by Lutheran princes (about two thirds of Germany). The rehgion of the prince thus became the religion of the region, — an absurd decision; for what if the prince changed his own religion — must his subjects change also? ^ What of the districts where a non-Lutheran type of Protestantism prevailed, or which became Protestant after the treaty? Obviously here was the certain source of later conflict. Nevertheless, this rough-and-ready agreement was to serve to keep the peace in Germany for over fifty years; and at the time of its making many good men were justified in con- sidering it only provisional: — would not one religion surely absorb the other? For to expect that Christendom would remain permanently split into two great opposing camps was contrary to all past theory and experience. 134. Zwingli and Calvin in Switzerland. Luther's great strength had been in his ability to appeal to his own German countrymen. In non-German lands Lutheranism had much less 1 Maurice was by no means an ideal character. He had supported Charles long enough to win for himself the Electorate of Saxony, formerly held by his kinsmen. Of course, he alleged various personal and religious grievances for his attack upon the Emperor. 2 Cases actually arose where, e.g., a Catholic prince was succeeded by a Protestant, and all his subjects were required to change their faith or migrate. Then a Catholic ruler would come in again and the whole process be reversed. THE PROTESTANT REVOLT 239 success. It wrested the Scandinavian kingdoms from the old Church, but in Switzerland and the French borderlands, it halted before a rival type of Protestantism which revolved around the leaders Zwingli and Calvin. Zwingli, a priest in the Swiss city of Zurich/ had begun, as early as 15 19, an attack upon Catholic practice and doctrine even more violent and far-reaching than that of Luther. He differed, too, from Luther in being more of a pohtician and less of a theologian. He was actually slain in battle between the Ziirichers and the Swiss CathoHcs in 1531, but notwith- standing his overthrow a large part of Switzerland became Protestant. In 1536 appeared at the city of Geneva, in French Switzer- land, the man who next to Luther became the prime leader of Protestantism. John Calvin was a Frenchman with the French spirit of logical thoroughness. His book, '' The Institutes of the Christian Religion," was a marvelously effective presenta- tion of the extreme Protestant case. For many years Calvin practically reigned as the " senior pastor " over the little city- republic of Geneva, and made it the center for an anti-Catholic movement which gave the tone to the leading Protestant churches of France, Holland, and especially Scotland and England.- Calvin was a stern, unsympathetic leader. His capital doctrine of predestination has been in later ages bitterly criticized. He used his great influence at Geneva tci send to the stake Servetus (1553) accused of the " unitarian " heresy. But he was able to put a lighting spirit into his followers which was to carry his aggressive type of Protestantism into ^ The Swiss Cantons at that time still retained some nominal connection with "the Empire," but they were for all practical purposes independent of Germany. ' Most of the leading Protestant denominations of America, except the Lutherans, Universalists, and Unitarians, derive their fundamental theology from Calvin. Calvin differed from Luther on various theological points — e.g., the nature of the Lord's Supper; but the decisive difference was this: — -Luther tried to retain as much of the old usage as possible, Calvin to reduce it to a minimum. 240 HISTORY OF EUROPE countries which had Httle sympathy with the Germanism of Luther. 135' '^he Council of Trent and the Catholic reaction. Mean- time the Catholics had ralHed. If the Germanic North of Europe seemed largely lost, the latinized South was success- fully defended.^ Worthy and capable Popes succeeded the worldly ones. The practical abuses whereof the lirst Protes- tants complained were aboHshed, — there was never another Tetzcl. Between 1545 and 1563, there met intermittently the great Council of Trent, which corrected the usages of church- men, defined doubtful dogmas upon which the Church had never spoken with authority before, and tightened up the whole Catholic line of defense against the Protestant adversary. - Another great helper came to the papal side. St. Ignatius de Loyola (a Spanish nobleman) founded (1534) the " Society of Jesus," or less officially the " Order of Jesuits ": a special religious brotherhood of a new kind whereof the special busi- ness should be to aid the Popes in all possible ways against every kind of heresy. The Jesuits mingled in politics, and exerted a potent influence at royal courts; but especially they were interested in founding excellent estabHshments for the education of Catholic laymen. For the next century and after they were the right arm of the Papacy. So the sixteenth century saw the great Western Church hopelessly dissevered. Out of the separation were bound to come bloody wars and the rise or ruin of nations. * This line of demarcation was followed down fairly closely: the Catholics kept southern Germany and a considerable number of adherents in Holland. The Protestants won many districts in French (Latin) Switzerland. The Celtic parts of the British Isles divided. Ireland remained, on the whole, Catholic: Scotland and Wales became Protestant. 2 It is sometimes said that in the Middle Ages the Church left a great many points of faith very indefinite: this had enabled the Protestants to claim that they were "no heretics" in attacking various usages (though not laws) of the Church. Now after Trent the Church system became far more precise and rigid. THE PROTESTANT REVOLT 241 REVIEW 1. Topics — Indulgences; Luther's Theses; Cajetanus; Eck; Charles V; Frederick the Wise; the Wartburg; Protestants; Confession of Augs- burg; Schmalkaldic League; Maurice of Saxony; Rehgious Peace of Augsburg; Zwingli; Servetus; the Society of Jesus. 2. Geography — (a) Locate Eisenach; Erfurt; Wittenberg; Augsburg; Leipzig; Spires; Innsbruck; Zurich; Geneva; Trent. {h) Mark the territories of Charles V in Europe. 3. What evils existed in the Church at the beginning of the sixteenth century? Did the changes produced by the Renaissance make these evils more, or less, apparent? 4. What was Luther's intention in posting his theses? 5. What was Luther's position at the hearing before Cajetanus? — at the dispute with Eck? — before the Emperor? 6. Why was not Luther treated as Hus had been? Compare his treatment with that of Wichf. 7. The progress of the Reformation to 1531. 8. What were the provisions of the Religious Peace of Augsburg? 9. If the Council of Basel had been like the Council of Trent, would there have been a Protestant Revolt? EXERCISES 1. The influence of the Renaissance upon the movement for reform. 2. How would the character and aims of the Popes of the Renaissance affect the influence of the Papacy. 3. What was the influence of Erasmus upon Luther? 4. Luther's pamphlets. 5. What classes in Germany were reached by Luther's teachings? 6. Compare Zwingli's teachings with those of Luther. 7. The Swiss Cantons and the Empire. . 8. Loyola and the formation of the Jesuit order. 9. The Election of 15 19. READINGS Sources. Robinson: nos. 239-62, 277-79. Modern accounts. Seignobos: pp. 262-66,283-95,296-98,305-14. Lewis: pp. 354-98. Pattison: pp. 215-47. Lodge: chapter iv, sections 1-9, 14-16; chapter vi, sections 1-9; chapter vii, all. CHAPTER XXI THE RELIGIOUS REVOLT IN ENGLAND 136. Henry VIII (1509-47) — His character and policy. Under existing conditions it is likely that Protestantism would have taken some root in England in any case, no less than in other countries. But England — peculiar in her civilization and her political institutions — could hardly fail to be pecuhar in the features of her religious revolt. In her breach with Rome theological questions were sometimes all but obscured by the problems of worldly policy as directed by her masterful king. Henry VIII stands out prominently as one of the most unusual rulers in history. " Henry Tudor " in his youth was handsome and dissipated. In his later days he became portly and sensual; but with all his shortcomings he was never sottish, never contemptible. He was almost an " absolute king " in his deeds and policy, but he knew how to clothe his tyranny with forms of law, and when to stop on a given road ere he lost the good will of the bulk of his subjects. He could inspire ministers with almost excessive devotion to his cause, then repudiate them when no longer useful and send them ruthlessly to the block. He was an amateur theologian; professed great abhorrence of Luther- anism, and wrote a not unlearned treatise in defense of the Pope; then ended by repudiating the papal power and launch- ing England into bitter war with the Roman Church. He could perpetrate acts of extreme blood and cruelty, justify them in the names of religion and state policy, and probably (so able critics have held) be sincere in believing in his own professions. Finally, he could tear England away from Rome and yet refrain from committing her to any of the usual types of THE RELIGIOUS REVOLT IN ENGLAND 243 Protestantism. Henry VIII was, in short, a strange compound of good and evil.^ 137. The divorce of Catherine of Aragon. During the earlier years of this young and masterful king his policy was largely shaped by a great chief minister, Cardinal Wolsey, who, by skillfully balancing France against Spain and offering the English alliance now to one side, now to the other, in their ^^^^^-^^:>: CARDINAL WOLSEY AND HIS SUITE incessant wars, managed to make England a leading power among the nations without committing her to any very exten- sive or exhausting campaigning. During this time, too, little bands of " Lutheran " sympathizers began to appear in Eng- land, only to be suppressed by the royal authorities invok- ing the old anti-heresy laws. In 1527 came the opening wedge 1 A large part of Henry's career turned on his six unfortunate and notorious marriages. His wives were: (i) Catherine of Aragon (queen, 1500-33; divorced). (2) Anne Boleyn (1533-36; executed for alleged immorahty). (3) Jane Seymour (1536-37; she gave birth to a prince, the later king Edward VI, and died soon after). (4) Anne of Cleves (1540; a foreign princess repudiated within six months after marriage, as homely and socially unattractive). (5) Catherine Howard (1540-42; executed for immorality, probably guilty). (6) Catherine Parr (1543- 47; "a discreet lady," who survived the king). Some of these queens are further discussed in the text. 244 HISTORY OF EUROPE for Henry's breach with Rome. He had married a Spanish princess, Catherine of Aragon, but had ceased to love her, and was deeply infatuated with a pretty maid-of-honor — Anne Boleyn. He now made application at Rome for an annulment of the marriage on various technical grounds. ^ Popes had often in the past been accommodating in the annulling of marriages for powerful kings; but Catherine pro- tested stoutly against the proceeding, and she had a potent advocate in her nephew, the great Emperor Charles V. Pope Clement VH feared Charles (who had just then conquered almost the whole of Italy) far more than he did Henry. After fruitless negotiations and half promises from the Pope, the " process " against Catherine came to nothing, despite the uttermost efforts of Wolsey. The failure cost the chief minister his position and his honors. He was later arrested " for high treason " and died ere being brought to trial (1530). His deathbed words have become famous: " If I had served my God as diligently as I have done my king, He would not have given me over in my gray hairs." Manifestly Henry could not get his divorce from Rome. He now hearkened to councilors who told him he could get his divorce in spite of Rome. 138. The break with Rome. Protestant opinion was making way in England, although the majority of the people were stJl quite loyal to the old Church. But could not one keep the old mass service and ecclesiastical organization, and yet repudiate papal supremacy ? So Henry asserted, and in Thomas Cromwell, as his chief minister, and Thomas Cranmer, his new Arch- ' Henry was able to cover this move with decent pretenses, (i) His own deceased brother had been contracted to Catherine before Henry married her. Under Church law the marriage was therefore void on grounds of "consan- guinity," and Henry seems to have had sincere doubts about the validity of his marriage with Catherine, even before he met Anne. (2) Catherine had borne him only a daughter. Unless the king had a male heir, his death might mean a civil war for England. THE RELIGIOUS REVOLT IN ENGLAND 245 bishop of Canterbury, he found ready agents for his will.^ Parliament was completely at the mercy of the royal mandates: " Convocation " (the assembly of the English clergy) was browbeaten into submission. In 1532 and 1534, all payments to Rome were stopped by law; in 1533, all appeals to the juris- diction of Rome likewise; in 1534 came the logical climax, — the '' Act of Supremacy " declared the king " Supreme Head on Earth, under God, of the Church of England." In other words, Henry substituted himself for the Pope as the head of the Catholic Church in England, and the " usurped authority of the Bishop of Rome " was expressly repudiated. Spiritual and temporal monarchy were thus to be yoked together in the same person. This was surely a religious revolt with a vengeance ! At Rome the Pope declared against Henry's application for -a divorce, but the king had already transferred the case to the court of his own underling, the Archbishop of Canterbury. Cranmer had promptly declared the marriage null, and amid great festivity Henry had wedded Anne Boleyn (1533). She was a coarse and unscrupulous woman, and when her long desired child proved to be only a daughter, her influence over the king seemed to vanish. In 1536, she was accused of im- morality, and on the 19th of May was executed. On the 20th of May, the king was married with cynical haste to Jane Seymour. Poor Catherine of Aragon was now dead, but Henry had no intention of seeking reconcihation with Rome. In 1537, Jane bore him a son (Edward VI), but died in childbed. The king now, however, had a lawful and undoubted heir and his position was immensely strengthened. Before the death of Anne the new religious movement had begun to claim its noble victims. In 1535, Sir Thomas More, ^ These men, indeed, especially Cranmer, were willing to introduce real Protestantism somewhat promptly into England, but the king for long restrained them. 246 HISTORY OF EUROPE one of the noblest scholars and statesmen of England, died at the block, because his conscience forbade him to accept Henry as his religious ruler in place of the Pope. ^ Meantime Cromwell, the new chief minister, under pretext of ending the idleness, luxury, and vicious living which he asserted he discovered in the English monasteries,- had begun a campaign which ended in the confiscation and dissolution of all the abbeys in England, By 1539, the monks had been dispersed with often meager pensions, and the great monastic buildings and wide abbey lands seized by the king: — a most worldly-wise measure, for the confiscated properties were duly distributed among the nobility and gentry of England. Forty thousand influential families are thus said to have participated in the spoils of the Church, and almost every beneficiary became, of course, a zealous convert to the new religious system! 139. The spread of Protestantism. Henry VIII tried, prob- ably genuinely, to make England anti-papal without making her Protestant. A revolt in the North in 1536 (" Pilgrimage of Grace "), repressed, indeed, with much blood, admonished him to go slowly. In 1540, Cromwell lost favor at court and was executed under an " Act of Attainder."^ Already the old laws against heresy had been sharpened. Henry tried to make it alike perilous to be either new Protestant or old-line Catholic. In 1540, in London there perished in one day three " heretics," who were burned for unorthodox views as to transubstantia- tion, and three " traitors " who were " hanged, drawn, and 1 He was the author of the famous book Utopia, and was a most distinguished "humanist" and friend of learning. He did not deny Henry's power as temporal king, but simply refused to take an oath of loyalty to his religious pretensions. * Some of the English monasteries seem to have been grievously corrupt; others austere and well administered. There is little doubt that Cromwell's commissioners who investigated the monasteries were very unfair men, but the exact facts are hard to reach. ' This was a measure of Parliament declaring an offender guilty of a great crime and ordering his execution without trial, — a fearful engine when used by a despotic Government. THE RELIGIOUS REVOLT IN ENGLAND 247 quartered " for affirming that Catherine of Aragon was not lawfully divorced. But, in truth, the king's position was an untenable one. The current of events was driving him to favor the Protestants, if he would not go back to Rome. The courtiers and bishops were divided, some very conservative, some (with Cranmer at their head) urging more changes. And little by httle the Protestant party prevailed. In 1539, an official \-M ENGLISH WARSHIP OF THE TIME OF HENRY VTII translation of the Bible had been ordered^ and its possession allowed to most private persons, although its free use was for a while forbidden to " husbandmen, artificers, journeymen, and to all women below the rank of gentlewoman." This, of course, was a mighty step toward a general religious change; while the next advance — the allowing part of the Church ^ The first printed English Bible had been published by William Tyndale, beginning in 1525. It had to be printed in Germany, owing to official opposition in England. Tyndale's version seems to have been the basis for about all the later translations, including the "King James's Version" — now in general use. 248 HISTORY OF EUROPE liturgy to be translated into English — followed before Henry's death. True, almost down to the end the king continued to invoke the bloody laws of persecution almost impartially against both parties, but v^hen he lay on his deathbed it was clear enough that the Protestant faction would control the Government for his son. Grievously imperfect as he was, Henry VIH can hardly be branded as a failure. The majority of his subjects were always loyal to him. They probably shared his dislike for violent rehgious changes; and to him can very largely be attributed the " middle course " taken by the English Reformation. 140. Edward VI (1547 53). The Protestants control the Government. The following reign was one of the most unfor- tunate in English annals. The new king was only ten years of age, of a wTakly constitution, and he died ere he really could govern for himself. In his name ruled a council of nobles at first dominated by the Duke of Somerset (an upright and just but unpractical man), and after his downfall (1549) by the Duke of Northumberland, — a selfish, worthless politician, who covered his unworthy personal intrigues under show of a vast zeal for " Protestantism." The Government was accord- ingly corrupt, extravagant, rapacious, and unpopular. Outside of London probably only a minority of the popula tion wished for a religious change, but the new worship wa. introduced in a wholly violent and tactless way. Under specious pretense of "suppressing Popish superstition" the endowments of churches were confiscated for government favorites, the sacred vessels were melted down, venerated saints' images were destroyed. Most of the country people looked on these desecrations of time-honored objects and insti- tutions with a wrath which blazed up (1549) into popular insurrection that the regents had much trouble to suppress. Various general economic causes — bad harvests, the suppres- 1 < ! / -^, J-^nK 250 HISTORY OF EUROPE sion of the monastery doles to the poor, and the conversion of farmlands into sheep pastures — caused starvation and misery for the peasantry, and increased the detestation of the new system. The Protestants did not, indeed, lack certain men of capacity and zeal, and it was in this reign that Archbishop Cranmer introduced into the churches the famous Book of Common Prayer, which, along with the translated Bible, became one of the literary landmarks of the Reformation in England; yet the haste and general unwisdom of the Reformers was clearly paving the way for a reaction. They completed their blunders when they induced the poor lad Edward VI to execute an illegal will depriving his half-sister Mary of the succession and giving the crown to his cousin, the Lady Jane Grey. Hardly was the will signed ere Edward died, and his realm returned to Catholicism. 141. Mary Tuf/or (155358) and the Catholic reaction. Jane Grey (a helpless, innocent girl, the instrument of vile intrigue) was deposed, after a brief " reign " in London, by a general rising all over England in behalf of Mary, daughter of Henry VIII and Catherine of Aragon. Mary Tudor was now thirty- six years old, a proud-spirited, beautiful woman, and, true to her mother's memory, an ardent Catholic. She regarded the breach with Rome as at once an iniquity and a blunder. Had she been willing to conciliate public opinion, to move slowly, to keep clear of foreign entanglements, and to refrain from the extreme forms of persecution, she could probably have reestab- lished the old Church. But she w^as too ardent and sincere for half-measures: she was often ill-advised. Her reign proved itself to be one long tragic mistake. With almost no resistance the old Latin mass-worship was restored, along with the general rehgious institutions "most commonly used in England in the last year of King Henry VIII." But Mary wished for more than this. Not merely a return to the old ivorship, but to the old allegiance was her THE RELIGIOUS REVOLT IN ENGLAND 251 desire; and at a return to dependence on Rome many English- men drew the line. Again, Mary offended many stanch sup- porters by contracting a most unpopular marriage (1554) with Philip (eldest son of Charles V, and soon to be King Philip of Spain), a prince, whom, it speedily turned out. Englishmen did well to distrust as a bigoted tyrant.^ In 1555, Mary and her council had induced Parliament to revive all the sharpest of the old anti-heresy laws. Most of the Protestant bishops of the last reign were already in prison. Jane Grey (a year earlier) and her more guilty supporters had died on the scaffold for treason, and now the queen's officials could embark on a vigorous campaign of persecution for heresy. In the three years which followed, the Protestants proved that, if they did not know how to govern, they at least knew how to die. The persecution completely effaced the discredit .cast upon the Reformers during the last reign. Very few Protestants recanted before the dread alternative — " turn or burn." Many humbly born men and frail women went to the stake very bravely. " Play the man, brother Ridley," spoke the deposed Protestant Bishop Latimer to his fellow victim at Oxford; " we shall this day light such a candle, by God's grace, in England as I trust shall never be put out." Cranmer, who had at first weakened and promised to recant, finding that his death was, despite all, determined upon, repudiated his recantation. Before a great audience at Oxford, assembled to hear his profession of Catholic faith, he denounced the Pope as " Anti-Christ " and walked firmly to the stake. Only about two hundred and eighty Protestants were burned in all England, a scant record compared with that usually ^ It is true, Philip was merely "King Consort," and had to leave all the direct government to Mary and her English councilors: none the less his influence was considered as making for political tyranny and religious persecution. Besides, Englishmen were at this time justly jealous of anything that savored of inter- ference by the overweening power of Spain. That the English did well to mis- trust Philip is shown by his whole subsequent career (see chapter xxii). 252 HISTORY OF EUROPE charged against the Spanish Inquisition, but Englishmen were not Spaniards, and the whole proceedings outraged their sense of justice and decency. The local authorities often hated their work. Outside of London the victims were relatively few. The unfortunate queen, pure-minded and anxious for the highest welfare of her people, in vain urged more energy against the heretics. ' Every fresh bonfire made converts for the cause she detested. On other grounds her reign became intensely unpopular. Philip involved her in a blundering war with France, whereof the chief result was the capture by the French of Calais (1558), the last remaining conquest of the Hundred Years' War. The queen was suffering from an incurable disease. Her hopes for a child to continue her reHgious poUcy had come to naught. Her heir was her half- sister Elizabeth (Anne Boleyn's daughter), who must by her very ancestry sympathize with the Protestants. Mary knew she was hated by her people, who waited eagerly for the coming of a new sovereign; she knew that she was discredited in war, and that the persecution was a failure; yet she never discontinued the arrests and burnings. November 17, 1558, Mary Tudor died. She stands as one of the most pathetic figures in English annals. 142. The economic troubles of the age. The three reigns we have just described were marked not merely by religious upheaval, but by sore economic confusion and disaster for England. The suppression of the monasteries had substituted for the easy-going, often charitable, monkish landlords a swarm of rapacious courtiers and country squires, who had shared in the royal confiscations and who now wrung the uttermost farthing out of their new and luckless peasant tenantry. The 1 It is at least a fair question as to how far the queen was personally respon- sible for the worst phases of the persecution, and how far Bishop Gardiner, her chief minister, and Bishop Bonner of London were responsible. There is not the least doubt of the genuine belief of these men that it was the divine will that all heretics deserved to perish. THE RELIGIOUS REVOLT IN ENGLAND 253 gentry, too, used their power to eject the small tenant farmers, seize their lands, then " inclose them," as the saying ran, for their own selfish use, and turn the fields into private sheep pastures. So profitable, indeed, was the raising of wool for the Flemish trade that a great fraction of Enghsh land was delib- erately taken from the plough, and turned back to pasture. "The foot of the sheep has turned the. land to gold," ran the saying, but the gold was not for the poor outcast peasantry, who became mere paupers or drifted into the towns. ^ The financial policy of the Crown in this age added to the general confusion. Several times were the royal debts repudi- ated. The coinage was so debased as to unsettle all trade and credit. Commerce and industry became demoralized. Eng- land had long since lost her prestige as a concjuering power abroad. There was some private maritime enterprise, but the royal navy seemed very feeble. In rehgious matters Protes- tants and Catholics had seemed to vie with one another in making blunders. Not for generations had England been more wretched at home and less respected abroad than in 1558. But a brighter epoch was in store. After the unlucky reigns ot Edward VI and Mary came " The spacious days of great Elizabeth." REVIEW 1. Topics — Lollard; Cardinal Wolsey; Anne Boleyn; Thomas Cromwell; Cranmer; Convocation; Act of Supremacy; Sir Thomas More; Pil- grimage of Grace; Act of Attainder; WilHam Tyndale; Book of Common Prayer; Lady Jane Grey; Bishop Gardiner; Latimer; Calais. 2. The character of Henry VTII. Compare with that of Henry VII. 3. Wolsey 's foreign policy. ^ This unsettling of the peasantry gradually induced great numbers of people to take up industrial and commercial life in the towns. In the end, England was made more of a manufacturing nation by Thomas Cromwell's campaign against the monasteries. London grew with a rapidity which astonished and alarmed contemporaries, although it had only some 160,000 inhabitants in 1590. (The only distinctly larger city in Europe then seems to have been Paris.) 254 HISTORY OF EUROPE 4. How did trouble between Henry and the Papacy arise? 5. Trace the steps in the separation from Rome. Did Henry intend to separate when he began these steps? 6. Were the doctrines of the Church changed by Henry? 7. The causes and results of the dissolution of the monasteries. 8. How far had England changed toward Protestantism at Henry's death? 9. Conditions in England under Edward VI. Who were responsible for them? 10. How did these conditions affect the progress of the Protestant Reformation? 11. Could Mary Tudor have brought England back to the conditions which existed before the separation from Rome? EXERCISES 1. Find illustrations of the characteristics of Henry VIII as set forth in section 136. 2. Cardinal Wolsey — his attitude toward reform in the Church. 3. England's foreign policy under Wolsey. "The Field of the Cloth of Gold." 4. How did Henry control Parhament? 5. The "Utopia" of Sir Thomas More. 6. Cromwell was the first great minister in England who was not a church- man. What is the significance of that fact? What led to Cromwell's fall ? Compare Cromwell with Wolsey. 7. Economic conditions in England at the end of Henry's reign. 8. Inclosures, and the suppression of the guilds under Edward VI. 9. What was done toward the establishment of Protestantism under Edward VI? 10. Wyatt's Rebellion. 11. The loss of Calais. Why was the loss an important one? 12. Economic conditions under Mary. READINGS Sources. Robinson: nos. 263-76. Modern Accounts. Seignobos: pp. 295-96, S30'33- An English history (Ransome, pp. 392-448). CHAPTER XXII THE AGE OF PHILIP OF SPAIN AND ELIZABETH OF ENGLAND 143. Philip II of Spain — His power and his character. In 1556, the great Emperor of Germany and King of Spain, Charles V, abdicated his vast power. His brother Ferdinand succeeded him in the " Empire," but the bulk of his dominions fell to his son, Philip II. Few po- tentates have inherited wider realms, richer revenues, more dazzhng pros- pects. All Spain was his, with its ample population, its splendidly dis- -ciphned infantry, its race of daunt- less, warlike nobles, who supphed admirable captains and adminis- trators. He ruled also the King- dom of Naples and the Duchy of Milan in Italy, likewise the " Low Countries " (modern Belgium and Holland), with their teeming cities and rich industry. Last, but not least, in America his viceroys held Mexico, Peru, and many another wide province, with the treasures from their numerous mines. Sustained by such an empire, Philip was justified in claiming the leadership among the princes of Europe. The personality of this man makes him one of the most peculiar figures in history. He was slow, cautious, indirect, distrusting bold measures, and timid in sustaining over-ener- getic generals. Day after day, in his cabinet in the Escurial Palace, near Madrid, he toiled with his secretaries at the spider IMPERIAL HERALD, SIX- TEENTH CENTURY {From a woodcut by Oslcndorfer) 256 HISTORY OF EUROPE net of intrigue and diplomacy that was to enmesh all Christen- dom. He was entirely unscrupulous in his methods. He crushed the last vestiges of local liberty in Spain, where he ruled as an THE NETHERLANDS AT THE ACCESSION OF PHILIP II absolute despot. He removed prominent opponents by the dagger when he could not send them to the block. He was remorseless in deluging wide countries in blood by war or THE AGE OF PHILIP AND ELIZABETH 257 massacre. He was ardently devoted to the Catholic faith, and was the sworn foe of Protestantism, yet his triumph would possibly have put the Pope in permanent dependence upon his officious and formidable " son," the King of Spain. ^ Privately he seems to have been a kind husband, and an affectionate father to his daughters. His personal followers regarded him as a kind of saint, yet there is little doubt that the success of his tortuous projects would have spelled tyranny and ruin for Catholic no less than for Protestant Europe. These projects, however, failed. Their failure was due largely to three remark- able persons — Ehzabetn of England, William the Silent, and Henry of Navarre. 144. How Elizabeth began her reign. In 1558, Elizabeth, daughter of Henry VHI and the ill-starred Anne Boleyn, was proclaimed Queen of England upon the death of her half-sister Mary. She was twenty-five years old. From her father she had inherited the Tudor characteristics — marked physical strength, energy, courage, hauteur, decided coarseness, and a considerable inclination for ostentatious display. From her mother she took no little personal charm and a certain insin- cerity and love of artifice that made her at times as indirect and sinuous in policy as her great opponent Philip. But above all else, Elizabeth had a keen judgment as to men and measures, a real desire for the good of her people, and a ready common sense, which, blended with her womanly intuition, carried her through many crises. She had the good fortune to secure, in Sir William Cecil (who later became Lord Burghley) and in Sir Francis Walsingham, two ministers of remarkable energy and ability. To them must be attributed a large part of the success of Elizabeth's reign; yet they never overshadowed their mistress. Elizabeth always asserted her own will, and directed 1 At one time (1556-59) Philip was actually at war with the Pope, over mat- ters of temporal interest, and his attitude toward the Vatican was frequently bullying and dictatorial. 258 HISTORY OF EUROPE the affairs of state, while often her wisdom surpassed that of her ministers. At the moment of her accession the situation for England was dark. Mary's domestic policy had been a failure, marked as it was by religious persecution and economic decline. Commerce and industry were stagnant. Her foreign poUcy, controlled by Philip, had cost England Calais, and, what was MMM y-^xj: — >-, -^ QUEEN ELIZABETH CARRIED IN STATE more valuable, English prestige and self-respect. Could Eliz- abeth bring back peace, prosperity, and national honor? The problem was a highly difficult one. The accession of Elizabeth implied a return of England to Protestantism. The persecution by Mary had disgusted great numbers of Englishmen with the old Church; and Elizabeth (if she was to reign as queen) could not be a Catholic; for as a Catholic she would have to admit that according to the canon law of the Church her father's marriage to Anne Boleyn was unlawful, and that she herself was illegitimate; — ■ the crown thus passing to Mary, Queen of Scots. EUzabeth certainly THE AGE OF PHILIP AND ELIZABETH 259 had no great leaning toward the more advanced type of Protestantism, but with her accession the persecution ceased, and soon afterwards the EngUsh Prayer-Book was reestabhshed by act of Parhament, together with a studiously moderate form of Protestantism in the English Church. The more zealous Cathohcs naturally were disaffected, as were the extreme Protestants, but by the majority of the nation — • not theo- logically inclined — the "Elizabethan Settlement"^ of the Church was received without much grumbling. Very harsh laws were enacted against the " Popish recusants," but for long the queen carefully refrained from putting them in force. She always claimed that she never persecuted her enemies for their religion. When they began (after she had reigned for some time) to form plots against her Government and life, she punished them for " treason," and tried to make their suppres- sion merely a secular matter. Philip, as the CathoHc champion, was naturally disturbed at this religious policy of " his sister of England." He offered to marry her himself — the ceremony to be followed, of course, by the reintroduction of Cathohcism. She graciously dechned, and he feared at first to coerce her lest he drive England into the arms of his great rival, France.^ So for the first ten years of her reign she was able to keep the peace and to promote the unity and prosperity of her people; while she and all Europe 1 Virtually the "Episcopalian" system as it is understood in England to-day. 2 Elizabeth never married. She thoroughly realized the advantage given her, in diplomatic dealings, by threatening at frequent intervals to marry a French prince, an act so unfortunate for Spain that Philip dared not drive her to extremities lest she carry out her purpose. Probably she was at one time really attached to the showy Earl of Leicester (her "sweet Robin"), but the diplomatic situation was never so clear that she dared to marry a mere subject. As a "virgin queen," appealing artfully to the privileges of unprotected womanhood, Elizabeth was able to secure the chivalrous devotion of many distinguished Englishmen — e.g., the famous voyager Sir Walter Raleigh — and to secure a passionate loyalty such as has been gained by few monarchs. — In her last speech (1601) to Parliament she made the boast, ' I do call God to witness that never thought was cherished in my heart that tended not to my people's good ": and to her loyal subjects these proud words rang true, 26o HISTORY OF EUROPE watched events in Scotland, where Mary Stuart, the woman with possibly better legal claims to the English crown than Elizabeth, played her game of intrigue for high stakes — and lost. 145. Mary Stuart blunders in Scotland. Mary Stuart was in her own right the queen of the relatively poor and barren country of Scotland. If, however, Ehzabeth was illegitimate, as most Cathohcs held, Mary was the lawful Queen of England. She had been married to King Francis II of France, but in 1560, her husband died, and the distracted condition of her native kingdom called her homeward. Protestantism of the stern Calvinistic type had been accepted already by the Scots after sundry partisan struggles. Mary was an earnest Catholic, but returned under pledge to respect the religion of her sub- jects. But the Scottish lords were a turbulent, ill-united lot, and many were quite willing to return to the old faith if they could obtain personal advantages thereby. Mary was beautiful and charming. She was almost as able as Elizabeth; she had the support of the great influence of the Catholic Church and the favor also of France, but she did not have Elizabeth's sanity and poise in great crises. It seemed, however, not very difficult to win back the Scottish lords, then to stir up Catholic disaffection in England, and drive Anne Boleyn's daughter from the throne. Yet Mary failed absolutely, partly because her intrigues were thwarted by " dour John Knox," the famous Scottish Calvinist preacher, who warned his countrymen against her undertakings; partly through her most unfortunate marriage and its results. In 1565, she had married her cousin, a Lord Darnley, and by him had a son (the future James I of England), but by 1567, the queen and her weak and debauched husband were hopelessly estranged. Darnley perished in a gunpowder explosion undoubtedly planned by Mary's lover, the infamous Earl of Bothwell, probably with the guilty knowledge of Mary, TiT;*^^?^ ----■: ELIZABETH Queen of England (1558-1603). In the superb dress in which she went to St. Paul's Born 1533 Died 1603 THE AGE OF PHILIP AND ELIZABETH 261 whom he soon married.^ The outraged Scots flew to arms and overpowered their queen. Mary was imprisoned; then escaped and gathered an army. At Langside, in 1568, her troops were routed, and a regency ruled in Scotland in the name of her infant son. Mary was driven to seek refuge in England, where Elizabeth received her with cold courtesy, but held her a state prisoner, as it proved, for life. 146. William the Silent and the revolt of the Netherlands. And now came on the scene the second great enemy of Philip — William, Prince of Orange, called, for his wise habit of reticence on proper occasions, "William the Silent."- Just when the failure of Mary released Philip largely from the fear of a French domination in England, and left him free to attack Elizabeth himself, the richest portion of his empire, under William's leadership, rose in revolt against him. The " Low Countries," or Netherlands, at the mouth of the Rhine, were distinguished for their wealth, culture, and indus- try. Antwerp, their commercial capital, was the greatest mart in the world, next to Venice; the fishing-boats of the Hollanders covered the North Sea; the looms of Flanders suppHed a great part of the globe with woolens. The cities and provinces, how- ever, were proud of their local rights and privileges, won often by bitter struggles. In many districts Protestantism had made marked progress, despite a drastic persecution under Charles V. Phihp II, about 1560, undertook a tyrannous policy of curbing the Netherlanders' liberties, of subjecting them to a grinding taxation, of introducing the hated ^'Spanish Inquisition ^^^ ^ The question of Mary's guilt rests on the famous " Casket Letters." If they were genuine, she was a murderess; but their authenticity can never be settled. ^ See Harrison's William the Silent, pp. 22-23, foi" the origin of this famous nickname. William was really genial and loquacious in proper society. ' The Spanish Inquisition, a revival of the old mediceval Inquisition,was set up (1483) by Ferdinand and Isabella as a means of reclaiming the Christianized Jews and Moors of their dominions, who had lapsed into their old religion. Its cruel methods — arrest on mere suspicion, torture, refusal to confront the accused with evidence, etc. — are undoubted facts; but historians are divided as to how 262 HISTORY OF EUROPE as a means of sharpening the aheady severe anti-heresy laws. ^ A proud and freedom-loving people were not slow in showing marked signs of rebellion. In 1567, Philip sent his favorite general, the Duke of Alva, to the Netherlands, with orders to reduce them to complete subjection and to extinguish heresy. Alva was backed by a force of Spanish veterans, and under- stood no methods of persuasion but those of blood. A whole- sale proscription of every soul concerned in the various recent demonstrations against the king's oppressive measures af- flicted the Catholics almost as much as the Protestants. The Count of Egmont, one of the first noblemen of the country, and an ardent supporter of the old Church, perished on the scaffold (1568), and Alva's infamous " Blood Council " dis- patched to like fate thousands of others. The spirit of this tribunal is well illustrated by the tale that one of the judges was accustomed to doze during the deliberations, and only wake enough to murmur " Hang him! " when the farce of a trial was over. For a moment the country seemed cowed, but mere despair raised a new revolt and a mighty cham- pion. William, Prince of Orange,^ had been one of Philip's chief Heutenants in the rule of the Netherlands, but he had wearied of the Spaniard's tyrannous methods, and was sympathetic with Protestantism. When Alva entered the country, he wisely withdrew to Germany, then declared himself a Protestant and far the Catholic Church, and how far simply the Spanish Government, was responsible for its excesses. It naturally became a tremendous weapon against the Protestants. Even the Nethcrland Catholics resisted its coming on account of its misuse for political ends. 1 Philip's great blunder was that — a Spaniard himself — he believed his free Northern subjects would submit readily to a despotism to which Spain was accustomed. ^ The principality of Orange, which gave William this title, lay in south- eastern France, but he also was of the German House of Nassau, and had considerable estates in Holland. He had practically the rank of a petty sove- reign. ■i'ii^."*^'"i' '^'-1-^r^^*:^ 'iSn^, ' 264 HISTORY OF EUROPE bided his time. Other leaders of the age were far more brilliant for the hour than he, but none so tenacious, skillful in dealing with men, or more gifted with a noble courage which did not shrink when every hope seemed quenched. He fought Philip in his games of intrigue and diplomacy, and checkmated him; he had a marvelous gift of keeping the loving loyalty of his followers; he likewise maintained himself confident and se- rene amid every danger. The modern Dutch are justified in claiming their " Father William " as one of the heroes of the ages. After several unsuccessful attempts at revolt, in 1572, a oand of sailors, William's privateersmen, seized Brill, a small seaport town in Holland, and defied every effort of the Span- iards to oust them. The blaze of rebellion spread; speedily William foimd himself at the head of the two small provinces of Zecland and Holland, and with these preparing to brave the united efforts of Alva and Philip to reconquer them. Holding this mere corner of the land, between the remaining Spanish possessions and the German Ocean, here for some years William and his Hollanders stood at ba}^ against the whole power of Philip. For a long time only a few subsidies, warily afTorded by Elizabeth, came to aid them. It seemed the con- test of a dwarf and a giant, but the dwarf was not conquered. Behind their walls the Dutch cities made a heroic defense. Haarlem only succumbed to starvation after a siege which cost Alva very dear. He found the situation beyond his grasp, and in 1573 retired to give place to less brutish though not really more merciful commanders. His successors did not prosper better. In 1574, they staked everything on a siege of the im- portant city of Leyden. Provisions were at an end; cats and rats had all been eaten, but the defense went on; the heroic burgomaster telling his starving folk that they might devour his body, but he would not surrender to the Spanish butchers. Then at the last moment came a dramatic deliverance. The THE AGE OF PHILIP AND ELIZABETH 265 Prince of Orange had cut the dikes holding back the sea. ^ A strong wind swept the waters over the Spanish camp. The besiegers fled for their Hves. The Dutch ships sailed with men and provisions through the very gates of the despairing city. This was really the turning-point of the war. Through it all William never lost his calm trust in his cause and in Heaven. An anxious deputation once came to him asking him to make some powerful alliances against the overwhelming power of Spain. " Know you," he answered, "' that in this enterprise I have made a most powerful alliance — it is with the King of kings." Soon after the relief of Leyden, the mutinous Spanish army, having been left unpaid by Philip, began to plunder the " loyal " southern provinces, and finally sacked the great city of Antwerp (the " Spanish Fury "). This was enough to drive these provinces also temporarily into revolt against Spain; but in the south, where the number of Protestants was small, and the sense of disaffection least, a shrewd general now sent out by Philip — Alexander of Parma — presently recovered his master's authority. In the northern half of the country, however, William more than held his own. In 1581, this sec- tion of the Netherlands formally declared its independence of Philip. '' The Dutch Republic " was born, — " Repubhc " in name, although with a strong aristocratic element in the Government; and in William as " Stadtholder " (a kind of president) it possessed an uncrowned king. His work was really accomplished, although the war was very far from ended. Philip at last did away with this mortal enemy by the assassin's pistol. In 1584, William was murdered by a fanatic, Gerard, who had been offered a great reward by Philip for his bloody deed. William perished, but Gerard was captured and died by tortures, never gaining the promised pelf from Philip. The ^ As is perhaps well known, a large part of the Netherlands is below sea-level, and protected only by a vast system of dikes and embankments. 266 HISTORY OF EUROPE king was thus rid of one great adversaxy, but he still had to reckon with Elizabeth. 147. The execution of Mary Stuart. To Elizabeth the revolt of the Netherlands had been a blessed reprieve from Spanish pressure. Philip was too busy with his revolted subjects to devote all his power to crushing the heretic queen; but from 1568 to 1587, Mary of Scotland was still alive and a source of vast trouble to Elizabeth, although confined in one c^ another of the English castles. She was no submissive captive. Around her centered countless intrigues usually promoted by the Catholic party in England, always with the end that Elizabeth was to be flung from the throne and replaced by Mary. But year after year the EngHsh nation had become more contented under Elizabeth's firm, peaceful, just, and economical rule and a new generation was rising, born and bred to Protestant- ism. As a result the plots of the malcontents became more desperate and more open. In 1586, Mary was accused of being privy to what was known as " Babington's Conspiracy" for the miu'der of Elizabeth. It is probable that she was guilty. As an " outraged captive " she was possibly justified in using any possible means to secure her liberty and rights, but the real question was whether this " daughter of discord " was to continue to be the center of conspiracies against the whole peace of England. Elizabeth hesitated long in ordering the shedding of royal blood, but at last her ministers induced her to sign the warrant; then they had it executed without her knowledge. Mary was beheaded in 1587. 148. The Spanish Armada. The death of Mary, however, seemed to simplify the task of Philip. Hitherto, if he had crushed Elizabeth, he would only have won a throne for Mary. Now, however, there were some distant claims upon the English crown which he could revive for his own family, and might would make them right. Besides, Elizabeth of late had been sending decidedly active succor to his Netherland rebels. WILLIAM THE SILENT Founder of the Dutch Republic Born 1533 Died 1584 THE AGE OF PHILIP AND ELIZABETH 267 Conquering England would be the first step to regaining the Low Countries. By 1588, — after many delays, — a huge armament was ready in the ports of Spain for the reducing of England. If it had been a matter of land fighting, Philip might well have expected triumph. His soldiers and generals were undoubtedly the best in the world ; but the Spaniards had never taken very eagerly to the sea. Their ships were unwieldy, slow, and built for boarding warfare rather than cannonading; their crews intended for land service quite as much as for purely naval warfare. On the other hand, under Elizabeth had developed the true EngHsh sea-power; a small but efficient navy of swift, handy, and heavily armed ships, and, better still, a race of hardy " sea-dogs," — captains and men, — who like Sir Francis Drake had raided the Spanish West Indies, and sailed around the globe, after buccaneering exploits which make history sound like romance. Philip's " Invincible " Armada, according to most accounts, one hundred and thirty- two ponderous ships, ^ appeared in the Channel in July, 1588, headed for the Low Countries, thence to convoy over Alexander of Parma with a huge army for the conquest of England." Not since Greek and Persian fought at Salamis had there been as momentous a sea-fight. For a week the lighter Enghsh squadrons pelted and chased the Armada as it fought its way along the French coast to Calais; there by night they threw the Spaniards into sore confusion by a suc- cessful attack with fire-ships. The next day, in a desperate running battle, the English won a complete victory. The panic- stricken Spaniards abandoned all hopes of convoying Parma 1 Not more than fifty of these were battleships; the rest were really transports. The whole Spanish campaign was built on the idea of throwing a land army into England — not of simply beating the English fleet. 2 Phihp had counted on the support of the Catholic nobles of England. He was entirely deceived. They remembered only that they were Englishmen rallying around their queen. Lord Howard, Elizabeth's high admiral in 1588, was a Catholic. 268 HISTORY OF EUROPE and fled to the north, seeking to return home by rounding Scotland. Then the ocean gales completed the work begun by Elizabeth's cannon-balls. Many ships foundered, or were cast ashore on Norway, Scotland, or Ireland. Only fifty-three wrecks limped back to Spain. Philip had hazarded half his power on one throw of the dice, and now was hopelessly crip- pled. The defeat of the Spanish Armada was more than a great naval battle. It implied the downfall of Spain as a world- power and the establishment of the naval supremacy of Eng- land, and made possible the English colonization of America. 149. The Huguenots in France and Henry of Navarre. The third champion with whom Philip became involved to his cost was Henry of Navarre, destined to become Henry IV of France (1589 1610). The story of France in the sixteenth centur}' is the story of inefficient kings, first dragging her into un- successful campaigns against Spain for the possession of Italy, next allowing their tur- bulent nobles to get out of hand and involve the country in a series of desolating, fratri- cidal civil wars. This interval gave Philip his great opportunity. The last three kings of the old Valois dynasty (Francis II, Charles IX, and Henry III) were little better than vicious nonentities. Far more important as a ruler was their mother, Catherine de Medici (d. 1589); but her power was ahnost overshadowed at times by the mighty Dukes of Guise, who, under the color of leading the attack on Protestantism, threatened to be- come more powerful than the Crown itself. Protestantism never gained a firm hold upon the com- mon folk of France, although a large fraction of the nobihty turned Calvinist. Moreover, although the French Protestants A FRENCH PROT- ESTANT MUSK- ETEER Time of Henry IV. (From a restoration in the Music d' Arlillcrie) THE AGE OF PHILIP AND ELIZABETH 269 (" Huguenots ") ^ produced many men of noble virtue and lofty aims, the whole movement took too much the character of an attack on the royal authority, and a fresh assertion by the nobles of their jealousy of the Crown. For this cause the old Church was destined to an ultimate triumph. The story of the " Wars of Religion " in France forms a dreary chapter of blood and mutual intolerance. These contests began in 1560, and continued, interrupted by deceitful truces, until 1598. They reduced France to extreme misery, and completely prevented her for a while from checking her great rival of Spain. In 1572 came the infamous " Massacre of St. Bartholomew's Day," when, during a time of seemingly secure peace, over one thou- sand Protestants, including their leader, Coligny, were mas- sacred in cold blood at Paris, and ten thousand more in the provinces. Catherine appears to have been the prime power in the outrage, and her motive was rather political jealousy of the Huguenot chieftain, Coligny, than mere religious fanaticism. The massacre did not ruin the Protestants. They flew to arms once more, and especially held their own in the south of France, where lay their main numbers. Their new leader was Henry, sovereign of the petty kingdom of Navarre, but also next in succession to the crown of France when the weakhng sons of Catherine should perish. Henry was an ideal leader for a desperate cause. He lacked refinement and had many private vices, but he was a dashing cavalry ofificer, genial and dauntless, who kept the loyalty of his iron-handed, psalm-singing Huguenot troopers when the odds seemed sorely against him. In 1589, the last Valois king died, and Henry — as head of the Bourbon side-Hne — was recognized as Henry IV, sovereign of France, by all the Protestants and by the more moderate Catholics. An extreme clerical faction (the ''League"), however, held ' The name is usually explained as a corruption of the German word "Eid- genossen" — "Confederates." 270 HISTORY OF EUROPE out against him, and put up a pretender, and supporting this pretender were Spanish gold-pieces and Spanish pikemen; for Phihp, having failed to subdue the Netherlands, and having failed against England, now attempted one last great stroke. — to thrust a puppet on the throne of France, — and through him to win a realm greater than England or the Low Countries. Paris was secured by Henry's enemies. A Spanish army was dispatched against him, but at Ivry' (1590) his gallantly com- manded cavalry rode over the host of invaders and French rebels and won a brilliant victory. Paris, nevertheless, for some years defied all his efforts to take her; and it was evident that France as a nation would never accept a Protestant king. Henry IV was no man, however, to be troubled by theological scruples. " Paris is well worth a mass," he cynically remarked; and allowed himself to be '' instructed " in Catholicism, and returned to the old Church. Resistance to him now crumbled rapidly. Paris capitulated. Philip continued the war for some years, but Henry IV was now the undoubted lord of his ancestral dominions. In 1598, he made peace with Philip, who recognized him as lawful King of France. Henry secured ample toleration to the Protestants by his famous " Edict of Nantes " (1598), and the last twelve years of his reign were wisely devoted to advancing the internal peace and prosperity of France. 150. Conclusion of the Epoch. In September, 1598, Philip II died at the Escurial. All his vast projects had come to nothing. Half of the Low Countries were in successful revolt and were formed into the " Dutch Republic." They were soon destined to develop industries and a maritime commerce which made them almost the richest nation of the world. England, guided by Elizabeth, was in the full noon of remarkable pros- perity. A wonderful spirit of enterprise of every kind prevailed. . Abroad, English seamen were carrying their flag to the remot- 1 This place is some fifty miles west of Paris. THE AGE OF PHILIP AND ELIZABETH 271 est lands: at home Shakespeare was composing his plays, and Spenser his immortal poem the " Faerie Queen." In France, the firm, wise government of Henry IV was preparing that great nation to overshadow the destinies of Europe for the next 4 ^1 THE GLOBE — SHAKESPEARE'S THEATER two centuries. Only Spain was ruined. The Inquisition had destroyed her freedom of thought. The despotic taxation of Philip had ruined her industries and commerce. Her best blood had been wasted in disastrous wars on a hundred battle- fields. REVIEW 1. Topics — Charles V; Elizabethan Settlement; John Knox; Lord Darnley; William the Silent; the Spanish Inquisition; Duke of Alva; Egmont; Blood Council; Leyden; the Spanish Fury; Alexander of Parma; Stadtholder; Babington's Conspiracy; the "Invincible Armada"; Sir Francis Drake; Henry of Navarre; Catherine de Medici; Huguenots; St. Bartholomew's Day; the League; Edict of Nantes. 2. Geography — {a) Locate Holland; Flanders; Orange; Brill; Zeeland; Haarlem; Leyden; Calais; Ivry. 272 HISTORY OF EUROPE (b) Mark the territories belonging to Philip II at his accession. (c) Mark the territories of the Dutch Republic. 3. How did Philip compare in power with other rulers of his time? Was the fact that his lands were scattered an advantage or not? 4. The character of Philip II. 5. The character of Elizabeth Tudor. Compare with that of Mary Tudor. 6. What were the conditions in England at the accession of Elizabeth? Compare with the conditions which faced Henry II and Henry VII at their accession. 7. How did Elizabeth settle the religious question? 8. What were the reasons for the revolt of the Netherlands? 9. The character and work of William of Orange. ID. Was the execution of Mary Stuart justifiable? 11. Why did Elizabeth send help to the Dutch after William's death? 12. The Armada: make a summary showing the reasons why Philip sent it; its object; the reasons for its failure. 13. The conditions in France under the last Valois kings. 14. Compare, in their effects upon the countries, the Wars of Rehgion in France and the Wars of the Roses in England. 15. Compare the conditions in England, France, and Spain at the end of the sixteenth century. EXERCISES 1. Compare industrial conditions in Spain and in the Low Countries. 2. The work of Cecil and Walsingham. 3. The marriage negotiations of Elizabeth. 4. The Acts of Supremacy and of Uniformity, 1559. 5. Mary Stuart in Scotland, to 156S. 6. Why did Elizabeth keep Mary a prisoner in England, instead of re- leasing her, or returning her to Scotland? 7. The "Beggars." 8. The siege of Leyden. 9. What later events made it possible for the Dutch to maintain their independence? 10. The conspiracies against Elizabeth. 11. Sir Francis Drake and the English seamen. 12. The growth of English commerce under Elizabeth. 13. Catherine de Medici and the Wars of Religion in France. 14. Admiral Coligny. 15. The Dukes of Guise. 16. The Treaty of Vervins. Compare with the Peace of Cateau-Cambresis. 17. Henry IV and Sully — their internal reforms. THE AGE OF PHILIP AND ELIZABETH 273 READINGS Sources. Robinson: nos. 280-91. Modern accounts. Seignobos: pp. 266-67, 298-99,314-30,333-44, 406-10. Gibbins: pp. 121-26, 128-30, 134-38. Pattison: pp. 245-73. Duruy: pp. 332-84. Lodge: chapters viii, ix. An English history (Ransome, pp. 448-85). CHAPTER XXIII THE EARLY STUARTS IN ENGLAND 151. James I (1603-25) — the " wise fool "' of England. In 1603, James P succeeded Elizabeth, the mighty Queen of England. The new sovereign was the son of the ill-starred Mary, Queen of Scots, and the equally ill-starred Lord Darnley. Bred among the stern Scotch Presbyterians, he had conceived little love for their semi-democratic habits, and their custom of giving their king broad and unwelcome advice. His own views of the powers of royalty were decisive. In his own eyes he was an absolute and irresponsible monarch. '' As it is atheism and blasphemy to dispute what God can do," he once asserted, " so it is presumption and high treason for a subject to dispute what a king can do." He was a pedantic, undignified man, very convinced of his own importance, learning, and infallibility. " The wisest fool in Christendom," so the witty Henry IV of France remarked of him. A little saving sense of humor, a certain amount of good nature, and occasional flashes of real insight saved him from crowning disasters; but he had many passages at arms with his high-spirited people, and left a heritage of discord to his unlucky son. 152. The Gunpowder Plot (1605). Two classes of English- men whom Elizabeth had oppressed, at first welcomed James's accession: — the Puritans, i.e., those advanced Protestants who fomid the type of Protestantism established by the queen " still savoring of Rome "; and the Catholics, who believed the son of Mary Stuart would relax the laws aimed against the religion of his mother. Both were disappointed. James had gained no liking in Scotland for the " Presbyterianism " (the 1 Reckoned as a King of Scotland, he stands as James VI. THE EARLY STUARTS IN ENGLAND 275 Scotch type of Calvinism) which most of the Puritans favored; and Hstened with eager ear to the obsequious Church of Eng- land prelates who asserted that " His Majesty spoke with the spirit of God." When the Puritan ministers presented a great petition asking for certain ecclesiastical alterations, the king cried in wrath, " I'll make them conform, or I'll harry them out of the land."i The Puritans were driven into sullen disaffection, but their Catholic rivals were not more fortunate. James was delighted with the English Church, whereof he seemed to be the head, ahke free from Pope or Presbytery. The anti-Catholic laws for the imprisonment of priests, the suppression of masses, etc., were enforced with rigor. In their desperation certain CathoHcs resolved that all means were permissible against a tyrant. A certain Guy Fawkes, in combination with Catesby and other conspirators, formed the astounding project of hiring a house next to that wherein Parliament met, of introducing a quantity of gunpowder, and when King, Lords, and Com- mons were met together, of destroying James and all his Government at one great clap. In the confusion following the explosion, these Catholics hoped to be able to seize the Govern- ment; but at the last moment the plot slipped out (November 5, 1605). Fawkes was arrested at the powder barrels. The other conspirators were seized, and many were cruelly tortured ere being executed. The whole incident naturally increased James's distrust of the Catholics, and made the average Eng- lish Protestants more confirmed in their faith than ever. The " Gunpowder Plot " and the " Fifth of November " were to be the excuses for a shamefvil amount of persecution of harm- less CathoHcs during the next two centuries in England. ^ "A Presbytery agreed with monarchy as well as God with the Devil," James asserted to the petitioners. Only one real wish did the Puritans gain: James caused to be made the famous "Authorized Translation" ("King James Ver- sion") of the Bible, which proved one of the most important landmarks in Eng- lish Hterature, as well as in religion. 276 HISTORY OF EUROPE 153. The Spanish marriage. James's reign was decidedly inglorious. In 1604, against the nation's wishes he had made peace with Spain. The great spirit of maritime adventure which was so fostered by EUzabeth in her wars was allowed to wane, although a beginning was made in the colonizing of America in Virginia and (with little enough help from the King!) at Plymouth. James had an exaggerated idea of the wealth and power of Spain; little realizing that, with the col- lapse of the great pro- gram of Philip II, the strength of Spain was nearly exhausted. James was exceedingly anxious to win a Spanish princess as bride for his son Prince Charles. To satisfy Spain he executed, for alleged high treason. Sir Walter Raleigh (16 18), one of Elizabeth's great states- men and admirals, whose real offense was in being the head of the anti-Span- ish party in England. In 1623, Prince Charles ac- tually made a journey to Madrid to win the hand of a Spanish infanta; but the Spaniards made it an absolute condition of the match .that toleration should be given to the English Catholics, and that this should be confirmed by Parliament. The " wise fool " was wise enough to realize that he was having sufficient difficulties with his Commons already without asking favors for the hated " Pa- pists." To the great joy of most Englishmen, the Spanish match was broken off. Prince Charles arranged to marry a AN ENGLISH NOBLEMAN AND HIS WIFE, IN THE TIME OF JAMES I From a contemporary print in the British Museum THE EARLY STUARTS IN ENGLAND 277 princess from France, where less disputatious conditions were demanded. 154. James and his Parliaments. James had thus alienated the Puritans and the CathoHcs, and had put himself on cold terms with Spain. He also offended the great bulk of his Church of England subjects by his financial policy. He was a bad financial manager, and the taxes which had sufficed for Eliza- beth did not satisfy his extravagant court. Four times he convened Parliament, and each time there was bitter com- plaint at this high-handed policy in taxing every available object of revenue with only a very warped legal authority for so doing. The '' absolute king " stormed at the niggard- ly money grants voted by the Commons: the Commons retaliated by denouncing the sales of " monopolies " in trade and manufacture, whereby the king had eked out his insufficient revenues, and attacked the misdeeds of the royal ministers and fa- vorites. In 1 62 1, they actually impeached Lord Bacon, the Royal Chancellor,^ for malfeasance as a judge, and drove him, a ruined man, from office. No great disasters occurred, but the reign went out amid petty bickerings and widespread ill feeling. In March, 1625, James I died. His reign, in the sense of imme- diate happenings, had been unimportant. He had possessed ^ A most distinguished philosopher, but a man whose practice and theory hardly corresponded. BELLMAN OF LONDON, i6l6, MAKING mS NIGHTLY ROUND From a title-page in the Bag ford Collection, British Museum 278 HISTORY OF EUROPE sufficient wisdom to keep from acts which would drive his sub- jects to rebelhon; but in his absolutist theories and in his frequent defiance of what were cherished as " the liberties of England," ^ he had set an evil example to his successor. In 1603, England had been profoundly loyal to the monarchy of Elizabeth. By 1625, that loyalty had very largely evaporated. In the ensuing reign an unwise king and an exasperated people were to drift into armed hostility. 155. Charles I (1625 49) and the Duke of Buckingham. The new king was personally a better man than his father. He was handsome, athletic, dignified, a kind father, and an amiable friend; but he was hopelessly obsessed with his father's notions of the " divine right of kings "; he was so devoted a son of the Church of England that he was unable to have the least sympathy with his people when they preferred another confession. To him Parliaments and laws protecting the sub- ject were at best necessary evils, to be avoided and dispensed with by every means short of military tyranny. At Charles's elbow for the first three years of his reign was George Villiers, Duke of Buckinghaip, a clever, supple, unscru- pulous nobleman, who from practical insignificance had risen to be the indispensable favorite and chief minister of James. He retained his influence over Charles. Widely as Bucking- ham was hated, both as the agent of arbitrary power and for his own arrogance and self-seeking, Charles kept implicit confidence in him down to 1628, when he was assassinated by a discontented subaltern officer. It was a good riddance for Charles and for England; but the young king was too firmly rooted in his absolutist notions to seek more liberal ministers. Charles drifted from blunder to blunder, until the residuum of good will of the English people toward their monarchy was entirely exhausted. ' "The liberties of England" were, of course, vague matters, but to most laymen they probably meant frequent Parliaments, the absence of arbitrary arrests and punishments, no taxation without parliamentary authorization, etc THE EARLY STUARTS IN ENGLAND 279 156. Charleses quarrels with his Parliaments. To under- stand the position of the opponents of Charles, it should be reahzed that his critics in Parliament did not concede that they were asserting any new liberties for the people: their declaration always was that they were simply vindicating the old customs and liberties of England, against the growing tyranny of the Crown. They still professed great respect for the person of the monarch: it was simply " his evil ministers and advisers " who fell under their displeasure. On the other hand, Charles could probably claim that he was not exercising greater authority than had been exercised by Elizabeth. This was true, but Elizabeth had been wise enough to keep to the letter of the law even in acts of sheer absolutism: besides, Elizabeth had the love and confidence of her people, — the best possible bulwark for a sovereign. Charles had not that love and confidence, and he blunderingly violated the old laws at every turn. It is not, then, surprising that one contention followed another. Charles convened Parliament thrice in the earlier years of his reign, and each assembly ended with an increased amount of ill-feeling. There were complaints by the Crown that the Commons was hampering the Government in its foreign policy by its niggardly votes of taxes : ^ there were louder complaints by the Commons that the Crown was indulging in arbitrary imprisonment of inimical persons, in unauthorized taxation, in forced loans, and in quartering soldiers on private persons to make them comply with its wishes; and also that the king was surrounded with rascally favorites. In 1628, matters culminated in the " Petition of Right " presented by Parlia- ment, a great constitutional document summarizing these grievances and demanding reform. Charles affected to give ^ Charles drifted into wars with Spain and France. These contests were con- ducted without ability or energy, and while they led to no terriljle disaster, they brought no glory. The nation was disgusted at the feeble conduct of Charles's Government as contrasted with the brilliant exploits of the admirals of Elizabeth. 2So HISTORY OF EUROPE a halting consent to the petition, but soon found means to evade it. In 1629, both parties were almost at swords' points. Charles dissolved his third Parliament in great fury. He flung Sir John Eliot, leader of the malcontents, a man of high ability and noble character, into the Tower of London and kept him in close durance till his death (1632). For eleven years Charles ruled without a Parliament and almost as an absolute monarch. 157. The arbitrary rule of Charles {i62g^g). " Be a king," Charles's French-born queen enjoined upon him. '' Be like the King of France." Her husband made the attempt in direful earnest. He was able to strain the laws, to dispense with assem- bling Parliament, to harry the Puritans, as long as he had suffi- cient revenues to maintain his Govern- ment. ^ Fortunately for his subjects' sakes, he was without a real standing army,^ and this kept him from going to extremes. But by enlarging to the uttermost every old claim of the Crown to revenue, and by the aid of servile judges, who always interpreted the law in the king's favor, Charles kept up his income without parhamentary grant.^ The 1 It was during this epoch that the Puritans migrated in thousands to Massa- chusetts, despairing of civil and reUgious Hberty at home. - The only armed force at the king's disposal in peace times was a small guard of yeomen. For larger levies he had to look to the militia raised in the counties. 3 As it was, he was only able to go without Parliament by making peace with France and Spain, somewhat ignominiously: not a self-respecting action for an English king. SOLDIERS OF THE TIME OF CHARLES I Musketeer and pikeman THE EARLY STUARTS IN ENGLAND 2Sl most famous straining of the law was the case of the ship- money, a war-tax hitherto levied only on the sea-board towns, but now imposed on the entire kingdom. Despite bitter pro- tests, the " Court of Exchequer" (filled with judges after the king's own heart) decided that the new tax was legal. ^ This attack by the king upon the pockets of his subjects alienated a vast multitude of merchants and country squires who took little interest in theoretical political rights or in religious difficulties. But Charles was already at bitter feud with the Puritans. A large fraction of the most intelligent and pious-minded men of the kingdom belonged to this party. Life was for them a serious reality to be lived in strict accord with the precepts of the Scriptures. The English Church still retained too many of the " corruptions of Rome " for their liking: they demanded a marked simplifying of the Church service, and likewise a corresponding severity in private life. The theaters ^ and the indecorous revels which were favored at the king's gay court shocked them unspeakably. In London and other cities, especially, the powerful mercantile class — the very people offended by the taxation — favored Puritanism. Charles thus had to confront enemies having both a financial and a religious grievance, — a most dangerous combination. In 1633, Charles made William Laud Archbishop of Canier- bury. Laud was a man of piety, purity, and zeal, but he was an uncompromising champion of the Church of England sys- tem, and a foe of the Puritans. Ministers who failed to conform to his advanced ideas for the enrichment of the Church ser- vice — "reaction toward Rome," cried his opponents — were ruthlessly thrust from their positions. The press was kept ' The right of the king was contested in a famous lawsuit iirought l)y John Hampden, a distinguished Commoner. He lost the case, but the notoriety given to the royal policy was a heavy blow to the king's Government. ^ The theaters of Charles I's time, sadly degenerated from the days of Shake- speare, were so frivolous and licentious as to deserve most of the anathemas the Puritans cast upon them. 282 HISTORY OF EUROPE under strict censorship, and woe to the author and printer who issued an unlicensed volume. In 1633, William Prynne ven- tured to publish a volume assailing the morals of the theater. ^ It was distorted into an attack upon the character of the queen. The unfortunate writer was sentenced to have his book burned by the public hangman, to pay a line of £5000,- and to have both ears cropped off in the pillory. Others, less conspicuous, suffered proportionately as much as he. Charles supported Laud in his anti-Puritan policy: Laud in turn was able to give the benison of religion upon all the king's political aggressions. As Charles's chief secular minister there came to the front Thomas Wentworth (after 1639 Lord Strafford), a statesman of remarkable ability, who honestly believed that he was ser- ving England best by putting her completely under the royal dominion. By means of their summary courts, the Star Chamber (to deal with secular oft'enses) and the High Com- mission (for Church cases), — tribunals which acted without a jury, and in a wholly arbitrary and semi-secret manner, — the king and his ministers were able to silence practically all the muttered opposition in England. A very large part of the population was disaffected, but without a Parliament in session the voice of the English people was dumb- — then Scotland furnished a means of expression. 158. The revolt of the Scots. In 1637, Laud, not content with embittering the Puritans of England, undertook to force on the Presbyterian Church of Scotland a revised liturgy that enraged every patriotic son of the North who was proud of his national Church.^ The day the new service was read in the 1 The title of this very characteristic Puritan work is Uistrio mastix, — the Player's Scourge. It arraigns stage plaj'S as "the very pomp of the Devil." A huge, frigid, erudite, and utterly unreadable book. 2 An enormous sum for those days. In 1637, for a second alleged offense, Prynne was ordered to have the "stumps of his ears" cut off, and to be sent into perpetual imprisonment. He was set free as soon as the Puritan revolution fairlj' began. * Since James became King of England, Scotland had been governed by a THE EARLY STUARTS IN ENGLAND 283 great church in Edinburgh, there was an angry tumult among the congregation. A serving-woman, Jane Geddes, flung her stool at the officiating clergyman. " Out, false thief! dost thou say mass at my lug [ear]! " she cried. It was an act that ex- pressed the feeling of a poor, but proud and belligerent nation. Vainly did Charles offer smooth words. Nobles and Commons of Scotland united in a solemn 'Xovenant" in defense of their beloved type of the Gospel, and in their Parhament declared Episcopacy abolished in the land. The next step was down- right armed rebellion against Charles's authority. The king had now a formidable war on his hands: and Charles's extrem- ity was the EngHsh Puritans' opportunity. REVIEW 1. Topics — Gunpowder Plot; "King James Version"; Sir Walter . Raleigh; "Divine Right of Kings "; Duke of Buckingham; Sir John Eliot; Petition of Right; Ship Money; Puritan; Thomas Wentworth; the Scottish Covenant. 2. The character of James I. Compare with that of Elizabeth. 3. Make a summary of James's poHcies under these heads — relations with the Puritans; relations with the Catholics; relations with foreign countries; relations with Parliament. How did these policies and their results affect (a) James's relations with his subjects, and {b) the way in which England was regarded by other nations. Compare James with Elizabeth in this respect. 4. The character of Charles I. Compare with that of James I and with the character of the Tudors. 5. What were the conditions which led to the granting of the "Petition of Right"? 6. How did Charles obtain money during his period of arbitrary rule? 7. The religious policy of Archbishop Laud. 8. What circumstances led the Scotch to revolt? 9. How did the Scotch revolt affect the situation in England? royal council, — nominally as an independent kingdom, — though subject, of course, to the orders of the absent sovereign. The Scots resented English inter- ference profoundly, and were driven to frenzy by the least suggestion which "savored of Popery," as they claimed was the case with the English ("Episco- pal") service. 284 HISTORY OF EUROPE EXERCISES 1. By what right of descent did James I have a claim to the English throne? 2. James I as king in Scotland before 1603. 3. The Millenary Petition and the Hampton Court Conference. 4. What were the "liberties of England"? What rights were disputed by James and Parliament? 5. Compare the rights claimed by Parliament under the Stuart kings with the rights conceded to Parliament by Henry IV. 6. Foreign relations under Charles I. 7. The work of the Star Chamber and High Commission Courts under the Stuarts. READINGS Sources. Robinson: nos. 302-12. Modern accounts. Seignobos: pp. 387-93. An English history (Ransome, pp. 485-539)- CHAPTER XXIV THE GREAT CIVIL WAR IN ENGLAND AND THE RULE OF CROMWELL 159. The Scots and the ' Short Parliament " (1640). Charles was in a sore strait. He could not raise an efficient army against the Scots without abundant money: he dared not wring more money from his Enghsh subjects lest they rise also in rebelhon. The king scraped together a very inefficient and ill-paid force, but it was useless to lead it against the well- conducted Scots. Very reluctantly, then, Charles convoked an English Parliament, in the hope of securing authority for general taxation, but its spirit proved so intractable, he dis- solved it so speedily, that it has been forever known as the " Short Parliament." At his wits' end he solicited funds from Spain and even from the Pope, but gained nothing. His coffers were empty. His own army was hopelessly feeble and dis- affected. To keep the Scots from marching to London, he made a truce with them, agreeing to pay them a heavy sub- sidy until final peace was made. Only a Parliament could give him the money needful to appease the none too modest Scots. With a heavy heart, Charles again summoned his Lords and Commons. On November 3, 1640, the '' Long Parliament " met at Westminster. It was the most famous Parliament in English history. 160. The " Long Parliament " (1640-1660). The choice of the House of Commons of England was far from resting in those days with the peasantry and artisans: the most influen- tial factors were the country gentleman and the well-to-do merchant classes. These men were not revolutionists, and many had Httle sympathy with the Puritans. But they were 286 • HISTORY OF EUROPE enraged at the recent arbitrary rule; they resented the illegal taxation; they saw in the religious changes of Laud a direct reaction toward Catholicism. They were strengthened in their task by the knowledge that behind them were the good wishes of the greater part of England, and that if the king resisted them, he was totally without funds for coping with the Scots. John Hampden, Sir Harry Vane, Denzill Hollis were among the mouthpieces for this party: but the great champion of parliamentary rights was John Pym, who has been described as an " intense conservative," but whose conservatism took the form not of preserving the rights of the Crov/n, but the rights of Parliament. To his mind, Parhament was absolute, and he Was willing to trample on all things else to vindicate its power. He and his followers came to the assembly with a sweeping program of reforms. " They had now," said Pym, " an opportunity to make the country happy by removing all grievances, and pulling up the causes of them by the roots." They had not to wait long ere selecting an object for attack. i6i. The trial and death of Strafford (1641). In the former days Pym and Strafford had been friends and allies. Together they had opposed the arbitrary acts of the Crown in Charles's earlier Parliaments. Then Strafford had made his peace with the king, and heartily adopted the royal policy. P}Tn had remained in opposition, and he had never forgiven Strafford for what he considered his treason. The Parliamentary Party considered Strafford the heart and soul of the attempt at absolutism. They feared his iron will and merciless methods, and believed that in destroying him they would teach a lesson to royal ministers for all time. Strafford was speedily denounced by Pym in the Commons as an " apostate," who had become " the greatest enemy to the liberties of his country." Carried away by Pym's eloquence and by their own wrath and fears, the Commons hastily voted to impeach Strafford before the House of Lords, and he was forthwith cast into prison. 2SS HISTORY OF EUROPE Strafford had been charged with high treason; but as a nobleman of England he was entitled to a fair trial before the Lords, and while it was easy enough to prove him guilty of unlawful and arbitrary acts, treason was in essence an attack upon the king, and the king had been only too well pleased with Strafford's policies. The accused man made a skillful defense, and it seemed possible that he might be acquitted. In that case he would soon be free and ready for desperate vengeance. Driven to bay, the Commons voted a Bill of Attainder 1 against him. The Lords hesitated to concur in this, but were presently brought to the Earl of Essex's mind, that " Stone dead hath no fellow." While the mob of London was clamoring for the fallen minister's life, the Lords passed the bill. The king had yet to sign it: he had promised Strafford he should not suffer in " life, honor, or fortune," but the mob threatened the palace. Charles feared for his wife and children. He signed the bill of attainder and his great minister perished. " Put not your trust in princes," said Strafford grimly at the end. 162. The attack on the five members. Strafford was dead, Laud was imprisoned (to be executed four years later); for a moment the king seemed totally unable to resist the onslaught on his authority. The Courts of Star Chamber and of the High Commission had been abolished. Subservient judges were impeached and cast into prison. Ship-money and other improper methods of taxation were forbidden by law. Chief of all, for immediate purposes, the king had been compelled to assent to an act providing that the existing Parliament should not be dissolved without its own consent. He seemed deprived 1 This declared a man a criminal without a trial, and ordered his prompt execution (see chapter xxi, section 139). It had been used by such rulers as Henry VIII to dispose of obnoxious subjects against whom they could not prove specific crimes. It is worthy of note that in their eagerness to remove a man they ftared, the Commons did not shrink from highly drastic methods, as flagrant and unjustifiable as any of the royal prerogatives they were attacking. THE GREAT CIVIL WAR IN ENGLAND 289 of his last weapon, and the government of the country really taken out of his hands. As a matter of fact, however, Charles was somewhat biding his time, and the ParHamentarians were no longer able to unite on a further pohcy. Many thoughtful men, though willing to destroy Strafford and to attack various extreme abuses, refused to tie the hands of the king for the future, and especially to follow the Puritans, when in Parlia- ment they endeavored to abolish Episcopacy in the English Church in favor of a system more on the Presbyterian order. Several of Pym's former prominent supporters went over to the king's side, and the " Grand Remonstrance," a solemn protest in which all the ill-doings of the Crown were arraigned and remedies demanded, was passed in the Commons by a majority of only eleven. Under these conditions, early in 1642, the king attempted an awkward counter-stroke. The royal attorney-general attempted to accuse five promi- nent members of the Commons of high treason.^ When the Commons showed no alacrity in ordering the arrest of these men, Charles committed the enormous blunder of entering the House of Commons in person, followed to the doorway by an armed band. The five had already fled away to their friends in London. Charles strode down the aisle into the House, as never for long a king had thrust himself, and demanded of the Speaker " Where they were." The other, falling on his knees, answered the king, " he had neither eyes to see, nor tongue to speak, but as the House was pleased to direct him." " I see the birds have flown," spoke the monarch, and walked out baffled, followed by the shouts of " Privilege! Privilege! " from the angry members. A great rising of the Londoners put any further attempt to arrest the five out of the question. After this act by Charles, it was only a question of months ere war should break out. On January 10, 1642, he ' They were Pym, Hampden, and three others. The main otius of the charges was conspiracy with the Scots against England. ago HISTORY OF EUROPE quitted London and began collecting forces in the North of England, while Parliament likewise recruited for the struggle. In August the royal standard was unfurled at Nottingham. -The English Pale - — Districts south and east of this line favored Parliament in the civil war, Those north and west favored the King, Cities iiiulerlincd the most important ones enfranchiseil liy the Reform Bill of \si> Loppritude 'West 4° from G THE BRITISH ISLES SINCE 130O 163. The ' Great Civil War "' and the rise of Cromwell. In the civil war which followed the Parliament was supported by most of the wealthy eastern counties of England and by the great city of London (an invaluable financial assistance). The THE GREAT CIVIL WAR IN ENGLAND 291 king was sustained by most of the nobility, by the adherents of the Church of England generally, and by the bulk of the galloping and hunting race of the country gentry whose estates covered the western counties. The war lasted from 1642 to 1647,^ and was at first very unskillfully conducted by both sides. Charles made his seat at Oxford, rallied his adherents about him, and strove *to force his way to London, where the Parliament was directing the campaign against him. He had a dashing cavalry leader in his nephew, Prince Rupert " of the Rhine," ^ who, however, lacked the solid qualities of a great general. The Parliament's first commander-in-chief, the Earl of Essex, was little more than a brave mediocrity. The scales at first inclined in favor of the king, whose cavalry, composed of gallant country gentlemen, decidedly outmatched the Parliamentary horse recruited from none -too martial townsmen.^ But gradually the contest turned against Charles after an alliance had been made (1643) between the Parliament and the Scots, and the events of war had devel- oped that his enemies had in Oliver Cromwell, a squire of Huntingdon, a general of the very first order. Cromwell was the incarnation of Puritanism. The struggle was to him a holy war against " Prelacy," and its possible ally, " Popery." He charged into battle with a prayer and a psalm, as did the doughty " Ironsides " who composed his terrible mounted regiments. In 1644, he proved their might at the Parliamentary victory of Marston Moor; then finally at Naseby (Jime 14, 1645) he smote the royal army in a decisive battle. " God is our strength! " thundered the Puritans as they swept down on the Royalists. The victory was so complete that Cromwell ' The last serious fighting, howev'er, was in 1645. ^ He was the son of the unfortunate Elector Frederick of the Palatinate, who strove to seize the crown of Bohemia. ' The Royalists were popularly known in this contest as the "Cavaliers" — a sufficiently descriptive epithet. The Parliamentarians were styled "Round- heads," from the closely cropped hair of the London apprentices, their ardent partisans, as opposed to the long "love-locks" of their adversaries. 292 HISTORY OF EUROPE reported the result as showing '^ none other but the hand of God." Charles held out after a fashion nearly two years longer, but he had no chance of success. In 1647, his best forces dis- persed, he took refuge with the army of the Scots, considering them the more pliable of his enemies. 164. The triumph of the army and the death of the king. The confidence of Charles in his Northern subjects was mis- placed. On the payment of £40,000, al- ready due them as arrears for their help to Parliament, the Scots turned the king over to his victorious enemies. He was at first treated with consideration and an effort made to reach some accommoda- tion by which he could continue, at least, as the nominal sovereign of England. Un- fortunately the victors at London were now at odds among themselves. The ma- jority of Parliament was anxious to make Presbyterianism the state religion of Eng- land; but not so the army, where "In- dependent " ^ notions prevailed, and where all manner of strange Protestant sects found adherents. Cromwell himself stood firmly for tolerance within certain limits. "The State in choosing men to serve it," said he, " takes no notice of their opin- ions." When Parliament strove to disband the army without giving the pay which the soldiers felt they deserved, the troops seized the person of the king and forced certain leading Pres- byterians to quit the House. The Puritan army, whereof Cromwell was the guiding spirit, was now the real Government of England. In its councils of 1 The "Independents" had closer affinities to the present-day " CongregatioQ- alists" than to any other Protestant body. A LIGHT HORSEMAN OF CROMWELL'S DAY Showing equipment of an " Ironside." {From the collection of Captain Orde Browne) THE GREAT CIVIL WAR IN ENGLAND 293 officers and men, assemblies that often partook more of the nature of great prayer-meetings than of mihtary assemblies, the policy of the Government was shaped. An attempt of a 'r,-'^1]p THE TRIAL OF CHARLES I :j|, Scottish army now to interfere in Charles's behalf was crushed by Cromwell in the masterly battle of Preston (1648). But the Presbyterians still would not submit to " Independent " dic- tation. In November, 1648, the army entered London, and Colonel Pride with his guards proceeded to exclude one hun- 294 HISTORY OF EUROPE dred and forty-three Presbyterian members from the House. After " Pride's Purge," the remnant of the Long Parliament, the " Rump," as it was called, was totally subservient to the army. The minds of Cromwell and his men were made up. Charles had refused all acceptable tenns of accommodation. He had equivocated and balked, and intrigued to sow dissensions among his enemies. In his behalf much blood had been shed. The soldiers now demanded that " Charles Stuart, that man of blood," should perish. He was tried before an extraordinary commission, found guilty of levying war against his Parhament and people, and Tuesday, January 30, 1649, was executed in London. Historians still differ as to whether he was a great martyr or a great knave: probal^ly he partook of both.^ 165. The Commonwealth and the Rump'' Parliament (1649-53). England was now a " Commonwealth " with an avowedly republican form of government. The great majority of the people had not approved of the abolition of the monarchy. The unrepresentative ''Rump" Parliament and the all power- ful army were hasting on from deed to deed far in advance of public opinion; but for the moment Cromwell and his fellows carried all before them. In 1650, the Scots undertook to crown Charles II (the eldest son of Charles I). Cromwell invaded their country and defeated them roundly at Dunbar; and later, when Charles II undertook to invade England from the north in 1651, Cromwell dispersed his forces with one great blow at Worcester. " It was a stiff business," wrote the victor, but it practicall}' ended the civil wars. Amid many romantic adven- tures Charles II escaped to France. The distracted folk had 1 Charles's immediate cause of shipwreck was his unwillingness to give a pledge, on which his enemies could rely, to govern with a Parliament and with oi'ficers practically chosen for him by the predominant Puritans. All Charles's public dealings seem stamped with insincerit}' and tortuousness. "His word was not the word of a king." At the end, however, he died with great firmness and dignity, displaying many noble traits of Christian character. THE GREAT CIVIL WAR IN ENGLAND 295 peace; and the " Rump " and the army were left to try to find a system of government which might prove acceptable to the land, and which should not rest merely on the sanction of armed force. The " Rump " was feeble, but pretentious, and presently fell out with its master, the chief of the " Ironsides," and undertook to pass a bill against which he and his officers had protested. On April 20, 1653, Cromwell came to the House, followed by his grim-faced musketeers. " I will put an end to your prating," he announced. "You are no Parliament! Begone! Give way to hones ter men! " " Put him out," he ordered, turning on the Speaker, and the soldiers hustled the members from the room. "This house is to be let, unfurnished," was the sign a Royahst wag affixed later on the door of the locked Parliament chamber. England had at length arrived at what was almost absolute monarchy. 166. Cromwell, Lord Protector of England (1653-58). Cromwell was ab- solute monarch, thanks to the good will of the most formidable body in England, the Puritan army. Even his enemies confessed, however, that he was no imbecile or in- active ruler. As "Lord Protector," his administration was characterized by commercial prosperity and expansion, by colonial acquisitions,^ by the development of efficient naval power, with attendant victories over Holland and Spain, and a most honorable alliance with France. At home he strove earnestly to put his power on a constitutional basis. Many of his Puritan followers were now thorough-going Republicans, * Jamaica, especially, was taken from Spain. Cromwell laid the foundation of British colonial policy. I'^'a.vr- PURITAN COSTUME 296 HISTORY OF EUROPE and refused to hear of a monarchy; yet the great majority were certainly wedded to most of the old institutions. Three times Cromwell convened Parliaments, but his own anomalous position and the attitude of the extreme Republicans who sat in them, made it impossible for him to work with them, and all these assemblies had to be somewhat hastily dissolved. CromwTll persisted, however, well convinced that God had summoned him to press for a final solution of the national difficulties. Probably, if he had lived ten years longer, he would have been able to disregard the Republican malcontents in the army and declare himself king. Could he have done so, the institutions of England would surely have been remade perma- nently, but in 1658 he died aged only fifty-nine. " A larger soul than his," said one who knew him, " hath seldom dwelt in this house of clay." 167. The return of the Stuarts (1660). What the civil war accomplished. The events following the death of Oliver Crom- well can be soon told. He left his titles, but not his abihty, to his weak son, Richard Cromwell. The hand of the master removed, the army officers were soon at bitter quarrel; and in 1659, the remains of the " Rump " Parliament, as the only body still maintaining old legalities, were restored by the soldiers. The increasing dissensions led Richard Cromwell to resign his powers, and the situation became intolerably con- fused. With the great Oliver gone, and the army divided and less formidable, the voice of the nation could not be disregarded. Monk, the one general who gained a firm grasp on the situa- tion, enforced the calling of a '' free Parliament,"' which the whole population earnestly desired. In 1660, the " Conven- tion,"'- chosen in accordance with the general wishes, voted to summon Charles II, eldest son of the late king, back from 1 No elections had been held for Parliament (except for Oliver's irregular Parliaments) since 1640. ' Since it was not summoned regularly by a king, it was legally a mere assem- bly, or "convention." THE GREAT CIVIL WAR IN ENGLAND 297 France, on condition of specious pledges of pardon for all the past, and of constitutional government in the future. The rule of the Puritans had collapsed with extreme rapidity. The " Saints " (as they styled themselves) had failed to estab- lish a Commonwealth on ultra-Protestant principles, because English public opinion had refused to follow them. The "Great Civil War," however, had not been fought in vain. Royalty had been taught an abiding lesson; and after a seem- ing reaction for the next generation nearly all that was really good in the movement which P}-!!! and Cromwell had cham- pioned, became finally embodied in the laws and society of England. Indeed, it is not too much to say that it was Crom- well (despite many acts which seemed to savor of military absolutism) who really made toleration in religion possible and absolute government impossible in every English-speaking land. REVIEW 1. Topics — The Short Parliament; John Hampden; John Pym; Bill of Attainder; the Grand Remonstrance; Rupert of the Rhine; Cavaliers; Roundheads; Ironsides; Pride's Purge; Commonwealth; Protectorate; Richard Cromwell; General Monk. 2. Geography — (a) Locate Oxford; Marston Moor; Naseby; Preston; Dunbar; Worcester. (b) Indicate on the map the parts of England which stood by the king and those which stood by Parliament. 3. Summarize the events which led to the meeting of the Long Parlia- ment. 4. What was the attitude of the Icadcrsof the Long Parliament at first? 5. What did the Commons hope to accomplish by the death of Strafford? 6. What led to the division in the Parliamentary Party? What use did the king make of that division? 7. Compare the resources of both sides in the war. 8. What were the reasons for the triumph finally of the Parliamentary Party? g. What led to the disagreement between the army and Parliament? 10. Was the execution of Charles I justifiable? Compare with the execu- tion of Mary Stuart. 298 HISTORY OF EUROPE 11. Compare, as to causes and results, (a) the dissension in Parliament at the time of the Grand Remonstrance; (b) the dissension between the Parliament and the army after the king was taken prisoner; (c) the dissension between Cromwell and the "Rump" Parliament. 12. The nature of Cromwell's rule. Upon what was his power based? 13. What were the permanent results of the Puritan Revolution? EXERCISES 1. Was the execution of Strafford justified? 2. Were the relations of the "Five Members" with the Scotch army treasonable? 3. Cromwell's "Ironsides." 4. The Solemn League and Covenant. 5. The Self-denying Ordinance. 6. Why did the Scotch army "interfere in Charles's behalf"? 7. The trial and e.xecution of Charles I. Was he a martyr or a knave? 8. The government under the Commonwealth. 9. Cromwell in Ireland and the "Cromwellian Settlement." 10. The battles of Dunbar and Worcester. 11. Cromwell's foreign policy. What was England's position among the nations under his rule? 12. The character of Cromwell. His services to England. 13. The Declaration of Breda. READINGS Sources. Robinson: nos. :^is~~3- Modem accounts. Seignobos: pp. 393-94. Gibbins: pp. 130-32, 138-41. An English history (Ransome, pp. S39-613). CHAPTER XXV THE THIRTY YEARS' WAR IN GERMANY i68. Origin of the great struggle. While England, France, and Holland had been engaged in their desperate grapple with Spain, Germany, the first home of the Protestants, rested in a state of calm. The Religious Peace of Augsburg (1555) seemed to have adjusted the relations of the two parties satisfactorily. The Emperor and many of the South German princes remained Cathohc, while most of the free cities and the North German princes became Protestant. Down to about 1600 the peace was fairly well kept, and it might have lasted longer had each side been willing to keep strictly to the Augsburg agreement; but by that time new factors were coming into play which presently forced on Germany perhaps the most utterly cruel and de- structive war in modern history. On the Protestant side the leaders were totally unwilling to concede that only such states and cities as were included in the Peace of Augsburg were protected in the exercise of the new religion. Attempts were made, sometimes successfully, to turn other districts to Protestantism which had been Cathohc in 1555; and there did not lack reckless politicians at the courts of the Lutheran and Calvinist^ princes who urged open warfare to complete the extermination of Catholicism. On the other hand, the Catholics were taking the offensive: the Dukes of Bavaria and the various princes of the Hapsburg (Austrian) territories resorted to many acts of persecution against their numerous Protestant subjects; and the Protes- ^ A good part of the Protestants of South Germany had adopted the tenets of Calvinism as opposed to Lutheranism. The differences were mainly as to the proper form of church government and as to the exact nature of the Lord's Supper. Between these two branches of Protestantism there was often only very cold charity. 300 HISTORY OF EUROPE tants complained that encroachments were made upon their religious rights in districts protected by the Peace of Augsburg. The influential Jesuit Order, working at the Catholic courts, and equally, intriguing opponents at the Protestant courts, kindled religious zeal and magnified grievances. By 1618, both parties were in a state of extreme distrust and ready to draw the sword: then came the final explosion in Bohemia. 169. The Revolt of Bohemia against Austria (1618). Bohemia was a country ruled by the Catholic Hapsburg Emperors, but containing a restless nobility mainly Protestant. The opposition to the sway of the Emperor Mathias was partly national (dislike of having an Austrian reign in Bohemia), partly religious. The Protestants were exasperated by the entrusting of the actual government to a commission of Catholics; and they could allege various specific acts of perse- cution and oppression. On May 23, 16 18, occurred the famous "throwing from the windows" at Prague, the Bohemian Capital, when a band of insurgent noblemen cast three of the Emperor's administrators from one of the palace windows, seventy feet, into a ditch, whence they escaped with their lives as by miracle. After this act there was only desperate resistance open to the revolting Bohemians. They invited to their throne the Elector Frederick V of the Palatinate,^ and boldly defied the Hapsburg to reconquer them. The Bohemian revolt was ill-conceived and ill-conducted. Many of its leaders did little credit to their religion. Frederick of the Palatinate was an amiable prince, but with no marked abilities. Mathias had been succeeded (1619) by his cousin, Ferdinand II, an ardent Catholic, the protege of the Jesuits, who went into the war with the fervor of a crusader. No effective help came to the Bohemians, while the great Duke Maximilian of Bavaria put his forces at the disposal of Ferdi- ^ He was the leading Protestant prince of South Germany, and son-in-law of James I of England, whence the Bohemians expected, though vainly, great help. THE THIRTY YEARS' WAR IN GERMANY 301 nand. In 1620, at the battle of the White Hill (near Prague), Frederick of the Palatinate and the Bohemians were utterly crushed, and the victorious Ferdinand felt justified in practi- cally exterminating Protestantism in Bohemia. 170. The appearance of Wallenstein. So ia,r the war had been mainly Bohemian rather than German, but when the conquerors followed up their success by depriving Frederick of his electorate (to be given to Maximilian) and by punishing his German adherents, many North German Protestants took arms. To confront their formidable armies the Emperor accepted the services of Albert von Wallenstein/ a brilhant but unscrupulous and self-seeking general, who undertook to recruit an army which should live by the systematic plunder of the country and cost its imperial master next to nothing. For a moment the plan succeeded admirably; and almost all the loose spirits of Europe flocked to Wallenstein's camp. The German Protestants, who secured the alliance of King Christian IV of Denmark, were roundly defeated. Their lands were frightfully devastated by the swarms of human locusts W'allenstein led among them. By 1629, Christian IV had been forced to make peace, and the German Protestants seemed at the mercy of the Emperor. 171. The Edict of Restitution (1629). Ferdinand's victory appeared almost complete : not merely could Protestantism be extirpated, but Germany could be made into a centralized monarchy something like Spain, subject to the arbitrary sway of the Emperor. In the confidence of the hour Ferdinand pub- lished the famous and ill-timed "Edict of Restitution," the sum whereof was that practically all the lands which the Protestants had taken possession of since 1555 should be restored to the Catholics; and that in the lands remaining to the Protestants only the Lutherans were to be allowed to exist. ' More properly Waldstein, but it is permissible to use his long accepted name. He was a Bohemian, born a Protestant, but reared as a Catholic. 302 HISTORY OF EUROPE This edict drove to desperation the numerous Calvinists, and convinced many moderate Lutherans — who had held aloof from the earlier war — that their fate would come the next. The terrified Protestants looked anxiously abroad and made ready to welcome the first deliverer, who speedily came to hand in the person of Gustavus Adolphus, the great King of Sweden. 172. Gustavus Adolphus in Germany (1630-32). Before the Swedes had landed in Pomerania, the Emperor had dis- missed his best general. Wallenstein had really cared little for the Catholic cause. He had been willing to increase Ferdi- nand's power, because in so doing he was increasing his own likewise, but the loyal Cathohc princes and prince-bishops had been horrified at his aggressive self-seeking, and the marauding of his ill-disciplined soldiery, who often plundered friend and foe alike. ^ At the demand of his invaluable ally, Maximihan of Bavaria, Ferdinand dismissed his too-powerful officer, and disbanded a part of his army. In July, 1630, however, Gustavus Adolphus crossed the Baltic and entered Germany. He was the king of a compara- tively thinly settled and weak country, which had established its own type of Protestantism only after a bitter struggle; but Gustavus Adolphus was a remarkable combination of a reli- gious enthusiast and a great master of war. No doubt there was a political ambition which led him to seek to extend Swedish power south of the Baltic, but no doubt also he went on the campaign in a high belief that he was doing God and man a pure and devoted service. He had been schooled for action in a series of fierce campaigns with the Poles and Danes. He had evolved a new system of tactics based on rapid move- ments, and the adaptation of military formation to the fire- arms, which were replacing the pikes and lances whereon the 1 It is said that many so-called Protestants served in Wallenstein's nondescript armies, and had their own chaplains, services, etc. 304 HISTORY OF EUROPE old style of warfare had been founded. His army was small, but excellently disciplined: a band of blond, blue-eyed giants, sons of the Vikings, pressing south in search, no doubt, of hard blows and booty, but also of a chance to light for the " Evangelical Religion," which was to them the onlv true gospel. They came almost in the death-agony of German Protes- tantism. For a moment, such was the fear of the Imperialists, that hardly a city dared to open its gates voluntarily to Gus- tavus. The Lutheran princes hung back, cowed and anxious. The great city of Magdeburg, which had held out for the Protestants, was captured (1631) by the Imperialists, and subjected to a sack and massacre which smote fear of the Imperialists into every other Protestant town which had con- sidered following her example. But very foolishly the Emperor alienated the most powerful Protestant prince, Elector John George of Saxony,' who made alliance with Gustavus; and at last the time of the Swedes was come. October 17, 1 631, on the level plain of Breitenfeld, near Leipzig, Gustavus confronted Tilly (Wallenstein's successor in command of the Imperialists). If the battle of the White Hill had decided that Bohemia was not to remain Protestant, Breitenfeld decided that North Germany was not to become Catholic. Tilly drove the Saxons from the field, but the magnificent fighting of the Swedish cavalry turned the tide. The new tactics of Gusta\'us were totally successful. The night fell upon the wreck of the Imperialists iiying in rout from one of the most decisive battle- fields of history. Breitenfeld was " the grave of the Edict of Restitution." Gustavus lived hardly a year after his victory. For the moment he carried all before him. He won back most of the ' The Elector of Saxony had striven hard to save his own debatab'e lands by an almost slavish alliance with Austria. Now in an ill-advised moment the Emperor strove to enforce the Edict of Restitution against him also. THE THIRTY YEARS' WAR IN GERMANY 305 lands seized by the Imperialists in Central and South Germany. He defeated Tilly a second time and slew him at the Passage of the Lech (1632). Wallenstein was recalled to his command by the frightened Catholics and reassembled his army; he checked Gustavus before his fortified camp near Nuremberg; but matters were still in the balance when the war drifted back toward Saxony again. At Liitzen, ^ Gustavus attacked Wallen- stein and a long, desperate battle ensued. The issue was un- certain when Gustavus was slain in the fighting: his men, infuriated by the death of their beloved leader, pressed home the charge. Wallenstein was driven from the field. The glory was to the Swedes, but also the greater loss. They had other good officers, but no leader to replace the fallen hero. For two brief years Gustavus Adolphus plays a great part in history, then vanishes: but those two years were long enough to save German Protestantism. 173. The fall of Wallenstein. In the lull following the battle, Wallenstein played boldly for his own hand. He knew that he was distrusted by the Imperialists, and he intrigued with the Swedes. A blind behever in " his star," it is not impossible that he might have found his advantage by joining the Protestants: but his officers were less pliable. Just when he was, it seems, on the edge of a great treason, he was murdered at Eger, by certain Irish and Scotch officers,^ who put their duty to the Emperor above their pledges to their general (1634). 174. The French period of the war (1634-48). The death of W' allenstein ends the interesting period of the war. The religious motive had nearly gone out of it. All men recognized that the Protestants and Catholics were about certain to hold their own; but the hopes of territorial expansion still kept the Swedes in the field, and the Imperialists were unwilling to ' Like Breitenfeld, near Leipzig. ^ Especially the Irish Butler, and the Scotch Gordon and Leslie. There were many Scotch and Irish serving in European armies at this period. 3o6 HISTORY OF EUROPE confess that their attempt to crush " heresy " in Germany had failed. And at this point the unhappy Germans were beset by a nev/ horde of invaders — the French. To the brihiant prime minister of Louis XIII, the mighty Cardinal Richelieu, the distractions of Germany presented an admirable opportunity for the seizure of territory by France and the humiliation of her old rivals of the House of Austria. Although France was Catholic, Richelieu did not hesitate to make alliance with the Swedes,^ and while the armies of the skillful generals trained by Gustavus harried from the north, the French armies were dashed upon South Germany across the Rhine. In this last era of the war, deadly, cruel, and devastating, religious differences were largely lost from sight. Many Protestant states, e.g.. Saxony, had made their peace with Austria. The war swayed back and forth, mostly in Central and South Germany, in numberless battles, usually indecisive but none the less bloody. The Franco-Swedish allies were fighting for territorial gain: the Austrians, not to crush Protestantism, but to preserve intact their dominions. At last the alhes gained such advantages that the pride of the Austrian Hapsburgs was humbled. Ferdinand III (1637-57), who had succeeded his father Ferdinand II, consented to peace. After nigh interminable delays a congress of ambassadors signed the Peace of Westphalia, which gave rest to a weary land. 175. The Peace of Westphalia (1648). The Treaty of Westphalia was a memorable document. Austria and the Catholic Powers solemnly recognized the rights of all Protes- tant states which had preserved their independence up to 1624;- and the states of both religions were put on absolute 1 After the death of Gustavus, the real ruler of Sweden was tlie able chancellor Oxenstierna, who ruled for the late king's infant daughter, -Queen Christina: some of the Swedish commanders, e.g., Torstenson, were highly capable soldiers, but they lacked the nobility of character which had sent their great so\-ereign upon his crusade. 2 This saved most of the Protestants of South Germany, but assented to GUSTAVUS ADOLPHUS King of Sweden (1611-32) Born 1594 Died 1632 THE THIRTY YEARS' WAR IN GERMANY 307 equality in all the affairs of that very shadowy federation still called the " Holy Roman Empire." A new electorate (an eighth) was created in the Lower Palatinate (a Rhine district) for the heirs of that unlucky Elector Frederick of the Palatin- ate, who had been evicted from his lands in favor of Bavaria: France was given a strip of territory in Alsace along the Rhine, Swe- den a large portion of Pomerania. The vari- ous German states, large and small, were confirmed in their local "rights" in so ample a manner that they prac- tically became indepen- dent nations in all but name, with only the most nominal overlord- ship by the Emperor. For political purposes, then, the Peace of West- phalia marks (i) the practical, though not the confessed, end of the medic-eval " Empire," founded by Charlemagne and the Ottos; (2) the admission of Protestants to the councils of Europe, and, therefore, the termination of most of the religious wars. But the peace also brought a most longed-for respite to Germany. The war had been unspeakably devastating. The average army had lived by the grossest forms of plunder. For nearly a generation the unhappy land had almost forgotten their suppression in Austria and Bohemia. — By this treaty also Spain now form- ally admitted the independence of Holland. A PLUNDERING SOLDIER —PERIOD OF THE THIRTY YEARS' WAR (From a uuiodcut by Ammann. reproduced in Licbc, Dcr Soldal) 3o8 HISTORY OF EUROPE what normal peace conditions were. Population had declined terribly.^ The arts of peace, learning, all forms of civilized life were half forgotten; some trades actually disappeared. In 1600, Germany was among the most prosperous countries in Europe. In 1650, it was infinitely outstripped by France, and barely by 1848 had it recovered all the ground lost in one of the most brutal and destructive wars in history. REVIEW 1. Topics — Bohemia; the Elector Palatine (Frederick V); Battle of the White Hill; Ferdinand II; Wallenstein; Tilly; Liitzen; Oxenstierna. 2. Geography — (a) Locate Augsburg; Prague; Magdeburg; Breitenfeld; Nurem- berg; Liitzen. (b) Indicate the territorial changes made by the Peace of West- phalia. 3. What were the conditions in Germany which tended to bring on a war? 4. Why did the revolt in Bohemia result in further warfare? 5. What circumstances encouraged the Emperor to issue the Edict of Restitution? W'hat were its terms? 6. Why did Gustavus Adolphus join in the war? 7. Breitenfeld and its importance. 8. Compare Gustavus Adolphus and W\allenstein as to motives, char- acter, ability as generals, and work accomplished. 9. What was the character of the war after the fall of Wallenstein? Who profited most by the continuation of the war? 10. The provisions of the Peace of Westphalia. Compare with those of the Religious Peace of Augsburg. 11. Compare the effects of the war on Germany with the effects of the Hundred Years' War on France. EXERCISES 1. Why did not James I of England send efficient help to the German Protestants? 2. Wallenstein's armies. ' Famine had followed devastation. There were well-authenticated cases of cannibalism. It is asserted that the population of Germany was 17,000,000 when the war began, only 4,000,000 when it ended; though possibly this is an over- statement. In certain districts it was actually proposed that every man should be required to marry two wives to care for the unprotected women. THE THIRTY YEARS' WAR IN GERMANY 309 3. The sack of Magdeburg. 4. The tactics of Gustavus Adolphus at the passage of the Lech River. 5. Richelieu's part in the Thirty Years' War. 6. The Treaty of WestphaHa. Would Philip II of Spain have made such a treaty had he been Emperor? 7. What were the provisions in the treaty concerning the Netherlands, and the Swiss Cantons? READINGS Sources. Robinson: nos. 292-301. Modern Accounts. Seignobos: pp. 369-85. Lewis: pp. 399-455. Duruy: pp. 399-402. Pattison: pp. 274-300. Lodge: chapter x. Gibbins: pp. 153-55- CHAPTER XXVI LOUIS XIV, DOMINATOR OF EUROPE 176. The greatness of France in 1661. The conclusion of the Thirty Years' War left France undoubtedly the first power of Europe. The commanding position of its king is best summed up in the statement that he, without an ally, could dare to attack any power he desired, but that no foreign power, even with an ally, could venture to attack him. The military and economic resources of the populous, industrious, warhke, and intelligent French nation had been concentrated under the royal power as never before, thanks to the abilities of two great prime ministers (churchmen only in name), the Cardi- nals Richelieu (in power 1624-42)^ and Mazarin (1643-61). ^ Richelieu, who is counted one of the prime builders of the absolute monarchy in France, was born of a noble but not wealthy house in 1585. He entered the Church in order to "keep in the family" the Bishopric of Lufon, and he was consecrated bishop when only twenty-two. He soon became a valuable assistant to Queen Marie de' Medici, who had become regent for her young son, Louis XIII, after the murder of his father, Henry IV (1610). But for a long time the queen mother and the young king were dominated by unworthy favorites and selfish court factions, and it was not till 1624 that Richelieu's high abilities were recognized and he became a prominent minister in the Government. He was already a cardinal: now he speedily became indispensable to the king, and remained "First Minister" down to his death (1642). Richelieu was filled with truly patriotic desire to aggrandize France, but " France " for him meant simply the military power of the monarchy. To achieve his end, he waged unremitting war against the "hereditary enemies" of his master, the Hapsburgs of Austria and Spain; at first supporting Gustavus Adolphus and the German Protestants against them, and then, after 1635, send- ing large French armies directly into Germany. At home he had to deal with the Huguenots, who were using the privileges given them by the Edict of Nantes to defy the royal authority; and also to curb the unruly temper of the great French nobles, who still retained much of their feudal insolence. In 1628, Richelieu took La Rochelle, the Huguenot stronghold, and deprived the French Protestants of their political privileges, although leaving them due exercise of their religion. Against the great nobles he acted with iron severity. Many con- spiracies were formed against him, but almost all the promoters thereof paid for their daring on the scafJold. LOUIS XIV, DOMINATOR OF EUROPE 311 Through many tumultuous scenes, in the face of bitter court intrigues and even civil war (1648-53), the elements hostile to the crown — turbulent nobles. Huguenots using their religious quarrel for political ends, and stubborn lawyer magnates who controlled the high courts of the kingdom — had all been beaten down. France was submissive to her kings as never before. Outside of his frontiers the French monarch had no rival. Spain was sinking into a lethargy and decadence which made absurd its old claim as " first power of Europe," despite the fact that its empire still embraced wide dominions. Austria, the standing rival of France, was weakened and humihated by the result of the Thirty Years' War. The lesser German states were still demoralized by that terrible struggle. The Republic of Holland and the Kingdom of England might overmatch the French navy, but neither was formidable by land. A great army, a well-filled treasury, a rich, loyal, and extensive land were all at the disposal of Louis XIV, when, after the king's long minor- ity and tutelage, his great minister, Mazarin, died. Louis was not the man to fail to appreciate his enormous power. 177. Louis ^77(1643-1715): his absolute government and his court. Louis XIV was a very fallible man, but he was When Richelieu died, the royal power seemed dominant at home and victorious abroad. The cardinal had gone on his way with pitiless thoroughness. He had taxed the commonalty mercilessly, and had never let the laws of humanity or morality swerve him from a profitable course of intrigue or war. His death, however, postponed the complete triumph of absolutism in France for over a decade. He was succeeded as "First Minister" by his confidant, Cardinal Mazarin, a supple Italian, who, though not without large abilities as a smooth intriguer, lacked his master's genius. Mazarin was hated as a foreigner, and the Queen Regent, Anne of Austria (acting for young Louis XIV), though decidedly under his influence, did not support him capably. The nobility and the dis- affected citizens of Paris again raised their heads. Spain aided the insurgents with armies. Between 164S and 1653, France was racked by the so-called " Wars of the Fronde." Then the ill-considered insurrection dwindled away. Mazarin took up the work of Richelieu, — the organizing of France into one closely centralized despotic monarchy. This work was largely completed when he died in 1661, and turned the government and its nolities over to his royal pupil, Louis XIV. 312 HISTORY OF EUROPE undoubtedly a mighty monarch. He was of great personal dignity: " he was as majestic in his dressing-gown as when dressed in robes of state, or on horseback at the head of his troops." He looked the part of a great potentate, and took his position very seriously. He had much intelligence, a ready LOUIS XIV, SURROUNDED BY HIS COURT, CONFERRING THE BATON OF " MARSHAL OF FRANCE," THE HIGHEST MILITARY HONOR {From a contemporary almanac) courtesy, and knew when to unbend. When he believed his prerogatives were not trenched upon, he was capable of much kindliness. Unluckily, however, he was the vainest of mortals, and never did great king lack for a swarm of flatterers. Church- men and courtiers alike had taught him from his youth that kings were anointed of God; for their actions they were accountable solely to heaven; their subjects could only obey LOUIS XIV, DOMINATOR OF EUROPE 313 with diligence. " Majesty is the image of the grandeur of God in the prince," wrote Bossuet, a famous French prelate. Louis, at best of very mortal stuff, was readily convinced by such declarations. Throughout nearly his whole life he treated the weal of France as synonymous with his own ambition to extend his frontiers and play the conqueror. Anything Hke popular liberties he regarded as a calamity. The example of Puritan England was ever before him, and the saying is attributed to him that a Parliament like the English was an intolerable evil for any real monarch. If, indeed, he never used the famous expression, " I am the state " (so often ascribed to him), it represents his whole attitude completely. Very early in his reign he strode, in his hunting costume, before the Parlement de Paris/ which was hesitating over " registering " (i.e., putting into effect) one of his edicts, and announced, " I have learned that you intend to continue these meetings [to discuss my measures]. I have come here expressly to forbid the continuation of them." And the king was obeyed. The once haughty nobility of France no longer ruled, each on his feudal seigneury. They were on the frontiers, in the king's powerful armies, or in perpetual attendance at the splendid royal court. Shorn now of all real political power, they found recompense in the absurdly elaborate and artificial ceremonial of the household service of their master. The mere process of the king's arising from bed was a great state func- tion: it was a high honor to be allowed to watch him breakfast: a higher glory still to enter his bedroom and to behold him put on his shirt. The favor of the king meant everything, — office, promotions, pensions. At Versailles, near Paris, Louis built him a palace and magni- ficent gardens surpassing anything the world had seen since ^ The Parlement de Paris was the highest court of France, and was really strictly a legal body: yet it claimed certain political rights, and was the last real check upon royal authority. It had nothing in common with the English "Parliament." 314 HISTORY OF EUROPE the passing of the Roman Ca?sars. Fifty millions of dollars, wrung from the taxpayers of the land, went into this vast monument of vanity and selfishness: " in which France no- where appears, but only the king." If, however, Louis had contented himself with mere palace building, his subjects would not have complained bitterly. Down to 1683, his money affairs were controlled by Colbert, one of the greatest finance ministers who ever held a portfolio. Not merely were the royal revenues put in excellent order, but energetic and successful attempts were made to develop the commerce and industry of France, to build a formidable navy, and to develop colonies in Canada and India. The first decades of Louis were a period of great prosperity for France, a nation which has always displayed remarkable powers of recuperation and expansion under good government. In 1683, however, Colbert died. He left no real successor; and Louis XIV was already involved in foreign projects which were to ruin his treasury and alienate his subjects. 178. The persecution of the Huguenots. Richelieu had deprived the Huguenots of the particular political privileges which they had won from Henry IV, but they still kept religious toleration. The great nobles, who for temporal reasons had once embraced Calvinism, had now mostly fallen away, but there were still a million Protestants, and these Louis regarded with no friendly eye. He was himself a fairly devout Catholic, and was doubtless sincere in his action; yet it was probably the fact that he wished to have all his subjects conform to his views on all matters, rather than any burning religious zeal, which made him turn persecutor. ' The Protestants were now mostly middle-class townspeople, merchants and artisans, the very class of the population most useful for the economic weal of France. 1 Louis XIV, like Philip II, was often on very bad terms with the Pope, treating him (in secular matters) in a very bullying and offensive manner. LOUIS XIV, DOMINATOR OF EUROPE 315 Various half-measures were at first used to secure conver- sions to the older religion. Catholic preachers labored among the Protestants with various success. The over-zealous war- minister, Louvois, was allowed to "dragoon" the hesitant by means of the army.^ Finally, the last blow was struck; in 1685, the Edict of Nantes (securing religious toleration to the Protestants) was repealed. "No Protestant could meet for any worship. All their ministers were banished from the king- dom within fifteen days; but their laity were forbidden to follow them under penalty of confiscation of goods and pain of the galleys." ^ Whether Louis ever understood the full unwisdom of his act is unknown; ^ yet it was a deed of extreme folly. Despite dread- ful persecution, several hundreds of thousands of Protestants remained in France, and kept their religion; and despite the laws, nearly 300,000 of them fled to England, Germany, and America, carrying with them the peaceful arts which were so needed by their native land. By this blow to a valuable part of her peaceful population, the industry and commerce of France were demoralized, at a time when the foreign policy of Louis was making necessary the wealth of all his subjects. 179. The wars of Louis XIV. But that which really made the reign of Louis XIV fatal for France was his series of wars. From 1660 down to 1667 was a period of peace; then the ambi- tious king began a series of campaigns directed against the power of Austria and Holland, and particularly against the dying Empire of Spain. "* Especially he strove to enlarge his 1 The term " dra,gooning " (dragonnade) arose from the practice of quartering a squad of brutal soldiers upon the family it was desired to coerce. ^ So the terms of Louis's act are summarized by Duruy, a moderate Catholic writer. ^ Most of the king's leading statesmen and courtiers honestly commended his action. "Nothing could be finer: no king ever did, or ever will do, anything so memorable," wrote Madame de SevignCf one of the first literary figures of the time. * It is curious to observe that in these wars, Holland and Spain (old enemies) are now firm allies against the common menace of France. 3i6 HISTORY OF EUROPE dominions along the Rhine and in Flanders. With an army of 350,000 men, with a navy which almost matched that of England or Holland, with two very able generals (Conde and Turenne) to lead his forces, Louis felt justified in a series of aggressions which really had only his own selfish ambition to justify them, despite much fine talk concerning " the glory of France." In his first war (1667-68) he tore from Spain a considerable part of her territories in Flanders. His second war was directed against Holland (1672-79). Louis had actually forced his way close to the Dutch capital, Amsterdam, and was proposing to reduce the Dutch Republic to abject vassalage, when his desperate enemies cut the dikes, and the French retired before the flood. In 1679, Louis made peace with the powers allied against him, and Spain again suffered — being despoiled of Franche-Comte. But Louis had now raised against him an inveterate enemy. William of Orange, Stadtholder of Holland/ assumed the task of welding Europe together against the overweening power of France. William was not a remarkable general, nor a flawless statesman, but he was a leader of dauntless courage, who never confessed defeat. Thanks to his success (1689) in securing the crown of England," which now became the firm ally of Austria, Spain, and Holland, in Louis's third great war (1688-97), France had to fight England also, and the English navy turned the scale. Louis could wring out of his sorely strained kingdom sufficient strength to fight all Europe by land, but not enough also to match the English sea-power, which had been constantly growing. The land fighting along the Rhine and in Flanders was bloody, devastating, and indecisive. In 1692, the great battle of La Hogue almost broke the naval strength of France. Peace came in 1697 (Treaty .of Ryswick), with practically no ^ He was the descendant of the great William the Silent, the foe of Philip II. ^ See chapter xxvii, section 189. LOUIS XIV, DOMINATOR OF EUROPE 317 new conquests for Louis. ^ His best generals were dead, his armies depleted, his treasury drained, his sorely taxed subjects murmuring. Wisdom should have taught him that France could not conquer Europe, and that the rest of his reign should be one of peace. 180. The siege of Vienna by the Turks (1683). One factor which earlier aided Louis XIV was the terrible peril which threatened his Austrian enemies from the rear. The Turkish Empire was falling into weakness and disorder, but it was still a menace to the Austrians, and the sultan's redoubtable ^^ Bashi-bazouks" [light cavalry] and Janizaries threatened to seize all Hungary. In 1683, all Christendom trembled when the grand vizier, Kara Mustapha, laid siege to Vienna with a horde of 150,000 Orientals. The Christian capital was hard- pressed. The fortifications were old; the garrison only 14,000. But Count Stahremberg, the commandant, held out gallantly, awaiting succor. For nearly two months the fate of Vienna hung in the balance. Then, when the crumbling defenses seemed about to succumb, the besieging host was handsomely routed by the relieving force led by John Sobieski, King of Poland. " There was a man sent from God whose name was John! " quoted the court preacher, in the thanksgiving service after the victory. From this day the Turkish power waned. Never again was it a danger to western Europe outside of the Balkan Peninsula. 181. The War of the Spanish Succession (1701-13). Late in his life Louis XIV foolishly embarked again on a great war. The King of Spain, Charles II, had died without direct heirs. Rather than see his empire parceled out amongst several dis- tant claimants, he left his whole dominions to Philip, the sec- ond son of the French dauphin.- In defiance of his pledges to ^ The treaty, however, allowed him to keep the German free city of Strass- ■burg, which he had seized during a time of nominal peace (1681) with barely a shadow of justification. ^ Charles II had, of course, no great love for his old enemy, France, but the i^tch 0'^ Lnnfitude Eaet c=cp^ 3i8 HISTORY OF EUROPE England, Austria, and Holland, Louis undertook to maintain this French prince on the throne of Spain. The result was the most disastrous war of his long reign. Louis had no competent generals left, nor any great ministers. At Blenheim (Bavaria, 1704), Marlborough,^ the English leader of the allies, defeated the French utterly. In 1706, he smote them again at Ramillies (Brabant). France itself at length was invaded, and, after still more defeats, Louis's pride humbled in the dust. Peace came at last in 17 13 (Treaty of Utrecht). The French- born Philip (V of Spain) kept the Spanish throne, but under conditions that insured the perpetual independence of Spain from France. Most of the possessions which Spain held in Italy, together with the Spanish Netherlands, were handed over to Austria. England gained from Spain the Rock of Gibraltar, which she holds to this day, and from France, Nova Scotia, Newfoundland, and the Hudson Bay Country in America. The wars of Louis XIV had ended in pronounced failure. 182. The effect of the example of Louis XIV: his end (1715). The example of Louis XIV was disastrous for Europe. Even the princes (e.g., of Germany) who fought him most bitterly saw in him their ideal: a monarch who trampled upon the old liberties of his subjects, who exploited the public resources to build up a magnificent court, who claimed to rule by " divine right," and who made war for the gratification of his personal glory and ambition. The wars of the Reformation period were at least fought by men who were genuinely in earnest, and who believed they were lighting for noble principles. The wars of Louis XIV were wholly avoidable: were usually the results of alternative was to see several other claimants — especially Austria — divide his dominions. What made Louis's action in accepting the Spanish crown in behalf of his grandson especially obnoxious was the fact that he had made a solemn treaty with England and Austria promising the Spanish homeland and the Spanish Netherlands to an Austrian prince, though France was to have Lorraine. 1 Marlborough was a wonderful general, and his strategic methods mark an epoch in the history of warfare. It is said that he never besieged a town which he did not take, nor fought a battle which he did not win. LOUIS XIV, DOMINATOR OF EUROPE 319 mere dynastic covetousness; and after causing infinite misery they really left the frontiers of France little changed.^ Nearly every princelet of Germany — perhaps with a terri- tory so small that a cannon ball could cross from boundary to boundary — must have his palace (a miniature Versailles), a costly and self-important court, and a handful of inefficient soldiers, — his "standing army," — all paid for, of course, by the wretched peasants, his subjects. It took nearly a century for monarchical Europe to recover from the spell cast over it by " Le Grand Monarque," as the French, even amid their grumblings, delighted to style their masterful king. And yet Louis was as much the victim of the conditions of royalty in which he was placed as the deliberate champion of despotism. He had a high and genuine desire to advance the weal of his people, and never shirked the tedious hours in the cabinet supervising the work of his ministers. " We ought to consider the good of our subjects more than our own " (he asserted) ; " and it is a fine thing to deserve from them the name of ' father ' as well as ' master.' " Unfortunately, his surround- ings rendered him purblind to the fact that the last things his subjects needed were disastrous wars, which ruined their com- merce and doubled their taxes, drained France of her youth, yet added comparatively little to her boundaries. When he died in 17 15, the public debt of France was over $480,000,000,^ and the treasury was all but empty. Commerce was stagnant. The salaries of officials had been long in arrears. Even the high nobles w^re in debt, while the peasantry were in sorest need. Much of the land lay uninhabited and fallow. Louis XIV himself pronounced a true criticism upon his own reign, when he lay upon his deathbed, and his great-grandson, a mere boy of five (Louis XV), the heir to his power, was led ^ Of course, as a net result of Louis's aggressions France did retain some possessions toward the Rhine (Franche-Comte, Strassburg, etc.), but at a tremendous price. ^ Of course, the equivalent of a far greater sum to-day. 320 HISTORY OF EUROPE before him. " Try," spoke the dying monarch, " to keep peace with your neighbors: I have been too fond of war. Do not imi- tate me in that, nor in my over-great expenditure." His per- sonahty and power had dominated Europe for nearly two thirds of a century, and in him "monarchy by divine right" reached its cUmax. Louis XV did not profit by his admonitions: and Louis XVI, his successor in turn, was beheaded in the French Revolution. REVIEW 1. Topics — Parlement de Paris; Versailles; Colbert; Dragonnades; Edict of Nantes; Kara Mustapha; John Sobieski; Marlborough; War of the Spanish Succession. 2. Geography — {a) Locate Versailles; Amsterdam; La Hogue; Vienna; Strassburg; Blenheim; Utrecht: Gibraltar. {h) Mark the territories added to France under Louis XIV. (c) Mark the boundaries of the European nations after the Treaty of L'trccht. 3. The conditions in France in 1661. Compare with those in the other European states. 4. Compare Louis XIV with James I and Charles I as to their ideas of government. Why was absolute government possible in France and impossible in England? 5. What led to the repeal of the Edict of Nantes? What were the politi- cal results of the repeal? The economic results? 6. Learn the provisions of the Treaty of Utrecht. 7. Compare France in 17 15 with France in 1661. Was Louis XIV wholly to blame for the evil conditions in 1715? EXERCISES 1. Richelieu and Mazarin — compare them in character and work accomplished. 2. The court of Louis XIV. 3. Colbert, and French colonization in America. 4. Vauban, Conde, and Turenne. 5. What had been the relations between Francis I and the Turks? 6. The battle of Blenheim. Why is it one of the "decisive battles"? 7. The career of Marlborough. LOUIS XIV, DOMINATOR OF EUROPE 321 8. Find illustrations of the statement concerning the evil effects of the influence of Louis XIV upon other European states. 9. Taxation under Louis XIV. 10. How did the revocation of the Edict of Nantes affect the foreign relations of Louis XIV? 11. The culture of the eighteenth century. READINGS Sources. Robinson: nos. 332-45, 353. Modern accounts. Seignobos: pp. 345-86, 402-05, 410-33. Duruy: pp. 385-475. Pattison: pp. 301-28. Lodge: chapters xi, xii, xiii. Gibbins: pp. 113-14, 132-33, 159-60. Robinson and Beard: vol. i, pp. 4-28; 34-50- CHAPTER XXVII THE LATER STUARTS IN ENGLAND AND THEIR OVERTHROW 183. Charles II, 'The Merry Monarch' (1660-85). The sovereign whom the EngHsh recalled was a person of no mean capacity. He was an abler man than his father, Charles I; he was more worldly-wise than his grandfather, James I. He had much personal grace and good humor, and an easy-going manner which enabled him to manipulate men to his own ends. He had not enjoyed his life as an exile on the Continent, and returned to England firmly resolved " never to set out on his travels again." No cause was likely to find in him a martyr, but, on the other hand, he was quite willing to assert his power so far as appeared safe. The nation, wearied of Puritanism, welcomed a monarch who had no morahty but one of pleasure, and who threw his court and his people into an eager attempt to restore color to life. Charles's private habits were those of an elegant debauchee. He surrounded himself with scandalous courtiers and a crowd of mistresses. French influence was immediately visible in the drama and letters of the day, while concrete proof of its existence was the pension which Louis XIV paid to Charles for several years of his reign, receiving in return the virtual disposal of England's foreign pohcy. He had so little genuine religion that, although he seems for long to have really believed in Roman Catholicism, he never lifted a finger efi'ectively to protect his fellow believers from severe persecution during many years; and only upon his deathbed professed the religion that he really held. Under such a mon- arch England was destined to submit to a distinct lapse from the proud position among the nations which she had held under Cromwell. THE LATER STUARTS IN ENGLAND 323 184. The persecution of the Puritans and the Catholics. The return of the Royalists had meant the wiping-off of old scores accumulated by the friends of the Episcopal system DINNER AT THE COURT OF CHARLES II Note that royalty always dined under a canopy, one of the most cherished of royal honors. {From an engraving in the Print Department of the Bibliotheque Nationale) (whose worship had been banned under the Protectorate) against their Puritan enemies. Not merely, in the reaction from the austere Cromwellian regime, were the Puritan divines driven from their pulpits, ^ but their private religious gatherings ^ Two thousand ministers, and those not the least learned or devoutly minded, were forced to quit their churches in 1662, rather than take the required oaths pledging them to accept the rule of bishops and the Church of England Prayer- Book. Hitherto many of the Puritans had tried to effect reforms from ivithin the English Church : now they deliberately placed themselves outside the Church and organized various "Nonconformist" churches, which remain to this day. Probably Charles's efforts in behalf of the Nonconformists were simply to cover up designs to aid the Catholics. 324 HISTORY OF EUROPE were forbidden. Under the laws of the " Clarendon Code," not more than five persons besides the members of a household might be present at any Puritan prayer-meeting, nor might any of their ministers approach within five miles of an incor- porated town. Charles by no means approved of his Parliament's furious zeal for the rehgion in which his father had died. He made various ineffective eft'orts to lighten the lot of the "Non- conformists " (as the Puritans were called), and he was natu- rally still more anxious to reheve the disabilities of the Catho- hcs, but on these points he met with stubborn resistance. The Church of England party, ultra-loyal in its professions, and controUing his Parliaments, was even more anti-Catholic than it was anti-Puritan ; and a large fraction of it presently came to regard the king's policies with extreme suspicion. Charles was without a legitimate heir, and his successor seemed likely to be his brother, James, Duke of York, who with greater courage than Charles was an avowed Catholic. The last twelve years of the reign were consumed in an ineffectual attempt to force through Parlia- ment a law excluding James from the succession. Charles permit- ted the enactment of the Test Act (1673) which effectually barred all Catholics from pubHc office; he permitted the Catholics to be persecuted for pretended plots against his own authority; many innocent men lost their fives without the king risking his position to save them, but he at least stood firm against the attempt to cut off James from the crown. Charles dissolved his last Parliament in 1681, after it COSTUMES OF GENTLEMEN ABOUT 1673 THE LATER STUARTS IN ENGLAND 325 had begun to show the same fiery spirit of its predecessors under his father, and for the last four years of his reign he reigned with quasi absolute authority;^ and the difficult ad- justment of the relations between the Crown and the people was reserved for his successors. In 1685, this handsome, witty, profligate man died, and three years later England underwent her second great revolution.- 185. James II (1685-88) : his character and aims. James IT, the second son of Charles I, was decidedly unlike his brother. A clever courtier who knew both well asserted, " Charles could do good if he would: James would do good if he could!" His private character was by no means of the best, but it was supe- rior to that of Charles II. He is described as a "man of infinite industry and gravity, and great understanding, and of a most sincere and honest nature." He was, however, utterly narrow- minded, and exceedingly obstinate in opinions once formed; and he had not the least spark of genius or of the ability to inspire others to do great things in his cause. He was a sincere Catholic, and clung devoutly to his religion at a time when to stand by it seemed likely to cost him the succession. To him the absolute power exercised by his rival, Louis XIV of France, seemed an admirable model for English monarchs harassed by their Parliaments, and to increase the royal prerogative he ^ By altering town charters, and other unscrupulous means, he was bringing it to pass that any Parliament he might summon would have a majority favor- able to him, and willing to legalize any act of tyranny. * Even in this bad reign, circumstances sometimes enabled the enactment of laws which promoted the growth of individual liberty. In 167Q was passed the Habeas Corpus Act. The writ of habeas corpus compels a jailor to produce a prisoner in court, and to show that there is a colorable case against him; — it is therefore a great protection against arbitrary imprisonment. Before the passage of this act, the Crown had been able to put all kinds of legal obstacles to obtain- ing this writ, and consequently hold prisoners indefinitely, almost "at the king's pleasure." A tradition sprang up that the act was only carried in the House of Lords by an absurd blunder. One of the tellers for the vote counted a very fat nobleman as two, and then declined to admit his jest when he found that the change of one vote would defeat the bill! 326 HISTORY OF EUROPE strove most earnestly. But his second ambition — to make England again a Catholic nation — was one thing which was sure to awaken enemies who might have endured his measures that were merely political. The Church of England party had made unreserved loyalty to the Crown practically a tenet of religion. When, however, the king they affected to venerate began to try to undermine the very Church which supported him, a disastrous strain was put upon the loyalty of nearly all English Churchmen. 1 86. The first years of James. James found his subjects divided into two great parties, parties which have in a certain manner survived to this day. The old Puritans were crushed and silenced, but against the "High Church" Tories, who advocated the sustaining of the royal prerogatives, and the repression of all but the Church of England religion, were now opposed the more liberal Whigs, who favored a more constitu- tional form of government, and the extension of toleration to the "Nonconformists."^ The Tories were at this moment predominant; but many great noblemen held Whig principles and the nation at large (so far as it had a voice) was probably with them. James went into his contest counting on the im- plicit obedience of the Tories, do what he might; and trusted to sheer force to curb the Whigs. Unfortunately he was to discover that the Tories were not to be trusted, and that the Whigs were not helpless. Early in the reign (1685) the Duke of Monmouth (an illegiti- mate son of Charles II) raised an insurrection in Dorsetshire: but his undisciplined followers were routed at Sedgemoor:^ Monmouth perished on the scaffold, and the" Bloody Assizes," • These party names had arisen late in Charles II's reign during the contest in Parliament over the exclusion of James. "Whig" was originally an unfriendly nickname for Scottish Presbyterians, while the first "Tories'" were certain Irish outlaws. In each cast what had been an epithet of reproach was adopted in the end as an honorable designation. ^ This wafi the last battle of conseciuence to be fought on strictly " English" soil. THE LATER STUARTS IN ENGLAND 327 presided over by the implacable Lord Jeffreys, handed out death to many persons whose guilt was more than doubtful. This easy victory confirmed James in his purpose. He under- took as part of his royal prerogative to " dispense" with the law forbidding Catholics to hold office. Many important mili- tary and civil positions were thus filled with his co-religionists. An army of 13,000 men believed to be reliable was assembled to overawe disaffection. As vacancies occurred in the Univer- sities of Oxford and Cambridge, royal nominees of the Catholic faith were thrust in, despite the plain letter of the law on the side of the " Fellows " of the colleges who had exercised the right of election. 187. The case of the seven bishops (1688). Many Roman Catholics around James realized that he was carrying things too rapidly and urged moderation, but the headstrong monarch swept on to his downfall. To silence the protests of the cities their charters were annulled. Subservient judges gave decisions confirming the king's pretensions. In 1687, James issued a Declaration of Indulgence granting religious liberty alike to the CathoKcs and the Protestant Nonconformists. He felt obliged to seek the support of the later, and affected to treat them with benignant liberality, but unfortunately these very Nonconformists, successors of the Puritans, if they dis- trusted the High Church party much, they distrusted the favors of the Catholics more, and stubbornly refused to be cajoled. Many men also, who favored a liberalizing of the obnoxious laws permitting rehgious persecution, realized that a clear issue was presented. Could a king — even for a good end — abolish by his mere proclamation a plain statute of Parliament ? If so, his power was practically absolute. The religious issue had thus become a distinctly political one. In May, 1688, James ordered all the clergy of the Church of England to read the Declaration of Indulgence in their churches. As a class these men had thundered from their 328 HISTORY OF EUROPE pulpits for nearly a generation that "obedience to the king was among Heaven's first laws "; but at this insulting mandate they balked. Very few churchmen read the Declaration as commanded. The Archbishop of Canterbury and six other bishops lodged a respectfully worded protest with the king. "Here are strange words," exclaimed James angrily. "This is a standard of rebelHon! " He caused the seven bishops to be flung into the Tower of London and prosecuted for issuing a THE SEVEN BISHOPS GOING TO THE TOWER The people of London are wishing them safety. [From a Dulch book published in i68q) "seditious libel." It was the occasion for a great national out- pouring. High and low joined in unprecedented demonstra- tions of sympathy for the bishops.^ If a respectful petition were "sechtion," where were the rights of Enghshmen? In June (1688), the bishops were put on trial. All attempts of the crown lawyers to browbeat the jury were in vain. The seven were acquitted amid vast public rejoicing. The affair ^ A snatch of a song in behalf of Trelawney, Bishop of Bristol, has become famous: — "And shall Trelawney die? And shall Trelawney die? Then twenty thousand Cornish lads will know the reason why. THE LATER STUARTS IN ENGLAND 329 was a clear warning to James to change his pohcy or lose his crown. 188. "The Great Revolution' '. the overthrow of James (1688-89). James was given no great time for reconsideration. Almost at the time of the trial a son was born to him. Hitherto his subjects had expected him to be succeeded by his daughter Mary, a devout Protestant. ^ Now the prospect of a long line of Catholic princes came to view, and men grew desperate. An appeal was sent secretly by many high nobles to the king's son-in-law, the redoubtable William of Orange, to come from Holland with an armed force and deliver the country. After some prudent deliberation, WiHiam acted. The prospect of an Enghsh crown was, of course, an enticing one, but the controll- ing motive in his action was very probably a desire to gain the hearty support of England in the life-and-death struggle he was waging on the Continent against the overweening power of Louis XIV. He therefore landed in the west of England (November, 1688) with a considerable army" to secure a free and legal Parliament." James vainly announced concessions and prepared to fight him; but there was half-heartedness and treason all around the king. Practically no fighting took place. As one adherent after another slunk away, the terrified king tried to flee to France. He was halted and brought back. William found him an awk- ward prisoner. James could not be put to death, and to keep him permanently in custody would awaken a storm of criti- cism. WiUiam desired nothing more than to have him escape, and James turned out to be his own worst enemy. The direful fate of his father was ever before him; and he evaded his studiously careless guards and safely escaped to France, to become the weary guest of Louis XIV. 1 Mary was now a mature woman, and married to William of Orange, Stadt- holder of the Netherlands, the great foe of Louis XIV. It was honestly doubted at the time whether this son of James was really his child, or some spurious infant introduced to keep up the male succession. In the public state of distrust toward James, any absurdity became credible. 330 HISTORY OF EUROPE 189. William III and Mary (1689-1702). The flight of James put the Government in William's hands. He called a "Convention" (smiimoned in the same manner as a Parlia- ment) , which after much deliberation reached a conclusion in which the Whigs and a large proportion of the Tories joined. It was that James, by his unlawful acts and by his quitting the realm, had " abdicated " the throne, and that the crown was to pass to his son-in-law William and his daughter Mary jointly (the actual government, however, being reserved for William). Accompanying this resolution went the famous Declaration of Rights, setting forth the limits to royal authority and the privileges of the subjects, and settling many fundamental matters.! por practical purposes this Revolution of 1689 made Parliament rather than the king the iinal power in England The royal prerogative was still to be an important factor for over a century, and the enormous social influence which a king might exercise was in no wise abated, but the danger that Eng- land would imitate France and drift under a strictly personal government was practically at an end. Unspectacular and bloodless though it was, this " Glorious Revolution " forms a milestone in history. WiUiam III was himself a Dutchman, and never felt him- self at home among his English subjects; nor was he in turn popular with them. His main interest was in the great war against Louis XIV, who was now earnestly supporting James. In 1690, James seized Ireland with a French army, but William crossed over from England and routed him at the battle of the Boyne, chasing him back to his exile on the Continent. William had his own troubles with his Parliaments, who were very illiberal in voting war supplies; but in 1697, peace was made with France, and the danger of a return of James was greatly ' Some of the leading points prohibit the "dispensing with laws," the levying of taxes, or keeping of an army without consent of Parliament; and require the frequent holding of Parliament; and confirm the right of subjects to petition the Crown. Also it is forbidden that any Roman Catholic should sit on the throne. THE LATER STUARTS IN ENGLAND 331 lessened. In 1701, James died across the seas, and in 1702, William passed away also. To understand his really great achievements, he must be viewed as a figure in Continental no less than in English history. This reign, however, was not merely one of revolutions and fighting. Thanks to the conditions under which WilHam re- ceived his throne, his keen interest in foreign affairs, and the need of conciliating his new EngHsh subjects at every turn, his Government saw a number of great innovations, every one of which made for the supremacy of Parliament or the growth of individual liberty and prosperity. Some of these " corner- stones " can be stated briefly. (a) In 1689, a "Mutiny Act" gave the Crown the power of holding its army under strict martial discipline. But this act ran only for one year. Every twelvemonth it must be renewed by Parliament. If the king did not convene Parliament, he had not the least legal hold upon his army. To this day the annual renewal of the Mutiny Act is cherished as practically compelling the annual holding of parliaments. (b) In 1695, lapsed an old law establishing a censorship of the press. It was never renewed. Despite various taxes on cheap newspapers, and a severe law of libel, — which was long to hamper editors and pubUshers, — here was another great stroke for liberty. (c) Thanks to the Declaration of Right and other enact- ments, the control of Parliament upon the taxing powers and expenditures of the Crown became absolute. Between the " votes of supply " and the Mutiny Act, the king was left entirely at the mercy of " his noble Lords and loyal Commons." The days of Charles I and " no Parliaments " were forever at an end. (d) One of the banes of Stuart days had been the wretched coinage, — badly struck, and subject to unceasing " sweating," " clipping," and counterfeiting. It was a really vital reform, 332 HISTORY OF EUROPE when, in 1696, the old and often debased money was replaced with a new, honest coinage, with milled edges (to prevent clipping). Such a reform, commonplace as it seems, was per- haps of more value to most people than many pretentious laws, or naval or land victories. 190. The reign of Anne: (1702-14) the end of the revolu- tionary period in England. William died without children, and Queen Mary had died before him. His successor (under the " Act of Settlement " of 1701, which controls the rights to the English throne down to this day) was Anne, his wife's younger sister, who had been brought up a Protestant. She was a good- hearted but utterly colorless personage, who took her opinions and her policies mainly from her ministers and the all powerful ladies-in-waiting around her. The greater part of her reign was consumed in the important War of the Spanish Succession. ^ At home the main event was the formal union of Scotland with England as the Kingdom of Great Britain, — upon terms very favorable to the canny and tenacious Scots. Toward the end of her reign, Anne fell into the hands of Tory ministers, who were intriguing to set aside the laws passed regulating the succession, and to summon her half-brother, the unfortunate son of James II," to succeed her upon the throne, but she died before their schemes could be completed. The Whigs again seized the power, and the Elector of Hanover, the next Protestant heir, was proclaimed as George I. By 1 7 14, England had entered upon a distinctly new. era. The religious factor had ceased to be a deciding issue in politics. The events of 1688 had established that the final controlling power was not the king, but the Parliament. The facts that 1 See chapter xxvi, section 181. 2 This unlucky prince, "James III," the "King across the Water," as the "Jacobites" (his EngHsh partisans) styled him, was destined to live in exileon the Continent till 1766, wearily cherishing hopes that were alwa3'S disappointed. He was styled by his enemies, "The Old Pretender." His son, Charles Edward, "The Young Pretender," made a last brave but unsuccessful attempt to seize Scotland, as a stepping-stone to England, in 1745-46. THE LATER STUARTS IN ENGLAND 333 William III was a Dutchman, unfamiliar with English affairs, and that Anne was a somewhat weak and pliable woman, had tended to throw greater responsibility and authority upon their ministers, who in turn were dependent upon the good will of Parliament for their continuance in ofifice. Thus the way was paved for the " Cabinet Government," ^ which was to become a leading feature in the later English Constitution.- Meantime England had, during the seventeenth century, increased greatly in material prosperity. Her com- merce had grown by leaps and bounds. She had acquired a fringe of colonies along the Atlantic coast of America, and several islands in the West Indies. Her navy was recognized as the strongest in the world, while internally she was begin- ning to cease to be a strictly agricultural, and was becoming a great manufacturing, nation. REVIEW 1. Topics — Nonconformists; Clarendon Code; Test Act; Whig; Tory; Monmouth's Rebelhon; Bloody Assizes; the Declarations of Indul- gence; the trial of The Seven Bishops; William of Orange; the War of the Spanish Succession; the Treaty of Utrecht; Jacobites. 2. Geography — {a) Locate Sedgmoor; Boyne River. 3. Compare Charles II as a ruler with Cromwell and Louis XIV. 4. In the "Restoration" of the Stuarts, what was restored? How did the Restoration affect the position of the Nonconformists? 5. What circumstances made the treatment of the Catholics more severe under Charles II than it had been under Charles I? 6. What is meant by "royal prerogative"? 7. Make a summary of the steps taken by James to restore Catholicism in England. ^ Cabinet Government may be popularly defined as the rule of a body of ministers who are supposed to work as a single unit, and who keep office (or resign), as they keep the favor (or lose it) of the majority of a Parliament. The coterie of Whigs who acted as Anne's ministers (1708), is supposed to have pre- figured the later cabinets, although the whole system was not worked out until much later. ^ See chapter xxxiv. 334 HISTORY OF EUROPE 8. Compare, as to causes and nature and results, the Revolution of 1688 and the Revolution against Charles I. 9. What part did England play, under William III, in the great struggle against Louis XIV? 10. Compare England in 17 14 with England in 1603 as regards (a) terri- tory; (b) economic conditions; (c) religious conditions; (d) govern- ment. How far were the Stuarts responsible for the changes? EXERCISES 1. Was the low standard of morals of Clmrles's court the exception or the rule among the royal courts of the period? 2. What other Englishmen, at various times, received pensions from foreign rulers? 3. The Secret Treaty of Dover. In what relations did this put Charles II to Louis XIV? 4. The Plague, and the Great Fire of London. 5. The confiscation of the borough charters. Show how this would make it possible for Charles to be absolute. 6. Whigs and Tories and the beginnings of political parties. 7. Why did the Nonconformists refuse to accept the Declarations of Indulgence of Charles II and James II. 8. The relations with Scotland under William and Mary. Glencoe. 9. The Mutiny Bill. 10. The Act of Settlement. 11. The Junto. 12. The Bank of England and the National Debt. 13. The relations between William III and Parliament. 14. The Union with Scotland. 15. The Duchess of Marlborough, and the Whigs. READINGS Sources. Robinson: nos. 324-31. Modern accounts. Seignobos: pp. 304-405. Gibbins: pp. 138-42; 144-45. Any Enghsh history (Ransome, pp. 613-734). CHAPTER XXVIII THE GROWTH OF RUSSIA AND PRUSSIA iQi. Early Russia. Late in the seventeenth century a new Christian Power began to thrust itself upon the attentions of Europe. The vast "Czardom of Muscovy" had for a long time been known to exist to the east of Poland and Finland, but Russia had never been taken seriously as a nation formid- able either in peace or war. Russia (despite many centuries of history) is among the latest of the European peoples to emerge into the light of civilization: indeed, in its great rural districts this mighty Empire is hardly civihzed yet; and in this fact lies the explanation of many problems in present-day Russia. Nevertheless, since 1650, the Russian Empire has made tre- mendous strides, and it is to-day one of the most important factors in the world's war and diplomacy. The barbarous and pagan Slavic tribes which inhabit the great steppes of eastern Europe gained their first tincture of civilization by contact with the Eastern Empire. In 865, the " Russians " made a formidable attack on Constantinople, which was with difficulty repelled. Later dealings with the Eastern Emperors were more friendly. Commerce sprang up; envoys were exchanged between the Emperors and the northern princes; and missionaries of the Eastern Church converted the Russians to the Greek type of Christianity. ^ This civihzation of " Old Russia " was at its height when the land was overrun by the terrible Tartar hordes (thirteenth century), who long held the native princes and people in vassalage. Only gradu- 1 To this day the Russians, of course, persist in being Orthodox (Greek) Christians as against the Western Cathohcs and Protestants. The Russian alphabet is based upon the Greek — another result of contact with Constanti- nople. 336 HISTORY OF EUROPE ally, after two centuries of disastrous oppression, was the grip of the savage grand khans of the " Golden Horde " relaxed, and the Tartars driven back to their wilds in Asia (1480). But this period of bondage at least aided in upbuilding Russian unity. The petty local dynasties were mostly overthrown. In their place was left only one important ruler, the "Grand Prince of Moscow"; and hfe imder Asiatic despots had taught the Russians implicit obedience to a master. The Princes of Mos- cow exercised an absolute rule over their subjects, such as no Western sovereigns had ever even claimed. The fall of Con- stantinople before the Turks (1453) carried with it the loss of any claim of the original Greek Church to exercise ecclesiastical authority over its fellow believers in Russia; and the Russian Church had never acknowledged the leadership of the Pope. As a result the rulers of Moscow possessed a control over church as well as civil affairs, which increased their total authority immensely. They were tyrants over their subjects alike for their bodies and for their souls. During the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries this great monarchy upon the steppes was consolidating and strengthen- ing its grip over the often-turbulent boyars (nobles), and fight- ing off its encroaching neighbors. In 1547, the Prince Ivan IV, whose surname, " the Terrible," grimly describes his cruel yet masterful character, took the title of "Czar"i as a token of absolute and imperial sovereignty. From this time onward we may speak of the " Empire of Russia." More than a century elapsed after this event before the czars were able to make themselves felt in the West. They were really tyrants of the Oriental ty]3e, ruling over a people nominally Christian in religion, but exceedingly barbarous in customs. They were almost isolated from civilized nations. ^ This title is often said to have been derived from "Ca;sar," but various scholars think it derived from an Asiatic word denoting the holder of supreme authority. Possibly it is akin to "shah." "Tsar " is a variant and possibly more correct spelling in English. THE GROWTH OF RUSSIA AND PRUSSIA 337 On the south, their way to the Black Sea was practically barred by the Turks. On the west, they collided with the ill-organized RUSSIA IN 1725 but then formidable Kingdom of Poland. Finland and most of the Baltic lands were held by the Swedes. Only on the White Sea of the Far North could the " Autocrat of all the Russias," 338 HISTORY OF EUROPE lord of so many leagues of plainland, and of so many myriads of fierce horsemen, find salt water which he could call his own. Here, indeed, the Arctic winter cut off navigation for many months, but a precarious trade in furs was springing up with England. In 1689, however, there came to the throne the ruler who changed Russia from a long stretch of semi-barbarous lands into a mighty nation. 192. Peter the Great (1689-1725). Peter the Great ranks among the most intelligent despots of history. If any race could have been lifted from barbarism to civilization by a series of imperial edicts ruthlessly enforced, the Russians would have been changed beyond recognition. It is a testimony to Peter's abilities that, though his methods were those of the remorseless sidtan, he was really able to accomplish so much. His chief 11 erit was that he recognized clearly the great superiority of the Western Europeans over the Russians, and undertook to introduce Western arts and habits into all phases of Russian life. Early in his reign he visited Holland and England. In Holland the tale runs that he worked for a brief time as a common shipwright in a shipyard, so determined was he to give Russia a navy. From England he took away nearly five hundred engineers, ship-carpenters, skilled artisans, artillery- men, and surgeons, to execute his great building projects and to teach his people. He set up printing-presses, caused trans- lations of foreign books to be made, and took measures for the education of at least the upper classes among his hith- erto almost illiterate comitrymen. These works of peace he supplemented by warfare, in which, though by no means always victorious, he won for Russia the status of a great power. 193. Peter the Great and Charles XII of Sweden. Sweden was still (thanks to her victories in the Thirty Years' War) counted a great military power. She had a brilliant and aggressive king, Charles XII, considered to be one of the first PETER THE GREAT Czar of Russia (1689-1725) Born 1672 Died 1725 THE GROWTH OF RUSSIA AND PRUSSIA 339 captains of his age. ^ The possession of the Swedish lands along the Baltic was absolutely essential to Peter if Russia was not to be hemmed in forever from the sea — and the sea meant for her com-merce, new ideas, national life. In his first battles Peter learned his shortcomings as a general and the weakness of his ill-disciplined Cossacks before the veteran Swedes. At Narva (1700), Charles won a brilliant victory, but he made ill use of it. Peter reorganized his army, and seized some sea- coast at the mouth of the river Neva. Here, in 1703, the czar founded a new capital city, St. Petersburg,^ to be the home of his reorganized government. When Charles invaded Russia a second time, he was utterly defeated at Poltava (1709). The military prestige of Sweden was blasted, and Russia was recog- nized as a mighty power. When peace was at length made (17 21), Russia gained nearly all the Swedish Baltic lands, with the exception of Finland. Peter died in 1725, aged only fifty- three. He had completely reorganized the government of his country, giving it all the machinery for a centralized, well-articulated despotism, instead of a blundering, semi-feudal tyranny. He had enforced the habits of Western civilization upon his courtiers and nobility. The serfs (the vast bulk of the population) continued in their Oriental degradation w^ithout even a veneer of Euro- pean culture. Peter's successors continued his policy, more or less success- fully according to their abilities, through the eighteenth cen- tury. The most famous of these rulers was Catherine II ' Charles XII was a magnificent field officer. Had he been as excellent in planning a campaign as in actually fighting a battle, he would be ranked with Hannibal or Napoleon. ^ In 19 14 by imperial decree the name of this city became Petrograd. Hitherto the Russian name had been simply Petersburg, the "Saint" having been added by Western usage. Czar Peter was very far from deserving sainthood. He was brutal in his personal pleasures and ferocious in his punishments. With his own hands he would sometimes behead criminals by way of diversion. So far is it possible for the same person to be a beneficent sovereign, yet a most despicable man! 340 HISTORY OF EUROPE (1762-96), a profligate but exceedingly energetic woman, who sent her armies victoriously against the Turks, and joined with Austria and Prussia in dividing unhappy Poland. By 1800, all the world recognized Russia as a tremendous military power. It was to take nearly a hundred years more before she had an accepted place in the realms of music, literature, and art.^ 194. The Electorate of Brandenburg. While a great imperial state was arising in the East, — in Europe and yet charged with the temperament and institutions of Asia, — there was struggling into prominence another much smaller state, which was destined to reanimate the old nation of Germany, and rescue it from the fearful exhaustion and stagnation in which it had been left after the terrible Thirty Years' War. This state was Brandenburg, which became the nucleus of the later "Kingdom of Prussia." Very humble were its beginnings, yet the glory of modern Germany was wrapped up in this obscure principality. In 1648, the Electorate of Brandenburg seemed to represent one of the poorest and least progressive states in the all but dissolved " Holy Roman Empire." Its rulers of the Hohen- zollern dynasty had obtained the land in the fifteenth century, and in Luther's day had become Protestants. Their territories were ih-compacted, unfertile, and sparsely populated. There were few sizable cities, and little commerce and industry. The inhabitants were mostly unkempt, oafish peasants inhabit- ing the sandy plain lands, or brave but stupid and inactive petty nobles {Junkers), who in their boorish fox-hunting traits greatly resembled the English country " squires." The Hohenzollern dynasty of electors had done little to distinguish itself since gaining power, and yet in some respects progress had been made. The Hohenzollerns had never wasted their power upon distant and chimerical military enterprises; their 1 "Scratch a Russian and you will lind a Tartar," Napoleon is said to have remarked. : Vi^iilAi ■^^ 342 HISTORY OF EUROPE lands had emerged from the Thirty Years' War rather less rav- aged than were many other quarters of Germany; and they had annexed the Duchy of Prussia. This large vassal state of Poland had been ruled before the Reformation by the "Grand Master " of the Knights of the Teutonic Order. ^ In 1525, the Grand Master had accepted Protestantism and taken the title of " Duke." In 1618, the last Duke of Prussia died, and his dominions went to his kinsman, the Elector of Brandenburg. Prussia and Brandenburg were by no means contiguous, — • a great piece of Poland intervened. Still, in the aggregate the Hohenzollerns ruled a considerable state. In 1648, the Peace of Westphalia gave them the Duchy of Eastern Pomerania. They had also several scattered " enclaves " elsewhere in North Ger- many.- These heterogeneous lands were now to fall into the power of a great statesman who was to organize them into a formidable monarchy. 195. The Great Elector, Frederick William (1640-88). Frederick William personally was a coarse-grained man, des- potic and none too scrupulous; but he ruled a people accus- tomed to arbitrary government, and the age was not one of nice measures. The great bane of his electorate was the multi- plicity of local divisions. There were numerous local "estates," — assembhes of petty nobles, ignorant, tenacious of their privileges, and grinding tyrants over their peasantry. The whole administration of the country was exceedingly weak and inefficient. Frederick William curtailed the power of the estates as much as he dared, and set up a central privy council, to which his ministers and all his provincial governors belonged — thus giving the ill-assorted Hohenzollern realm a semblance of unity. The taxation system was revised skillfully, so as to increase the elector's revenues without increasing the burdens 1 A military-religious brotherhood, established, like the Templars and Hos- pitalers, at the time of the crusades. ^ An "enclave" was a small German territory belonging to one state, but entirely surrounded by the territories of other states. THE GROWTH OF RUSSIA AND PRUSSIA 343 of the subjects. In short, Frederick William look a long step toward abolishing mediaeval political conditions and substi- tuting an orderly "modern" government.^ The Great Elector realized that if he were to obtain a great revenue from his lands his people must be enriched. With German thoroughness and Hohenzollern common sense and tenacity, he set himself to building up the industries and com- merce of his subjects. Every effort was made to encourage scientific agriculture. Louis XIV was driving the Huguenots from his dominions by his persecutions. Frederick WilHam (a zealous Protestant) promoted their settlement in Branden- burg. The French immigrants were skilled artisans and agri- culturalists; some twenty thousand of them brought the Great Elector and his people precisely the assistance and example whereof they were in need. Louis had little recked that, in -banishing the Huguenots from France, he was advancing the prosperity of the nation that was to prove his country's most dangerous rival. One thing more Frederick William did for his land. He organized a truly efficient army. He was able to play a very respectable part in the wars of the later seventeenth century, usually in one of the alliances against Louis XIV. In 1675, he won a notable victory over the Swedes at Fehrbellin.- Hence- forth Brandenburg was something more than a " state " of Germany; it had to be reckoned upon as a rising and substan- tially independent monarchy to be courted and feared. 196. Brandenburg becomes the Kingdom of Prussia. Fred- erick Wilham was succeeded by his son Frederick, a person- age by no means equal to his father in ability. He was a showy, extravagant man, who squandered his revenues upon ^ Of course, much was left entirely untouched; e.g., down to Napoleon's day the peasantry of Brandenburg-Prussia were downright serfs. ^ The Swedes were led by Charles XI, the father of Charles XII: this was almost the first great battle lost by the Swedes since Gustavus's day, except when overwhelmed by numbers. 344 HISTORY OF EUROPE a tawdry court which ih became the ruler of so poor a country. He was not the less ambitious, however. The " electoral cap" of Brandenburg seemed too mean for the lord of such extensive dominions. In 1 701 , the " Holy Roman Emperor," being in sore need of his help against France, consented that he should be crowned at Konigsberg as " King /;/ Prussia." ^ The new king was not very cheerfully received by his fellow monarchs. The Pope protested angrily at the erection of another Protestant CZ] Lands at th( jccessionot Fred BRANDENBURG-PRUSSIA, 1 740-86 kingdom. Frederick, however, — "Frederick I," as he now proudly styled himself, — was vastly pleased with his new honor. For a while it was a penal offense for one of his subjects forgetfully to drink the health of " the Elector of Branden- burg." In 1713, this vainglorious reign ended. 197. Frederick William I (1713-40). Frederick's son was a truly great king, yet after a petty, obstinate, picturesque man- 1 It was some time later that the title was changed to "King of Prussia." The idea, of course, was that Frederick was still only "elector" in Brandenburg, part of the "Empire." Prussia, however, lay outside of it. THE GROWTH OF RUSSIA AND PRUSSIA 345 ner of his own. His father had made the new kingdom almost a laughing-stock by his extravagance and vanity. Frederick Wilham I won back the prestige of the Great Elector, and added to it. In a despotically governed country the character of the ruler is everything, and the king was almost exactly what the un progressive land demanded. He was stern, blunt, and practical. He was economical down to stinginess, and maintained a most unpretentious court. He was strictly pious after the stiff fashion of the Lutheran theology of his day, and had a rigid sense of justice. In all the realm there was no harder worker than this crabbed, ill-dressed little man who seemed resolved to make his subjects happy and prosperous, if he had to cuff and cudgel them into a state to enjoy their good fortune. That his people were entitled to any hberty never entered his head. " Salvation belongs to the Lord: everything else is my business," he once asserted. The story of his reign contains few outwardly striking events. Fortunately it was a period when there were few great wars, and Frederick William I had too much common sense to invite them. He devoted himself to perfecting the machinery of the administration, until Prussia was ruled by a magnificent bureaucracy (official wheels within wheels), such as was boasted by no other Government in the world. The king strove diligently to foster agriculture, manufactures, and commerce. But his real dehght was in fattening his treasury (he left nearly $6,750,000 behind him) ,1 and strengthening his army, of which he was so proud that it was said that he dared not engage in war lest he lose some of his darling grenadiers. He turned over to his son Frederick II - (later called " the Great ") 80,000 men ^ A very large sum, considering the relative poverty of Prussia and the large purchasing power of money in those days. Frederick William I had such a mania for economy that he spent only 50,000 thalers (=$34,000) per year upon himself and his court — a beggarly allowance for a king! ^ Whom Frederick William had treated (when a lad) with an austerity and downright brutality which forms a famous chapter in the personal history of the HohenzoUerns. 346 HISTORY OF EUROPE admirably drilled and fit for any service. This made Prussia the fourth military state of Europe; and Frederick II did not let his father's brigadiers grow gray without service. REVIEW 1. Topics — Tartars; Ivan the Terrible; Peter the Great; Charles XII; Catherine II; Prussia; the Great Elector; "King in Prussia." 2. Geography — (a) Locate Narva; St. Petersburg; Poltava; Moscow; Konigsberg; Berlin. (b) Mark Russian territory in i6Sq. (r) Mark the lands added to Russia by Peter. (d) Mark the Hohenzollern lands in 1648. 3. How did the Tartar supremacy affect Russian civilization? 4. What conditions gave rise to the absolutism of the Russian czars. 5. The work of Peter the Great in giving European civilization to Russia. 6. What is the significance of the statement attributed to Napoleon (p. 340, note)? 7. The condition of Brandenburg in 1648. 8. The work of the Great Elector. Q. What were the conditions in Europe in 1701 which made the Emperor consent to the creation of a kingdom in Prussia? 10. What did Frederick \\'illiam I do to advance the political and eco- nomic prosperity of Prussia? EXERCISES 1. What was the "'Golden Horde"? 2. Ivan the Terrible. 3. Trade with Russia before 1689. 5. Manners and customs among the Russians at the time of the accession of Peter the Great. How far did Peter change them? By what methods? 6. Charles XII of Sweden. 7. The expansion of Russia (1689-1795). 8. The character and work of the Great Elector. 9. Whose example did Frederick I of Prussia follow in the extravagance of his court and capital? ID. The army of Frederick William I. 11. Compare Prussia in 1740 with the other German states, in regard to economic and political conditions. THE GROWTH OF RUSSIA AND PRUSSIA 347 READINGS Sources. Robinson: nos. 346-52, 354-590. Modern accounts. Seignobos: Contemporary Civilization, pp. 3-28. Be- mont and Monod: pp. 472-74. Lewis: pp. 477-94. Lodge: chapter xii, sections 13-22; xiv, xvii, xviii, sections 25-27. Pattison: pp. ii^^ii- Robinson and Beard: vol. i, pp. 50-60. CHAPTER XXIX THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY 198. The character of the age. The passing of Louis XIV .(1715) removed the most remarkable figure in Europe. He had played for great stakes; and he had lost. Not till Napo- leon's day was France again to threaten to devour all the rest of Western civilization. In Louis XIV, absolute monarchy by "divine right" had reached its climax. He was the incarna- tion of its best features and the demonstration of its worst. Slowly the reaction was to set in, leading to a reassertion of the rights of. that thing called "the people," not merely to be well governed, but to govern itself. This period of slow reaction extended till lySg, and is ordinarily described as the " eight- eenth century," although it lacked twenty-six years of the completed cycle. During this time monarchs continue to rule despotically: in continental Europe the subject-classes are without any efficient constitutional protection, or any real share in the Government. New intellectual and scientific forces, however, are at work.^ The absolute monarchs find themselves under keen criticism. Thc}' attempt many well meant if superficial reforms. A new spirit is in the air. The gradual simplifying of genteel dress — the abandoning of the absurd ruffs and flowing wigs of the seventeenth century — is a trifling outward manifestation that we are approaching a more genuine, a less artificial age. Wars are, on the whole, less frequent. They are still waged mainly to gratify the selfish ambition of sovereigns, and cause a vast deal of needless misery and bloodshed : but as a rule there is some semblance of national as well as merely dynastic advantage kept in view. ^ See chapter xxxi, "The Causes of the French Revolution." THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY 349 The separate events of this " eighteenth century " do not need very minute treatment, but it is necessary to have a clear idea of several of the leading royal actors. 199. Louis XV (1715-74) and Madame de Pompadour. France was still, despite the magnificent failure of Louis XIV. unquestionably the first power of Europe;^ but Louis XV was a very unworthy successor of his mighty great-grandfather. He was a mere child when his reign nominally began, and for eight years the ruler of France was the clever Duke of Orleans, a man of profligate life but no mean ability. In 1723, Louis XV as- sumed the personal government, but he seldom busied himself with the hard work of administration. His ministers .were sometimes capable men. Up to 1 741, France was most of the time at peace and tolerably well governed. Af- ter that date disastrous wars set in, from which the French reaped no profit from their victories, and sheer dishonor by their unnecessary defeats. The life of Louis XV was one long round of idle, vicious frivolity, wherein the accumulated loyalty of the French nation to the throne was wantonly frit- tered away. The king was too indolent and dissipated to play the tyrant, yet some of his ministers did, and at times the misgovernment of France was frightful. It was a terrible set- back to " the first monarchy of Christendom" that for fifty- nine years the "first gentleman of Europe" (so the French king was styled) was a man of utterly vicious Hfe; far more 1 The English navy, of course, was first on the seas, but England never claimed to compete with France as a land power. A FRENCH SECRETARY OF STATE, ABOUT I 720 Note that while the wig and costume are still elaborate, they are less absurd than were the sixteenth- century cos- tumes. (Afler a drawing by tTUlin) 350 HISTORY OF EUROPE important than Louis's queen, a weak Polish princess, was his mistress, the beautiful, witty, selfish, worthless Marquise de Pompadour. Her " reign" extended from 1745 to 1764. Dur- ing that time she controlled the king utterly, and, through him, the State. Ministers were appointed and dismissed, wars were declared and ended, at the bidding of a profligate and selfish woman who had not the slightest conception of the interests of France. After her death the king found a second favorite, Madame du Barry, upon whom he was able to squander 180,000,000 livres (say $36,000,000) ^ in five years, and this while the finances of France were declining in ever-increasing disorder. In 1774, Louis XV sank unwept to the grave. Despite his personal profligacy he did not fail to realize the evil state of France. " This will last through my time "; he said cynically, com- menting on the rotten condition of his Gov- ernment. All his life he had been sowing the wind. His unlucky successor was to reap the whirlwind . 200. Maria Theresa of Austria (1740-80). Far nobler than this degenerate scion of the great French line was the woman who occupied for many years the rival throne of the Hapsburgs. In 1740, the" Holy Roman Emperor," Charles VI, died, leav- ing by a " Pragmatic Sanction "^ all hereditary lands to his only child, his daughter, Maria Theresa. Thanks to the fact that it was alleged that a woman could not inherit the Austrian lands of the Hapsburgs, greedy pretenders appeared. Maria COSTUME OF A GENTLEMAN, ABOUT 1770 Note that the wig is smaller than in 1720, and the dress simpler. A snuffbox and a walking-sword were still essential parts of a masculine outfit. {From an en- graving by Moreaii le Jciiiic) ' Really a great deal more, for the purchasing power of money was still much greater in the eighteenth century than at present. 2 An especially solemn bequest bestowing the succession to the monarchy. THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY 351 Theresa for a little while seemed forced to fight half of Eu- rope; but she rose to the occasion magnificently, though at first her armies were disorganized, her lands nigh overrun. "Let us die for our King, Maria Theresa! " cried the Hungarian mag- nates, when the high-souled lady appealed to them to defend her cause and that of her infant son, Joseph (II). Her claims were presently vindicated. Her husband, Francis of Lorraine, was recognized as Emperor. During a long life she ruled over her heterogeneous dominions with masculine energy and tireless industry. The reforms she introduced increased her subjects' wealth, and the present-day power of Austria rests very largely upon her successful administration. To the north of her, how- ever, lay an enemy who had taken advantage of her early necessities, and whom she never really forgave — Frederick II of Prussia 201. Frederick the Great (i'740-S6). Frederick II of Prussia, justly styled "the Great," is the most important figure in European history between Louis XIV and Napoleon. He inher- ited from his crabbed but capable father a small realm, but a full treasury and a powerful army. He strove all his life long to advance the interests of Prussia as he conceived them. " Men have granted preeminence [he wrote] to one of their equals [the king] in the expectation that he should do them certain services." " Monarchs are not invested with authority that they may riot in voluptuousness." " Monarchs are only the first servants of the State." No man in Prussia ever toiled harder than Frederick at his mighty task. His actions were often arbitrary, even tyrannical, but he seems throughout to have believed that he was acting for the public good. He was without confidence in the ability of the masses to govern them- selves, and was never anything but a despot, yet he was an '■ enlightened despot " in the best sense of the term. " Nothing by the people — everything for the people " was, in short, the keynote of his policy. 352 HISTORY OF EUROPE A large part of his reign was spent in wars which left Prussia exhausted and desolate. Very skillfully he devoted himself to the task of recuperation: fostering mechanic arts and com- merce, and ordering his finances with that North German scientific thoroughness which has done so much to build the greatness of modern Germany. In his foreign relations Frederick appears less admirable. He was frequently charged with treachery, selfishness, and double-dealing in his diplomacy and wars, nor can the accusations be refuted. His only excuse can be that Prussia was as yet barely recognized as a king- dom, and that during much of his reign he was really fighting for life. Personally he appears as a bountiful but eccentric patron of art and literature, who was very tolerant of religious skepti- cism. ^ His best amusement was writing bad French verses, or squeaking out bad music upon his flute, after a day of hard campaigning or office work. His court was simple: his private life, pure. The Prussians do well to hold " our Fritz " (as they called him) in afi'ectionate remembrance. 202. The wars of Frederick the Great. Frederick the Great was involved in two prolonged wars which racked all Europe. In the first (1740-48)- he threw himself on the Hapsburg lands, in alliance with France and Bavaria, and wrested from the gallant Maria Theresa the province of Silesia.^ The Austrians were compelled to make peace, leaving him the dis- puted territory. In this war he displayed to Europe the magni- ficent fighting efficiency of the new Prussian army created by Frederick William I, and also the fact that Frederick himself ' Frederick was himself an agnostic, although he never took any official measures against Christianit_v. ^ Frederick did not participate in the struggle after 1745, but France continued the war. ^ There were some old outstanding Prussian claims on Silesia, but it is very doubtful if they could be considered for a moment by a modern court of arbitra- tion. The seizure of Silesia was really an arbitrary act of spoliation in the selfish interests of Frederick. Ik - ^ ^^^^^^^^^^K^^^HS^ W ^^Hff t'-v-' H ^^K ^li ^1^^ 9 OLIVER CROMWELL Lord Protector of the Commonwealth of England (1653-58) Born 1599 Died 1658 FREDERICK THE GREAT King of Prussia (1740-86) Born 1712 Died 1786 GIUSEPPE GARIBALDI Italian patriot Bom 1807 Died 1882 HORATIO NELSON English admiral Born 1758 Died 1805 CONQUERORS IN BATTLE THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY 353 was a general of astonishing ability without a real peer in his age.i This first v/ar, the War of the Austrian Succession, as it is famiHarly called, did not end in an abiding peace. Maria Theresa never forgot her loss. She drew near to the old enemy of Austria, France. She even condescended to send a friendly letter to Madame de Pompadour. The Empress Elizabeth of Russia joined the coalition.- The famous " Seven Years' War " followed (1756-63). The allies aimed to break up the Prussian dominions; perhaps to reduce their ruler to a mere Elector of Brandenburg. With only the semi-effective alliance of England,^ Frederick and his small poor kingdom had to fight almost the whole of embattled Europe. Against these odds Frederick made one of the most gallant fights in all history. With dwindling regiments and depleted resources, he still fought on, when all seemed blackest: taking advantage of his enemies' mistakes; firing his officers and men with a noble courage and enthusiasm. The most famous battle of the war was Rossbach (in Saxony, 1757), when Frederick, with only 20,000 men, routed 50,000 French and Austrians, proclaiming to the world the superiority of a disciplined army led by a scientific tactician over an ill-conditioned army, the officers whereof had been court favorites appointed mainly by Madame de Pompadour. The French were not merely beaten. They were disgracefully routed: and the disaster was in effect a warning that France was no longer a really 1 It is not quite fair to put Frederick in the class of Napoleon or Alexander, but he certainly was the equal of Gustavus Adolphus or Marlborough. ^ Personal spite, perhaps, played a part in forming this coalition. Frederick had a sharp tongue, and he is alleged to have remarked that " three old cats were governing Europe." The "cats" were Maria Theresa, Elizabeth, and Madame de Pompadour! ^ The English could supply considerable money to him, but their military help was not very effective. In 1761, upon the downfall of the English war- minister, William Pitt, the English withdrew their help in no very creditable manner, and left him in the lurch. 354 HISTORY OF EUROPE formidable power as long as she remained under her old cor- rupt rulers.^ In 1763, the three great Powers of Europe were themselves exhausted and were forced to confess that their attempt to crush Prussia had failed." A long peace followed for Frederick. His position in Europe had now been sufhciently vindicated. Prussia was alike respected and dreaded. The great king could devote his remaining years to more peaceful projects for strengthening his dominions. 203. Joseph II of Austria (1780-90 'Emperor,'' 1765-90), the crowned idealist. Maria Theresa was succeeded by her son, the Emperor Joseph, who was a great admirer of Frederick, and who had been caught in the scientific philosophical move- ment of the times. He was a restless innovator, and strove with furious zeal to reorganize his very scattered realms along the lines of " enlightenment and reason." Unfortunately, although boasting himself as everywhere "guided by phi- losophy," he showed a most unwise tendency to try to reform almost everything at once. In his scattered provinces were vast numbers of old abuses, vested interests, and local privi- leges. These he strove to sweep away almost at a stroke, and to organize the Hapsburg lands into a highly centralized mon- archy. The storm which his unwise improvements awoke was tremendous. In the midst of it, he endeavored also to alter the organization of the Church : especially he aboHshed six hundred monasteries.^ New elements of opposition, of course, arose; 1 As a mere military achievement tlie battle of Leuthcn (1757), when Frederick, with 30,000 men, routed 90,000 Austrians, was even more remarkable. Napoleon said that this one victory was enough to give Frederick "rank among the greatest generals." - For a long while Frederick's fortunes had appeared so desperate that he is said to have carried poison upon his person, to avoid falling into the hands of his enemies. In this great war he lost several battles and made serious blunders, but redeemed all by his indomitable courage and energy. ' Joseph claimed to be a good Catholic, but he had reached the conclusion that monasticism was a pernicious institution. "The principles of monasticism," THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY 355 and finally the Austrian Netherlands (Belgium) rose in revolt (1789). Before they could be subdued, Joseph II died, sadly disappointed; a man who had striven earnestly for the weal of his people, but who could never learn that in the alteration of time-honored institutions the mass of men are less easily driven than led. 204. The division of Poland (1772-95). The last decade of the eighteenth century saw the territorial extinction of a proud THE PARTITIONS OF POLAND nation ^ — Poland. Chivalrous, brave, artistic, gifted, as many Poles have been, as a people their history proves them of slight pohtical capacity. The annals of Poland seem one dreary he wrote, "are in flat contradiction to human reason." He reduced the number of monastic persons in his dominions from 63,000 to 27,000. 356 HISTORY OF EUROPE catalogue of bitter dissensions and civil wars without any real guiding principle. The huge land was very ill-compacted. The turbulent nobles were hopelessly disunited when it came to any common effort. The kingship was elective. The death of one sovereign was followed by a tumultuous assembly of the nobles, 1 to elect another, — usually an ambitious foreigner who only kept his " throne" by being consistently feeble and pliant in his policy. In all things the weak king must be guided by the Diet, to which went the representatives of the nobility. At this Diet one negative vote defeated any proposi- tion (the so-called ''Free Veto "). Such an absurd proviso put a premium on inaction. The average Diet would break up without dealing with the most necessary matters. In 1772, the trump of doom sounded for this unfortunate country. AUeging various disorders as pretexts, Catherine II of Russia and Frederick the Great deliberately undertook to tear away portions of Poland " in the interest of civilization."^ Maria Theresa at first protested, but, unable to deter her rivals, joined in seeking her share also. The wretched Poles, forsaken by Europe, were obliged to submit to the seizure of a large fraction of their territory. Vainly in their remaining lands they strove to reorganize their Government and introduce an en- lightened and efficient regime. The three avaricious monarchies were not seeking better government for their neighbors, but excuses for intervention. In 1793 came the" Second Division," more territory seized by Prussia and Russia — Austria for 1 The Polish nobles held their peasantry in such subjection that they were helpless slaves, rather than serfs. The towns were relatively few and small, and there was no intelligent burgher class to be a saving leaven in the nation. The peasantry took no interest in a government controlled solely by the nobles, and would not sacrifice much to defend it. - Frederick could at least allege the need of securing a strij) of land to connect Prussia (proper) with the rest of his dominions. It cannot be denied that the misgovernment in Poland was extreme. Maria Theresa was sorely piqued at the dishonorable part of Austria in the transaction. "Our measures," wrote she, "are such that even t/ic King of Prussia can accuse us of falseness!" — Frederick was Alaria's chief aversion. THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY 357 once getting no share. In 1795 came the " Third Division " (Austria also participating). Despite a despairing resistance, led by the brave Kosciuszko, the extinction of Poland seemed now complete. The whole land was divided among the con- querors. The destruction of Poland was practically the last act of the old-line monarchies of Europe. By 1795, they were already face to face with Revolutionary France. 205. Louis XVI (1774 92) and the last years of the Old Regime in France. Louis XV was succeeded in France by his grandson, Louis XVI. He was a notable improvement upon the debauchee before him. In happier days he would have been an adequate, although not a great, king. His private Hfe was pure. He was a faithful husband and a kind father. But he was a man without marked public qualities. He was not a coward physically, but he was exceedingly timid in speech and action, always inclining to the side of weakness and non- action. He was also a homely, dull, unimaginative man, incapable of arousing high enthusiasm. Worst of all, he was very open to the influence of those around him — especially to the influence of his queen. Marie Antoinette (daughter of Maria Theresa) was a beauti- ful, high-spirited, but somewhat frivolous, woman who easily controlled her vacillating husband. She, no less than Louis, wished well for France, and desired the happiness of the people; but neither of this unfortunate couple could take any large view of the need of a thorough reformation of the entire Govern- ment. Marie Antoinette drew back at any measure which seemed to affect her own w^himsies and the selfish interests of her favorites in the court circle. The weal of France was treated as a matter of personal caprice and convenience. In 1778, Louis went to war with England in behalf of the revolting Americans. The war ended (1783) with victory for America and for France; but Louis gained little benefit. The disordered finances of his kingdom were more strained than 358 HISTORY OF EUROPE ever; and the example of American "freedom " was a bad one for his restless subjects. Already he had shown himself a weak ruler. In 1776, he had dismissed his great minister, Turgot (a real statesman with a great scheme for reform), merely because of the hue and cry raised against him by selfish cour- tiers. For the next thirteen years he had blundered inconsist- ently from one adviser to another; the state of his treasury and the discontent of his subjects ever growing worse. In 1789 began the French Revolution. 206. The '^ balance of Power in Europe.'' We must remark upon one special factor which had developed in the age of Louis XIV and the ensuing eighteenth century — the " Bal- ance of Power in Europe." It had become a cardinal prin- ciple in the chancelleries of the great monarchies, that no one country must be allowed to become too strong, whatever be the cost of checking it. Thus practically all the rest of Europe had forgotten its old feuds to unite against the over- weening power of Louis XIV, and in the eighteenth century we find repeatedly great coalitions formed to head off the growth of this or that Power, or failing that to secure "com- pensations " by corresponding additions to all its jealous neighbors. So various small countries, e.g., Venice, were kept alive because none of the " Great Powers " could endure to see their rivals expanding by seizing their weaker neighbors, and, on the other hand, the sudden claims of new "Great Powers " (especially Prussia and Russia) for equality in all arrangements with the old "Great Powers" (England, Austria, France, — and now dwindling into weakness, Holland and Spain) were regarded with suspicious jealousy, and were always discon- certing. About 1770, this system seemed very well worked out. Europe might be regarded as in an informal confederacy, ready to beat down any attempt of any of its members at extreme aggrandizement. It was an artificial and unworkable arrange- THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY 359 ment, however. First the rift came when the three eastern "Great Powers" took advantage of the weakness of France to begin the partition of Poland. Soon after came the wars of the French Revolution. Then the only question speedily was this, — how prevent the absorption of all Europe by France? REVIEW 1. Topics — Madame de Pompadour; Madame du Barry; the Pragmatic Sanction; "Enlightened Despot"; War of the Austrian Succession; Seven Years' War; Joseph II; the Free Veto; Kosciuszko; Marie Antoinette; Turgot; the Old Regime; "Balance of Power." 2. Geography — (a) Locate Rossbach; Leuthen; Aix-la-Chapelle. {b) Mark the European countries in 1715. (c) Mark the additions to Prussian territory made by Frederick the Great. {d) Mark the "Partitions" of Poland. 3. Compare Louis XIV and Louis XV, as to character, and influence upon the welfare of France. 4. The character of Frederick the Great. Compare him with the earlier Hohenzolleins, with Louis XI\s and with Peter the Great. 5. How did the rise of Prussia to power aifect the traditional relations of the other European states to each other? 6. What conditions in his lands made it impossible for Joseph II to carry out his ideas? 7. What were the conditions in Poland which made its destruction pos- sible? 8. Show, by the examples of other nations, how an "intelligent burgher class" in Poland might have been a "saving leaven in the nation." 9. The character of Louis XV. Compare the Bourbon rulers as a whole with the Stuarts. 10. How did the American Revolution aft'ect France? EXERCISES 1. The influence of Madame de Pompadour upon European politics. 2. Maria Theresa. 3. The youth of Frederick the Great. 4. How did the royal courts of Prussia and France compare in general character during the period 1640-178;)? 5. Economic conditions in Prussia under Frederick the Great. 6. What did Joseph II actually accomplish in the way of reform? 36o HISTORY OF EUROPE 7. What had been the earlier relations between Russia and Poland? 8. Catherine of Russia and the "Partitions" of Poland. 9. Turgot. 10. The terms of the treaties which ended the Seven Years' War. READINGS Sources. Robinson: nos. 358-64. Modern Accounts. Seignobos: pp. 5-10, 75-83, 88-91. Duruy: pp. 480- 505, 522-24. Lewis: pp. 404-547- Pattison: pp. 333-57- Lodge: chapters xv, xviii, xix, xx, xxi. Gibbins: pp. 155-68. Robinson and Beard: vol. i, pp. 60-203 (especially pp. 60-80, and 184-224). CHAPTER XXX ENGLAND UNDER THE GEORGES 207. The general tendencies of the age. After the passing of Queen Anne the history of England becomes in one sense uneventful. The attempt to make the country an absolute monarchy had utterly failed. Failure, too, had stamped the attempts to make the nation return to CathoHcism or to make Puritanism the state rehgion. The great power of France no longer seemed to menace the very life of England. The story of the nation is, therefore, that of relatively peaceful develop- ment,^ and seems comparatively tame. It was none the less -decidedly important. A revolution does not lose its significance because it is accomplished by ballots instead of bullets. The enhghtened England of to-day is the result of a steady evolu- tion from the England of 17 14. There were certain characteristics common to this age fol- lowing Anne. England was still a highly aristocratic country. The rulers who controlled the ministry and Parliament were neither the kings nor the masses, but the country scjuires and the landed nobility, somewhat influenced by the rising mag- nates of the cities. It was an age of a stately and artificial life among the upper classes; the age of ceremonious courtesy, of powdered wigs, silk, knee-breeches, and silver sword-hilts. Mediceval traditions still lingered; modern innovations (the fruit of the rising spirit of democracy) were making only slow progress whether in society or in government. ^ The account of the more important wars in which England was embroiled (few of which really involved national existence or honor) is told in other chap- ters (see chapters xxix, xxxii-xxxiv). The story of the American Revolution is, of course, omitted, for American students will examine it during the study of the histor>' of their own country. 362 HISTORY OF EUROPE This artificial spirit spread itself into the intellectual life of England and into its religion. The greatest eighteenth-century poet was Pope, elegant, correct, but never guilty of the slight- est genius. The English Church was also charged with being self-complacent and worldly, and it assuredly produced in this age no martyrs and few saints. The Nonconformist successors of the old Puritans (no longer subject to persecution) also had lapsed in zeal. From this lethargy, however, English religious life was to be stirred by one of the great apostles of the Church universal, John Wesley (1703-91), a preacher of marvelous power and spirituality, who strove to make religion a thing vital and personal to the untutored multitude. The English Church authorities disapproved of his unconventional methods. He was barred from pulpits, but he found the people willing to gather by tens of thousands to hear him in the open air.^ The direct upshot of his movement was the founding by him of the great Methodist Church, among the leaders now of the Protestant confessions; but the ultimate result of his move- ment was also the immense quickening and revival of the entire spiritual life of England. 208. The four Georges (1714-1830). During this period the English throne was occupied by four sovereigns of the German House of Brunswick, all bearing the name of George, so that this time is often called the " Georgian Epoch." None of these four men had an estimable character, and it was fortunate that the Government now was largely vested in their ministers and Parliament. The only one of them who did take a very active part in statecraft (George III) interfered with most dis- astrous results to his own reputation and to the weal of his country. (i) George I (1714-27) was a German-born Elector of 1 One can judge of Wesley's activity by the mere statement that in the course of his Hfe as an itinerant preacher he traveled 250,000 miles and delivered 40,000 sermons. 364 HISTORY OF EUROPE Hanover, who was always far more at home in his small Con- tinental principality than in England.^ He understood very little of the problems and politics of his greater realm, and though "cynical and selfish " was at least wise enough person- ally to leave the Government to native ministers, and to let free British institutions develop unchecked." (2) George II (1727-60) was of much the same type as his father (with whom he quarreled bitterly) . He was an immoral, avaricious man whose main interests were in Hanover, and who cared for England chiefly as a source of revenue. " He had scarcely one kingly equality except personal courage and justice." Yet, thanks again to his non-intervention in Enghsh internal politics, the nation prospered under the rule of able ministers. (3) George III (i 760-1820), the grandson of the last-named, was at least a genuine Englishman; he " gloried in the name of Briton." He was a moral, honest, industrious monarch, who unfortunately took his duties very seriously. Unlike his pre- decessors, he interfered actively in politics, and strove to rebuild the power of the Crown. His obstinacy and narrow- mindedness formed one of the causes of the revolt of the American colonies. The success of their revolt (and the conse- quent set-back to the King's schemes) probably saved England from a return to personal and possibly to autocratic govern- 1 Down to Queen Victoria's day the English sovereigns were also "Electors" (later "Kings") of Hanover, in North Germany. It was a purely personal union, however, and the English let themselves be influenced by German condi- tions as little as possible, although once or twice British foreign policy was affected by a desire to preserve the king's Continental estates. 2 In one sense it was fortunate that George I and George II u'cre so German. They did not know enough of English conditions to play the tyrant in England even if they had desired. In any case, the fear of awakening discontent which would lead to recalling "the King across the water" (the exiled Stuart) pre- vented them from cultivating a despotic policy. George I was so much a foreigner that he did not understand enough English to follow his ministers when they met in "cabinet meetings." The result was that they usually met 7vilhoiit the king, and reached their own decisions: — a great step, of course, toward minis- terial independence. ENGLAND UNDER THE GEORGES 365 merit. ^ In his last years George III became insane and his eldest son acted as regent. This honest, obstinate, bigoted king goes down into history as the best personally, but the worst politically, of the four Georges. (4) George IV (1820-30) had already acted as regent for his imbecile father. He was an individual of considerable natural ability, but he trailed British royalty in the mire by his gross immorality and general worthlessness. By his day the power of the English king had become largely indirect and social only, and all this power he nearly threw away. The story of his pri- vate life is one long, unedifying scandal. " He was a bad son, a bad husband, a bad father, a bad subject, a bad monarch, and a bad friend." Fortunately he had one saving grace: — he refrained from carrying his baneful activity too far into pohtics. 209. The growth of English industry and commerce. The age of the Georges witnessed a change which transformed the whole problem of English society and politics. In 1714, Eng- land was still mainly an agricultural country, and its commer- cial and manufacturing interests were secondary. In 1830, this was decidedly the reverse. The eighteenth century saw the steady decline of Holland as the maritime carrier of the world. The Dutch were neither conquered in war nor did they lose a comfortable home prosperity; but they were too small a nation to compete with the English when once the latter threw their whole energy into the contest for the world's commerce. During all this time the Enghsh towns were growing and becom- ing full of industrial bustle: London was displacing Amsterdam as the chief banking and money center on the globe; and a great trade in every sort of manufactured wares was being built up with almost every nation, but particularly with the 1 It is not unfair to say (considering the absolutist tendencies of George III) that Washington and Franklin were fighting for the liberties of Englishmen hardly less than for those of Americans. 366 HISTORY OF EUROPE Orient and with the Englisli colonies in America. The loss of the American colonies was certainly a blow to this trade; but American political independence did not imply that the Amer- icans could at once supply their own hardware, cottons, and woolens, and for long the old colonies were among England's best customers, while meantime she was developing a second colonial empire far more profitable than the one she had lost. New inventions of great practical utility came to aid the British manufacturer in his contest for the world's markets. In 1769, James Watt ^m took out his first pa- tent looking toward a really effective sta- tionary steam engine.^ One small engine could soon accomplish more than one hundred ma- chines worked merely by hand power. Other inventions were al- most equally revolu- tionary. Ini767,Har- greaves devised the spinning-jenny, which was soon destined to banish the old "spin- dle-and-distaff," and " spinning-wheel " of earlier days, and two years later Arkwright produced his celebrated "spinning- frame," which perfected and completed Hargreaves's device; then, to crown all, in 1785, 1 Newcomen had invented (1704) a kind of a steam engine, but about its only practical value was for pumping. Watt improved it so that it could be made to turn wheels and so develop power. Watt's first engine of 1769 was still onlj' a superior kind of pump. About 1785, he began to build "stationary" engines that could drive machinery. WATT'S STEAM ENGINE IN 1780 ENGLAND UNDER THE GEORGES 367 Cartwright invented the power-loom, which was (after a period of introduction) as great a boon to weavers as the "jenny" was to spinners. In 1792, an American, Eli Whitney, added to these inventions the cotton-gin, which rapidly separated the cotton-seed from the raw cotton and left the latter ready for the mill. Other innovations notably improved the smelting and working of iron, and wrought an entire change in all the industries connected with metal. "^ All these inventions slowly but steadily produced a great social and economic reaction as the nineteenth century began to advance. Manufacturing ceased to be a matter for a "mas- ter" with a few "apprentices" in his" shop." Instead, there were huge factories, with hundreds of " hired hands " tending machinery owned by wealthy capitalists. The farming interest of England became stationary, and then, after the wars with Napoleon ended, steadily declined. Its place was more and more. taken by the great merchant, the great manufacturer, and that multitudinous, grimy, unpicturesque but most essen- tial element called "Labor." There was another marked consequence in this whole change of the main interests of England. Manufacturing involved concentration in towns, and these" smoky mill-towns " multi- pHed, especially in norlheni England. Hitherto the southern half of England had been the more prosperous and progressive; but it now remained agricultural, and wealth, population, and leadership began to concentrate in the new cities of the North.^ 210. The naval supremacy of England. By 1830, England had become the richest and most prosperous, though not the most populous, country in the world. The keystone of all its ^ In this age England suddenly realized the value of her large deposits of coal, hitherto only sparingly used. Here was an abundant and efficient fuel, absolutely essential if steam-driven machinery was to be used to full advan- tage. 2 Among the cities that now rise to great prominence are Liverpool, Bradford, Leeds, Manchester, and Sheffield, all of which were insignificant villages in Cromwell's day. 368 HISTORY OF EUROPE riches and glory is summed up in the term " sea-power." The EngHsh fleets had dominated the ocean since the War of the Spanish Succession. The Enghsh Admiralty probably dis- posed of more ef- fective battleships than all the other nations of Europe combined, and these ships were infinitely better manned and commanded. Eng- lish sailors claimed to have brought to perfection the art of handling those gi- gantic yet bird-like creations, the old sailing " first-rate ships of the line," which seemed the final assertion of man's superiority over the elements.^ A hundred battles on twenty seas had confirmed Britain's right to rule the waves. The defeat of a British ship in fair fight was counted wholly exceptional. The end of the Napoleonic wars (1815) left the French navy in ruins, and without the slightest chance for any Continental power to challenge the naval empire of the great island nation. Nor until very recent times has this naval empire seemed in jeopardy. 1 The largest " three-decker" ships of the line carried 1 20-odd guns and were of some 2600 tons:^ — remarkably huge structures when it is considered that they were built of wood and propelled by sail. For ordinary fighting purposes, how- ever, the handier "74-gun" ships were counted better. LINE OF BATTLE SHIP OF loS GUNS (From a model in the Murine M nsetim. Louvre, Paris) ENGLAND UNDER THE GEORGES 369 211. The winning of India. One great section of English his- tory at this time reads hke a glamorous Oriental romance — the winning of India. It is impossible to summarize conditions in that distant empire. The chief facts are these: — India was a huge conglomerate of kingdoms and principalities mostly under the feeble suzerainty of the " Great Mogul " of Delhi. Her jewel mines, her infinite products, her trade, were all await- ing the European Power that could throw itself heartily into the task of conquest, and be able to make its rivals stand away. The Dutch and Portuguese had already tried: but all they had won were a few trading-posts. In the eighteenth century, the English "East India Company" had also held some trading- posts, notably at the sites of the modern cities of Calcutta, Bombay, and Madras. The French were competing also, and for the monjent a genius among them, Dupleix, came near uniting many of the Hindu Rajahs under French overlord- ship, at the same tune that he was striving to expel the Eng- lish. But a greater than Dupleix appeared to champion the EngUsh cause — Robert Clive.^ With great skill Clive organ- ized the natives ("Sepoys") into regunents and taught them to fight both the French and their own countrymen. In 1756, Dupleix was recalled, as a failure, to France. In 1757, Clive gained the battle of Plassey, a battle which practically won India for England. With 900 English and 2000 Sepoys he routed the host of 50,000 natives led by the barbarous and cruel " Nawab " - Surajah Dowlah. Hereafter the natives might well feel themselves helpless before the "Masters" from the dis- tant West. By this victory England gained prompt possession of the great and rich district of Bengal. The French opportunity in 1 Clive had come out to India as a clerk in the service of the East India Company; then discovered that he preferred using the sword instead of the pen. 2 This title meant "viceroy" (of the Great Mogul); but for practical purposes the Nawabs were independent kings. 370 HISTORY OF EUROPE India was forever ended. The gradual annexation or subju- gation of the native princes by the British was merely a matter of time, — while the prodigious wealth of the India trade flowed unceasingly to London. 212. The English colonial empire. English naval supremacy gave the great island kingdom much more than the lordship over India. In the very reign wherein the British were losing their older colonial empire in North America, they were win- ning another, far more extensive territorially, even if not so compact. As early as the seventeenth century they had begun the annexation of the rich West India islands, such as Barba- does (occupied 1625) and the greater isle of Jamaica (taken from Spain in 1656). The great units however, which to-day enter into "Greater Britain," came in the reign of George III. Canada, of course, became British by the victorious peace with the French in 1763, and British it remained despite the efforts of the Americans to secure its adhesion in the war of the Revo- lution. The remote island continent of Australia had been, perhaps, sighted by Spanish voyagers (as early as 1522), but for long it lay unexplored, much less settled. In 1770, the famous English voyager. Captain Cook, made a systematic exploration, and in 1788 was begun the first English colony near the site of the present city of Sydney. The early settlers were for the most part deported convicts, and the new colony only gained genuine strength when the discovery of gold-mines in 1 85 1 brought a more desirable class of emigrants; but since then AustraHa has developed into a stalwart and virtuall}' independent nation. Simultaneous with the advance of Aus- tralia has been that of its smaller but very fertile and commer- cially valuable neighbor, New Zealand. A little after the first occupation of Australia another great colony passed into English hands. In 1806, the English took final possession of Cape Colony (the southernmost district of Africa), wresting it from the Dutch, who were then in the power ENGLAND UNDER THE GEORGES 371 of France. Here again it was many years ^ before the last resistance of the original Dutch settlers was beaten down, and the whole wide region of South Africa passed under the British flag. But this work was at length accomplished. South Africa, along with Canada and Australia, promises to become a great nation, with the English language, laws, and political and social ideas as its foundations. Of lesser islands, trading-posts, and protectorates there is no place here to speak. Thanks to the enterprise of English sea- men and merchants, and the organizing ability of their states- men, in this period the nation became possessed of a colonial empire which in the nineteenth century was destined to develop into one incomparably greater in mere size than the old Empire of Rome. This empire, too, has been founded in the main on human progress and on justice. The natives have been sometimes treated harshly, but usually with an enlightened fairness which has made for their civilization. The white settlers have been encouraged to develop self-government. The loss of the American colonies was a bitter lesson to England, but it was learned. No later white colonies have been subjected to officious meddling from London and outrageous treatment by ignorant ministers; and the greater white colonies have become independent nations in everything relating to their internal affairs, and bound to the mother country only by the ties of loyalty and self-interest. This colonial empire of Great Britain is one of the prime factors in modern history, and its creation was the greatest outward achievement of the men of the "Georgian age." 213. The rise of the cabinet system. When the Georges came to the throne it was well estabhshed that the ultimate organ of power in England was the House of Commons. It was not so well determined what were to be the relations of the 1 See chapter xl, section 313. 372 HISTORY OF EUROPE House to the king's ministers, l:)ut the end of the eighteenth century saw an evolution and an adjustment. It was settled that the king must entrust the actual conduct of affairs to a small conclave of ministers called the " Cabinet." Theo- retically these men were summoned to office by the king him- self, and held office only during his good pleasure. Actually the king could only appoint such men as were agreeable to' the majority party in the House of Commons, and he must dismiss these ministers just as soon as they could no longer command a majority. The king thus ceased to have a decisive voice in choosing his own officials." By judicious distribution of court honors, patronage, pensions, and downright money gifts, the ministers and the king could, indeed, often transform a hostile House of Commons into a subservient one, but in the last analysis a vote of " No Confidence" in the ministers always brought down a "Government " in ruins, and resulted in the formation of a new cabinet, led by the chiefs of the victorious opposition part)'. The alternative was a dissolution of the House of Commons and an "aj>peal to the nation" through a general election — a risky and uncertain proposition, which, if it did not give the ministers a majority, left them more defeated and discredited than ever. The King was now a " limited " monarch, indeed.- He had lost by disuse and by the growth of contrary custom even his old right to veto bills that had passed Parliament. This virtual change in the constitution, and curtailing of royal prerogative had been made remarkably easy by the fact that the first two Georges were Germans, and withal rather ' Thus llie kinji; was often c(>m])i'llL'(l to apimint men wliom lie vastly disliked personally, (leorge III was once accordingly "pleased to ai)i)oint" to a high ministerial post Charles James Yox, his bitter enemy. - Theoretically, indeed, the king kept snormous governmental powers, but he could exercise them only through his ministers, and those ministers were really appointed for him by the Commons. The king "could do no wrong" and was irresi)onsihle, but since he could express his will only bj' ministers who were very strictl}' responsible for their acts, he was obviously inidhlc to do wrong. 374 HISTORY OF EUROPE dull men, highly dependent upon their ministers. The EngHsh kings nevertheless kept an imposing position. They were still theoretically the final source of power in Church and State, and thanks to their great social influence they were still able to play a part in politics in a land and age where court favor was at a heavy premium. 214. The great parties and the great ministers. During this age the control of the Government oscillated between the two great parties, the Whigs and the Tories. The Whigs had been the main victors by the Revolution of 1688, and the Georges owed to them their crown.' With the king's influence to sus- tain them, they held the ministries and monopolized public office down to the death of George II. George III found the Tories, with their loud professions of devotion to " Church and Throne," more useful to his schemes for restoring the personal power of the king.- The Tories came into power early in his reign, and kept control wdth only slight intervals down to 1830. In the main the Whigs affected more advanced and "reform- ing " tendencies, and they ultimately merged in the modern "Liberal Party" of England: the Tories justified their tradi- tions and history by becoming the modern "Conservatives." Very often, however, neither party represented anything but i. selfish organization for political patronage and plunder. In the long succession of Prime Ministers,^ capable or medi ocre, a few stand out as commanding figures of history. 1 The Tories never, indeed, made it a strict piece of party loyalty to recall to the throne "the King across the water" (the exiled Stuart); but many of their leaders were "Jacobites" (Stuart partisans), and the return of the Stuarts would not have been highly distasteful to the majority of the Tories. 2 By this time the chances of a Stuart restoration had ceased to be serious and the Tories could be considered genuinely loyal. ^ A British Prime Minister maybe defined as the man who is the acknowledged leader of the Cabinet and is the chief of the dominant party in the House of Commons. The majority of the members of the party in control of the Commons thus really chooses the first official of the British Empire. He is often known by the French title of "Premier." He is usually himself a member of the Commons, although sometimes of the Lords. ENGLAND UNDER THE GEORGES 375 Walpole (in power 1721 to 1742) ruled England for more than two decades with great ability, preserving peace at home and abroad, and doing a notable work in extending the commercial power of England. His regime, however, was based upon an unblushing use of patronage and political corruption. ^ He was a remarkable but very fallible man. Purer and far nobler was the "Elder Pitt" (1756-61; later Earl of Chatham), a mighty war-minister who organized with stirring energy the campaigns that drove the French from Canada, and utterly humbled the House of Bourbon. ^ His son William, the ''Younger Pitt" (1783-1801; 1804-05), for many years ruled the House of Commons with his eloquence, and was the chief bulwark of the English party which waged inveterate war with Revolutionary France. After the passing of the second Pitt, the control of English politics drifted to smaller men, and the close of the Napoleonic wars left the nation confronting new problems and compelling a reahgnment of the parties. 215. England at the end of the Georgian age: the case of Ireland. The end of the era of the Georges saw England a limited monarchy, indeed, but very far from being a democ- racy. The "old families" of the landed aristocracy still con- trolled the poHcies of the nation. They, indeed, formed a highly efihcient aristocracy: to the EngHsh noblemen and country gentry with their physical bravery and fine sense of pubKc duty England owes a large part of her present greatness. But the land was full of time-honored abuses and iniquities which it cost bitter struggles to sweep away.'^ For example, it ' was only in 1829 that Roman Cathohcs were permitted to hold ^ To Walpole was imputed the saying, "Every man has his price." ^ It is well said of him, "No one ever entered his room who did not come out of it a braver man." ^ For instance, the penal laws were hideously severe: a man was liable to hanging for the larceny of a small sum of money; and insolvent debtors were still cast into prison until they could satisfy their creditors. 376 HISTORY OF EUROPE office and participate in public lifc.^ The new industrial and factory life had led to fearful oppression of the wage-earners, and every attempt of " Labor" to win better treatment from " Capital " was bitterly resisted. Above all, the House of Commons represent- ed the people only in name. The members were chosen under an absurd system, or rather lack of sys- tem.- In 1768, barely 160,000 persons could vote for the mem- bers in a population of 8,000,000. Little could be accom- STAGE COACH IN 1804 plished until the" representative body" could truly speak for the people. Also a great problem was thrusting itself upon Eng- land at her very doors: — the evil case of Ireland. In 1800, an Irish Parhament, coerced and corrupted by the Enghsh Gov- ernment, had voted for union with Great Britain. Ireland as a nation had ceased to exist. The majority of the Irish were Catholics; they hated their Protestant conquerors; again, the majority of the Irish were petty tenant farmers practicing a precarious and unscientific agriculture; they hated their oppressive landlords who were usually Protestants and either Englishmen or of Enghsh sympathies. Ireland, in short, was misgoverned, discontented, poor, and miserable. This " eter- nal Irish question " was confronting English statesmen in 1830, and demanding a solution not merely for the sake of Ireland, but for the sake of the greater island which had mastered her. 1 Protestant Nonconformists had been relieved of their heavy political dis- abilities in 1828. - See commentary on the " Unreformed Parliament " (chapter xxxix, section 297)- ENGLAND UNDER THE GEORGES 377 REVIEW 1. Topics — ^John Wesley; "Georgian Epoch"; James Watt; Eli Whitney; Dupleix; Plassey; Cabinet; Prime Minister. 2. Geography — (a) Locate Calcutta; Bombay; jNIadras; Delhi. (b) Mark the important gains and losses in territory during the Georgian age. (See map on the back lining pages.) 3. Compare the four Georges as to character. 4. What changes in industry occurred during this period? What caused these changes? 5. Why was naval supremacy essential to England? 6. What was the importance of Robert Clive's work? 7. What was the origin of the English Cabinet? 8. Compare the relations between the kings and their ministers in England and in France before 1789. 9. Who were the great ministers of the period, and what did each accom- plish? EXERCISES 1. How far did the fact that the English kings were rubers of Hanover influence English history? 2. How did the rise of the factory system affect the life of the people, socially and politically? 3. The Portuguese in India. 4. The English East India Company. 5. What attempts were made by the Stuarts to regain the throne? 6. Robert Clive. 7. Warren Hastings. 8. George III and his control of Parliament. 9. John Wilkes. 10. The effects of the American Revolution upon the politics and the colonial policy of England. 11. Make a brief summary of the character and work of each of the fol- lowing men: — Walpole; the two Pitts; Edmund Burke; Charles James Fo.x. 12. The Rebellion of 1798 in Ireland. 13. The Act of Union, 1800. READINGS Sources. Robinson: nos. 365-77. Modern accounts. Seignobos: pp. 29-54. Gibbins: pp. 105-09, 114-ig, 130-34, 145-50. An EngHsh history (Ransome, pp. 734-936; foreign policy, wars, etc., omitted). Robinson and Beard: vol. i, pp. 80-122. CHAPTER XXXI THE CAUSES OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION 2i6. The general expectancy of Europe in the eighteenth century. As the eighteenth century drew to a close, a general feeling of expectancy and optimism pervaded thinking men. It was believed that the world was on the eve of vast and beneficent changes. The hatreds of the rehgious wars had abated. The attempts of ambitious monarchs, like Louis XIV, to crush all rivals had ended disastrously. The inventive genius of mankind was displaying new activity. Great practical inven- tions were being made as well as discoveries in theoretical science. Long since, Sir Isaac Newton (1642-17 2 7) had dis- covered the laws of gravitation, and Gahlco (i 564-1642) had invented the telescope. James Watt (1736-1S19), the Scotch- man, now, in the eighteenth century, had invented a really practical steam engine, and Benjamin Franklin had proved that electricity and lightning were identical. More lately, the Frenchman, Lavoisier^ (1743-94), had made notable develop- ments in the hitherto futile science of chemistry, raising it from an offshoot of discredited alchemy, up to a great science. Medicine, biology, astronomy, and many other sciences shared a marvelous expansion and remoulding. This vast increase of knowledge could not fail to have its effect on many Hues of human life and thought. Traditional forms of theology were subjected to keen attack; nor did traditional forms of govern- ment escape less easily. Frequently it was asserted that "enlightened reasoning" could cure all human woes; nor did many realize that the problems of mankind (political and other- ' It is claimed that he was the first to separate water into o.xygen and hy- drogen — a fundamental discovery. THE CAUSES OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION 379 wise) are infinitely complex; that scientific knowledge in the eighteenth century was but in its infancy compared to our later knowledge; and that the remedies for misgovernment and human perversity by no means present themselves before hasty and half -informed logic. By 1780, nearly all enlightened Europeans were expecting a great social and political change. That change they were to behold: but because forces came into play which they had entirely left from the reckoning, the results were such as few or no men could have expected. 217. Why the revolution started in France. This great rev- olution started in France: — not because France was behind other countries, and therefore in such a desperate condition that there was need of an instant remedy, but because France was so far in advance of other Continental countries that public opinion would not tolerate conditions which other lands endured amid stupid discontent. ^ In social influence and nearly all the arts of peace France seemed to lead the world. French authors, French playwrights, French dancing-masters gave the tone to German and Itahan manners and society.^ The petty princes of Europe looked to their great brother at Ver- sailles for the minutest ordering of their courts. Certain famous French philosophers, for example, Voltaire, had the world listening to them as to infalhble oracles. In the salons of the witty, clever, and elegant French nobihty all the problems of the universe were discussed with astonishing freedom. The government and social institutions, however, of this great country were so utterly antiquated as to make their perpetu- ation a wicked absurdity. 218. The French monarchy, despotism tempered by ineffi- 1 Of course, England is here left out of account. In most political matters, at least, England was ahead of France; but for that very reason was less likely to call for a revolution. 2 Frederick the Great of Prussia, despite the fact that he spent many years in fighting France, was a devotee of French letters, writing much bad French verse, and despising his native German literature. .sSo HISTORY OF EUROPE ciency. In 1780, the King of France was stili theoretically absolute. He could still say, " I am the State," and meet no official contradiction. As a matter of fact, he was a slave to the mere dignity of his position: such a slave to court etiquette that he might not put on his shirt himself, if the noble officer appointed for the task were present to hand it to him; such a slave to court intrigue and influence that only by the most desperate summons to his resolution could he retain a reform- ing prime minister whom the courtiers found curtaihng their profits and privileges. The Government of France was a despotism, practically unlimited. In a few provinces there were boches called "Estates," which represented in a feeble way the king's subjects, but these by no means existed all over the kingdom. The king had a system of "Councils" — min- isters, officials, great dignitaries — to draw up laws and con- sider questions of State, but they could give only advice; — the final decision lay with the monarch. In the thirty-five provinces,^ the king's chief civil officials — the " Intendants " — enforced the royal decrees and exercised a minute watch over the whole life of the people committed to them. A good intendant was capable of bestowing vast good upon his people; but very often he was rascally, tyrannical, and inefficient, spending his time at the court and deputing his duties to still more evil subordinates. One nominal check upon the royal power there seemed to be. The Parliament of Paris, the high court of France, a large and influential body,- claimed the right to make royal decrees of none eft'ect by refusing them "registration," but this check ^ Strictly speaking, the intendants were over " General ites," which only roughly corresponded with the old feudal provinces, — e.g., Normandy, Gascony, etc., — but for practical purposes they were the same. 2 There were about a dozen other parliaments in the provinces of France. In these (and that at Paris) the position of judge could, under certain restrictions, be obtained by purchase! Note that in France the parliaments were law courts: they resembled the English Parliament only in name. THE CAUSES OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION 381 was ineffective. The king by the deliberate use of his preroga- tive * could always overcome this tentative veto. By 1780, among the king's ministers one always stood out preeminent: the " Controller-General." The Government was getting into sore financial difficulties. The chief minister would have to be he who could find it money. 219. The privileged and idle nobility. The great Kings of France had destroyed most of the poHtical power of the old feudal nobility: they had not destroyed its personal privi- leges. One hundred thousand-odd individuals claimed to be of the " noblesse," and to them belonged about one fifth of the soil. The French did not have the English rule of primogeni- ture.^ The younger sons of an already poor nobleman might inherit next to nothing of the sorely subdivided estate. Only by the most desperate shifts often would they keep up a show of respectability, but they would be nevertheless proud and tenacious of their "noble prerogatives ": — namely, to share in almost none of the taxes laid upon the commonalty; to monopoHze practically all the offices in the army and navy; and to enjoy socia} advantages to which the wealthiest and most intelligent commoner dare not aspire. Many ol these nobles, of course, still possessed vast estates, from which they collected the multifarious financial dues paid by the peasantry to their lords under the old feudal regime. There had once been some justification for these dues in return for the protection the lord had given his people. Now the pro- tection was entirely the king's matter; but the seigneur still collected his tolls and tithes.^ He had too the "hunting right," ' Expressed at a great state ceremony called a " Bed of Justice," at which the King in person ordered the jiarliament to "register" his edicts. 2 In virtue whereof the younger sons and daughters of an English " peer" are legally only "commoners," and the noble title and privilege descend to the eldest son alone. ^ For example, the noble would have the right to levy on a certain fraction of the crops, and sometimes to collect a toll on sheep or cattle driven past his 382 HISTORY OF EUROPE — to send his hounds and horses across the peasants' farm- lands, even tramphng down the standing grain. The peasants were not suffered to shoot the deer from the lord's game pre- serves or even the doves from his dove-cots that spread over the newly seeded fields. To the exasperated farmers this "Right of the Dove-Cots" often seemed more obnoxious than the exemption of the seigneur from taxes. The average nobleman did not exercise these privileges over his peasantry in person. Usually he sublet his rights to some greedy contractor.^ For himself the ideal life was at Versailles at the king's court. Every sou that could be screwed out of the wretched canaille on the farms was so much to his advantage. A nobleman must not sully his name by engaging in any gain- ful business. He would even look askance at many forms of pubhc service, not connected with the gentlemanly calling of the army. The typical French nobleman was elegant and witty, a charming comrade to his social equals, and physically brave. He was, however, often immoral, almost always idle, and without the least idea that great privileges carried with them great responsibilities. The noblesse had many superficial vir- tues, but were nevertheless a woeful incubus upon the progress of France. 220. The bourgeoisie of the towns. Aside from Paris, France had few great cities: in the scattered towns, however, and most especially in Paris, was an influential social class — the wealthy, commercial, aspiring bourgeoisie. They were without the personal privileges of the noblesse, but were not to be confounded with the peasantry. They prided themselves on being addressed as "Monsieur" and "Madame." The chateau. The dues everywhere varied. They would be settled by old local custom. 1 Frequently the noble retained the right to make certain levies upon the peasants in districts where he no longer actually owned any land. Such levies which were merely supertaxes, in addition to the king's revenues, were naturally extremely exasperating. THE CAUSES OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION 383 leaders of this rank would be the wealthy capitalists on whom the king's ministers relied for handling the pubHc loans. At the foot of the rank were the small shopkeepers and master- artisans, who were as tenacious of the petty privileges of their industrial guilds^ as were the noblesse of their feudal rights. Despite much selfishness and vulgarity, however, the bour- CARNIVAL IN THE STREETS OF PARIS, 1757 (Ajlcr a picture by Jeaiirat) geoisie constituted the most intelligent and public-spirited fraction of the nation. They were the most open to the new ideas; the most conscious of the wrongs of the existing order; the most active in trying to remedy the evils. 221. The helpless and discontented peasantry. All the bur- dens which the noblesse refused and the bourgeoisie often evaded fell upon the helpless lower classes, who constituted the vast 1 Usually in each town there were a number of guilds with a very exclusive membership, and the monopoly of the manufacture and sale of some very limited article; e.g., one guild might handle only men's shoes, another women's, a. third children's. 384 HISTORY OF EUROPE majority of the 25,000,000 of France. Between the levies of the seigneur, the levies of the king, and the exactions of the Church/ the peasantry in many districts appear to have been unable to gain more than a most precarious living. Any failure of crops or like calamity involved widespread misery and famine. Life to the bulk of Frenchmen meant the most severe, grinding field-labor. Even if a family prospered in a small way, they hesitated to show any sign of comfortable living: it would have been seized as proof that they could pay heavier taxes. Yet this French peasantry, although fearfully ignorant, was a good stock: hard-handed, industrious, patriotic, and usually clear-headed, it was to supply the energy and fighting force which made the French Revolution the wonder of terrified Europe and which enabled Napoleon to carry his banners from the Rhine to Moscow. 222. The unequal and absurd system of icxation. The most abominable feature of the whole evil " Old Regime " in France was the fact that the Government was nearly bankrupt, while the people were groaning under taxation at a moment when under a rational system the rich land could readily have turned in much greater revenues. The direct imposts which fell upon the non-nobles were various. There were a property tax (taillc), poll-tax {capita- tion), and especially the corvee — forced labor upon the roads and other pubhc works. Fifty-three per cent, it is said, of the net profits of a small farmer would be swept away by the king's tax-collector. 2 The Church and the feudal seigneur had still to be satisfied! In the assessment of these taxes there was every kind of inequality. The intendant of a province and liis deputies could reduce or increase assessments almost arbi- trarily. All the friends and " friends of friends " of the assessors were sure to look for favors or downright exemption. 1 See section 223. ^ This statement rests on good authority, yet many scholars hold that it was exaggerated. THE CAUSES OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION 385 The direct taxes, however, were only a part of the royal revenues. Very important were the indirect taxes, the right to collect which were usually sold away by the Government to wealthy " tax-farmers," who would pay the king a lump sum, and then recoup themselves by collecting a given tax for a fixed period. The agents of such men were sure to exact the uttermost farthing. These indirect taxes were numerous and outrageous. Between almost every two adjacent provinces of France there was a custom-house, and duties levied on all merchandise passing. Salt was a state monopoly, disposed of at government shops. The price of salt varied arbitrarily in different parts of France: in one district the price fixed might be eight times as much as that levied in a locality a few miles away. Under penalty of law every head of a family, in some districts, was compelled to buy annually seven pounds of salt for every member of his household above the age of seven. It was a penal offense to boil down brine to obtain salt, instead of buying at the public depot. The prisons and galleys were full of salt smugglers. Yet at the very time of this terrific taxation, the royal treasury was chronically depleted. The cost of collecting this revenue was enormous. A perfect horde of harpies, great and little, came in for their profits and pickings. The court was full of sinecure officers at enormous salaries. The "tutor of the king's children " received a salary of $23,000: the "superin- tendent of the queen's household," $30,000. The waste every- where at Versailles was incredible. The three maiden aunts of Louis XVI received an allowance of $120,000 for food!^ A long list might be made of similar absurdities. Of course, all this involved a shameless exploitation of the treasury; and a reign of what the modern age has called "graft." 223. A worldly and unbelieving clergy. There were about ^ Naturally the menials who administered the affairs of these worthy ladies saw to it that most of this money went into their own pockets. 386 HISTORY OF EUROPE 130,000 prelates, priests, monks, and nuns in France. About one fifth of the entire landed property of the kingdom belonged to the Church, Protestants, although not quite so drastically persecuted as under Louis XIV, had no legal status. This Catholic clergy had thus great wealth and an entire monopoly of religion; but the great churchmen, no more than the lay no- bility, displayed any sense of the responsibiHties involved with their riches and influence. Between the upper clergy (bishops, THE INTERIOR OF NOTRE DAME, PARIS, IN THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY abbots, canons, etc.) and the rank and file of the parish priests there was a great gulf fixed. The regular parish priests were recruited ordinarily from the lower classes. Their salaries were miserably small: in 1784, their average income was only $140 per year. While the French Church was exempt from the taxes which fell upon the non-noble laity, it paid a fair- sized "Free Gift" to the king; but the lion's share was usually exacted from the parish clerg)'. The great ecclesiastical offices were practically monopolized THE CAUSES OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION 387 by the scions of the nobility. The peasant paid a third heavy tax to the Church (tithes) after he had satisfied the king and the seigneur. His hard-earned money, however, went not for the most part to the laborious and pious if perhaps narrow- minded local cure. The noble " higher clergy " absorbed five sixths of the whole vast revenues of the Church (about $60,- 000,000). They spent it usually in a manner very uneccle- siastical, indeed. The great bishops were commonly lordly noblemen maintaining magnificent courts, dispensing elegant hospitahty, and totally ignoring their religious duties. The most magnificent of these mitered princes was the Cardinal de Rohan. His income was $200,000. Fourteen butlers waited upon him. In his palace were 700 beds; and in his stables stalls for 200 horses. He could entertain 200 guests and their servants simultaneously. Many of these great churchmen were extremely immoral, and their lives the subject for common scandal.^ These worldly and immoral upper clergy were not even sin- cere in the support of the faith they professed. Although most of the bishops deplored any toleration of the Protestants, it was notorious that many did not believe the ordinary tenets of the Catholic religion. " There may be four or five," said a well-informed Paris priest when asked how many of the French bishops really believed what they preached. The intellectual movement of the age was profoundly anti-religious, and the great churchmen were cheerful sharers in the thought of their day — so long as their own incomes were not harmed. Between this upper clergy (recruited from the noblesse) and the peasant-born lower clergy, there was distrust and ill- feeling. The French Church went into the impending crisis discredited and disunited. ^ The deplorable worldliness of the higher French clergy on the eve of the Revolution is widely admitted by Catholic as well as by Protestant writers. It took the terrible chastening of the Reign of Terror to restore the French church.- inen to lives of piety and genuine religion. 388 HISTORY OF EUROPE 224. Voltaire and Rousseau. The new intellectual move- ment had two distinguished prophets — Voltaire and Rous- seau. Others championed the reign of " pure reason," "philos- ophy," and " science," no less ardently — but these were the leaders. Voltaire (i 694-1 778) was the most notable literary genius of the eighteenth century. No man ever wrote the clear, force- ful, elegant French language with greater effect than he. He was a dramatist, an historian, an essayist, and everywhere won fame; but his one real mission in life was to puncture shams. The despotism, superstition, hypocrisy, and servility of the age led him to assail the French institutions and the Christian Church (as he understood it), with a bitter, unspar- ing pen. Through a long life the greatest literary figure in Europe thus played the iconoclast. Feeble attempts to suppress him only put his works in greater demand. He died before witnessing the Revolution he had done so much to promote, but at a time when the " Old Regime " was already tottering to its fall.^ Voltaire was the destroyer of the old: Rousseau (1712-78)^ was more constructive. In several quasi-romances, and espe- cially in his famous treatise, " The Social Contract," he set forth a theory that was seized upon with avidity by an arti- ficial age already tired of its own emptiness and absurdities. Rousseau sets forth that the conventionalities of society are utterly wrong. To be happy men should " retm-n to nature," and live the life of the " noble, imspoiled savage." " Civilized man is born, lives, dies in a state of slavery [to artificial con- ventions]. The Caribbeans are more fortunate than we by half!" In "The Social Contract " he suggested the establish- 1 There is much in Voltaire's personal character (as in Rousseau's) that has been execrated by unfriendly critics, but that is no reason for ignoring his tremendous influence upon the thought of his day. ^ Rousseau was born in Geneva, Switzerland; he spent much of his life in France, however, and may be counted practically a Frenchman. THE CAUSES OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION 389 ment of a republic, with universal suffrage, on a basis of " lib- erty, fraternity, and equality." His theories were crude. The present age laughs at many of his premises and conclusions, but his books were read almost as inspired Scripture by the Frenchmen of his day. "The Social Contract " was practically the Bible of the French Revolutionists. 225. The prime factors in the French Revolution. Here, then, were the causes of the great explosion which was to rock Europe. The social and political institutions of France were hopelessly evil; and men believed that by applying certain a priori theories it was possible to establish a new regime under which all humanity could be " happy." There was abundant complaint from every c^uarter, and abundant wordy wisdom as to the remedy; but there was almost no practical experience as to that remedy. At the beginning of the Revolution drama, here are the main factors for the setting: — (a) The king and court. In sore need of money; the treasury practically empty; yet with a healthy fear of imposing new taxes on mere royal hat, lest a revolt be provoked that would ruin the monarchy. (b) The noblesse and upper clergy. Idle, corrupt, discred- ited; incapable of effectively aiding the king; and with many individual members tinctured with the new thought and wilhng to help destroy the privileges of their own order. (c) The bourgeoisie of the towns. The real brains of France; discontented, active, aggressive; patriotically anxious to ad- vance the interests of France, but full of crude pohtical and social theories which would carry them they knew not whither. (d) The peasantry and mob of Paris. At first too ignorant and hopeless to take action, but when once roused capable of a terrible burst of blind fury against their oppressors; and, of course, even more open than the bourgeoisie to specious though fallacious arguments. The Revolution was begun by the bourgeoisie aided by an 390 HISTORY OF EUROPE intelligent minority of the noblesse. In the second stage of the movement the worst passions of the lower classes were awak- ened and unchained. Then followed the Reign of Terror. REVIEW Topics — Intendants; Parliament of Paris; Controller-General; Right of the Dove-Cots; Taille; Corvee; Voltaire; the "Social Contract." Why were "enlightened Europeans" expecting great changes to take place in social and political conditions at the end of the eighteenth century? Why was France in advance of other Continental countries, as de- scribed in section 217? Make a table of comparisons according to the following plan, covering sections 218-23. Estates First Estate (Clergy) - Second Estate (Nobles) Third Estate (a) Bourgeoisie (b) Peasants. . . Proportion of ^ population Privileges OHigations (services, taxes, etc.) Sources of income 5. The work of Voltaire and of Rousseau in preparing the way for a change. EXERCISES 1. The scientific knowledge at the end of the eighteenth century. 2. The etiquette of the French court. 3. Taxation under the Old Regime. 4. How did the wiitings of Montesquieu, Voltaire, Rousseau and the Economists influence the thought of the period? 5. What were the industrial conditions in France? READINGS Sotirces. Robinson: nos. 378-03. Modern accounts. Seignobos: pp. 55-75, 88-gi, 92-106. Duruy: pp. 506- 34. Lodge: chapter xxi. Robinson and Beard: vol. i, pp. 203-24. CHAPTER XXXII THE FRENCH REVOLUTION 226. The summoning of the States General (1789). The spring of 1789 saw France profoundly agitated. After long tension in palace circles, after several abrupt changes in the ministry, and resort to many desperate fiscal expedients, King Louis XVI and his advisers found their Government confront- ing bankruptcy. The revenues would not meet the regular public charges, capitalists refused loans, and to increase the old unjust taxes would provoke bloody revolt. Yet the Govern- ment must have more money or cease to exist. By what means could this be secured? An increasing chorus of voices answered — "through the States General of France." In 1788, Louis announced that he would convene the " States General "; and as proof of sincerity restored as director of the treasury the clever and popular financier, Necker, who had formerly lost office through a court intrigue. While Necker attempted various stopgaps to gain funds for a few months longer, France was stirred by a rare event, an election for the States General. This latter was an old, discarded institution that had not been convened since 16 14. Louis XIV, and Louis XV after him, had abhorred the very name of this assembly. Still, its existence had never been forgotten. In a most imperfect way it had resembled the EngUsh Parliament. It had met in three houses; (i) The Clergy; (2) the Nobility; (3) the deputies of the Third Estate (the commonalty of France). In the Middle Ages it had been convened only at rare and irregular intervals. For it to pass any measure all three of its sections, meeting 392 HISTORY OF EUROPE separately, were obliged to agree on a common action. ' About its only real use had been to give the show of popular consent to some extraordinary tax desired by the king. Now in the day of necessity this old machinery was refur- bished. For the first time in six generations France had some- thing corresponding to an election. There were to be chosen 300 representatives of the clergy, 300 of the nobility, and 600 of the " Third Estate." But the first two groups could speak and vote for only two very limited classes: the third for 25,000,- 000 Frenchmen. Were these 600 non-nobles meekly to walk behind the aristocrats and bishops and accept their leadership? Were the three classes to meet in three separate assemblies or only in one? If in three, then the demands of the non-noble majority for reform could be thvvarted by the resistance of the nobles alone, even though the clergy took the popular side. These vital questions, especially this last issue of " voting by order or by head " (in three bodies or in one), were not settled clearly in the royal decree ordering the election, and here was the germ of the first great conflict. There was little previous political experience in France. Men do not learn instantly how " to act politically." The Third Estate had to choose its deputies clumsily by the citizens of each district appointing " electors," these delegates naming the actual representatives. Very many country lawyers were chosen, men full of the ideas and theories of Rousseau, and convinced that they were sent to Versailles, not simply to vote the king more money, but to execute great reforms for France. - 1 It was notorious that the three parts of the States General were usually bitterly at variance, and unable to unite on any action unwelcome to the king. It had never been a reliable check upon the French monarchs, and after 1614 the masterful sovereigns had disregarded any obligation to convene it, and had made laws and imposed taxes on the mere strength of their royal decrees. 2 Each district when it elected its deputies drew up a caliirr, a bill of com- plaints, which its delegate was supposed to get adjusted. A study of these cahiers shows that I-renchmen were expecting a general reformation of the Government to take place; especially the restriction of the despotic power of the Crown and the abolition of the relics of feudalism in society. THE FRENCH REVOLUTION 393 Everywhere there was unrest and eager expectation. Every- where, in a land where genuine poHtical discussion had hitherto been suppressed by the authorities, was a most violent agitation for all kinds of reforms. The spirit of the winter 1788-89 was summed up in a keen pamphlet by the politically minded Abbe Sieyes. • — What has the Third Estate (he asked) been hitherto? Nothing! What does it ask? To be something! What ought it to be? Everything I The nobility and the clergy (he argued) could be safely disregarded. Without their 200,000 members the Third Estate would still be '' a free and flourish- ing nation " of 25,000,000. ** Liberty " — a strange word in monarch-ridden Europe — was freely spoken in France in 1789. Men fondly believed that they were on the eve of a prompt and peaceful change to an era of " freedom and enlightenment." 227. The meeting oj the States General (1789). On May 5, 1789, at the royal city of Versailles, met the deputies of France. If Louis and his adviser Necker had realized the eager desire of the vast majority of Frenchmen for sweeping reforms, and had put themselves at the head of the movement, they might have avoided many explosions which followed. But Louis (a man without imagination) and Necker (a mere financier) sim- ply wished the deputies to consider various fiscal expedients, no doubt excellent, but not remedies for the grievous woes of France. Besides, in the opening ceremonies, the Third Estate members were exasperated by being treated as the social inferiors of the clergy and nobihty. The king presently re- quired the deputies to " organize." The nobles and a majority of the clergy did so, as two separate bodies, — apart from the commoners.^ The latter refused at first to organize, on the ' Many of the clergy were delegates elected by the country cures, who had little fellowship with the lordly prince-bishops. From the first this strong minority among the clergy was ready to act with the commons. Also a few nobles (e.g., Lafayette, the friend of Washington) wished to join with the Third Estate. 394 HISTORY OF EUROPE ground that they were only part of a single grand assembly, and that a large number of fellow members were absent But presently the Third Estate cut the knot by declaring itself as THE STATES GENERAL IN SESSION AT VERSAILLES (After a contemporary drawing by Monnet) being " the representatives of ninety-six per cent of the French nation," and therefore the "National Assembly," and per- fected Its organization as if it were the sole body, the others mere groups of negligible absentees. This speedily provoked a crisis. THE FRENCH REVOLUTION 395 The king was full of good intentions, but he was not anxious to have the privileged classes swamped in a gathering where they were sure to be outvoted. Under the pretext that its hall would need to be arranged for a special '' royal sitting," the Assembly was excluded from June 17 to June 23. Then it was expected by the angry court party that the upstart country lawyers would be taught their proper place and functions. 228. The tennis-court oath {June 20, 1789). But the com- mons, timid at first and placed amid strange surroundings, were finding courage with organization. Leaders were develop- ing: especially Mirabeau, a nobleman, who, after a wild and discreditable youth, had come to place his really great gifts as orator and statesman at the service of the people. Angered by the delays and veiled threats of the courtiers, and again convinced that behind themselves were the desires and even the weapons of enkindled France, the commons met in a tennis- court at Versailles, and with one great voice and hands raised high took oath "never to separate until they had given France a constitution."^ The firm attitude of the Third Estate was already intimi- dating the upper orders, and there were desertions from them to the "Assembly," before the " Royal Session" took place on June 23. The deputies of all classes were then gathered in the main hall wliile the king set forth many excellent reforms,- but he bade the " Estates " meet separately "after the ancient custom." When the king retired, most of the higher orders followed him. The commons sat stolidly in their seats. " Have you heard the orders of the king? " asked the haughty " Master of Ceremonies." 1 Meeting as one body of 1200, the 600 commoners, plus a large number of cures sure to be on their side, could easily outvote all the nobles and upper clergy, and put through any unwelcome program. ^ One year earlier these proposed reforms would have made Louis XVI intensely popular. It was his misfortune always to do his good. deeds just a little too late ! 396 HISTORY OF EUROPE "Yes, sir," retorted Mirabeau, and his words reechoed through the applauding nation, " and let me tell you that we are here by the will of the people, and that we shall only quit our seats at the point of the bayonet! " It was a decisive moment. Louis could have ordered in his soldiery, but the dispersal of the elected deputies of France might have precipitated a general uprising. The Government was bankrupt. In the votes of the Assembly was its only financial hope. The king's nerve failed him. He recoiled at such a conflict with his subjects, and presently swallowed his dignity. The king actually " asked " the nobles and clergy to join the commons. They hastily obeyed. The National Assembly was at last genuinely constituted and could begin the reformation of France. 229. The fall of the Bastille (July 14,1789). As yet, however, mere moral force and the vague fears of an uprising had com- pelled the indignant court party to retreat. The queen and many more about Louis strove to convince him that, in appeal- ing for help to his subjects, he had invoked not assistance but a destructive demon. There was still imminent danger that the Assembly would be dissolved by arms, and France thrown back into the old ways of despotism. Then it was that the mob of Paris suppUed the actual fighting force which was to enable the Assembly to do its work in safety. Paris had been one seething cauldron during June, 1789. Men were willing to hope anything from the Assembly, to beheve everything ill of the court party. A misstep by the kirig^ precipitated the crisis. Necker (accounted too '^ popu- lar " for the court party) was dismissed from office. Certain German and Swiss mercenary regiments were moved close to Paris and Versailles; — "to break up the Assembly " spread 1 At Louis's elbow were the queen, and his brothers, the Counts of Provence and Artois (the later kings Louis XVIII and Charles X) — short-sighted, in- competent, and reactionary, who hated all proposals for reforms with a fervor worthy of a better cause. LOUIS XI King of France (1461-1483) Born 1423 Died 1483 MIRABEAU French revolutionary leader Born 1749 Died 1791 RICHELIEU French cardinal and statesman Born 1585 Died 1642 METTERNICH Austrian statesman Born 1773 Died 1859 ARCHITECTS OF EMPIRE THE FRENCH REVOLUTION 397 common rumor. The tidings drove the uneasy spirits in Paris frantic. At the " Palais Royal " (a favorite gathering-place) a young man, Camille Desmoulins, applied the match to the magazine. Leaping upon a table, he sent his voice over the buzzing, excited throng: " Citizens! They have driven Necker from ofhce. They are preparing a St. Bartholomew for patriots. To arms! To arms!" The next night and day were spent by the Parisians in arm- ing and organizing. The insurgents were joined by the " French Guards," a kind of local mihtia. Arsenals were broken open. On July 14, the multitude cast itself upon the Bastille, the king's great prison-fortress, the embodiment of royal tyranny in Paris. The weak garrison soon surrendered and were massa- cred by the infuriated Parisians.^ The king's power in his chief city had crumbled in a twink- Jing. It was evident that he had no effective army wherewith to crush his malcontent subjects. " This is a revolt! " — the tale runs — cried Louis to the Duke of Liancourt, who brought the news. "No, sire," came the reply; "it is a revolution." The duke was right. The weakness of the king stood revealed. No physical force could stop the Revolution now, — it must go on its way. 230. Paris captures the monarchy {October 6, 1789). The agitation soon spread to the provinces. The wolfish peasants rose against their hated seigneurs. The police were powerless. By night the skies were red with burning chateaux. In the name of mere decency and order, all over France the intelli- gent "middle classes " organized provisional local governments, and local militia — " National Guards." Paris gave itself a new city government with Bailly (president at the " tennis- ^ Although earlier the Bastille had been famous as the prison for wretches held at the king's arbitrary pleasure, at this time it contained very few prisoners. The place would not have been taken had the governor stood stoutly to his guns, but he could hardly induce his few cannoneers to face embattled Paris. 398 HISTORY OF EUROPE court " on the day of the great oath) as its mayor, Lafayette, the popular young nobleman, as chief of its national guard. It was at this time that the famous tricolor (red, white, and blue) ribbons were adopted as the badge of the Revolution. ^ Meanwhile the Assembly had devoted itself to " reforming the nation." It was far easier, however, to vote the abolition of old abuses than to execute works of constructive statesman- ship. On the night of August 4, carried away by a burst of generous and truly French enthusiasm, nobles had joined with commoners in decreeing the annihilation of practically all the old social, financial, and political privileges enjoyed by the nobility and clergy.'- By one great stroke there was ordained for all Frenchmen equal rights and equal liberties. It was excellent to vote this. It was harder to make bene- fits of the revolution seem real to the impatient masses. In October, 1789, bread was scarce in Paris; times were hard; common report said that the king and especially the queen were trying to win over the army officers, doubtless for an armed counter-revolution.^ Another explosion followed. On October 5, a mob of thousands of hungry women, joined by many disorderly men, tramped through the mire from Paris to Versailles and threatened the palace. "Bread, bread, and not so many words ! " rang the yell when the astonished Assem- bly tried to quiet them with speeches. Lafayette and the national guards hastened from Paris to protect the king. There was a lull; but early the next day the mob broke into the * The old standard of the French kings was ivliitc. To call a man a "white" in 1789 was the same as calling him a royalist. - The Assembly had no intention of destroying legitimate property rights. The holders of most of these privileges were to be paid by the Government for their losses. But in the stormy days that followed, the promised compensation usually came to very Uttle. ^ It is certain that, on October i, a banquet was given at Versailles to various influential officers. Remarks insulting to the Assembly were made. The "na- tional" toasts were left undrunk; the white cockade, not the tricolor, was worn, — while Marie Antoinette mingled with the officers most graciously. THE FRENCH REVOLUTION 399 palace and slew several of the king's gentlemen. Lafayette thereupon persuaded Louis, as the only means of preventing further rioting, to return to Paris with the whole company. " We 've got the baker, and the baker's wife, and the baker's boy," howled the loose spirits around the royal coach on its way to the metropolis. The king was lodged in the Palace of the Tuileries. The Assembly soon followed to Paris. Louis was still granted out- ward loyalty and ceremony; none the less, he and his queen were the prisoners of their increasingly distrustful subjects. 231. The new constitution. At Paris, subject to the pressure of public clamors, the Assembly undertook the work of reor- ganizing France. It committed many errors. It had little of that long political experience and practical political wisdom whereof Anglo-Saxons boast. Many fine propositions were entertained which were to prove wholly unpractical. The ordinary usages of parliamentary law had to be learned by men unaccustomed to free legislatures. The representatives were unduly swayed by highly wrought oratory and false sentiment when nobly expressed. Yet good sense on the whole prepon- derated; and everywhere was sincere patriotism. The results were probably all that could have been expected. In brief, France was given a new administration. The old provinces^ (which had fostered decentralization) were replaced by eighty-three "departments" based on geographical fea- tures. The nation remained nominally a monarchy, but so " hmited " a monarchy that Louis XIV might well have groaned in his grave. The king was left merely as the agent for executing the laws. For almost every positive act, he must refer to the "Legislative Assembly." This body, chosen every two years, was to vote the necessary laws in the future.^ It ' Normandy, Provence, etc. '^ Probably it would have been wiser to have had two houses; — but the French took pride in not seeming to imitate the English Parliament, 400 HISTORY OF EUROPE was to be composed of a single house of representatives of the people. The king could veto its bills, but bills passed by three successive legislatures were to be considered laws in spite of the king. Of greater significance for the average private person was the sweeping legal reform. A whole new judicial system was created. Judges were to be elected officials, and no longer royal appointees chosen from a special class of the nobility. Trial by jury was instituted, and the old mediaeval usages of torture and arbitrary imprisonment were abolished. There were to be no more endless " imprisonments during the king's pleasure," and no more '' Bastilles." Again, a uniform system of laws was proposed for all France, in place of the two hundred- odd "local customs " which had prevailed, with their varying degrees of injustice. And most vital of all was the cardinal fact that hereafter all Frenchmen were to be equal before the law, — with the same treatment awaiting the nobleman in his gilt- laced coat and the peasant in his blue blouse and wooden sabot. France thus gained from this ''first Revolution" of 1789 great and undoubted social benefits. Feudalism was destroyed. Equal rights for all men were created. These gains were never to be lost. For all this a heavy debt of gratitude was due to the "Assembly" of this memorable year. But the pohtical part of its labors turned out to be far less satisfactory. Most Frenchmen, indeed, would have been content with almost any form of government, provided it gave them prosperity, law, and order; but an active minority were full of discontent. The new political system seemed simply outrageous to the old noblesse, — they were anxious to make it fail. The ultra- radicals, in turn, soon considered it merely a step toward an ideally "free" constitution. They could lay hands on one feature of the new constitution which especially seemed con- trary to all ideas of equality; — to be a voter a man must pay taxes equal to three days of ordinary labor. ' About one person * The exact sum involved would be fixed by the local usage of the region. THE FRENCH REVOLUTION 401 in four (otherwise eligible) was thus disfranchised. The radi- cals made great outcry, and the excluded class was sure to be offended, turbulent, and irresponsible. Between the reaction- aries and the radicals the new constitution was thus certain of a speedy trial by fire. 232. The flight to Varennes. Amid its praiseworthy efforts the Assembly made one decisive blunder: it undertook tc reform the French Church. No attempt was made to tamper with the matters of faith, but many pious Catholics were out- raged by the enactment that bishops and cures were henceforth to be chosen by the voters like secular officials. Still more ill-considered was the vote putting the great property of the Church " at the service of the State." The Assembly did, indeed, promise a just income to the churchmen whose tithes, endowments, and lands were seized. None the less it was an ill-considered confiscation, probably entered into because many deputies saw in the Church property a convenient mode of increasing the public credit without ordering new taxes, and because they were indifferent or mildly hostile to the Christian religion as they understood it. Many good Catholics now, however, turned against the " Revolution " which they had at first sustained. The king, a very devout man, felt this stroke at his personal religion most keenly. Perhaps it was this un- lucky legislation by the Assembly which goaded him (already wrathy at other lesser matters) into disastrous action. In June, 1791, Louis XVI, disguised as a valet, fled with his family from Paris. His aim was to reach the frontier toward Germany: once there, his brother-in-law. Emperor Leopold of Austria, could be appealed to for a foreign army to restore him to his power in France. The scheme for flight had been cleverly conceived, but it was most bunglingly executed. At Varennes, Louis was discovered and identified. Alarm-bells were soon sounding. The townspeople rose and overpowered his escort. On July 25, Louis XVI and his queen reentered the Tuileries: 402 HISTORY OF EUROPE this time prisoners in very deed. The flight to Varennes was a costly blunder. It announced to all France that the king had no heart in the Revolution, and would destroy it if he could. 233. The new legislature. The Assembly had declared Louis suspended from ofUce: but it was not easy to depose him. His brothers and most of the other royal princes were hopeless reactionaries, and were mostly "emigrants" — i.e., fugitives in Germany busy devising a bloody return to France. The only alternative was a republic; but most men were not yet ready for that. Somewhat lamely the Assembly came to terms with the king. Various changes were made in the new constitu- tion, making it slightly more acceptable to Louis. There was already a considerable faction urging the abolition of monarchy, but a strong party headed by Lafayette strove to preserve a "moderate" attitude. To their minds the Revolution was completed; the new constitution must be allowed a fair chance to work peacefully and to complete the regeneration of France. The king finally accepted the constitution with apparent heartiness, and was restored to his functions. On September 30, 1 79 1, the Assembly dispersed. Just before adjournment it enacted a special law which did credit to its own disinteres- tedness, but not to its political sagacity. It enacted that no member of the Assembly should be eligible to the new regular legislature about to gather. All the practical parliamentary experience, therefore, acquired by members of the Assem- bly was thus to be thrown away. The new legislature must be composed of very untried men. The Assembly of 1789-91 had striven nobly and patriotically for France. Its leaders believed they had created a constitu- tion to last for all time. This much-lauded " Constitution of 1 791 " was actually to last less than one year. 234. The outbreak of war. In reality the new constitution never had a genuine chance to prove its ordinary excellences and defects. France was about to be embroiled in war with THE FRENCH REVOLUTION 403 nearly all Europe, while a powerful party at home from the first cried out that the new order was only an insufficient break with the old. The Emperor of Austria and the King of Prussia had for months regarded the progress of the Revolution with grave concern. Political ideas seldom stop at boundaries, and France had been the intellectual leader of Europe. Marie Antoinette never ceased to write to her imperial kinsfolk at Vienna deplor- ing the desperate straits of royalty in France, and entreating aid. What a French crown would be worth, if propped up on Austrian bayonets, she seems never to have asked. But more than mere sympathy for the family in the Tuileries was stir- ring the German princes. Various acts of the Assembly had affected their own interests adversely. ^ French noble "emi- grants," fleeing their homes, flocked to the petty German courts and were given hearty welcome, and permission to organize conspiracies. On both sides there were hatred, sus- picion, recrimination. In this atmosphere, charged with the fear of foreign inter- vention, the Legislative Assembly met (October i, 1791). Its 745 members were mostly inexperienced radicals: its dominat- ing element, the later "Girondist" Party,^ was composed of clever and brilliant orators who were fervent democrats in principle and regarded the idea of even a devitalized monarchy with aversion. They dared not strike at the new constitution for the moment, but they were able to bring to pass something that they felt would accomplish the same end. They easily goaded the king and his ministers into declaring war upon Austria. Louis probably assented the more readily because he believed that by Austrian victories he was sure to recover his power. The radicals saw more wisely that the shock of battle ^ Especially those declaring abolished various feudal rights within France, but retained by German princes whose main dominions lay beyond the borders. ^ The leading members of the faction — Vergniaud, Gensonne, etc., came from the Department of the Gironde. 404 HISTORY OF EUROPE would ruin royalty by exposing the king's duplicity. " Let us tell Europe," cried the fiery Isnard, "that if cabinets engage kings in a war against peoples, we will engage peoples in a war against kings." Causes were easily found. April 20, 1792, France declared war on Austria and a little later on her ally, Prussia; — and so began the war which convulsed all Europe, and lasted with brief truces down to 181 5 and the held of Waterloo. 235. The downfall of French royalty (1792). The past three years had demoralized the French army utterly. Its former officers, mostly noblemen, had resigned or deserted by hun- dreds. The first results of the warfare were a series of disgrace- ful defeats all along the frontier. There was reason for believing that the royal family within the Tuileries received the tidings of national disaster without unmixed feelings of dismay. The whole public administration seemed feeble and incompetent. A few weeks promised to see an Austro-Prussian army in Paris. In such a moment desperate remedies seemed called for to save France. In the "Legislative " the Girondists gave certain perfunc- tory support to the party which still adhered to the king and the constitution, but an ultra-radical faction, the Jacobins,i was prepared for action. During the later part of July and the first week of August, 1792, Paris was seething once more. Every tale of defeat increased the rage against "Capet" (Louis) and " the Austrian Woman." Not merely Paris, but the departments were stirring. From Marseilles came a bat- talion of 600 young Republicans, who for the first time made the streets of Paris ring with the great fighting song of the Revolution, " the Marseillaise," the best of all national hymns to rouse men to do or die. The climax came August 10. The faction in the Paris city ^ The "Jacobins" took their name from their ckib-house at the former con- vent of the old Jacobin order of monks. THE FRENCH REVOLUTION 405 government loyal to Louis was overpowered; the armed city bands dashed themselves against the Tuileries. Even now, the palace might have been defended had not Louis, with an untimely act of kind-heartedness, ordered his 950 Swiss guards- men to cease firing. The uncouth insurgents surged into the hall of the "Legislative," where the king had taken refuge with his family. Cowed by manifest threats, the "Legislative " decreed the deposition of the king, and the calling of a "Na- tional Convention" to decide the future form of government. Monarchy had fallen ignobly, not even fighting. 236. The Convention and the massacres. The rest of France ratified the action of Paris. What else could be done, while the public enemy was pressing forward victoriously? At the moment there was no really lawful government; but the "Commune of Paris " (the municipal council of the capital) in a measure took its place. Its members, such as Robespierre, represented the most advanced theorists of France. All chances of a reaction in favor of monarchy were destroyed by the rigor- ous enforcement of martial law. Tremendous efforts were put forth to stop the advancing Germans. Danton, the great radi- cal and the ablest of his party, voiced the unflinching spirit with which these new masters of the State confronted the foreign danger. "Audacity, and again audacity, and ever audacity, and France is saved!" rang his summons. ^ But Danton was not a man to stop wath nice means. The prisons of Paris were full of nobles and " Constitutionalists," ^ who might hope for release and revenge if carelessly guarded. "We must make the aristocrats fear," are the sinister words imputed to Danton. A gang of ruffians of his party knew their business. Between September 2 and 7, over one thousand ^ Danton was a radical, but rather as a chieftain of the "Mountain," the general radical group in the Convention, than as a leading spirit among the Jacobins, the ultra-radicals. There was a certain saneness in all that Danton did. which marked him off from headlong extremists Uke Robespierre. ^ Champions of the defunct constitution of 1791. 4o6 HISTORY OF EUROPE prisoners were taken from the Paris prisons and massacred, practically in cold blood. ^ The aristocrats did, indeed, fear. Not a hand was raised to stop the massacre. And now, late in September, the "Legislative " gave way to the third great parHamentary body of the Revolution, — the " Convention," — 749 members elected by manhood suffrage, at a time when moderate men had been silenced, and when the booming of Austrian guns had made almost every Frenchman into a radical. The new body had been gathered to give France another form of government, the 1791 constitution being already cast into the rubbish heap ; but the making of a con- stitution was slow work, and there was much needing immedi- ate attention. For the next three years the Convention itself practically governed France. 237. The death of the king (1793). Louis XVI, dethroned and a prisoner, had yet to be dealt with, and the Girondist fac- tion (temporarily in the ascendant in the Convention) were inclined toward mercy: their clever orators talked eloquently of founding the new republic bloodlessly on "love"; but their political cohesion and adroitness was far less than that of the Jacobins, who were resolved on the king's death. WTiat better proof of the devotion of France for her newly gained "equal- ity" than sending Louis to the scaffold? — " Let us," Danton exclaimed, " cast down before Europe, as a gauntlet of battle, the head of a king! " There could be only one solution to the problem in such a moment. On January 8, 1793, Louis was ordered to immediate death, by a majority of one vote.' On January 21, he was guillotined on the great square in Paris, 1 There is no proof, though there is considerable presumption, that these deeds were inspired by Danton. - Louis was charged substantially with treason to France in the war against Austria and Prussia. There is good reason for believing that he would have regarded the victory of the allies with equanimity; but in truth he must be judged as a man in an almost intolerable position, from whom any very strict moral accounting was impossible. THE FRENCH REVOLUTION 407 the Place de la Concorde; dying very nobly and bravely, and making truly a kingly end after a life marked by many good intentions but more blunders. 238. The war with all Europe (1792-95). The execution of the king was, indeed, a proclamation to all Europe that a new and terrible war had engulfed the nations, a war very different from the selfish dynastic struggles between ambitious kings. For the moment it had earlier seemed as if the ill-led French armies would collapse before the disciplined invaders. But good fortune and patriotism had fought for the French. At Valmy, after an ineffectual cannonade on September 20, 1792, the Duke of Brunswick (the allies' general) found himself checked, and presently was driven to retreat. The new Re- publican armies soon took the offensive and seized Belgium and many posts along the Rhine. A decree thereupon passed by the Convention, ordering the annexation of Belgium, gave vast offense to England; ^ and that great country speedily joined in the war. Another decree of the Convention, ordering its generals to proclaim the "sovereignty of the people" and the aboHtion of feudal privileges wherever the French arms went, seemed the proclamation of an intention of spreading ''revolutionary principles" through all Europe. The execu- tion of Louis drove every brother monarch into a frenzy: practically every other Christian state in Europe declared war upon France. It appeared inevitable that she should be crushed by a vast coalition. She was assailed on every coast, on every border at once. But in all human annals there is no finer example of patriotic self-sacrifice than that which the French now displayed. The grim and resolute men who had seized the Paris Government developed in this crisis marvelous efficiency. A remorseless conscription swept the youth of France into the armies; fac- 1 The English feared that the great port of Antwerp in French hands would be a standing menace to their maritime supremacy. Luiigitude 0° West from «t«uiiii-lj 0' Ln.igitude fiaet 6° from Gucni-ich 10 4o8 HISTORY OF EUROPE tories were turned into arsenals; church bells were melted into cannon. The heroism and ''elan" of the young French recruits, who charged to battle convinced that they were summoned to die for 'Liberty, Equality, and Fraternity" and for "the Rights of Man," proved more than a match for the ill-paid mercenaries of the old-Hne monarchical armies. The admirable fighting qualities of the French privates and sub-officers more than made up for frequently mediocre generalship. Above all, at Paris there was a great war-minister, Camot, " the organizer of victory," who, though not a great strategist himself, managed everything, inspired the fourteen armies, collected munitions, and made the success in the field possible. To summarize this colossal war is impossible. By a prodigious exertion the Republic actually put 750,000 men, arrayed in thirteen sepa- rate armies, in the field at once — forces such as no power in Europe had ever armed before. The French were sonetimes beaten, but never ruined. A coalition greater than that which had overwhelmed Louis XIV now recoiled before the patriotism of a free nation. In June, 1794, the great battle of Fleurus practically delivered Belgium a second time to France ^ and put the allies everywhere upon the defensive. Once confronted with disaster, the allied kings began to remember their old jealousies amongst themselves. The great coalition commenced to dissolve. In 1795, Prussia made the Peace of Basel with France : Austria and England might continue the war, but the fear of a foreign army in Paris was ended. 239. The Committee of Public Safety and the Tenor. While the youth of France were defending their country against a perfect girdle of foes, terrible scenes were being enacted at Paris and elsewhere. The foreign peril, the fears of a cruel reaction led by the outraged royahsts, seemed to justify plac- ing the whole country under a species of martial law. Shortly ' The French had been driven from the country after their first successes in 1792. THE FRENCH REVOLUTION 409 after the execution of the king, the Convention estabh'shed a kind of executive committee, — the famous "Committee of Public Safety," — at first of nine, later of twelve, members, to whom were entrusted practically the entire resources of France. The ordinary ministers were reduced to insignificance beside this body. It became the mainspring of the armed Revolution, and it was not long before its members were drawn COURTYARD OF A PRISON DURING THE TERROR Note the games being played by the prisoners. (Ajlet a painting by Hubert Robert in the Miisee Carnavakt) almost wholly from the most radical of all the Republican factions — the Jacobins. In the name of general safety, the Committee and the Con- vention resorted to the most drastic measures. Besides order- ing a wholesale conscription for the army, desperate expedi- ents were invoked to fend off famine and bankruptcy. There was a general scarcity of provisions in Paris. The answer was the famous "Law of the Maximum," fixing the highest price 4IO HISTORY OF EUROPE at which necessary commodities might be sold. The penalty for violation was, in extreme cases, death. Long since the Government had drifted into the meshes of paper money (it was so easy to make the printing-press strike off substitutes for gold!). To refuse to accept " assignats " (the Revolutionary paper currency) was now also made punishable by death. Against "emigrants" (exiled nobles beyond the frontiers), against all men suspected of conspiracy to produce reaction at home, there was only one remedy. The exiles might not return under penalty of death ; while all persons in France were made liable to imprisonment (with excellent chances of execution) if " suspected " of ill will toward the Republic. By such laws the prisons were iilled and disaffection was silenced. At first, indeed, there was discord, in the Convention, between the Girondists and the more violent Jacobins. The Girondists represented more the deliberate opinion of the departments; the Jacobins found their best support in the noisy and irresponsible crowds of Paris, who swarmed the galleries of the Convention, howled down the moderate orators, and applauded the speakers wdio declared that "the people were weary of having their happiness postponed," and who then coolly assumed that the Parisian mob was entitled to speak for the entire nation. The Girondists had eloquence and noble zeal upon their side, but they were bad pohticians and lost control both of the Convention and the situation in Paris. On June 2, armed insurgents surrounded the hall of the Con- vention and the frightened members were coerced into voting the leading Girondists under arrest. The radicals had now almost complete possession of the Government. And now began the famous " Reign of Terror." The Jaco- bins were no doubt honest in saying that they desired the hap- piness of France and a reign of liberty and humanity, but they were hopeless radicals, wilHng to believe themselves the sole possessors of patriotism and civic virtue, and that any critic THE FRENCH REVOLUTION 411 was ipso facto a traitor. In handling the mihtary situation they displayed enormous ability ; 1 in dealing with the economic crisis they resorted to the desperate financial measures just described; but they knew all the while (though they hardly confessed it) that they were really only a minority in France, and ever growing more of a minority as their program became more radical. At first men had been denounced as " aristo- crats," or " constitutionahsts ";^ now they were damned by being styled "moderates," or charged with " incivism," i.e., opposing or supporting feebly the extreme Jacobin program. What that program really embraced was never fully defined. Probably it would have ended in the complete establishment of economic as well as of political equality for all Frenchmen, and certainly in the later stages of the movement the Jacobins cried out against the rich, not because they were reactionary, but simply because they were rich. '' The poor man," spoke Robespierre, who seemed to be the mouthpiece for his party, " alone is virtuous, wise, and fitted to govern." To silence opposition to their regime the Jacobins deliber- ately inaugurated a S3'stem of " Terror." On October 16, 1793, Marie Antoinette followed her husband to the scaffold, facing the end with a heroism which partly atoned for many past mistakes. Speedily after her, twenty-one of the Girondist leaders were executed, and many others of unquestioned zeal for a moderate republic followed them. A " Revolutionary Tribunal " was set up, before which each day a certain number of wretches were dragged from the prisons and condemned (or in exceptional cases acquitted) after farcically irregular trials. From October, 1793, to the end of July, 1794, " Terror was the Order of the Da}^" in Paris; and similar awful tribunals kept up their work in many of the provincial tovms. Under 1 See section 238. 2 Partisans of the 1791 constitution. 412 HISTORY OF EUROPE t-he guillotine ^ perished several thousands of the best lives in France; for it was the intelligent and well-to-do who naturally awakened the most suspicion. "O Liberty, what crimes are committed in thy name! " so cried the high-minded Madame Roland, an ardent Republican and Girondist when she stood to take her place at the guillotine. Yet all the while the Jacobin chiefs and many of their satellites in the Parisian mob THE GUILLOTINE AT WORK Note the statue of liberty opposite tlie instrument. {Aflcr an anony- mous engraving) beheved quite honestly that by this remorseless policy they were leading France to happiness. 240. The revolts against the Jacobins. The fearful energy of the Jacobins will be better understood when it is reahzed that, besides the foreign war, at the same time they had to fight desperate rebellions within F'rance. Many Girondist deputies did not submit to arrest with their fellows, but escaped to their 1 The guillotine was a merhanical device invented at this time to take the place of the old headsman's block and axe. Despite the gruesome mutilation of the victim, it was an extremely humane and painless instrument. "The Repub- lican Razor," it was called by the calloused creatures who daily watched the public butcheries. THE FRENCH REVOLUTION 413 homes in the departments and organized revolts. The Jacobins had to stamp out uprisings in Normandy and in the extreme south, while Lyons (the second city of France) also rose against them. A fearful punishment was inflicted when it was forced to surrender. A military commission condemned the numerous prisoners taken, and is asserted to have had them shot down in batches of 200 to 300 at a time. In five months the population of Lyons is declared to have fallen from 130,000 to 80,000.^ But hardest of all for the Jacobins was the revolt of the Peas- ants in La Vendee,^ who, pious, conservative, and led by their priests, waged a desperate guerilla war in behalf of the king. The Vendean rebels were still in revolt when the Jacobins were cast from power at Paris. 241. The fall of Danton, and the dictatorship of Robespierre. In 1789, the great majority of Frenchmen had rejoiced in the downfall of despotism; in 1792, probably less than half of the nation was really enthusiastic for a repubHc; by 1794, only a waning minority were in favor of the Jacobin program, which virtually branded every man with good clothes and refined social manners as a " bad citizen." The Jacobin leaders of the Convention had run to hopeless absurdities.^ They had abol- ished the accustomed calendar as a souvenir of "the days of despotism," and estabhshed a new " Republican Calendar" with the year "one" to date from the era (1792) vv^hen France 1 Recent criticism happily has seemed to reduce the number of the victims, but in any case they were hideously numerous. 2 The region near the mouth of the -Loire. ' Amid all the storm and stress under which it labored, and despite many absurd pieces of legislation, it must, in fairness, be noted that the Convention enacted a great body of wise measures which told for the weal of France; — some of these were, (1) the adoption of the metric system of weights and measures; (2) the beginning of drawing up a legal code (a task to be completed by Napo- leon); (3) the abolition of slavery in the French colonies; (4) the initiation of a general system of education for France; (5) a much-needed reform of the hos- pitals and prisons. It is very easy to find materials for extreme blame and extreme praise in deal- ing with the leaders of "the First Republic." 414 HISTORY OF EUROPE became a republic.^ Against the Christian religion, as part of the old order of "slavery," the bitterest hostility was shown. It had become practically impossible to attend or to minis- ter in Christian worship and not become at least "suspect." Frenchmen could not endure these conditions forever. The foreign enemy had been repelled from the frontiers : it was high time to end this terrible regime of martial law at home. Under these circumstances, some of the clearest and coolest heads among the original Terrorists, notably Danton, began to talk of moderation; but "moderation" was a very unwelcome word to the extreme theorists who now controlled the Com- mittee of Pubhc Safety, and at whose bidding the frightened Convention voted one bloody decree after another. In April, 1794, Robespierre, seemingly, at least, the dominator of the Government, struck a blow which told all France that the mere suggestion of abating the activities of the guillotine was perilous. Danton — the incarnation of aggressive Republican- ism — was sent to the scaffold. For the next four months Robespierre seemed the virtual dictator of France. A consid- erable fraction of the Paris mob was willing to defend him; otherwise he was submitted to out of mere physical terror. France seemed to have abolished her stately old monarchy to substitute for it a ruthless Oriental tyranny. 242. The downfall of Robespierre. Robespierre was himself a strange compound of inlirmity and virtue. He made boasts, probably sincere, of his patriotism, incorruptibility, and high ideals. He and his friend, Saint-Just, dreamed of a republic in which all men and women should be happy, virtuous, and equal. Christianity was to be abolished, but temples to the " Supreme Being " were to abound everywhere. In this program were many noble theories and projects derived from ' The months weic named according to their climatic characteristics; e.g., Thermidor (heat month) took the place of July ig to August 18. To get rid of the "slave-style" Christian Sabbaths, periods of ten days were substituted for weeks, the tenth day to be a general holiday. THE FRENCH REVOLUTION 41^ the old Greek philosophers. Robespierre, in short, would have been a harmless, impractical philanthropist, save for two capital facts, — he appeared to dominate the French Govern- ment, and he believed that any person who hesitated in the least before his program was worthy of death. The best wit- ness to the fearful nature of his rule is the fact that in seven weeks during his alleged dictatorship, 1376 persons died under the guillotine in Paris. ^ The amazing thing, indeed, is that a theorist of this kind should have seemed to control a great Government for so long a time. The end drew near when even Robespierre's most intimate associates began to fear for their own lives. On the 8th of June, 1794, the arch- Jacobin had reached the crowning moment of his career. At his demand the Convention had voted that " the French nation recognizes the existence of the Supreme •Being and the immortahty of the soul." Now, in a great fete to the Supreme Being, Robespierre walked first in the proces- sion as president of the ceremonies, "dressed in a sky-blue coat and holding in his hand a large bunch of flowers, fruit, and corn." Acting thus as a kind of high priest, he set fire to effigies representing "Atheism" and "Egoism," while, as they blazed, a figure of "Wisdom" rose out of the flames, "Re- publican " hymns were sung, and the ground was scattered over with flowers by children : — and the next cjay the guiflo- tine continued its work. By this time the Revolutionary Tribunal had become a mere organ for ordering the execution of so many prisoners per day, with hardly the simulacrum of a trial. No man's life was now safe; and at length the Convention turned suddenly at bay, made brave by selfish fear. On July 27, 1794, long recorded as the famous " 9th Thermidor," Saint- Just, and next 1 There is a theory, which is finding increasing acceptance among scholars, that Robespierre was really the tool of the "strong silent men" managing the armies, who found the Terror a convenient means of controlling the military situation. 410 HISTORY OF EUROPE his bosom friend, Robespierre, were howled down in the Con- vention when they strove to speak. "Down, down with the tyrant!" pealed the yell. Vainly Robespierre pleaded to be heard. "The blood of Danton chokes thee! '' one member is said to have flung at him. With three friends the fallen dictator was placed under arrest: the old Jacobin faction among the Paris mob released them from prison, but before they could organize an insurrection, they were again seized, and the end came quickly. Robespierre died under the guillotine, with a hundred of his partisans. With this last slaughter of its instigators the real "Terror " slackened and declined. 243. The "Third'' Constitution and the whiff of grapeshot (1795)- France needed rest. It was impossible to restore nor- mal conditions immediately: war £till raged on the frontiers; a thousand local feuds rent every town and hamlet asunder; but the wholesale executions could at least be stopped, ^ and the prisons presently were emptied of all but the probably guilty. The Convention was now again dominated by moderate Republicans. Various outlawed members of the old Girondist Party returned. During the Terrorist period a constitution had been drawn up for the country, but it had never been put into effect, and now it seemed altogether too radical in the light of woeful- experience. Accordingly still another constitu- tion was prepared, the so called " Third " Constitution,^ and while not an ideal document it betrayed at least some attempt to improve the lessons learned in the school of adversity. For example, besides a list of the " Rights of Man," so much emphasized earlier, a list was also given of the " Duties of Man "; also a fairly firm executive government was provided 1 The historian Taine has recl^oned, it is to be hoped with some exaggeration, that 17,000 persons perished in France, in Paris or in the Departments, during the whole period of Terrorist Government. 2 The constitution of 1791 was the "First"; the "Second" was the discarded Jacobin effort. THE FRENCH REVOLUTION 417 in a Directory of five persons, one member to retire every year, and thus the whole to be renewed every five years. ^ There was to be a legislature of two houses, the "Five Hundred" and the "Ancients"^ (250 members), each to be renewed by one third of their number annually. The Legislature was to en- act the laws; the Directors (who had no veto) were to exe- cute them, to control the armies, and transact generally the affairs of Government through their ministers. This constitution was not an impossible one, but it was coupled with a proviso which drove many Frenchmen to fury. A great reaction was sweeping over the land. The Conven- tion knew there was a strong movement to restore the exiled Bourbons.^ To insure against a reactionary revolution, it was provided that two thirds of the first legislature, under the new scheme, must be chosen from the members of the Convention'. It was this provision which put Paris again in an uproar. The downfall of Robespierre had been followed by a great return of royalist spirit. In very many quarters the idea of even a moderate republic was now held in open detestation. The reactionaries had prospered so far as to gain control of the Paris National Guard, and on October 5, 1795, its battalions, 20,000 strong, were directed against the hall of the hated Convention. To check this attack the delegates had only about 4000 regular troops, '' but they entrusted the command to an active fellow member, Barras. The latter bethought him of the aid of a young artillery officer who had recently distin- ^ The Directors were to be elected by the "Ancients" out of a list submitted by the "Five Hundred." 2 They had to be forty years of age. * The luckless little son of Louis XVI, the so-called "Louis XVII," died in captivity in Paris, June 8, 1795. The cruel neglect whereof this helpless boy of ten was the victim is one of the foulest blots upon the Revolutionists. The successor to the royalist claims was now the eldest brother of Louis XVI, who took the style of "Louis XVIII." * In the regular army, in which ardent Republicans naturally enlisted, anti- royalist sentiments burned hot, long after they had ceased to glow in the rest ol France. 4i8 HISTORY OF EUROPE guished himself against the English at the siege of Toulon. This young man hastily secured a strong battery of guns from the suburbs, and disposed and used it so well that the insur- gents were mowed down helplessly when they strove to storm the Convention. " The whiff of grapeshot " was sufhcient. The delegates and the Republic were saved. The name of their savior was Napoleon Bonaparte. REVIEW I. Topics — The States General; Cahiers; Abbe Sieves; the Oath of the Tennis-Court ; Mirabeau; the Bastille; National Guards; Varennes; "Emigrants"; Girondists; Jacobins; Commune of Paris; Robespierre; Danton; Vahiiy; Carnot; Committee of Public Safety; Law of the Maximum; Assignats; Reign of Terror; Incivism; gth Thermidor; the "Whiff of Grapeshot." • 2. Geography — (a) Locate Versailles; Varennes; Marseilles; Valmy; Lyons; La Vendee. {h) Mark the regions added to France by the Peace of Basel. 3. What was the immediate occasion of the summoning of the States General? 4. Note the different events in the Revolution which go to prove that there was "little previous political experience" in France. 5. Why did not the king dissolve the States General after the "Royal Session" on June 23? Compare his motive with that of Charles I of England in relation to the Long Parliament. 6. Why was the destruction of the Bastille significant? 7. What were the important features in which the constitutions of 1791 and 1705 differed? 8. How did the attempt to reform the Church affect the "Revolution" movement? Compare with the effect of the attack upon the Episcopal Church made in the Long Parliament in England. 0. Valmy is counted as one of the "decisive battles" by Creasy. Why? ,'o. Why was it that conditions similar to the "Reign of Terror" did not develop in England after the execution of Charles I? EXERCISES 1. Compare the principles stated in the "Declaration of the Rights of Man" (1789) with corresponding principles in the "Virginia Bill of Rights" (United States, 1776). THE FRENCH REVOLUTION 419 2. Mirabeau. 3. The Bastille. 4. Lafayette. 5. The night of August 4. 6. The Constitution of 1 791. 7. The September massacres. 8. The execution of Louis XVI. Was it justified ? Compare with that of Charles I of England. 9. The battle of Valmy. 10. The Peace of Basel. 11. The Reign of Terror. 12. Danton and Robespierre. 13. Make a summary showing the social, economic, and political changes accomplished by the Revolution. READINGS Sources. Robinson: nos. 394-417. Modern accounts. Seignobos: pp. 106-49. Duruy: pp. 53S~65. Lodge: chapters xxii, xxiii, sections 1-20. Pattison: pp. 358-62. Lewis: pp. 548-57. Robinson and Beard: vol. i, pp. 224-84. CHAPTER XXXIII HOW NAPOLEON BONAPARTE OVERTURNED THE OLD EUROPE 244. The youth and early career of Napoleon. For the next twenty years the history of Europe can ahiiost be summed up in the biography of a single man. No other secular individual in modern times ^ has cast his shadow so broadly over the nations as did Napoleon Bonaparte. He has been lauded as a demigod; he has been execrated as a fiend; but neither friends nor detractors have denied to him the unique position he holds in modern history. Napoleon Bonaparte is commonly spoken of as a French- man. As a matter of fact, he came from the decidedly Italian- ized isle of Corsica. In 1768, the weak Republic of Genoa ceded Corsica to France; and in 1769, Napoleon was born at Ajaccio. We can best understand his character by thinking of him as being only a Frenchman by adoption, and of having in him much of the passionate, violent, imaginative spirit and genius of the Mediterranean peoples. Napoleon's parents seem to have been of respectable but not wealthy condition.- The lad early betrayed a liking for mili- tary matters; and after he had learned a little French he was sent to the mainland, to the military academy at Brienne (1779). His life there was unhappy and undistinguished, and he complained bitterly of the way the sons of rich French noblemen lorded it over him. In time, he became a second lieutenant in the army, but his first real activities were in an 1 Nor in ancient times, except possibly Alexander and Julius Cjesar. - His father, Carlo Bonaparte, boasted himself a nobleman, and busied him- self as a lawyer of some local importance. BONAPARTE OVERTURNS THE OLD EUROPE 421 obscure attempt to participate in an insurrection of the Corsicans against the French. The plot failed; but though Bonaparte luckily was not quite compromised enough to be branded as a traitor, every avenue to promotion seemed barred against him. In 1793, however, he had command of the artil- lery in the siege of Toulon, and it was then, thanks to him, that the British fleet was driven from the harbor and a most important city restored to France. Now (1796) the grateful Directory, after his services in Paris, ^ gave him command of the Army of Italy. The discontented cadet had at length met his opportunity. He was only twenty-seven. 245. The ''First Italian Campaign' (1796-97). Italy was a congeries of petty states, but the main factors were the Kingdom of Sardinia- (nearest to France) and the provinces of Austria. Bonaparte was given the task of taking a relatively small and disorganized army, crossing the Alps, forcing the Sardinians to beg for peace, and then of driving the Austrians out of Italy as well as intimidating simultaneously the Papal States and all the other lesser Powers which might take sides against France. Once entrusted with the task, the young artillery officer dis- played a superabounding energy; and — secret of his success — was able to communicate his spirit of energy to all about him. Veteran officers ceased to sneer at the "youth," and strove their uttermost to execute his orders. The whole army was infused with his spirit of restless daring and ambition. Of all Bonaparte's military undertakings, none was more successful or more characteristic than this " First Italian Campaign." With 49,000 men, badly equipped but brave and hardy, Bonaparte had to cross the Alps and attack some 60,000 Sardinian and Austrian veterans, resting in strong positions 1 See chapter xxxii, section 243. * For the extent of the King of Sardinia's dominions on the mainland, see map of " Europe in 1789." 422 HISTORY OF EUROPE sustained by great fortresses. In April, 1796, he entered Italy. Within two months the King of Sardinia had cried " enough." Within a year mighty Austria had also been driven to sue for ITALY IN I peace. At the outset Bonaparte had fired the hearts of his men by the kind of promises dear to his ragged Republican volun- teers. "Soldiers, I am to lead you into the most fertile plains in the world. There you will find honor, glory, and riches "; BONAPARTE OVERTURNS THE OLD EUROPE 423 and immediately he had put into effect his four great military maxims: "Divide for finding provisions; concentrate to fight; unity of command is necessary for success; time^ is every- thing." Briefly stated, Bonaparte won his successes by always taking the offensive and keeping his foes so busy meeting the shock of his blows that they were utterly unable to arrange a counter- stroke; or again, by inducing them to divide their forces while keeping his own concentrated, and so destroying the enemy piecemeal. In addition Bonaparte owed a vast deal to the admirable fighting quahties of his men. The spirit of Republican fanaticism which had led to the Jacobin Terror at Paris made now for dauntless heroism when translated to the battlefield. And Bonaparte knew how to win the hearts and imaginations of his men as have few generals, as at Lodi (1796), where the desperate and victorious charge in which he rushed with the foremost across the bridge over the Adda made "the little corporal" the idol of the soldiery. In the spring of 1797, after desperate fighting around Mantua (the Austrian stronghold) and the fall of that fortress, Bonaparte was able to force his way over the Eastern Alps, and was only two days' march from Vienna when the defeated " Holy Roman" Emperor asked for an armistice. 246. The Treaty of Campo Formio (1797). After various negotiations France made peace with Austria by the Treaty of Campo Formio. That compact was substantially arranged and directed by Bonaparte, despite the fact that he was nominally only a general in the service of the five Directors. The treaty was practically a notification to the world that Republican France had shaken off the tremendous attack of the old mon- archies and was now about to give the law in turn to them. Austria ceded Belgium outright to France. She gave up her North Italian possessions to be made into a " Cisalpine ' That is, rapidity of movements. 424 HISTORY OF EUROPE Republic" (inevitably dependent upon France). In a secret article she agreed to allow France to keep the territory west of the Rhine which she had seized from the lesser German princes. As a compensation for these great losses, Austria was to receive the territory of the old (and now degenerate and feeble) Republic of Venice, which was thus blotted from the map. ^ 247. The naval power of England. The defeat of Austria seemed to put all Europe at the feet of France and her brilliant young general, who was already recognized as a political power of whom the Directors might well feel jealous. But there was one nation which the French had not yet defeated — England; and a large part of Bonaparte's career was to be consumed in a fruitless effort to humble the "Mistress of the Seas." The Revolution had disorganized the French navy sadly. Courage and enthusiasm may win bayonet charges in land battles, though discipline be lacking, but calm skill and care- ful organization are absolutely necessary for the conduct of fleets. Ill-equipped, ill-manned, and very ill-commanded as the French ships were, it is not surprising that the story of the naval war between France and England was one story of French defeats. By 1797, Spain and Holland had been induced to enter into alliance with France against the English, but even this could not turn the scale. Off Cape St. Vincent (1797) fifteen British ships-of-the-line, under Admiral Jervis and Commo- dore Nelson, defeated twenty-seven Spanish men-of-war. Six months later, Admiral Duncan overwhelmed a Dutch fleet at Camperdown. After these battles it seemed impossible to dis- pute British naval supremacy. The sea-power of Britain en- abled her to seize the colonies of France, to raid her coasts, to capture her merchantmen, and to draw a line of blockaders 1 In 1797, after making the armistice with Austria, Bonaparte had deliber- ately picked a quarrel with Venice and forced its helpless Government to sur- render the city and country to France. He now used Venice as a sop to throw to Austria. This is an early instance of the lack of scruple and the immorality which marked Bonaparte's statecraft. BONAPARTE OVERTURNS THE OLD EUROPE 425 around her ports, ruining French commerce. The failure of the RepubUc to meet the EngHsh upon the seas left Enghsh commerce (and consequently English wealth) practically un- touched. As a result, although the English army did not seem dangerous, English subsidies put heart into the enemies of France on the Continent, created new combinations of Powers against her; in short, undid half the work of Bonaparte's victories. If the triumph of France was to be complete, she must at all costs humiliate England. 248. The Egyptian Expedition (1798-99). Bonaparte had returned to Paris from Italy to be received with all the ardent enthusiasm wdiich rejoicing French- men can show for a hero. " Go cap- ture the giant corsair [England] that infests the seas! " cried Barras, the Director, when he embraced him. And, indeed, the mediocre Directors would gladly have sent him away on some distant and risky enterprise. There was not room in the Paris Government offices for one man so great as he and live men so small as they. Bonaparte was like-minded with them — that the real foe of France was England. But Bonaparte had also much of the dreamer and the adventurer in his make-up. The strength of England was in her commerce, largely in the vast wealth she drew from India. Would not the seizure of Egypt put France squarely across the best road to India, ^ and 1 The regular route to India was, of course, at this time (seventy-one years before the opening of the Suez Canal) via the long voyage around the Cape of A FRENCH INFANTRYMAN {After a contemporary engraving) 426 HISTORY OF EUROPE with a fimi grip on Egypt would not the conquest of the golden Indies be inevitable? The project appealed to Bonaparte. While peace lasted with Austria and Prussia, there was little chance for him to use his talents nearer home; and the Direc- tors wilHngly aided him to assemble warships and transports for a romantic expedition to Egypt. With 35,000 men he sailed from Toulon. By good fortune he evaded the English fleet waiting to waylay him. On the voyage he seized Malta from its possessors, the helpless Knights of St. John. Arriving at Alexandria, he disembarked, and the disciplined valor of the French easily overcame the resistance of the Mamelukes, the Mohammedan rulers of Egypt. The country was soon in his hands, and Bonaparte showed his ability and versatility in dealing with the Moslem sheiks, win- ning their good will, and even affecting a half-readiness to support the doctrines of Islam. He had not been long, how- ever, in Egypt ere a great disaster overtook him. The English destroyed his fighting fleet. Nelson had been cruising the Mediterranean with his squadron, seeking the French battleships. Bad information and head winds had hitherto baftlcd him. Now he discovered the French anchored in Aboukir Bay,^ in shoal water and seemingly well protected by the land. But with a calculating daring that proved him the prince of British seamen, Nelson ran his ships through the shoals and laid them alongside the French. Numerically the forces were about equal; but the English had caught their enemies anchored and nigh helpless. Nearly the whole French fleet was destroyed, and Bonaparte's expedition was crippled. "We are condemned to do something great! " declared the French general on hearing the news. He led his men into the Good Hope, but the strategic value and commercial possibilities of Egypt were .entirely recognized. Bonaparte had already conceived the idea of a Suez Canal, and carried instructions with him from France to create such a canal if possible. 1 This battle is also often called "the battle of the Nile." BONAPARTE OVERTURNS THE OLD EUROPE 427 Turkish province of Palestine, won victories, but failed to make any real conquests. Presently news reached him from France which caused him to forsake his army, and escape on one of his remaining frigates homeward. "■ 249. Napoleon First Consul (1799-1804). The Government of the Directory had not been an absolute failure; but it had been only a very moderate success. Twice the Directors had quarreled amongst themselves, and the major- ity had expelled the minority. Their regime was very unpopular, and not without blunders. In 1799, they found most of Europe again in co- alition against them, the so-called " Second Coalition " (Russia, Aus- tria, England, Turkey, Naples, Por- tugal). In the campaigns that fol- lowed, the French won severaj vic- tories, but there was no Bonaparte present to guarantee continual suc- cess. France was somewhat upon the defensive, when Bonaparte landed again from Egypt (October 9, 1799). The time was ripe for a bold stroke, and the ambitious Corsican was no man to hesitate. The Directory was hated for its inefficiency and tyranny: it was also at open variance with the Legisla- ture. Three of the Directors actually connived at the final deed which was the upshot of the intrigues into which Bonaparte had plunged after his return to Paris. On No- vember II, 1799, the "Council of Five Hundred" was broken A FRENCH DRAGOON OF THE TIME OF THE CONSULATE (After a water-color by General Lejeune) 1 The army which he thus abandoned, somewhat ingloriously, held out in Egypt until 1801, when an English force compelled it to surrender. Bonaparte, however, had taken the majority of his best generals back to France with him. 428 HISTORY OF EUROPE up by the bayonets of Bonaparte's devoted grenadiers. The "Ancients" concurred now in a proposal to appoint a new provisional government. The result was another constitution for France;^ a constitution which still kept the name and simulacrum of a " republic," while in fact it was a disguised monarchy. There was to be a carefully hampered legislature elected in a most cumbersome and indirect method by a form of popular vote; there was to be a " Senate " of eighty (nomi- nated by the " Consuls," not elected), with certain supervising powers; but practically the entire Government was vested in the First Consul,- chosen for ten years and master of all the resources of the State in peace and war. " Citizens," ran the first proclamation of the new regime, " the Revolution is finished." The finisher and the new " First Consul " was, of course. Napoleon Bonaparte. 250. The end of the Holy Roman Empire. France was weary of revolutions and new constitutions. For the moment, at least, the nation seemed content to forget radical theo- ries and to settle down under the sway of a victorious and almost fearfully intelligent dictator. The First Consul threw all his energies into ending the new war with Austria. Again he invaded Italy and won a new triumph at Marengo (iSoo). In Germany, the French general, Moreau, won a still more decisive victory at Hohenlinden."^ Once more Austria and most of her 1 The "Fourth Constitution," officially known as the "Constitution of the Year VIII." ^ The Second and Third Consuls were ornamental creatures with consultative functions only. — "Who shall preside?" asked Sieyes (the provisional second consul) at the first meeting of the three. "Do you not see the general is in the chair? " replied the third consul. That same night Sieyes remarked to his hiends, " Goitlemcn f it'c have a master." ^ Bonaparte regarded this victory won by a lieutenant most jealously. All the real glories must go to himself alone. In 1S04, Moreau was accused of sharing in a plot to overturn the Government, and was driven into exile. For a while he resided in America, but in 18 13, returned to Europe, took service with the Russians, and was killed in the battle of Dresden. BONAPARTE OVERTURNS THE OLD EUROPE 429 allies were humbled. The Peace of Luneville (1801) not merely confirmed the pact of Campo Formio, but practically destroyed the old "Holy Roman Empire." Twenty-five thousand square miles of once Germanic territory were now ceded to France with their 3,500,000 inhabitants.^ Austria also recognized the existence of the Batavian (Dutch), Helvetian (Swiss), and Ligurian and Cisalpine (North Italian) Republics, — feeble countries absolutely dominated by France. Bonaparte had, indeed, advanced far on his task of wrecking the old institu- tions of Europe. The Revolution in France might be ended: outside of France, it had hardly been begun. In 1802, England and France made the Peace of Amiens practically on the basis of the status quo? It was a truce rather than a peace : there were many points left at issue, and every- thing pointed to a new war; but for the moment it untied Bonaparte's hands, and left him free to prosecute ambitious schemes on the Continent and in the French colonies. In no country was his influence felt more than in Germany. The princes who had lost lands to France had been promised compensation nearer home. Bonaparte sustained them in one of the most famous spoliations in history. In February, 1803, after two years of negotiations in which the German diplomats vied with one another in shameful subservience to French threats and French suggestions, the famous " Enactment of the Delegates of the Empire " was proclaimed.^ Nearly all the lesser German principalities, including nearly all the prince- bishoprics and forty-two of the forty-eight "Free Cities," were abolished, their lands to be absorbed by their greater neighbors.* A few of the petty states escaped annihilation by ' This included Belgium, to which Austria had waived her claims in 17Q7. - Several French islands which the English had seized were, however, to be restored. ' This enactment is known officially by the fearful r.nd wonderful German name of "Reichsdeputationshauptschluss." ^ This process of seizure and confiscation was given the innocent name of 430 HISTORY OF EUROPE good luck or good management ; certain of the greater states — e.g., Bavaria and Baden — ■ received a disproportionate share of the spoils; but in any case the map of Germany was wholly remade. This new Germany was wholly dependent for its form and existence upon Napoleon. The Emperor Francis at Vienna, however, continued to call himself "Hol\ Roman Emperor" until 1806, when he wisely dropped the title for that of heredi- tary " Emperor of iVustria," claiming the Hapsburg dominion only.i The Empire of Charlemagne and Otto I had met a dis- honored end. 251. Napoleon, Emperor of the French. December 2, 1804, saw a great spectacle in Paris. Every event since the establish- ment of the " Consulate " had pointed the way to it. Bona- parte exchanged his dictatorship for an imperial crown. By the formahty of a popular election (3,572.329 to 2569 ran the vote as announced), the" French Republic " became an "Empire " ; with Napoleon I, Emperor of the French, its hereditary mon- arch. There were some forms of popular government retained: a legislature with highly restrained functions; and an occa- sional chance for the citizens to cast a vote; nevertheless, for all effective purposes, Napoleon, as we shall henceforth call him, was as absolute as Louis XIV. At his coronation the Pope had been a guest of honor, but Napoleon had placed the crown upon his own head, and with his own hands crowned his wife, Josephine, empress. His title to sovereignty was to rest on his own genius and the favor of his army, not on the confirmation of any hierarch. In the very city and land, where ten years earlier Jacobinism had been rampant, was now set up a magnilicent court. The brothers and sisters of the poor cadet from Corsica were to be "Mcdiatization " (i.e., placing in a dependent position). The unlucky "media- tized" princes kept their private fortunes and social status, but lost all govern- mental status and powers. ^ This change took place after the disastrous war with France in 1S05 (see section 252), which gave a final blow to the decrepit "Holy Roman Empire." BONAPARTE OVERTURNS THE OLD EUROPE 431 kings and queens of dependent nations. His marshals and gen- erals became princes and dukes. Napoleon knew how splendor and glitter could appeal to the French, and that the bulk of the population had never been really fond of the Republic. " You Frenchmen love monarchy. It is the only Government you really like," he remarked; and he took pains that for long his subjects should forget to discuss'' Liberty," amid a surfeit of the "Glory" so dear to all their race. For a number of years the " First Empire " was a tremen- dous success, and Napoleon the most popular of mortals. Only after a long time did the illusion vanish, the fearful cost of this "glory" become evident, and France begin to repent that she had committed her ways into the keeping of this ter- rible Titan. 252. Trafalgar and Austerlitz (180$). The new dynasty was soon to have its baptism of fire. The peace with England had already ended in new warfare (1803).^ Now "British gold" had fostered by 1805 ^ ^ew alliance, the " Third Coalition," against Napoleon. England, Russia, Austria, Sweden, all banded together to "restore" the "Balance of Power" in Europe, so sorely dislocated by this French colossus. Prussia kept sullenly neutral; Spain (feeble and decadent) was alhed with France; nevertheless, the odds against Napoleon seemed heavy. The subsequent campaign, however, was to demon- strate that the " Emperor of the French " was no less formid- able than the " General of the Republic." In one great quarter, however. Napoleon was to receive humiliation. Since 1803, he had dreamed of invading England. If he once could land a few corps of his veterans on British soil, he would have " perfidious Albion " upon her knees. To ^ Each side had charged the other with failing to observe the provisos of the Treaty of Amiens — and each side had been right. Between a jealous commer- cial nation like England, and a politician and warrior of the overweening ambi- tion of Napoleon, no real peace was, indeed, possible. One or the other must needs be ruined. uj a, BONAPARTE OVERTURNS THE OLD EUROPE 433 this end he had collected a great flotilla of flatboats in the Brit- ish Channel, to ferry across his army, some lucky day when King George's fleet had been decoyed out to sea or had been shattered in a great battle. That moment never came, and in 1805, Napoleon was glad to divert the "Grand Army" he had assembled for England to the war in Austria. But his French battle-fleet, under the brave but not over-competent Admiral Villeneuve, had joined the alhed Spanish squadron; and this united force of thirty-three battleships on October 21, 1805, met twenty-seven English battleships off Cape Trafalgar, on the coast of Spain. " England expects every man to do his duty ! " had been Nelson's last signal ere his flagship, the Victory, charged through the hostile Hne. Nelson perished, but not before his fleet had won a complete success. Twenty French and Spanish ships were taken or sunk. Never had British seamanship and courage been better vindicated. Her "wooden walls" made England secure henceforth against all the hosts of Napoleon. Yet, almost simultaneously with this humiliation, came two of Napoleon's greatest land successes. Never had his move- ments been more rapid or precise; his blows struck to deadlier purpose. October 17, 1805, saw the Austrian general. Mack, surrendering Ulm (in Bavaria) with 30,000 men. The French marched in triumph into Vienna. When the demoralized Austrians had been reinforced by the Russians under Czar Alexander, Napoleon won his most brilliant and decisive vic- tory. At Austerlitz (December 2), in the " Battle of the Three Emperors," the French swept the alhes from the field in rout. Austria could resist no more. The Peace of Pressburg tore from her Venetia, which went to Napoleon's new dependent " Kingdom of Italy," and nearer home she had to make large concessions to Bavaria. Russia and England were still hostile, but they were distant or across the seas. Napoleon seemed in a position of unchallenged supremacy. 434 HISTORY OF EUROPE 253. The humiliation of Prussia (1806-07). One great Power had held back from the 'Third CoaHtion" — Prussia. With her aid the allies might have tipped the scale against France. Her king, Frederick William III, was a well-inten- tioned but heavy, unimaginative man without a spark of genius. He was surrounded by very incompetent and self- willed ministers. Since 1795, Prussia had been at peace with France, and superficially had prospered. Her army was full of superannuated officers who prided themselves on memories of Frederick the Great's exploits, but who had failed to make the least progress in the art of warfare since his death. Semi- feudal conditions obtained in many parts of the kingdom. The people seemed sluggish, unmodernized, and not very patriotic. With allies Prussia might have counted heavily against Napoleon, but it was madness for her to declare war alone. So long as Austria had been in fighting condition, Napoleon had carefully soothed Frederick William with com- pliments and concessions; now he deliberately goaded the Prussians into fury by his aggressions along their frontiers and by various acts which they could consider perfidy. In an hour of blind folly, Frederick Wilham declared war with only mari- time England and distant Russia for possible helpers. It was easy to forecast Prussian defeat, but that defeat was astonishingly sudden. " His Majesty the King," a Prussian general had said, " has several generals as good as or superior to Monsieur Bonaparte." They proved their worth at Jena (October 14, 1806) when the Prussian army was utterly routed ^ by Napoleon's columns and practically the whole kingdom fell into his hands with ease; one fortress after another capitulating with disgraceful haste. The old fighting machine of Frederick the Great had been shattered to bits by the new fighting machine of Napoleon. 1 The Prussians were not merely defeated, Ijut so absolutely demoralized that their unfortunate kinu was unable to get them really together for another battle before he had been forced back nearly to the Russian frontier. 436 HISTORY OF EUROPE Czar Alexander presently came to Frederick William's help. The alKes made a last stand in the extreme east of the Prussian kingdom. But after the unsuccessful battle of Friedland (1807), the czar would do no more. He was a somewhat fickle, impres- sionable man, and Napoleon succeeded in filling him with fine notions of dividing the entire world between the " two friendly empires" of Russia and France. The result was the Peace of Tilsit (July 9, 1807). By this treaty Russia lost practically nothing, but Prussia was almost stricken from the list of great Powers. She lost all her lands west of the Elbe, and nearly all her annexations at the division of Poland; in short, her territory was reduced from 8q,ooo to 46,000 square miles. She was later pledged to pay an enormous war indemnity to the French, and not to maintain an army of more than 42,000 men. The Peace of Tilsit probably marked the culmination of Napoleon's powTr. He dominated Europe as had no ruler since the passing of the old Roman Empire. Despite the cruelty and selfishness of his policy he had accomplished, on the whole, great good. The rotten institutions of old Europe had been shaken to their bases. What now would take their place? REVIEW 1. Topics — Lodi; Treaty of Campo Formio; Battle of the Nile; Second Coalition; Constitution of the year YIII; Peace of Luneville; the "enactment of the Delegates of the Empire"; Third Coalition; Trafalgar; Austerlitz; Peace of Pressburg; Jena; Peace of Tilsit. 2. GcograpJiy — {a) Locate Corsica; Toulon; Mantua; Campo Formio; Camper- down; Malta; Aboukir Bay; Marengo; Luneville; Amiens; Trafalgar; Ulm; Austerlitz; Jena. (/)) Mark the states of Italy in 1798. 3. Make a summary giving the chief events (with dates) in the life of Napoleon; noting the stages of his ascent to power, and how each great campaign affected his fortunes. 4. Describe the work of the English navy from Cape St. Vincent to Trafalgar, showing clearly how that work affected Napoleon's career BONAPARTE OVERTURNS THE OLD EUROPE 437 5. Show briefly what events and changes had taken place during the period covered by this chapter in Italy, Austria, Prussia, the German states (aside from Austria and Prussia), and Russia. EXERCISES 1. Admiral Nelson. 2. The Peace of Amiens. 3. How far did the court of Napoleon as emperor resemble the French court before the Revolution? 4. The battle of Trafalgar. 5. The battle of Austerlitz. 6. The battle of Friedland. 7. The end of the "Holy Roman Empire of the German Nation." READINGS Sotirces. Robinson: nos. 418-35. Modern accounts. Seignobos: pp. 145-55, 170-76. Duruy: pp. 566-600. Pattison: pp. 362-81. Lodge: chapter xxiil, sections 21-30; xxiv, .sections 1-25. Lewis: pp. 557-82. Robinson and Beard: vol. i, pp. 284-323. CHAPTER XXXIV THE DOWNFALL OF NAPOLEON 254. Napoleon at the height of his power. " The new Charlemagne" seemed to round out his astoundingly ambi- tious poHcy in 1808, when, by deUberately trading upon the dissensions existing in the Spanish royal family, he induced the worthless king to abdicate, and when he himself thrust his own brother Joseph upon the venerable throne of Ferdinand and Isabella and Philip 11. From this time to 181 2 he con- tinued to ordain one annexation or protectorate after another, until " France" and her dependencies covered a large part of the map of Europe. The French Empire (proper), besides old France, now ex- tended to the Rhine, and included, on the north, Holland and the seacoast of Germany up to Denmark. In Italy it embraced a broad strip running along the west coast and including Rome.^ Around France ran a kind of fringe of dependent kingdoms, their thrones filled by satellites of their powerful creator. Thus, as seen, Spain fell to Joseph, Napoleon's brother; Westphalia (in North Germany, a new and arbitrary unit manufactured by Napoleon) to Jerome, a younger brother; Naples passed to Murat, a favorite cavalry officer. Most of northern Italy formed the Kingdom of Italy, of which Napoleon took the crown himself, but left the immediate government to his capable stepson, the viceroy, Eugene. In Germany most states not al- ready absorbed were yoked together into the "Confederation 1 The helpless Pope (Pius VII) was held a prisoner in France. Napoleon affected to patronize the Catholic Church as a religious organization, but if his regime had lasted, the Church would have been hopelessly dependent upon the secular government. THE DOWNFALL OF NAPOLEON 439 of the Rhine," with Napoleon as protector. Some of these lesser states the emperor cultivated as harmless and useful alHes against Austria or Prussia. Thus the rulers of Bavaria, Saxony, and Wiirtemberg were raised to the proud status of EUROPE IN 1810 '' kings"; and Baden to a " grand duchy." All Germany west of the Rhine was, of course, directly in French hands, and every effort was being made to make the people entirely French in habits and language. French influence was in fact everywhere. No doubt Napoleon dreamed of making the civilization of the European world French, even as it had once been Latin. 440 HISTORY OF EUROPE It would be a mistake to consider Napoleon a mere destroyer and conqueror. Amid the clash of arms he found time for a great deal of intelligent interest and legislation in behalf of French manufactures, commerce, and agriculture. Soon after gaining power he established the " University " — a grand organization of all the higher educational forces in France, putting them under the organized control of the Government. He reformed the paper currency of the Revolu- tion and placed French money on a sound basis. He recalled many royalist exiles, and gave them places of honor in his new governmental machine. His Code Napoleon was a mar- velously successful codification of French law.^ If his rule was that of a despot, he at least made it plain that abihty, and not merely aristocratic birth or privilege, could command high positions in his Government. Men served him well, for they knew that he was no respecter of persons, and that the rewards for faithful and efficient service were great. " Every soldier carries a marshal's baton in his knapsack,'' Napoleon is said to have remarked, implying that distinguished military achieve- ment was certain of promotion. Corresponding conditions were true in his civil service. In 1808, Napoleon's power seemed colossal. By a " concor- dat" with the Pope, he had even hushed up the much vexed religious question, and restored the Cathohc Church to most of its honors. He had yoked supreme ability to supreme good fortune. From this time onward, however, he was to plunge into manifold dilficulties, largely of his own making, which led to his downfall. 255. The Continental Blockade. Even when Napoleon had forced peace with the bayonet upon all the rest of the world, the war with England continued. This war, however, was one 1 This Code is still used in France to-day, and with some modifications in many parts of Germany, in Holland, Belgium, Italy, Spain, and the American State of Louisiana. NAPOLEON BONAPARTE Emperor of the French (1804-15) Born 1769 Died 1821 THE DOWNFALL OF NAPOLEON 441 in which the emperor felt his right arm tied. Since Trafalgar it was practically impossible for a French fleet to creep beyond the protecting fortress-guns of its home harbor. From the Baltic to the Adriatic, the swarms of British blockading cruis- ers sealed all the ports of Napoleon's huge realm and those of his alhes. French commerce was being strangled, while Eng- lish shipping ranged the seas. In a desperate attempt to coerce Great Britain, Napoleon now resorted to a form of embargo, almost unique in history. In 1806-07, he declared, by the "Berlin" and " Milan decrees," all his dominions and all countries under his mighty influence closed, not merely to British ships, but to British manufactures of any kind. All his unwilling allies and dependencies were forced to do likewise. British goods if smuggled in could be seized and burned ; while intercourse with England in any form became a great crime. This "Continental System" was, on the whole, a vast blunder. It could not be enforced rigorously enough to ruin England ; it did ruin many innocent merchants whose trade was destroyed; it was intensely unpopular in France; and it brought home the despotic nature of Napoleon's regime to the awakening patriots of Germany. These decrees form one of the prime causes of Napoleon's loss of popularity. ■ 256. The resistance of Spain and Austria. In 1808, in an unlucky moment Napoleon had overstepped all prudence by deposing the old dynasty and thrusting his brother Joseph upon the throne of Spain. The emperor had rightly formed a contemptuous opinion of the Spanish army ; but he forgot that Spain, though an exceedingly easy country to defeat, has proved in history to be an exceedingly difficult country to conquer. There was a wholesale uprising and arming of the proud Spaniards against the interloping" Corsican." Napoleon threw 250,000 men into the peninsula; he won repeated vic- tories over the ill-led forces of the Spanish Provisional Govern- ment; but although he could take the chief cities after cruel 442 HISTORY OF EUROPE slaughter, he could not crush the guerrilla bands, who defied his power everywhere, and kept the patriot cause alive. For the first time in his career Napoleon had to confront, not "monarchies," but enkindled "peoples." He did not know how to deal with the problem. Year after year the Spanish war continued. The Spaniards gained the help of small armies from England, commanded presently by Sir Arthur Wellesley.^ The generals to whom Napoleon left the war found their task increasingly difficult, and clamored for reinforcements. Napoleon had to divert to Spain men sorely needed elsewhere. This exhausting contest went on until his downfall. "My ulcer" was what later he pithily called this Spanish war. In 1809, he fought more victoriously with Austria, which had ventured to measure strength with him again. Even here an unpleasant surprise awaited. At Aspern, for the first time in his hfe, he was really defeated. Then his good fortune and genius reasserted itself. At Wagram he won a great victory. Again Austria must make peace, with the additional loss of 32,000 square miles of territory.- 257. The regeneration of Prussia. But it was neither Spain nor Austria that was to break the power of the great conqueror. The real avenger of the outraged nationahties was to be Prussia. No land had been dealt with so ruthlessly by Napoleon: for none did he manifest such obvious contempt. At times it seemed as if he would use his great power to blot it from the map. But Prussia, although hitherto a land mainly of hard- drinking country nobles, stupid peasants, and a few unprogres- 1 Later the Duke of Wellington. This contest in Spain is called by the English the " Peninsular War," and is notable as the scene of Wellington's early triumphs and of the experience which stood him in such good stead at Waterloo. 2 Much of these lands Austria had to give to Bavaria (Napoleon's supple ally) ; some to the Duchy of Warsaw (a partial revival of Poland); and certain districts along the Adriatic to France itself. THE DOWNFALL OF NAPOLEON 443 sive burghers, now came to be the focus of the rising German national feehng, smarting and angry as it was under French insolence and French dictation. In the hard school of adver- sity, Frederick William III learned many things: especially he appointed as ministers several men who rank as great con- structive statesmen. The salvation of Prussia was largely due to Humboldt, who reformed her system of education and founded the University of Berlin; ^ to Scharnhorst, who reor- ganized the demoralized Prussian army on the basis, not of 'V^ ,»i .4 ''J , ■) ENROLLING VOLUNTEERS IN PRUSSL^ mercenary enlistments, but of universal service, as part of the duties of all citizens,^ and above all, to Stein, who secured the aboHtion of serfdom and of the old feudal restrictions which had hampered the rise of the lower classes. It is not too much to say that the greatness of modern Germany dates from the ^ The only efficient Prussian universities had been located in the territory ceded at Tilsit. The founding now of the University of Berlin, destined to be the intellectual citadel of all the new nineteenth-century scientific and higher learning, was an event of the very first order — more important than many far- heralded battles. 2 Napoleon had forced Prussia to limit her army to 42,000 men. The difficulty was met by dismissing the new recruits as soon as they were fairly well-trained soldiers, and then enlisting another set; keeping the older men within easy call. In this way Prussia really had 150,000 men available for an emergency. 444 HISTORY OF EUROPE reforms of these men, and the new spirit of patriotism which went with them. The revival of patriotic feeling was not confined to Prussian governmental circles alone. Men of letters and learning shared in it. The great philosopher Fichte summed up the spirit in his "Addresses to the German Nation." Clearly he pointed out that it was not by mere diplomatic combinations, but by a new patriotism and passion for self-sacrihce, that the Fatherland could be saved; and he called for an intelligent devotion which should " fashion the German people to a unity throbbing through all its limbs." Such appeals went home even to the most doltish peasants. With a great impatience Prussia awaited the day for heroic effort and national deliv- erance. That day dawned late in 1812. 258. The Moscow Campaign (1812). Yet in the fateful year of 181 2 Napoleon's power seemed unshaken. The Prussian patriot movement seemed spending itself in harmless reforms in a weak vassal kingdom. The Spanish war languished. Some great disaster was needed to tell the world that the " Con- queror " was not invincible; that it was not courting instant destruction to rise against him. Napoleon himself provided the way for his own overthrow. With Czar Alexander he had made close and avowedly equal alliance, but a real equal Napoleon could never brook. Between Russia and France there arose at first friction, then coldness. ^ Lured on by an evil genius, Napoleon declared war on Russia. Over 550,000 men (only a minority Frenchmen, the rest drawn from his trembhng dependencies and allies) followed him when he invaded the czar's dominions in June, 181 2. He fought his way across the great plains toward Moscow, convinced that once the ancient and sacred capital of Russia had fallen into his 1 The chief ground of trouble was that Alexander refused to enforce the "Con- tinental System " firmly against English commerce, and thereby ruin his own Russian commerce. THE DOWNFALL OF NAPOLEON 445 hands, the czar would cry out for peace. At Borodino he fought a terribly bloody battle ^ and won the day; but his foes retired unbroken and in good order. On September 14, he entered Moscow. Then came the great disillusionment. The czar did not sue for peace. The city took fire, and became almost uninhabit- able.2 Supplies ran short for the French. Retreat was the only wise course, but Napoleon delayed, hoping vainly for a request for an armistice. No messenger from the czar came. On October 19, the " Grand Army " started back for Germany. The story of the return march is one of the tragedies of history. The terrible Russian winter, the attacks of the swarming Cossack horsemen, the total failure of all supplies, the destruc- tion of bridges, — all made the " Retreat from Moscow " a continuous horror. Napoleon reached the confines of Poland in January with barely 20,000 men behind him. Three hundred thousand able-bodied young men among the French or their allies had perished; and the rest were prisoners, stragglers, or had gone over to the enemy. 259. The great uprising against Napoleon (1813). The extremity of Napoleon was the opportunity of Prussia. A great outburst of patriotic zeal swept the hesitant King Frederick WilHam away from his alliance with the emperor. Magnificent had been the uprising of France against the Austro-Prussian invaders in the days of the Revolution; equally magnificent now was the uprising of Prussia against the Colossus of France. University professors led their students to the enlistment hall. Women sacrificed their jewels, their wedding rings, even their long hair, to raise money for the Fatherland. The winter of 181 2-13 was spent by the Prussians in a tremendous effort to ^ The French lost 32,000 and the Russians 47,000 men. ^ Just how far the Russians were responsible for setting and spreading the fire, and again how much it had to do with rendering Napoleon's position untenable, are among the debatable problems of history. 446 HISTORY OF EUROPE organize an army which could enable their small impoverished kingdom to measure swords with the oppressor. Napoleon, meantime, was in France, displaying astonishing energy in creating another army. He had saved most of his officers out of the Moscow wreck, but even before the last fear- ful campaign his old veterans, the soldiers of the Republic, who had won his first great battles, had been killed off. Only by a remorseless conscription, which swept the whole youth of France into the battahons, could he now assemble numbers sufficient to enable him to take the field. Frenchmen had long since grown weary of celebrating "victories" for which they had paid with their sons' lives. Now, after Moscow, even Na- poleon's despotism could not silence a rising demand for '' peace." He went into the 1813 campaign with France weary and sullen, with Russia triumphant, and with Prussia most terribly aroused. 260. The '^ Battle of the Nations '; Leipzig (1813). Despite the untrained recruits in his ranks, Napoleon at first was able to claim more victories in Germany, but they were not victories of a decisive kind. The Prussian patriot-armies did not break up now as had the old Prussian army at Jena. In June, 1813, he made an armistice with Russia and Prussia, each side wait- ing to see what attitude Austria would assume. Emperor Francis I had hesitated: — Austria had been defeated so often, and Francis was now Napoleon's father-in-law. ^ But the Corsican foolishly threw away his last chance of keeping Austrian friendship and so breaking up the coalition. When Metternich, the sly Hapsburg prime minister, called on him at Dresden (June 26, 1813), to oft'er Austrian "mediation" in repayment for the return of some of the Hapsburg lands previ- ously seized by France, Napoleon refused any concessions and 1 In iSio, Napoleon (who had divorced Josephine because she bore him no children) had wedded the Austrian princess, Maria Louisa. The fruit of this marriage was a son, "the King of Rome," who would have been reckoned "Napoleon 11" if he had ever reigned. THE DOWNFALL OF NAPOLEON 447 acted with intolerable arrogance. "So you want war?" he cried. "Well, you shall have it. The rendezvous shall be in Vienna." In a lit of rage he flung his hat into the corner of the room, and vowed that he cared not if his wars cost the Kves of a milUon men. The ambassador went out grimly. " The man is lost!" was Metternich's blunt reply to the French generals, who crowded around him as he came forth, and who as sane persons were hoping for peace. Austria now joined with Prussia and Russia in another great coalidon. England sent subsidies. For the first time all the great non-French Powers were in cordial alHance, and the result was inevitable. Napoleon could still prolong the fighting from August until October, and then came the blow from which he never recovered. F^rom October 16 to the i8th raged the three days' battle of Leipzig: the " Battle of the Nations," the victors justly called it. Three hundred thousand allies held Napoleon at bay with only 180,000 men behind him. The French fought magnificently, but there could be only one end. The emperor escaped back into France with only the bare remnants of an utterly defeated army. 261. The first abdication (1814). Napoleon could still have saved his throne and a considerable part of his conquests if he would have made peace promptly; but the idea of becoming merely one of several rulers of " Great Powers " was intoler- able to him; besides, in France he was really only a tremen- dously successful adventurer. Could he keep his throne if he were no longer victorious; and if the chief result of his reign should prove to have been only the slaughter of countless French youth? Despite the fact that his armies were now hopelessly depleted, that the English were victorious over his marshals in Spain, that an increasing murmur against new sacrifices was arising at home, he refused all tolerable terms of accommoda- tion, and defied embattled Europe to do its worst. Late in December, 18 13, the aUies began to penetrate into 448 HISTORY OF EUROPE France to complete the work of Leipzig. No uprising of the masses (like that of 1792-93) took place to sweep them beyond the frontiers. With the last remnants of his regular army Napoleon fought a magnificent campaign against superior numbers; repeatedly he won victories, but not decisive ones. March 31, 1814, the allied forces entered Paris, and early in April, Napoleon 'b marshals — no longer wiUing to sacrifice SURRENDER OF PARIS TO THE ALLIED MONARCHS, MARCH 31, 1814 themselves to their master's pride — informed him that the army could do no more. He must abdicate, and make terms with the allies. Very unwillingly he perforce consented. The allied monarchs hesitated considerably as to the new government to give to France: logically, however, only one thing was possible, to restore the exiled Bourbon prince, the brother of Louis XVI, as Louis XVIII, under a constitution, the "Charter," which secured to France most of the perma- nent reforms of the Revolution and a kind of elective Parlia- ment. The boundaries of France were to be those existing THE DOWNFALL OF NAPOLEON 449 before the Revolution, with certain very slight additions.^ As for Napoleon, he was to keep the title of "Emperor," and be granted the small island of Elba, off the Italian coast, as a principaUty. It did not require keen powers of prophecy to imagine that he could not rest within such narrow limits forever. 262. Waterloo (iSis) and St. Helena. On May 4, 18 14, Napo- leon reached Elba. On March i, 1815, he had landed again in southern France. The restored regime of the Bourbons had proved tactless and unpopular. The army had not the least enthusiasm for a Government which practically repudi- ated ail the glories of the past twenty years.- The instant he believed discontent had ripened. Napoleon struck. For the moment all resistance to his progress crumbled. The troops sent against him joined in the cry, " Long Live the Emperor! " Marshal Ney was sent by Louis XVIII to arrest his old mas- ter: and Ney joined the rest in the wholesale desertion. The Bourbons fled hastily to Belgium, while Napoleon reentered Paris. The emperor enacted various "popular" measures to con- cihate pubhc opinion,^ and begged the alhed monarchs of Europe to believe that he desired nothing now but the old boundaries of France and peace. It was impossible to believe him. While his uneasy genius should control the destinies of France, no former enemy could rest safe. England, Prussia, Austria, and Russia declared war and put their armies in mo- tion. The forces at Napoleon's disposal were very inferior in numbers, though the quahty of this remainder of his old armies 1 In the second treaty of peace which followed Waterloo, France lost practi- cally all these small annexations also, and was thrown back upon the old boun- daries of 1790. She was likewise compelled to pay a heavy war indemnity. 2 One of the great grievances of the soldiers was the restoring of the old "White" flag «f the Bourbons in place of the beloved "Tricolor." ^ Napoleon especially tried to convince the French that he would rule as a constitutional and limited monarch, and that he had abandoned all schemes for foreign empire and conquest. THE DOWNFALL OF NAPOLEON 451 was excellent. His only chance was to take the offensive promptly and to crush his opponents piecemeal ere they could unite their myriads. In June he flung himself into Belgium, and at Ligny defeated Blucher, the brave Prussian com- mander; and four days later (June 18, 18 15), believing Blucher had been rendered harmless, he fell upon the English Duke of Wellington, at Waterloo.^ Four hours long the armies grappled with headlong courage, and the plunging charges of the French cavalry several times almost broke down the stubborn English defense. The battle, however, seemed ending without decision, when Bliicher's Prussians began coming on the scene after a remarkable forced march. Napoleon's troops had spent them- selves. A last spectacular charge of the " Old Guard " ended in failure, and panic seized the exhausted army. They carried their leader with them in the headlong rout. On June 22, 181 5, Napoleon a second time abdicated. He surrendered himself to the English as being rather less incensed against him than the Prussians; but after the " Hundred Days" the only fate for him was exile or death. He was sent by the English to St. Helena (a lonely isle in the South Atlantic) , and there he died, after a very fretful and unresigned captivity, in 182 1. The kings of Europe breathed more easily when they heard of his end. 263. Napoleon^ s character and place in history. It is easier to cover Napoleon with immoderate praise or execration than •to form a just estimate of his work and his character. For nearly twenty years Europe was under the shadow of his per- sonahty. His restless and selfish ambition sacrificed millions of lives in wars of his own creating. He was literally a devourer of the youth of France and of the unlucky nations which he assailed. He was genuinely anxious for the prosperity of France — but only on condition that the prosperity redounded ^ Wellington had a mixed force of about 70,000 — English, Germans, Dutch; Napoleon, about 72,000. 452 HISTORY OF EUROPE to his own glory. The Supreme Egoist — that may be one estimate of his character. Yet Napoleon's career was worth nearly all that it had cost. In the surge and wreck of his campaignings the rotten institu- tions of old Europe were crippled or destroyed. What might have taken slow centuries was accomplished in two decades. National spirit was evoked; complacent dynasts were humbled; above all, feudal privilege was broken down. In Europe after Napoleon there were almost no serfs save in stagnant Russia, and the old hidebound aristocracies witnessed the vanishing of most of their power. REVIEW 1. Topics — Code Napoleon ; the '' Continental System"; the Peninsular- War; "Battle of the Nations "; Elba; the "Hundred Days"; St. Helena 2. Geography — (a) Locate Berh'n; Moscow; Leipzig; ElJja; Waterloo. {b) Mark the states of Europe at the time when Napoleon was a*, the height of his power. Indicate those which were practically con- trolled by Napoleon. 3. Describe the internal conditions of France under Napoleon. 4. Would the " regeneration of Prussia " have occurred without the humil- iations imposed by Napoleon? 5. If Napoleon had "made peace promptly" after Leipzig, is it possible that the peace would have been long-enduring? Give reasons. 6. Compare Napoleon with Cromwell. 7. Summarize the part played by England in the whole period of the struggle against Napoleon. 8. Have there been any other characters in modern times who might have become as powerful as Napoleon, if they had been equally ambitious .'' EXERCISES 1. Napoleon and the Papacy; the Concordat. 2. The economic conditions in France under Napoleon. 3. The "Continental System." 4. In what ways had Napoleon humiliated Prussia? 5. The work of Humboldt, Scharnhorst, and Stein. 6. The Russian campaign; Napoleon's conduct, in the retreat from Moscow. THE DOWNFALL OF NAPOLEON 453 7. The battle of Leipzig. 8. The Waterloo campaign. Wellington as a general. Compare with Napoleon and Marlborough. 9. The effect of Napoleon's career uDon France; upon Europe. READINGS Sources. Robinson: nos. 436-54. Modern Accounts. Seignobos: pp. 155-69, 176-92. Duruy: pp. 586-87, 590-91, 598, 601-31. Pattison: pp. 375-77, 381-90. Lodge: chapter XXIV, sections 7, 23, 26-56. Lewis: pp. 583-661. Gibbins: pp. 175-78 191-92. Robinson and Beard: vol. 1, pp. 323-43. CHAPTER XXXV THE REACTION IN EUROPE: THE DOMINATION OF METTERNICH 264. The Congress of Vienna. At Vienna, in 1814, had assembled a great congress of the chief diplomats of all Europe, to remake the map of the Continent, to decide who should profit by the undoing of Napoleon, to establish guaranties against the return of "Revolution," and to insure the continu- ance of '* legitimacy " (i.e., the continuance of the old dynasties in power). The return of Napoleon from Elba interrupted the congress; the diplomats often were at bitter odds among them- selves as to the division of the spoils. Nevertheless, in 1815, the discontented element (especially Prussia) had been brow- beaten into acquiescence. A new Europe was virtually created, under an arrangement which remained fairly intact down to 1859. The leading spirit in preparing and perpetuating this scheme was Prince Metternich, the clever and unscrupulous prime minister of Austria. To him everything savoring of " liberal- ism " or " revolution " was anathema. His influence extended far outside of his master's dominions. Czar Alexander and many other monarchs heard his advice gladly. Down to 1848, he remained in power at Vienna as the inveterate foe of all free political institutions; and so complete was his domination of the situation throughout Europe that this age following Napo- leon is often called " the Age of Metternich." Here are some of the chief arrangements promulgated at Vienna: — (i) Austria regained most of her old possessions north of the Alps; in Italy she was given Lombardy and Venetia (an THE x^EACTION IN EUROPE 455 Longitude \0^^/ EUROPE AFTER THE CONGRESS OF VIENNA, 1815 1=1 States of the ijecman Confederation. \:':'A The Kingdom of Prussia. — — Bounds of the Empire of Austria. Note.—\'n Italy, Austria lias a small strip of territory south of the Po River, on the northern border of Modena. G — Germans S — Slavs M — Magyars R — Roumanians I — Italians The distribution of races in modern Austria-Hungary. unnatural yoking of German and Slavic with Italian lands which was sure to cause disaster). (2) Out of Holland and Belgium, now united, the Kingdom of the Netherlands was formed, the ruler to be the heir of the old Princes of Orange. This new state was intended as a kind of counterpoise to France. 4S6 HISTORY OF EUROPE (3) Sweden was obliged to give up all her possessions across the Baltic ; in return her kings were given the crown of Norway, which was torn from Denmark. ^ (4) Spain was handed back to its old Bourbon kings. (5) The bulk of old Poland was given to Russia, as " the Kingdom of Poland." Subsequent years, however, were to see the destruction of even this semblance of Polish autonomy. (6) Italy (a mere " geographical expression," Metternich remarked) was treated as if there were no common Italian language, patriotism, or civilization. The King of Sardinia received back his old Piedmont lands, plus the territory of Genoa; the Grand Dukes of Tuscany, Parma, and Modena were restored; the Pope returned to the Papal States and Rome; the Bourbon dynasty was restored in Naples. Austria, of course, held a commanding position in North Italy. The various petty potentates were absolutely dependent upon Metternich and his master. (7) In the arrangements at Vienna, Germany received the harshest treatment, even though she had suffered most from Napoleon. German patriots had expected that the overthrow of the great oppressor would be followed by the establishment of a common German state with some form of free institutions. Instead, Germany was cast into a loose confederacy of thirty- nine states, varying in size from the mighty Austria and Prussia down to very petty principalities or free cities. The Confederacy was to have a " Diet," too weak for real legisla- tion, but strong enough to obstruct steps toward progress. Prussia herself felt poorly indemnified for the great part she had played against Napoleon. Most of her lost Pohsh prov- inces were not handed back, and she was given only a slice of territory from Saxony,- and some detached lands along the 1 The King of Denmark, unluckily for himself, had taken sides with Napoleon. 2 The King of Saxony had been peculiarly subservient to Napoleon, and the victorious alUes at one time considered destroying his kingdom outright. THE REACTION IN EUROPE 457 Rhine. In short, the German arrangements of the congress were discontenting ahke to the Prussian Kingi and to the German people, and were sure to result in trouble. 265. The Holy Alliance (1815). In 1815, Czar Alexander, a well-meaning, impulsive monarch of a mystical, impractical turn of mind, induced the Emperor of Austria and the King of Prussia to join him in a pact known as "The Holy Alliance." In flowery language and with many professions of Christian zeal and charity, the three sovereigns were to govern their countries "as delegates of Providence," and invited all other European Powers to unite in this league with them. Metter- nich had little confidence in such high-flown utterances, but he induced his master to join the pact as tying the czar closely to his own reactionary policy. For the next decade Metternich induced Prussia and Russia to work with Austria in stamping put the '' disease of liberalism." Anything like free institu- tions in a European country was a calamity ; ^ and since evil political ideas w'hen propagated in one country c|uickly spread across the frontiers to the next, no small state was to be allowed to liberalize its institutions (even if its sovereign desired it), but must be forced back into the old ways of despotism. The age was one of a rigid censorship of the press, of the silencing of outspoken university professors, and of the use of spies and all forms of police coercion against possible agitators, with imprisonment or exile awaiting all the bolder spirits who defied the prime minister at Vienna. In 182 1, after a congress of diplomats at Laibach, an Austrian army was authorized to march into the Kingdom of Naples, and destroy a constitu- tional government which the liberals of that sorely misgoverned country had forced upon their king. In 1823, a French army did a similar office in Spain, where also there was a strong ^ Metternich, of course, as an Austrian, tried to keep Prussia as weak as possible. ^ Of course, no attempt was made to meddle with England, and its effective- ness was confined to the Continent. 458 HISTORY OF EUROPE movement toward freer government.^ Only the opposition of England and the United States - prevented Metternich and his allies from following this up by a reconquest of the revolted colonies of Spain in America. In 1830, however, his grip on Europe was seriously shaken. 266. The Greek and the Belgian revolts. The first real set- back for Metternich came in the revolt of the Greeks against Turkish oppression (1821). Their country really lay outside of Christian Europe; their grievances were undoubted; but the Turks were their " legitimate" rulers, and no revolt against "legitimacy " was to be encouraged, no matter how great the oppression. Nevertheless, despite the frowns of the Great Powers, the Greeks struggled on. In 1827, England, France, and Russia intervened in their favor.^ In 1829, the independ- ence of Greece as a small kingdom was won. The first altera- tion had been made in the map of 181 5. In 1830 came another, a more serious change. Holland and Belgium had not enjoyed being yoked together as one kingdom. The Belgians complained that the Dutch domineered over them, and monopolized the control of the Government. In August, 1830, a revolution started in Brussels which soon ended in the establishment of an independent Kingdom of Belgium, under Leopold I.^ So the scheme for a strong buffer state north of France ended in battle-smoke. In this year, also, a few weeks before the Belgian uprising, a most serious outbreak of " liberahsm " had occurred in France, the homeland of " Revolution." 267. France under the Bourbons; (1815-30). After the 1 Louis XVIII was not an original member of the "Holy Alliance"; but he owed his throne to the "Three Monarchs" and dared not forget his obliga- tions. ^ It was at this time that the Monroe Doctrine originated. 3 The battle of Navarino (1827), off the western coast of Greece (harbor of old Pylos), won by the allied fleets over the Turkish fleet, was practically the last great naval battle between old sailing men-of-war. * Leopold had been a prince of Saxe-Coburg in Germany. THE REACTION IN EUROPE 459 second expulsion of Napoleon, Louis XVIII had returned to Paris. There was no enthusiasm for his rule, but France was exhausted and not then prepared to defy Europe a third time, simply because she preferred another form of government. Weary years of exile had taught Louis XVIII a reasonable amount of wisdom, and he man- aged to temper the furious clam- ors of the returned noble emigrants for "revenge" and a recall of the Old Regime. The great social gains of the Revolution were kept. Frenchmen continued equal be- fore the law, and there was no odious restoration of privilege and of absolute monarchy. The new -constitution (the " Charter "), however, was comparatively illib- eral. The upper house of the legislature was nominated by the king: the lower house was theo- retically chosen by "the people" — but since only heavy taxpayers were eligible to vote, the whole rumiber of electors was under exposing petty offenders in 100,000 in a nation of 30,000,000. Such a constitution was obviously only a bad imitation of a limited monarchy: and soon after Louis was succeeded by his less capable and more absolutist brother, Charles X (1824-30) , everything was ready for a new upheaval. 268. The Revolution of 1830. In 1830, discontent in France was at such a stage that, even with the very limited franchise, a Parliament was chosen highly unfriendly to the king's abso- lutist ministers. In an evil hour they dissolved the new Parlia- THE PILLORY, FRANCE, ABOUT 1830 Criminal punishments were still very barbarous. (After a drawing by Philipon) 460 HISlORY OF EUROPE ment and issued a proclamation (the "July Ordinances") suspending all liberty of the press/ and making several reac- tionary changes in the fundamental laws on the strength of the king's unsupported fiat. If Charles were to have his way, the last semblance of constitutional rule had vanished from France ^ — and with it about the last strictly political gain from the great Revolu- tion. Paris was already an- gr>. Now her wrath boiled over. A small band of P.epublicans, faithful heirs of the old Jacobins, were the leading spirits, but they found hosts of less radical helpers. It was speedily discovered how barricades of pav- ing-stones and over- turned carts could read- ily block the crooked streets of the old city; and how behind these barricades a few resolute men could defy a regi- ment. Charles ordered the regular soldiery to clear the streets (July 27). The troops were ill led and none too zealous. Their first repulse led to the spread of the revolt. By July 29, Paris was in the hands 1 The French newspapers had been allowed more liberty than in most other European countries. A BARRICADE IN PARIS, 1830 Built of paving-stones, it completely blocks the narrow street. The barricades of 1848 were often much more elaborate. {From a painting by Horace Vtrnet, in the Musce Carnavalct, Paris) THE REACTION IN EUROPE 461 of a Provisional Government, and after a vain attempt to compromise, the futile old king was obliged to abdicate and to flee the land.^ The "July Revolution" had undone a great part of the work of Metternich. France at least was lost to "legitimacy." A strong fraction of the insurgents desired a republic, but they were really in the minority. The crown was given to Louis Philippe, a royal prince, the son of a Duke of Orleans, who had supported the popular cause in the old Revolution. He professed ultra-liberal views and promised a genuinely con- stitutional government. France, however, was soon to find his professions very different from his performance. 269. The situation in Germany. In 1813, at the expense of infinite sacrifice, the Prussians had driven the French from the land, and all the rest of Germany had sympathized and applauded. Now, after the arrangements of Vienna, it was evident that Germany was little more than a "geographical expression," like unhappy Italy. The fundamental bane was the subdivision of the country and the lack of a national leader. Austria (despite the fact that the bulk of her lands were non- German) never ceased to claim leadership in German affairs, and never ceased to check every move looking to the predomi- nance of Prussia. Prussia, however, was excessively dreaded by the sovereigns of the little states, as likely to absorb them if allowed the least opportunity. They, therefore, stood closely by Austria and took their policy usually from Metternich, King Frederick William III and his ministers, on their part, were no persons capable of opposing the schemes of the prime minister at Vienna. In this state of unhappy deadlock, political progress was excessively slow, and discontent among the educated classes grew amain. The universities became not merely centers of learning, but of popular agitation; their temporary closing, 1 He died six years later in Styria. 462 HISTORY OF EUROPE the suspension or expulsion of "political" professors did not end the gathering storm. In these next years of apparent non- progress, German national feeling began to work silently toward a focus as never before. The past glories of the mediae- val Empire, when Germany really was something, were eagerly studied, and from the example of the mighty past hope was gained for the future. Nor was the age absolutely barren in advancement. In several of the smaller states (e.g., Bavaria, Wiirtemberg) the rulers were induced to give their subjects parliaments and constitutions. Again, in 1833, Prussia commenced a success- ful "German Customs Union/' ^ which wrought mightily for economic unity by abolishing obnoxious internal customs bar- riers, and which paved the way for a later political unity, as well as adding essentially to the growth of German commerce and industry. 270. The situation in Italy. The state of Italy was even worse than that of Germany. During the period of French domination, Italy had received what she had not had for ages — firm, just, intelhgent government. Now she was handed back to the old reactionary dynasts whose despotism was neither benevolent nor intelligent.- This was the age of the multipHcation of brigandage, conspiracies, secret poHtical societies.^ The ever-ready Austrian army crushed out any local movement for liberal institutions (as in Naples). Nevertheless, here as in Germany these years were not 1 Often known under its German title, the Zolherdn. It was present!}' joined by nearly all the German states, save Austria. 2 In many cases the old dynasts ' (exiled from their thrones by Napoleon) signalized their return by undoing just as much of the French legislation as possible, including much that was obviously beneficial to all concerned. The King of Sardinia ordered a botanic garden at Turin destroyed as being the work of the French invaders. In the States of the Church the Government put forth so much energy in suppressing the Free Masons that it had none left to crush the very numerous brigands. 2 The most famous of these were the Carbonari (literally, "charcoal-burners"). THE REACTION IN EUROPE 463 valueless. A common disconient and oppression were making Italians conscious of their own unity. A party known as " Young Italy " was being quietly organized throughout the peninsula by the great agitator, Mazzini. His ideal was a republic, but it also was the ideal of a united Italy freed from Austrian domination. So these silent forces continued working until 1848, when France taught the world another lesson in revolution. 271. Louis Philippe^s Rule in France (1830-48). In France the reign of Louis Philippe proved a grievous disappointment to those who expected a rule of liberalism. The new ruler claimed to be a "citizen -king," and neither lacked good qual- ities of the head nor of the heart; but it was soon evident that his coming meant personal mon- archy, albeit in a some- what changed form. The franchise was a little en- larged, so as to raise the whole number of voters to about 200,000. It was easy by the distribution of governmental favors and patronage to get this small voting body always to return a Chamber of Deputies agreeable to the king, and to enable him therefore to pose con- stantly as a "constitutional monarch." This " Orleans Mon- archy" depended really for its success upon the good will of the bourgeoisie element, — the rich manufacturing and capi- talist class, — more vulgar usually than the old noblesse, and FRENCH FAMILY GROUP, ABOUT 1830 (After a drawing by Ingres) 464 HISTORY OF EUROPE often quite as selfish and rapacious. The country was pros- perous, and the king was wise enough to keep the peace with the rest of Europe, thus avoiding reaction at home; yet all the while discontent was simmering. The Republicans (who felt themselves cheated by the 1830 Revolution) began to lift their heads, and the muzzling of the newspapers, and drastic punishments for conspiracy could not check them. From 1840 to 1848, Louis Philippe's Prime Minister was Guizot, a scholar and statesman of noble private character, but possessed of the same dubious pohtical ideas as his master.^ By assiduously botthng up the growing discontent, by culti- vating the material prosperity of France, and by leaning upon a packed and subservient Parliament, the twain were able to give to the Orleanist regime the appearance of success and stability. In 1848, however, a few incidents brought down the whole house of cards. France plunged again into revolution and involved almost all Europe. REVIEW 1. Topics — The Congress of Vienna; the "Age of Metternich"; "Legiti- macy"; Navarino; the "July Revohition"; the Zollverein; "Young Italy"; the " Orleans Monarchy." 2. Geography — Mark the boundaries of the European states as fixed by the Congress of Vienna of 1815. Compare with the boundaries before the French Revolution. 3. Describe the origin and objects of the Holy Alliance. How far did it accomplish its purpose? 4. What were the first important events which tended to break down Metternich's system. 5. Compare the provisions of the " Charter " (section 267) with similar pro- visions in the British political system during the same period (chapter xxx). 6. What were the prospects for political liberty in the countries of western Europe at the close of this period? 1 Guizot was one of the most distinguished historical writers of France. His History of France is in some ways the best popular history ever written for any nation. This fact, however, does not make him an admirable prime minister. THE REACTION IN EUROPE 465 EXERCISES 1. Talleyrand at the Congress of Vienna. 2. The "Liberal" movements in the European states, and the means taken to suppress them. 3. The Monroe Doctrine, and its effect upon the Holy Alliance. 4. The Greek War for Independence. 5. The Carbonari. 6. The "Charters "of 18 14 and 1830. Compare them with each other and with the British system then in use. 7. Industrial conditions in western Europe during the period. 8. Guizot and Thiers. g. The Polish Revolution, 1S30. READINGS Sources. Robinson: nos. 455-65. Modern accounts. Seignobos: pp. 194-207, 221-35. Duruy: pp. 630- 43. Lewis: pp. 661-76. Lodge: chapter .xxv. Gibbins: pp. 194-Q7. Robinson and Beard: vol. i, pp. 343-62; vol. 11, pp. 1-30. CHAPTER XXXVI THE REVOLUTIONS OF 1 848, AND THE SECOND EMPIRE 272. The downfall of Louis Philippe (1848). In Februar>% 1848, the Orlcanist monarchy of Louis Phihppe, with Guizot for its prime minister, seemed on a sound basis. A careful system of bribery and indirect governmental corruption made the 200,000 electors and their Chamber of Deputies subser- vient instruments of the administration. The country seemed highly prosperous and reasonably contented. A weak party was, indeed, crying for an electoral reform, but Guizot had only a deaf ear for their demands. On February 22, the leaders of this rather insignificant opposition arranged to hold a pro- cession and a public banquet to advertise their cause. ^ The police, nevertheless, forbade even this demonstration, and the agitators seemed willing to abandon it. The people, however, were not informed that the demonstration was canceled and they swarmed the streets. During the day there was some petty rioting, but no serious clashes with the authorities: then the ensuing night gave all the disaffected elements in Paris their opportunity. They had found that the authorities feared them, and that the troops and police were not zealous for repression. By morning many fomiidable barricades had risen, and various quarters were in the possession of an armed mob. The "National Guard" was summoned out to suppress the insurrection, but these militia joined in the rising yell, " Hurrah for Reform! Down with Guizot! " The king hastily agreed to dismiss Guizot, and to take more popular ministers; but after the lull of another night the mob had only gained more strength and courage. ^ These "banquets" were arranged because public meetings of the regular kind were forbidden by the authorities. THE REVOLUTIONS OF 1848 467 On the 24th, the streets of Paris again rang with the cry — almost hushed since Napoleon's Consulate — " Long live the Republic! ' By this time the troops were thoroughly out of hand, and while the king, no doubt, had still hosts of well-wishers, few could desire to die fighting for the discredited Orleans mon- archy. When Louis Philippe discovered that the National Guard was hopelessly disaffected, he made no attempt to carry on a civil war by fleeing to the departments and trying there to raise new forces. He hastily abdicated. The mob dispersed the Chamber of Deputies, where the monarchists were attempt- ing to proclaim his young grandson king. Louis Philippe fol- lowed the weary path to exile in England, while a Provisional Government held sway in Paris, and issued the decree, " The Republic is the Government of France! " 273. The Second French Republic (1848-51). The French people did not desire a repubhc. The revolution had been the work of a very few men, and even these had no well-defined program. Only the weakness and unpopularity of the Orleans regime had given them their chance. Yet France had to sub- mit to their sway for the moment or plunge into civil war, and Paris was so completely the center of the nation that there was really no other rallying-point around which the discontented elements could gather. Under these circumstances it is not surprising that the Revolution ran a strange course. A leading spirit, Louis Blanc, commanded a strong faction of the Paris laboring classes which stood not merely for a republic, but for something very akin to economic socialism. The most imme- diate attempt in this radical program was the setting-up of " national workshops," in which the unemployed or underpaid of Paris could find steady work at good wages. ^ It seemed as if the happy day of the Paris laboring classes had come, but ^ The workers were to be kept busy manufacturing articles needed by tlie Government: e.g., saddles for the cavalry; army uniforms, etc. 46S HISTORY OF EUROPE the proposition awoke the disgust of all the capitalistic and conservative element in France, and added to the ill feeling toward the Republic. Nevertheless, a National Assembly elected by manhood suffrage was duly gathered to give France a new Republican constitution. It drew up a scheme based largely on the example of America; with a single legislature of 750 members f^rK-^ ^ .s--. r^ JTf A LABOR DEMO.VSTRATION IN PARIS, 1848 The building is the Hotel de Ville. {From L'llluslration) and a president to be elected every four years by the people. Before the new Government had been inducted into ofifice, the reverberations from all Europe told how the events in France had been only the first of several revolutions. 274. The revolution in Germany. ''Europe finds herself to-day in the presence of a second 1793," exclaimed old Metter- nich at Vienna when the tale from Paris came to him. He was largely right. In Germany and Italy there were numberless liberal agitators ready to take courage and example from the THE REVOLUTIONS OF 1848 469 great deeds in Paris. In Prussia there was a king, Frederick William IV, who had already shown himself with unsteady leanings toward liberalism.^ In 1847, he had convoked at Berlin a kind of legislative assembly for all Prussia. The new body had only the power to petition the king and to vote new taxes, but it was a beginning, even though Frederick Wilham declared before it his dislike of constitutions. "I will never allow," spoke he, "a sheet of paper, like a second Providence, to make its paragraphs our rulers and substitute them for the ancient faithfulness." In 1848, however, Frederick William, like practically every other German prince, found himself almost at bay among his subjects. Metternich had fled the rioters of Vienna for Eng- land. In March, after hot street fighting, Frederick William proclaimed a constituent assembly for Prussia : in May another such body was proclaimed in Austria. There were demonstra- tions in South Germany in favor of a republic. These were repressed, but the German princes were in terror. As the only outlet from calamity, a German National Assembly, chosen by popular vote, was convoked at Frankfort-on-Main, in May, 1848. For the first time the German people at large had the privilege of casting their ballots as citizens, of helping to shape their government, and of acting together as a nation. The Frankfort Parliament met amid the highest hopes. Its end caused a corresponding disappointment. There was little pohtical experience in Germany, but there were many political doctrinaires who would yield nothing to the exclusion of their pet theories; there were many wild radicals who really fought the battles of the reactionaries. Much time was wasted in ^ Frederick William IV (1840-61) was a really talented and well-intentioned man.- He possessed a deeply religious nature and an earnest desire to accomplish the weal of his people. Unfortunately the taint of insanity was upon him. He soon displayed an extreme fickleness of policy and presently became hopelessly eccentric. In the last years of his reign he became helpless, and the Government passed under the regency of his brother. 470 HISTORY OF EUROPE petty wrangling; then matters came down to a final issue. Germany was to be organized into a federated empire; but which great unit was to supply the emperor — Prussia or Austria? The upshot finally was that the imperial crown was offered Frederick William of Prussia. The eccentric king had already displayed his disgust for the revolutionary program: he had no desire for an imperial crown offered by a merely elective assembly. Accepting the crown meant giving mortal offense to Austria: probably it implied war. He decHned the crown (1849), ^^^^ the whole movement for a German Empire came, for the nonce, to nothing. Already the old Governments had recovered their poise and grip: especially they had made sure of the loyalty of their armies. Reactionary ministers were put in power. The newly summoned parliaments were dissolved.' The movement of 1848, begun with such promise, ended in gloomy failure. Multi- tudes of earnest patriots and hberals grew sick at heart. 275. The revolution in Austria-Hungary. In the Austrian lands, at least, the revolutionists went down fighting. After it had been necessary for the Government to crush the insur- gents at Vienna by regular bombardment, the Magyars, a proud, masterful race constituting the dominant element in Hungary, had seized the opportunity for making their country almost independent of the Germanized Vienna Government. When now the Austrians tried to force the Hungarians into becoming members of a single centralized monarchy, the Magyars rose in revolt. They declared themselves independ- ent of Austria, and, led by their gallant chief Kossuth, made a magnificent resistance. Austria, unaided, might never have subdued them;, but if Hungary could win independence, why not also Poland? For the sake of her own Polish possessions, 1 In 1850 a weak and illiberal constitution was put and kept in force in Prussia. It was after the failure of the 1S4S movement that thousands of prominent and enlightened Germans, e.g., Carl Schurz, emigrated to the United States. THE REVOLUTIONS OF 1848 471 Russia came to Austria's aid. The Magyars were overwhelmed and crushed by the czar's armies. One more revolution had promised well and had failed. 276. The revolution in Italy. Another cycle of unsuccessful revolution was in Italy. The news of the flight of Metternich from Vienna had been followed by uproar in every Italian state. Every prince, including even the Pope, had been compelled to grant a constitution to his threatening subjects. Above all, Charles Albert, King of Sardinia, had come to the aid of the people of Milan and Venice, who had risen in one spasm of fury, and thrown off the hateful Austrian yoke. In Italy also for the moment all went well. Pope Pius IX (just come to the pontificate) was regarded at once as capable and open to liberal ideas; and the troubles of Austria with her more northerly subjects gave a good hope of success in arms against her. The campaign, however, soon lagged. Charles Albert had reckoned on the support of the troops of all the other Italian states, but he was sustained only very imperfectly. After some indecisive fighting, he was finally badly defeated by the Austrians at Custozza (July 25, 1848) and forced to make a truce. Milan was recaptured, and the first phase of the Italian revolution was over. But now that the King of Sardinia had retired from the national cause, the more radical Republican agitators felt under no restraint in carrying out their program. Republics were proclaimed in Florence and Venice. In Rome, after some vain attempts at half-measures and the assassination of the liberal and enlightened minister, Rossi, whom the Pope had called to power, passions ran so high that Pius felt himself unsafe in the city. He fled to the King of Naples, and the '' Roman Republic" was once more constituted in the city of the Popes and Caesars. In 1849 came the end to this second daring and ill-consid- ered movement. Charles Albert, yielding to general clamors, 472 HISTORY OF EUROPE renewed the war, but his weak kingdom had no chance against the rehabilitated mihtary power of Austria. March 23 saw his utter defeat at Novara. Crushed by this failure of a great hope to become leader of a free and federated Italy, the king abdicated in favor of his son, Victor Emmanuel, who made what peace he could with Austria. The ephemeral Itahan repubhcs now rapidly collapsed. Blockade and starvation forced Venice to surrender after a brave defense. Florence succumbed speedily. The new Presi- dent of France, Louis Napoleon, ^ wishing to conciUate the CathoHc party at home, sent a French army to Rome that presently overcame the gallant but hopeless resistance of the Republican leader, Garibaldi (1849). Italy seemed again under her old fetters. Her conquerors aboHshed -all liberal concessions; and stringent policing, cen- sorship, spying, and arbitrary imprisonment were the order of the day. Only at one point was there a real gain. The con- stitution granted to the Kingdom of Sardinia was not abol- ished, and that constitution was one day to be the constitution for all Italy.2 277. The Assembly in Paris (1848). While these unsuccess- ful revolutions were running their courses in Germany, Austria, and Italy, the parent revolution in France was also drifting upon quicksands. The nation had accepted the Republic as the alternative to anarchy, but there was no great enthusi- asm for it. The conservative property-holding classes of the departments'' conceived a strong prejudice against the new ^ See section 278. ^ It is said that King Victor Emmanuel was given to understand by Austria that he would be granted much better terms of peace if he abolished this con- stitution, but he would not break faith with his people, and most nobly re- fused. ^ The modern Frenchman of the smaller cities and villages is a very different person from the often excitable, volatile Parisian. The tjqaical Frenchman of the departments is solid, deliberate, thrifty, and extremely conservative in his political changes as in many things else. Unfortunately for the stability of THE REVOLUTIONS OF 1848 473 scheme of national workshops, and against the clamors of the Paris laboring classes for a regime of what seemed extreme radicalism. The National Assembly, while engaged in mak- ing the constitution, presently voted the " national workshops " closed. In blind wrath the radical labor element in Paris rushed to arms. "Bread or lead!" rang the cry. The art of building barricades had been too well learned in previous insur- rections. Once more they rose in the Paris streets, transform- ing the industrial quarters into veritable fortresses. The Assembly intrusted the situation to General Cavaignac, who with the regular troops and the loyal part of the militia crushed the rebels with a heavy hand. The streets of Paris were raked with artillery. The insurgents were ill led and unor- ganized, but resisted hke wild beasts at bay. The Govern- ment, of course, triumphed presently and the prisoners were ruthlessly shot, imprisoned, or transported. For the moment the Socialists were crushed; but the after effect of these direful "June Days" was long and disastrous. The new Republic seemed utterly discredited with the well-to-do classes, if the first thing it could produce was only a reign of anarchy; on the other hand, among the Paris workingmen, for the moment cowed and helpless, there was enkindled a hatred for the capi- talist classes which exists even unto this day. 278. Louis Napoleon, President of France (1848-51). Amid such ill omens the new constitution was put into effect, and the French nation was called upon to vote for " President of the Republic." The Republican politicians who posed as candi- dates were hated or distrusted hy most of the voters. When the ballots were counted it was found that Louis Napoleon was the choice of 5,400,000 Frenchmen. His nearest rival had only France, it has been very easy for the Parisians to gain control of the Govern- ment. No other country is so centraHzed politically as France, or so utterly dependent upon its capital. This concentration of all the governmental machin- ery is largely the work of Napoleon I, and forms one of the most important and lasting legacies which he left to France. 474 HISTORY OF EUROPE 1,400,000. A new and remarkable figure was about to write his name into European history. Louis Napoleon was a nephew of the great Corsican. He was only six years old when his uncle had been hurled from power. He had spent most of his days in a weary exile, now in Germany, now Switzerland, now England. A small band of adherents treated him as the successor to his mighty uncle's rights to the throne of France, ^ but the world at large had not taken him very seriously. Twice he had attempted a kind of fihbustering expedition into France. Twice he had failed ignominiously, and the second time he was seized and impris- oned. In 1846, he escaped from custody to England. After the events of 1848, he presented himself in Paris, declared himself enthusiastic for the new Republic, and anxious only to serve his country. Men still regarded him as impractical, insignificant, and in no wise dangerous. But Louis Napoleon, if not a statesman, was one of the most adept politicians in history. He represented himself as believ- ing that France needed a great tribune of the people, a kind of autocrat whose power came because he was the efficient, concrete means of executing the popular will." The word "democracy" was very freciuently on his lips. Most skillfully he traded upon the potent name, ''Napoleon." The miseries caused by the great conqueror had now been largely forgotten. The peasantry remembered him only as the demigod who had shed glory upon France. The average country voter could not in the least understand what had happened at Paris. He only knew that the other candidates meant nothing to him. " The former royalists flocked to Louis Napoleon. The peas- ants had had no political education. They understood but one • Napoleon's own unfortunate son, "the King of Rome," had died in 1832 at the court of his grandfather, the Austrian Emperor. 2 In 1839, he had pubHshed a book setting forth these views ("Napoleonic Ideas"), in which he represented his uncle as the champion of this kind of a popular monarchy. THE REVOLUTIONS OF 1848 475 name, that of the Emperor Napoleon. They voted for that name." As a result Louis Napoleon was swept into the presi- dency. 279. The Coup diktat (1851). It required about three years for Louis Napoleon to transform the new Republic into a monarchy. The control cf the army and of a great centrahzed corps of administrative officials lodged tremendous powers in the hands of the new president. He used them without scruple. By packing the pubhc offices, by steadily cultivating the good will of the army, he was soon intrenched in power. The next step was to quarrel with the legislature, with which he was supposed to work, and he easily maneuvered the case so that he could pose as the champion of the liberties of the entire people, especially of the lowest classes. When all was ready the president struck. On December 2, 1851,^ he dis- .solved the legislature by armed force and ordered a new elec- tion. Political leaders who might have made trouble were promptly arrested. A portion of the Assembly tried to meet in defiance of the president and decree his suspension. Before it could act, the troops dispersed the deputies. In Paris and the departments were a few spasmodic risings against the president, merely great enough to justify him in claiming to be the cham- pion of order against anarchy. All the Republican leaders were imprisoned or banished. The constitution was promptly altered to give the president a term of ten years and almost dictatorial powers. The French voters were then summoned to vote their approval of the new regime. The official report was that 7,481,000 voted ''Yes"; 647,000, "No." It was really impossible to vote "No " seriously. The repudiation of Louis Napoleon would have set up a reign of mere anarchy.- 1 The day was artfully selected as the anniversary of the battle of Austerlitz, the most glorious of Napoleon's victories. ^ No alternative proposition was before the French voters. To have repudi- ated Louis Napoleon would simply have cut the country adrift. In fairness it 476 HISTORY OF EUROPE Within a year (1852) this sham repubUc was called by its proper name. The president was duly voted "Emperor of the French" as Napoleon III, and the one-time exile and filibusterer took possession of the throne of the great Corsican. 280. The Second Empire: Napoleon III (1852-70). Louis Napoleon has been described as the "Great Adventurer"; again he has been branded as "the Little," or "the Pinch- beck, Napoleon." These de- rogatory titles are in the main deserved. He was not without considerable kindness of heart, and he was open to warm and generous impulses, but he was first and last an opportunist and a self-seeker, rather than a statesman and a patriot. He took extreme advantage of the willingness of Frenchmen to submit themselves to one whom they believed to be a great man. To this end he traded on the glories of his victorious uncle, and strove desperately to convince the nation that it \vas entering again upon a long period of leadership among the nations. He was really in an anomalous position. He neither stood for an ideal of personal liberty, as did the Republicans; nor could he champion the system of a great past, as did the Monarchists. ^ Any disaster, should be said that the majority of Frenchmen desired peace and law and order rather than the outward forms of political liberty, and they voted for Louis Napoleon as being Hkely to give them a "safe and sane" government. 1 The Monarchists were, of course, now split between the Orleanists and the Legitimists (supporters of Charles X's heirs). The Republicans naturally made a AN IMPERIAL MOUNTED LANCER: TIME OF NAPOLEON III {From a model in the Musee de FArmee Paris) THE REVOLUTIONS OF 1848 477 any notable wane of popularity, would undo him. There was no spirit of loyalty among his subjects to fall back upon in any hour of peril. Under these circumstances the "Second Empire" seems one long experiment: the Government trying desperately by one turn after another to win abiding favor with the nation. " The Empire is peace," Napoleon III had announced shortly before taking the throne, in order to allay fears that he would imitate Napoleon I by plunging into incessant wars. Peace was secured at home by a strict censorship of the press, and by a Chamber of Deputies which could vote only on measures proposed b}'' the Government. ^ Police spies were everywhere. An officious Minister of Education even commanded all pro- fessors "to shave their mustaches that they might drop from their appearance, as well as from their manners, the last ves- tiges of anarchy." - Thanks to drastic supervision like this, the nation was for a while quiet and apparently contented; espe- cially as the rule of Napoleon III was accompanied with internal commercial prosperity and seemingly also with outward suc- cess. Despite his promise of a peace policy, in 1854-56 he joined with England in the victorious Crimean War against Russia.^ In 1859 again, he was tolerably successful against Austria in Italy. ^ After i860, however, the popularity of the " Second Empire ' rapidly waned. Napoleon had, indeed, contrived to foster French commerce and industry. He caused Baron Haussmann to direct a great rebuilding of Paris which made it the most third French faction. This division among his ill-wishers of course made it much easier for Napoleon III to iceep his throne. 1 Even with this weak Chamber of Deputies, Napoleon III took pains to insure subservient members by proclaiming an "official candidate" for each seat. Persons so recommended were almost sure of election as against candidates running all alone and presumably in opposition to the emperor. ^ The wearing of a beard and, to a less extent, a mustache, was regarded at the time as a sign of favoring "Republican" principles! * See chapter xl, section 315. ^ See chapter xxxvii, section 283. 478 HISTORY OF EUROPE beautiful city in the world. ^ He also instituted a magnificent court, where his empress, Eugenie (a Spanish noblewoman), reigned as the arbitress of elegant fashion. Nevertheless, the foundations of his power were always rotten. He had been compelled to surround himself with ministers of like spirit to himself, self-seeking politicians, clever, corrupt, unmoral. Paris was never more " gay," artistic, glittering, more charged with the spirit of " delightful wickedness," than in the last years of the Second Empire; but it was a prosperity that rested on flimsy bases. In 1862, Napoleon embarked on a vain and disastrous attempt to set up an " empire," dependent on France, in Mexico. The affair failed and cost him money and prestige. Across the border, the events of 1866 suddenly pro- claimed Prussia a mighty rival to France as the first nation of Europe.- To bolster up his tottering throne, Napoleon made political concessions to his subjects. In 1869, his regime really became that of a liberal and constitutional monarchy with a " responsible " ministry. The new experiment, however, was never fairly tried. In 1870, the ''Great Adventure" ended amid the cannon smoke of disastrous war. REVIEW 1. Topics — Louis Blanc; "National Workshops"; Frederick William IV; Kossuth; Charies Albert; Pius IX; Garibaldi; the "lune Days"; the Coup d'Etat; the "Great Adventurer." 2. Geography — Mark the lands of the Austrian Empire, showing the different races. 3. Compare the Revolution of 1S48 in France with that of 1S30, as to causes, the nature of each, and the results. How far did each seem to reflect the wishes of the whole nation? 4. How far was the French Revolution (1780) responsible for the revolu- tions of 1848? How^ far was Metternich responsible? 1 It was at this time that the magnificent boulevards were laid out, so distinc- tive of modern Paris. A main reason for making these fine streets, however, was to make it easy to clear the city with cannon, and to put a stop to barri- cade fighting. 2 See chapter xxxviii, section 291. THE REVOLUTIONS OF 1848 479 5. Why did the revolutions (except in France) fail? 6. The career and character of Louis Napoleon. What conditions made it possible for him to become emperor? EXERCISES 1. Sociahsm in the revolutions of 1848. 2. The different races in the Austrian Empire and their influence upon the Revolutions of 1848. 3. Industrial conditions in France under Napoleon III. The Suez Canal. 4. The French in Mexico. 5. The liberal concessions made by Napoleon, 1860-70. READINGS Sources. Robinson: nos. 466-79. Modern accounts. Seignobos: pp. 204-07, 235-60. Duruy: pp. 643-57. Lewis: pp. 676-79. Lodge: chapter xxvi, sections 1-20, 24-27. Pattison: pp. 391-403,419-30. Robinson and Beard: vol. 11, pp. 53-86. CHAPTER XXXVII HOW CAVOUR MADE ITALY 281. Italy after 1848. The Italian revolution of 1848 had failed. Patriots had not to look far for the reasons why their country was divided among seven principalities or provinces ^ and did not form a united, prosperous nation. (a) Even if Italy were united, she was no match probably for the overwhelming military power of Austria. (b) The Italian nationalists were themselves divided between the radical Repubhcans and those merely desirous of a consti- tutional monarchy. (c) Pope Pius IX, who had begun his pontificate as a liberal ruler, had been panic-stricken by the events of 1848, and had swung the immense influence of the Church against the cause of revolution. Outside of the limited territory of the King of Sardinia, general reaction now prevailed for several years. Liberty of the press had ended almost as suddenly as it had been granted. Austrian garrisons held down various districts considered especially full of disaffection. Most of the national leaders were in exile. When Pius IX returned to Rome, he granted an amnesty to the rebels against his power, but there were 283 exceptions! The rule of King Ferdinand of Naples was notori- ously severe. " King Bomba " his groaning people called him. His prisons and galleys were filled with political offenders; and even the Powers opposed to the Italian patriots deplored his absurd tyranny as sure to lead to bloody rebellion. Some of 1 It is well to recall that at this time the Italian states were: (i) The Papal States; (2) the Austrian provinces (Lombardy and Venetia); (3) the King- dom of Sardinia; (4) the Kingdom of Naples; (5, 6, 7) the Grand Duchies of Modena, Tuscany, and Parma-. HOW CAVOUR MADE ITALY 481 the other states were hardly better. In 1854, the Duke of Parma was murdered in the pubhc street after a reign marked by reckless despotism. The Dukes of Tuscany and Modena, though somewhat more reasonable, were princes of the Aus- 10" LoDgitudc Fast i2° from Greenvvioh 14 ITALY SINCE 1S48 trian line and took their orders from Vienna. Seldom had there been a more miserable time in the beautiful yet often oppressed peninsula of Italy than in these early fifties. 282. Cavoufs policy in Sardinia (1849-58). In only one quarter was there a promise of better things. In Sardi- 482 HISTORY OF EUROPE nia^ reigned Victor Emmanuel (1849-78), a man oi singu- lar loyalty, integrity, and open-mindedness. He came of the " House of Savoy," an old dynasty that had produced no world conquerors, but many highly capable princes. A great genius the king was not, but he loved his country, he kept faith with his people, and he had an unselfish ambition to serve them. Italians do right in coimting him the real hero of modern Italy. And yet Victor Emmanuel's service to Italy is largely summed up in this : he recognized and kept in power a master statesman and minister, the Count of Cavour. Cavour was a Piedmontese nobleman who had been forced to leave the army in 183 1 on account of liberal opinions. He became interested in scientific agriculture, and devoted himself to the study of advanced farming. To this end he made many visits to England and became familiar with the English con- stitutional system. After the disastrous year of 1848, he was called to the Sardinian ministry. In 1852, he became Prime Minister. Erom that time onward he strove with the power of an ardent and honorable genius to drive Austria from Italy, and to unite Italy under the rule of Victor Emmanuel. If Sardinia was to spread herself over Italy, Cavour held that she must prove her right to worthy leadership. To estab- lish this, he carried through the Sardinian Parliament many laws greatly improving agriculture, commerce, and finance. The number of unoccupied monks and of convents seemed to him excessive. He did not hesitate to defy the censures of the Vatican by greatly reducing the number of these ecclesiastics, and to place a tax on the Church lands. The Pope threatened Victor Emmanuel personally with the wrath of Heaven for this, but the king refused to disavow his minister. 1 Although the official name for this kingdom was "Sardinia," the bulk of its population lay on the mainland in the territory of Piedmont. The whole realm had only 5,000,000 inhabitants, but in the Piedmontese part of them were num- bered some of the steadiest, thriftiest, most capable folk in all Italy: very unlike the turbulent and unstable Neapolitan peasantry. HOW CAVOUR MADE ITALY 483 In 1854, Cavour sent a small Sardinian army to aid the French and EngUsh in the Crimean War. ^ He had little direct interest in this struggle ; but his act enabled him to participate in the Congress of Powers which met at Paris (1856) to wind up the contest. At the conference he was able to speak plain words as to the misrule of Austria in Italy, and to lay his case before all Europe. All this time he had been spinning the webs of private intrigue very successfully. Above all, he had convinced the Italian Republicans that there was no hope for their entire program, but much hope for a liberal monarchy over united Italy if they cast in their lot with Victor Emmanuel. " Make Italy, ^' wrote Manin, a Republican chief, to the king, " and I and all other Repubhcan patriots are for you and with you." But Cavour needed something besides the help of the Repub- lican faction: most skillfully he was striving to enHst the alli- ance of Napoleon III. 283. The intervention of Napoleon III (1859). Louis Na- poleon had belonged in his youth and in his days of exile to a secret society (the " Carbonari ") pledged to Italian inde- pendence. After he became emperor and tried to pose as the arbiter of Europe, the chance to make an alliance with Sardinia and to hurl Austria (the old rival of France) from Italy ap- peared tempting. Had not Napoleon I won his first real glories in Italy? The Pope had now, however, tied himself up completely with Austria, and Napoleon III hesitated to alien- ate the very powerful pro-Papal party in France. To concihate that party he had sent French troops in 1849 to overthrow the short-lived " Roman RepubKc." Cavour now devoted all his matchless energies as a manipulator of men to convincing Napoleon that it was both safe and advantageous to intervene in Italy: and a strange incident aided the Sardinian minister. In 1858, an Italian patriot enthusiast, Orsini, threw a bomb ^ See chapter xl, section 315. 484 HISTORY OF EUROPE at Napoleon III while on his way to the Paris Opera. Orsini was seized and presently, of course, tried and executed. Before his execution he sent Napoleon an appeal proving himself to be no ordinary conspirator. He had attempted to murder Napoleon because he believed him the chief obstacle to Italian freedom. He reminded the emperor that " Italy's sons had shed their blood for his uncle "; and he said again, " Free my country, and the blessings of 25,000,000 citizens will follow you into the next world." Napoleon III, selfish and unscrupu- lous schemer that he was, did not lack a nobler and an emo- tional side. He was touched by Orsini's appeal: perhaps, too, he feared that Orsini would find imitators. In 1858, he had an interview with Cavour. A private treaty was soon made: Sardinia was to be given Austrian Italy after it had been won by French armies. In return Victor Emmanuel would cede Nice and Savoy to France. ^ It still required some nice manipulation by Cavour to bring about the war, so that it should not seem as if Austria was attacked out of sheer wantonness. The Austrians themselves foolishly gave the justification. They launched an ultimatum requiring Sardinia to disarm her forces. The answer was a defi- ance from both Sardinia and France. " I am leaving the last sitting of the Piedmontese [Sardinian] Parliament," said Cavour gleefully, the night war was voted. He was right. The next Parliament would represent all Italy. 284. The making of the Italian Kingdom. In this war of 1859 neither France nor Austria had great generals nor well- organized armies. The Sardinians were brave and tolerably well handled; probably it was their courageous fighting that turned the scale; but the campaign was conducted very unsci- entifically on both sides. On June 4, the allies won the battle 1 These' were small districts ivcsl of the Alps, belonging to Victor Emmanuel, but really more French than Italian in language and civilization. It was a heavy sorrow for the king to give them up, however. CAVOUR Italian statesman Born 1810 Died 1861 HOW CAVOUR MADE ITALY 485 of Magenta, which gave them the control of Lombardy and possession of Milan. The Austrians drew back and stood at bay to cover Venetia. At Solferino was a second great battle. There was bad generalship on both sides/ but the French somehow blundered into a second victory. All the world expected Napoleon to force his way now to Venice. To the amazement of everybody and to the especial distress of Cavour, he held instead a personal interview with Emperor Francis Joseph (at Villafranca) and announced a preliminary peace. Probably his nerves had been shaken by the slaughter at Solferino. Austria had still great fighting power, and very likely also Napoleon had begun at length to realize that a strong native power in Italy would be an unwelcome rival to France. By the arrangement of Villafranca, Sardinia was to be given Lombardy, but Venetia was to remain in Austrian bondage. Napoleon had pledged an "Italy free to the Adriatic." Here was the fulfillment of his vow ! But the campaign was not destined to end simply with the gaining of Milan. In Modena, Parma, Tuscany, and the Romagna,^ the moment the Austrian power had weakened, Provisional Governments sprang up, and sent their grand dukes or cardinal legates flying. By overwhelming majorities, on popular vote, these countries declared that they wished to be annexed to Sardinia. In the Romagna a constitutional con- vention declared that it did not desire the continuance of the temporal government of the Pope, and that it did desire to pass under Victor Emmanuel. Napoleon III was sorely per- plexed at this tempest he had raised. An " Italy," far greater than he had anticipated, was rising before his eyes. His fail- ure to win Venetia for the Italians, as pledged, made it hard ' For example, when the Austrian Emperor ordered the reserves to come up, he was informed that they had been started in full retreat two hours before. * The northern part of the Papal States, lying mainly toward the Adriatic. 486 HISTORY OF EUROPE for him to complain to them now. He vainly advised Pope Pius IX to accept the loss of Romagna. The Pope steadily refused, and Napoleon was presently bribed into allowing the revolution to run its course, by being given Nice and Savoy. ^ Victor Emmanuel's kingdom had thus been more than doubled, but it was speedily destined to grow still more. 285. The conquest of Naples. In the south of Italy and in Sicily the Neapolitan kings of the House of Bourbon had made the land groan under their tyranny. Victor Emmanuel had offered King Ferdinand an alliance, and begged him to grant his subjects a constitution. Both suggestions were haughtily rejected. Cavour and his master were now in a position to strike effectively. The famous patriot, Garibaldi, a past-master in filibustering and irregular warfare, was allowed to collect one thousand volunteers (the memorable "Marsala Thousand") in Victor Emmanuel's dominions, and embark them at Genoa for a dash to Sicily. Cavour sent a note to the Great Powers, after Garibaldi had sailed, "regretting " this attack upon a friendly kingdom; but privately the Sardinian naval and harbor authorities had been given a broad hint not to discover this breach of neutrahty.^ Garibaldi landed at Marsala, near Palermo (May, i860), the old capital city of Sicily. The population rose against the Neapolitan king's generals. There was desperate lighting, but the volunteers in the red " Garibaldi shirts " carried all be- fore them. In a few weeks Sicily was free. The liberating chief declared himself temporary dictator acting for " Victor Emmanuel, King of Italy." 1 To which he had lost his former claim by his failure to win Venetia. His acceptance of these lands after breaking his own pact destroyed his rights to Italian gratitude. •' Victor Emmanuel's admiral received a note from Cavour: "Try to place yourself between Garibaldi and the Neapolitan cruisers. I hope you und:^rstand me." "My lord," was the answer, "I believe I do understand you." HOW CAVOUR MADE ITALY 487 The next move was toward the mainland. In vain King Francis 11^ tried to quiet his subjects by proclaiming a "con- stitution." The Neapohtans had had enough of such sham reforms. Garibaldi's march from Reggio northward to Naples was almost a triumphal procession, the people everywhere wel- coming the "Liberator." Francis II fled Naples and took refuge in the strong seaside fortress of Gaeta. There he stood at bay, and for the moment matters looked perilous, for Garibaldi was threatening to seize Rome (which Napoleon would never have allowed), and the Papalists and. the Austrians were enraged beyond measure. Cavour struck boldly by send- ing Victor Emmanuel's own troops into Naples, and the king in person took over the command of the war against Francis II. The unfortunate Bourbon held out until 1861, and then Gaeta capitulated: all the rest of the Kingdom of Naples had long since been annexed. Another great stroke had been accom- plished for Italian unity. Napoleon III had viewed this seizure of Naples with the greatest alarm, but he could find no tolerable pretext for intervention. 2 A large party in southern Italy and Sicily still desired a republic, but they yielded to the logic that demanded a safe union under the House of Savoy. In 1861, a Parhament for nearly the whole peninsula met at Turin, and proclaimed Victor Emmanuel, "King of Italy, by the Grace of God and the Act of the People." Cavour, the prime mover in all this great achievement, was not destined to contemplate his handiwork for long. His health succumbed to the intense strain. He died in June, 1861. " Italy is made — all is safe!" were his dying words, and he was right. Few statesmen have been more adroit, patriotic or successful than he. His motives had been pure, and usually ^ Who had very recently succeeded his evil father, Ferdinand II. ^ Cavour had assured him, "We are forced to take action [in the interests of law and order in Naples]," and Napoleon is said to have washed hjs hands of the whole affair. 488 HISTORY OF EUROPE his methods. 1 Venetia and Rome were still to be annexed, but in the main a united Italy had been won. In 1858, Victor Emmanuel had reigned over 5,000,000 " Sardinians." In 1861, he reigned over 22,000,000 "Italians." 286. The winning of Venetia (1866). Venetia fell to Italy in 1866, when Prussia and Austria engaged in war,^ and the former needed an ally. The Italian troops were poorly led and lost a great battle at Custozza, but the mere fact of their attack prevented the Austrians from using their full forces against Prussia. After the Austrian defeat in Germany, the treaty of peace gave Venetia to Victor Emmanuel. Only one great unit was lacking now to a United Italy — Rome. 287. The winning of Rome (1870). Rome, by all tradition, was the only proper capital of Italy: but Rome was the seat of the Papacy, and Pius IX's Government earnestly protested that it was impossible for it to consider giving up the city which the Popes had ruled so long, and equally impossible for the Pope to consider himself free in his spiritual functions if he was not also the temporal ruler of his own city. All attempts at compromise and conciliation failed. In 1862 and 1867, Gari- baldi attempted with filibustering expeditions to end the "Temporal Power." As a result. Napoleon III placed a French garrison in Rome. In 1870, however, the French troops were withdrawn to meet the invading Prussians at home, and Victor Emmanuel's ministers could act again. Pius IX announced that he could yield only to force, but his weak army was ciuickly overcome by the Italian generals and the royal troops marched into "the breach in the Porta Pia." The Pope shut himself in the Vatican, declaring himself so hemmed in and insulted that he was "a constructive pris- 1 Cavour stands in honorable contrast in many respects to his great compeer, Bismarck. He did not wrest his word, "Fight the Devil with fire," or indulge in drastic and unconstitutional methods to achieve his end. Few public men have ever accomplished so much as he, and left cleaner political characters. 2 See chapter xxxviii, section 291. HOW CAVOUR MADE ITALY 489 oner." ^ By a vote of 130,000 to 1500 the people of Rome declared for annexation to Italy, and the royal capital was promptly moved to the Tiber. The last stone had been placed, and the national edifice was complete. Italy was now a united, constitutional nation, able to rank among the Great Powers of Europe; and Victor Emmanuel goes down among the great kings of history. REVIEW 1. Topics — King Victor Emmanuel; Orsini; the Peace of Villafranca; Garibaldi. 2. Geography — (o) Locate Savoy; Magenta; Solferino; Venice; the Romagna; Genoa; Palermo; Naples; Gaeta. {h) Mark the states of Italy in 1849. 3. Compare the conditions in Sardinia with those in the rest of Italy. 4. What was Cavour's aim? Make a summary of the steps by which his aim was accomplished. 5. What part did Napoleon III play in the making of Italy? What were his motives? 6. What was the attitude of Pius IX toward Cavour and his work? 7. How did Prussia contribute to the making of Italy? EXERCISES 1. Mazzini and "Young Italy." 2. The Risorgimento movement. 3. The character of Cavour; his internal policy. 4. Garibaldi; his relations with Cavour. 5. The Sardinian Constitution (1848). 6. Victor Emmanuel II. 7. The struggle for freedom in Italy as reflected in the poems of Mrs. Browning. 1 After the conquest the Italian Government declared the Pope an independ- ent sovereign who ruled his palace of the Vatican with absolute right and who had all the privileges of a king; a considerable annual income also was granted him. Plus IX and his successors have firmly refused to accept this settlement, have considered themselves as "morally prisoners," and have denounced the House of Savoy and its ministers. No Pope since 1870 has left the grounds of the Vatican palace to traverse the streets of Rome — the city in which they claim they can appear as nothing less than sovereign rulers. 490 HISTORY OF EUROPE READINGS Sources. Robinson: nos. 479-84. Mode}')! accoiDils. Seignobos: pp. 260-81. Pattison: pp. 391-418. Lodge: chapter xxvii, pp. 1-6, 11, 17. Robinson and Beard: vol. il, pp. 90-109. CHAPTER XXXVIII HOW BISMARCK MADE GERMANY 288. After the 1848 Revolution in Germany. The 1848 revo- lution and its failure caused the most intense disappointment to all German hberals. Practically nothing seemed accom- plished. The Fatherland seemed as divided and despot-ridden as before. It was perfectly evident (i) that the German people needed a long, painful pohtical education before they could exercise such rights of self-government as did the English; (2) that until either Prussia or Austria was eliminated from the politics of the weak, worthless German Federation/ real progress was out of the question. The nation obviously needed a single leader, and yet neither the king at Berlin nor the emperor at Vienna could accept the law from the other. To eliminate Prussia from the complete German question was impossible, for the great bulk of King Frederick William's subjects were ardent and genuine Teutons, despite a consider- able Pohsh element in the eastern provinces. Impartial critics would have urged the elimination of Austria. Barely one quarter of Francis Joseph's people spoke the German tongue. What part had the swarming Croats, Magyars, Poles, and Czechs in the life of the Fatherland? Unfortunately, however, the Austrian Government was very loath to remove itself from Germany, where it could dominate the situation (hardly less than in Italy) by trading on the fears of the lesser princes against the overwhelming power of Prussia. ^ The Kings of * See chapter xxxv, section 264. ^ The history of Austria is in one sense that of a power which started as al- most purely German, and then, little by little, has been pushed out of sym- pathy with and influence in Germany; while at the same time it has gained new dominions toward the east (e.g., Hungary, Croatia, part of Poland, etc.). Yet the 492 HISTORY OF EUROPE Bavaria, Wiirtemberg, Saxony, and Hanover and nearly all the grand dukes and princes, from Baden down to the least, looked to Vienna for leadership rather than to Berlin. If Germany was to become a genuine nation, only one solution to the situation was really possible. Prussia must expel Austria from Germany with the armed hand. Peaceful means would surely never remove her. Frederick William IV, however, was a very unfit leader for such a movement. He was hopelessly eccentric and shifty, and had lost the confidence of his people. In 1850, he had pro- claimed a constitution for Prussia, but the Parliament as established had a House of Lords {Herrcnhaus) made up only of great nobles or of appointees of the king; the House of Deputies was chosen on such a narrow franchise that it could hardly claim to represent the people.^ Such grudging arrange- ments, of course, angered a great part of his subjects; in addi- tion he showed himself vacillating and timid in dealing with Austria. In 1850, a dispute had arisen between Prussia and Austria over a new scheme for a very limited German Confederation.^ The dispute quickly drifted, it seemed, toward war. Both sides mobilized their armies. There was even a skirmish. Then Frederick William seems to have lost his nerve, and announced that he would abandon his claims. The Conference at Olmutz ended in the surrender of Prussia to Austria on every substan- tial point at issue. It seemed as if the king wished to make a public confession of the fact that he dared not cross swords with Austria. 289. The coming of Bismarck (1862). Prussia had been Austrian Government has been verj' unwilling to withdraw itself from its old German connection and become frankly an East-European Power. 1 This constitution is still the basis for the constitution of Prussia, and is the cause of much discontent at the present day. 2 This was an attempt engineered by Prussia to form a small confederation with some of the lesser states of Central Germany. HOW BISMARCK MADE GERMANY 493 humiliated before all the world by Austria. Her position did not improve for several years. Then at length to Prussia, as to Sardinia, there came an able king and a great prime minister. The king was Wilham I; the prime minister was Bismarck. In 1858 Frederick William IV became so insane that his brother had to be declared regent. ^ In 1861, this brother became king. William I was a prince of no great genius, but he possessed certain cardinal virtues. Personally he was simple, unassuming, and, despite a military career, decidedly tender- hearted. He possessed a genuine and earnest piety along with a deep consciousness of the greatness of his human ofTice. He was without the least political originality or genius; but his one cardinal merit was like unto that of Victor Emmanuel: he knew that he possessed a great prime minister, and he held .that minister in office despite cavil, faction, and threatenings. Otto von Bismarck, who was made President of the Prussian Cabinet in 1862, came of the Prussian country nobility, a very conservative stock; and in 1848, he had been a pronounced anti-liberal, and an opponent of the unlucky Frankfort Con- stitution. Later he had served Prussia on foreign embassies. He had conceived against Austria an earnest hate, as the chief foe to Prussian greatness. His views in the interval also had broadened. He had learned to see a certain amount of good in constitutions and in popular participation in government; he now came to the portfolio charged with an intense desire to expel Austria from German affairs and to unite Germany under the effectual leadership of Prussia. He would glorify his be- loved king and Prussia by making them the head of a united and prosperous Germany. To this end he devoted all his match- 1 During Frederick William's later years he had been hopelessly reactionary; all agitation for liberal institutions had been denounced as contrary to true religion. "There is an evil spirit in the cities," said the king; and Stahl (rector of the University of Berlin) denounced the prevailing scientific spirit of the age. "Science must face about," he asserted. 494 HISTORY OF EUROPE less powers as a supple diplomat and intriguer, and no over- nice moral scruples were to hold him back from his goal. The first few years of Bismarck's administration were consumed in a thorough reorganization of the Prussian army along the newest and most scientific lines and upon the basis of universal military service. The change was very unpopular. It involved drafting a very large number of citizens into the army, and also a heavy expenditure. The Prussian Parliament repeatedly refused to vote authorization or money for the new scheme. Bismarck and his master continued on their way undisturbed by popular clamors and legislative censures. The king and his minister v/ere resolved to give Prussia such an army that she could safely risk a great struggle with Austria, and no great tenderness for the letter of the law prevented them. '' It is not by speeches and resolutions," said Bismarck, "that the great questions of the day are to be decided: but by blood and iron." History has justified the prime minister. In Von Moltke he had a "Chief of Staff" of remarkable ability. By him the Prussian army was so reorganized that it was soon proved to be the first in the v/orld. 290. The Danish War (1864). In 1864, Bismarck began to come to his reckoning with Austria. He soon showed himself a far better diplomat than the Vienna statesmen. All Germany was agitated over the Schleswig-Holstein question. These two duchies had a population mainly German, but had been placed by a "personal union " under the King of Denmark. In Holstein, especially, Danish rule was very unwelcome. In 1863, the Danes adopted a constitution which made the duchies almost parts of Denmark. 1 In Holstein there was great uproar, and men proposed to give the ducal throne to the Duke of Augustenburg.^ Bismarck now adroitly maneu- 1 The inhabitants of Holstein, the southern duchy, were bitterly Anti-Danish, and resented this attempt to " un-Germanize " them. 2 The Duke of Augustenburg seemed to have the ne.xt best claim if the King of Denmark were eliminated. PRINCE BISMARCK German statesman Born 1815 Died i8( HOW BISMARCK MADE GERMANY 495 vered the Austrians into an entangling alliance with Prussia to eject the Danes from the disputed country. The general supposition was that the Duke of Augustenburg would pres- ently be given the lands, and this was what the world awaited, when, after a brief war (the Danes fighting heroically, but simply overwhelmed by the troops of the two great powers against them), the King of Denmark was obhged to make peace by giving up the duchies and promising to accept any disposition which the allies might make of them. Then it was that Bismarck show^ed his hand. Over the settle- ment of the government of Schleswig-Holstein endless difficul- ties arose. Austria urged the cause of the Augustenburger; Bismarck demanded that if the region were to be made into a new principahty, it should be tied to Prussia in extreme bonds of vassalage. Austria was resolved under no circumstances to submit to an increase of Prussian power; the duke refused Bis- 'marck's proposals, and the South German princes sustained him. Bismarck and his master were unpopular throughout Germany on account of the unconstitutional army reforms; but the great prime minister was not a man to worry about mere popular grumblings. He knew that Von Moltke had re- organized the Prussian army into a magnificent, scientifically built fighting machine ; and he knew that he had secured Italy for an ally. By June, 1866, Austria and South Germany were thoroughly angry, while Bismarck and Von Moltke were thoroughly con- fident. The attempt of Prussia to prevent the Duke of Augus- tenburg being proclaimed in Holstein, therefore, led promptly to war. 291. The Ausiro-PrussianWar {I'^dd). The German Federal Diet, the body of delegates of the worthless old " Confedera- tion," declared the peace broken by Prussia and ordered a general arming against her (June 14, 1866). The Diet was decreeing its own dissolution. Although all the lesser kings of 496 HISTORY OF EUROPE Germany — Hanover, Saxony, Bavaria, and Wiirtemberg, as well as the princes of Baden and the two Hesses — were on the Austrian side, these disconnected and feeble alHes did the Hapsburg monarchy very Httle good; their scattered corps 0' LoDgituA- East 10|'^fi I I The North Gernr Confederation L,. r) E 1866-187I. •^■^Boundary of the German Empire 1871. still I. Lands tal ,<^ / --.^ ^ / \ ■"' '^oPlllo? V A, / '1 JAROSLAv'. (C /couRi.ano\_/r- . " ,'/ \ " / ! / , 1.^ "-W Maau?^. ■"■•> \ 'irr |.».^ V •i» ■ ifril^H ^^Mj^^M^^ 9 BH ,.v^~ '«^^^^H ISAAC NEWTON ^Mathematician Born 1642 Died 1727 RICHARD ARKWRIGHT Inventor Born 1732 Died 1792 GEORGE STEPHENSON Engineer Born 1 78 1 Died 1848 CHARLES ROBERT DARWIN Naturalist Born 1809 Died 1882 PIONEERS OF SCIENCE THE MARCH OF DEMOCRACY 553 tion " has reacted upon political life, and always to advance the cause of democracy. The premium set upon personal wealth, capital, and efficiency, instead of on noble birth and ancestral acres, has shaken the prestige of, even if it has not destroyed, the old aristocracies that rest on mediaeval tradi- tions. The lower classes have been brought together even more constantly in cities:^ and in great cities the toilers can combine for mutual betterment or for agitation infinitely more easily than as so many scattered farmers. And finally — a matter often overlooked but not to be despised — the shifting of men's interest to manufacturing and commerce, wath their keen competitions, has put a premium on invention: — some new scientific devices which will distance a commercial rival and lead to honorable gain. This spirit of invention, which is the very life of progressive modern manufacturing, is bound also to have a marked political effect.- Men are generally more 1 This is particularly true of Germany, where certain cities such as Berlin, Hamburg, and Leipzig, have grown by leaps and bounds, as rapidly as many "western" cities in America. 2 Of course, the influence of the new manufacturing machinery has been, from the standpoint of general civilization, simply enormous. It has been estimated that the new machinery has added the equivalent of many millions to the "non-human working population" of the civilized world. The new means of communication and the far-reaching influences of modern commerce make these new methods of manufacturing spread their influence to every corner of the globe. "A nickel spent for thread in Uganda, Central Africa, sets the spindle going in Manchester, England." We are too near to this great revolution to decide on its final results: we can be sure that it will be put down in future his- tories as a tremendously important event. The early use of machinery by the English was a large factor in making them, during the first half of the nineteenth century, the manufacturing leaders of the world. The great wars between 1789 and 18 15 had demoralized much of the industrial life of the Continent, and almost prohibited the introduction of the new machinery (engines, power-looms, etc.). But after 1815, France began to develop herself as a great industrial nation. In 181 2, she had only one small stationary engine; in 1847, she had nearly five thousand. Nor were the French content to copy English methods merely; their natural genius for invention sug- gested one improvement after another, until to-day there is hardly a manufac- ture in the world which does not owe much to some innovating Frenchman. This development of French industry brought with it a corresponding increase in the French cities, and Paris in particular had a marked growth in the nineteenth century. 554 HISTORY OF EUROPE willing now to accept what is new if it really seems superior, whether in the realm of industry or of statecraft; and the same prevailing instinct which will inspire one person to invent a new machine for making shoes will inspire another to devise some new scheme for securing more equable representation for minorities in a legislature. 321. The new means 0/ communication. We have seen how in the Middle Ages the introduction or exchange of new ideas was almost an impossibility, owing to the great physical diffi- culties of traveling. Even as late as 1789, in France, England, and Germany to go fifty miles per day by stage-coach on land, or a hundred miles by sailing-packet on water, was not steadily to be reckoned upon. Six months was a common voyage to India. ^ About 1830, steamboats began to ply the North Sea and the Mediterranean in appreciable numbers, and at about the same time commenced the building of railroads. These great inventions have done almost as much for Europe as for America; they have brought London within seven hours of In Germany the new industrial proRress hardly came until after 1840. In 1842, a German professor could assert that the country had little to fear from socialistic movements, for there was no distinct "worker" class in the land — apart from the country peasants. But conditions speedily changed. Better political adjustments and greater enlightenment led to the increased use of machinery, and in certain specialties — especially in every manufacture where the new scientific processes could be applied — the Germans showed remarkable aptitude. The result was a development of industries on a scale larger than those of France, and rivaling the English. After 1870, there was a perfect mania in Germany for forming stock companies, followed, naturally, by a collapse of the "boom," and a temporary set-back, but marking a genuine advance of the Germans as an industrial nation. Of recent years German manufacturers have been thrusting more and more into the markets of the world, and thereby earning the wrath of the English, who had formerly almost a monopoly of most manu- factured articles of commerce. The twentieth century will decide whether Germany can distance England as the first commercial and industrial nation of Europe, or whether both countries must succumb to the slowly awakening economic power of the huge empire of Russia. ^ Even to cross the British Channel with the old packets might involve a delay of several days, if the winds were contrary and tied up the shipping. For practical purposes, Spain was more remote from England in 1789 than South America is to-day. THE MARCH OF DEMOCRACY 555 WHEELWRIGHTS IN THE DAYS OF THE STAGE- COACH (After a contemporary etching by Duplessis-Bcrtaux) Paris, and Paris within twenty-two hours of Vienna. The old isolation — so conducive to local prejudice as well as to sheer ignorance — is brok- en down, and human brotherhood and civ- ilization are incalcu- lably the gainers. 322. The new con- sciousness of nation- ality. But while the old isolation of igno- rance is ending, the sense of patriotism based on loyalty to a local fatherland is ■still strong. The bar- riers of language, race, and religion are still mighty, as any American traveler can testify who has, for instance, passed suddenly from Germany to France. In the nineteenth century the struggles of various peoples to secure firm, united, national governments (notably in Germany and Italy) seemed to kindle patriotism to a white heat. But this patriotism has not been of the petty, ignoble kind; in the hot fires of a common sacrifice much that is best in human nature has been evoked. Rich and poor, nobleman and peasant, have seen their caste barriers vanish in a united effort against an oppressor or an invader. The ruling classes have ever^'where been forced to concihate the masses in order to win their effective loyalty. The winning of national unity for Italy and Germany by its very conditions implied the growth of political Hberty as well. 323. The spread of education. In 1789 the bulk of the peas- antry in almost all European countries was pitifully illiterate and ignorant. The governing classes could justly say that such oafish, unschooled creatures could not pretend to participate 556 HISTORY OF EUROPE in politics; they ought only to " take thankfully what God and the King sent to them." But the growth of humane sentiments and the rising power of the lower classes forced a complete change. Every European country has developed a fairly complete educational system.^ In theory every peasant now has a chance at an elementary education, and the percentage of illiterates even in Russia is constantly dwindling. The aristocrats have been forced to this in actual self-defense. " Now we must educate our new masters! " bitterly exclaimed a prominent English statesman, when the British Reform Act of 1867 gave the franchise to the poorer classes. By 1914 most Europeans were relatively trained and intelligent lords of their own destinies, not loutish and hopelessly ignorant peasants. 324. The Free Press. Along with the free schools has gone the development of the greatest single agent for spreading liberal doctrines — the modern newspaper. Something like newspapers have existed in England since the reign of Charles I, but stern police censorship checked all real journalistic enterprise on the Continent till the Revolutionary epoch. ^ Since then absolutism and reaction have found the free press their most inveterate enemy. Despite censorships, suppres- sions, confiscations, and like measures the newspapers have developed in every European country imtil to-day they speak with freedom almost everywhere save in Russia.'' The cylinder printing-press (which came into use after 1810) and the electric 1 Of course, German_v and France ha\'e admirable educational systems; the English primary education has not developed quite as far as that of the most advanced Continental nations, thanks largely to controversies as to how far the State Church shall be allowed to have control of teaching the pupils. - The year 1789 saw a veritable crop of newspapers and party organs develop in Paris, and Pans has been a center for influential journalism ever since. ^ The law for libel is still extremely severe in Germany and some other coun- tries and hinders legitimate criticism of the Crown and its Ministers, and some- times of ordinary political matters. It must be said that the Continental press is often exceedingly personal and scurrilous in a way which is not imitated by even the worst types of American journalism. THE MARCH OF DEMOCRACY 557 telegraph have, of course, been indispensable adjuncts to the development of this power which every absolutist has come to dread, and with which every prime minister must daily reckon. 325. The new military system. Since the age of Napoleon, the military system of Europe has been remade and (quite contrary to the desires of the ruling military class) the change has furthered democracy. Up to 1789, the average European army was relatively small, and composed of professional soldiers who spent their whole lives " with the colors." Since 181 5 all Europe has tended to rest more and more on huge conscript armies in which all male citizens are obliged to serve two or three years. ^ These conscripts may be brave and effi- cient soldiers, but they are none the less citizens in their senti- ments and prejudices, and they expect to return to civilian life. The Governments dare not wantonly engage in wars .which public opinion does not fairly sustain — the army might not support them. Again, to secure the consent of the masses to such a burdensome military system, it is necessary to concili- ate those masses by many liberal reforms. The military burden on Europe may, then, be a very serious evil, but it is not an unmixed evil: democracy has been genuinely advanced by these huge citizen armies. 326. The enormous expenses of modern governments. Democracy again has been advanced by the fact that all mod- ern governments cost probably five to ten times as much (all factors considered) as they did one hundred years ago. For- merly the army and an expensive court ate up about all an average ruler's revenues: now — while the mihtary estabhsh- ment has greatly increased — vast sums are drained away for 1 The huge size of the present-day armies has had also this important political result: it is now less easy to organize an insurrection than formerly. The average government has so many thousands of men at its disposal that the physical task of arranging a successful revolt is nigh insuperable. On the other hand, the modern inventions of dynamite bombs and the like have made it easier for revo- lutionists to carry on a petty "private war" by the assassination of rulers. 558 HISTORY OF EUROPE education and for every possible kind of internal improvement. The increased taxes are usually cheerfully borne, for they are more scientifically adjusted than under the old regime, and the old privileges of tax exemption for many classes are aboHshed; nevertheless, it is impossible to collect these taxes except under two conditions: the taxpayers must feel that the money is being spent for their benefit and not to aggrandize a selfish monarch; secondly, practically every country now recognizes that the taxpayers must have a share (through a parliament) in voting the taxes, and deciding upon their expenditure. Arbitrary taxation or expenditure will soon be unknown in any so-called civilized land. 327. Socialism. During the nineteenth century the great struggle in European political life has seemed to be for political equality for all men. That struggle has now been substantially won. Signs are not lacking that the next struggle will be for econoniic equality. Long before 1900, socialism had become a great factor in most European states. Its doctrines were clearly in evidence even before the troubles in Paris in 1848 and 187 1, and it can, perhaps, claim a French origin; but the great apostle of modern socialism was a German — Karl Marx (1818-83). The Socialists are now an active and formidable party in every European state. They assert that the reforms won hitherto are a mere drop in the bucket compared with those which should follow. Mediaeval privilege has crumbled; but, they assert, the real gainers have not been the toiHng masses, but the propertied classes, — the capitalists, — whose wage system, and private ownership of the " means of production," consti- tute a tyranny almost as brutal as that of the robber barons. The Sociahsts denounce the modern army system, and declare that there should be no war between nations, but only between class and class; in fact their movement tries to disregard national lines just as much as possible. Whether their propa- ganda for aboUshing the "capitalist system," and virtually VOLTAIRE French author Born 1694 Died 1778 JEAN JACQUES ROUSSEAU French author Born 1712 Died 1778 GIUSEPPE MAZZINI KARL MARX Italian patriot and revolutionist German socialist Born 1805 Died 1872 Born 1818 Died 1883 PROPHETS OF DEMOCRACY THE MARCH OF DEMOCRACY 559 obliterating national boundaries will succeed, is one of the questions to be answered by the twentieth century. 328. A summary and retrospect. We have come to the end of a very long story. We have seen how in the fourth Christian century the civilized world lay under the power of the Roman Empire, a magnificent despotism, but with the canker of decay at its heart. After the Roman Empire came the seemingly ruinous period of the Germanic invasions, when civilization would almost have perished save for the humanizing influence of the Christian Church. Then follows the long pageant of the Frankish Kingdom, the Hply Roman Empire, the mediaeval Papacy, and especially the feudal system, with its glitter and misery, its brave deeds and anarchy, its heroic crusades and their ultimate failure. After the crusades comes the Renais- sance and the rise of modern national kingdoms, with firm governments and intelligent laws, and (in England) institu- tions which promise not merely law and order, but genuine human liberty. A great upheaval — the Protestant Revolu- tion — cleaves the old Church asunder, and a daring attempt is made by Louis XIV to subject all Europe to France. Finally, in 1789, the relics of mediaevalism and feudalism are destroyed in France (and soon after in Germany) by the great social and political cataclysm which we call the French Revolution. Since the passing of the arch-destroyer Napoleon, Europe has further emancipated itself from the past and has reached confi- dently toward the future. England has moved closer to democ- racy; France has found an orderly free government; Germany became again a great and seemingly enhghtened Empire; Italy also formed a single powerful people, the Turks had been thrust back to the very edge of Europe ; even the dense, ignorant mass of Russia seemed stirring with the spirit of a new age. Then like a clap from the clear sky came the Great War provoked by Prussian autocracy and Pan-German militarist ambition. During four terrible years all that freedom-loving men had striven for since the recovery of civilization after the 56o HISTORY OF EUROPE fall of the Roman Empire seemed at stake. Only after the sword of America had been unsheathed on the battle-fields of Europe did it seem evident that the long, slow battle, waged across so many centuries for a reign of law conjoined with a reign of political liberty, had been really won. REVIEW 1. Topics: — "Legitimacy"; Industrial Revolution; Karl Marx; So- cialism. 2. Make and learn a list of the factors in the growth of democracy, grouping them under the heads of political, social, and ccono?nic ia.ciors. 3. Make a list of the more important European nations, arranging them in the order of their democracy; i.e., the extent to which the voice of the people controls the national government. Indicate in each case the form of government — monarchy (absolute or limited) or republic. 4. Which nations in the above list are most "progressive"? EXERCISES 1. Which of the European nations has e.xerted the greatest political influence upon the others? 2. Which nations have contributed most to the progress of civilization ? 3. What has been the influence of commerce upon international politics and the spread of civilization? 4. Socialism in Europe. Distinguish between Socialism and Radicalism. 5. Are the life, the liberty, and the property of individuals better secured by the European Governments at present than they were in the days of the Roman Empire? 6. Compare the art, science, and literature of the present age with the same features of the Renaissance period. READINGS Sources. Robinson; nos. 493-504. Modern accounts. Seignobos: pp. .377-451. Gibbins: pp. 200-10, 226-28. Robinson and Beard: 11, pp. 318-422. Current literature. APPENDIX I. A LIST OF DATES OF SIGNIFICANT EVENTS IN EUROPEAN HISTORY A.D. 378 Battle of Adrianople. Made possible the "Germanization" of the Roman Empire. 451 Battle of Chalons, Saved western Europe from the Huns. 622 The Hegira (or Flight) of Mohammed. Marks the beginning of his power. 732 Battle of Tours. Western Europe saved from the control of the Mohammedans. 800 Charlemagne crowned Emperor at Rome. Resulted in unnatural political conditions which dominated the Middle Ages. 1066 Battle of Hastings. The Norman Conquest, which made possible the development of the English nation. 1095 Council of Clermont. The beginning of the crusades. 1215 Magna Charta. Defines the rights of Englishmen, serves as a standard of government for later reigns, and gives inspiration to other peoples in their struggles for political liberty. 1295 Model Parliament. Beginning of elected representative govern- ment in England. 1415 Council of Constance. The end of the Great Schism; Rome restored to the headship of a reunited Church. 1453 Capture of Constantinople by the Turks. Thus the "Eastern Question" arises, and a great impulse is given to the move- ment of discovery. 1456 The first book, a Latin Bible, printed by Gutenberg at Mainz. The beginning of an art which made possible modern civiliza- tion. 1492 Columbus discovers America. 1 51 7 Martin Luther nails his theses on the door of the church at Wittenberg. The first immediate step in the Protestant Revolution. 1534 The separation of England from the control of Rome is com- pleted. Marks the first great step in making England a Protestant nation. 1555 Peace of Augsburg. End of first period of the Reformation. ii APPENDIX 1588 Defeat of the Spanish Armada. Gave to England the control of the sea, and made possible the EngUsh colonization of the United States. 1648 Peace of Westphalia. Marks the end of the religious wars; France becomes the leading power in Europe. 1688 The " Glorious Revolution " in England. Completed the work of Cromwell; established the fact that Parliament, not the king, is the supreme power in England; made possible the develop- ment of a political system (Cabinet, or Ministry responsible to Parliament) which has been a model for other nations. 1704 Battle of Blenheim. By which was defeated the attempt of Louis XIV to make France supreme in Europe. 1709 Battle of Poltava. Marked the overthrow of Sweden as a great power, and the rise of a great Slav nation, Russia, to a leading place among European States. 1763 Peace of Paris. Gave to England a colonial empire at the expense of France; prepared the way for the American Revolution. 1789 Meeting of the States General in France. The first immediate step toward the French Revolution. 1815 Battle of Waterloo. Defeated the attempt of Napoleon to make himself supreme in Europe. Congress of Vienna. Europe as- sumes its nineteenth century aspect. 1832 Great Reform of the British Parliament. Made possible the com- ing of Democracy in Great Britain. 1861 Meeting of the First ParUament of United Italy. 1871 (a) King of Prussia crowned German Emperor at Versailles. The completion of German unity. (b) Rome made capital of the Kingdom of Italy. The completion of Italian unity. J 9 14 General Eiu-opean War Began. II. A LIST OF THE BOOKS FROM WHICH ASSIGNMENTS FOR "READING" ARE DRAWN The books marked with a star are very helpful in Ihe work planned under the topic "Exercises," but they are not essential in securing satisfactory results, and may be omitted from the library if it is not possible to purchase all the books. Sources F. A. Ogg, a Source Book of Mediceval History. American Book Co. J. H. Robinson, Readiiigs in European History. 2 vols. Ginn & Co. The Source Book is more useful than the Readings for the period it covers (to the first part of the fifteenth century), because, though it has fewer selections from the sources, there are complete explanatory foot- notes, and excellent introductory notes, very comprehensive and illu- APPENDIX iii tninating. If necessary to economize, the Source Book and the second volume of the Readings would cover the ground. Modern Accounts E. Emerton, Introduction to the Study of the Middle Ages (to 814). Ginn & Co. *MedicBval Europe (814-1300). Ginn & Co. The Introduction is too well known to need comment, except to say that it remains unequaled and indispensable. The Medieval Europe is e.xcellent for its analysis of events, but is too far advanced, on the whole, for secondary-school pupils. Parts of it are, however, necessary for reference. C. Seignobos, .4 History of Mediceval and Modern Civilization (to the end of the seventeenth century). Charles Scribner's Sons. A History of Contemporary Civilization. Charles Scribner's Sons. *The Feudal Regime. Henry Holt & Co. The two volumes of the History of Civilization, although occasionally inaccurate, particularly with regard to English and American institu- tions, are intensely interesting and inspiring. The Feudal Regime, while too technical for continued reading, is very valuable for reference. Bemont and Monod, Mediceval Europe (395-1270). Henry Holt & Co. Very concise and clear, with the emphasis laid upon the development of France. For that reason an excellent book for English-speaking peoples. V. DuRUY, History of France (to 1889). Thomas Y. Crowell Co. C. T. Lewis, History of Germany (to 1872). American Book Co. R. Lodge, History of Modern Europe (1453-1878). American Book Co. For the modern period, the best one-volume accounts at moderate prices. Reliable, and sufficiently complete for all purposes of reference. *Archer and Kingsford, The Crusades. G. P. Putnam's Sons. The most convenient account of the crusades at a moderate price. Interestingly written. *J. A. Symonds, a Short History of the Renaissance in Italv. Henry Holt & Co. The best brief account of the Italian Renaissance, although too con- densed to be greatly interesting. Very valuable for reference. Abridg- ment of the work mentioned on p. vi. H. de B. Gibbins, The History of Commerce in Europe. TheMacmillan Co. An excellent account of the development of European commerce, well-written and clear. An adequate use of this book will show clearly the influence of economic facts upon political conditions. A good history of England: — C. Ransome's Advanced History of Englaful is suggested. Almost equally good is Gardiner's (see p. ix.) iv APPENDIX R. P. Dunn Pattison, Leading Figures in European History. The Mao millan Co. A collection of penetrating studies of the deeds and characters of the greatest leaders in European History, from Charlemagne to Bismarck. The concluding paragraphs of each study, in which the character of the individual is analyzed, and his influence upon history estimated, are unexcelled for fairness and keenness of insight. J. H. Robinson and C. A. Beard. The Development of Modern Europe. 2 vols. Ginn and Co. Illuminating account of events since 1661 a.d. Very strong in nineteenth-century economic and social movements. III. SELECT LIST OF BOOKS ON EUROPEAN HISTORY The books here named ought to be in almost any good public library. They will be found useful by those students of this history who wish to read beyond the works mentioned at the end of each chapter. Of course this list is merely a beginning to possible suggestions. Works of reference Historical Atlases: The best atlas for most students of European History is by W. R. Skevky.bd, Historical Atlas (Henry Holt & Co.). No other atlas published in English equals it for clearness, general usefulness, and accuracy: although for a very cheap work the Literary and Historical Atlas of Europe, in the excellent "Everyman's Library" (E. P. Button & Co.) is of remarkable value, and within the means of every student. The Encyclopcedia Britannica (Eleventh Edition) contains historical articles which are of the highest value, and the student should refer to them frequently. The historical volumes of the Home University Library Series (Henry Holt & Co.) are excellent. Ploetz's Epitome of Universal History (Houghton Mifflin Co.) is a convenient reference book, crammed with facts. Larned's Encyclopcedia of History for Ready Reference is a very useful compilation. The University of Pennsylvania Series of His- torical Translations and Reprints give many convenient and valuable studies especially of mediaeval economic, social, and religious life. Histories of Fraiice G. W. KiTCHiN, History of France. 3 vols. Oxford: Clarendon Press. Goes only to 1702. A useful, straightforward work: interestingly written. GuizoT, F. P. G., History of France. 8 vols. Several American editions. Stops at 1848. By a distinguished statesman and historian "for his grandchildren": delightful reading, but too diffuse for reference and topical work. DuRUY, Victor, History of France. Thomas Y. Crowell Co. Not faultless, but probably the best single-volume history of France. Full of infor- mation. See also Appendix 11. APPENDIX V Grant, A. J., The French Monarchy. 2 vols. Cambridge Press. A well- written, scholarly, and preeminently useful treatment of the important period of French History from 1483 to 1789 a.d. Adams, G. B., Growth of the French Nation. The Macmillan Co. A clear summary, but somewhat brief, considering the long period covered. Froissart's Chronicles ("Everyman's Library"). An inimitable and immortal contemporary narrative of the first part of the Hundred Years' War. Perkins, J. B., France under Richelieu and Mazarin. 2 vols. Houghton Miflflin Company. Perkins, J. B., France under the Regency. Houghton Mifflin Co. Gives a good preliminary sketch of the period under Louis XIV. Perkins, J. B., France under Lotiis XV. 2 vols. Houghton Mifflin Co. Taken together these volumes by Perkins form an entertaining and highly valuable history of France during a most important period. Lowell, E. J., The Eve of the French Revolution. Houghton Mifflin Co. Excellent account of the causes of the greatest political and social movement in modern history. (Taine's Old Regime is stimulating, but not infallible.) Mathews, Shailer, The French Revolution. Longmans, Green & Co. The best short account. Reliable and interesting. Gardiner, B. M., The French Revolution. Longmans, Green & Co. A small volume in the well-known "Epochs of History" series. Almost as good as that of Mathews. Rose, J. H., Life of Napoleon. 2 vols. The Macmillan Co. Probably the best standard life of Napoleon, though written somewhat from a pro- British standpoint. Sloane, William M., Life of Napoleon. 4 vols. The Century Co. An excellent work. Shares the field with Rose. The fine illustrated edition is to be preferred. Young, Arthur, Travels in France. The Macmillan Co. A highly inform- ing account of the travels of an Englishman in France just before the outbreak of the Revolution of 1789. [N.B. A convenient and scholarly history of nineteenth-century France — apart from the rest of Europe — is not available in English.] Histories of Germany Henderson, E. F., A Short History of Germany. 2 vols. The Macmillan Co. Readable, accurate. Probably best. Menzel, History of Germany. 3 vols. "Bohn Library." Goes only to 1848. An old but fairly reliable work. Gives many picturesque details not in Henderson's History. Bryce, J., The Holy Roman Empire. The Macmillan Co. A famous essay on the mediaeval German Empire. Jacobs, H. E., Life of Martin Luther. G. P. Putnam's Sons. vi APPENDIX Smith, P., Life oj Martin Luther. Houghton Mifflin Co. Both of these give interesting and accurate biographies of the famoUi Reformer, from a Protestant standpoint. Fletcher, C. R. L., Giistavus Adolphus. G. P. Putnam's Sons. An excellent biography of the hero of the Thirty Years' War. Gardiner, S. R., The Thirty Years' War. Charles Scribner's Sons. An enlightening sketch by a master historian. Longman, F.W., Frederick the Great and The Seven Years' War. Long- mans, Green & Co. About the most satisfactory brief study of the maker of Prussian greatness. Headlam, J. W., Bismarck and the Founding of the German Empire. G. P. Putnam's Sons. The Bismarck literature is voluminous. This is pos- sibly the most useful of several good biographies. That by Munroe Smith is almost equally available. Other Continental Countries Motley, J. L., The Revolt of the Netherlands (3 vols.), and The Dutch Republic (4 vols.). Harpers', and other editions. Among the most brilliant historical works in the English language. The story of the contest of William the Silent with Philip II is told with dramatic skill. Motley was a careful historian, but his admiration for William some- times makes him unfair to his hero's enemies. Symonds, J. A., The Renaissance in Italy. 7 vols. Charles Scribner's Sons. Interestingly though diffusely written books on the artists, poets, churchmen, and princes of Italy during the age of the Classical Revival. Very useful for all topics on the "civilization " side. Orsi, p.. Story of Modern Italy. G. P. Putnam's Sons. A good short account of the making of the Italian kingdom. Thayer, W. R., Life and Times of Cavour. 2 vols. Houghton Mifflin Co. A masterly and authoritative study of a great man. Interesting and valuable. Rambaud, a., History of Russia. 2 vols. Burt. The best account in English. Lane-Poole, S., Slory of Turkey. G. P. Putnam's Sons. Lane-Poole, S., Slory of the Moors in Spain. G. P. Putnam's Sons. Good narratives of the worst and the best, respectively, of the great Mohammedan empires. Special Studies in the Middle Ages and the Mediaeval Church. Oman, C. W. C, The Dark Ages, 476-918 a.d. The Macmillan Co. Tout, T. F., The Empire and the Papacy, 918-1273 a.d. The Macmillan Co. Lodge, R., The Close of the Middle Ages, 1 273-1494 a.d. The Macmil- lan Co. Well written manuals in the "Periods of European History" series. APPENDIX vii More full of facts than of interpretation. Treat of all the important countries in Europe except England. Cox, G. W., The Crusades. Longmans, Green & Co. Archer atid Kingsford, The Story of the Crusades. G. P. Putnam's Sons. The iirst is a convenient short account of the crusades: the second the best single account in English. See Appendix in, p. iii . MiLMAN, H. H., History of Latin Christianity. 8 vols, (often bound in 4). Armstrong. A long and standard history by a careful, moderate English churchman. Few other works discuss the mediaeval Papacy and Empire with equal clearness. Deals also with the intellectual Hfe of the Middle Ages, and many political events. Useful for reference, and for preparing reports and topics. Stops at 1453 a.d. Barry, W., The Papal Monarchy. G. P. Putnam's Sons. An interestingly written work on the mediaeval Popes by a distinguished Catholic writer. Sedgwick, H. D., Italy in the Thirteenth Century. 2 vols. Houghton Mitflin Co. Interesting study of the art, literature, and life in the Church of one of the most important periods of mediceval history. Useful for reports and topics. Thayer, W. R., ^ Short History of Venice. The Macmillan Co. Best brief study of the great maritime Repubhc. GiLM-AN, Arthur, Story of the Saracens. G. P. Putnam's Sons. A clear account of Mohammed and the conquests and empire of his followers. HoDGKiN, Th., Charles the Great. The Macmillan Co. A short but illu- minating biography of the greatest figure in the Middle Ages. Adams, George B., Civilization in the Middle Ages. Charles Scribner's Sons. Not a history, but rather a stimulating commentary on many phases of mediaeval life. MuNRO and Sellery, Mediceval Civilization. The Century Co. Judicious extracts in translation from recent French and German authors, deaUng with important phases of mediaeval history. MuNRO, CD., History of the Middle Ages. D. Appleton & Co. A brief sketch of the period 800-1300 a.d. Especially useful for the social life. Gibbon, Edward, Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire. 5 to 7 vols. Many editions. A great standard work: in the present case especially useful for the chapters on the fall of the Western Empire, Justinian, Mohammed, the Caliphate, and the Crusades. The edition edited by Bury (7 vols., The Macmillan Co.) is by far preferable. Special Studies of Modern Epochs Seebohm, F., The Era of the Protestant Revolution. Longmans, Green & Co. A brief but clear and enlightening study of the Reformation era, with especial stress upon its economic aspects. viii APPENDIX LiNDSEY, T. M., History oj the Reformation. 2 vols. Charles Scribner's Sons. Very readable. Perhaps the best study from a strictly Protestant standpoint. Well arranged for reference work. Johnson, A. H., Europe in the Sixteenth Century. (1494-1598 a.d.) The Macmillan Co. Wakeman, H. O., The Ascendency of France. (1598-1715 a.d.) The Macmillan Co. Hassall, a., The Balance of Power. (1715-1789 a.d.) The Macmillan Co. Stephens, H. M., Revolutionary Europe. (1789-1815 a.d.) The Macmil- lan Co. Phillips, W. A., Modern Europe. (1815-1900 a.d.) The Macmillan Co. Volumes in the "Periods of European History" series. Accurate and full of facts. Wakeman and Phillips are really interesting reading: the others are more solid than brilliant. None of them treat on England. Hazen, C. D., Europe in the Nineteenth Century. Henry Holt & Co. Very useful for advanced students. - Rose, J. H., The Revolutionary and Napoleonic Era. (1789-1815). Cam- bridge Press. Good brief account of a most important epoch. More interestingly written than the similar volume by Stephens in the " Periods of European History" series. Seignobos, Ch., Political History of Europe since 1S14. Henry Holt & Co. A clear, impartial statement by a great French scholar of the forces which dominated Europe from 18 14 to 1899. Deals with events rather than persons. Gives a vast quantity of details. Good statement of social, economic, and ecclesiastical movements. Useful for reports and topics. Fyffe, C. a.. History of Modern Europe. 3 vols.; also a one-volume edi- tion. Henry Holt & Co. Especially strong on the diplomatic history. Covers the period from 1792 to 1877. Nothing on England. Andrews, C. M., Historical Development of Modern Europe. 2 vols, bound in one. G. P. Putnam's Sons. A clear and accurate account of the nineteenth century by a well-known American scholar. Omits England. ■Robinson and Beard, Readings in Modern European History. 2 vols. Ginn & Co. Skillful collection of source material (1650-1908). GoocH, G. P., History of Our Oivn Time (1885-1911). Henry Holt & Co. About the only available small book on very recent events. Histories of England Gardiner, S. R., Students' History of England. 3 vols., or bound in one. Longmans, Green & Co. An excellent, well-balanced account, in a moderate space, but not so full for the nineteenth century as Ransome's similar History. BmouT, ].¥., History of England. 5 vols. Longmans, Green & Co. Very APPENDIX ix full of facts, but with little interpretation. Better for reference than for steady reading. Green, J. R., Short History of the English People, i vol. (Also a similar longer history in 4 vols.) Harper & Bros. A work of great literary charm, and "easy to read but hard to remember." Of more value as a commentary on Enghsh history after the facts have been mastered than as a regular history. Knight, Charles, History of England. 8 vols. Several editions. A rather old work, but readable and very useful to immature students. Gives a great body of enlightening facts and anecdotes. The author was not a great historian, but he was a careful and skillful compiler. Useful for reference. Traill, H. D., Social England. 6 vols. G. P. Putnam's Sons. A coopera- tive work. A mine of information about the social life of England in every age. Useful for reference. The illustrated edition is of extra value. Bateson, M., MedicBval England. G. P. Putnam's Sons. Admirable small book on the life of the Middle Ages in England. Creighton, M., The Age of Elizabeth. Longmans, Green & Co. Stubbs, W., The Early Plantagenets. Longmans, Green & Co. Gairdner, J., The Houses of Lancaster and York. Longmans, Green & Co. Moberly, C. E., The Early Tudor s. Longmans, Green & Co. Gardiner, S. R., The Stuarts and the Puritan Revolution. Longmans, Green & Co. Hale, E., The Fall of the Stuarts. Longmans, Green & Co. Morris, E. E., The Age of Anne. Longmans, Green & Co. Morris, E. E., The Early Hanoverians. Longmans, Green & Co. McCarthy, J., The Epoch of Reform. Longmans, Green & Co. These are all useful volumes in the " Epochs of History " series. Well adapted for inexperienced students. The Creighton, Stubbs, Gardiner, and Hale volumes are especially good. Freeman, E. A., William the Conqueror. The Macmillan Co. Beesly, E. S., Elizabeth. The Macmillan Co. Harrison, Frederick, Oliver Cromwell. The Macmillan Co. Morley, J., Walpole. The Macmillan Co. MoRLEY, J., Chatham. The Macmillan Co. Lord Rosebery, Pitt. The Macmillan Co. These are among the more useful biographies in the excellent "Twelve English Statesmen" series. MoRLEY, J., Life of Gladstone. 3 vols. The Macmillan Co. A noble biography of the greatest of the Victorian statesmen. A mine of information. Macaulay, T. B., History of England. 5 or more volumes; many editions. Covers only the years 1683 to 1702, but gives a picture of the "English Revolution" which is unsurpassed. Despite much recent criticism X APPENDIX Macaulay stands high as a historian. Only Motley's Dutch Republic competes with it for dramatic interest. The chapters on English life in the seventeenth century are especially good. More useful for rapid reading than for reference. McCarthy, J., History of Our Own Times. 2 vols. Wessels. The work of a clever journalist rather than of a historian, but it is probably for most readers the best available account for the outward events of the reign of Victoria. White, A. B., The Making of the English Constitution. G. P. Putnam's Sons. A scholarly and up-to-date statement of the main points of English constitutional history up to 1485. The subject is naturally one only for fairly mature students. For more extended discussions one would go to the great works of Taswell-Langmead and Stubbs (3 vols.). Another good book for beginners is Creasy's Rise and Progress of the English Constitution. D. Applet on & Co. For advanced students the large cooperative histories of England edited hy Hunt and Poole (12 vols. Longmans, Green & Co.) and O^nan (6 vols. G. P. Putnam's Sons) have very high value. Histories of Commerce Webster, W. C, A General History of Commerce. Ginn & Co. Covers the whole field from antiquity to the present time. Well told and clear. Includes many points on the "Industrial Revolution," "Factory Sys- tem," etc., not strictly under the head of " Commerce." Very useful for topics. Warner, G. T., Landmarks in English Industrial History. The Macmillan Co. Cheyney, E. p., Introduction to the Industrial and Social History of Eng- land. The Macmillan Co. Cunningham and McArthur, Outlines of English Industrial History. Cambridge Press. All of these are good and useful books of somewhat similar scope. Warner's is perhaps the most useful for inexperienced classes. Few detailed treatments exist in the English language of the commercial and economic histories of the Continental countries. Many topics can be studied by a use of Palgrave's Dictionary of Political Economy. 3 vols. The Macmillan Co. GiBBiNS, H. DE B., Industrial History of England. Charles Scribner's Sons. GiBBiNS, H. DE B., History of Commerce in Europe. The Macmillan Co. Useful and accurate small books. [See Appendix 11.] LIST OF MAPS Balkan Wars, the 545 Brandenburg-Prussia, i 740-1 786 344 British Isles, the, since 1300 290 Charlemagne's Empire 55 Crimean Peninsula, the 540 Crusades, the 96 Eastern Front, the 547/ England to 1300 no England, showing Industrial Changes 508 English Lands IN France TO 1300 118 Europe about 565 A.D 15 Europe in the i6th Century, Continental {colored) between 217-18 Europe in 1 7 1 5 (co/oreJ) between ^i-j-i8 Europe in 1789 (co/oreJ) between 40J -08 Europe in 1810 439 Europe AFTER the Congress of Vienna, 181 5 455 Europe before the Balkan Wars 543 Europe in 1914 (colored) front linings Franks, the Monarchy of the 39 Franks in the Ninth Century, the 64 France to 1270 83 France during the Hundred Years' War 171 German Empire, the 496 German Offensives, March-July, 1918 547/ German Penetration of Russia 547 i' Germany ant) Italy to 1056, The Holy Roman Empire in . 73 Germany and Italy to i 500 between 205-06 Italian Front, the 547g Italy in 1798 422 Italy since 1848 481 Latin States in Syria 98 Mohammedan Lands in the East, the S3 Netherlands, the, at the Accession of Philip II .... 256 Partitions of Poland, the 355 Roman Empire, Boundaries of the, in the 4TH Century facing i Roman Empire, THE East, about 750 A.D - - 35 Russia in 1725 337 Trade Routes and Commercial Cities 149 Western Front, the 547^^ World, the (colored) back linings LIST OF PORTRAITS AND ILLUSTRATIONS PORTRAITS Prince Bismarck . . Cavour Charles V . . . . Queen Elizabeth . . GusTAVus Adolphus . Napoleon Bonaparte Peter the Great . . William the Silent . Architects of Empire - Louis XI .... Mettemich .... Mirabeau .... Richelieu .... Conquerors in Battle Oliver Cromwell . . Frederick the Great . Giuseppe Garibaldi . Horatio Nelson . . Famous Queens — Catherine de Medici . Isabella 494 484 236 260 306 440 338 266 396 396 396 396 352 352 352 352 520 520 Maria Theresa . . Victoria Great Writers — Cervantes .... Dante Goethe Shakespeare .... Leaders of Belief — Desiderius Erasmus . Ignatius de Loyola . Martin Luther . . Charles Wesley . . Pioneers of Science — Richard Arkwright . Charles Robert Darwin Isaac Newton . . . George Stephenson . Prophets of Democracy Karl Marx .... Giuseppe Mazzini Jean Jacques Rousseau Voltaire 520 520 210 210 210 210 230 230 230 230 552 552 552 552 558 558 558 558 ILLUSTRATIONS Attack and defense of a city (fifteenth century) . . . Banquet, a (Carolingian pe- riod) Barricade in Paris, a (1830) . Battle between Crusaders and Saracens Battle of Hastings, the . . Battle of Trafalgar, the . . Bellman of London (161 6) 174 50 460 115 432 277 Benedictine, a 27 Bishop, a (seventh century) . ig Byzantine patterned silk . . 36 Cardinal Wolsey and his suite 243 Carnival in the streets of Paris (1757) 383 Castle of Frederick Barba- rossa, the 159 Castle of Krak, Syria, the . . 103 Chair (tenth century) ... 66 LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS xm Chair (seventh century) . . 44 Chelsea pensioners reading the Gazette of Waterloo . 450 Church Council, a (fifteenth century) 201 Cit)'^ of the Low Countries, a (sixteenth century) . . . 263 Coronation of an English king (fourteenth century) . .185 Costume of a gentleman (about 1720) 350 Costumes of gentlemen (about 1673) 324 Courtyard of a prison during the Terror 409 Decorative metal-work . . .13 Decorative title 208 Dinner at court of Charles II 323 Dwelling-house in a town of the fifth century 7 Emperor, an (Otto III) . . 78 Emperor Charles IV dining in state 218 Emperor Henry IV kneeling before the Countess Matilda 79 English knights and a French man-at-arms 168 English nobleman, an, and his wife (time of James I) . .276 English warship (time of Henry VIII) 247 Enrolling volunteers in Prus- , sia 443 Exchequer Table 117 Execution of Strafford . . . 287 Exposing petty offenders in the pillory (France, about 1830) 45Q Facsimile extract from Magna Charta 121 Facsimile of entries in Domes- day Book 116 Facsimile specimen of Caxton's printing 191 Farm interior (France, 1878) . 552 Fleet of the Grand Khan, the 226 French Dragoon, a (time of the Consulate) 427 French family group (about 1830) 463 French infantryman, a . . .425 French Protestant musketeer, a 268 French Secretary of State, a (about 1720) 349 General view of the Louvre (time of Philip Augustus) . 87 German country house (fif- teenth century) . . . .220 German peddler (sixteenth century) 237 German war-chief, .... 6 Germanic hunting-horn . . 14 Germanic sword 10 Globe, the (Shakespeare's theater) 271 Group of Canterbury pilgrims 183 Guillotine at work, the . . .412 Harold swears on the relics . 114 Hawking party, a .... 129 Horseman in full armor . .170 Imperial herald (sixteenth cen- tury) 255 Imperial mounted Lancer, an (time of Napoleon III) . . 476 Interior of Notre Dame, Paris (eighteenth century) . . . 386 Italian ecclesiastical proces- sion (fifteenth century) . .198 Ivory lid of a Sacramentary . 22 King's deathbed, a .... 89 Labor demonstration in Paris, a (1848) 468 Lendit Fair (fifteenth century) 147 Light horseman of Cromwell's day, a 292 Line of battle ship .... 368 Lord Mayor's Show in Lon- don, the (about 1750) . . 363 XIV LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS Louis IX of France .... 90 Louis XIV, surrounded by his Court 312 Martin Luther burning the Pope's Bull of Excommuni- cation 234 Merovingian manor house . 42 Mihtary and civil costume (time of Richard I) . . . 102 Mystery Play at Coventry, a 135 Napoleon's return to Paris after the Treaty of Tilsit . 43 5 Norse ship 63 Old-time election in England, an 373 Palace of the Popes, at the Lateran, Rome 76 Part of the coronation proces- sion of Edward VI . . . 249 Peasants (fourteenth century) 142 Plundering soldier, a (period of Thirty Years' War) . . 307 Pope Clement IV 163 Printing-press, a (soon after Gutenberg) 212 Puritan costume 295 Queen Elizabeth carried in state 258 Romans destroying a village of the Germans 5 Rome, the Eternal City Frontispiece Sack of a village 132 Seven bishops, the, going to the Tower 328 Siege of a city (fifteenth cen- tury) 177 Soldiers of the Imperial Guard 34 Soldiers (time of Charles I) . 280 Spanish camp, a 221 Specimen of Carolingian art . 57 Stage-coach (1804) . . . .376 States General, the, in session at Versailles 394 Statue of Jeanne d'Arc . . .176 Stephenson's locomotive "Rocket" 510 Storming a city 303 Surrender of Paris to the al- lied monarchs (March 31, 1814) 448 Thomas a Becket disputing with Henry II 123 Threshing by flail (latter part of the nineteenth century) . 525 Train in 1836 511 Trial of Charles I, the . . . 293 View of BerHn (1650) . . . 341 Water-carrier (about 1830) . 551 Watt's steam engine (1780) . 366 Westminster Abbey (time of Edward the Confessor) . .113 Wheelwrights (in the days of the stage-coach) . . . .555 KEY TO PRONUNCIATION (Based on IV'edster's New International Dictionary) ale, senate, care, am, account, arm, ask, sofd. eve, event, end, recent, maker. ice, Til. old, obey, 6rb, odd, connect. use, unite, (irn, up, circiis, menii. food, foot. I out, oil, chair, go, sing, thin, ) I ou , oi , ch , g , ng, th , ' K =: ch in German ich, ach. N = n in bon. zh = z in azure. ' indicates the elision of a vowel, or its reduction to a mere vocal murmur. Abbasides, n-b5s'Td ; Id. AbOUkir, a'-b66-ker'. Agincourt, a'-zhitN'-koor' (Eng. aj'-Tn-koit). -Alcuin, al'-kwTn ; al'-kiS in; al'-. Amiens, a'-myaN' (Eiig. am'-i-enz). Angevin, an'-je-vTn. Armagnacs, ar'-ma'-nyaks'. Assignats, (iis'-ig-nats (Fr. a'-se'-nya'). Athaulf, ath'-S-oolf. AugUStenburg, ou-g6os'-t5n-bd6rK. Avars, ii'-viirz. Avignon, a'-ven'-y8N'. Ballol, bal'-ySl : bal'-ySI. Blenheim, bleu' Tm. Bliicher, blii'-Ker (Eng. bloo'-cher, bloo'-ker). Boccaccio, bok-kii'-clio. Bohemond, bo'-be-moud. Boleyn, b661'-Tn. Bologna, bo-lon'-ya. Borgia, bor'-ja. Borodino, ba'-ra-dye-n8'. Boulanger, boo'-laN'-zha'. Bourgeoisie, boor'-zhwa'-ze'. Bouvines, boo'-ven'. Breitenfeld, bri'-tfn-felt. Bretigny, bre'-ten'-yl'. Bruges, br6o'-j5z (Fr. bruzh). Bundesrath, bdon'-des-rat'. CaJetanuS, kaj'-e-ta'-nr^.s. Calais, kal'-a; k,al'-Ts (Fr. ka'-I(?'). Capet, ka'-pet; kSp'-et (Fr. ka'-pe')- Capetian, kd-pe'-shnn. Carbonari, kar'-bo-na'-re. Carnot, kar'-nS'. Castile, kas-tel'. Catherine de Medici, kath'-er-Tn da ma'-de- che. Cavaignac, ka'-ven'-yak'. Cavour, ka'-voor'. Cecil, ses'-il ; sls'-il. Cimabue, che'-ma-boo'-a. Chalons, shii'-loN'. Chanson de Roland, shaN'-86N' de ro'-liiN'. Charlemagne, shar'-le-man (Fr. shar'-le'- miiu'-y'). Chaucer, cb8'-ser. Chrysoloras, krTs'-o-lo'-rSs. Clairvaux, klar'-vo'. Cnut, k'noot. Colbert, kol'-btr'. Coligny, ko'-len'-ye'. Coloni, ko-lo'-ni. Condd, k8N'-da'. Condottieri, kon'-dot-tySr'-e. Corvee, k8r'-va'. Coup d'Etat, koo da'-ta'. Cr^cy, kra'-se'. Crimean, kri-me'-Sn ; kri-. Custozza, koos-tot'-sa. Dante, dan'-te (Ital. dan-ta). De Lesseps, de le'-sSps'. Desiderius, des-T-de'-ri-us. Desmoulins, da'-moo'-lSN'. Disraeli, dtz-ra'-lT. DorylaBum, dor'-T-le'-iim. Dreyfus, dra'-fiis'. Duguesclin, du-ge -kI5N'. DupleiX, dii'-plSks'. Diirer, dli'-rer. KEY TO PRONUNCIATION Einhard, ui'-liart. Entente cordiale, aN'-tiiNt' kdr'-dyal'. Fehrbellin, far'-be-len'. Fichte, fiK'-te. Friedland, fred'-liiut ; fred'-land. Fronde, £r6Nd. Ghent, gent. Girondist, jt-ion'-dTst. Godfrey of Bouillon, bob'-yfiw'. Gravelotte, gnlv'-lof. Guilds, gildz. Guillotine, gll'-o-ten. Guise, gii-ez'. Guizot, ge'-zo'. Gutentoerg, goo'-tf n-bgrK. Haarlem, liar'-lfm. Hargreaves, hiiv'-grevz. Haroun-al-Raschid, hii-roon'-ar-ra-shed'. Hegira, liej'-T-ivi ; lie-ji'-ra. Holbein, hol'-bin. Huguenots, im'-ge-uot. Ivan, e-vaii'; I'-vaii. Ivry, ev'-re'. Jacobin, jak'-o-bTn. Jacobite, jak'-o-bit. Janizaries. jau'-i-za-iTz. Jeanne d'Arc, zlian' «l:iik'. Jena, ya'-nii. Kara Mustapha, kii'-ra mdos'-ta-fii. Kerbogha, ker'-bo-ga. Kirk-Kilisseh, kerk-ke-le-sa'. Koniggratz, kfl'-iiTK-grStz'. Kosciuszko. kos'-T-us'-ko. Kossuth, kosb'-oot ; ko-sooth'. La Hogue, la og'. La Vendee, la viiN'-da'. Laon, liiN. Laud, iGd. Lavoisier, l.V-vwa'-zya'. Leboeuf, le-b(il'. Lech, lok. Legnano, la-nyii'-uo. Leicester, les'-tSr. Leipzig, llp'-sTk. Leuthen, loi'-tfn. Leyden, li'-d?n. Ligny, leu'-ye'. Llewelyn, loii-gl'-tii. Louis Philippe, lori-e" fe'-Iep'. LoUVOis, l(jr/a«/ reigns, and for the entire lifetime of really important non-royal personages : n. = note. Abbasides, Arabian dynasty, 32-33. Abd-Rahman, Moslem leader (732), 45. Abdul-Hamid II (1876-1909), Sultan of Turkey, 542. Aboukir Bay, battle of (1798), 426. Acre, recaptured by Richard I (1191), 103; again taken by the Moslems (1291), 105. Act of Settlement (1701 — England), 332. Act of Supremacy (1534 — England), 245. Adrianople, battle of (378), 11; conquered by the Turks (1361), 223; recaptured by the Turks from the Bulgarians (1913), 546 n. Agincourt, battle of (1415), i74- Agricultural class in Middle Ages, 142-144. Alaric, king of the Visigoths, 11; death of, 12. -Albania, principality of, 546 n. Albert, Prince, his marriage to Queen Vic- toria, 513. Alcuin, mediaeval scholar, 58. i\lexander of Parma, general under Philip II, 265, 267. Alexander V, Pope, 199. Alexander VI, Pope (Borgia) (1492-1513), 202. Alexander I of Russia (1803-25), 436, 444, 454. 457- .Alexander II of Russia (1855-81), 537-538. Alexander III of Russia (1881-94), 538- Alexander III of Scotland, 182. Alemanni, in battle against the Franks (496), 41. _ Alexandria (in Egypt), 2. Alexius, Eastern Emperor, 94, 97. Alfred, King of Wessex (871-901), 112. Alhambra, Moorish palace, 222 n. Alva, Duke of, Spanish general, 262-264. America, discovery of, 226; effect of Span- ish Armada on colonization of, 268; colo- nization of, by England, 276. American colonies, revolt of, 364; effect on England of revolt, 366. Amiens, Peace of (1802), 429, 431 n. Anabaptists, German Reform Party, 236. Angevin (Anjou), princes, 82 n.\ 119 n. Anne of Austria, French Regent, 311 n. Anne of England (1702-14), 332. Anti-Corn Law League (England), 514- 515- Antioch, sieges of (1097-98), 98-99. Antwerp, in the 15th century, 147; sack of (1576), 265. Appeal to the German People, pamphlet by Luther, 234. Aquinas, Thomas (1226-74), mediaeval schoolman, 205. Arabs, before the time of Mohammed, 29; conquests of (632-732), 32-33; learning of, 35-36. Aragon, kingdom of, 222. Arcadius, Eastern Emperor (395-408), 11. .\rchbishop, ofBce of, defined, 21. Architecture, Gothic, 138; Renaissance, 211. Arian belief, 7 «.; heresy, 18. Arians, German, 41. Arkwright, inventor, 366. Armada, Spanish (1588), 266-268. Armagnacs, French faction, 173, 174, 175. Arthur, Celtic king, 109 n. Aspern, battle of (1809), 442. Asquith, Prime Minister of England, 535. Assignats, French revolutionary currency, 410. Athaulf, King of the Visigoths, 12. Attainder, definition of the Act of, 246 ».; Bill of, 288 n. Attila (406-453), invades Gaul (451), 14; 148. .Augsburg, Confession of (1530), 237; reli- gious peace of (i555). 237-238. .'^ugustenburg, Duke of, claimant to ducal throne of Holstein (1864), 494, 495. Augustine, missionary to England (c. 597), III. Austerlitz, battle of (1805), 433. Australia, settlement of, 370. Austrasia (East Frankland, changing into "Germany"), 64. Austria, founded by Rudolf of Hapsburg, 217; condition at close of Thirty Years' War, 311; under Maria Theresa (1740- 80), 350-351 ; under Joseph II (17^0-90), 354-355; its part in division of Poland, 357; attitude toward French Revolution, 403; war declared against, by France (1792), 404; war with France (1792-95), 407-408; in Italian campaign (1796-97), 422, 423; treaty with France (1797), 423- 424; war with France, 428, 429, 433, 442; Congress of Vienna (1815), 454-455, 456; XX INDEX Holy Alliance (1815), 457; constituent assembly (1848), 459; its part in Italian Revolution (1848), 471-472; war of 1859, 484-489; position in German federation after 1S48, 491-492; in the Danish War, 494-499; war with Prussia (1866), 495- 497- Austria-Hungary, revolution in, 470-471; since 1866, 531-532. Austrian Successsion, War of (1740-48), 353- Avars, wars of Charlemagne against, 53. Avignon, residence of Papal Court at, dur- ing the Babylonish Captivity, 196-197; Urban VI's refusal to return to, 198. Babington's Conspiracy (against Queen Elizabeth), 266. Babylonish Captivity (1305-78), 196-197. Babylonish Captivity of the Church, pam- phlet by Luther, 234. Bacon, Lord, Royal Chancellor of Eng- land, 277. Bagdad, Arabian capital under the Abba- sides, 33. "Balance of Power" in the i8th century, 358-359- Baldwin, Count of Flanders, in Fourth Crusade, 104. Balfour, Prime Minister of England, 534 n. Baliol, claimant to Scottish throne, 182. Bali 544-546. Bull, papal, definition of, 195 «.; agamst Philip IV of France, 195; against Luther, 234- Bundesrath, German Federal Council, 498. Burghers, mediaeval towns-folk, 145. Burgundians, settlement of, in Roman Empire, 13. Burgundy, Dukes of, in time of Hundred \ ears' War, 175; Charles the Bold, Duke of, 216. Cabinet government (England), 333; rise of, 371-374- Cabot, John, navigator, 190. Cajetanus, Cardinal, Luther summoned before, 232-233. Calais, taken by the English (1347.), 171; captured by the French (1558), 252. Calendar, French republican, 413-414. Caliphate, the (717-900), 35-36. Calixtines, Hussite faction, 200 n. Calvin, John, religious reformer, 239-240. Camperdovvn, battle of (1797), 424. Campo Formio, Treaty of (1797), 423-424. Canossa, Henry IV's humiliation at, 156- 157- Cape Colony taken possession of by Eng- land, 370. Cape St. Vincent, battle off (1797), 424. Capet, Hugh, King of France (987-996), 83, 84. Capetian monarchy, founding of, 82-83. Capitation (French tax), 384. Carbonari (Italian secret society), 462 »., 483- Carnot, French War Minister (1792-95), 408. Carthage, city of, 2. Cartwright, inventor, 367. Castile, kingdom of, 222. Cathedrals, Romanesque, 138; Gothic, 138-139- Catherine de Medici, Queen of France, 268, 269. Catherine of Aragon, wife of Henry VIII, 243-244. Catherine II of Russia (1762-96), 339-340; her part in division of Poland, 356. Catholic Christians, definition of, 18 n. Catholic Emancipation Act (England, 1829), 375-376. Catholic reaction in England under Mary, 250-252. Catholics in England, attitude of Charles II toward, 324. Cavaignac, General (France), 473. Cavaliers (English royalists), 291 n. Cavour, Count of, Italian statesman, 482- 488. Cecil, Sir William, English statesman, 257. Celts, in England, 109. Cimabue, Italian painter, 211. Cities, of Italy during Renaissance period, 206; free of mediaeval Germany, 219. See Towns. City Hall, mediaeval, 146. Chalons, battle of, (451), 14. Chamberlain, Joseph, his responsibility for Boer W'ar, 534 n. Chanson de Roland, medieval epic, 54. Charlemagne (768-814), his personality, 49-51; his Saxon wars, 51-52; war against the Lombards, 52-53; war against the Slavs and Avars, 53; invasion of Spain, 54; coronation of, 56-57; ad- ministration under, 57-58; revival of learning under, 58-59; his empire dis- solved, 61-62. Charles I of England (1625-49)-, 276-277, 278-283,285-294; execution of (1649), 294. Charles II of England (1660-85), 294, 296, 322-325. Charles V of France (1364-80), 172-173. Charles VI of France (1380-1422), 173, 175- Charles VII of France (1422-61), 175; crowned at Rheims, 177; 179. Charles VIII of France (1483-98). 217. Charles IX of France, 268. Charles X of France (1824-30), 396 n., 459-461. Charles IV, Emperor, 218. Charles V, Emperor (1519-56), position in regard to Luther, 235 ; and German Pro- testants, 237-238; his relation to breach between Henry VIII and Roman Church, 244; abdicated his power, 255. Charles VI, Emperor, 350. Charles II of Spain, 317. Charles XI of Sweden, 343 n. Charles XII of Sweden, 338-339- - Charles Albert, of Sardinia, 471. Charles Edward, the Young Pretender, 332 n. Charles the Bald, Frankish king, 62, 64; division of land, 65. Charles the Bold, Duke of Burgundy, 216. Charles the Fat, Frankish emperor, 82. Charles Martel, mayor of the palace (714- 74i)< 44- . ^ Charles the Simple, Kmg of France, his treaty with RoUo, 63. Chartist movement (England), 512. Chaucer, Geoffrey, English poet, 183. Christian IV, of Denmark, 301. Christianity, in the Roman Empire, 2; its spread among the Germans, 54; its adop- tion by the Anglo-Saxons, iii. XXll INDEX Christina, Queen of Sweden, 306 n. Chrysoloras, famous Greek teacher, 210. Church, early, sources of its wealth, 19-20; organization of, 20-23; under the Franks, 43; relation to feudalism, 67; re- lation to State (1046), 79-80; relations with Capetian kings, 85; life in (900- 1250), 135-137; its schools during the Middle Ages, 137; relation of early Uni^ versities to doctrine of, 204-205; condi- tion in i6th century, 229; of Russia, 336; English, under the Georges, 362; in France on eve of Revolution, 385; legis- lation by National Assembly (Irance), 401; Separation law (France, 1900), 527. Clairvaux, St. Bernard of, 158-159. Clarendon Code (1661-65), 324. Classes of people in the Middle Ages, 127. Clement V, Pope, 197. Clement VII, Tope, 198. Clergy, definition of, 20; secular and regu- lar, 136. Clermont, Church Council at (1095), 95. Cleves, Anne of, wife of Henry VII 1, 243 ;;. Clive, Robert, English general, 369. Clovis, King of the Franks, 40-41; succes- sors of, 43. Cluny, monastery of, 80; reform move- ment of, 153-154; Bernard of, 205 n. Cnut, King of England (1017-35), 112-113. Coalition against France, first, 407; second, 427; third, 431, 434; of 1813, 447-448. Cobden, English statesman, 515. Code Napoleon, 440. Colbert, financial minister of Louis XIV, 314- Coligny, leader of the Huguenots, 269. Coloni, Roman serfs, description of, 4. Columbus, Christopher, 222, 226. Comitatus, German war band, 6. Commerce, during Middle Ages, 127 «.; re- vival in later Middle Ages, 149-150. Committee of Public Safety, French Revo- lution, 408-409; 414. Common law of England, origin of, 122- 124. Commune, media;val, 145; of Paris, 405; in 1871, 505 «., 524. Compass, invention of, 212. Compurgation, 123 11. Conclave of cardinals, 197. Concordat of Napoleon (1808), 440. Conde, French general, 316. Condottieri, 211. Congress of Paris (1856), 483. Conrad II of Germany, 78. Conradin, grandson of Frederick II, 163. Conservative party in England, 374, 534, 535- Constance, Council of (1414-18), 199-200; relation of University ol Paris to, 204. Constantine, Roman Emperor, 2. Constantine XII, last Emperor of Constan- tinople, 223. Constantinople, founding of, 2; civilization of, 37; patriarch of, 55; attacked by Rus- sians (865), 335; seizure by Crusaders (1204), 104; taken by the Turks, 210; fall of (1453), 223-224.^ Constitution of France, first (1791), 399- 401, 402, 406; second (never enforced), 416; third (1795), 416-417; of 1848, 468; of 1875, 525^26. Continental System, 441. Controller-General of France, 381. Convention, legislative body of France, 406, 407, 413-414. 416, 417- Convocation (Church) in England, 245. Cook, Captain, explorer, 370. Corn laws (English), repeal of, 514-515. Corvee (forced labor in France), 384. Cotton-gin, invention of, 367. Council, church, description of, 21-23; royal, in France, 380. Coup d'Etat (1851), 475-476. Covenant, Scottish, 283. Cranmer, Archbishop of Canterbury, 244- 245, 247, 250; death of, 251. Crecy, battle of (i3-;6), 170-171. Crimean War (1854-56), 477, 483, 540. Cromwell, Oliver, 291-296. Cromwell, Richard, son of Oliver, 296. Cromwell, Thomas, minister of Henry VIII, 244, 246. Crusades, origin of, 93-94; leaders of, 95- 97; general description of, 97; Second, 102; Second set in motion by St. Bernard of Clairvaux, 159; Third, 103-104; Philip Augustus in, 88; Fourth, 104; later, 104- 105; results of, 105-106. Custozza, battle of (1848), 471 ; second bat- tle of (1866), 488. Damascus, capital of Arabian Empire (661- 750), 32. Danes in Ireland, 192. Danish War (1864), 494. Dante (1265-1321), Italian poet, 207. Danton, French statesman, 405, 406; fall of, 413, 414- Darnley, Lord, husband of Mary, Queen of Scots, 260. Deacon, definition of, 20. Decameron, by Boccaccio, 208. Declaration of Rights (England, 1689), 330. De Lesseps, promoter of Suez Canal, 518 w.; of Panama Canal, 526. Denmark, in the Congress of Vienna (1815), 456; at war with Austria and Prussia (1864), 494. Derby, Lord, English statesman, 517. Desiderius, King of the Lombards, 52-53- Desmoulins, Camille, French Revolution- ist, 397. INDEX XXlll Diet, German Imperial, in 1500, 219; of German Confederacy in 1815, 456. Diocese, definition of, 21. Directory, French, 417, 423, 424, 425, 427. Dispensations by Pope, 197 n. Disraeli, 517, 518, Prime Minister of Eng- land (1874-80), 518-519. See Beacons- field, Lord. Divine Comedy, by Dante, 207. Divine right of kings, with James I, 274; with Louis XIV, 312-313. Domesday Book of William the Conqueror, 116-H7. Dominic, St., founder of Friar order, (1170- 1221), 165-166. Dominican Order of Friars, 165-166; 229. Donatello (13&6-1466), Italian sculptor, 211. Donjon of mediaeval castle, 128. Doryla;um, battle of (1097), 98. Dragonnades, against Huguenots, 315. Drake, Sir Francis, English seaman, 267. Dreyfus, Captain, the case of (1899), 526- 527- Duguesclin, Bertrand, general under Charles V of France, 173. Dunbar, battle of (1650), 294. Dupleix, French general, 369. DUcer (d. 1528), German artist, 213. Dutch commerce, 270, 365. Dutch Republic. Sec Netherlands. Eastern Empire, repulsed the Saracens (717). 33^35; authority in Italy before 800, 55. See Crusades, and Greece. Eck, his disputation with Luther, 233. Edessa, regained by Moslems (1144), 102. Edict of Restitution (Germany, 1629), 301- 302. Education, general, spread of, 555-556. Edward I of England (1272-1307), 122; his subjection of Wales, 181; in Scotland, 182. Edward II (1307-27) and Scotland, 182. Edward III (1327-77), his claim to crown of France, 169; invasion of France, 170; his reign, 185-186. Edward IV (1461-83), 188. Edward V (1483), 188. Edward VI (1547^53). 248-249. Edward VII (1901-09), 534. Edward the Confessor, King of England (1042-66), 113, 114; laws of, 118. Edward, King of W'essex (901-25), 112. Edwin of Northumbria, ill. Egmont, Count of, Netherland nobleman, 262. Egypt, British military occupation of (1882), 519. Egyptian Expedition (French,' 1798-99), 425-427- Eighteenth century, character of, 348. Einhard, biographer of Charlemagne, 49 n. Elba, Napoleon at, 449. Electorate in England before 1832, 376, 508-509. Electors of mediaeval German Emperor, 2i8; and eighth created, 307. Eliot, Sir John, English statesman, 280. Elizabeth, Empress of Russia, 353. Elizabeth, Queen of England (1558-1603), 252, 257-260; war with Spain, 266-268; execution ol Mary, Queen of Scots, 266. Elizabethan Settlement of English Church, 259- Emigrants, of the Irench Revolution, 410, 459- England, origin of, 108-125; '" later Mid- dle Ages, 181-193; religious revolt in, 242-253; under Ll.zabeth, 257-260, 266- 268, 270-271; under the eaily Stuarts, 274-283; Civil War and Cromwell, 285- 297; in wars of Louis XIV, 316; under the later Stuarts, 322-333; in Seven Years' War, 353 ; under the Georges, 361- 376; industry and commerce of, 365-367; colonial empire of, 370-371, 521-522; war with France (1792-95), 407-408; (1805), 431^433; 440-441; naval power, 424-427; Holy Alliance (1815) 457 «., 458; in 19th century, 507-522; 20th-cen- tury problems of, 536-537. English Pale, in Ireland, 192. Entente cordiale, 534. Erasm.i'S (d. 1536), scholar, 214. Essex, Earl of, general in the Great Civil War (England), 291. Estates in France, local representatives, 380. Ethelbert, King of Kent, his conversion to Christianity (597), 11 1. Ethelred the Unready, 112. Eugenius IV, Pope, 201. Exchequer, 118; Chancellor of, 118 «.; Court of, 281. Excommunication, results to individual, 21. Expectatives, 197 n. Falkirk, battle of (1298), 182. Fawkes, Guy, Gunpowder Plot conspira- tor, 275. Fehrbellin, battle of (1675), 343. Fenian Movement (Irish), 520. Ferdinand I, Emperor, 255. Ferdinand II, Emperor, 300, 301; in Thirty Years' War, 302. Ferdinand III (1637-57), Emperor, 306. Ferdinand, King of Naples, 480-481. Ferdinand of Aragon, 222. Ferrara, city-state of, 206 n. Feudal castle, description of, 127-128; life in, 128-130. Feudalism, origin of, 65; description of, 66- 69; effect of crusades on, 105; in Eng- INDEX land, ii6; definition of terms, 128-131; wars of, 131-133; living conditions un- der, 133-135; effect of the invention of gunpowder upon, 224-225. Fichte, German philosopher, 444. Fief, feudal holding, 67, 69 n. Flanders, cities of, 147; Counts of, 147. Florence, city-state of, 148-149; commerce of, 206; republic of, 471, 472. Fontenay, battle of (841), 62. Fox, Charles James, English orator, 372 n. France, rise of, 82-91; state of, at end of Middle Ages, 216-217; under Henry IV, 268-270; in Thirty Years' War, 305-306; in Treaty of Westphalia, 307; condition at close of Thirty Years' War, 3 10-31 1; under Louis XIV, 311-320; under Louis XV, 349-350; in Seven Years' War, 353; under Louis XIV, 357-358; in India, 369; Revolution, causes of, 378-390; period of, 391-418; in war with all Europe (1792-95), 407-408; under Napoleon, 427-428, 430-431; extent of Empire (1808), 438-439; under the Bourbons (1815-30), 451-461 ; under Louis Philippe (1830-48), 463-464; Second Republic (1848-51), 467-468, 472-473; war of 1859, 484-489; Second Empire (1852-70), 476- 478; end of, 503; Third Republic, 503; since 1871, 524-527; constitutions of, first (1791), 399-401, 402, 406; second, 416; third (1795), 416-417; fourth, 428; of 1875, 525-526. Francis I of Austria, 446. Francis I of France (1515-47), 217. Francis II of France, 260, 268. Francis II of Naples, 487. Francis Joseph, Emperor of Austria, 485, 531-532. Francis of Lorraine, 351. Francis, St., of Assisi, 164-165. Franciscan Order of Friars, 164-165, 229. Franco-Prussian War (1S70-71), 500-505. Franconia, German mediaeval duchy, 71.74- Frankfort, Treaty of (1871), 504-505. Frankland, extension of its borders, 46. Franklin, Benjamin, 378. Franks, Germanic race, 5; settlement of, 13; the Merovingian, 40; relations with tiie Romans, 43. Frederick I (Barbarossa, 1152-90), 103, 159-160; estimation of, 160 n. Frederick II (1212-50), 161-163. Frederick I, King in Prussia (1688-1713), 343-344. Frederick II (1740-86) 351; war with Aus- tria, 352-354; division of Poland, 356; fondness for French language, 379 n. Frederick V, Elector of the Palatinate, 300, 301. Frederick of Saxony, protector of Luther, 235- Frederick William (1640-88), 342-343. Frederick William I (1713-40), 344-346. Frederick William II (1786-97), 403. Frederick William III (1797-1840), 434, 436, 443, 461. Frederick William IV (1S40-61), 469, 470, 492, 493- Free press, 5^6-557. Friedland, battle of (1807), 436. Fronde, wars of the (France), 311 «. Gaillard, Chateau, capture of (1204), 89. Galileo (1564-1642), Italian scientist, 378. Gambetta, leader of National Defense Government (France), 504, 527 n. Gardiner, Bishop, minister of Queen Mary of England, 252 n. Garibaldi (Italian patriot,) 472, 486-489. Genoa, city-state of, 149 n.; medianal tradt of, 101. George 1 of England (1714-27), 332-333. 362-364. George II (1727-60), 364. George III (1 760-1 S20), 364-365. 370- George IV (1S20-30), 365, 507. Georgian Epoch, 362-376. German Customs Union (1833), 462. German Empire, mediaeval, 217-221; in 1871,505- German kingdom, settlement of, 13. German National Assembly (1848), 469. German tribes, enumeration of, 4-5; de- scription of, 5-6; political organization of, 6; religion of, 7; conversion to Chris- tianity, 46-47. Germany, origin of the kingdom of, 71-80; condition of the Empire at the end of the Middle Ages, 217-221; protcstant revolt in, 229-238; Thirty Years' War, 299-308; growth of Prussia, 340-346, 351-354; humiliation of Prussia, 434-436; Con- gress of Vienna, 456; situation in (1815- 30), 461-462; revolution in (1848), 468- 470; 1848 to 1871, 491-505; since 1871, 528-531- Ghent, in 15th century, 147. Girondist party during French Revolu- tion, 403, 406, 410, 411, 412, 416. Gladstone, Prime Minister, first adminis- tration, 517-518; second administration, 519-521; third administration, 521. Godfrey of Bouillon, leader of First Cru- sade, 95-96; ruler of Jerusalem, 100. Golden Bull, by Charles IV of Germany, 218. Gothic cathedrals, 138-139. Gothic kingdom in Spain, 12. Goths, treaty with Theodosius, 11. Grseco-Roman civilization, 4. Gramont, French Foreign Minister (1870), 501. Grand Remonstrance (England, 1641). 289. INDEX XXV Gravelotte, battle of (1870), 503. Great Britain, colonial empire of, 521-522. Great Charter {Magna Charta), 120-121. Greece, conquered by Turks, 224; revolt against Turks (1821), 458, 540; since 1878, 541, 542; Balkan War, 544-546. Greek fire, 34 n. Gregory the Great, Pope (590-604), posi- tion of the Papacy under him, 23-24, III. Gregory VII, Pope (1073-85), his humilia- tion of Henry IV, 156-158. See also Hildebrand. Gregory XI, Pope, 197. Gregory XII, Pope, 199 n. Grey, Lady Jane (England), 250, 251. Grey, Lord, Prime Minister of England, 510,511- Guilds, mediaeval, 146; (i8th century), French, 383 n. Guillotine, what it was, 412 n. Guise, Dukes of, 268. Guizot, Prime Minister of France (1840- 48,) 464, 466. Gunpowder, military revolution caused by invention of, 224-225. Gunpowder Plot (England, 1605), 274-275. Gustavus Adolphus, of Sweden (1611-32), 302-305. "Gutenberg, John, inventor of printing, 213. Guy, King of Jerusalem, 102. Haarlem, siege of (1572), 264. Habeas Corpus Act (1679), 325. Hague Peace Tribunal, 546-547. Hampden, John, English statesman, 281 n.; 286, 289 n. Hapsburg dynasty, beginning of, 217. Hargreaves, inventor, 366. Harold, King of England (1066), 114, IIS- Haroun-al-Raschid (Arabian Kalif, 763- 809), 35. Hastings, battle of (1066), 115. Hegira (flight of Mohammed, 622), 30. Henry I of England (1100-35), 117-118. Henry II (1154-89), 119; growth of the judiciary under, 122-124; h's French holdings, 87, 88, 89; "Angevin Prince," 88 «.; invasion of Ireland, 192. Henry III (1216-72), 121-122. Henry IV (1399-1413), 1S7. Henry V (1413-22), 173-174, 175, 187. Henry VI (1422-61), 175, 187, 188. Henry VII (1489-1509), 189-90. Henry VIII (1509-47), 242-245; the Eng- lish Church under, 246-248. Henry III of France (1575-1589), 268. Henry IV (i 589-1610), 269-271. Henry the Fowler, King of Germany (919- 36), 71, 72-75. Henry II (1002-24), 78. Henry III (1039-56), Emperor, 79-80, his domination over the Papacy, 153. Henry IV (1056-1106), 80; his rule of Ger- many, 155-156; his struggle with Greg- ory VII, 156-158. Henry V (1106-25), Emperor, his treaty with the Pope, 158. Henry VI (1190-1197), marriage of, 160. Henry the Lion, Duke of Saxony and Ba- varia (1129-95), 160. Heptarchy, Anglo-Saxon kingdoms, 109 n. High Commisson, Court of (England), 282, 288. Hildebrand, his early life, 54-55. See also Gregory VII. Hohenlinden, battle of (i8oo), 428. Hohenstaufens, German dynasty, 159; last of, 163. HohenzoUern dynasty (Prussia), 340. Holbein (d. 1543), German artist, 213. Holland, cities of, 147; wars of Louis XIV against, 315-317- Holies, Denzill, English politician, 286. Holy ,'Mliance (1815), 457-458. Holy Lance, at siege of Antioch, 99, 99 n. Holy Roman Empire, founding of, by Charlemagne, 57; revival by Otto I, 75- 78; at end of Middle Ages, 217-218; de- stroyed by Napoleon, 429-430. Homage (feudal), 68, 130, 131. Home Rule for Ireland, 519-521, 535. Honorius, Emperor of the West (395-423), II. Howard, Catherine, wife of Henry VIII, 243 n. Huguenots, Protestants in France, 268, 310 n., 311; persecution of, 314-315; settlement in Brandenburg, 343. Humbert I of Italy (1878-1900), 531. Humboldt, German statesman and scholar, 443- Hundred Years' War (1338-1453), 168-179. Hungarians. See Magyars. Huns, their advance westward, 10; inva- sion of Gaul (451), 14. Hus, John (Bohemian reformer), 199-200. Hussites, church of, 200; Luther's sym- pathy with, 233. Immunity (feudal), 66 w. Intendants, in France, 380. Incivism, meaning of, during Reign of Terror, 411. Inclosures, in England, 252-253. Independents,Puritan party in England, 292. India, won by England, 369-370. Indulgences (Church), sale of, 231. Industrial Revolution, in England, 509; on the Continent, 552-554. Industry and commerce, revival of, in later Middle Ages, 150-151; growth of, in England, 365-367- XXVI INDEX Innocent III, Pope (1198-1216), 120, 160- 161; his attitude toward the Franciscan Order, 165. Inquisition, Spanish, 261-262; its effect on Spain, 271. Inslilules of the Christian Religion, by Cal- vin, 239. Inventions at close of Middle Ages, 378. Investiture (Church), struggle over, 156- 158. Inland, attempted conquest by England, 191-193; union with Great Britain (1800), 376; Home Rule for, 519-521, ^35. Irene, Empress of the Eastern Empire (780-802), 56. Ironsides, Cromwell's, 291. Isabella of Castile (1469-1504), 222. Islam(Mohammedanism), doctrines of, 30- 32; threatens Gaul (721), 45. Italy, end of German domination in, 163; attempts of French kings to conquer, 217; Napoleon's campaign in (1796-97), 421- 423; how treated at Congress of Vienna, (1815), 456; situation in (1815-48), 462- 463; revolution in (1848), 471-472; after 1848, 480-4S9; Prussian alliance with, 495, 496; since 1870, 531. Itinerant Justices (England), 118, 123. Ivan IV of Russia (1534-84), 336. Ivry, battle of (1590), 270. Jacobins (French Revolutionary party), 404, 405 «., 406, 409, 410, 411, 412; re- volts against, 412-413; heirs of the old (1830), 460. Jacobites (party for exiled English Stuarts), 332 «., 374 n. James I of England (1603-25), 260, 274- 278. James II (1685-88), 325-329; attempts to regain throne, 330; death of (1701), 331- James III, the "Old Pretender," 332 n. Janizaries (Turkish bodyguard), 224 «., 317- Japan, war with Russia (1904-05), 537 «., 538. Jeanne d' Arc (Frencli heroine, active ca- reer, 1429-31), 1 76-1 78. Jeffreys, Lord, English judge, 327. Jena, battle of (1806), 434. Jerusalem, taken by the crusaders (1099), 99-100; Christian Kingdom of, 100-102; taken by Saladin (1187), 102. Jesuits, founding of the Order of, 240. John, King of England (i 109-1216), 88, 89, 119. John, King of France (1350-64), 172 John XII, Pope (955-64), 75-76; deposed by Otto I, 77. John XXIII, Pope (1410-15), 199. John George, Elector of Saxony, 304. Joseph II of Austria (actual rule, 1780-90), 354-355- Josephine, wife of Napoleon, 446 n. July Ordinances (France), 460. Jury, growth of, in England, 124. Justinian, Emperor (527-565), his recovery of the Western provinces, 16. Kara Mustapha.Turkish vizier, 317. Karlman, son of Charles Martel, 46. Kerbogha, Emir of Mossul, 99. King's Peace in England, 117. Kirk-Kilisseh, battle of (1912), 544. Knight, life of mediaival, 102. Knights of the Hospital, 102; of the Temple, 102. Knox, John, Scotch reformer, 260. Koniggratz, battle of (1S66), 497, 499. Koran, Mohammedan bible, 31. Kosciuszko, Polish general, 357. Kossuth, Hungarian leader, 470. La Hogue, battle of (1692), 316. La Vendee (France), revolt of, 413. Laborers, Statute of (England), 186. Lafayette, French general (1757-1834), 393 «- 398, 402. Laity, as defined in the Middle Ages, 20. Langside (Scotland), battle of (1568), 261. Laon, Kings of (France), 82-83. Latimer, Bishop (England), 251. Laud, William (1573-1645), Archbishop of Canterbury, 281, 282, 288. Lavoisier (1743-94), French scientist, 378. League, the, clerical faction opposed to Henry IV of France, 269-270. Leboeuf, French Marshal (1870), 502. Lech, battle of (955), 75; Passage of (1632), 305- Legislative Assembly of France (1791), 403. Legitimacy, supported by Metternich, 454, 458, 461, 550. Legnano, battle of (1176), 160. Leicester, Earl of, English general, 259 n. Leipzig, battle of (1813), 447. Leo III, Pope, 56. Leo VIII, Pope, 77. Leo IX, Pope, 80. Leo X, Pope, 229; his early attitude toward Luther, 232. Leo the Isaurian, Eastern Emperor (716- 41), 34- Leopold, Duke of Austria, 88 «. Leopold II of Austria, Emperor (1790-92), 401,403. Leopold I of Belgium (1831-65), 458. Leuthen, battle of (1757), 354 n. Leyden, siege of (1574), 264-265. Liberal party in England, 374, 515, 517, 518, 519. .535- Ligny, baitle of (1815), 451. Little Englanders, 517-518. INDEX xxvu Llewelyn, Prince of Wales, i8i. Lloyd-George, English statesman, measures introduced by, 535-536. Lodi, battle of (1796), 423. Lollards, English followers of VViclif, 184- 185. Lombard, League, the, 160 n. ' Lombards, invasion of Italy by (568), 16; downfall of, 52-53. Lombardy, city-republics of, 160; revolt against Frederick n, 162 Longbow, English, 169; use of, 225 n. Lorraine, origin of, 71, 74. Lothaire, (nominally Emperor 840-870), 62; shares division of land, 65. Louis VI (the Fat), of France (1108-37), 86. Louis VII (1137-80), 86. Louis IX (St. Louis) (1226-70), 89-91, 105. Louis XI (1461-83), 216. Louis XII (1498-1515), 217. Louis XIV (1643-1715), 311-320; his pen- sion to Charles II of England, 322. Louis XV (1715-74), 319-320; 349-350. Louis XVI (1774-92), 357-3*58; summon- ing of States General, 391, 393, 395; 396, 397. 398-399, 401-402, 405; death of, 406-407; effect of his death, 407. "Louis XVII" (nominal reign, 1793-95), 417 «. Xouis XVIII (1814-24), 396 n., 448, 449, 458 w., 459- Louis Philippe (1830-48), 461, 463-464, 466-467. Louis the German (843-876), 62, 64; share in division of land, 65. Louis the Pious, Emperor (814-840), 61. Louvois, War Minister to Louis XIV, 315. Loyola, St. Ignatius de, founder of Jesuit Order, 240. Liibeck, city-state of, 219. Luneville, Peace of (i8ox), 429. Luther, Martin (1483-1546), tlerman re- former, early career, 230-231; Theses of, 231-232 ; summoned before Cajetanus (1518), 232-233; disputation at Leipzig (1519), 233; at Worms (1521), 234-235; at Wartburg (1521-22), 235-236; mar- riage of (1525), 236 n.\ death of, 236; Zwingli compared with, 239. Lutheranism in England, 242, 243. Liitzen, battle of (1632), 305. Luxembourg, Duchy of, 500. Lyons, Council of (1245), 162; uprising against the Jacobins, 413. Mack, Austrian general, 433. MacMahon, French general (1870), 503. Magdeburg, captured (1631), 304. Magellan, navigator, 226. Magenta, battle of (1859), 484-485. Magna Charta, 120-121. Magyars (Hungarians), 73; description of, 74; defeated by Henry the Fowler, 74; defeated by Otto I, 75; revolution of Austria-Hungary, 470-471. Mainz, Archbishop of, his connection with the sale of indulgences, 231 n. Marches (Marks), mediaeval, definition of, 54 «• Marco Polo, Italian explorer, 225. Marengo, battle of (1800), 428. Maria Louisa, wife of Napoleon, 446 n. Maria Theresa of Austria (1740-80), 350- 351; war with Prussia, 352-354; division of Poland, 356. Marie Antoinette, Queen of France, 357, 396, 396 «., 398 «., 401, 403; death of, 411. Markgrafs (counts of frontiers), 58. Marlborough, Duke of, English general, 318. Marston Moor, battle of (1644), 291. Marseillaise, the (French National hymn), 404. Martin V, Pope (1417-31), 199. Marx, Karl (1818-83), 558. Mary, Queen of England (1553-58), 250- 252. Mary, Queen of Scots (lived 1542-87), 252, 260-261; execution of, 266. Mathias, German Emperor (1612-19), 300. Matilda, daughter of Henry I of England, 119. Maurice, Elector of Saxony, 237-238. Maximilian, Duke of Bavaria, 300-301, 302. Maximilian, German Emperor (1493-1519), 218. Maximum, law of (French Revolution), 409-410. Mayors of the Palace (Frankish kingdom), 43-44- Mazarin, Cardinal, French statesman, 310, 311 n. Mazzini, Italian patriot (1805-72), 463. Mecca, holy city of Mohammed, 31; capi- tal of Arabian Empire, 32. Mediaeval view of life, 205-206. Medical science in the Middle Ages, 134 n. Mendicant Orders of Friars, 166 n. Merovingian dynasty (Frankish), 43. Methodist Church, founding of, 362. Metternich (1773-1859), Austrian Prime Minister, 446, 447, 454, 456, 457-458, 461, 468, 469. Metz, capitulation of (1870), 504. Mexico, invaded by Napoleon III, 478. Michael Angelo, Italian artist, 211, 229 n. Milan, destroyed by Frederick I (1162), 160; rebuilt, 160 w.; city-state of, 206 n.; decree of (1806-07), 441. Military system (general), since 1789, 557. Mirabeau, French revolutionary statesman, 395- XXVIU INDEX Missi dominici, of Charlemagne, 58. Modena, city-state of, 206. Mohammed, Arabian prophet, 29-30. Mohammed II, Turkish sultan, 223-224. Mohammed V, 542-544. Mohammedanism, doctrines of, 30-32. Mohammedans, learning of, 35-36; threat- ened Gaul (721), 45; divisions among, during First Crusade, loi; expelled from Spain, 221-222. Monasteries, dissolution of, in England, 246. Monasticism, rise of, 25-28.' Monk, English general, 296. Monk, life of, 25, 136. Monmouth, Duke of (English), 326. Monroe Doctrine, 458 n. Montenegro, 541, 544. Montfort, Simon de, mediieval warrior, 121 . More, Sir Thomas, English statesman and author, 245-246. Moreau, French general, 428. Moscow, campaign of (1812), 444. Municipal Reform Act (England, 1835), 512. Mutiny Act (England, 1689), 331. Nana Sahib, rebel leader in Sepoy Rebel- lion, 516. Napoleon (reign of, 1804-14), 418, 420- 436, 438-452. 454- Napoleon II, 446 11., 474 n. Napoleon III (Louis; reign, 1852-70), 472, 473-478 ; intervention in Italy (1859), 483- 489; war with Germany, 499-503; death of, 503 n. Nantes, Edict of (1598), 270, 310 n.; repeal of, 315- Narva, battle of (1700), 339. Naseby, battle of (1645), 291. National Assembly (France), 394, 396, 398, 399-401, 402. National Defense Government of France, 503, 504- National Cjuards (France), 397. Nationality, new consciousness of (gen- eral), 555. Navarino, battle of (1827), 458 ». Navarre, kingdom of, 222 n. Necker, French financier, 391, 393; dis- missal of, 396. Nelson, Admiral (175S-1805), 424, 426. Nepotism, in Church, 197 «. Netherlands, the cities of, 148; condition of, in timeof Philip II, 261 ; independence of, 265; formation of the Kingdom of (1815), 455- Neustria (West Frankland), 64; end of, 82, 83. New Learning, at end of Middle Ages, 209- 210. New Zealand, settlement of, 370. Newton, Sir Isaac (1642-1727), 378. Ney, Marshal of France, 449. Nicsea, Council of (325), 22. Nicholas I of Russia (1825-55) his attitude toward Turkey, 540. Nicholas II (1894—), 538. Nicholas V, Pope (1447-55), 202. Nile, battle of the (1798), 426 n. Noblesse, French, 381-382, 389. Nonconformists, English, 323 n.; 376 n. Norman Conquest of England (1066), 113- iiS- Normandy, founding of Duchy of, 62-63; lost to England, 119. Normans, fusion with Saxons in England, 124-125. North German Confederation, 498. Northmen (Scandinavians), in Gaul, 62- 63; 74; attack on Paris (885), 82; inva- sion of England, 111-112. Northumberland, Duke of, English politi- cian, 248. Novara, battle of (1849), 472. O'Connell, Daniel, Irish leader, 519. Odo (or Eudes), Count of Paris, 82. Odo, Duke of Aquitaine, 45. Odoacer, deposed Romulus Augustulus (476), 14. Olmiitz, Conference at (1850), 492. Old Regime in France, 379-387, 459. Ollivier, Prime Minister of France (1870), 502. Ommiad Dynasty of the Arabs, 32, 33. Ordeal, description of, 8; in England, 122. Orleans, Duke of (French Regent), 349. Orleans Monarchy (France), 463-464, 467. Orleans, siege of (1429), 177. Orsini, Italian conspirator, 483-484. Ostrogoths, 5; enslaved by the Huns (350), 10; in Italy, blotted out by Justinian, 16. Otto I, German Emperor (936-973), his power in Germany, 75 ; his revival of the Holy Roman Empire, 75-78. Otto II, 78. Otto III, 78. Otto IV, 89, 161. Oxenstierna, Chancellor of Sweden, 306 n. Oxford, University of, 213. Palace School of Charlemagne, 58. Panama Canal Company (French), 526. Papacy, rise of, 23-24; condition of, in loth century, 75; claimants (1046), 79; leader- ship in crusades, 94; domination of, by Henry III, 153; supremacy of, as formu- lated by Innocent III, 161; final era of mediaeval, 201-202; relations of Louis XIV with, 314 n.; temporal power since 1870, 489 n. Papal Court, corruptions during time of Babylonian captivity, 197 «.; condition in 16th century. INDEX XXIX Paris, Commune of, in 1792, 405; in 1871, 505 n., 524: Congress of (1856), 483; Peace of (1856), 540; siege of (1870-71), 503-504; University of (medieval), 204, 213- Parliament Act (England, 1909), 535. Parliament of England, make-up of, 121 ».; Model, 122; under James 1, 277; first three under Charles I, 279-280; Short (1640), 285; Long (1640-60), 285-294, 296; Rump (1649-53), 294-295; alliance with Scots (1643), 291 ; under William 111 331-332; unreformed, 507-509. Parliament of Paris (French High Court), 91. 313. 380-381. Parnell, Irish leader for Home Rule, 520. Parr, Catherine, wife of Henry Vlll, 243 n. Patrician, title given Charlemagne, 53. Pavia, capital of Lombard kingdom, 16. Peace Conference, First Hague, 547. Peasants, general condition about 1000, 141-144; revolt of, in England (1381), 184, 186-187; revolt of, in Germany (1524-25), 236; French, 383-384, 389- Peel, Sir Robert, English statesman, 514- 515. Pepin, crowned king of the Franks (752), 46; descent into Italy, 47. Pepin of Heristal, Prankish mayor of the palace, 44 n. Pepin the Short, Prankish king (741-68), 45-46. Peter the Great, Russian czar (1689-1725), 338-339- Peter the Hermit, preaches crusade, 95. Petition of Right (England, 1628), 279-280. Petrarch (1302-74), Italian poet and scholar, 207-208, 209. Philip 1 of France (1052-1108), 86. Philip IV of France (1285-1314), his con- flict with Boniface VIII, 195-196; se- cures withdrawal of Papal Court from Rome, 197. Philip II of Spain (1555-98), 253-257; his marriage with Mary of England, 251, 252; his war with England. 266-268; re- volt of the Netherlands, 261-265; rela- tions with France, 270; death of, 270. Philip V of Spain (1700-46), 317, 318. Philip Augustus of France (1180-1223), 87-89, 119, 120; leader in the Third Cru- sade, 103. Philip of Valois, claimant for French throne, 169; VI of France (1328-50), 170. Pisa, Council of (1409), 199; relation of the University of Paris to, 204. Pitt, William ("The Elder"), Lord Chat- ham (1708-78), English statesman, 375. Pitt, William (1759-1806), English states- man, 353 »., 375. Pius Vll, Pope, 438 «. Pius IX, Pope (1846-1878), 471, 480, 488. Plassey, battle of (1757), 369. Podesta, Italian magistrate, 146. Poitiers, battle of (1356), 172. Poland, divisions cf, 340, 355-357; 'n Con- gress of Vienna (1814-15), 456. Pollentia, battle of (402), 11. Poltava, battle of (1709), 339. Pompadour, Madame de, favorite of Louis XV, 350, 353. Pope, election of, 155. Pope, Alexander, English poet, 362. Portugal, kingdom of, 222. Pragmatic Sanction, 350. Prague, Peace of (1866), 497. Presbyterianism in England, 292. Pressburg, Peace of, 433. Preston, battle of (1648), 293. Pride's Purge, Great Civil War (England), 294. Priest, definition of, 20; parish, 136. Prime Minister (English), description of, 374 n. Primogeniture, principle of, 381 n. Printing, invention of, 212-213. Private warfare, 131. Protectorate (Englanil), 295-296. Protestantism, origin of the name (Ger- manv), 237; in England, under Henry VIIl", 246-248; under Edward VI, 248- 249; under Elizabeth, 258-259; under James 1, 274-275; in France, 268-269; in Germany after 1600, 299 «.; growth of, in Netherlands, 261; in Scandinavia, 239- ... Prussia, Kingdom of, origm of, 343-346; war with France (1792-95), 404, 407- 408; war with France (1806-07), 434- 436; the regeneration of, 442-444; upris- ing against Napoleon (1813), 445-446; treatment at Congress of Vienna (1814- 15), 456-457; joins Holy Alliance (1815), 457; constituent assembly proclaimed (1848), 469; after 1848, 491-499. See also Germany. Prynne, William, English Puritan, 282. Puritans (English religious party), 274; migration of, 280 «.; opposition to Charles I, 281 ; persecution under Charles II, 323-324. Pym, John, English statesman. 286, 289 n. Railroads, general effect of their use on in- dustry, 554-555. Raleigh, Sir Walter, English statesman and navigator, 259 «., 276. Ramillies, battle of (1706), 318. Raphael, Italian artist, 211, 229 n. Raymond, Count of Toulouse, leader in the First Crusade, 97. Reform Act (England), the first (1832), 509-511; the second (1867), 516-517; the third (1884), 519. INDEX Reformation, the, in Germany, 229-238; in Switzerland, 238-240; in England, 242-253; in Holland, 261; in France, 268-269; in Scotland, 260. Reichstag (Germany), 498. Reign of Terror (French Revolution), 390, 410-416. Remigius, St., Bishop of Rheims, 41. Renaissance, the, 204-214. Rheims, St. Remigius, Bishop of, 41; Arch- bishop of, 84. Richard I of England (1189-99), 88, 103, 119. Richard II (1377-99), 186. Richard III (1483-85), 188-189. Richelieu, Cardinal (1585-1642), French statesman, 306, 310 n. Right of the Dove-Cots (i8th century, France), 382. Ritters (Germany), feudal holding, 219. Robert of Normandy, leader in the First Crusade, 97. Robespierre (French revolutionist), 405, 411, 414-416. Rohan, Cardinal de (France), 387. Roland of Britanny, Count, 54. Rollo (Norse chieftain), his treaty with Charles the Simple, 63. Roman Empire, extent of, i ; government of, 3; ta.xation in, 3; army of, 3; slavery in, 3; final division of (395), 11; results of German invasions into, 13. Roman Republic (1848), 471. Rome, population of, in time of Roman Empire, 2 >/.; sacked by Visigoths, 11; early Bishops of (Popes), 23; Charle- magne at, 52, S3, 55 «., 56; Otto I marches to, 75-77; mob at, cause of Great Schism, 197; center of a "Repub- lic" (1848-49), 470-471 ; seized by Ital- ian Government, 488-489. Romulus Augustulus, deposition of (476), 14- Ronccsvalles, retreat through (778), 54. Rossbach, battle of (1757), 353. Roumania, 541, 546. Roundheads (English Puritans), 291 w. Rousseau (1712-78), Franco-Swiss author, 388-389.^ Royal Session (French Revolution), 395. Rudolf of Hapsburg (1273-91), 217. Runnymede, conference at (121 5), 120. Rupert, Prince (nephew of Charles I of England), 291. Russell, Lord John, English statesman, 515. Russia, growth of, 335-340; war with France (1812), 444; joins Holy Alliance (1815), 457; its part in the Austrian Re- volution (1848), 471; the evolution of, 537^539; Crimean War (1854-56), 540; war with Turkey (1877), 540. Ryswick, Treaty of, 316-317. Sadowa, battle of (1866), 497 n. St. Bartholomew's Day, Massacre of French Huguenots, on, 269. St. Helena, Napoleon at, 451. St. Peter, church of, 211. St. Sophia, church of, 227. Saladin, Mohammedan leader in the Third Crusade, 102-103. Salerno, University of, 204. Salic law (France), 169. Salisbury, Lord, English statesman, 521. Salisbury Oath (England), 117. San Stefano, Treaty of, 541. Saracens, use of, in army of Frederick II, 162 n. See also Arabs. Saxons, their invasion of England, 108- 109; their kingdoms in England, iio- III; their fusions with the Normans in England, 124-125. Saxony, Charlemagne's wars against, 51- 52; stem-duchy of, 71, 72; Henry the Fowler, Duke of, 74; condition of, in 1500, 219. Scandinavia, Protestantism in, 239. Scharnhorst, Prussian War Minister, 443. Schism, the Great, in the church (1378- 1415), 197-199; relation of the Univer- sity of Paris to, 204. Schleswig-Holstein question, 494, 497. Schmalkaldic League (1531), German Re- formation, 237. Scholastic learning, 205. Schurz, Carl (German Liberal), 470. Scotland, conditions in the time of Edward I of England, 181-182; effect of struggle with England, 183; Reformation in, 260- 261; union with England, 332. Scots, revolt of (1637), 282-283, 285; their part in English Civil War, 292, 293, 294. Sedan, battle of (1870), 503. Sedgemoor, battle of (1685), 326. Senlac, battle of (1066), 115 n. Sepoy Mutiny (India, 1857-58), 515-516. Servetus burned at Geneva, 239. Servia, conquest by Turks, 223, 224; war with Turkey (1876), 540; became inde- pendent (1878), 541; war with Bulgaria (1885), 542; Balkan War, 544-546. Settlement, Act of (England), 332. Sevastopol, siege of (1854-55), 540 n. Seven Years' War (1756-63). 353-354- Seymour, Jane, wife of Henry VIII, 243 «., , 245- Shakespeare, English poet, 271. Ship-money (English impost), 281, 288. Sieyes, Abbe (French Liberal), 393, 428 ». Simony, reform of, in the Church, 153. Slavery, in the Roman Empire, 3; abolition of, in British colonies, 512. Sobieski, John, King of Poland, saves Vienna, 317. Social Contract, The, by Rousseau, 388-389. INDEX Socialism, in France, 467-468; in Ger- many, 529; in general, 558-559- Solferino, battle of (1859), 485. •Soliman the Magnificent, Turkish Sultan, 224. Somerset, Duke of, English politician, 248. Spain, invasion of, by the Visigoths, 12; by Charlemagne, 54; beginnings of the king- dom of, 221-223; under Philip II, 256, 271 ; relations with England under James I, 276-277; condition at close of Thirty Years' War, 311; wars of Louis XIV against, 315-318; war with France (1808), 441-442; in Congress of Vienna (1814-15), 456; revolution in (1870), 500-501. Spanish Succession, War of (1701-13), 317- 318. Spenser, English poet, 271. Spinning-jenny, the invention of, 366. Spires, Diet of, 237. Squire (feudal), 128-129. Stadtholder (Netherlands), 265. Stahremberg, Count, Austrian general, 317. Star Chamber (England), 189, 282, 288. States General (France), history of, 391- 392; of 1789, summoning of, 391; elec- tion to, 392; meeting of, 393-396. Steam engine, invention of, 366. Steamboats, general effect of their use on industry, 554. Stein, German statesman, 443. Stem-duchies (Germany), description of, 71- Stephen, King of England (1135-54), 118- 119. Stephen II, Pope, 47. Stilicho, Prime Minister to Honorius, 11 n. Strafford, Earl of, trial of, 286-288. Sec also Wentworth, Sir Thomas. Sub-infeudation, 131. Suez Canal, 518. Supremacy, Act of (England, 1534), 245. Sutri, Synod at (1046), 79. Suzerain (feudal), 66; relation to his vas- sals, 130-131. Swabia (Germany), 71, 74. Sweden, in Congress of Vienna (1814-15), 456. Swiss Cantons, 239 n. Taille (French tax), 384. Tartar hordes in Russia, 335-336. Tassilo, Duke of Bavaria, 53. Taxation, under German Empire, 219; in France previous to 1789, 384-385; mod- ern, 557-558. . Tennis-court oath (French Revolution), 395- Test Act (England, 1673), 324. Tetzel, John, seller of indulgences, 231-232. Teutonic Order of knights, 342. Tewkesbury, battle of (1471), 188. Theodosius, Roman Emperor (379-95), 11. Theodoric, reign in Italy (493-526), 14. Third Estate (France), 392, 393, 394-395- Thirty Years' War (1618-48), 299-308. Thuringia (Germany), 71, 72, 74. Tilly, German Catholic general, 304, 305. Tilsit, Peace of, 436. Torstenson, Swedish general, 306 n. Tory party (England), 326, 332, 374, 511. See Conservative party. Tournaments, mediaeval, 129. Tours, battle of (732), 44-45. Towns, rise of, 144-145; charters granted to, 144, 145; mediaeval government of, 145-146; description of, 146-147; effect ol the crusades on the growth of, 105; growth of in England, 253 w., 365, 367. Trafalgar, battle of (1805J, 433. Trent, Council of, 240. Triple Alliance, 532-534. Triple Entente, 534. See Entente cordiale. Truce of God, 131. Turenne, French general, 316. Turgot^ French statesman, 358. Turks, a cause of the crusades, 94; in Eu- rope, 223: siege of Vienna by (1683), 317; war with Russia (1876-78), 518-519, 541; war with Italy (1911-12), 531 «., 544; decay of, 539-544- Tyler, Wat (England), 186 n. Tyndale, William, translator of the English Bible, 247 n. Ulfilas, Gothic Christian, his missionary work, 7. Ulm, surrender of (1805), 433. Unam Sanctam (papal bull), 196 «. United States, its opposition to the Holy Alliance (1815), 458; an example of de- mocracy, 551-552. Universities, origin of medi;eval, 204; Ger- man, 213. Unstrut, battle of (933), 74. Urban II, Pope (1088-99), 95- Urban VI, Pope (i378-."9), 198. Urbino, city-state of, 206 n. Utopia, by Sir Thomas More, 246 n. Utrecht, Peace of (1713), 318. Valens, Emperor of the Eastern Provinces (375). 10, II. Valmy, battle of (1792), 407. Vandals, in Africa, 13; succumb before Justinian, 16. Vane, Sir Harry, English statesman, 286. Va-ennes, flight of Louis XVI to, 401-402. Vasco da Gama, Portuguese navigator, 226. Vassal (feudal), 66; relation to his suzerain, 130-131- Vatican (Papal residence at Rome), 197, 489 n. XXXll INDEX Venice, its mediaeval trade, loi ; city-state of, 148; leadership in the revival of com- merce, 206; how treated in the Treaty of Campo Formio (1797), 424; Republic of (1848), 471, 472. Verdun, Treaty of (843), 62, 64-65. Verona, city-state of, 206 n. Versailles, palace of Louis XIV at, 313- 314- Virtue, meaning of word in the Renaissance period, 209. Victor Emmanuel II of Italy, 472, 472 n.. 482-489; death of, 531. Victor Emmanuel III, 531. Victoria, Queen of England (1837-1901), 512-513; death of, 522. Victorian Age, 513-514. Vienna, attacked by the Turks (1529), 224; siege of (1683), 317; Congress of (1814- 15), 454-457- Villafranca, Peace of (1859), 485. Villeins (mediaeval serfs), 67, 142 n. Villeneuve, French admiral, 433. Visigoths (Germanic tribe), 5; driven south- ward by the Huns, 10; sack Rome (410), 11; settle in Spain, 12; destroyed by the Arabs, 33. Voltaire (French philosopher, 1694-1778), 379. 388. Von Moltke, German general, 494, 495, 497. 501, 502. Wager by battle, 8, 122. Wagram, battle of (1809), 442. Wales, holds out against the Saxons, 109; brought under English supremacy by Edwartl I, 181. Wallace, William, Scottish patriot, 182. Wallenstein, Albert von (Bohemian gen- eral), 301, 302, 305. Walpole, English statesman, 375. Walsingham, Sir Francis, English states- man, 257. Wars of the Roses (1455-85), 188-189. Waterloo, battle of (i8i5),"45i. Watt, James, English inventor, 366, 378. Wellesley, Sir Arthur, English general, 442. Wellington, Duke of, 451; Prime Minister of England, 509-510, 511. See also Wel- lesley, Sir Arthur. Welsh Church, bill for the disestablish- ment 01, 535. Wentworth, Sir Thomas (after 1639, Earl of Strafford), English statesman, 282. Wesley, John (1703-91), Enghsh religious leader, 362. West India Islands, annexation by Eng- land, 370. Whig party (England), 326, 332, 374, 510. White Hill, battle of (1620), 301. Whitney, Eli, American inventor, 367. Wiclif, English Church reformer, 184; re- lation of Hus to, 200. William I of England (1066-87), 86, 113- 117. William II of England (1087-1100), 117. William III of England (1689-1702), 330, 331- William IV of England (1830-37), 507, 509. William I of Prussia (1861-88), 493-505, 528. William II of Prussia (1888—), 528-529. William of Orange, 316; in England, 329. William the Silent, Dutch liberator (1533- 84), 262-265. Witan, Anglo-Saxon great Council, 114. Wittekind, Saxon leader (785), 52. Wolsey, Cardinal, English statesman, 243, 244. Women, under feudal conditions, 130. Worcester, battle of (1651), 294. Worms, Concordat of, 158. Worms, scene of trial of Luther, 234-235; edict against Luther, 237. Worth, battle of (1870), 503. Xeres, battle of (711), 43-44- Yeoman archers (English), 169. "Young Turks" (Turkish party), 542, 544. Ypres, in 15th century, 147. Zalacca, battle of (1087), 94. Zollverein (German "customs union") 462 H. Zwingli, Swiss reformer (1484-1531), 23Q. ^•^ 0° Longitude iO' Easl IVuui 40' Greenwich 00' 80' 100' 120 1