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^ LIBRARY OF CONGRESS. 
 
 
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mmCE INTEIIVEITM 
 
 IN 
 
 AMEEICA; 
 
 OK, A REVIEW OF 
 
 11 fflMI, IE iXlI, ET lES fflTS-CiFlM 
 
 BY 
 
 VINE WRIGHT KINGSLEY. 
 
 NEW YOEK: 
 C. B. PtICIlARDSON, 596 BROADWAY. 
 
 1SG3. 
 
 ^\ 
 
 ^ 
 
 \ 
 

 B. OEAIOBEAD, 
 
 Printer, hieieiuyper, ami Klectroiyper 
 
 Caiton Builtiing, 
 
 81. m, a/id 8c Certlre ^street. 
 
FRENCH INTERVENTION IN AMERICA, 
 
 OR, A REVIEW OF 
 
 " LA FRANCE, LE MEXIQUE ET LES ETATS-CONF£d£r£S." 
 
 I. 
 
 M. Michel Chevalier is a publicist whose repute is not 
 confined to France, and tliis pamphlet and its author draw 
 us to the subject to discover the views of a leading French 
 statesman npon this Mexican adventure of ISTapoleon III. 
 This pamphlet embraces startling propositions, and is set off 
 with a finished and embelhshed rhetoric. It is more than 
 suspected to have been inspired bj^ the uneasy spirit of 
 Napoleon himself. Disclaimers answer a temporary pur- 
 pose, and are the small tricks of discovering the public opi- 
 nion of the world, when the Emperor of the French is drift- 
 ing towards some great and proposed undertaking. When 
 lie first opened the Mexican project of intervening in 
 Mexico, it was announced that no monarchy was intended, 
 and Maximilian was not to be raised to the throne. Since 
 which, it has been his purpose, as before, to carry out this 
 very scheme so authoritatively denied. Little by little Kapo- 
 leon opens his purposes as he advances in the drama of his 
 own creation, 
 
 Tlie internal evidence of this pamphlet carries with it tlie 
 cognizance of the Emperor of the French; and if it cannot 
 claim this distinction, it certainly bears for its authorship the 
 name of a great publicist, which, if it could claim no other 
 distinction, should command our attention. Had this vam- 
 phlet directed the attention of the French to Mexican affairs 
 alone, and advocated the strictest non-interference in the 
 affairs of the United States, it would n^t have failed to 
 
attract tlie attention of statesmen. But when it is decla^-ed 
 that the intervention in Mexican aifairs is for the purpose 
 of establishing an intermediary power to prevent the resto- 
 ration of the American Union, and check its advance 
 towards the South, we are inevitably made parties to that 
 debate, and to the policy of France in the affairs of this 
 Continent. 
 
 This pamphlet relates to France, Mexico, and to the Con- 
 federate States. It considers the indisposition of France to 
 colonize and undertake a distant expedition ; but the regene- 
 ration of French transatlantic commerce, and the resuscita- 
 tion of the Latin race on this Continent, are the avowed pur- 
 poses of this French interposition in Mexico. ISTot long since 
 France only pretended to compel Mexico to keep her public 
 taith, and redress her national grievances ; but now she is to 
 establish a permanent government in that unfortunate coun- 
 try, to advance the interests of France, and interrupt the 
 march of the United States. France is to oppose the 
 absorption of this Continent by the Saxon race, and prevent, 
 so far as she may, the United States becoming the distri- 
 butor of the products of this Continent, and possessing 
 herself of the Gulf of Mexico, and the channels of trade 
 between Europe and Asia. Mexico is the unfortunate but 
 inviting country for the experiment in the affairs of this 
 Continent which is made so promising to French adventure. 
 
 The rights of nations and of Mexico find no room for the 
 slightest consideration in this French pamphlet, which glosses 
 over the machinations of France with an appeal to her 
 commercial ambition and her national interest. France is 
 said to be generous and disinterested, but this pamphlet 
 addresses altogether her love of glory and her love of gain. 
 Interest is the moving element of this grand undertaking of 
 France to seize upon Mexico, and to shatter to pieces the 
 solid fabric of the United States. Is it generous and dis- 
 interested to thus obtrude in American affairs when the 
 United States, almost the child of France, is in the struggle 
 for her nationality? France, under the present Emperor^ 
 confines not herself to her own aflairs, for she too looks after 
 the welfare of other nations, and " France fights only for an 
 idea." But that idea seems a little confused. She saves 
 Turkey from the power of Russia, to preserve the balance of 
 power it may be. She sets Italy upon her feet, but cripples 
 her nationality, and betrays her in the outset, and she keeps 
 
her in chains. Tears roll on, and Mexico comes in for tlie 
 disinterested purposes of the French Emperor. France 
 checks liussia, and intrudes in her internal affairs, dimi- 
 nishes the power of Austria, and for this receives Nice 
 and Savoy from Confederate Italy ; and in tui-n, now raises 
 a Prince of the House of Austria to the head of affairs in 
 tlie Republic of Mexico. What complication this portends 
 and what France is to gain in thus raising an Austrian 
 Prince to the Mexican throne, does not yet appear. Will 
 FraTice make her own interest identical with Austria or 
 does this involve a division of the spoils, and the larger to 
 fall to France? Events will solve this question, and we 
 shall see what were the purposes of imposing upon the 
 Republic of Mexico an Austrian Archduke. Have the 
 people of that Republic just made the discovery that a 
 Prince, alien to tliem in everything, and a foreign auto- 
 crat, was born to give order and security in that Republic ? 
 Can Napoleon discover any such wish manifested by the 
 people of Mexico ? Has Spain fallen so low in the dignity 
 of her greatness as to witness this spoliation of that country 
 ■with unconcern, or does her blood rise at this mockery per- 
 petrated upon the Spanish i-ace ? Has the noble blood of her 
 people turned to water, and is she utterly deo-enerate ? 
 Her late breaking off in this Mexican adventure, when she 
 discovered the purposes of Napoleon, shows that her 
 nobility and manhood yet survive. But rests she ignobly 
 in her ease, and sees France trample on every right' of the 
 Mexican nation, and that without a protest! Then the 
 
 Spanish race, if it shall save itself, will come at last to this 
 
 Mexico will save herself, or go down to the tomb of States 
 and be added to the sad chapter of Republics now no more 
 or her people will be overborne and crushed to the earth on 
 which they tread, unless, in the fortune of America, we shall 
 ultimately demand her rights at the hands of the French 
 ration, and give cheer, and say The Rejniblic shall live. 
 
 America has claimed the undoubted right to regulate the 
 affairs of the American Continent, and the assumption of 
 this right was for a long period acquiesced in by the Conti- 
 nent of Europe. America w^as threatened with the atten- 
 tion of Europe under the Holy Alliance, but England and 
 the United States interrupted that proceeding and called 
 into existence in the New World, States to preserve the 
 balance of the old, as was said by George Cannino-j the 
 
great and 2;eneron3 Enp;lis]i statesman. Since tliat time no 
 serious attempt has been made, till of late, to interrupt the. 
 power of the American Continent to direct her own 
 affairs as best seemed to each of tlie States. But now we\ 
 are threatened witli the kind attentions of tlie French, not! 
 in Mexico alone, but in the internal affairs of tlie ITnited/ 
 States. And for v.diat reason ? 
 
 11. 
 
 It is not because America has ever intruded upon the 
 affairs of the French. Mexico has strictly avoided all 
 foreign complications, not arising out of her own internal j 
 distractions ; and France has sought to impose upon her the ' 
 payment of an unjust debt, the iniquity of which was ably 
 exposed by the Opposition in the French Senate. 
 
 This fraudulent claim, held in the interest of those now 
 trampling upon Mexican nationality, was one of the induce- 
 ments leading to French interference. Under this threat- 
 ened monarchy these claims, amounting 'to many millions 
 of dollars, will be among the first adjusted. 
 
 But the United States, witnessing the erection of a throne 
 and the attempted establishment of a monarchy upon the 
 ruins, it may be, of a sister Republic, will reflect and com- 
 prehend its significance to Mexico and to herself. Our sym- 
 pathy will be naturally drawn to Mexico as an injured peo- 
 ple. If Mexico yields to the new order of things, and 
 establishes the new empire, which is to resuscitate and 
 strengthen the commerce and the resources of France ; and 
 should she desire to become a French dependency with 
 Spanish tendencies, it wn"ll not necessarily disturb the equa- 
 nimity or tranquillity of the United States, because nations 
 have the undoubted right to receive protection from ! 
 foreign powers. But nations will hold France responsible 
 for this attempted imposition upon the Mexican nation ; 
 and the United States can but take a sad view of the 
 course pursued by a nation with whom we have ever had 
 relations of amity, exhibiting at all times no small degree of 
 attachment between the people of the two counk-ies. While 
 France put us under obligations in other days, and com- 
 manded our gratitude, she now, under the insidious and self- 
 ish policy of Napoleon, would alienate and dissever the 
 
United States in order to build np a dependency in Mexico. 
 AtkI sucli is the spirit of this French pamphlet, and such 
 the unmistakable purpose of Napoleon in establishing this 
 new Empire, and this new dependency of the French na- 
 tion. 
 
 But has it occurred to the friends of this new scheme, 
 that many contingencies stand between this purpose and 
 the accomplishment ? First, France must establish her 
 power in Mexico, and crush all opposition in a Kepublic of 
 more than seven millions of men. That, in the ordinary 
 course of events, is no small undertaking of itself, even for 
 a nation like France. The Mexican people number little 
 less than the white population of our rebel states ; and we 
 have found that a three years' war, and 1,000,000 men, 
 are required to overthrow a rebellion within our own 
 borders. But France fights Mexico at a distance of more 
 than three thousand miles ; and Mexico will become a con- 
 quered country, if France makes her a dependency from 
 which her transatlantic commerce will revive. So, at least I 
 France must find it of no small cost to build up this newj 
 empire. France must suppose that the Spanish race is 
 degenerate indeed, if it is to fall into this scheme of French 
 aggrandizement, at the mere bidding of a ruler for whom 
 Mexico can entertain no special regard. France must 
 re-learn a lesson in this experiment upon the credulity 
 of the world, for her whole course must needs shun the light 
 of day pertaining to these affairs of Mexico. 
 
 But France, it is said, pushes beyond her borders all hot- 
 headed dreamers who stand in the way of hei" new civiliz- 
 ing process, which has subdued anarchy m France and 
 ■utilized socialism, and needs a new colony for men thus 
 driven from the Mother Country. With such an emigra- 
 tion to this new empire, how is France to tame and utilize 
 these elements of anarchy at this distance from the seat of 
 her power, and whom she now expels and casts off ? The : 
 logic of this colonization does not hang together. French 
 men never leave France for the purpose of colonizing some 
 far-off land. In this, France is weak compared with Eng- 
 land. Three hundred years since America was discovered, 
 and within the last two centuries the English established 
 colonies which have grown to more than equal the mother 
 country in power; but France, after repeated attempts to plant 
 and sustain her colonies on this continent, had them swept 
 
8 
 
 from her and absorbed in the Saxon Kace. I*^ow, in view 
 of this utter faihire of the French to colonize and create 
 new States during all this period on tliis continent, ISTapo- 
 leon has the courage to think that he can wipe out the 
 Mexican nation, and estabhsh permanent French domina- 
 tion over that Republic ! Seeing no prospect to obtain fur- 
 ther empire on the Continent of Europe, JSTapoleon seizes 
 upon Mexico to strengthen France, and give her a greater 
 ascendency in the affairs of Europe. Will not the great 
 Powers of Europe discover this purpose and thwart it ? 
 Russia has already declared in her diplomatic papers to the 
 United States, in anticipation of this Fi'ench project, that 
 " the balance of poiver miist he pi^eserved on the Amei'ican 
 Continent hy the United IStates and Russia /" and events 
 may soon happen which will cause these two governments 
 to cooperate to the same end. In such a juncture, tlie world 
 would receive a new shock, and democracy might peradven- 
 ture, during this purgati<m, overthrow recent dynasties, and 
 establish more acceptable forms of government. The un- 
 certain course of events is written in every history of the 
 world ; and the overthrow of the First and greatest of the 
 Napoleons, shows that there is no security to a ruler wlio 
 begins the career of unchecked ambition. If the Frencli 
 nation encourages its present ruler to go on in this scheme 
 he evidently has in hand of upsetting tlie government of 
 Mexico, and of recognising the Confederate States, and of 
 supporting that recognition with the last argument to which 
 kings resort, then the United States will accept the alter- 
 native forced upon her, and maintain her undoubted snpro^/ 
 macy and power upon the sea and upon the land. 
 
 This is the unmistakable purpose of the Opposition party 
 in the United States as of the Administration ; let the 
 Foreign Secretary pipe what strains he may. America has 
 demanded of France to stand aloof from this contest; but if 
 France intends insult and national spoliation and dishonor, 
 the issue is made by France and not us. The French peo- 
 ple must discover the drift of events which may drive the 
 Republic of America to accept the alternative between war 
 and national dishonor. In France we kncnv there is a band 
 of noble patriots who will not readily fall into the pur- 
 poses of Napoleon, in thus taking the side of the insurgent 
 and Confederate States. i 
 
III. 
 
 It is said that the American question cannot be post- 
 poned, for it is definitively presented, and must be si Ivedl 
 completely and at once. It is assumed that the Confede- 
 rate States cannot be brought back into a restored or a 
 reconstructed Union — that the North cannot absorb the 
 South, and its conquest is impossible — that there is nothing 
 but secession at the end of the war ; that the South has its 
 programme and its rights, and will reconstruct its national-/ 
 |ity upon the basis of its own interest, — and, moreovefi*, ?' 
 M. Chevalier maintains that the recognition of the Confe- 
 derate States is indispensable to the security of French 
 dominion and French interests in Mexico. Itis also said that 
 tlie model republic exists only in name; that her liberties 
 al'e gone — or, to give the writer's words, — ^'' La repuhlique 
 mndele n'existe plus que de souvenir, et chez cenx qui 
 Taiment encore snrvit I'image de beautes et de grandeurs 
 a jamais disparues," 
 
 [n answer to much of this allegation, we may say 
 that the great question of the nationality of the Kepublic is 
 being solved. It is needless to inquire what are the 
 caules or the pretexts which have involved us in this 
 war! except so far as they may prevent the restoration 
 of tlie Union of these states ; and France, as a friendly 
 powffl", should in no way throw her influence into the 
 soaleUo prevent the reconciliation of this people. It is 
 not fa- her to judge, in advance of events, that the United 
 States can in no manner settle the questions in dispute with 
 the people of the Confederate States. This, like other 
 wars, lias come upon us to interrupt the tranquillity and 
 the grolvth of this Republic; but it has come from political 
 contention, and not because of an incongruity of interests 
 betweemthe two sections of the Republic. The views enter- 
 tained h\ the two sections, at diff'erent times in our history,. 
 leave no\doubt that these supposed incongruities are pro- 
 duced bj\ the heats of the time, and are, therefore, un- 
 founded aid evanescent ; and this contention, when it shall 
 clear awaw will re-establish sound and national opinions,, 
 which will\ accommodate themselves to the wants and 
 intereste of each and every section of the Republic. 'Tis 
 true that thia^ war puts in peril the rights of men,, but there 
 
10 
 
 is yet remaining with ns the right to discuss and consider 
 every question of administration, and the elective franchise 
 remains to the people, through which we shall call our 
 rulers to an account. Can this be done within the dominions 
 of France so completely, although France is in a state 
 of profound tranquillity? France may recall a period 
 within the memory of men not now old, when the streets of 
 Paris attested that Frenchmen had no rights hut such as 
 were granted by the usurping power ; and yet a few years 
 have witnessed a new order of things, under the same 
 dynasty, if we are to believe M. Chevalier. Liberty was 
 then restricted and overthrown, and Frenchmen sought 
 refuge in all parts of the world to escape the protecting 
 clemency of Napoleon. And now, is it for Fj-ance to say, 
 that nothing remains of the Model Eepublic but its memory, 
 when the example of France is so recent, that she was but 
 reconstructing and building the solid basis of her empire ? 
 May we not say rather, that these wars are often blessings, 
 sent to teach nations the profound wisdom of peace among 
 men ? Has not this lesson, taught by the French Revolution, 
 preserved France from more recent disorder, and main- 
 tained the stability of her government? May not the 
 Model Republic take courage from this chapter in French 
 history, and believe that we have a nation yet, which is to 
 be restored and built up on a more solid and enduring 
 basis, and that it is not as yet an image of beauties b.'oken 
 and for ever gone ? 
 
 If France unrols the map of the United States, and 
 traces out the course of this war, its reverses, and ts pro- 
 gress, she will discover nothing to appal or discoui-a^^e those 
 who are contending for the restoration of these States to the 
 Union. More than one half of the Confederate Slates are 
 partially recovered and occupied by the armies of the 
 United States. Their great cities and stronghoLls are in 
 our possession ; and the power of the Confederate States has 
 met with shocks, already encouraging to every true and 
 loyal American. Europe already discovers tie gradual 
 wasting away and sinking of the insurgent po^ver; for the 
 voice arising from every quarter of the Coufederacy speaks 
 of its possible fall to nerve men on to another and last exer- 
 tion for separate independence. At this jrncture, does 
 France propose to resuscitate and recognise this Confede- 
 j-ac}^ whose '' corner-stone " is slavery ? The United States 
 
11 
 
 accommoi-lated herself to its interest ; nntil it declared war 
 to extend and propagate a system which European civiliza- 
 tion has tolerated, but does not now encourage. To build 
 np a slave empire, the South made war upon the Constitu- 
 tion and the United States ; and now is France to succor 
 the cause, and raise up among nations this slave empire? 
 Such is the teaching of her great publicist, M. Chevalier, 
 and this course is commended to France to secure her 
 permanent hold upon Mexico. Generous and disinte- 
 rested advice ! Will France accept and follow the instruc- 
 tion? 
 
 The United States has, at all times and under all circum- 
 stances, preserved a strict non-interference in the internal 
 affairs of other nations. The United States had reason 
 to believe that France Avould never intrude in the 
 internal affairs of this country, and. -we were ill prepared 
 to learn that her influence was to be thrown into the scale of 
 rebellious power — a power dislimbed from and belonging 
 to our nationality— -a power unrecognised by and existing 
 against the constitution of the United States. 
 
 But France feels that her hold upon Mexico would be se- 
 cured should the Confederate States rise up to a nationality, 
 and M. Chevalier says that this security cannot precede the 
 recognition of the Confederate States as a national and inter- 
 mediary power ; and he sets forth the advantages to be real- 
 ized to the power that takes the initiative in this recog- 
 nition. He adds, also, that France will in this coucse 
 be able to effect more for the emancipation of the slaves, 
 after peace is restored through French influence, than \vi\\ 
 be realized during the war on the part of the United States. 
 
 Let us consider the force of this assumption of M. 
 Chevalier, and discover if it can be supported by reason or 
 by fact. 
 
 I. Slavery has produced this Tlebellion and this War. 
 
 II. Slavery was not only tolerated and endured in the 
 government from which the South broke off, but it had 
 constitutional securities given it. 
 
 III. The South was not satisfied with constitutional secu- 
 rities in the States, and demanded the extension of slavery 
 into new empire. 
 
 IV. Because tiie j^orth would not extend slavery into 
 new territory, the Cotton States seceded from the Union, 
 and set up this rebellious slave power. 
 
12 
 
 Kow in view of these facts, how are the Confederate SLive 
 States to give way to French influence and emancipate their 
 slaves ! Can it be snpposed that the men of the South will 
 relax their hold npon a race, after perilling their lives, their 
 property, and their fortunes, to establish a Confederacy 
 whose " corner-stone" is the enslavement of the African 
 race ? Surely M. Chevalier has much to learn of the cha- 
 racter and purposes of the men of the South, if he thus 
 deludes himself. The South is not so easily moulded to the 
 purposes of other men, although Southern men ma}", for the 
 present, wheedle Frenchmen over a glass of wine in the 
 salons of France. 
 
 Establish this intermediary slave power, and its flag will 
 sail over the world, and re-open the foreign slave trade. 
 Tlie Cotton States have clamored for the restoration of this 
 trade in the marts of the world, and France may yet aid 
 this power to re-establish this new mode of civilization. If 
 France wishes to enter upon this traffic, she can get cotton 
 in exchange for Congo negroes in any port of the South, and 
 in no other way could she so well secure its friendship, or 
 promote her own interest in the Confederate States. But if 
 France attempts to stand in the w^ay of this slave power, 
 which has made war upon the United States for the pur- 
 pose of diflfusing the " peculiar institution" of the South, 
 in other q^uarters of the world, then she need not think to 
 strengthen herself in Mexico by raising up this interme- 
 diary power to check the Model Republic in its more south- 
 erly tendency. This would not be tlie first time in the 
 \ / world's history that the ends men aim at, would be over- 
 borne. The Confederate States would, when once esta- 
 blished, look to the withdrawal of French influence in 
 Mexico ; for they mean to occupy and hold the cotton lands 
 along the entire Mexican Gulf. France will yet compre- 
 hend the rights and the programme upon which this slave 
 interest intends to reconstruct its basis of Nationality, 
 should it once rise to power. 
 
 But M. Chevalier thinks the cause of the South not only 
 logical but equitable. 
 
 The logic of this contest is, whether a minority shall 
 dismember the Republic, because an election in which it 
 participated went against the South, and that minority. That 
 is the logic of this contest. The South was prepared to rebel 
 in 1856, had the Republicans then succeeded to power ; 
 
13 
 
 and now attempt it in 18G0, after going into another Pre- 
 sidential election. And has it come to this with America, 
 that a failnre to carry an election is a logical and equitably 
 cause of war ? 
 
 But to take a broader view, is the South sustained in 
 consequence of the legislation or action of Federal power ? 
 Let the friends of the South be held to the statement of 
 Mr. Stephens, the Vice-President of the Confederate States, 
 and all these complaints vanish into thin air. Mr. Stephens 
 made his address in the midst of the rebellion, and no 
 statesman of the South can have greater weight upon the 
 point in controversy ; for no man of the South has had a 
 better opportunity to form amore jnst and equitable conclu- 
 sion. To that speech, pronounced in answer to Mr. Tombs, of 
 Georgia, I would refer M. Chevalier, to sustain and bear out 
 my assertion. 
 
 And I would ask M. Chevalier what would become of 
 all elective government were the principle admitted that 
 the failure to carry an election is a cause for an attempt to 
 overthrow the government itself. The South had no such 
 grievances as moved her to rebellion until the election of 
 Mr. Lincoln, as President of the United States ; and then it 
 was that the popular revolution began, which caused eleven 
 States to secede on paper, but not within the meaning and 
 contemplation of constitutional law. That Federal system 
 was erected by the people of the United States in 1788, and 
 no less authority can unmake and destroy this work of the 
 fathers, unless it be done by a successful revolution of the 
 government itself. This revolution was precipitated by the 
 men of the South, and upon the pretexts I have assigned, 
 it was made a popular and spontaneous rebellion. Back'/ 
 of these pretexts, used with the people of the South, are 
 other motives and other causes. Ambition and love of rule 
 was the main principle which actuated these leaders of the i 
 revolution, in this attempt to overthrow the Government.! 
 Baffled in their attempt to keep power, they seized upon 
 this revolution to retrieve their falling fortunes and retain 
 their places. I again call the attention of the friends of the 
 South to the speech of the Hon. Alexander H. Stephens, to 
 strengthen and bear out this assertion. 
 
 And it is said that the interest of France is with the men 
 of the South ; and that section which is so fortunate as to be 
 engaged iu this rebellion comes in for no inconsiderable \ 
 
u 
 
 praise, wMle the Model Eepublie lias vanislied with all her 
 greatness, and become a forbidding object. How happy 
 the imagination that could draw such vivid pictures — pic- 
 tures so in contrast, and yet pictures blending into each 
 other. The South, so productive of statesmen, is not 
 altogether in a state of rebellion. There is a loyali 
 portion of the Slave States yet remaining to the Union, 
 and it is shined upon by the same southern sun. That 
 portion of the South has been found faithful among 
 the faithless. That portion of the South adheres to the Union 
 of these States. It had its slave interest. It had also its 
 Union interest. It had men of firm principles, and it stood 
 fast. It did not choose to embark in this new slave empire. 
 It was content with the Constitution and the Union. It 
 had statesmen like Jackson and Clay, and their principles 
 live in the men of to-day. It builds no monuments to dis- 
 union. It speaks to-day for the preservation of the Repub- 
 lic. Its children have blazoned this sentiment upon their 
 shield. Nay, these men who have gone through the fires 
 of Revolution, yet live and speak of the glories of the Re- 
 public ; they know that it is not a remembrance of the 
 past. They know that the old flag of the Republic has 
 gone through a thousand battles for constitutional liberty,' — 
 they know that the stripes are undimmed, and the stars are 
 no less — they know that the flag of the Republic, when borne 
 aloft by a million of veteran men, means " liberty and Union 
 now and for ever, one and inseparable." They know that 
 the Model Republic will not go down amid the wreck of 
 empire, except with the crash of falling thrones all round 
 the globe ; for they know that the rights of man are imper- 
 ishable and invincible when assailed by autocratic and 
 despotic power. 
 
 lY. 
 
 Lastly, npon the question of intervention in Mexican 
 afi'airs. In December, 1860, the American Minister to Mexico, 
 Hon. Robert M. McLane, communicated with the repre- 
 sentatives of foreign powers, then residing in the city of 
 Mexico, and made known to them the policy of the United 
 States, with reference to any intervention in the affairs of 
 that Republic on the part of European powers. Great Bri- 
 tain had then proposed to the two parties in contention in 
 
15 
 
 Mexico for the ascendancy, to pacify their difficulties by 
 calling to their aid foreign mediation. The liberals, who 
 were contending for the right of the })eople to govei'n them- 
 selves, were unwilling to leave their constitutional ques- 
 tions to foreign powers, and the conservatives refused to 
 surrender their organization unless they had guarantees to 
 themselves. France and Spain afterwards made proposals, 
 more or less formal, to pacify the distractions of Mexico, 
 but without success. 
 
 It was after this that the determination of the govern- 
 ment of the United States was made known to the Euro- 
 pean powers, to the efiect that it did not deny to Europe 
 the right to w^age honorable warfare-'for a sufficient cause, 
 nor did it deny the right to deroan'd redress for injuries in- 
 flicted on their respective subjects, and if need be to enforce 
 such demand, i)ut it denied to these powers the right to 
 interfere " directly^ or indh'ectlij^ with the political indeijen- 
 dence of the Repidjilic of Mexico^ and it loas declared that it 
 would^ to the extent of its power^ defend the Nationality 
 and Independence of that Iiep\d)licr 
 
 It was further declared by the American Minister, in the 
 same State paper, notifying foreign powers of the purposes 
 of the Government of the United States, in words to the 
 following effect : — 
 
 "I am further instructed to state, in the most explicit 
 manner, that the Government of the United States earnest- 
 ly desires the- pacification of Mexico, and that it will 
 recognise and support any Government that is adopted and 
 accepted by the free choice of the people thereof^ and that it 
 will always encourage the friendly efforts of any foreign 
 power that has for its object such a result, notwithstanding 
 its resolution to abstain from all direct participation in 
 any such mediation, and its adherence to the relations 
 already established between it and the Constitutional Go- 
 vernment of the Republic." 
 
 This diplomatic language stands unrevoked. 
 
 I. It is here declared by the Government of the United 
 States that it will, to the extent of its power, defend 
 the Nationality and Independence of the Republic of 
 Mexico. 
 
 II. The Government of the United States has declared it 
 will maintain its relations to the Constitutional Government 
 of the Republic of Mexico. 
 
i' 
 
 16 
 
 III. These declarations must stand as tlie unredeemed 
 pledges of this Nation to Mexico. 
 
 IV. If France follows out the doctrines of this French 
 pamphlet, and the purposes of ISTapoleon, then the United 
 States must make good her national integrity and her national 
 faith. 
 
 That France now disregards this position talcen in 1860 
 by the United States, and puts this timely warning at 
 defiance, is most apparent ; for France assumes to disregard 
 all pre-existing constitutional government in Mexico, and 
 attempts to improvise a monarchy. Hardly had the French 
 got a footing iu Mexico, before we heard rumors of a Napo- 
 leonic dynasty, to be established in that country. Has 
 France deposed and overthrown all constitutional govern- 
 ment in Mexico, just when she finds 115 men, traitors to 
 their country in every sense, to subserve the purpose of the 
 French Emperor, in this scheme of Empire? Who empow- 
 ered these 115 men to act for the Mexican nation ? The 
 representative of the French Emperor alone — the same 
 General who overthrew the French Republic and imprison- 
 ed her legislative body. He subverted liberty in France 
 and erected the Empire ; and now he performs the same 
 labor for Mexico. He crushes out her constitutional liberty 
 under this same Napoleon, who rules France to-day ! He is 
 now engaged iu the same scheme of imposing an empire 
 upon another branch of the " Latin race !" Napoleon is 
 the constituted authority which assumes to erect this 
 empire, and bestow a crown in the name of Mexico ! In 
 the name of Mexico forsooth ! These 115 Notables, set up 
 by Napoleon, send out a commission to Napoleon, to learn 
 the purposes of the Emperor of the French, and they 
 implore him to give a monarchy to Mexico ! He gravely 
 witnesses this farce on the part of this base and recreant 
 commission. Napoleon has conscience, and the scene sick- 
 ened him ; and he for once faltered — faltered to go on with 
 a scheme involving so much baseness for its accomplish- 
 ment — faltered to do more with 115 traitors like these ! He 
 retires to his villa, and calls around consulting statesmen. 
 Sad and misguided man, he thinks of empire, and yet he 
 thinks of justice ! But to hesitate is to fall. He must 
 advance, for what he wills he wills to the end. He wills to 
 disregard the traditional policy of the United States, 
 because that policy is. in the way of his ambition — he wills 
 
17 
 
 tlie''estal)libliment of a French clependencj in Mexico, and 
 yet he disguises his purpose as h^ng as events can conceal. 
 it ! Then, Kapoleon puts aside the mask of his diplo- 
 macy, and develops his real policy in a letter to General 
 Forey, which M. Chevalier pronounces the most magni- 
 ficent undertaking of ITapoleon III. Had this scheme been 
 disclosed in the beginning, France would have condemned 
 it as against honor and her national faith ; but being in, 
 Napoleon hopes the pride of the nation will carry him 
 through — sustain him in his proposed recognition of the 
 Confederate States — sustain him to traverse the Monroe 
 Doctrine on this continent — sustain him in whatever he may 
 undertake. But this magnificent scheme of empire weighs 
 upon the mind of iN'apoleon nevertheless. He only advances 
 when events favor the realization of his plans. He believes 
 in destiny, and he believes in facts. Dexterous in the use 
 of means, he organizes victory — that gone, he sinks for 
 ever. 
 
 Bat the end of this scheme is not yet. Suppose that it 
 becomes a fact accomplished. Suppose it enures to France 
 as a legacy. It is kept for a while, it may be ; but in the 
 natural course of events France is involved in a European 
 war. Then America, recalling the disasters of to-day and 
 French disregard of American interest, and of American 
 policy, would seize the opportune moment to balance the 
 account with the empire of France, and restore Mexico to 
 herself, or take her under her protecting power. Nothing 
 could avert this result but the contentment of Mexico 
 under this imposed monarchy, established by the French. 
 iSTapoleon may plant. He may open gra»d avenues to 
 French adventure and French commerce, but they are not 
 permanent acquisitions to France. The French will see 
 these possessions full under the segis of th'e American Re- 
 public, by the laws of our destiny. It will not be by unjust 
 conquest. It will be by gradual absorption. M. Chevalier 
 will discover this law in the growth of this nation. Within 
 the life of man, the United States conquered her indepen- 
 dence, established nationality, and the result is a part of 
 the history of the world. We were then thirteen Colonies, 
 numbering 3,000,000 of people. Now the Republic em- 
 braces in her ample folds nearly three times that number 
 of States, and 32,000,000 of people. The United States has 
 in the meantime doubled her territory, and it is a law of 
 
 2 
 
18 
 
 her growth that she also doubles her population every 
 twenty-five years. And finally, this Republic has become 
 a gigantic military power. The fact exists on land and sea ; 
 and now JSTapoleon, seeking to obstruct democratic govern- 
 ment in America, breaks the golden threads which Jiold 
 these nations together. He places the French nation in a 
 new and false ]3osition to the United States. And this is 
 pronounced a magnificent undertaking ! Whether it is or 
 no will much depend upon results. The future and the 
 irresistible logic of events will decide, will solve the pro- 
 blem. 
 
 France is a nation of progress, of impulse, and of heroic 
 deeds. Her ambition is military, sometimes political. ]/ 
 She difluses her civilizing arts through peace. She is an 
 ally. But when may not that alliance be broken by dis- 
 cordant interest or untoward events ? Does France need to 
 make other rivals or other antagonisms ? If so, she can for 
 the time proceed in this course of empire, until events shall 
 come, forcing an inevitable collision with the democracy of 
 America. Such a war could advantage neither nation ; for 
 France does not, like England, aim to rule the seas. 
 America disputes that supremacy, in tonnage and in mari- 
 time power ; and her naval power is but dawning upon the 
 world. And does France seek other rivals upon the ocean ? 
 History but teaches that England and France are natural 
 enemies to each other, and no treaties and no parchments 
 can subdue that rivalry and that antagonism. And there 
 is Russia, also, the most imperial power of all Europe, and 
 Russia has a memory for fifty years, at least ; and yet 
 France unnaturally seeks a rupture with the Government 
 of the United States, in order to advance her ambitious 
 projects! 
 
 "Will France thus put aside the traditions of the past, and 
 force this rupture by following out this Mexican scheme : 
 Of deposing all constitutional government in Mexico : 
 Of recognising and sustaining the Confederate States : 
 And thereby throwing the weight of the French nation 
 into the scale for the purpose of dismembering the United 
 States and subverting her power ? 
 
 Time, the great Interpreter of the destiny of man and of 
 nations, will solve these problems, now concealed in the 
 bosom of the future, and open to us the hidden mysteries 
 of diplomacy, of ambitious projects, and chronicle, it may 
 
19 
 
 be, eventualities and revolutions in States, now stable; 
 not foreseen, nor provided for by the existing rulers of the 
 world ! Time will re-adjust the forces of empire and of 
 growth on the American Continent, and French interven- 
 tion will have but a temporary interruption in the affiiirs 
 of the United States. 
 
 LETTER OF GENERAL PRIM TO NAPOLEON. 
 
 Orizaba, March 17, 1862. 
 Sire— Tour imperial Majesty has been pleased to address me au autograph 
 letter, which, from the kind expressions it contains in regard to me per- 
 sonally, will be a badge of honor for my posterity. Great, indeed, were my 
 desires, commanding a corps of Spanish troops and battling for the same 
 cause, to march in line with your Majesty's forces, since I was encouraged 
 by the well founded hope that the soldiers of Castile are worthy of fighting 
 by the side of the soldiers of France, though those enjoy the well earned 
 reputation of being bravest among the brave. But, sire, I could have wished 
 another battle field and other enemies to encounter ; since here, fighting 
 against Mexican troops and bodies of national guards, the soldiers of France 
 and Spain can acquire no glory ; not because the Mexicans are wanting in 
 personal valor : sprung from the Spanish race, they possess it. But this 
 country is ruined by a forty years' civil war, and this will be sufBcient to 
 explam why her armed force cannot be in a position to confront the well 
 organized battalions of France and Spain. However, xoe are here, and will 
 fight together, if the republic should refuse the just claims of the allied nations, 
 although my opinion is that the government will accord us this justice, and that, 
 therefore, there will be no pretext for fighting. 
 
 In the matter of rightful claims, there can be no variance between the 
 commissioners of the alUed Powers, and none the less between the comman- 
 ders of your Majesty's troops and those of her Catholic Majesty; but the 
 arrival at Vera Criiz of Gen. Almonte, of the ex-Minister Haro, 'of Padre 
 Miranda, and other emigrant M«xicans, with an idea of creating a'monarehy 
 in favor of Prince Maximilian of Austria, a flag which, according to them 
 is to be sustained and supported by the forces of your Imperial Majesty will 
 create a situation difficult for all, but more difficult and painful for the 
 General-in-Chief of the Spanish troops, who, bound by the instructions of his 
 government, based on the London Convention, and almost identical with those 
 which your noble and excellent Vice-Admiral, La Graviere, received from 
 your Majesty's government, would find himself in the unpleasant position of 
 being unable to co-operate in the realization of your Imperial Mtyesty's 
 views, if they should really be those of raising a throne in this country, in 
 order to place thereon the Archduke of Austria. 
 
 Moreover, I entertain the profound conviction, sire, that there are very few 
 men of monarchical sentiments in this country; and it is reasonable this 
 should be so, since monarchy was never known here in the persons of the 
 Spanish monarchs, but only in the viceroys, who governed, each one accord- 
 ing to his better or worse judgment and infoi-mation, and all according to 
 the custom and usage of governing the people at that distant period. 
 Monarchy, then, left behind it in this country neither the immense interest of a 
 secular nobility, at happens in Europe when by the violence of a revolutionary 
 
20 
 
 hurricane some throne is overturned, nor did it leave moral interests or any- 
 thing which U'ould cause the present r/eneration to desire the re-estahlishnient of 
 monarchy, which it never knew, and which nobody nor anything has taught it 
 to desire or respect. 
 
 The proximity of the United States, and the language, ever hareh, of those 
 republicans against the monarchical institution, have contiibuted much to 
 produce here a genuine hatred to monarchy ; so much so that the establish- 
 ment of the republic, more than forty 3-ears since, in spite of its disorders 
 and constant agitation, has created habits, customs, and even a certain repiib" 
 lican language which it -would not be easy to destroy. Therefore, and for 
 other reasons which cannot be hidden from tlie deep penetration of your Im- 
 perial Majesty, you will understand that the vastly prevailing opinion of this 
 country is not and cannot be monarchical ; but if reasoning be not sufficient 
 to demonstrate it, it will be amply proved by the fact that neither during 
 the two months in which the allied standards floated over the city of Vera 
 Cruz, nor now when we occupy the important towns of Cordova, Orizabai 
 end Tehuacan, where no Mexican forces nor any authoiities, save the civil, 
 have remained, neither 7nonarehists nor conservatives have made the slightest 
 demonstration, were it even to let the Allies see that such partisans existed. 
 
 Far be it from me, sire, to imagine even that the power of your Imperial 
 Majesty is insufficient to establish a throne in Mexico for the House of 
 Austria. Your Majesty rules the destinies of a great nation, rich in brave 
 and intelligent men, rich in resources and bourgeoning enthusiasm, whenever 
 there is a question of seconding the views of 3-our Imperial Majesty. It will 
 be easy for your Majesty to conduct Prince Ilazimilian to the capital and 
 crown him King ; but this King will find in the country no other support 
 than that of those conservative leaders who, when in power, never thought of 
 establishing a monarchy, hut contemplate it now that they are beaten, scattered, 
 and in exile. 
 
 A few wealthy individuals, also, will accept a foreign monarch who comes 
 supported by the soldiers of 3'our Majesty ; but they will do nothing to sus- 
 tain him the day that support shall fail him, and the monarch will fall from 
 the throne raised by your Majesty, as other potentates of the earth will fall 
 the day that the imperial mantle of your Jifajesty ceases to shield and envelop 
 them. I well know that your Imperial Majesty, in your highminded justice, 
 does not desire to compel this country to change her institutions in so radical 
 a manner, if the coimtry does not of its own accord ask and desire it ; but 
 the leaders of the conservative party, who have come to Vera Cruz, say ib 
 will suffice to consult the higher classes of the community, without troubling 
 themselves about the other ; and this disturbs men's minds, inspiring fears 
 lest the national will should be forced and violated. 
 
 The English troops, who were to come to Orizaba, and had already pre- 
 pared means of transportation, when they learned that more French forces 
 were coming than were stipulated in the London convention, re-embarked_ 
 Your Majesty will compreliend the importance of such a withdrawal. 
 
 I beg a thousand pardons of your Majesty for having presumed to call 
 your attention to this long letter ; but I believed that the way to make a 
 suitable return for your Msijesty's kindness towards me was to tell you the 
 truth, and the whole truth, on the political state of their country as I under- 
 stand it, in doing which I shall have satisfied not only a duty, but a feeling 
 of eminent, respectful, and high regard for the person of your Imperial 
 Majesty. 
 
 It only remains for me to saj", sire, that since we came to this country the 
 most cordial harmony has existed between your enlightened Vice Admiral, 
 
21 
 
 La Graviere, and myself, as also between the chiefs, officers, and soldiers of 
 both nations — a harmony whicli, I doubt not, will continue while we remain 
 in this country. 
 
 With the higliest respect and most profound devotion, I remain, sire, your 
 Imperial Majesty's warm and devoted servant, praying for the preservation 
 and greatness of your Majesty the Empress and the Prince Imperial. 
 
 NAPOLEON'S LETTER TO GEN. FOEEY. 
 
 FoNTAiMEBLEAtr, July 3, 1862. 
 
 My Dear General: At the moment when you are about to start for 
 Mexico, charged with political and military powers, I think it useful to make 
 you well acquainted with my ideas. 
 
 The line of conduct you 'will have to follow is: 1. To publish on your 
 arrival a proclamation, the principal points of which will be indicated to you. 
 2. To receive with the greatest kindness all the Mexicans who shall present 
 themselves. 3. Not to espouse the quarrel of any party ; to declare that 
 everything is provisional, so long as the Mexican nation shall not have ex- 
 pressed its opinion ; to sIioav great deference for religion, but at the same 
 time to tranquillize the holders of national property. 4. To feed, pay, and 
 arm, according to your means, the Mexican auxiliary troops, and make them 
 play principal parts in the combats. 5. To maintain among your own troops, 
 as well as among the auxiliaries, the most severe discipline ; to vigorously 
 repress any act or word insulting to the Mexicans, for the pride of their 
 character must not be forgotten, and it is important for the success of the 
 enterprise to conciliate the good feelings of the people. 
 
 When we shall have reached the City of Mexico it is to be desired that 
 the principal persons of all political shades who shall have embraced our 
 cause should come to an luiderstanding with you to organize a provisional 
 government. The government will submit to the Mexican people the ques- 
 tion of the political reybiie which is to be definitively established. An 
 assembly will be afterwards elected according to the Mexican laws. 
 
 You will aid the new government to introduce into the administration, and 
 particularly into the finances, that regularity of which France offers the best 
 model. For that purpose capable men will be sent to second its new organ- 
 ization. 
 
 The object to be attained is not to impose on the Mexicans a form of 
 government which would be obnoxious, but to assist them in their efforts to 
 establish, according to their own wishes, a government which may have a 
 chance of stability, and can secure to France the settlement of the injuries 
 of which she has to complain. 
 
 It follows, as a matter of course, that if the Mexicans prefer a monarcliy, 
 it is for the interest of France to support them in that path. 
 
 There will not be wanting people who will ask you why we expend men 
 and money to found a regular government in Mexico. 
 
 In the present state of the civilization of the world, the prosperity of 
 America is not a matter of indifterence to Europe, for it is that country 
 which feeds our manufactories and gives an impulse to our commerce. We 
 have an interest in the republic of the United States being powerful and 
 prosperous, but not that she should take possession of the whole of the Gulf 
 of Mexico, thence command the Antilles as well as South America, and be 
 the only dispenser of the products of the new world. 
 
22 
 
 'We now see by sad experience how precarious is the lot of a branch of 
 raanufaeture which is compelled to procure its raw material in a single mar- 
 ket, all the vicissitudes of which it has to bear. 
 
 If, on the contrary, Mexico maintains her independence and the integrity 
 of her territory, if a stable government be there constituted with the assist- 
 ance of France, we shall have restored to the Latin race on the other side 
 of the Atlantic all its strength and its prestige; we shall have guaranteed 
 security to our West India colonies and to those of Spain ; we shall have 
 established our friendly influence in the centre of America; and that in- 
 fluence, by creating immense markets for our commerce, will procure us the 
 raw materials indispensable for our manufactures. 
 
 Mexico, thus regenerated, will always be well disposed towards us, not only 
 out of gratitude but also because her interests will be in accord with ours, 
 and because she will find support in her friendly relations with European 
 powers. 
 
 At present, therefore, our military honor engaged, the necessities of our 
 polic}', the interests of our industry and commerce, all conspire to make it 
 our duty to march on Mexico, to boldly plant our flag there, and to establish 
 either a monarchy, if not incompatible with the national feeling, or at least 
 a government which may promise some stability. 
 
 Napoleon. 
 

 
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