-4^ :!^ "77ie cloaing decades century were momentous rf- '" 5} ^ a- > i» rt THE B attle of the r. ENTURY. Chicago BElREIArsI LIBRARY, BATTLE CREEK, MICH. Atlanta Toronto Entered at the Post Office at Battle Creek, Mich,, as second-class matter. BEREAN LIBRARY ) '"'"'-""::^^rZ:' "'"' NO. 8, PRICE, 10c. BEREAN LIBRARY Back Numbers Obtainable. Steps to Christ." Price, 25 ds. No. 1. A good book to put into the hands of unconverted friends, as we^l as into the hands of doubting church members. A Icnowledge of God; The Privilege of Prayer; What to Do with Doubt; Rejoicing in the Lord; are topics treated in the book. "Thoughts on Daniel." 300 pages, price, 25 ds. A verse by verse study of the prophecies of Daniel, by IT. Smith, U« Q the author of "Thoughts on Daniel and the Revelation." ''Here WW. L. and Hereafter," " Marvel of Nations," " Looking unto Jesus," etc. This book should be studied by all. "Thoughts on Revelation." 4.00 pages, 25 ds. 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"History of the Sabbath and First Day of the Week." ^yf.8 pages, ^o cts. By Elder J. N. Andrews. A mine of useful information on the Sabbath Question. It treats the subject from a Biblical and bistdiical standpoint. Every passage of Scripture which has any beat-itig on the Sabbath in the Old or New Testament Is examined at length. A copious index enables the reader readily to find ;• ny passage of Scripture, or the statement of any historian. Cloth, sprinkled edges, $1.50; half-morocco, gilt edges, $3.25. "The Great Nations of Today." 25 j pages, 25 ds. By Elder A. T. Jones, the author of " Empires of the Bible," " Great Empires of Prophecy," " National Sunday Law," " Mar- H. 7 shalingof the Nations," etc. Treats the now e.xisting nations from no. /■ a prophetical and historical standpoint. The author clearly shows that the grent nations of to-dny are mentioned in the Bible, and that their destiny is also forett^ld. Address REVIEW AND HERALD PUB. CO., Battle Creek, Mich. No. 6. 'She stopped; she laid her l]and on tjim; t/e, looking up, beheld tjoui hjer clear eyes were dim," THE BATTLE OF THE CENTURY PERCY TILSON MAGAN REVIEW AND HERALD PUB. CO. Battle Creek, Michigan 1 THE LIBRARY OT CONSRESS. Tvwj Copies Received APR. 24 1901 COPVSWMT ENTRY ■ CLASS A'XXo. N». COPY S. CONTENTS. Prologue Rome and the United States . An Early Friendship . . . . The French Revolution . The Church Land Question France Against the World The Republican Calendar . The French Revolution and Sunday Napoleon and the Pope The Deadly Wound .... The Holy Alliance Pope Pius IX The Healing of the Wound Church and.Stj^xe jn jjie. JIhiuppikb^ American Sund5vV .'tlA.SV'S *-.: Page. 3 5 2\ 27 32 34 35 36 46 52 56 58 • 59 73 ■ 74 Copyright, 1901, PERCY TILSON MAGAN. All rights reserted. -in (^ THE BATTLE OF THE CENTURY. PROLOGUE. The closing decades of the eighteenth century were big with momentous events. As the great crucible of time turned to ashes the ember hours of that hundred years' cycle, three flames of fire sprang simultaneously from the seemingly lifeless mass of historical ore. The hand of the Most High had grasped the lever regulating human events. Expectancy sat upon the brow of the universe. Tremen- dous changes were about to take place. Events of a new nature were now to transpire. The hearts of men were to be shocked, surprised, and stirred. The first flame was a thing of beauty. It was a live coal brought to earth by an angel's hand with the tongs from the altar in heaven. There was spirit and life within it, as in those pentecostal tongues of cloven fire which burned so beauteously on apostolic heads. A Republic Had Come to Earth. On the western shores of the broad Atlantic, after travailing in pain to be delivered, * * our Fathers brought forth a new nation, conceived in liberty, and dedicated to the proposition that all men are created equal." Peerless in this beautiful robe of precious principles, the new nation arose from the bed of her revolutionary birth. With 3 4 BATTLE OF THE CENTURY. amazement the kingdoms of the Old World watched the infant land. Rocked by the waves of the twin seas in the cradle of the red man's country, this child of liberty increased in wisdom and stature, for God was with her. Thus is the image of the first flame. The second flame sprang up in the fulfillment of the vision of an ancient seer. Its was a lurid light. The sins of Church and State in France, the land of romantic story, had for years been waxing great. Now they were to be consumed by the fires of a red revolution. The cries of the oppressed had reached unto Heaven. Vengeance was to be poured out from the vials of wrath. A clergy drunk with power, a nobility corrupt with lust, a monarchy effete with luxury; the trinity self-brutalized by the tyranny they had exercised in things civil and religious, — exercised, we blush to say it, in the name of the ministering Master, — were all about to suffer an awful retribution at the hands of those whom they had persecuted and oppressed. The liberty which they knew that men and women across the Atlantic enjoyed was eagerly coveted by these suffering ones. They must possess it for themselves. They must give it to all Europe. Thus is the image of the second flame. The third flame reddened the skies of Rome, the mis- tress of the world. A "deadly wound" was about to be inflicted upon the papacy. She who had seen kings totter and fall, dynasties perish, and kingdoms break up and be no more; she who had witnessed the wrecks of more than a thousand years, and survived the storms of centuries, was to receive a deadly wound. This wound was to be deliv- ered by France. The mailed heel of General Berthier was to profane the most holy place. Refined and regenerated in the mortar of the Revolution, France inflicted a • ' deadly ROME AND THE UNITED STATES. 5 wound" upon the papal power, because that power had said that hberty was not of God. The hand of Providence dealt in this also. A prophetic cable, chaining together the poles of more than a millennium of time, was about to electrocute the incumbent of the see of Rome. Thus is the image of the third flame. ROME AND THE UNITED STATES. When the United States was born into the world, the Church of Rome had naught to say against her. No voice of protest thundered from the Vatican. To be sure, the pope did not bestow his blessing on the new republic, but at the same time he did not bequeath an anathema. All of this is apparently passing strange. The basal principles upon which the new nation was founded were in themselves the overturning of every principle for which the Church of Rome had ever stood. She who had dictated to men the religion which their consciences must adopt, and to governments that monarchical power must be their form of rule, was now destined to behold another power arising in the West and proclaiming two distinct principles: First, that government is of the people; and second, that govern- ment is of right entirely separate from religion. The enunciation of these principles was infinitely more than the establishing of a government independent of Great Britain. In fact, the Declaration of Independence was not at first called by that name. No such title appears in the original. It was formerly called ' ' The Unanimous -Declar- ation of the Thirteen United States of America." It was not thought that it would assist the colonies in gaining their independence. It was thought that it contained principles announced by Jesus Christ for all. In it the Fathers de- 6 BATTLE OF THE CENTURY. clared certain truths concerning civil government, — "self- evident truths," they called them. These, they believed were good, not merely for the British colonists in America, or for the English at home, or for the Germans in the fatherland, but for all men everywhere, no matter of what nation or kindred or tongue or tribe. That Grand Old Document declares: — "We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are cre- ated equal ; that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable rights; that among these are life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness. That to secure these rights governments are insti- tuted among men, deriving their just powers from the consent of the governed." Thus in two sentences was annihilated that despotic doctrine which, springing from the usurped authority of the papacy, to sit in the place of God and to set up and pull down kings, and to bestow kingdoms and empires at its will, had now become venerable, if not absolutely hallowed, by the precedents of a thousand years — the doctrine of the divine right of kings; and in the place of the old, false, despotic theory of the sovereignty of the government and the subjection of the people, there was declared that •' self- evident truth, — the subjection of government, and the sovereignty of the people. In declaring the equal and inalienable rights of all men to life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness, and that gov- ernments derive their just powers from the consent of the governed, there is not only declared. the sovereignty of the people, but also the entire capability of the people. The Declaration, in itself, presupposes that men are men indeed, and as such they are fully capable of deciding for them- selves as to what is best for their happiness, and how they 8 BATTLE OF THE CENTURY. shall pursue it, without the government's being set up as a parent or a guardian to deal with them as children. " The rights of man, as man, must be understood in a sense that can admit of no single exception; for to allege an exception is the same thing as to deny the principle. We reject, therefore, with scorn, any profession of respect for the principle which, in fact, comes to us clogged and contradicted by a petition for an exception. . . . To profess the principle and then to plead for an exception, let the plea be what it may, is to deny the principle, and it is to utter a treason against humanity. The rights of man must everywhere all the world over be recognized and respected." — Isaac Taylor. It was James Otis who said : — " The British colonists do not hold their liberties or their lands by so slippery a tenure as the will of the prince. Colonists are men, the common children of the same Creator with their brethren of Great Britain. The colonists are men: the colonists are therefore freeborn; for, by the law of nature, all men are freeborn, white or black. No good reason can be given for enslaving those of any color. Is it right to enslave a man because his color is black, or his hair short and curled like wool instead of Christian hair ? Can c;ny logical inference in favor of slavery be drawn from a flat nose or a long or a short face ? The riches of the West Indies or the luxuries of the metropolis should not have weight to break the balance of truth and justice. Liberty is the gift of God and can not be anni- hilated. " Nor do the political and civil rights of the British colonists rest on a charter from the crown. Old Magna Charta was not the beginning of all things, nor did it rise on the borders of chaos out of the unformed mass. A time may come when Parliament shall de- clare every American charter void ; but the natural, inherent, and inseparable rights of the colonists, as men and as citizens, can never be abolished. . . . The world is at the eve of the highest scene of earthly power and grandeur that has ever yet been displayed to the view of mankind. Who will win the prize, is with God. But human nature must and will be rescued from the general slavery that has so long triumphed over the species." The Church of Rome saw and heard all of these things, and yet, strange as it may seem, she never raised her voice against them. ROME AND THE UNITED STATES. g The second great principle of the American Revolution — that government is of right entirely separate from reli- gion — follows logically from the first. Religion is the recognition of God as an object of wor- ship, love, and obedience. It is man's personal relation of faith and obedience to God. Now, governments deriving their just powers from the consent of the governed, can never of right exercise any power not delegated by the governed. But religion, per- taining solely to man's relation to God, and the duty which he owes to his Creator, in the nature of things can never be delegated. It is utterly impossible for any person ever, in any degree, to transfer to another any relationship to God or any duty which he owes his Creator. To attempt to do so would be to deny God and renounce religion; and even then the thing would not be done — his relationship to God would still abide as firmly as ever. Logically and rightfully, therefore, the government of the United States disavows any jurisdiction or power in things religious. Religion is not, and never can rightfully be made, in any sense a requisite to the governmental authority of the United States, because the supreme law declares that — " No religious test shall ever be required as a qualification to any office or public trust under the United States." The government can not rightly legislate in any sense upon matters of religion, because the supreme law says that — "Congress shall make no law respecting an establishment of religion or prohibiting the free exercise thereof." By this clause, Congress is forbidden to make any law looking toward any establishment of a national religion, or lO BATTLE OF THE CENTURY. approving or disapproving any religion already established in any State, as several of the States had established religions when this amendment was adopted. By it, like- wise, Congress is forbidden to make any law prohibiting the free exercise of religion by any individual in all the land. That is to say that Congress is forbidden to make any law bearing in any way whatever on the subject of religion ; for it is impossible to make a law on the subject of religion without interfering with the free exercise of religion. No law can ever be made even in favor of any religion without prohibiting the free exercise of that religion. No man can ever sanction legislation in favor of the religion in which he believes without robbing himself of the free exercise of that religion. Congress, therefore, is absolutely forbidden ever to make any law on the subject of religion in any way what- ever. The doctrine that government is of right of the peo- ple is imbedded in the Declaration of Independence. But the doctrine that religion should be separate from the State is not directly therein written. It is there by intimation and implication, but not directly and of itself. The doctrine that religion is altogether separate from the State is written in the First Amendment to the Consti- tution. It could not possibly have assigned to it a greater or more important place. It has greater force and meaning as the " First Amendment " than it could possibly have had, had it appeared in any other place in the fundamental doc- ument of the land. The Constitution was the work of a few men assembled in the Convention Hall at Philadelphia. The Amendments were added in accordance with the wish of the people of the United States, after they had everywhere read and studied the Constitution. The First Amendment expressed the mind of the people. ^ ROME AND THE UNITED STATES. ii Consistently with all this, and as the crown of all, religion is not in any sense a requisite of the citizenship of the United States; for again the supreme law declares : — " The government of the United States is not in any sense founded on the Christian rehgion." Thus, logically by the Declaration and explicitly by the Constitution, the government of the United States is com- pletely separated from religion. And such is the second grand principle of the American Revolution. But the Church of Rome had always contended that religion and the State were one and indivisible. She had ever taught that it was treason against Heaven to separate these two. Hers was the religion, and she was the woman who sat upon the scarlet-colored beast, with whom the kings of the earth had committed fornication, and the nations of the earth had been made drunk with the wine of her fornication. All this had been foretold in the Scripture : it had been fulfilled in Rome. And this is not said with any desire to find fault with any pope or man in that ancient church, in which have been many of the best and blest of earth. It is stated simply as a fact which none in the communion of Rome will deny. Two of the cardinal principles of Rome had ever been that kings reign by divine right, and that the Church and the State should be organically connected the one with the other. And so when America arose, all that she taught was contrary to all that Rome had ever taught. Stillness as oppressive as death itself sat upon the Vatican. No anathema rang through the dome of St. Peter's against the new land; no bull was forged; no edict was promulgated. Rome saw and heard, but spake never a word, although the very foundation stones of her structure were being undermined. 12 BATTLE OF THE CENTURY. The Bible had foretold that civil and religious liberty — Republicanism and Protestantism — would be the corner- stones of the American republic. In the thirteenth chapter of Revelation is described a beast, "like unto a leopard," to which the dragon gave "his power, and his seat, and great authority." Nearly all Protestants agree that this symbol represents the papacy, which succeeded to the power and the seat and authority of the ancient Roman empire. Of this beast it is said: "There was given unto him a mouth speaking great things and blasphemies. . . . And he opened his mouth in blas- phemies against God, to blaspheme his name, and his tabernacle, and them that dwell in heaven. And it was given unto him to make war with the saints and to over- come them; and power was given him over all kindreds and tongues and nations." This prophecy is nearly identical with the description of the papacy given in the seventh chapter of Daniel, and unquestionably points to the same power. "Power was given unto him to continue forty and two months." A day in prophecy signifies a year. Thus forty and two months would signify twelve hundred and sixty years. And, says the prophet, ' ' I saw one of his heads as it were wounded unto death." And again, " He that lead- eth into captivity shall go into captivity; he that killeth with the sword must be killed with the sword." The forty and two months are the same as the " time and times and the dividing of time," three and a half prophetic years, or 1,260 days, of Daniel 7, — the time during which the papal power was to oppress God's people. This period of 1,260 days, or 1,260 actual years, began with the famous letter of the Emperor Justinian, in a. d. 538. This letter estab- lished the pope of Rome as the " HEAD OF ALL THE ROME AND THE UNITED STATES. 13 HOLY CHURCHES." It therefore marks the beginning of the complete power of the Church of Rome as estab- Hshed by the civil government. It gave to the Church of Rome a standing in the world which she had never had before. According to this prophecy and this interpretation of it, the papal supremacy would continue until 1798, and then it would receive a " deadly wound; " but the " deadly wound" would be "healed." Precisely at this point in the prophetic story another symbol is introduced. Remember that it is about the year 1798. Says the prophet, " I beheld another beast coming up out of the earth; and he had two horns like a lamb." The very nature of this symbol is essentially different from that of any other symbol representing a nation in the Bible. And it therefore shows that the nation represented by the beast which had two horns like a lamb is entirely different in its nature to any other nation which had ever gone before it. The great kingdoms which have ruled the world were represented to Daniel the prophet as ravenous beasts. They rose up when "the four winds of heaven strove upon the great sea." In the book of Revelation, an angel explained that waters represent "peoples and multitudes, and nations and tongues." Winds are clearly a figure of strife, and the four winds of heaven striving upon the great sea can represent nothing else than the terrible scenes of conquest and revolution, by which the kingdoms of the Old World have climbed into power. But the beast with ' ' horns like a lamb " was seen "coming up out of the earth." This nation did not over- throw other powers in order to establish itself. It was to arise in territory previously unoccupied. It was to grow up gradually and peacefully. From this it is clear that it 14 BATTLE OF THE CENTURY. could not arise among the crowded and struggling nations of the Old World, — that turbulent sea of "peoples, and multitudes, and nations, and tongues." It must be looked for in the new lands of the Western Continent. Now in 1798 there was only one nation arising in the New World, and attracting the attention of the world. One nation, and one nation only, will meet the specifica- tions of the prophetic word; namely, the United States of America. No true child of the United States, looking back to the days of the nation's birth can refrain from a feeling of joy and pride. The purity of the lives of "the Fathers," the loftiness of their principles and precepts, and the rectitude of their intentions, challenge our admiration. The peace which comes with evening fills our breasts as we meditate upon the early hours of the Western Republic. The founders of the United States were not filled with greed and lust for power. These were not the motives which buoyed up the hearts of the colonists during the long and weary years of the Revolution. A far different light than this flashed from the heart-anvils at Valley Forge. They only asked that their inalienable rights to life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness be accorded them. With that calm determination which lights up martyrs' faces they gave reference to the Supreme Judge of the world as to the rec- titude of their intentions. And for the support of the prin- ciples which they declared, with a firm reliance upon the protection of Divine Providence, they grandly said — "We mutually pledge to each other our lives, our fortunes, and our sacred honor." Witness The Father of His Country stipulating that no pay should ever be given him for his services. Listen to the Christian modesty of his first inaugural address; — - J Portrait Parnted ht/ ^A/att GEORGE WASHINGTON. 1 6 BATTLE OF THE CENTURY. "Among the vicissitudes incident to life, no event could have filled me with greater anxieties than that of which the notification was transmitted by your order, and received on the 14th day of the present month. On the one hand, I was summoned by my country, whose voice I can never hear but with veneration and love, from a retreat which I had chosen with the fondest predeliction, and, in my flattering hopes, with an immutable decision, as the asylum of my declining years, — a retreat which was rendered every day more necessary, as well as more dear to me, by the addition of habit to inclination, and of frequent interruptions in my health, to the gradual waste committed on it by time, " On the other hand, the magnitude and difficulty of the trust to which the voice of my country called me, being sufficient to awaken in the wisest and most experienced of her citizens a distrustful scru- tiny into his qualifications, could not but overwhelm with despondence one who (inheriting inferior endowments from nature, and unprac- ticed in the duties of civil administration) ought to be peculiarly con- scious of his own deficiencies. In this conflict of emotions all I dared to aver is that it has been my faithful study to collect my duty from a just appreciation of every circumstance by which it might be affected. . . . " Such being the impressions under which I have, in obedience to the public summons, repaired to the present station, it would be peculiarly improper to omit in this first official act my fervent sup- plications to that Almighty Being who rules over the universe, who presides in the councils of nations, and whose providential aids can supply every human defect, that His benediction may consecrate to the liberties and happiness of the people of the United States, a government instituted by themselves for these essential purposes, and may ena.ble every instrument employed in its administration to execute with success the functions allotted to his charge. " In tendering this homage to the great Author of every public and private good, I assure myself that it expresses your sentiments not less than my own, nor those of my fellow-citizens at large less than either. No people can be bound to acknowledge and adore the Invis- ible Hand which conducts the affairs of men more than those of the United States. Every step by which they have advanced to the character of an independent nation seems to have been distinguished by some token of providential agency; and in the important revolu- tion just accomplished in the system of their united government, the tranquil deliberations and voliititary consent of so many distinct com- munities from which the event has resulted can Jiot be compared with the means by which most govenments have become established with- out some return of pious gratitude, along with an humble anticipation of the future blessings which the past seems to presage. WASHINGTON'S FIRST INAUGURAL ADDRESS. i8 BATTLE OF THE CENTURY. "... Having thus imparted to you my sentiments as they have been awakened by the occasion which brings us together, I shall take my present leave; but not without resorting once more to the benign Parent of the human race in humble supplication that, smce he has been pleased ^o favor the American people with opportunities for deliberating in perfect tranquillity, and dispositions for deciding with unparalleled unattiinity on a form of government for the security of their union, and the advancement of their HAPPINESS, so His divine blessing maybe equally conspicuous in the enlarged views, the temperate consultations, and the wise measures on which the success of this government must depend." Evervwhere, and in every way, peace, prayer, and unanimity seemed to breathe upon the birth- day of the United States. This was so even at the very time of the con- ception of the Constitu- tion in the womb of the Philadelphia Conven- tion. It was Benjamin Franklin who, in that hallowed temple in Philadelphia, ' ' proposed that the Convention be opened every morning by prayer." "The longer I live," said that grand old man, "the more convincing proofs I see that God governs in the affairs of men. I firmly believe that ' except the Lord build the house, they labor in vain that build it.' Without his con- curring aid, we shall be divided by our little local interests, succeed no better than the builders of Babel, and become a reproach and a by-word to future ages. What is worse, Franklin. ROME AND THE UNITED STATES. 19 mankind may hereafter, from this unfortunate instance, despair of estabhshing government by human wisdom, and leave it to chance and war.''' Yes; it was indeed true that " the United States exhib- ited to the world the first instance of a nation unattacked by external force, unconvulsed by domestic insurrections, assembling voluntarily, deliberating fully, and deciding calmly concerning that system of government under which they and their posterity should live." From all of this it is clear that the thoughts and the specifications of the Bible prophecy were met and fulfilled in the thoughts and the hearts and the actions of the Fathers of the United States. Again and again the thought, yea, almost the exact words, of the sacred writer have been used by men of the world in describing the rise and growth of the United States. According to the Bible the nation must arise out of previously unoccupied terri- tory. One speaking of the beginning of the United States referred to ' ' the mystery of her coming forth from va- cancy, " and says, "like a silent weed we grew." " I beheld another beast coming up out of the earth; and he had two horns like a lamb." Notice, in the beast itself there was nothing lamb-like. The qualities of the lamb are found in the horns which were upon the head of the beast. Now it is an unusual thing to associate even the thought of a horn with a lamb. And here is where the wonderful point in the prophecy occurs. A horn in the language of the Bible signifies power. In the prophetic books kings are often described under the symbol of a horn. The two horns upon the beast which in the proph- ecy symbolizes the United States represent the two under- lying principles upon which her government is based, and by which the powers of her governors are limited. These 20 BATTLE OF THE CENTURY. two principles are Republicanism and Protestantism. They have already been defined as follows: First, That govern- ment is of the people. This is the essence of Republican- ism. Second, That government is of right entirely separate from religion. This is the essence of Protestantism. These two things form the fundamental principles of the nation. They are the secret of all her power and prosperity. The oppressed and downtrodden of all Chris- tendom have turned to this land as the star of their inter- est and hope. By the millions the best and blest of earth have sought its shores, all because of the liberties guaran- teed by the Constitution in things civil and religious. It is Republicanism and Protestantism which have made the United States a lamb-like nation. All that is lamb-like in the nation resides in these two great pillars of principle. It is because of these two principles that the sifted wheat of all the earth has sought the soil of these United States. It is because of these two precepts of power that the United States has been a pleasant place in which to live. But when the day shall come when these shall have been abandoned, the government will cease to be lamb-like, and the United States will cease to be the pleasant place that it has been in the past. These two things, Protestantism and Republicanism, are the birthright of the century. Needless to say, they are the exact opposite of all that the Church of Rome has ever taught, believed, or practiced. The Fathers recog- nized that this was so. On that * ' mystic symbol of legal government," the Great Seal of the United States, this nation has recorded its thoughts concerning itself as it was in the beginning. On this seal are two inscriptions. One in Latin, "■ Novus Ordo Seculorum" — A New Order of Things; the other in English, "God hath Favored the AN EARL y FRIENDSHIP. 2 1 Undertaking. " Republicanism as opposed to monarchy; — that government is of right of the people, rather than the divine right of kings, is the first principle in the New Order of Things. Protestantism as opposed to the tenets of the papacy; — that government is of right entirely separate from religion, is the second principle in the New^ Order of Things. These were the flaming topics, and the burning ques- tions at the close of the eighteenth century. These were the goodly heritage of the nineteenth. The Church of Rome heard these principles proclaimed from the United States, yet never a word of censure escaped her lips. The United States in her rise crippled no nation but England. England was an heretical nation herself. Therefore on that which injured her, Rome was silent. And here lay the secret of her silence. A little later these same doctrines were to sound in her old domain of France. Then the voice from the Vatican was heard, and the antag- onism of the ancient Church to these doctrines was made distinct and clear,— and THE BATTLE OF THE CEN- TURY WAS ON. AN EARLY FRIENDSHIP. In the early days of United States history what may seem to be a strange, but what was, nevertheless, a close alliance sprang up between the people of the infant United States of America and the men of the monarchy of France. Many of the most illustrious sons of France visited the United States, and a number of the most famous figures of the American Revolution spent some of the best years of their lives on French soil. From the outbreak of the American Revolution, France assisted the colonists in their struggle for civil and religious 22 BATTLE OF THE CENTURY. liberty. An enthusiastic sentiment of devotion to ' ' liberty " and the "rights of man" was then growing up among youthful Frenchmen in all classes of society. Many young officers were eager to come to America. Some of these were fired with a burning desire to help the colonists. And this desire was born of an intelligent interest in the cause of civil and religious liberty which was at stake across the broad Atlantic. Most prominent among these men were La Rouerie, De Kalb, Rochambeau, Saint Simon, D'Estaing, La Grasse, the far-famed Marquis de Lafayette, and some fifty others of illustrious line. The majority of these came to America because they loved the cause for which the Americans were fighting ; and while here they became deeply im- bued with the principles so dear to the heart of every American in that time which tried men's souls. When Lafayette first arrived in Philadelphia, he met with a rather cold reception ; but after he declared his wish to serve as a volunteer, and at his own expense. Congress (July 31, 1777) appointed him a major-general. The next day he was introduced to General Washington, and the lifelong friendship between the two men commenced at once. Lafayette. AN EARL V FRIENDSHIP. 23 The part which the French nation played in assisting to secure independence, and consequently civil and religious liberty, for the people of the United States, is worth no small mention in the annals of history. In fact, by many great his- torians the question has been raised whether it would have been possi- ble for the colonists to have gained their inde- pedence without the help of the French. The following paragraph from the pen of John Fiske will certainly serve to in- terest the reader. It graphically describes the feeling of the French people toward the part which they played in America's memorable struggle: — "The French have always taken to themselves the credit of the victory of Yorktown. In the palace of Versailles there is a room, the walls of which are covered with huge paintings depicting the innumerable victories of France, from the days of Chlodwig to those of Napoleon. Near the end of the long series, the American visitor can not fail to notice a scene which is labeled ' Bataille de Yorcktown ' (misspelled, as is the Frenchman's wont in dealing with the words of outer barbarians), in which General Rochambeau occupies the most commanding position, while General Washington is perforce con- tented with a subordinate place. This is not correct history, for the glory of conceiving and conducting the movement undoubtedly belongs to Washington. But it should never be forgotten, not only that the four thousand men of Rochambeau and the three thousand of Saint Simon were necessary for the successful execution of the plan, but also that without the formidable fleet of La Grasse the plan could not even have been made. How much longer the war might General Berthier. 24 BATTLE OF THE CENTURY. have dragged out its tedious length, or what might have been its final issue, without this timely assistance, can never be known; and our debt of gratitude to France for her aid on this supreme occasion is something which can not be too heartily acknowledged." There is still one other name which must not be forgot- ten in the galaxy of those brave Frenchmen who linked their fortunes with those of the struggling citizens of the infant United States. Louis Alexandre Berthier (Bare- te-a), prince of Wagram, was born in Versailles, France, Nov. 20, 1753. He entered the army and became a cap- tain of dragoons. He came to America with the Marquis de Lafayette and served through the war of Independence, 1778-82. Of this period of his life but little is known beyond the fact that he became intensely devoted to the principles for which Washington and his colleagues were fighting. Afterwards, Berthier was to appear in another land as the most important military figure in one of the most memorable and important of historical dramas. On the other hand, some of the most beloved of the Fathers of the United States were equally beloved by the people of France. Benjamin Franklin was perhaps as well known to the French as he was to the Americans. When he arrived in France, Dec. 21, 1776, there was the great- est excitement and rejoicing in the fashionable world. The great political and philosophical thinkers, D'Alembert and Diderot, regarded him as the embodiment of practical wisdom. To many of the French he seemed to sum up in himself the excellencies of the American cause — good sense, moderation, and justice. As symbolizing the liberty for which all France was yearning, he was greeted with a degree of popular enthusiasm such as perhaps no French man of letters, except Voltaire, has ever called forth. Storekeepers rushed to their doors to catch a glimpse of AN EARL V FRIENDSHIP. 25 him as he passed on the sidewalk, while in the evening salons bejewelled ladies vied with one another in paying him homage. The name of Jefferson, "the Sage of Monticello," is also intertwined with the history of France. In 1784 Jefferson took up his abode in Paris. A year later he was appointed minister plenipotentiary to the king of France, "You replace Doctor Franklin," said the Count de Vergennes to him when he announced his appointment. Jeffer- son replied: "I succeed; no one can replace him." Jefferson always took a deep interest in the affairs of the people of France; "the people," said he, " are ground to powder by the vices of the form of govern- ment," and he wrote to Madison that govern- ment by hereditary rulers Jefferson. was "a government of wolves over sheep, or kites over pigeons." During his sojourn in Paris, he traveled a great deal, so as to learn the wrongs and woes of the peasantry. Fre- quently he would enter their houses and converse with them about their affairs and conditions. He would con- trive to sit upon the bed, in order to ascertain what it was made of. He generally managed to get a look into the boiling pot, to see what was to be the family dinner. He 3 26 BATTLE OF THE CENTURY. told Lafayette that this was the only way to get at the truth of the evils of the ancient regime. Said he: "You must ferret the people out of their hovels as I have done, look into their kettles, eat their bread, loll on their beds, on pretense of resting yourself, but in fact to find if they are soft." His letters are full of this subject. He recurs again and again to the terrible inequalities of condition, the ignorance and incapacity of the hereditary rulers and the hapless destiny of nineteen-twentieths of the people. His compassion for the people of France was most intense, and no one possessed more than he a strong appreciation of their excellent qualities. The well-known Gouverneur Morris was present in France during many of the revolutionary years. James Monroe, afterward fifth president of the United States, arrived in Paris just after the fall of Robespierre. Monroe immediately took the side of the revolutionists, even to such an extent that when he addressed the French Conven- tion he allowed his enthusiasm to carry him beyond the limit of discretion. Last, but not least, must be mentioned the name of the extraordinary and eccentric Thomas Paine, With all his faults, he was nevertheless a principal and a noted actor in both the American and the French Revolutions; and had it not been for his scurrilous attacks upon religion, he might have enjoyed a place in the temple of fame. When Burke wrote his " Reflections on the French Revolution," Paine answered him in an able treatise entitled, "The Rights of Man." For this he was outlawed by the Court of King's Bench in England. He went to Paris, where he was received as a hero, and elected a member of the National Convention. From the foregoing it will be clear that in the latter THE FRENCH RE VOL UTION. 2 7 part of the eighteenth century the great minds of France and America became thoroughly acquainted and deeply attached to one another, and the life-power necessary to start the revolution of France was begotten by sparks of American kindling. THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. In 1789 the Constitution of the United States, safe- guarding the liberty of the citizens of the nation, became the fundamental law of the land. On the fourth day of March of that year the new government was organized; and on the thirtieth day of April, George Washington was inaug- urated first president of the United States. His address upon that occasion may well be taken as the birthnote of the nation, and in it appears a sentence which now almost seems prophetic: — "The preservation of the sacred fire of liberty, and the destiny of the republican model of government, are justly CONSIDERED, PERHAPS, as deeply as fittally, staked on the experi- ment ENTRUSTED TO THE HANDS OF THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. The Father of his Country knew that the United States was destined to have an influence upon all the world. He also knew that if the American nation should ever aposta- tize from the principles of republican government, that model of government would come to an end in the world as it now is. He and his people believed this ' ' as deeply as finally. " These words are italicized in the original draft, made by Washington himself. The influence for liberty exercised by the United States was not long in being borne across the bosom of the stormy Atlantic to the shores of sunny France. On the fourth day of July of the same year, 1789, the United States kept her first birthday of liberty under THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 29 the Constitution. Ten days later, (on the fourteenth of the month) the French Revolution was formally opened by the destruction of that dread prison fortress, the hated Bastile of Paris; and to this day the fourteenth of July is reckoned by the French people as the birthday of liberty in their land. In- deed, it is to them the same as the ' ' glorious Fourth" is to the people of the United States. The outbreak of the French Revolution was followed by fierce denun- ciations from Rome. An- athema after anathema was hurled from the papal chair. France had always been Rome's most favored and her favorite nation. No other people had done so much as France to assist the church of Rome into her place of great power. The ancient Franks until the time of Clovis were all pagans. In a. d. 496 King Clovis professed conversion. In the beautiful cathedral of Reims, with all the solemn splendor and magnificence of the papal ritual, the ferocious warriors of the terrible army which followed this monarch were enrolled in the ranks of the church militant. Clovis himself was anointed with "celestial oil," which, we are gravely told, was borne from heaven to earth in a vial, a snow-white dove being the carrier. Clovis and three thou- sand of his troops were there baptized, and their example King Clovis. 30 BATTLE OF THE CENTURY. was followed by the remainder of the "gentle barbarians." The baptismal sermon was performed with the utmost pomp. The church was hung with embroidered tapestry and white curtains ; odors of incense, like airs of paradise, were diffused around ; the building blazed with countless lights. When the new Constantine knelt in that font to be cleansed of his heathenism, "Fierce Sicambrian," said the bishop , " bow thy neck ; burn what thou hast adored, adore what thou hast burned." Later during the religious conference, the bishop dwelt on the cruelty of the Jews at the death of the Lord. Clovis was moved, but not to tenderness. " Had I and my faithful Franks been there," said he, "they had not dared to do it." The adoption of the Catholic faith arrayed upon the side of the Franks all the papal prelates and their followers. From one end of the Roman empire to the other, of all the princes and sovereigns of Christendom, Clovis alone was orthodox. The Franks were the chosen champions of Catholicism, and amply was their gallantry repaid by the church, which vindicated all their aggression upon innocent neighboring kingdoms, and aided in every way the consolidation of their formidable power. The French monarch received the title, ' ' Most Christian Majesty, " and " Eldest Son of the Church." Later, dur- ing the days of Pepin, the pope himself visited France, and in the monastery of St. Denis placed the diadem on Pepin, anointing him with oil in the name of the Lord, making him king by "divine right!" and truly has the historian Michelet said, " This monarchy of Pepin, founded by the priests, was devoted to the priests." The French Revolution was a struggle for civil and religious liberty, it was an effort to throw off the yoke of THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 31 king and pope. Pope Pius VI summarily condemned the most precious principles of the Revolution. He branded as devihsh the aspirations for equality and political liberty in the Declaration of Rights : — " The necessary effect of the Constitution decreed by the As- sembly," says he, "is to annihilate the Catholic religion, and that duty of obedience due to the laws. It is in this view that they establish as a right of man in society this absolute liberty, which not only secured the right of not being disturbed for one's religious opinions, but it also grants the license of thinking, speaking, writ- ing, and even of printing with impunity in the matter of religion, all that the most unregulated imagination can suggest; a monstrous right, which, nevertheless, appears to the Assembly to result from the equality and liberty natural to all men." Pius the Sixth treated as chimerical the liberty of thinking and acting, and he arose with energy against the refusal of the Assembly to declare Catholicism the na- tional and dominant religion. He compared the National Assembly to King Henry the Eighth, of England. He announced an approaching excommunication against the recalcitrants, and begged all the bishops of France to pre- vent the revolution from progressing. Such was the defiance which the Pope of Rome hurled against the revo- lutionaries of France. Long before this Rome had taught that the despotism of the Church and the despotism of the State were incul- cated by the Holy Scriptures. Bossuet had written a work entitled, "La Politique Tiree de I'Ecriture Sainte " — Politics Drawn from the Holy Scriptures. This learned catechism promulgated the idea as of God of a royalty without control, and a clergy without restraint. In it the king is represented as a god whose countenance rejoices his people as the sun, and whose indisputable caprices ought to be received on their knees. All the property of 32 BATTLE OF THE CElSTTtlRV. the nation, according to Bossuet, belonged to the king, excepting the land of the Levites, with which the king ought not to concern himself, only to increase it. Pius the Sixth denounced the Legislative Assembly, and issued an encyclical proclamation in which he condemned the efforts of the French people to establish a republic. Here are his words : — "That Assembly, after abolishing the monarchy, which is the most natural form of government, had attributed almost all power to the populace, who follow no wisdom and no counsel, and have no understanding of things." He further instructed the bishops that all ' ' poisoned books" should be removed " from the hands of the faith- ful, by force or stratagem." He denounced the liberty after which France was striving, in imitation of the Amer- ican example. He declared it had a tendency to "corrupt minds, pervert morals, and overthrow all order in affairs and laws." He asserted in bold terms that the doctrine of the equality of men led to " anarchy " and the " speedy dissolution of society." THE CHURCH, THE LAND QUESTION, AND THE REVOLUTION. When the Revolution broke out in France, the wealth of the country was very unequally divided. Two thirds of the land belonged to the nobility and the clergy, who, so far as numbers were concerned, formed an insignificant part of the whole population; and the remaining one third was in the hands of the common people, whose poverty was most distressing. For many years a feeling had been growing that the great lands which the church owned had not been come by honestly; and, more than this, THE CHURCH LAND QUESTION'. 33 that it was not befitting those who called themselves fol- lowers of the meek and lowly Master to possess so much while their brethren were lacking for food and raiment. One of the great complaints which the people made through their representatives during the time of the revo- lutionary government was that the Church had not come by her lands in a way befitting Christian men, and that these lands should be confiscated for the public benefit. After a prolonged discussion in the Assembly it was finally voted that the lands should be taken from the Church, sold at a low price, and the money used to pay the public debts. It is difficult at this late day and in this land for us to realize the state of feeling which existed in France over this question; but no one can read the history of those times without being deeply impressed with the thought that nothing had stirred the hearts or the passions of the peo- ple to enmity against the Church more than her possession of what they considered her ill-gotten gains; and the Scrip- tures had long before foretold that in the time of the French Revolution the land of the church "would be divided for gain." Dan. 11 : 39. This land had never even paid taxes, the same as others had to pay them; for the clergy had the privilege of meet- ing together and deciding how large a gift, in lieu of taxes, they would make to the crown, so that the whole matter of taxing themselves was in their own hands. 34 BATTLE OF THE CENTURY. FRANCE AGAINST THE WORLD. The feeling of the common people concerning their own condition at the time of the outbreak of the French Revolu- tion is tersely stated by the Abbe Sieyes: "What is the tiers-etat (third estate — common people)?" and he an- swered: "Nothing." "What ought it to be?" — "Every- thing." The people had no rights. The great struggle for independence which had taken place in America had stirred the common people of France like a thunder-clap. The heather had caught fire, and nothing could check the prog- ress of the conflagration. The nobles and the clergy left France in large numbers determined to gather armies in other nations and invade their native land and destroy the revolutionaries, together with the principles of liberty, equality, and fraternity which were their watchwords. The pope immediately took the lead in arousing the kings of Europe against the people of France. By bulls, edicts, and encyclical letters he warned the crowned heads of Europe that they must destroy the hydra-headed monster of civil and religious liberty which had commenced to grow in France. At this time Austria was the greatest of the Catholic powers of Europe, and she immediately turned all her strength against the struggling French. Prussia also threw her weight into the balance against the revolution; the Electorates were all open or concealed enemies. Russia was one of the first to declare against the revolution. For awhile England was neutral, but finally she, too, was drawn into the struggle. France stood absolutely alone, denounced in her struggle for liberty by the great Church and by the powers of Europe who were, to a greater or less extent, ruled by the great Church. FRANCE AGAINST THE WORLD. 35 Then it was that the Assembly of France warned the sovereigns of Europe: " If yoii send us war, we will send YOU BACK LIBERTY." The common people of every land turned their eyes toward France for help. "Sovereigns began to hate and fear, the people to esteem us." And then it was that France told all who wanted liberty that she stood ready to give it to them. Within the borders of France itself all titles — count, marquis, baron, etc. — were abolished, and the simple word "citizen" substituted in their place, and applied to all alike. THE REPUBLICAN CALENDAR. Of all the extraordinary events which claim our atten- tion during this remarkable period, none is more interesting than the institution of the "Republican Calendar." In France, as in almost all the great nations of the world, the years were numbered from the birth of our Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ, and the year in which the French Revolution broke out was known as the year of our Lord (Anno Domini) 1789. But the pope of Rome and his col- leagues in France had always taught that God was a king, that His authority was arbitrary, and hence all the idea which the people of France had of God and of His princi- ples of government was that He was a malicious tyrant who loved to see kings rich and prosperous, but who had no interest in the sufferings of the common people. Hence it was that a virulent hatred against the deity was developed by many of the leaders of the revolution. Hebert, Pache, and Chaumette openly declared that if they could, they would hurl God from His throne in heaven. It is hard to blame them for these feelings, because the kindness of God and gentleness of Christ had been so mis- 36 BATTLE OF THE CENTURY. represented by the religious leaders that it is no wonder that God and Christ should appear to the people of France to be no better than the tyrannical kings who had ruled over them here on earth. The people of France from the time of the Revolution began to count the years in a different way. The year of our Lord 1791 only aroused in their breasts thoughts of the tyranny which had been associated with all the years before. So dating from the time of the Revolution, they began to call the years, " Year One of Liberty," "Year Two of Liberty," etc. Afterward a change was made, and on the 24th of November, 1793, the republican calendar was adopted, and the years were called, ' ' Year One of the Republic," "Year Two of the Republic," etc. The reason for this whole change was because the thought of liberty was associated with the Revolution, and the thought of tyranny was associated with the name of Jesus Christ; and this is why all through that period the years ran under these new titles, and not according to the old count. THE FRENCH REVOLUTION AND SUNDAY. The strict enforcement of Sunday had always been the sign and seal of the authority of the Catholic Church. In France, Sunday laws were many and strictly enforced. It had been thought that to do any work on Sunday was as bad as to commit adultery; to throw a ball on Sunday was represented as being as great a sin as to do murder on a week day. It had been preached that to make a feast or a wedding dinner on that day was worse than for a father to take a knife and cut his son's throat. It was even taught that to ring more bells than one on the Lord's day, to call the people to church, was as great a sin as to do an THE FRENCH REVOLUTION AND SUNDAY. 37 act of murder. There were laws in France forbidding to "travel, cook victuals, make beds, sweep house, cut hair or shave on Sunday." Food for Sunday must all be pre- pared on Saturday. Milkmen were not allowed to "cry the sale of their milk " except at certain hours on that day. The French clergy, backed by the pope, were deter- mined that Sunday should be kept according to the strict- es rules of the Pharisees. This was so not only in France, but everywhere throughout Europe wherever the papal power prevailed. In the year 1260, a Jew fell into a sink on Saturday — the Bible Sabbath, kept by the Jews. Out of reverence for the day he and his brethren would not permit that he should be drawn out on that day; the government officials out of reverence for Sunday would not permit him to be drawn out the next day, and by Monday morning he was dead. Toward the close of the thirteenth century, William Le Maire, bishop of Anglers, commanded "all and singular his rectors and curates to inhibit their parishioners, under the threat of the divine judgment, and the penalty of excommunication, from employing themselves in any serv- ile work on festival days, and especially barbers from shaving beards, or otherwise exercising the office of barbers on the Sundays; and even from blood-letting, except when there is imminent peril of death or disease." This same bishop also issued a similar prohibition to the people against • ' shaving themselves on Sunday, or receiving any barber-like office, on peril of their souls." He further forbade millers to grind their grain on Sunday. On the other hand, the people had been ordered to ' ' frequent the temple of the Lord on the Lord's day, which is the day of the resurrection. " All who did not do this were to be excluded from the communion of the church: all were 38 BATTLE OF THE CENTURY. to be excommunicated who, while Hving in the city, did not come to church during three successive Sundays. Another canon ordered the excommunication of such as " shall leave church while the priest is preaching." And none were to be allowed to partake of the communion who "enter the church and hear the Scriptures read, but do not continue during prayers and the holy communion." The canons of the Council of Rouen, held in the seventh century, say: — "Let all the people be admonished that they come to morning and evening masses on Sunday. Let deacons, truthful and fearing God, be appointed to summon to worship the slothful and nisgligent, and to report them for punishment if they do not come.''' "Every Christian man," says Theodulphus, bishop of Orleans, in his capitularies, " should come on the sabbath day (Sunday) to the evening services: he should come to vigils or matins on the Lord's day; he should come with an oblation to the solemnity of the mass." By the supreme law of France it was commanded that on Sunday men should abstain from amusements, and should come to the priest or some wise and good man by whose preaching and good sayings "they may learn of those things which pertain to the soul." All were also instructed to sing and chant hymns'and psalms on the way to and from church, so that their pious feelings might be made known to all. Terrible judgments were reported to have been visited upon those who did not keep Sunday according to the ideas of the Church. For instance: — " A woman weaved after three o'clock on Saturday afternoon and was struck dead with the palsy. A man who made a cake at the same time found, when he came to eat it on the Lord's Day morning, that blood flowed from it. Corn ground by a miller was turned into blood, and the wheel of the mill stood immovable against the force of the water. A woman put her paste into the heated oven at this THE FRENCH REVOLUTION AND SUNDAY. 39 time, and when she thought it baked found it paste still. Another woman, by the advice of her husband, kept her paste until Monday morning, wrapped up in a linen cloth, and then found it ready baked." By the canons of 1571, men were restricted fronri sell- ing their wares, and peddlers were forbidden to peddle their goods, on Sunday. Inn-keepers were prohibited from admitting any to "drink, play at card tables or bowls." Shop-keepers must not keep their shops open. It is further directed that, "in fairs and common markets upon the Sundays, there be no showing of wares before the morning services, and the sermons, if there be any, be done." The laws which regulated business on Sunday were rigid. There were laws forbidding travel, trading, going to public meetings, except religious meetings, holding markets, keeping shops, selling shoes, exposing wool for sale, killing or selling meat, baking bread, protesting bills of payment, driving, attending theatricals, etc. In many places, per- mission had to be obtained to bathe, save a crop threatened by the elements with destruction, prepare food, even for the sick, catch herring or pilchards, sell mackerel, or play games of any kind. To yoke a pair of oxen to a cart, and walk by the side of it on the Lord's day, involved the loss of the right ox. The Council of Macon enjoined " that no one should allow himself on the Lord's day, under the plea of necessity, to put a yoke on the necks of his cattle ; but all be occupied with mind and body in the hymns and praises of God." The canon proceeded to add that anyone violating these precepts would draw down on his head "the wrath of God," and "the unappeasable anger of the clergy," a threat defined as equivalent, in the case of a countryman, to a " grievous flogging." In the thirteenth century we are told that there fell from 40 BATTLE OF THE CENTURY. heaven a celestial mandate enjoining the better observance of Sunday. It was found upon the altar of St. Simon, on Mt. Golgotha of Jerusalem, and humbly taken by the patri- arch and the Archbishop Akarias, "after that for three days and nights the people with their pastors had lain pros- trate on the ground, imploring the mercy of God." A copy of it was brought to Europe by Eustachius, abbot of Flay ; who, on his return from the Holy Land, preached- from city to city against the custom of buying and selling on Sunday. " Thus runs this peculiar and interesting document : — " I the Lord, who commanded you to keep holy my day, and ye do not keep it, as I said in my Gospel, heaven and earth shall pass away, but my words shall not pass away. I have caused to be preached to you that ye should repent, and ye have not believed ; and because ye do not keep holy the Lord's day; ye have had famine for a few days; but I speedily gave you abundance, and after that ye did worse. I will again, that from the ninth hour of the Sabbath to sunrise on the Monday, no work shall be done, but that which is good. And if any has transgressed, let him repent, and amend. And if ye do not obey this command, verily, I say unto you, that I will not send you any other commands by another letter, but I will open the heavens, and instead of rain, I will pour down upon you stones, and wood, and hot water, by night, so that ye shall not be able to guard against it, but I will destroy all the wicked men. This I say unto you: ye shall die the death, on account of the holy day of the Lord, and of the other festivals of my saints, which ye do not keep. I will send upon you wild beasts to devour you, etc. " Hear my voice, lest ye perish from the earth, on account of the holy day of the Lord, Depart from evil, and repent you of your wickedness. But if ye will not repent, ye shall perish like Sodom and Gomorrah. Now know, that ye are saved by the prayers of my most holy mother, Mary, and of my holy angels, who pray for you night and day; I have given you corn and wine in abundance, and ye have not obeyed me. For the widows and orphans call out against you daily, to whom ye show no pity. The pagans have com- passion, but ye have not. I will make the trees which bear fruit to wither up, for your sins, and the fountains shall give no water. " I gave you a law in Mount Sinai, which ye have not kept; I gave you a law by myself which you do not observe. For you I have been born, and ye know not the day of my festival. Ye wicked men! THE FRENCH RE VOL UTION AND SUNDA K 4 1 ye do not keep the day of my resurrection. I swear to you by my right hand that unless ye keep the Lord's day, and the festivities of my saints, I will send upon you the Pagan nations to slay you. Yet ye take away the property of others, and ye have no respect for this. Therefore I will send upon you more fearful beasts, who shall devour the breasts of your women. I will curse those who do any evil on the Lord's- day. I will curse those who act unjustly towards their brethren. I will curse those who judge unjustly the cause of the widow and the orphan on the earth. But ye have left me and ye follow the prince of this world. Hear my voice and have compassion. But ye will not cease from your evil works, or from the works of the devil; for ye commit perjuries and adulteries. Therefore shall the nations surround you; and wild beasts shall devour you." Moved by this mandate, and the exertions of the abbot, we are told that people everywhere made a vow not to sell anything on Sunday unless meat and drink to famished travelers, and not to do any work on that day. But enough; suffice it to say that the laws of Church and State regarding Sunday had been rigidly enforced throughout France during the ancient regime. The result was that the common people had learned to hate Sunday, It was difficult for a man who fell into a well on Sun- day, and whom the law of Church and State would not allow to be pulled out until Monday, to see the God of love in such transactions. It was difficult for those who were not religiously inclined to be compelled to go to church on Sunday and to sit there till the service was out, whether they liked the preaching or not, to see the God of love and liberty in that. It was difficult for the young men and women of the country who toiled in the factory or on the farm from Monday morning until Saturday night, to believe that God had any share in making laws forbidding them to dance upon the common, or play a game of bowls, or disport themselves together in innocent pastimes. They thought that He who made the .sunshine and the shadow, the moun- 42 BATTLE OF THE CENTURY. tain and the valley, the stately tree and lovely flower, would not be so very angry if they enjoyed it all on the day which the Church called His own. But the desires of their heart were unlistened to, uncared for. They must not work; they must not play; they must go to church, whether they liked it or not, upon Sunday. But when the red hand of the Revolution ruled in the land, all things were destined to be changed. The Repub- lican calendar did away with the numbering of the years from the birth of the Lord, because the very name of Christ was a synonym of tyranny and an antonym of liberty. But this was not the only thing affected by the Republican calendar. The months were changed, and not only the months but the old-time practice of computing time by weeks — cycles of seven days — was abolished. The year was divided according to the metric system; the months were named according to the vicissitudes of the season. The French substituted, they said, 'the realities of reason for the visions of ignorance, the truths of nature for a sacerdotal prestige, the decade for the week, the decadi for Sundays. " The French ceased to count time by weeks. The old- style cycle of seven days was done away with; in its place cycles of ten days — decades — were established, and the days were numbered from one to ten. This new calendar was invented by a deputy of the name of Romme, who admitted that he invented it, "in order to get rid of Sunday." He presented it to the National Assembly, and it was voted on the 5th of August, 1793. Romme repre- sented the common people in the days of the Revolution. His acts and measures in the government were but the reflection of the people's hearts. For years and years the people had had Sunday forced upon them whether they THE FRENCH RE VOL UTION AND SUNDA V. 43 liked it or not; keep it they must, according to the decrees of the State and of the Church. All this ultimately led to a place where the people arose en massc^ wiped the name of Sunday from the calendar, and changed the calendar so that the day could no longer in any possible way be kept or observed. This was the result of Sunday laws in those days, and a similar state of affairs is bound, in the very nature of things human, to be the result of Sunday laws in any clime on earth. Such laws are arbitrary, and in process of time they can only arouse the worst passions of the human breast. It makes no difference whether the day sought to be enforced be sacred or spurious, laws compelling the religious observance of any day will ultimately bring about just such a state of affairs as was brought about in France. Next, laws were passed in France which provided for the punishment of persons who made any attempt to keep the ancient Sunday. On the 28th of Brumaire, Year Six (Nov. 18, 1798), a decree was passed according to which the celebration of the tenth day was enforced. Duhot, one of the French representatives, who on account of his fiery and bitter zeal against Sunday has been styled the "Chevalier Decadaire," was the most active man in secur- ing the passage of this act. But this was not sufficient. The Jacobins in the council of Five Hundred, not content with having secured a decree enforcing the celebration of the tenth day, wished also that the celebration of Sunday should be formally prohibited. Some deputies observed that such a measure would place France below the states of the pope in the matter of religious liberty, but their amendment was rejected on the ground that it was not republican. "It is the external sign of a worship, " states the representative Duhot, "that 44 BATTLE OF THE CENTURY. closing of all shops. " " What ! " exclaimed he, ' ' the great priest of Rome, so long attacked by philosophy, and dethroned by your true defenders, is obliged to carry his vagabond piety from place to place; his ministers dare still to exercise amongst us an insolent despotism ; they forbid to work on Sunday, and prevent Catholic workmen from occupying themselves that day in their workshops." The Assembly took into serious consideration the proposition of transferring to the tenth day all the reli- gious festivals, and sent to the Commission, with its appro- bation, a motion, the purport of which was, that it was forbidden to close the shops on Sunday, the day sacred to rest by the ancient calendar. It was even proposed to grant special protection and privileges to tradesmen who would take an oath to keep their shops open upon Sun- days and upon festival days of the ancient calendar. Even all this was not enough. One deputy demanded that in place of reckoning the preceding centuries from the birth of Christ, they should reckon them backward from the foundation of the French republic ! Men who persisted in keeping Sunday were cast into prison. This was wrong; it was just as wrong for the revolu- tionaries to cast a man into prison for keeping Sunday as it was for the dignitaries of the Catholic Church to cast a man into prison for not keeping Sunday; but such actions were the legitimate fruit of the training which the church had given to the people. NAPOLEON BONAPARTE 46 BATTLE OF THE CENTURY. NAPOLEON AND THE POPE. When Napoleon marched across the Alps with the most wonderful of armies at his back, the northern part of Italy was largely dominated by Austrian influence. The center of the peninsula was ruled by the pope; the papal states comprised a goodly strip of territory over which the pope ruled, not only as spiritual head but as temporal monarch. The pope was pope, and the pope was king. Wherever Napoleon conquered in the northern part of Italy, he established small republics; there was the Cis- alpine republic, the Cispadane republic, and the republic of Genoa. The pope was angered beyond expression; he denounced these republics; he denounced the French repub- lic from whence they sprang. He did not content himself with defending the great maxims of the Church, but he constituted himself chief of the reaction movement in Europe, and boldly declared himself conjointly responsible for the ancient regime in France. In the commencement of the year 1791, the Chevalier d'Azra, ambassador of Spain, had caused to be conveyed to him a confidential memorial by the Cardinal De Bernis, who was on the eve of being replaced as ambassador of France by a moderate representative of the revolution. This memorial strongly counseled the pope to refuse to admit the Count De Segur into the diplomatic body, and thus openly to break with the new regime. The Chevalier d'Azra sought to establish a complete joint responsibility between the papacy and absolute mon- archy. The temporal power of the holy see is represented by him as the bulwark of uncontrolled monarchy and the rampart of the Catholic faith. Once that this temporal power is set aside, he stated that the revolution would be NAPOLEON AND THE POPE. 47 everywhere triumphant. He told the pope that to receive a representative of the revolution would be to receive a missionary of anarchy, an agent of the impious revolt which wished to attack the temporal power of the holy father and the sacred shield of his sovereignty. Everywhere in northern Italy, Napoleon was victorious. He sent Murat, his aide-de-camp, to present solemnly to the director of France twenty-one pair of colors taken from the enemy, and he then addressed the following proclamation to his soldiers: — "Soldiers! in a fortnight you have gained six victories, taken twenty-one pair of colors, fifty-five pieces of cannon, several fortresses, and conquered the richest part of Piedmont; you have made fifteen thousand prisoners, and killed or wounded more than ten thousand men: you have hitherto been fighting for barren rocks, rendered glori- ous by your courage, but useless to the country: you now rival by your services the army of Holland and of the Rhine. Destitute of everything, you have supplied all your wants. You have gained battles without cannon, crossed rivers without bridges, made forced marches without shoes, bivouacked without brandy, and often with- out bread. The republican phalanxes, the soldiers of liberty alone could have endured what you have endured, "Thanks be to you for it, soldiers ! Your grateful country will owe to you its prosperity, and, if your conquest at Toulon fore- boded the glorious campaign of 1793, your present victories forebode one still more glorious. The two armies which so lately attacked you boldly, are fleeing affrighted before you; the perverse men who laughed at your distress, and rejoiced in thought at the triumphs of your enemies, are confounded and trembling. But, soldiers, you have done nothing, since more remains to be done. Neither Turin nor Milan is yours; THE ASHES OF THE CONQUERORS OF TARQUIN ARE STILL TRAMPLED UPON BY THE MUR- DERERS OF BASSEVILLE. There are said to be among you some whose courage is subsiding, and who would prefer returning to the summits of the Apennines and of the Alps. No; I can not believe it. The conquerors of Montenotte, Millesimo, Dego, and Mondovi are impatient to carry the glory of the French people to distant countries! " 48 BATTLE OF THE CENTtfRV. Thus spake Napoleon, the commander in chief of the army of the repubhc of France in Italy. Why fought this army all these battles ? What did the French republic with the land she conquered ? The northern part of Italy, as before stated, conquered by Napoleon, was converted into several small republics, in which civil and religious liberty had full sway. Whatever may have been the crimes of France, whatever the atrocious deeds of the red reign of terror, no voice from history can deny but that it was the intent of France to give liberty in things civil and reli- gious to the oppressed peoples of Europe. This France purposed; this Napoleon did. The climax of Napoleon's speech is interesting. His statement that "the ashes of the conquerors of Tarquin are still trampled upon by the murderers of Basseville," was one calculated to fire to a white heat the warlike pas- sions of his immortelles. Three years before this the French had sustained an actual injury from the pope and court of Rome. This injury was yet unavenged. The pope and his followers had been extremely provoked that the French residing in Rome had displayed the tricolor flag of the republic, and that they had proposed to exhibit the escutcheon of the republic over the door of the French consul. Certainly, there could be no just cause for complaint about this, as it is the undoubted right of the foreign am- bassadors and consuls in any land to hoist the flag of their country and display the coat-of-arms of the nation which they represent. But the pope had intimated his desire that this should not be done, and a popular commotion arose. Monsieur Basseville, the French envoy, was at- tacked in the streets by the emissaries of the papal gov- ernment. His house was broken into, and he himself, unarmed and unresisting, was cruelly assassinated. s/iowjng /he Papa/ S/a/es, NAPOLEON AND THE POPE. 49 By all international law the life of an envoy is sacred; but so great was the hatred of the pope and the rulers of the Papal States for the republic of France, and the prin- ciples for which that republic stood, that the most solemn of international usages and customs was trampled in the dust, and the life of the envoy sacrificed to the foaming passion of hatred against liberty. All of this had happened in 1793, but it was not forgotten in 1796. And now Na- poleon called upon his troops to avenge the life of the mur- dered ambassador. I have already stated that the central part of Italy was ruled by the pope. The provinces subject to the sway of his Holiness were situated on both sides of the Apen- nines, and extended from the Mediterranean on the west to the Adriatic on the east. The historians of the period agree that these provinces were the worst governed in all Europe. Says Thiers : — • ' Except in the legations of Bologna and Ferrara, where a pro- found contempt for the government of priests prevailed, and in Rome, the ancient abode of science and the arts, where a few nobles had participated in the philosophy of all the grandees of Europe, men's minds had remained in the most disgraceful barbarism. A supersti- tious and ferocious populace, and idle and ignorant monks, composed that population of two million and a half of subjects. The army amounted to four or five thousand men, everybody knows of what quality. The pope, a vain, ostentatious prince, jealous of his authority and that of the holy see, entertained a deep hatred for the philosophy of the eighteenth century. He had thought to recover for the chair of St. Peter part of its influence by displaying great pomp, and had undertaken works useful to the arts. " Reckoning upon the majesty of his person and the persuasion of his words which was great, he had formerly undertaken a journey to Vienna, to bring back Joseph II to the doctrines of the Church, and to counteract philosophy, which seemed to be taking possession of the mind of that prince. This attempt had not been successful. The pontiff, filled with horror of the French Revolution, had launched his anathema against it, and preached a crusade. He had even winked at the murder of Basseville, the French agent in Rome. 50 BATTLE OF THE CENTURY. Inflamed by the monks, his subjects shared his hatred against France, and were seized with fanatic fury on hearing of the success of our arms." The Directory of France commanded General Bona- parte, above" all things, to make Rome feel the power of the republic. All the sincere patriots in France insisted on this. The pope, who had anathematized France, preached a crusade against her, and suffered her ambassador to be assassinated in his capital, certainly deserved chastisement. The French government insisted that the holy see should revoke all the briefs issued against France since the com- mencement of the Revolution. This severely hurt the pride of the ancient pontiff. He summoned the college of cardinals, which decided that the revocation could not take place. The French government now determined to destroy the temporal power of the pope. Bonaparte, however, was not quite ready for this. He took away two of the finest of the papal provinces — the legations of Bologna and Ferrara, and made them a part of the Cispadane Republic. The time had come when the pope must settle with Bonaparte. The latter advanced as far as Tolentino, thirty miles south of Ancona. Here, on the ist of Ventose (Feb. 19, 1797), the pope, for the time being, made his submission to the all-conquering general. He revoked all treaties of alliance against France, and for the first time formally acknowledged the republic, and declared himself in peace and good understanding with her. He agreed to pay to Napoleon thirty millions francs, two thirds in money and one third in diamonds or precious stones. The pope also agreed to turn over to General Bonaparte five hundred manuscripts, one hundred magnificent pictures, and the busts of Marcus and Lucius Brutus. Besides this, the pope NAPOLEON AND THE POPE. 51 was to furnish eight hundred cavalry horses and eight hun- dred draught horses, buffaloes, and other productions of the States of the Church. He was also to disavow the murder of Basseville, and to pay three hundred thousand francs for the benefit of his heirs and of others who had suffered by the same event. All the works of art and the manuscripts, and at least some of the precious stones, were immediately sent off to Paris, where they were installed for the adorn- ment of the public buildings. Thus was fulfilled the scrip- ture contained in the eleventh chapter of Daniel, which speaking of France and her worship of the god of war says : — " But in his estate shall he honor the God of forces : and a god whom his fathers knew not shall he honor with gold, and silver, and with precious stones and pleasant things." Such was the Treaty of Tolentino, and it must be noticed that while Napoleon severely crippled the temporal power of the pope, he imposed no restrictions upon his spiritual authority; in fact, if the truth be told, with the exception of some of the most violent spirits in France, the French government and people had but little desire to injure the spiritual power of the pope. This was particu- larly true of Napoleon. He cared little or nothing whether the doctrines of the creed of St. Athanasius or of some other creed succeeded. It was nothing to him whether religionists held that there was such a place as purgatory or not. He cared naught for the doctrine of the immacu- late conception, or any of the other more purely religious teachings and tenets of the Roman Catholic Church. What he and the French people objected to was the way in which the pope had anathematized the civil and religious liberty for which they fought. They detested the papal power, because that power had called all the monarchs of Europe to arms against them in their struggle for freedom. These 52 BATTLE OF THE CENTURY. things lay at the bottom of the whole trouble between France and Rome. Soon after this, Napoleon left Italy and repaired to France, from thence starting on the famous expedition to Egypt. When he left the Italian peninsula, with the con- sent of the Directory, he placed in charge of the army of Italy, General Louis Alexandre Berthier, the soldier who had fought so faithfully by the side of the American colon- ists in their struggle for freedom across the blue Atlantic. THE DEADLY WOUND. And now the hour had arrived when the 1260 years of the papal supremacy was to come to an end. The hands of the great clock of time stood upon the year 1798. The day was the lOth of February, as we call it; ac- cording to the French count, it was the 22nd of Pluviose. Ever since the beginning of the Revolution in France, the government of the pope over the Papal States had been becoming more and more decrepit. An aged pope, whose pride was humbled, and aged, incapable cardinals, could scarcely uphold a state tottering on all sides. Already, at the suggestion of the people of the Cisal- pine republic, the march of Ancona had revolted from the authority of the pope, and formed itself into the Anconitan repubhc. Thence the democrats excited rebellion through- out the whole of the Papal States. The papal govern- ment had lost that splendor which dazzled the eyes of the people, since the contributions imposed at Tolentino had obliged it to give up the valuable movables and the pre- cious stones belonging to the holy see. The new taxes, the creation of paper money, fallen more than two thirds of its value, and the alienation of one fifth of the property of the clergy, had dissatisfied all classes, and even the ecclesiastics themselves. GENERAL BERTHIER TAKING THE POPE PRISONER. 54 BATTLE OF THE CENTURY. The grandees of Rome, who had acquired some of the knowledge diffused throughout Europe during the eight- eenth century, loudly murmured against such a feeble gov- ernment, and said that it was high time the temporal rule of the Roman States should be transferred from the hands of ignorant, incapable monks, unacquainted with secular affairs, to those of real citizens, experienced in the business of life, and possessing a knowledge of the world. On Dec, 26, 1797, the French embassy in Rome was attacked, and young General Duphot, who was only anxious to preserve the peace, was fired upon by the papal troops and killed. This event produced a great sensation, and then it was that the Directory of France ordered General Berthier to march upon Rome. As before stated, he arrived on the loth of February, 1798. His soldiers paused for a moment to survey the ancient and magnificent city. The castle of St. Angelo quickly surrendered. The pope, for the time being, was left in, the Vatican, and Berthier was conducted to the capitol like the Roman gen- erals of old in their triumph. The democrats, at the sum- mit of their wishes, assembled in the Campo Vaccino, in sight of the remains of the ancient forum, and proclaimed The Roman Republic. A notary drew up an act by which the populace, calling itself the Roman people, declared that it resumed its sovereignty mid constituted itself a republic. Meantime Pope Pius VI had been left alone in the Vatican. Messengers were sent to demand the abdication of his temporal sovereignty. There was no intention of meddling with his spiritual authority. He replied that he could not divest himself of a property which was not his, but which had devolved on him from the apostles, and was only a deposit in his hands. This logic had but little THE DEADLY WOUND. 55 effect upon the republican generals of France. The pope, treated with the respect due to his age, was removed in the night from the Vatican, and conveyed into Tuscany. From thence he was taken to Valence, France, where he died attended by a solitary ecclesiastic, and for two years there was no pope. Thus came to an end the days of the papal supremacy as foretold in Holy Writ; thus was the papal power wounded as it were unto death. And it is now only fair to ask, What was the real cause of the destruction of the papal power } Why did France hate the papacy } Why was the temporal power of the pope abolished, and a republican form of government set up in its place .'* The questions are easy of answer. Across the broad Atlantic the flame of civil and religious Hberty had sprung up. The tongue of fire had spread to France. From France it darted through Europe down into the Italian peninsula. The pope had declaimed against it; he had declared again and again that the doctrine that governments derived their just powers from the consent of the governed was of the devil. He had further declared that the doctrine that the Church and the State should be kept everlastingly separate was born in the infernal regions, and to the infernal regions he consigned the whole. It was because the papacy fought against these two principles, that she received the death blow to her su- premacy — the deadly wound of the Scripture. France, her favorite wife and daughter, the nation which, through Clovis, had made the papacy great, was the chosen instru- ment of God to inflict this " deadly wound." But France had received her inspiration from the United States, so that the power flowing like red blood from the government 56 BATTLE OF THE CENTURY, of France into the arm of Berthier and his terrible legion- aries had its fountain head in the United States of America. All of this occurred in the dying years and on the very grave, as it were, of the eighteenth century, and born of the ashes of the struggle was the precious birthright of civil and religious liberty bequeathed to the infant nine- teenth century. THE HOLY ALLIANCE. For two years after the taking of Rome by Berthier there was no pope. Then Pius VII was elected at Venice, March 14, 1800; and in 1 808 the Papal States were formally annexed to France by Napoleon. After the fall of Napoleon and the break-up of the power of France, the next important event of history which chal- lenges our attention in this connection is the Holy Al- liance. The Treaty of the Holy Alliance was signed Sept. 26, 181 5. It was really a profession of relig- ious and political faith, "by which the sovereigns of Europe delivered from the iniquities of Napoleon, were henceforth to maintain the reign of peace and righteous- ness on earth." It was signed by the czar of Russia, the king of Prussia, the emperor of Austria, and other of the great potentates of Europe. The whole thing was really President Monroe. THE HOLY ALLIANCE. 57 gotten up by the pope, and was nothing more nor less than the combining of the monarchs of Europe, at the instigation of the papacy, against the principles of civil and religious freedom. It was an effort upon the part of the monarchists of Europe to give renewed prominence to the idea that kings govern by divine right, and to establish the union between church and state so completely that it could never again be disturbed. The sovereigns of the Holy Alliance had massed large armies, and they soon entered into a pledge to devote them to the suppression of all uprisings of the people in favor of free government. The congress first met at Vienna, later at Verona, where the monarchs solemnly pledged them- selves to do everything in their power to prevent the establishment of popular governments, and to unite their interests in preserving monarchical institutions wherever they existed, and in re-establishing them where they had been set aside by the people. Thus spake the monarchs. Across the water, in the United States, James Monroe was president; and as a countermove to what was going on in Europe, he enunciated the famous Monroe Doctrine. The essence of the Monroe Doctrine is summed up in a single sentence: — " We owe it, therefore, to candor and to the amicable relations existing between the United States and those powers, to declare that we should consider any attempt on their part to extend their system to any portion of this hemisphere as dangerous to our peace and safety." And immediately after this there was enunciated the solemn declaration: — "With the existing colonies or dependencies of any European power, we have not interfered, and shall not interfere," 58 BATTLE OF THE CENTURY. In other words, the American government told the gov- ernments of Europe that while they could not prevent their efforts against popular government in Europe, they would consider any move upon the part of the European governments to establish "their system " (imperialism) on American soil as a proper cause for interference by the United States. POPE PIUS IX. Pope Pius IX ascended the papal throne in the year 1846. His was a long, long reign, lasting until 1878. During its entire length the people of the Papal States kept petitioning him for a constitution and a republican form of government. Once he was besieged in Rome by twenty thousand of his own troops, aided by the entire body of the people. The belfry of San Carlino was occupied; from behind the equestrian statues of Castor and Pollux, a group of sharpshooters fired their rifles; next two six- pounder cannons appeared on the scene, and were duly trained against the main gate of the Quirinal palace. A truce was then proclaimed, and another deputation was given an audience with the pope. The deputation were bearers of the people's ultimatum, and they now declared that they would allow his Holiness one hour to consider; after which, if not adopted, tJiey announced their firm purpose to break into the Quirinal, and put to death every inmate thereof, zuith the sole and single exception of his holiness himself. The pope yielded, and at once the cry rent the air: "The Sovereign Has Given Us a Republic ! " But no sooner had the people dispersed, than the promised reforms were abandoned, and the pope simply broke his word. For awhile things dragged on. The end came in 1870. In that year the POPE PIUS IX. 59 people of the papal territories voted to throw off the yoke of the temporal sovereignty of the pope, and to unite with the kingdom of Italy. There were 167,548 voters. Of these 133,681 voted in favor of the union, and there were only 1,507 votes cast against it. On Sept. 20, 1870, the army of Italy entered Rome. And the work which Berthier had begun was completed by Victor Immanuel. The battle which had raged through the centuries was won to the cause of liberty. The persistent refusals of the pope to grant popular government was the cause of his downfall. The papacy stood opposed to republics on principle, and held to the divine right of kings. It was the movement in favor of 'popular government which enthroned the pope. Republican government drew its first full breath on American soil. From the United States the precious light had gone forth through all the world, and almost every government of the earth had been influenced by it. In resisting this light, the papacy had fallen. THE HEALING OF THE WOUND. It was the American principles of civil and religious liberty which brought to an end the twelve hundred and sixty years of the papal supremacy and inflicted the deadly wound in 1798. It was the leaven of those same Ameri- can principles still working which caused the people of the restored Papal States to demand of Pope Pius IX a republi- can form of government. And once more it was those same principles which brought Victor Emmanuel and the army of Italy to the capital of the Pontiff in 1870. To put it bluntly, civil and religious liberty had come to earth in power in the American Revolution. From the infant republic they had taken swift flight across the ocean VICTOR EMMANUEL ENTERING ROME. THE DEADLY WOUND. 6i to the kingdom of France. The people of France arose and demanded these inestimable boons. The papacy arrayed herself against the people of France. In truth and reality it was not the people with whom she was at outs. It was the principles for which they struggled. It was civil and religious liberty. There is a cause for every war. The causes of some wars are trivial; the causes of others are momentous and far-reaching. Now the primal, the fundamental, the basic cause of the war between Napoleon and the pope was this: the F'rench people declared that civil and religious liberty — government by the consent of the ^governed, and religion separate from the state — were the natural rights of man, and that all men were justly entitled to them. The papacy opposed these principles both in theory and practice, and over the theory and practice of these princi- ples war was waged between the two. The event of the war was victory for Napoleon and vanquishment for the pope: the principles of civil and religious liberty — the principles which France had learned from America — prevailed; the theories of despotism, both civil and religious — the theories of Rome — were defeated. Viewed from the standpoint of the true inwardness of things, there was a triumph gained by civil and religious liberty, over civil and religious despotism. Two angels of light had fought against two dragons of darkness, and the dragons of darkness were cast out. The civil and religious liberty which accomplished all of this came from the United States. It was the first fruits of that shot fired by the embattled farmers at Lexington and Concord, and heard around the world. It was the direct result of the American idea. So that in truth, and 62 BATTLE OF THE CENTURY. in the real essence of things it was the United States which delivered to the papacy "the deadly wound." The deadly wound was those two immortal truths, (i) government is of the people, and (2) government is of right entirely separate from religion. And it logically follows from this, that should the United States ever depart from these two principles, which were the new order of things, — the undertaking which God favored, and the deadly wound in the breast of Rome, — it logically follows, I say, that in this very act she would in one and the same stroke re- establish the old order of things, and heal the deadly wound once delivered to the Church of Rome. In Rev. 13 : 3 it is plainly foretold that the deadly wound will be healed. "The deadly wound was healed," are the words of the Scripture. Again the prophet speaking of the beast that " had two horns like a lamb," yet which " spake as a dragon," — the United States, — said: " And he exerciseth all the power of the first beast [papal Rome] before him, and causeth the earth and them that dwell therein to worship the first beast, whose deadly wound was healed." Rev. 13:12. From this it is clear, not only that the deadly wound delivered to the papacy in 1798 is to be healed, but worse than this, that the United States, the power which admin- istered the deadly wound, will ultimately be the one who will bring about the restoration of the papacy to her old place of power; even as it is written of the United States, "she causeth the earth and them that dwell therein to worship the beast." In brief, the sure word of prophecy foretold that the deadly wound would be healed, the papacy restored, and that this would be by the action of the United States, the very power which through France wounded and degraded the papacy in 1798. THE HEALING OF THE WOUND. 63 There is still another thought brought out in the verse, which describes the United States. For the sake of per- spicuity let the text be cited again: "And I beheld another beast coming up out of the earth; and he had two horns like a lamb, and he spake as a dragon." I have already shown that the ' ' two horns like a lamb" represent Republicanism and Protestantism. These two things are the absolute opposite of anything pertaining to the nature of the voice of a dragon. Still the two are represented through the symbol as being each and both a part of the beast symbolizing the United States. In other words, there will be a profession of Republicanism and Protestantism upon the part of the United States until the very end. She will always claim to be a republic. She will never cease to call herself Protestant. The names of these two blessed boons will remain and be worshiped. The image will continue to be revered, but the sacred breath and fire which once warmed the image to life will have fled away. Now what is the intrinsic 'meaning of the expression, "And he spake as a dragon" } The dragon is a symbol of the devil, for it is written: "And there was war in heaven: Michael and his angels fought against the dragon; and the dragon fought and his angels, and prevailed not; neither was their place found any more in heaven. And the great dragon was cast out, that old serpent, called the devil, and Satan, which deceiveth the whole world: he was cast out into the earth, and his angels were cast out with him." Rev. 12 : 7-9. The dragon is the devil. Now what is it to speak as the dragon } What did Lucifer the Son of the morning, ever say that made him the devil — the dragon } — " How art thou fallen from heaven, O Lucifer, son of the morning! 64 BATTLE OF THE CENTURY. how art thou cut down to the ground, which didst weaken the nations ! For thou hast said in thine heart, I will ascend into heaven, I will exalt my throne above the STARS OF God: I will sit also upon the mount of the con- gregation, in the sides of the north: I will ascend above the heights of the clouds; I will be like the Most High. Yet thou shalt be brought down to hell, to the sides of the pit." Isa. 14:12-15. Mark well his words: "I will exalt my throne above the stars of God." These are the utterances of monarchy. There is no sentiment of repub- licanism in this. The stars of God are angels of God. Satan proposed to exalt his throne above them. He pro- posed to set himself up as a ruler over them without their consent. He intended to substitute in the place of God's government of love, his own government of arbitrary force. The result of this was that there was war in heaven, and the devil — the dragon — was cast out. The conclusion from this finding, concerning the spirit and the speech necessary to constitute the voice of a dragon, in the case of the United States, can only be that while there comes no bloody revolution, destroying the doc- trine of the Fathers, there will be a quiet revolution, which, while it retains the names of Republic and Protestant, will do the acts of monarchy and of papacy. This quiet revolution has already commenced. Silently, yet swiftly and surely, as man's march to the grave, it is in progress, sapping the life from Republicanism and Protes- tantism; implanting the seeds of monarchy in reality, though not in name. Its birth is the coming of the death- angel. The very seeds of it are pregnant with dissolution. Ever since 1 898 this quiet revolution has been going on. The immortal principles of civil and religious liberty, born and cradled in the United States in the closing part THE HEALING OF THE WOUND. 65 of the eighteenth century, are being abandoned by the nation which gave them birth. The sacred self-evident truths, which stabbed the papacy to the heart, are now being characterized as nursery rhymes; good enough to be sung around the cradle of the nation, but not worthy of serious consideration at the present time. Here are a few things which leading men and newspa- pers are saying: — " A constitution and national policy adopted by thirteen half- consolidated, weak, rescued colonies, glad to be able to call their life their own, can not be expected to hamper the greatest nation in the world." — Franklin MacVeagh. " This nation has become a giant, who is no longer content with the nursery rhymes which were sung around the cradle." — Presi- dent Northrop, at Chicago Peace Jubilee Banquet. "In the right to acquire territory is found the right to govern; and as the right to govern is sovereign and unlimited, the right to govern is a sovereign right, and I maintain is not limited in the Con- stitution. / think it mtist be admitted that the right to govern is sov- ereign and nnlimited. . . . Governments derive their just powers from the consent of some oi the governed. — Senator Piatt, of Con- necticut, in the United States Senate. "The Declaration of Independence was made to suit a partic- ular existing condition of things. The Declaration meant simply that the colonies had become tired of the British domination, deem- ing it oppressive, and intended to set up a government of their own by the right of revolution. They were not laying down a principle for anybody except themselves, and they had no conception of the 'consent of the governed ' as it is proclaimed by Mr. and the generally hypocritical gang who , are sympathizing with him in the hope of cheating us out of our rightful conquests." — New York S7in. " It is a favorite notion now to quote the words, ' Governments are instituted among men, deriving their just powers from the consent of the governed,' as if these embodied a law of application to all inhabitants alike. ... It was never the intention of the signers of the Declaration to assert that the negroes or the savage race must give consent before just government should be established over them. . . . The Declaration of Independence was a formal notice that the inhabitants of the colonies consented no longer to British rule." — The New York Tribune. 66 BATTLE OF THE CENTURY. "We would inform Senator Vest that the idea that all men are created equal is not the fundamental law of this country. The Fathers had better sense than to put that phrase in the Constitu- tion. They wrote it in the Declaration, which was simply their manifesto to European powers, and is not law," — The Chicago Times- Herald. "Resist the crazy extension of the doctrine that government derives its just powers from the consent of the governed." — White- law Reid. "And so to-day there are those that wave the Declaration of Independence in our faces, and tell us that the thing to do is to de- liver over those islands of the archipelago in the East to the people who are their rightful masters; for ' all governments derive their just powers from the consent of the governed.' So wrote Thomas Jefferson. Do you remember that the Lord said to Joshua, ' My servant is dead ' ? And so is Thomas Jefferson. I do not believe that Thomas Jefferson was infallible. I believe that a live president in the year of grace 1899 is just as much of an authority as a pres- ident that lived and died a hundred years ago. I am no worshiper of a saint just because he is dead. Let the dead bury the dead. As to that halloived document that declares that all governmetits derive their just powers from the consent of the gO'Z'erned, if that is to be lit- erally construed, there was never a greater falsehood palmed off by the devil upon a credulous world.'' — Rev. P. S. Henson, Chicago, in Auditorium mass-meeting, Sunday, May 7, i8gg, printed in the Chi- cago Times -Herald, May 8, iSgg. This is not all. This revolution has passed from the realm of the press, pulpit, and platform, into the realm of action and practice. The declaration of war against the kingdom of Spain was adopted on the i8th of April, 1898, by a vote of 42 to 35 in the Senate, and 311 to 6 in the House. It clearly sets forth the policy of the government at that time: — "First. That the people of the island of Cuba are, and of right ought to be, free and independent. " Fourth. That the United States hereby disclaims any dispo- sition or intention to exercise sovereignty, jurisdiction, or control over said islands, except for the pacification thereof, and asserts its determination when that is accomplished, to leave the government and control of the island to its peoile." THE HEALING OF THE WOUND. 6/ That was in the spring of 1898. The war with Spain is long since a closed episode of history, but Cuba is not free and independent. She has simply changed masters. Recently it was enacted into statute by the United States Congress: — "That the government of Cuba consents that the United States may exercise the right to intervene for the preservation of Cuban independence, the maintenance of a government adequate for the protection of hfe, property, and individual hberty, and for discharg- ing the obhgations with respect to Cuba imposed by the Treaty of Paris on the United States, now to be assumed and undertaken by the government of Cuba. "That the government of Cuba will execute, and as far as nec- essary extend, the plans already devised or other plans to be mutu- ally agreed upon, for the sanitation of the cities of the island, to the end that a recurrence of epidemic and infectious diseases may be prevented, therefore assuring protection to the people and commerce of Cuba as well as to the commerce of the southern ports of the United States and the people residing therein." There is no real freedom, no real independence, in this. There is not in this that which will satisfy the hearts of men longing to govern themselves. There is in it, how- ever, a direct repudiation of the doctrine that governments derive their just powers from the consent of the governed. From this I pass to the case in the Philippines. In the United States Senate, Wednesday, Feb. 27, 1900, and in the House of Representatives, Thursday, Feb. 28, 1 90 1, there was enacted, for the governing of the Phil- ippine Islands, the following: — "All military, civil, and judicial powers necessary to govern the Philippine Islands, acquired from Spain by the treaties concluded at Paris on the loth day of Dec, 1898, and at Washington on the 7th day of November, igoo, shall, until otherwise provided by Con- gress, be vested in such person and persons, and shall be exercised in such manner, as the president of the United States shall direct for the establishment of civil government and for maintaining and protecting the inhabitants of such islands in the free enjoyment of 68 BATTLE OF THE CENTURY. their liberty, property, and religion: provided, that all franchises granted under the authority hereof shall contain a reservation of the right to alter, amend, or repeal the same." First of all, it is to be noticed that this is a distinct abandonment of the Constitution, and a distinct abdication of its powers by the Congress of the United States; for Section i of Article i of the Constitution of the United States says: — "AH legislative powers herein granted shall be vested in a Congress of the United States, which shall consist of a Senate and House of Representatives." Secondly, Section i of Article III of the Constitution says : — "The judicial power of the United States shall be vested in one supreme court and in such inferior courts as the Congress may from time to time ordain and establish." Now when the Constitution definitely confines to Con- gress all legislative powers granted, and to a supreme court, and such inferior courts as may from time to time be pro- vided, all judicial powers; and then Congress passes over to, and vests in, " such person and persons ... as the president of the United States shall direct," all civil and judicial powers necessary to govern territory of the United States: that is nothing less than for Congress so far to abdicate its own powers, and, so far, to take away from the courts their powers. It is also a clear abandonment of the Constitution of the United States so far as the Philippine Islands are concerned, and, in principle, so far as any place is concerned. Nor is this abandonment of the Constitution merely tacit, by the wording of the law relating to the government of the PhiHppine Islands; it is explicit, and was repeatedly THE HEALING OF THE WOUND. 69 confirmed. For an amendment was proposed to the Philip- pine section of the bill, as follows : — "Sec. — That the Constitution of the United States is hereby extended over and declared to be in force in the Phihppine Islands so far as the same or any provision thereof may be applicable." This was rejected, by a vote of thirty-nine to twenty- three; not voting, twenty-six. Afterward there was offered the following amendment: — '■'■ And provided further, That no judgment, order, nor act by any of said officials so appointed shall conflict with the Constitution and laws of the United States." That amendment was rejected by a vote of forty-five to twenty-five; not voting, eighteen. After this an amendment was offered requiring that — "Every person in whom authority is vested under this grant of power shall take an oath to support the Constitution of the United States." This was also rejected, by a vote of forty-one to twenty- five; not voting, twenty-two. After this there was offered the following amendment: — " All persons shall be bailable, unless for capital offenses where the proof shall be evident or the presumption great. All fines shall be moderate, and no cruel or unusual punishment shall be inflicted. No man shall be deprived of his life, liberty, or property but by the judgment of his peers and the law of the land. If the public exigen- cies make it necessary for the common preservation to take the property of any person, or to demand his particular services, full compensation shall be made for the same. No ex post facto law or law impairing the obligation of contracts shall be made. No law shall be made which shall lay any person under restraint, burden, or disability on account of his religious opinions, professions, or mode of worship, in all of which he shall be free to maintain his own, and not burdened for those of another." This, too, was rejected, by a vote of forty-one to twenty- three; not voting, twenty-four. 70 BATTLE OF THE CENTURY. When, thus, it had been voted, over and over again, to bestow unlimited power upon such persons as the presi- dent shall name to govern the Philippine Islands, then attempt was made to limit the time of the exercise of this power. Accordingly, an amendment was offered, limiting this time to March 4, 1903. But this was rejected by a vote of forty-three to twenty-six; not voting, nineteen. When it had been so positively decided that unlimited power should be given to these men, and for unlimited time, an attempt was made to give the Filipinos a part in the government of themselves. Accordingly, an amend- ment was offered as follows : — "... and secure to them such participation in the aifairs of the civil government so to be established as shall be consistent with the safety of the government." But this was rejected by a vote of thirty-nine to twenty- three; not voting, twenty-six. When it had thus been explicitly and confirmedly settled that the powers of such men as the president shall appoint to govern the Philippines, shall be unlimited; shall be unlim- ited for all time; and shall be absolute over the people of the islands, and when thus the chief executive of the United States is permitted to give to five men " a power which, in the height of his glory, the American people never would have intrusted to George Washington, " attempt was made to save at least a vestige of Constitutional liberty as follows : — '■'■Mr. Hoar: Mr. President, there is one principle of Constitu- tional liberty not yet slain, and I desire to give it a chance for its life. I move the amendment which I send to the desk, to be inserted at the end of the bill. " The Presiding Officer: The senator from Massachusetts sub- mits an amendment which will be stated. " The Secretary: It is proposed to add as a new section the fol- lowing: — i:. z '-A. Sif^ff s o 72 BATTLE OF THE CENTURY. " ' In the government of the Philippine Islands no person vested with legislative powers shall ever exercise the executive or judicial powers, or either of them; no person vested with executive powers shall ever exercise the legislative or judicial powers, or either of them; no person vested with judicial powers shall ever exercise the legislative or executive powers, or either of them; to the end that it may be a government of laws and not of men.' " The Presiding Officer: The question is on the amendment of the sena.tor from Massachusetts [Mr. Hoar] to the amendment of the committee. Mr. Jones, of Arkansas, and Mr. Pettus called for the yeas and nays. "The yeas and nays were ordered, and the secretary proceeded to call the roll." And even this last principle of constitutional liberty was slain. It was rejected by a vote of forty-three to twenty-six; not voting, nineteen. See the whole account in the Congressional Record, dated Wednesday, Feb. 27, 1 901. As already stated, the next day but one — Friday, March i — the House of Representatives passed this legis- lation, as it came from the Senate, without any change whatever. As it was all done at the demand of the presi- dent, it was all approved by him when it came before him to be signed. And thus the government of the United States has, in principle, and for the Philippines in practice, deliberately and expressly repudiated every principle of its Constitution as a republican government. Not a single item, nor even an iota, of the principle of republican or constitutional government remains. CHURCH AND STATE IN THE PHILIPPINES 73 THE UNITED STATES AND THE CHURCH OF ROME IN THE PHILIPPINES. In the treaty with Spain, the rights of Rome in church properties were guaranteed. As these rights in the Philip- pines had long formed a bone of contention between the natives and the Spanish government, a substantial gain was made by the Church on this account. That the Vatican recognizes this is made clear in an audience granted Archbishop Ireland by the pope. He said : — " ' We are well pleased with the relations of the American gov- ernment to the Church in Cuba and the Philippines. The American government gives proof of good will, and exhibits a spirit of justice and respect for the rights and liberties of the church. You will thank in my name the president of the republic for what he has done.' Of course, the pope feels to thank the president of the United States for what he has done. The president, jointly with the pop6, it is asserted, appointed Monsignor Chapelle 'to restore the friars to their parishes and to the power from which they had been driven by the Catholics themselves. Charges of immorality and extortion against the friars were said to be one chief cause of the insurrection of 1896. . , . Apparently the root of the difficulty in the Philippiuea is a claim of the monastic orders to certain properties and revenues. The eighth article of the Treaty of Paris provides that the relin- quishment of power by Spain can not in any respect impair the property or rights which by law belong to the peaceful possession of property of all kinds of . . . ecclesiastical or civil bodies.'" In other words, the government of the United States is now ruling the Filipinos without their consent, and is more- over pledged by the treaty with Spain to maintain the prop- erty rights of the church. But the whole trouble between the Filipinos and Spain was originally brought about by this very question of the property rights of the church. The Filipinos maintain, just as did the French in the days of the Revolution, that the Church had not come by all of this property in the right way, and that by rights the most of it belonged to the people. 74 BATTLE OF THE CENTURY. And even now it has been decided by the United States commissioners that the CathoHc priests shall have the right to teach the Catholic religion to the children in the public schools in the Philippine Islands. To be sure, the government does not pay for their services; but they, and they only, have access to the children in the public schools. In the doing of all these things it can only be said that the United States is now voluntarily surrendering the principles which were her birthright. She herself is saying to the Roman Catholic church: Those principles which had their birth in me, and with which you were wounded to death, are not good principles after all. They are not good for all mankind, as I once thought they were. I myself find that they are not applicable to all classes and climes. The "new order of things" is being reversed, and the old order of things is being re-established in its place; but God will not favor the undertaking. AMERICAN SUNDAY LAWS. The clergy of the United States are clamoring, with voice and pen, for the strict observance of Sunday as a day of religious worship and rest. They are urging precisely the same measures as were urged by the bishops and priests of the Catholic Church in France before the Revolution. Dr. W. W. Evarts, of Chicago, said not long ago: "This day is set apart for divine worship and preparation for another life. It is the test of all religion." Again he said: " He who does not keep the Sabbath, does not worship God; and he who does not worship God, is lost." At a convention of religionists held not long ago in Elgin, Illinois, the following resolutions were j^asscd : — - AMERICAN SUN DA V LA WS. 7 5 •' Resolved, That we recognize the Sabbath as an institution of God, revealed in nature and the Bible, and of perpetual obligation on all men; and also as a civil and American institution, bound up in vital and historical connection with the origin and foundation of our government, the growth of our pol'ity, and necessary to be maintained in order for the pre,servation and integrity of our national system, and therefore as having a sacred claim on all patriotic American citizens. " Resolved, That we look with shame and sorrow on the non- observance of the Sabbath by many Christian people, in that the custom prevails with them of purchasing Sabbath newspapers, engaging in and patronizing Sabbath business and travel, and in many instances giving themselves to pleasure and self-indulgence, setting aside by neglect and indifference the great duties and privil- eges which God's day brings them." '■'■ Resolved, That we give our votes and support to those candi- dates or political officers who will pledge themselves to vote for the enactment and enforcing of statutes in favor of the civil Sabbath." At a Sunday law mass-meeting held in Oakland, Cal., the Rev. Dr. Briggs said to the state: " You relegate moral instruction to the Church, and then let all go as they please on Sunday; so that we can not get at them." And Dr. Evarts said: "The laboring class are apt to rise late on Sunday morning, read the Sunday papers, and allow the hour of worship to go by unheeded." And Dr. Johnson added: "In the Sunday lull from politics, business, etc., the people would go to church were it not for the attrac- tion of the special train." And again it was said: "The Sunday train is another great evil. They can not afford to run a train unless they get a great many passengers, and so break up a great many congregations." From all of this it is clear that the Protestant ministers of the United States, to-day, regard Sunday as did the Catholic priests of France before the Revolution. To both, "IT IS THE TEST OF ALL RELIGION." He who does not keep it will be lost; unless it is enforced by 76 BATTLE OF THE CENTURY. civil statutes, the nation will go to pieces; laws must be enacted prohibiting Sunday newspapers, Sunday travel, and Sunday "pleasure and self-indulgence." Candidates for public offices are not to be voted for unless they favor legal statutes for the enforcement of Sunday. The State is urged to corral all the people on Sunday so that the minis- ters may get at them. In 1888 a vigorous attempt was made to get the United States Congress to pass a national Sunday law. It was urged that no post office should be opened on Sunday; and further, that the national government should not permit the carrying of the United States mails on Sunday. It was urged that no freight trains be permitted to run on Sunday. Already there have been hundreds of cases of arrests, in many cases followed by fine and imprisonment, and even the chain-gang, for Sunday work. A man was convicted for painting a church on Sunday, another was convicted for planting potatoes on Sunday, another for plowing on Sun- day, another for doing carpenter work on Sunday, another for fixing his wagon brake on Sunday, a boy of fourteen for shooting squirrels on Sunday. Not long ago a gentle- man in Arkansas gathered on Sunday morning some early peaches which were over-ripe and in danger of spoiling; he was brought before the court, convicted, and fined twenty- five dollars. Mr. Swearingen and his son hauled some rails on Sunday; they were Christian men, but observers of another day. They were put in jail Oct. i, 1886. On the 13th of the same month, the sheriff levied on, and took possession of, a horse belonging to Mr. Swearingen. The horse sold at sheriff's sale, the 25th of the same month, for $26. 50, leaving a balance against Mr. Swearingen of $7.70; yet both he and his son were released the same day A M ERIC A N S UNDA Y LA WS. 7 7 that the horse was sold. On the 15th day of December the sheriff appeared again on the premises of Mr. Swear- ingen, and presented a bill for $28.95. Of this sum, $21.25 was for the board of Mr. Swearingen and son while in jail, and $7.70 for the balance on the fine. Mr. Swearingen had no money to pay the bill. The sheriff levied on his mare, harness, wagon, and a cow and calf. Before the day of the sale, however, Mr. Swearingen's brethren raised the money by donations, paid the bill, and secured the release of his property. One thing about this case is to be noticed particularly: The witness upon whose testimony these people were con- victed, said that as he was returning from the funeral of Mrs. Boggett, he saw them hauling rails on Sunday, the 14th day of February. Now the act under which this prosecution was carried on became a law March 3, and was approved by the governor ISIarch 7. Consequently they were convicted for work done seventeen days before the act was passed under which they were convicted. Scores more of cases might be mentioned, cases showing how honest Christian men have been put into the chain- gang and made to serve with common criminals simply because they did a httle work on Sunday; and in many of these cases they were men who had already rested upon another day. The majority of the States now have Sunday laws of one kind or another, more or less stringent. The number of these laws has increased greatly during the past few years. There have been of late many ' ' barber bills ; " i. e., bills compelling barbers to close their shops on Sun- day, bills closing up theaters and all playhouses on Sunday, bills providing against amusements of any kind on Sunday. The Church of Rome has seen and noted it ail. At the time when Theodore Roosevelt was enforcing the Raines LofC. EXPOSITION GATE CLOSED ON SUNDAY. AMERICAN SUN DA V LA WS. 79 Law in New York City, and there was great joy among the Protestant ministers that the "Puritan Sabbath" was being enforced, one of the leading Roman Cathohc journals remarked that the Protestant brethren need not be so jubi- lant; they were not enforcing the Puritan Sabbath at all, but the old Roman Catholic Sunday; and that this was precisely what the Church of Rome wanted. At the time of the World's Fair in Chicago, Congress by statute prohibited the opening of the Fair on Sunday. Now a vigorous agitation is being carried forward to close the gates on Sunday of the Pan-American Exhibition, to be held in Buffalo, N. Y. , this summer. And again Con- gress has put her seal to it by statute, that if the commis- sioners of the World's Fair to be held at St. Louis receive the appropriation made by the United States Government they must positively stipulate to close the gales on Sunday. The voices of the Cubans who are not free, the blood of a poor people in the Orient, the prayers of the perse- cuted in the prisons, the proposed closed gates of exposi- tions, the teaching of the religion of Rome in the public schools, over which the starry banner floats; yea, the very voice of the venerable white-haired pontiff, penetrating the somber walls of the Vatican, one and all bear testimony to the fact that the new order of things has altogether in principle, and partially in practice, been reversed, and that the " deadly wound " inflicted upon Rome by the bloody Revolution of 1798 has been and is being healed by the peaceful and quiet revolution which was begun in the United States exactly one hundred years later — in 1898. 8o BATTLE OF THE CENTURY. And by this very act she who did the wounding also does the heahng. We are standing at the grave of the nineteenth cen- tury. The battle begun at the close of the eighteenth, for the cause of civil and religious liberty, has been waged and won for the right; but alas! only to be surrendered again by the victors to the vanquished. " "'"he beauty of Israel is slain upon the high place! How are the mighty fallen! How are the mighty fallen, and the weapons of. war perished! " Columbia, as lovely in sorrow as in joy, weeps and pleads over the nation, saying in the beautiful lines of Wister: — " 'O Benjamin of nations, best beloved! Still let your isolated beacon show Its steadfast splendors from their rock unmoved. Mixed with no lanterns that flare, fall, and go. Still may your fortunate twin oceans flow To island you from neighbors' broils aloof : Teach liberty to live! be your life still the proof 1 •' ' So long in heaven I waited for your birth, Such joy filled me when I became your soul. So close I have companioned you on earth. Walked with each step you've trodden toward our goal, O stray not now aside and mar the whole Bright path! ' She stopped; she laid her hand on him; He, looking up, beheld how her clear eyes were dim." Awake, O sons and daughters of the Republic! The God of thy Fathers calls thee, Columbia calls thee, to awake! It is not merely the Battle of the Century, but the Battle of All the Ages, which is with thee to decide — to settle for weal or for woe, for time and for eternity. APR S4 1901 twm Toumatns or BroKen Cisterns AN EDUCATIONAL PROBLEM FOR PROTESTANTS ^ ^ ^ ^ By Prof. E. A. Sutherland, President of Battle Creek College '* THE CHILDREN ARE GOD'S INHERITANCE.'' This book gives the history of the two systems of education, Christian ;ind Pagan. ''All tliy children shall be taught of the Lord." Isa. 54 : 13. " Now as never before wo need to understand the irue system of education. If we fail to understand this we shall never have a place in the kingdom of God" "Living F'ountaiiis" tells us the cause of the failure and apostasy of Israel, of the early church, the Reformers, the modern Protestants; and also the weakness of the remnant church can be traced to n > other source and accountfd for on no other grounds than Pagan methods and wrong principles of education instilled in the minds and hearts of the children and youth of the past and present generations. What kind of education are your children re= ceiving ? Would you know and understand the principles of Chris- tian education for to-day? Secure a copy of ''Living Fountains or Broken Cisterns, an Educational Problem for Protestants;" read it, and ponder its teachings in your heart. EXCERPTS FROM THE BOOK. President Harper of the Chicago University states: "It is dlflS- cultto prophesy wliat the result of our present method of education will bi>iu fifty years. We are training the mind in our public schools, yet the moral side of the child's nature is almost entirely neg- lected. T}i6 Roman Cathnlic Clntrch iuni! be gathered under the ensign of Christ. The book contains 427 pages; printed from new type; sub- stantially bound in cloth; price, 11.25. Address REVIEW AND HERALD PUB. CO., ^ ^ ^ Jt Ji BATTLE CREEK, MICH. ^ ^ ^ ^ ^ JAlkV'2. 10#1 LIBRARY OF CONGRESS 021 550 538 8 "BIBLE TEXT-BOOK" BY PROF. O. A. JOHNSON Is a compendium of Bible subjects, bound in a neat and attractive form, anfl easy to cairy in tlie vest or coat pocket. Tlie book con- tains forty-tiino tersely written Bible leadings on as many different subjects. Tliere are five cliarts explaining difHcult Scripture sub- jects ; such as^ The Weekly and Yearly Sabbaths, The Two Laws. The Week, The Seven Seals, The Seven Last Plagues. The Millenniu.m. Every minister, Bible worker, and cliurch member should procure a copy at once. It is of great value to anyone making a study of the Scriptures. A WORK OF RARE MERIT. The " Bible Text-Book " is indeed a work of rare merit. Elder S. H. Lane. KNOWS OF NONE BETTER. As a suggestive text-book for ministers. Bible workers, and Bible .students I kno^ of none superior to "Bible Text-Book," by O. A. .lolinscii. It covers a series of topics embracing nearly every doctrinal subject of the Word of (iod, as well as many practical lessons. Every seeker after truth should own one. Elder I. H. Evans. It contains 208 pages, table of contents, and general inde.x of sub- jects ; is bound in two styles of binding. In cloth, 30c., in leather, 50c. REVIEW AND HERALD PUB. CO., Battle Creek, Mich. Chicago, III. Toronto, Ont. Atlanta, Ga. ^^Peril of the Republic" V By PROF. P. T. MAGAN Is a beacon light show- ing clearly the rocks and shonls upon which there is danger of the good ship, the Repub- lic, wrecking. The dangers which threaten the perpetu- ity of our government are shown to exist so conclusively that none can read this work without stojjping to think over those things contained in the book. The argument of the book is so straightforward, giving the simple facts as they exist; that it will allay, rather than create prejudice. The theme of the work is of such great moment that it should be in the hands of every law maker and voter in the United States. "Perils of the Republic" contains 11 chapters, 19G pages; has a Ijeautiful emblematical cover design. Is substantially bound in cloth. PRICE, POSTPAID, $1.00 On^n^' REVIEW AND HER.ALD PUB. CO., BATTLE CREEK, MICH. CKicago, III. Tororvto, Ont. AtlaLi-vta, Ga>..