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 p-^ /ss/ 
 
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 Copy 1 
 
 REMARKS 
 
 JOSEPH H. GEIGER, ESQ., 
 
 SENATOR FROM THE 
 
 )ii"rm8@T m mm hmm m^^mfhi^ 
 
 SENATE QF OHIO, 
 
 FRIDAY , JJiJYUARYll, 1851 
 
 TO WHICH ARE AFFIXED, 
 
 A SKETCH OF A REPLY 
 
 BY 
 
 MR. WALKER, SENATOR FROM MONTGOMERY, 
 
 CmiililCOTHE, o : 
 
 FR031 THE PRESS OF THE DAILY SCIOTO GAZi^fTE. 
 
 1851. 
 
^^.v. 
 
 •&^^ 
 
 MR. GEIGER'S RESOLUTIONS. 
 
 Laid on the table of the Ohio Senate,land ordered to be printed, January 9, 1851. 
 
 Whereas, the agitation of the subject of slavery by deA to advance the true object of the law, by removing iho 
 sicrning men, both at the North and the Snmh, for ihe( prejudice and hostility awakened against it in its present 
 purpose of acquiring local popularity in their respec- (form. 
 
 live districts of country, is to be deprerated ; and ( i^'eso^rcfZ, Fourth, that the Fugitive Law passed at the 
 
 whereas, much of tke improper feeling existing be- (late session of Congress is objectionable, because it 
 
 tween tlie Free and tlie Slave States, has arisen from ( makes ex parte evidence conclusive, without allowing 
 
 the mutual misunderstanding of the true sentiments of (the alleged fugitive to contest by disinterested testimony 
 
 the mnss of the people in each section of the Union: (any other question than lliat of h\s identiti/, and while 
 
 Therefore, (summary proceedings maybe allowed in preliminary 
 
 Iiesolved,by the General Assembbj of the Stale <jf( trials, fugitives from labor should have the same right of 
 
 Ohio, First, Tliat We hold the Union of the States pa- (/waZ trial by jury granted to ihem, in the State from 
 
 raiiiuunt to every other political consideration, and that ^ which they escaped, which is granted to fugitives from 
 
 a Stale threatening its dissolution in view of future con- c; justice, and if the Court or Commissioner is satisfied 
 
 tingencies, manifests tlie same unpatriotic and fanatical (| from testimony, that the alleged fugitive YidiS any real 
 
 spirit as the unorganized mob, which would rend its (claim to freedom, the master must be required to enter 
 
 Jaws by violence. /into bonds to submit the same to fair trial m the Slate 
 
 Resolved, Second, That the Judiciary and ballot box ("from which the fugilive escaped, as provided in the bill 
 
 furnish, in this government, the only Constitutional and ^reported to the United Slates Senate in May, 1850, by the 
 
 elfeclive remedy for wrongs, real or imaginary, and that /special committee of thirteen, or failing to give such 
 
 is the duty of every good citizen to indignantly /bond, shall test by the jury trial the right of freedom 
 
 frinvn npiin, and if necessary, suppress by active exertion /of the alleged fugitive, in the State in which the said 
 
 all forcible resistanceio laws, passed by the constitutional ) fugitive may be found. 
 
 authority of the Union, whether such resistance be made ) Resolved, Fifth, That the State of Ohio stands where 
 by States or individuals. / she always stood, inopposition to the extension of slavery 
 
 Resolved, Tliird, That the State of Ohio fully recogni- ) into territory now free, but she does not desire agitation on 
 zes the obligations imposed by the constitution of "the ^ exciting topics, for the mere sake of agitation, or the 
 United States, to surrender fugitives from labor, esca- / productionof panizan capital, and ourSeuatorsand Rep- 
 ping from one Stale into another, and will stand by any ^ resentatives in Congressare hereby requested to conform 
 law of Congress desisned to secure the rights of the mas- / their action to the spirit of the foregoing resolutions, with 
 terwhile it fully protects the liberty of the colored free- )an honest and fearless deteimination to support the dig- 
 man, and that our sister Slates may feel confident, that ) nity and stability of the Union, _^rs/, ^asi, and /oreuer. 
 whatever amendment we may suggest to the recently) Resolved, That the Governor be requested to forward 
 enacted Fugitive I,avvs, is inieiided not tn evade the ob- Uo e.ich of our Senators aud Representatives in CongresSy 
 ■»ious intent of the constilULion, but desigaedjin good faith, ) a copy of the above resolutions. 
 
REMARKS, &c 
 
 Mr. Speaker : — It would be vanity, to ex- 
 pect that this Senate should award me more 
 attention than has been given other gentle- 
 men, by whom I have been preceded. The 
 magnitude of the .subject should, however, 
 induce sober consideration. We are about 
 expressing, as the Legislature of Ohio, what 
 will be regarded as itie sentiments of two 
 millions ot people, upon a question whicl 
 has agitated, and almost convulsed, the Go- 
 vernment; a nd it is due to us and to those 
 we represev\\.i that this manifesto, of our opi 
 nions upon this exciting topic, should speak, 
 manfully and well, our regard for the Union 
 of the States, our devotion to its peace and 
 perpetuity. 
 
 It would have afforded me sincere plea- 
 sure, if the Freesoil Senators, upon this 
 lioor, could have permitted this question of 
 Slavery to rest; — at least, not have forced its 
 consiiieralion upon a body by whom it can- 
 not be legally reached. Congress lias been 
 chosen to legislate upon mailers of a national 
 character, and is the appropriate body to 
 weigh and determine upon it. Men are 
 there from every section of this great coun- 
 try, representing different and clashing inte- 
 re.sts, lo interchange and compare sentiments, 
 reconcile differences, and, by an understan- 
 ding and knowledge of each other's rights 
 audi necessities, act wisely for the whole. — 
 They have advantages in obtaining informa- 
 tion, and learning the strength of public fee- 
 ling or prejudice which, upon us, cannot be 
 bestowed ; — and I question, most seriously, 
 the propriety of this Legislature imparting to 
 our representatives in Congress any request, 
 as to their particular action upon any subject, 
 when their means lor understanding and ap- 
 preciating it are so vastly superior. And 
 while, sir, some may admit the right of a 
 Legislature to instruct the Senators, there are 
 many wise men who believe that such 
 " right of instruction"' was never contempla- 
 ted by those who made the constitution; — 
 and that Senators are elected, for along term, 
 to be removed from the influence of partisan 
 lolly and fury; — to be freed from imtnediate 
 responsibility to an excited people; to stand 
 
 loftily and unapproachably above the turbid 
 waters which public passion may drive into 
 wild billows;— and, with skill and prudence, 
 direct the ship of state, through gloom and 
 uncertainty, to a quiet liaven. 
 
 Our tables are already loaded with local 
 and general bills, demanding our time and 
 attention for the people we immediately re- 
 present. They expect nothing but the per- 
 formance of onr duties as legislators for Ohio. 
 They do not a&k the discussion of dangerous 
 projects, to the disregard and detriment of 
 their interests and business. They do not 
 desire the public mind to become inflamed 
 upon a subject requiring peculiar serenity and 
 soberness, and the wish is general that we 
 should confine our operations to the pre^-incta 
 of ourown State, discharge promptly onr ap- 
 propriate duties, and not neglect the interests 
 of Ohio, and wander into matters whose re- 
 gulation is dependent entirely upon the Ge- 
 neral Government or sister States. 
 
 The inquiry may be instituted, Why have 
 you introduced resolutions'? The answer is 
 simple:— Odier gentlemen, upon this floor, 
 presented such as were not, in my belief, 
 expressive of the voice of Ohio; — and, it 
 seemed, from what could be learned, from 
 intercourse with Senators, that some would be 
 adopted. Under these impressions, derived 
 from consultation, these resolutions were 
 prepared, and will, I trust, receive the sanc- 
 tion of every true man and genuine patriot. 
 
 There are those who profess to believe that 
 the storm, which has passed over this coun- 
 try, has merely given evidenceof the strength 
 of die checks and balances of government, 
 and that the hurricane of passion evolved 
 from this slavery excitement was transient 
 in its nature, and a necessary incident of the 
 operation of our institutions. Yet, sir, it has 
 estranged feeling, embittered animosity, and 
 diminished affection for the Union, causing 
 not only cool calculations as to its worth ; but 
 men. North and South, have been the boiste- 
 rous and zealous advocates of its dissolution. 
 The public ear has become pained, and the 
 public heart sickened, with the violence and 
 malignity of misa'uided men ; and none but 
 
4 
 
 the Mind can fail to perceive abundant rea-( sed since a large body of men from different 
 sent;, to alarm the patriot into nerving him- S Southern States met, in convention, upon the 
 self for earneiil duty. ) very grave of Jacicson, to plot treason to the 
 
 That there has been a terrible commotion ^ country, which his palriolism and coiuago 
 in this country, and that there are American^ had strengthened and illustrated, 
 citizens whose declared object is to sunder the ( Nor has the North been backward in pres- 
 poveruraent, ought not to be concealed nor (sing her claims for enrolment on the scroll of 
 (lenied. Your people, in both sections, are ) intamy. The stainless virtue and towering 
 pregnant with denunciation and abuse: — ihe) patriotism of the " especial friends ol the 
 prejudices and passions and interests ot men \ blacks," has prompted them to assume a po^ 
 are brought into collision; — epithets, g-al- ) sition ot hostility to the Union. With them, 
 ling and foul, are hurled at each other — (it is a mere "bond of dishonor,'' and the 
 falsehoods most marvelous are published as S Constitution "a league with hell.'' Sir, I 
 ff truths of sacred writ:" — and the newspa-^ speak what has not been wrought indarkness 
 pers circulating in neighborhoods sympathi- (, and obscurity, but amid the glare of the noon- 
 zing with their sentiments, manufacture pu- Wlay's sun, and published to the world as the 
 blic opinion, and give it vigor, action and ^labors of responsible and philanthropic men. 
 diffusion; unthinking Southern men believe*, The Pennsylvania State Abolition Society, at 
 that the free States, as a whole, are not only) Westchester, in October last, adopted the fol- 
 trying to deprivi? them of their constitutional Howing resolutions : 
 
 rights, and rob them of their property, but to ( Resolved, That the American Constitution, 
 excite, by the representation of their wrongs) by its concession of extraordinary political 
 and their hopes of Ireedom, the slave to in- ^ power to the slaveholder, in that right which 
 surrection, and the consequent slaughter of "J it gives him to represent three-fifihs of his 
 themselves and their families. They believe) human property, by its pledge of the power 
 that northern interference has notonly distur-^of the nation to strike down the slave, if he 
 bed their quietiude, but has made them) rises in arms for his liberty, and its provi- 
 " tread on slippery places, whilst fiery bil- ^ sions for his recapture and restoration, if he 
 lows roll below;'" — and, goaded by this { attempts to secure the same boon by flight, 
 sense of real or imaginary wrongs, they, ) i.s a compact with injustice, and a leagiie with 
 with their northern fanatics, have nursed? oppression ; and de.-^erves to be repu4iated 
 those sentiments which, like ulcers, are rot- j and spurned by all true abolitionists, and all 
 ting their way into the very heart and vitali-)true men. 
 ty of the American Eepublic. ) Resolved, That the American Church, as a 
 
 Sir, it has not only been your demagogues) body, iu the sanction and support which it 
 and politicians, who have been aroused and) gives to American slavery, by receiving to 
 angered. The Christian community have ^ its communion tables and into its pulpit, 
 entered the arena, and the ministers of the ^ these stealers of men: by its reproaches, ex- 
 Heavenly Prince of Peace, forgetting their ) conrimunication, persecution, of those who 
 high and holy calling, have, upon this sub- (plead the cause of the dumb, and him that 
 ject, made your sanctuaries turbulent, with ^ hath no helper ; by conferring its honors up- 
 heated discussions, and have almost bias-) on the oppressor, while it refuses to be a re- 
 phemed by the very horns of the altar. ^ iuge for the oppressed ; by allowing its mem- 
 Your great Msthodist church — that pioneer |) bcrs, unrebuked, to elect slaveholders to thfe 
 in the advancement of religion; — the church) office.s of the nation, and promise allegiance 
 that makes the wilderness vocal with praise, ) to the pro-slavery constitution of the United 
 is no longer a unit. The Church Noith and) States, has proved itself utterly unworthy of 
 the Church South bear lamentable evidence^ the name of Christ, and ought not to be re- 
 of the strength of that frenzy which would bgarded or treated as Christian 
 compel war and division in the holiest insti-) Resolved, That those persons in the Free 
 tutionsupon earth. Your Presbyterian church (States, who give any voluntary support to the 
 was also tested; and, for a time, paused in ) Constitution of the United Stales, are slave- 
 her decision, but her clergy and members, ) holders and idolaters. 
 
 alike true men, have determined to remaini The following are extracts from the Report 
 together, in the service of one Lord and Mas- ; of the JMassachusetts Anti-Slavery Society by 
 'er. )its board of Managers, made on the 23d of 
 
 Conventions and popular assemblages, in < January last, and of course before the Fugi- 
 the South, have resounded with the resolu- )tive Slave Law which is now pretended to be 
 lions of traitors, denouncing the Union, and )a/yes/j cause for agitation, was passed by 
 asking its dissolution. Hotspurs and mad- ) Congress : "The lapse of time," say the 
 men have toasted it as "an unholy thing." ) Board of Managers, " and the progress of 
 |L,egislatures have discussed its policy and )events, have but served to confirm our delib- 
 necessity; and but a few months have elap-<^erat3 and often recorded opinion that the on- 
 
ly exodus for the slave IVom his bondage— Mr. Sutuff.— The party from whom those 
 the only redemption of ourselves from o«rgHi%/ resolutions iu Mahoning county are reported, 
 participalion in it, lies over the ruin o'' ?/tcs are opposed lo all poUlical action, and do- 
 American States and American Church. * * *Snounco Freesoilors as well as Whigs and De- 
 The work which tho American Abolitionists /raocrats. 
 
 have undertaken, is no light one. They aim( Mr. Geigeu.— It is singnlar that these men 
 at nothing less than a reformation in rcligionS&re opposed to al! political action, and yet 7ie- 
 and A REVOLUTION IN THE GOVERNMENT OF H'cr fail to vote. They and the Freesoil party 
 THE country!" ( are the same, and support the same candi- 
 
 Among certain resolutions presented at the) dates. The meeting m Mahoning county 
 annual raeetingof the American Anti-Slavery ^ stood upon the_platlorm here avowed by the 
 Society, held at the Tabernacle in the city of 
 
 New York, in May, 1849, were the follow 
 ing : 
 
 Resolved, That that which is giving strength, 
 extension and perpetuity to iSiaverj^, to wit: 
 THE Union, on behig overthrown by a peace- 
 ful withdrawal from it by the non slave-hold- 
 
 Freesoilers. That organization embraces all 
 political complexions: and is a seme with 
 which trucksters fish, alike for perch and sal- 
 
 imon, muUygiubs and suckers. 
 
 ' Mr. Pardee. — How long since the Whig 
 
 'party claimed to be Freesoil? 
 
 Mr. Gkiger.— The Whig party of the 
 
 ing States for conscience sakeand for self-pre-> North has never been aught else;— not by 
 servation, must necessarily weaken, limit, \ noisy brawling, but by practical action ;— the 
 and extirpate slavery from tlie American soil.) doctrines emanating from our State Conven- 
 Therefore, hion of 1848. are, in every way, superior to 
 
 Resolved, That the motto of every Christian ) your Buffalo' riaiform ;— by them, the Whigs 
 and every patriot should be, "A^o union with\oi Ohio have steadily stood. Other parts of 
 slave-holders, either religiously or politically:' )Ohio remained true to their integrity, while 
 
 In September, 1849, an Anti-Slavery Con- S your Freesoil faction, from the land of con- 
 vention was held at Berlin, Mahoningcouuty,)stitntional scruples and pumpkins, freedom, 
 Ohio, said to consist of five or six thousand, ^philanthropy and cheese, theorized away their 
 and represented as an enthusiastic and unani-) power ; gave the lie to their canting profes- 
 mous a«;semblage. The sense of this large ) f^ions ; and basely deserted the goddess of 
 meeting was embodied in the lollowin2;(their political adoration, in the hour of trial 
 
 term#: " That since our Government has be- 
 come thus destructive of the ends of liberty, 
 and an engine of torture and slavery to mil- 
 lions, compelling the entire people to be slave hol- 
 ders or slaves, it has become our riiihtand du- 
 
 I and of need. 
 
 But, sir, what are these turbulent advo- 
 Jcales of disunion to accomplish? If a sepa- 
 < ration of the States takes place, who is bene- 
 fitted? The neirroes escaping will find a 
 
 ty not to alter, but to abolish it, and to institute a shome among us, and we must legislate and 
 new Government, laying its foundations on > contribute to their support ;— they will be a 
 such principles and org'anizing its powers in (burden to themselves and us, and make their 
 such form as shall seem most likely to se-Vnomes, not on the Western Reserve, but 
 cure a full equality of the blessings of life, ^ among those whose conduct towards them 
 liberty, and the pursuit of happiness; and ( is denounced as heartless and unfeeling, 
 with full confidence in the integrity of ourSSir, it is a quesfion, not only in physics, but 
 purpose and the justice of our cause, «'c (fo) in philanthrophy, why tho colored m.ap will 
 hereby declare our'sehes the enemies of //je Con-) not remain among those who love him so 
 stitution, Union, and Government of the t/zufcd) dearly— who are so loud in their pleadings 
 States, and the friends of the new confedera-Hor his rights— so regular in their attendance 
 cy of Northern States, where there shall be Son humane conventions; so virtuously indig- 
 KO UNION with slave-holders, but tt'/iere )nant at hi.s wrongs and suflerings. 
 there shall ever be free soil, free labor, and free] Now, sir, the slave, though admitting him 
 men. And from this great and glorious Con- S to be as degraded as the most zealous Free- 
 vention, we proclaim it as our i(?2a/;eraWe?soiler would represent^ him, certainly knows 
 purpose and determination to live and labor for I where he is well treated, even by mere 
 a dissolution of the present Union by all lawful ) animal instinct. Why, then, does he always 
 and just, though bloodless and pacific means? shun his Freesoil brethren ? If he goes lo 
 and "for the formation of anew Northern He-) them, in want and poverty^ have they no 
 public that shall be such, not in name only, ) alms nor labor— or does he refuse to work ? 
 but in lull living reality and truth. And we? Or, if he goes there with some means, are- 
 do hereby invite and entreat all the young S they so shrewd, at a trade, that, by an un- 
 people of Ohio, and the friends of justice, ) happy turn in Fortune's wheel, he finds hira- 
 humanity and true liberty in all the States, to ( self relieved of his rhino, and his brethren, 
 unite with us in laboring for so glorious and with honesty as perfect, as their keenness is 
 holy an object." commendable, transferring his few items of 
 
6 
 
 dollars and cents to their own care and kee-)on the minds and consciences of some, to re- 
 
 ping-, and requesting him to travel on ? (sisl it, has led to argument as to the propriety 
 
 Sir, I represent upon tliis floor three times) of submiting to laws that we inwardly believe, 
 
 as many colored persons as the whole ele- • wrong, whetheralaw,consiituiionallyenacted 
 
 ven counties of the Reserve contain ; and, al-( shall be sustained in its operation, or whether 
 
 though surrounded by them, shall I be bran- ^ we shall defy its power :— whether om- courtg 
 
 dec as their foe ? Sir, the negroes know and \ of law shall enforce it';— or whether every 
 
 understand who befriend them by pompous ( man shall obey or disobey it, as his reason 
 
 declamalion, and who by merciful acts. Your ^ or interest may dictate. I am not, sir, very 
 
 P/^y"''''""Py .gives them no work and no^ ardent in my attachment to this "Fugitive 
 
 shejtsr, bi.t gives them swelling words, un-<Law.'' Some of its features are, in my opi- 
 
 easmess and discomfort, which cost you no-/ nion, unwise;— but that man is no truepatri- 
 
 T° f 1- '^^^ ^ ^''' "°'' ^'"''iploy 2})'oper means to re- 
 
 lii case ofdisunion, the southern counties of Ulress wrones and do the right; and there is 
 
 Uhio would be overburdened with the hordes an effectual mode of compelling a chance in 
 
 that would pour over from the neighbo-Ohis law, without resorting to force. What- 
 
 nng confederacy, and they could not be dri-<ever misguided men may do, under excite- 
 
 vea north. Private liberality and public as->ment and lolly, the body of the people are 
 
 eessments would be taxed to the highest ex-Haw-abidina and true. 
 
 tent, and we should labor under the yoke im- ) It is contended, Mr. Speaker, by some, that 
 posed by these philanthropic fellow-citizens, ^ the law is wrong, and ousht to be resisted, 
 \vho.se location or habits prevent negroes < without reference to its source, and the con- 
 h-om settling among them. Laws prohibi-) sequences of resistance. We have heard 
 ting their immigration would be enacted, and > of the "bay of human blood-hounds on the 
 Ifius would terminate this Quixotic philan-< track of the panting fugitive,'' and other ste- 
 throjiy. / reotyped fhilanthro'pics. But, sir, it is for us 
 
 Jiut the effect of disunion, upon the negro ( to view the escaping slave, not'as a moral 
 would be terrible. Already have the Fieesoi-< culprit, but as a legal offender ;— one who 
 iers caused the passage of severe laws and /has violated the law by rnnnins: away from 
 curtailed his privileges: and, if it should soOiis master; and while you and^I may sym- 
 happen, that the Union could be dis>^olved. Jpathize with his attempt, nevertheless his 
 how rigorous and cruel mi^ht be the discip-j escaping is, in the eye of the law, a w^ng, 
 line to which he would be subjected ! iHisjand he is to be treated and regarded in his 
 advantages now, are few ;— they would be ; legal character. The rights given the master, 
 lessened. From everything, indeed, which^to capture him, we are not, in any manner, 
 now affords lum pleasure, but could, in anyUo attempt to overdirow. The slave owes 
 manner, tend to his escape, he would be ex- $ "service and labor" to the master, and the 
 eluded; and, as the fetters grow tighter, and Matter while endeavoring to obtain that which 
 the cold iron enters his warm heart, he couldS is his legal due, must not be molested. We 
 with truth exclaim-^" God save me from my) must distinguish between the moral and legal 
 h-iends . —The m,aster, recognizing him as^co;idition of individuals, but we must not al- 
 property, would guard him as such, and dis-<low our refined morality, to oppose the faith- 
 covered attempts to escape would become Hul execution of laws, made for the benefit 
 (through fearful laws that would be enacted) (of all, and to secure to others what has been 
 tiie bases for maiming or death. ^ made their property. 
 
 But sir, another consequence of disunion \ Sir, there are those who contend that when 
 •would be, that the South would stand togeth-Oaw conflicts with conscience ;-— as, with 
 er, as one man, and the North would benhem,does every law giving to the master 
 warring and clashing, within herself; so that, ^efTective means for the reciairaing of the 
 instead of strengthening the North, by freeing^ slave;— it is their duty to condemn, disre- 
 her from connexion with the Slave States, )gard, and trample it under their feet ;— and 
 you would cause intestine commotion, and ahus preach the doctrine of anarchy and riot, 
 make her the nursery and hospital for all the V^ir, there is not a law upon the statutes of 
 renegade and antiquated negroes. )Ohio, civil or criminal, which has not, at 
 
 In every aspect, in which disunion canbe(times, had its fierce opponents for "con- 
 I'^^^H /^ ^^ iiaught with deeper sorrows to J science'.sake," because itconflicted with their 
 ttie black and direr calamities to our white) views or interests. Adopt, as supreme, this 
 population: and no man can be its advocate, (doctrine of co?2scie?icc, and every man becomes 
 without becoming an enemy to the negro, a> "'judge, jury and executioner."^' Your courts 
 truant to himself, and a traitor to his coun-)can be repealed, for conscience will nullify 
 y- . \ their decisions; — every determination of a 
 
 The general outcry, Mr. Speaker, against^civil suit, will soon find the unsuccessful liti- 
 this "Fugitive Law.'' and the determination, ■ gant attacked with a griping in the conscience, 
 
and he denounces your law as '•'unholy."/ back, are met by a body of these South Sea 
 Every criminal, fairly tried and condemned,) Islanders, who believe that ihe criminal, in- 
 wiil have conscientions scruples, against pu-) stead of perpetrating an outrage, perloimod 
 nishment; and, on those scruples, claim re-i^ liisduly consistently — acted with their consci- 
 lease. Conscience would become a garb ^ encious belief of right — and, accordingly, give 
 large enough to cover a mountain, or small > him his Ireedom, and scourge those by whom 
 enough to be strained on a bread-basket. ( he was held in bondage. 
 
 But, permit me, in a simple manner, to) But, it the parties resisting laws be opera- 
 present the effect, of the superiority of con- ^ ted upon and stimulated by conscience, then 
 science over human law, by a few illustra-') may those who enforce the law, be actuated 
 tions. ) by the same : and, the consequence is that, 
 
 There are those who maintain that the laws; when the different parties meet, a strife en- 
 securing property to one, to the exclusion of \ sues; weapons and bludgeons are used; 
 
 the use of it by others, are unnatural and.) blood is spilled ; life is taken; communities 
 therefore, immoral ; and that every one is ^ are convulsed ; and there is no remedy for 
 
 entitled to the use of articles he can obtain^ the riots and brawls that shall make noisy 
 without reference to ownership. This belief /and hideous human existence. If you take 
 justilies stealing, which, all know, is, from (the parties before your juries, into your 
 necessity, punishable. Suppose a thief is ar- ) courts, and resolve that the law of conscience, 
 rested, by your officers, and in bearing him /under which they have acted, is superior to 
 to trial, they meet a band of these Avorlhies( human statutes, your juries and your courts 
 who believe, with the bold ancient Spartans, ) must decide that neither party is culpable, 
 that theft isno crime, but, if successluUycar- ^ but that all are commendable and good citi- 
 ried on, a virtue, and they, under the convic- \zens, ior having so faithfully obeyed the be- 
 tion of a misguided judgement, which they chests of conscience, to, the detriment of their 
 call '■ conscience, '■•■ determine he is to be ( individual comfort, and all are released, 
 wrongly punished; and havin^^ the power, ^ How extremely interesting, Mr. Speaker, 
 they force his release, and loose him upon) would be the community in which eachman 
 society, to renew his depredations. ( determines his course, and makes his own 
 
 By the laws of all -the Slates, bigamy is Wule of action ; — where "might is right,"' and 
 punished as a penitentiary offence. Sup- ^ the strong, in violence, trample upon the 
 pose S'man commits the crime and flies; — (weak and the helpless; — where there is no 
 our officers pursue and overtake him; — and. ) superior power to which the oppressed and 
 in conveying him back for trial, are met by ) injured can appeal and be vindicated; where 
 a band of Turks, in a wild region, who in-uhe hoar.-e voice of riot clamors, and the ba- 
 quire why he is in chains: — and, being in- ) red arm of murder is red ; where the talisma- 
 formed, they, instead of feeling outraged, ^nic word "cottscience," bursts asunder all re- 
 consider the man as being abused for doing) straint, tramples upon all human enactments, 
 that which their religion tolerates. They are } and justifies the most heinous outrages. Sir, 
 conscientiously impressed that the bigamist is (the mind flies, shuddering, from such a spec- 
 an innocent sufferer; and they make war upon Made. It is the irresistible majesty of the 
 your legal agents, and restore him to liberty, haw which sustains you and me in our posi- 
 
 Again : Among all civilized communities, ) tions, and gives us individual protection ; — 
 we are taught to guard and provide for our) which throws its power around our wives 
 parents, in their declining years; tolove those ( and little ones, at our hearth-stones;— which 
 who cared for us in infancy and childhood ;^ secures individuals the enjoyment of life, li- 
 — but there are those — inhabitants of some of / berty and property ; — which gives to commu- 
 the South Sea Islands — who believe it is their ^^lities, harmony and justice; to States, char- 
 conscientious duty, when parents become ) acter and power. Under its might everything 
 old, their sight dull, their l.mbs trembling) which leads to advancement, prosperity and 
 and their energies relaxed, to relieve them ( felicity, is intended to be fostered ; and, with- 
 of trouble and suffering, by taking their ^ out it, earth becomes the waste on which hu- 
 lives; and, accordingly, becone the conscje«-^ man devils howl triumphant, or desolation 
 iious murderers o( their parents. ) reigns supreme. 
 
 With what consternation and horror would ) Not satisfied, however, witli deciding the 
 the parricide be here regarded' The more ( question by conscience, these men direct you 
 infirm the parent, the more hellish the of-) to Sacred Writ, and. therefrom, endeavor to 
 fence. How the public heart would thrill) draw arguments favoring their nefarious re- 
 whh disgust and indignation at the crime ;; commendations. They select isolated verses, 
 and, when your citizens, with rage and hor- \ without reference to what precedes or follows 
 ror, scatter in all directions, to arrest the fiend) them, or the circumstances or times under 
 who did the bloody deed, and, after long) which they were uttered, and, upon verses 
 pursuit, a few find him, and, in carrying him'thus chosen, they issue llieir ingenious and 
 
8 
 
 prolix comments. Thero isnot anewspaper^ is no power but of God. The powers that 
 ill any way connected with the Freesoil ^ be are ordained of God. Whosoever there- 
 party, which has not, as a justifying cause of (fore resisteih the power, resisteth the ordi- 
 opposilion to the Fuiiitive law, copied fromhiance of God." 
 
 the 23d chapter of Deuteronomy, 15lh and Having thus, Mr. Speaker, disposed of the 
 Kith verses:— "Thou sliall not dehver unto ^ « conscientious"' and religious view of this 
 
 question, permit me to direct your attention 
 to the constitutionality of the Fugitive law. 
 
 his master the servant which has escaped 
 Iroin his master unto thee. He shall dwell 
 
 with thee, even among you in that place which j Noman can doubt tiia"'t our settlement of That 
 he shall choose m one of the gates where it liO question will be final! People, far and 
 keth him best; thou shalt not oppress him." ^ near, are an.tiously awaiting our determina- 
 — And profess to have authority, Irom the tjon i We are all so thoroughlv qualified- 
 above scripture injunctions, for disregarding K^g perfectly versed— in these matters, that it 
 laws lor his re-capiure. If this is to be re- seems singular no petitions have swarmed 
 ceived ni its litera sense, in these days, then here soliciting our opinion ! 1 It does not 
 a servant can easily change hands, and trans- ^^i^e ^ny diflerence, though the United States 
 lev property. He need but leap over his Senate, composed of the wise, learned and 
 
 masters fence, and, by this special command,) experienced men of the n 
 lie becomes the property of another 
 
 difference whether he i 
 
 ous, or whether the 
 
 not, he is forced to 
 
 law.' 
 
 ation, whose lives 
 "•^Oiiive been passed in reflection upon such 
 lie 13 villainous or virtu- ^ subjects, have given their assent. It is of no 
 3 neighbor wants him or/ aceo^^„t^ ^^^t the national House of Repre- 
 take him, by the " higher ( ggntatives have coincided with the Senate ! 
 o , . • • , 1 -, . ^ That the President of the United States — a 
 
 Such a construction is absurd ;-and it is northern man :-and his Secretary of State, 
 hoped I may not be considered profane in called the Expounder of the Constitution ;— 
 Baying, that the law,^as contained in some of a^j hj. Cabinet, as a unit, pronounced the 
 the cliapters from which theextract IS taken, law constitutional: nor that the Supreme 
 scarcely applies to us. J et if one command Court of the United States have unanimously 
 applies to us, «« must. No single one can be) .Q.^gj ^^e constitutionality of a law of 
 taken, and the others rejected. A were „|.^arly the same kind. We intend to think 
 given at the same time;- and I will even f^, ourselves, and lorm our own judgements, 
 encounter the charge oi vulgarity by exhi- We have light here which flashed ^thwart 
 biting the absurdity of being bound by such thg "Reserve." and we have the philanthro- 
 a law, by relerrmg particular y to all ihes^^ ^^^^ profound Senators from thesame sec- 
 commands given m the same chapter-Deu- [j^^ to teach us how the instrument should be 
 teronomy xxm. Let any one read them, and explained and understood. The laws which 
 determine Avhether any of these injunctions^ ^..^'^e ,^^1 fifty-seven years ago, and have 
 are applicable now. Remained on our statute books, as rules of 
 
 But let our philanthropists come down to L^^^j^^t have lately been revealed as micon- 
 ater times, and take the example of Hun .^^-^y^-^,,^; ._a„d we have been suffering uiv 
 • who spake as never man spake -' and to it j^, them upwards of half a century; and, 
 conform their conduct. In the days of the ,,„,il informed by the wise men of 1850 
 Saviour slavery was more hideous than now, L,g,.gi„gg„gij3lg to the wrongs we were endu- 
 and yet he incited no rebellions thereat :— he .i. How horrible and distressing !-and 
 preached peace, not stne; obedience, not ac- j^ow thankful should we be that it was ever 
 ive resistance to law ;-he inflamed no mobs, ,,i,coye,ed, in these later times, by pious 
 to release servants from their masters; and h-iends of the colored population, so that the 
 persuaded no servant to escape. He taught e^,,.^, be corrected, 
 
 faithfulness m labor ; patience, under suffer- j^^j ,1,1, is jn age of wonders and im- 
 
 jng; submission and support to the powers (yg^^.,.,t- 
 
 that be." If the precepts by Him promulged,^ ^ Forcl.iklrcnof tlie modorn days, 
 had caused intestine strife, and led to anarchy) Know inoreiiian all iheir daddies did !" 
 
 and bloodshed, they would never have resis-( It is enougft for nie, however, to know 
 ted the changes aiid opposition of eighteen ;'l'^''t this law (vas formed by the men who 
 hundred years, to gladden and beautify and ^supported it fls Legislators, and afterwards 
 bless the age in which we live. The ma,n) approved it, to quiet all ray constitutional 
 who forces upon His acts or sayings a con-)scr 'ples. T.'ie President submitted it to the 
 Btruction justifying open rebellion to properly- ( Attorney General, and then gave it hissigna- 
 constituted human authority, not only in-)ttire. The Executive may not have appro- 
 jures His cause, but dishonors his own name, / ved it in detail ; but every man at all conver- 
 and blasphemously belies the Saviour, in (i^an' wiUi politics, understands that President 
 whom he trusts for redemption. " Let every S Fii.lmokk is filling the term for which Gen. 
 Soul be subject to the higher powers, for there ) Taylok was elected, and that he is carrying 
 
9 
 
 out, like a genuine paUiot, the pledge, given 
 by that old hero anterior tohis election, that 
 he would veto no bill passed by Congresi*. 
 with [iroj-er consideration, wliicii was con- 
 sliluinaial. As an honet^t man, reverenc _ 
 the memory and doclrines of ihe dead, n- 
 could do nodiing but what he did fearlessly) 
 perlorm- and that was. affix his signaiure to 
 the act. Despiie all the passion which has 
 been manilested, in regard to this enactment, 
 and the many recommendations for its re- 
 peal or amendment, I believe no Governor 
 of any Stale has alleged that the law is un- 
 conslitutional ; and Daniel VVebsteh aserts, 
 that he has not yet seen the opinion of any 
 respectable lawyer, maintaining that the law 
 is unconstilut'onal. 
 
 There is but one trivial part of this law 
 wherein it differs from the law of 1793, in 
 which, even, its opponents claim unconsiitu- 
 tionaliiy. I shall treat of that hereafter. But 
 the Freesoil Senators mainiain that that law 
 was uncoiistiiutional, and all their argument 
 hangs upon the establishment of that posi- 
 tion. 
 
 I have always been accustomed to view 
 the old men wtio made the Constitution, and 
 the law of 1793, as capable of understan- 
 ding their own works, and not wanting in de 
 voiion to their country; — bnt, if these latter- 
 day objectors are correct, then the old sim- 
 pletons were ignorant of the powers they ^, 
 were conferring, or else disregarded the Con- ' 
 slitulion, the creature of their own workman- 
 ship, and made laws in opposition thereto. 
 Sir, it is an insuU, to the men of that day, to 
 urge any such pitiful prt^position. Thps*^ 
 men — clarum et venerabile nomen — under.-'tood 
 thorouLjhly their every movement. The lavrs 
 then passed, received sober thought and 
 searching scrutiny ; and that man lacks either 
 common sense or common honesty, who as- 
 serts that our fathers would not only behold, 
 but engage in eiacting laws, wiihin three 
 years af er the adoption of the Constituiicn, 
 which were contrary to its spirit and letter, 
 and never utter a syllable, nor write a sen 
 fence, in opposition thereto! Gentlemen 
 must not violate the graves of those old men, 
 to blacken their memories and tarnish their 
 honor. 
 
 The law of 1793, and the law of 1850, are. 
 In their esential features, identical. If the 
 law of 1850 is unconstitutional, then was that 
 of 1793 ; — but not otherwise. Now, in what 
 maimer was the law of 1793 warmed into 
 existence? The whole matter was brought 
 forward by a member oi Congress from a 
 free State; — it was referred to a select com- 
 mittee of three — two from the North and 
 one from the South; — and, after mature deli- 
 beration, the fugitive bill of 1793, was pre- 
 sented to the Ilouse_, and upon it, there was. 
 
 2 
 
 no great discussion. No writer of that lime 
 mentions that its constitutionality was ques 
 tioned ; although seven of the Iramers of the 
 Constitution were in the lower house at the 
 dine, of whom six voted for the bill. The 
 iavv was passed by a vote of forty-eight to 
 -even. Ot tlie seven in "he tu gative fivi- were 
 northern men. Ttie north had -thiny mem- 
 bars, tome of whom were absent ; lut. twen- 
 ty-two of diose pre.-ent voted lor it, np'm its 
 final passage. I regret that the Journal of 
 the Senate could not be obtained, to see thei 
 full action and vote in that branch. 
 
 When that law was made, Thomas Jef- 
 FERsriN, oil whom some gentlemen rely to 
 establish its unconstitutionality, was Secreta- 
 ry of Stale; — and we defy any man to show 
 even a symptom, in his writings,, in opposi- 
 tion to it. We have every reason to knou) 
 that he gave it his hearty concurrence. — 
 George Washington, ti:en President ot the 
 United S;ates, as he had been President ot 
 the Convention wtiich made the Constitution, 
 gave it his approval, without reluctance; — 
 and it is taxing public credulity heavily, to 
 ask it to infer, from the facts then existing, 
 that the men of that day were either loo ig- 
 norant, to understand their privileges and 
 duties, under their own instruments, or too 
 base to support ihem ; — and the Representa- 
 tives of the free States ought to be fearfully 
 anathematized, for friuering away their 
 " constilulional 7-ights," if they so did, by the 
 passage of that act ! 
 
 Permit me here to say that, had I been in 
 Congress, (where all ^nchivise men ought to 
 he.) there is but little doubt, in my mind, 
 but I should certainly have voted against this 
 becoming a law in its present form, because 
 of some of its provisinns which are excep- 
 tionable in almost every part ot the North. 
 Yet, I question not the motives or honesty of 
 any man who gave it his support. There 
 seemed a necessity for having some kind of 
 effective power by which the master could 
 obtain his property ; and by a decision in the 
 case of Prii'g vs. The Commonwealth of 
 Pennsylvania, all Slate officers were relieved 
 from executiiig the law of 1793, by which it 
 became virtually a dead letter; — as there 
 were no officers to give it effect ; — and it see- 
 med proper to have some legis'ation to carry 
 out the provisions of the Constitution. 
 
 The present law was passed at the close of 
 a prolonged, boisterous and tedious session ; 
 pressed throu<>h the House under the "previ- 
 ous question;" and was associated with oth- 
 er soheaies of Compromise. Congress had, 
 in fact, as the result will prove, added to the 
 free domain of the country all our acquis!" 
 tions from Mexico, gained by the common 
 'oil, treasure and blood of the North and 
 South; and it really seenns as nothing biit 
 
10 
 
 proper, that when we had effectually prohi- 
 bited the extension of this " peculiar inslitu- 
 lion" over this vast territory, belonging to us 
 all, we should confer upon the South some 
 suitable means ior procuring their properly 
 when escaping from them. It is, certainly, 
 under the circumstances, no unreasonable 
 boon. 
 
 There may possibly be objections to this 
 law, yet I dare not doubt its constitutionality, 
 with the light which is before me. The Con- 
 stitution of the United States is the ofTspring 
 of patriotic men. It is a plain, strong, easi- 
 ly-understood instrument. It requires no 
 ingenuity nor strained logic, to unlold its pro- 
 per signification and purposes. All who 
 "know anything of its adoption, know that 
 this question ot slavery was discussed, when 
 it was formed, and the clause in reference 
 to fugitives was unanimously incorporaled— 
 that it was the lesull ot compromise, wis- 
 dom and mutual regard for each other's 
 rights and necessities; and that men who had 
 been endeared to each other, through a com- 
 munionship of suffering, would not, in their 
 political dealing, wrong one anotlier. They 
 incorporated into the last clause of Section 2 
 Article III, the following: 
 
 " No person held to Service or Labor in 
 one State, under tlxe laws thereof^ escaping 
 into anotlrer, shall, in consequence ot any 
 law or regulation therein, be discharged 
 from such service or labor therein, but shall 
 be delivered up, on claim of the party to 
 whom such service or labor may be due."' 
 
 Is it not foolish, Mr. Speaker, to argue to 
 make more plain the right of the master to 
 his property. It seems like endeavoring to 
 establish a truism; and I shall not assume 
 the labor. Some Freesoil Senators contend 
 that Congress has no poiuer, by the Constitu- 
 tion, to enact laws for re-capturing slaves; 
 and others maintain, with equal clearness, 
 that the States have no power. Here, then, 
 is an ariicle of the Constitution ; and, by 
 their sapient logic, no authority lodged any 
 where by which it can be entorced, which 
 proposition is too absurd for even ridicule. 
 
 The patriarchs who made the constitution, 
 seemed lo believe it conferred power on 
 Congress to legislate; — at least, they made 
 no outcry when the law of 1797 was passed. 
 Now, if they had no right to act upon fugi- 
 tives from labor, then they had no right to act 
 upon "fugitives from jusiice," for both are 
 in the same ariicle and section of the Cnu- 
 etiiution; and the act of 1797 embraces, w^ith- 
 in it, " lenitives Irom ju-tice," and " tugi- 
 lives' from labor," in carrying out the provi- 
 sions of the constitution. No man lias ever 
 uttered a word against the power of the Ge- 
 neral GovernmerTt to enforce the law in re- 
 lerence to criminals, and their making laws 
 
 for the purpose ; bat holy horror and const't- 
 tutional anguish seize some persons when its 
 fellow clause is to be practically brought into 
 operation in the same way. 
 
 Having thus determined the power of Con- 
 gress to make the law, let us inquire as to 
 the objections, and foremost comes, that it 
 suspends ihe " writ of habeas corpus," which 
 is the great safeguard ot personal freedom. 
 You will observe, Mr. Speaker, that these 
 hiends of the blacks force the most rigorous 
 and iearfrd construction upon all laws passed 
 in relation to them, instead of giving such 
 laws a fair and mild interpretation: the chain 
 that would lie lightly upon their breasts, they 
 would torce into their hearts, in order to 
 make capital from the sufferings, and arouse 
 public indignation. 
 
 ■ It is urged that the last clause of the sixth 
 section ot the law, which reads : — 
 
 "And the certificates, in this and the first 
 section mentioned, shall be conclusive ot the 
 right of the person or persons in whose favor 
 granted to remove such fugitive to the State 
 or Territory from which he escaped, and 
 shall prevent the molesting of such person . 
 or persons, by any process issued by any 
 court, judge, magistrate or other person whom- 
 soever," — suppresses the habeas corpus. 
 
 The section provides for the arrest and tri- 
 al of the fugitive, before the officer; and, if 
 the facts of ownership, servitude and escape 
 be established, then and only then is a certi- 
 ficate to be granted, to remove the fugitive 
 to the place from which he fled. In the 
 clause which I have cpioted, it is said he shall 
 not be molested by any process. The habeas 
 corpus is undoubtedly a process; — and will, 
 upon proper application, be granted — not for 
 the purpose of molesting the claimant, but to 
 inquire and ascertain whether he has autho- 
 rity to carry away the alleged fugitive; — 
 whether he has a certificate, made out by the 
 proper authority, in legal form — in every way 
 regular and perfect ; — or whether he is un- 
 lawfully bearing him otf. Upon the return 
 of (he process or writ, if the claimant exhibits 
 a certihcate obtained from the right source, 
 and in every manner consistent with the law 
 then he is not, by that civil tribunal, to be 
 molested; but if it is in any way erro- 
 neous, the fugitive is restored to liberty. — 
 The object of the habeas corpus, is to ascertain 
 whether a man is fairly imprisoned, and to 
 free from m.olestation the claimant, upoQ his 
 presenting the necessary authority. 
 
 In reference to trial by jury, the new law 
 is neither worse nor better than the old. It 
 is precisely similar ; — it takes away from the 
 slave no rights he had, under the act of 1797, 
 The resolutions I introduced, recommend 
 that the trial, by jury, of all slaves, who seem 
 to have a real claim to freedom, ehall be se- 
 
11 
 
 •cured. The amendment that bond shall be 
 given, to insure ihe trial in tlie State tiom 
 v?hich he fled, is the project of the Compro- 
 mise Comnfiitiee of Thirteen in the Senate of 
 the United States, in May of 1850. I have 
 added that, failiiig to give such bond, the 
 slave shall have a jury trial, vvkerever lound. 
 It is well known that, in several ot the slave 
 States, a slave can, upon simply petitioning 
 the court, have counsel assigned, and an al- 
 most immediate hearing, before a jury, to 
 <letermine his freedom. 
 
 I have before said, that my vote should 
 not have been recorded for this law; — yet 
 there has been unnecessary odium, attached 
 to it, by those who have given it a violent 
 and strained construction, to manufacture dis- 
 cord and political capital: — and to other good 
 citizens, it is. in some parts, extremely disa- 
 greeable; — but, while it is the law of the 
 Jand, let every good man maintain, or at 
 Jeast not rebel against, it;— but endeavor to 
 Boften public asperity, and create a healthlul 
 tone of public sentiment. 
 
 But, the clause in the late law most furi- 
 ously denounced, and which seems to be un- 
 fair upon its iace, is that which gives five 
 dollars to the commissioner, or officer, for 
 deciding in favor of the fugitive; and ten 
 dollars, for giving him^ up to the claimant, 
 and, it is charged, that it is, therefore, a di- 
 rect reward, or bribe, to induce the officer to 
 do injustice. 
 
 The principle of this feature of the law is 
 incorporated into our own statutes. In pre- 
 liminar}' trials, for misdemeanors, before jn- 
 Btices, where the State is a parly, no fees ac- 
 crue to the officers, unless there is a commit- 
 ment. In some of the Slates, the law isthat, 
 for all crimes which are triable in court, nei- 
 thercourt-officers, jurors nor witnesses receive 
 any compensation unless there is a convic- 
 tion ; — therefore, it can, with equal truth, be 
 urged, that bribery and corruption are put 
 forth, to condemn and wrong the innocent. 
 
 But, gentlemen who thus contend, insult 
 the integrity of the men by whom the ne- 
 groes' rights are to be tested. Do they not 
 know that this provision is of benefit to the 
 fugitive, the fear of being chariied with being 
 influenced by mercenary consideraiions will 
 prompt nineteen commissioners out of every 
 twenty to determine every doubitnl casein 
 his favor. No man would peril his reputa- 
 tion, by doing otherwise. It would subject 
 him to scoffs and abuse, from an indignant 
 community. ' \ 
 
 But, sir, the reason inducing this portion 
 of the act was, that there is a great differ- 
 ence, in the amount of labor, between the 
 process of releasing a captive and sending 
 tiim again to bondage. In the one case, he 
 merely sets him at liberty, and his duties are 
 
 ) at an end ; — if he is surrendered, the record 
 
 > must be completed, and the necessary papers 
 J prepared, to enable him to be legally taken 
 )away. It is represented that the addi'.ional 
 ? labor is worth the compensation. But, who 
 J is it that pays all these expenses'? Neiihef 
 
 > the negro nor the government : — but the pe- 
 'cuniary burden must be borne by the cjaim- 
 ) ant, whether success or failure attend his ef- 
 
 > forts. 
 
 J Another objectionable feature, in the law 
 lis that the "Slave-Catcher" can compel us to 
 ' call out a force, to carry back his property, to 
 I the Slate from which he f^ed, at the expense 
 ) of the Government; and it is gravely urged 
 'that we ought to have our stray horses or 
 I oxen returned to us in the same way. This ^^ 
 (Course ot argument is vehemently pressed, ^B 
 I without understanding, or desiring to under- ^^ 
 J stand, the law. Men comment upon it, unthovt 
 ^ ever having read it ; and thus misconstrue and 
 I pervert. They hide every thing which ren- 
 ) ders it, in any respect reasonable or proper, 
 'and thrust into prominence isolated ^^ortions, 
 ' which they unfairly represent. Let a man 
 , calmly read it, and give it a fair interpreta- 
 *lion. The law requires that, if the claimant 
 ImaJces affidavit, that he believes there will he 
 ) an attempt to rescue his property from him, then 
 ' — and only then — can he have the power or 
 , money of the Uniled Slates, to aid him. If 
 I the people among whom thefugiiive is found 
 'are peaceful, and inclined to obey the au- 
 ;thority of Is-vv, then no such affidavit will be 
 ■made, and no charge accrue. But, if j'our 
 ! mobs are aroused and infuriated, and he 
 1 finds himself not oiily beset by men who 
 ' are determined to wrest from him his proper- 
 \ ty, but to endanger his life, it is right tli ttlie 
 )pov.'er of the government should be brought 
 'into operation, to vindicate its enactments. If 
 i this clause were out of the act, all that would 
 I be necessary to release any reclaimed slave, 
 ; would be to incite your populace, and the 
 i expense of hiring a sufficient force to over- 
 'come it, would be twenty times greater 
 |lhan the value of any slave, and would be a 
 
 virtual repeal ot all the efficacy ol the law 
 ' It is very true that our people may be impo- 
 |sed on, by false oaths, Lut if a man will 
 I perjure liimself, ol course we may be v/rong- 
 ' ed in various ways: — we have no safeguard 
 I as against perjury. But there is one case, at 
 
 least, upon record, under this law, where, 
 'although affidavit was made, yet the court, 
 I upon examination, refused to grant tlie au- 
 ' Ihority and money of the Government, to the 
 I claimant, because it believed there was no 
 i danger of an attempt to rescue. If the men 
 ' of the North will only submit to the law and 
 [ obey its requirements, there will be no ex- 
 ) pense arising to us. in carrying out this clause; 
 ' and there need be no pomp or parade of a 
 
12 
 
 rnilitary or civil authority ; but, whenever 
 there is an effort to rescue a fugitive, legally 
 detained, it is right that the Government 
 should interfere, and give lo others what i> 
 constitutionally their due, without subjecting 
 iheir citizens to expense or peril; — and sup- 
 press, by lawful power, unlawful riots. 
 
 But, sir, those who perform the outraged, 
 most magnificetuly, on every question of 
 slavery, are xYie leaders of tie Freesoil orga- 
 nization. These luorthics become convulsed, 
 while even thinking upon the subject. They 
 never move, but they are surrounded by 
 •' bleeding humanity." In their waking 
 moments honors unutterable tower before 
 ihem; — when they sleep, their bosoms are 
 I burdened with victims of oppression; their 
 (dreams are terrible and ghastly; negroes, 
 scourged and manacled, fantastically flutter 
 in the air before them ; and shrieks and 
 groans, startle them, from unrefreshings'urn- 
 ber; — and, haunted thus feaiiully, some 
 might be prompted to endeavor practically 
 to benefit the colored man, and give the 
 "panting fugitive" tintie to wind; — but there 
 are oihens whose boisterous professions tor 
 " freedom," are the m.ere means employeti 
 lor individual advancement, and, I fearlessly 
 assert, that the party leaders are actuated 
 more by policy than b}^ principle. 
 
 The great contest waged between slavery 
 and freedom, was, in 1844, on the question of 
 annexation. The Democratic army was 
 boldl}' drawn out, under Polk and Texas, 
 and its men battling under the flag. The 
 Whigs, with He.\ry Clay as their leader — 
 '•' No More Slave Territory !" on their banner 
 — declared the unconstitutionality of annex- 
 ing Texas, and Mr. Claj^'s election would 
 have prevented the extension of this slave 
 plague. Here were the armies drawn up, 
 with that disiinct issrje towering above all 
 others. It was a question which was to be 
 permanently settled ; — which no subsequent 
 legislation could affect:— and which, deter- 
 mined once, wasjized, solongasthe govern- 
 ment endured. Where, then, in that strug 
 gle. were these zealous advocates of freedom 
 to be found? Where, when the voice of 
 freemen could be made potent, were they"? 
 Not slinking from the f^ght : — but rallied un- 
 der a man of their own class and kind, 
 whom they knew and acknowledged was 
 morally ceriain to be defeated ; and gave, in 
 New York Slate, a vote, lo Mr. Birney, 
 which, if they had practical belief in their 
 doctrines, would have been concentrated on 
 Henry Clay, and he have been madePresi 
 dent of the bniled Sia'es, and the exteu' 
 eiun of slavery and the horrors of war pre 
 yented. 
 
 But they, by refusing to vole for the avow 
 
 ed opponent of slave territory, elevated Mr, 
 Polk to the Presidency, and thus created the 
 basis for four Slave Slates. 
 
 How was it, la'ely, in Congress, in the 
 vote for Speakership? The Whigs presented 
 R. C. WiNTHBOP, a true Representative ol a 
 free State ; — and yet [he honest Freesoil frag- 
 ment, headed by the conscientious Mr. Gid- 
 DiNGs, chose so to fritter away their force, as 
 to have Mr. Cobb, a Southern slaveholder, 
 elected; and the important committees con-, 
 ferred Kpon the South ; and, in the general 
 dickering on that occasion, Mr. Giddings, 
 their grand apostle, voted for Mr. Brown, as 
 Speaker, which said Mr. Brown voted for 
 the " fugitive law'" of 1850. 
 
 Sir, this parly, very probably, originated 
 honestly to oppose slavery; but it has shown 
 itself only an engine for personal p-omotion, 
 and office is not only its aim, but its life's 
 BLOOD. Its acts have given the lie to its cant, 
 about freedom ; for it has refused the adop- 
 tion of every practical way of advancing that 
 cause, ft has strengthened the oppressor ; 
 and deserted those who labored against him; 
 and it would, ere this, have dragged out its 
 miserable existence, had it not been nourish- 
 ed by the Whig and Democratic parlies. If 
 they, instead of making it "the balance of 
 power," had, like men, divested it of all 
 power, there would have been no inducement 
 tor apostates to join it ; but so long as you 
 confer on one-sixteenth as much public pa- 
 ronage as is given fifteen-sixteenths, so long 
 you not only reward men for being untrue, and 
 keeping up that hypocritical organization, but 
 you hold out brilliant inducements for all the 
 mercenary partisans of ihe Sta'e to join 
 them: — and. by giving l|ienri elevated stations, 
 you clothe them with in influence M'hich is 
 false, and may be reflected for evil. Facts, 
 sir, are said to be stubborn, and I know they 
 are humiliating, things. The '• Freesoil" par- 
 ty have thrust through their trading capaci- 
 ty, Salmon P. Chase into the United States 
 Senate, and he presents the anomaly of a Re- 
 presentative with but a mere fragment of the 
 people of Ohio as a constituency; — and will 
 our democratic brethren be again found, 
 yielding their preferences for their own tal- 
 ented, honorable and patriotic men, lo foist 
 another such into that high position ; — for it 
 seems that no officer less than a colleague 
 for Mr. Chase will satisfy our modest friends. 
 They have Mr. Hamlin, as President of the 
 Board of Public Works; Mr. King, Secretary 
 of Slate; and a host of other officers, in dif- 
 ferent parts of Ohio, swarming upon commu- 
 nities in which their huckstering policy is de- 
 spised; and, now, we are seriously asked to 
 vote, as a matter of compromise, for Mr. 
 Giddings for United States Senator, to scorch 
 
13 
 
 anJ sear the heart of every true man. It^iniion; — the suggestion, in a conciliatory spi-r 
 has been, sir, but a few weeks since that/ ,itj of a change in the fugitive law : — a de- 
 honest politician, in his place in Congress, (claration of the opposition of Ohio, to the 
 denounced the Whig party, as being not only /extension ot slavery, into territory now free ; 
 destitute of principle, merely -'aremnant of( — the request, to our Senators, that their ac- 
 Slave-Catchers ;" and yet with an effrontery ^ (ion, (if any is had on the subject.) shall be 
 that would seem, in any other man, an out-)conformed to the spirit ot these resolulions, 
 rage, he is, through agencies, endeavoring to c ^nd make the Union superior to every other 
 obtain votes to enable him to disgrace a seat ^consideration. 
 
 in the United Slates Senate, by making fer-? Sir, I honestly believe that the uncondi- 
 ment prejudicial to the country. Stional repeal oi this law involves the Union. 
 
 Sir, we must rid ourselves ol this fac'ion, ^fiieie may have been no imperative neces- 
 whose course, for the last few years, has been ( gjiy for its passage; but to it the South now 
 for place, irrespective of men and measures ;( adheres, not only as a due, but as a matter of 
 and, while it has talked of benevolence and)pi-i(je ^nd honor. Men, who have heretofore 
 righteousness, has been coolly inserting its(^een strenuous advocates of the Union and 
 men into the best positions ot the common- 1 battled against those who sought its dissolu- 
 wealth. Indeed this ^^ pureli/ philanthropic or- i^xIq^^^ fearlessly and coolly assert that if this 
 ganization," the object of wtiose formation ( [aw is repealed, tlien will they run upon the 
 was office, and whose existence depends ^ verge, and test practically, the results of dis- 
 upon its attainment, should be incorporated ^ ,jnion. 
 
 under the name and title of 'The Crand^, Sir, it seems as folly to encomiumize this 
 Snapping-Turtle Party OF Ohio.' Early in ) Union. It speaks for itself, in the prosperi- 
 each winter, as iheregularaltendant of everj-'^y^ greatness and power of the country. It 
 Legislature, this animal makes its appearance ) vvas the offspring of necessity: and, with 
 in our capitol, with head, tail, body, and)men of ordinary patriotism, necessity will 
 claws, snugly enclosed within its shell. There (compel its < reservation. The seeds which 
 it lies quiet — and passive — awaiting events ', brought it forth, were implanted when the 
 and inducements. At a becoming time, our 'piaTrTs of battle were red on the hill, and the 
 Whig and Democratic brethren present offer (gmoke of contention was dark in the valley; 
 jngs to lure it from its home; and, as the ')when stout hearts fainted, timid souls qua- 
 flavor is forced upon its senses, slowly and ;ked, and the faithful almost forgot to lean on 
 softly its covering is raised, and the head (^he omnipotence of God. It has brought us, 
 peers cautiously out, winding each way, )from a small beginning, unto a mighty na- 
 smelling the Whig fish and the Democratic ^ijon, bound us together at home, and extor- 
 flesh, until it chooses from the two, fastens ( ted respect for us abroad. Every considera- 
 upon its choice, and then is noiselessly ^tiou which can influence the Christian, the 
 drawn within its enclosure, to await another (philanthropist or statesman, links it to the 
 session and another bait. Let the two great < American, and awakens for it his watchful 
 parties of the day withhold supplies, and the (guardianship. The thrilling memories of the 
 curiosity will perish through starvation, and ( past ; the glorious exhibitions of the present, 
 we shall break its shell and examine ilsmys-^the reasonable anticipations ot the future 
 terious internal construction." (.cause us to cling to and love it. Blistered be 
 
 I have already, Mr. Speaker, d'etained the(tt,e tongue that will lisp against it; — palsied 
 
 Senate too long: and will, merely, read my)be the hand that would be upraised to 
 
 resolutions, to the wholebody of wiiich Ihave<rnar it; — and may every degenerate son who 
 
 spoken, and then hasten to a conclusion. ^opposes its duration, fall powerless before it, 
 
 \See Resolutions, on 2d page.] (as fell Dagon before the ark of the Lord. — 
 
 ™ , • 1 ,• < As the dvin"' saint raises his eye ot laith to 
 
 Theretheyare:-expressin2condemnaion As the cl^u. for'redemption, 
 
 ofthe agitation of slavery, when agitated, to 'le^^o- ^^^^^,.^ ^-^ \ 
 
 gam popularity thereby ;-showmg our esU- ^^^ "i^y"^ ^ \^ ^, ,;.,^ ^^^ ,f ' 
 
 mateof the Union :-expressing our ^onfi- (^nd 'ea t ^^^ ^^^ 
 
 dence m the judiciary and ballot-box, to re-O'^'^'*' °'^'' ' 
 
 medv evils- — our determination to maintain) •' a union of waters a uulon of lands, 
 , / .' , , .|,- „„ ( A union of States none can sever, 
 
 the integrity of our laws:— our willingness bunion of hearts, a union of hands, 
 to carry out the compromises of the Consti-^ Our own glorious Union forever." 
 
SKETCH OF MR. WALKER' S REPLY TO MR. GEIGER. 
 
 In the Senate, on Fiidaj'. January 24, 1851. 
 Mr. Walker, Senatoi- from Montgomery, 
 took the floor, and proceeded, (as he avow- 
 ed) to examine Mr. GEiGEu'd resolutions. 
 He contended that all the great moral refor- 
 mations had been preceded by a:|itation ; and 
 that the subject referred to, by the-e resolu- 
 tions, were worthy oi exarnina'.ion and con- 
 sideration. He denied that the Union of ihe 
 States was paramount to every oilier political 
 consideraiion. Events might occur which 
 would induce the people of the North to seek 
 the dissolution of the American Union. 
 
 He might agree with the second resolution. 
 He thought the resolutions inconsistent with 
 themselves. They were dignified as ''union 
 resolutions," and their author had said, if the 
 fugitive law was modified, the South would 
 leave the Union, yet one of the resolutions 
 proposed a modification. 
 
 He opposed the third resolution. South- 
 ern men had intentionally procured tlie in- 
 sertion of a principle, in the fugitive law, to 
 deprive the colored man of the right of evi- 
 dence. 
 
 As to the habeas corpus, gentlemen asser- 
 ted this was not suspended. It might not be 
 in words, but what was the effect? VVheli 
 the hell hounds of the South had arrested a 
 person on a forged certificate, and were ta- 
 king him South, what was the benefit of the 
 ■writ 1 It might be sued out, but was neutra- 
 lized — emasculated by the forged certificate, 
 was entirely useless in efiect, if not,suspended 
 
 gists for slavery than there were in the day 
 of John Randolph. Things had been mana- 
 ged to increase the influence of slavery, 
 though Mr. W. contended that Jeff'erson ha- 
 ted It, and Virgiifia spurned it. He denied 
 that the United Stales had done much to abo- 
 lish slavery — in prin iple, or in fact. 
 
 He then read from certain documents to 
 show there could be no legal relation be- 
 tween master and slave. He ridiculed the 
 position that slavery could be derived from 
 the Levilical code, and declared those laws as 
 heathenish, and the very man who was pro- 
 nounced after God's own heart, a murderer. 
 
 Slavery was not a legal relation — the slave 
 was not bound by it. He was justified in 
 striking down his master, if he was endea- 
 voring to arrest him. If less than human, as 
 the southern laws admitted, they could not 
 be held responsible. 
 
 He was in lavor of bringing public influ- 
 ence to bear on Congress, and thus obtain the 
 repeal or modification of this law. Rut he 
 was not going to condemn those who de- 
 nounced this law as tyrannical and inhuman. 
 
 Tlie negro who was arrested under this 
 law had no chance of ji.ry trial in hardly 
 any, if any of the southern States. Mr, 
 Clay did not introduce any such law as this 
 — 'he had not the hardihood to do it. Most of 
 the northern members of Congress voted 
 against it, 
 
 Mr. Walker, on account of ill health, clo- 
 sed his remarks for that time ; but, on Mon- 
 He would lay it down as a fundamental (day, January 28, he resumed and concluded 
 proposition, that the Constitution did not in > them. He said: — 
 
 any part, either in letter or spirit, recognize 
 that there could be such a thing as property 
 in man ; and that such a doctrine was scou- 
 ted in the Convention that framed the Con- 
 etitution. He had Mr. Madison as authority 
 for this assertion, and other men of that time. 
 Yet this principle was the very foundation of^as the exponent of the Freesoil parly, but as 
 
 ' He had already commented on all of Mr. 
 , Geiger's resolutions except the fifth. He liad 
 'no exception to take to this, except that in 
 common with the others — it seemed to cen- 
 sure those who opposed the fugitive law, 
 and sought its repeal. He did not stand here 
 
 ihe Fugitive law. In the two places where | 
 the Constitution referred to this class, they 
 were called persons, as individuals entitled 
 io three-fifths of humanity at least. This! 
 was done to give the South the predomi- 
 nance in the National Legislature. 
 
 Another proposition that had been made'^ 
 here, he would also deny, viz: that the Con-( 
 stitufion was a compact of States, and belon- 
 ged to the Stale as such. It was a constitu-J 
 tion of the people, and so stated in the pre-( 
 amble. 
 
 Mr. Walker was not frightened by threats) 
 of disunion. The South wished to acquire' 
 Cuba, and other islands and countries before J 
 ihey were ready ;— and if the North would i 
 conUnue to pander to them they would soon' 
 be ready. At present, they could not stand! 
 alone 24 hours, their slaves would eatthemup. 
 
 Tiie exparte testimony allowed by the fu- 
 ghive law, Mr. W. pronounced truly odious. 
 
 the advocate of the Whig party. He held 
 the sentiments ol the Whigs of '"44 and '45, 
 and he who now vindicated the fugitive law, 
 should he denounce as an apostate of the Whig 
 party, He could understand the course of 
 some Senators on this floor, in shaping their 
 sentiments to that of their particular districts. 
 He himself had been told that in his course 
 he was cutting his own throat. He had once 
 for all to say, that if his constituents con- 
 demned him for what he had said here, thej'' 
 would condemn themselves and the doctrine 
 they held sij: years ago. 
 
 [It was understood that the Senator from 
 Montgomery look high abolition ground ; ri- 
 diculed Henry Clay, and those who were 
 styled "Union Whigs-" contended that the 
 slave had the right to kill his master, who 
 might be trying to arrest him, and take him 
 away from Ohio to the State to which he fled ; 
 — and his speech, as delivered, was even in 
 
 fet vye Ijad apologists for it — and more apo- 'advance of the Freesoilersl 
 
MR. GEIGER'S REJOINDER. 
 
 Mr. Geiger was not surprised, after reading 
 the report of tfie Senator'^, (JNir. Walker's) 
 speech, made a few days ago, to hear him now 
 make a .high-toned abolition effort; — but he 
 was amazed and humiliale('., to perceive him 
 a twin bioiherof the free-soil Senator from 
 Ashtabula, in reading him, (Mr. G.) out of 
 the Whig party, and denouncing its true and 
 fionored men. The Senator from Montgo 
 mery, in abusing the distinguished Whigs 
 of tlie parly, men who have stood by it 
 when its tiiig trailed in the dust in deleat, 
 as sincerely as when it floated triumphant 
 over the cohorts of its routed and scattered 
 foes, speaks but his own sentiment, and re- 
 presents his own feelings, and does dishonor 
 tolhemanly constituency that sent him here. 
 
 The Senator, in his new-born zeal, can 
 spare no man, no difTerence what may be 
 his character or services; and, in his indis- 
 criminate onslaught, denounces Henry Clay! 
 — Harry Clay ! than whom God never crea- 
 ted a nobler patriot; — Harry Clay ! at the 
 mere mention of wtiose name, the Whig 
 breast heaves with deeper emotion and holi- 
 er enthusiasm; — Harry Clay, who toiled and 
 struggled for the country, before the Senator 
 knew ot its e.xistence, and battled for the 
 Constitution before he was born to partake of 
 its blessings! — Sir, that name always vibrates, 
 as with an electric thrill, through every fibre 
 of tlie true Whig party, and awakens the af- 
 fections of the •' old guard" who have never 
 bowed to Baal. The heart of that man yet 
 beats responsive to the calls of his country ; 
 and, although age has come upon him, yet is 
 he able, zealous and efficient; and, in times 
 of difficulty and of danger, 
 
 '•One btast upon tiis bugle liorn, 
 Is worth a thousand men !" 
 
 He (pointing to Mr. Walker) disparage 
 Henry Clay ! Why, sir, if one ot those exal- 
 ted thoughts which wildly play through the 
 gigantic brain ot Harry ofthe West, should 
 fall, with Its ponderous weight, upon the 
 brain of the Senator from Montgomery, he 
 would consider it the approach of apoplexy ! 
 
 Sir, the gentleman argued the question of 
 Slavery — not the fugitive law — and cahs him 
 (Mr. G.) and his constituents, its supporters; 
 and then gives the language of John Ran 
 dolph and Thomas Jefferson, ridiculing such 
 Northern men. Ridicule from any source 
 can never drive me from the right. I have 
 no attachmei^l to Slavery. I was born, sir, 
 in a State, 
 
 " Where breathes no castled lord nor cabined slave, 
 Where thoughts and words and acts are bold and free ; 
 Where friends can find a welcome, foes a grave." 
 
 I have never, as a citizen, trodden soil or 
 breathed air consecrated to aught but Free- 
 dom. With me, Freedom is written every 
 where; — in the clouds that float in the sky, 
 the birds that wing through the air, the 
 boughs that battle with the blast;— and the 
 
 power of locomotion, bestowed by God on 
 man, declares the right to its exercise. It 
 has ever been tlie watchword of the Whigs 
 OF Ohio, by thein it has been proclaimed, as 
 also by the democratic party : — there is no 
 division upon this question ; — but am I, is 
 my gallant coiif-iilueiicy — is eveiy one who 
 slantts forward, for the integrity of ihe Union, 
 against ihe vindictive assaults of its foes, to 
 be denounced? — and tlial, loo, because they 
 will not desert the country, in the hour of its 
 trial, at the command of base, huckstering, 
 office-hunting renegades? — I scorn dictation, 
 from such sources, and their epithets and 
 condemnation, are powerless and pitiful. 
 
 Sir, does not the Senator know that slave- 
 ry is an institution recognized and fortified 
 by our consiiiution and laws? Does he wish 
 us to despise and break tliem ? We must 
 treat the institution as it is ; — not as we should 
 desire it to be. We admit all the evils of 
 slavery, all the blessings of freedom, but we 
 are surrounded by circumstances, laws and 
 constitutions, to which every wise legislator, 
 and common-sense patriot must conform hi.s 
 conduct. The fugitive law is not free from 
 error; — no man contends for its perfection. 
 There are parts of it wrong. My resolutions 
 recommend amendment, if action is taken, 
 but to disturb that law, at this tirne, is consi- 
 dered by many good men, improper, and its 
 uncontliiional repeal perilous in the extreme. 
 Mr. Geiger was willing to admit all that 
 the gentleman contended for, in regard to 
 England and her nominal abolition of slave- 
 ry. \e\, sir, who has the effrontery to deny 
 that, in the West-Indies, more distress and 
 anarchy prevail than did during the preva- 
 lence of the iiistilutions ; — and he would re- 
 mind the Senator that, although it was seem-' 
 ingly true, as he had urged, that slaves '■' do 
 not breathe in England, " still that Senator 
 would do well, wlule quoting England's ex- 
 ample, to remember that slavery still exists 
 there, as it has for ages, in a form more in- 
 human, more hellish, than it ever did or could 
 assume in this country. It is true, of a different 
 kind — a slavery of whites, not ofthe blacks ; 
 — a slavery of the operatives; — a slavery of 
 the down trodden, starving, agonized, wor- 
 king population, of all sexes, ages and con- 
 ditions. The eentleman, in his fervor and 
 pathos against slavery, here rushes into poe- 
 /try and romance, and quotes from Whitiier 
 (anathemas and revilings against the land of 
 his birth ; but, for his wronged white breth- 
 ren he has no tears to shed ; — for them he 
 quotes on English or American poet in favor 
 of liberty; — all his poetry and all his sympa- 
 ihy are uttered against the wrongs of the 
 blacks within these United States, and for 
 them he would even risk the severance of 
 the Union! Nobler poets have written in 
 more loyal strains — 
 
LS?''^ °'' CONGRESS 
 
 16 
 
 011 898 101 7 
 
 '•From the Jay that our furel'athers fearfully flung 
 
 Their sHr-colored banner abroad, 
 To themselves ever true lo Lheir mouoihcy clung 
 
 As Ihey clung to the promise of God ; 
 By the bayonet traced in the midnight of war, 
 
 In thi- fields where our gliiiy was won, 
 Oh, perish the heart or the hand i hat would mar 
 Our motto of Many in One." 
 
 bled and died upon her bo^om, falter o.* 
 ) swerve? Did she furnish no leader for your 
 ^armies, no brave men for your battles? — 
 ') Ihroughout thai terrible strite. Virginia was 
 
 )lrue to hersell and the great caut^e on which 
 (she had slaked her all, ior Vntue, Liberty ai;d 
 Sir, h-om my soul, I despise those drivel- ) ludependeiice. 
 ling, coiitempiible demagogues, whose only > But, time has rolled on, and what washer 
 food isexciiement,and whose efforts are tocre-x wilderness has become our mighty State. In 
 ate division and coiiteniioii among the people.) the midst of our piosperiiy, we revert not to 
 Jn his argument, the Senator grows elc-c die past, and torget the ititrepidity and tribu- 
 quent — nay, he is tormendousl First, he tuinsNJation through wliich we receive the bles- 
 upon me; and 1 am but a mere moudilul to) sings; — and now, instead ot pouring our of- 
 his capacious maw; — then, he wheels to ^ feriiig of peace and love into the lap ot our 
 eat the Senator from Clinton, who. beingS mother, genilemeii would thrust vipers into 
 absent, I am a second time swallowed by ) her bosom, stigmatize her name and honor, 
 this mighty man. Still unsatisfied, the Sena-(and taunt her v.fiili frailty and imbecility, 
 tor takes down my democratic fiiend from) Iif our Territorial days. Sir, when our set- 
 Clermont ! With such an incongruous load hlerfients were scanty and the savages were 
 all expected to see those bright bnltons fly (scalping our pioneers, who then poured h nth 
 from his bine coat, with the expansion of his) her gallant sons to piotect and rescue the de- 
 system, but his digesiion seemed equady (fenceless? Another 'Slave .State, Kentucky, 
 harndess with his mastication; and, alter thessent forth her men from their firesides to suc- 
 eniire process, I am yet here huzzaing lusti-)cor and lo save. And her Legislature, with 
 'ly! — swallowed, but not deadened; — broughtca magnanimity illustrious and politic, gave 
 forth again, like Jonah from the whale. Sthe command of her soldiery to a citizen of 
 
 Sir, the Senator says that the South iare) Ohio, and restored peace to the country. 
 7ioi secede, because she is too weak. Does( Blame me not, then, for asking what is con- 
 he not know that the same spirit which ^slitutionally due lo those who have done so 
 would prompt us to defy the defiant, lives) much for us. 
 
 unquenchahle in their breasts? Doeshent^) Mr. Geiger then took up his resolutions 
 know that they are descendants of men who, > one by one, and defended them. The Sena- 
 in the calamitous times of the Revolution, ^ tor from Montgomery, says that he does not 
 stood by our fathers of the North, and not on- . hold the preservation of this glorious Union 
 ly dared but did ? Does he not know that the / lo be paramount to every other political con- 
 South is stronger and wealthier, at ihis time, ^sideration. He says he goes for liberty in 
 than were the whole of the colonies when )preference to the Union. He, Mr. G., looked 
 they thundered destruction to the boasted in-) upon the Union as the preserver of the lib- 
 vicibiliiy of England? Ob, sir! has the^erty we enjoy, and with Mr. Webster, he 
 day arrived when the childreil of the men, ) earnestly hoped, that " when my eyes shall 
 whose friendship and patriotism were weldetiH'e turned lo beliold, for the last time, the sun 
 together and tested in the fiery lurnace of the (in Heaven, may I not see him shining on the 
 Revolution, shall rely upon the weakne.?s of) broken and dishonored fragments of a once 
 a section, to debar it from its constitutional )gh'rious Union; on Stales dissevered, discor- 
 rights? Sir, let the gentleman not be mista-\dant, belligerent; on a land rent with civil 
 ken — the South upon this subject is not weak) feuds, or drenched, it may be, in fraternal 
 —-touch but the outermost membrane, and it (blood ! Let this la--t feeble and lingering 
 vibrates in her innermost heart; — here she ^glance rather behold the gorgeous ensign of 
 is concentrated and determined — no blind-^ihe Republic, now known and honored ihro'- 
 ness can mistake her; — he strict consthuiio-^fut the eajth, still full high advanced, its arms 
 nal rights she will maintain, and the granting) and trophies, streaming in their original lus- 
 of those no patriot norhonesl man dare deny. )t'e, not a stripe erased or pollutedf or a sin- 
 But, sir, an indiscriminate denunciation of(2le star obscured, bearing for its motto, no 
 the South comes with but an ill grace from a^^uch miserable interrogatory as, T]'hat is all 
 citizen ot Ohio. What are we but an ema- ^tkis worths nor those other wprds of delusion 
 nation from the liberality of a slave State; — 'and folly. Liberty first and Union afterwards, — 
 the offspring of Virginia? True: the child )but every where, spread all over incharacters 
 has ouistripped the parent, but gratitude ^"f ''^''"g lig^i'j blazing. on all its ample foU's, 
 should commingle with the thrilling associa-^as they float over the sea and over ihe land, 
 tions which cluster proudly around the" " Old ) '"'id on every wind, and under the whole 
 Dominion." In the dark days she v.- as the ^Heavens, that other sentiment, dear to every 
 Mother Commonwealth, and around'her the ;'rue American heart: — 
 feeble ones clung for aid and protection. Did > '■ Libertxj and Union, now and forever; one 
 she, m those fearful times, when her children' and imeparable.'" 
 
HOLUNGER 
 pH8J 
 
 MILL RUN F3-1543