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ESSAYS AND LETTERS 
 
 on 
 
 VARIOUS 
 
 POLITICAL SUBJECTS. 
 
 BY JAMES WORKMAN, ESQv 
 Counsellor at Law. 
 
 The second American Edition, 
 
 PRINTED AND PUBLISHED BY I. RILEY. 
 
 1809. 
 
 N/WA5H^^15^ 
 
 '^' ■ JiiJrf. ^ i M ''^ ^^^ 
 
<s 
 
 0' ■ 
 
 District of 7 ^^ T> E IT REMEMBERED, That on the 
 JVenv-York, j ' O fir§t day of June, in the thirty -third 
 year of the Independence of the United States of America, 
 Isaac Riley, of the said District, hath deposited in this 
 Office the title of a book, the right whereof he claims as 
 proprietor, in the words following-, to wit— 
 
 " Essays and Letters on various Political Subjects. By 
 James Workman, Esq. Coutisellor at Lana. The Second 
 American Edition." 
 
 In conformity to the Act of the Congress of the Uni- 
 ted States, entitled ** An Act for the encouragement of 
 learning by securing the copies of Maps, Charts, and Books, 
 to the Authors and Proprietors of such Copies during the 
 \imes therein mentioned ;" and also to an Act supplemen- 
 tary to an Act entitled *' An Act for the encouragement of 
 learning by securing the Copies of Maps, Charts, and Books, 
 to the Authors and Proprietors of such Copies, during- the 
 times therein mentioned, and extending the benefits thereof 
 to the Arts of Designing, Engraving, and Etching Histori- 
 cal and other Prints." 
 
 CHARLES CLINTON, 
 Clerk of the District of New-York. 
 
ADVERTISEMENT. 
 
 OF the following Tracts, the first Edition 
 of the Argument against continuing the War, 
 was published in London, on the 25th of 
 May, 1795 ; and the first Edition of the Let- 
 ter to the Duke of Portland, came out in 
 that City, in the month of January, 1797. 
 The remaining pieces were first published 
 in America. 
 
Gould & Van Winkle, Printers. 
 
AN ARGUMENT 
 
 AGAINST 
 
 ;ONTINUING THE WAR FOR THE SUBVERSIO:^ 
 
 OF THE 
 
 FRENCH GOVERNMENT. 
 
 JBY JAJMES WORKMAJ^, ESQ. 
 Of the Middle Temple. 
 
 THE affairs of Europe are now in a more critical state 
 than they have been at any time within the period of mo- 
 dern history. Never, since the irruptions of the Gothic 
 nations, was there a conflict maintained with so much fury, 
 or attended with such desolation, as distinguish the pre- 
 sent war ; and if we except the religious contests that dis<. 
 tracted Europe during the dark ages, no other struggle 
 has occasioned so many dissentions in society, and so much, 
 of that spirit of intolerance which destroys the happiness 
 of social life. The calamities which we have already felt 
 from the war are few in comparison with those that may 
 be reasonably apprehended, if liis majesty's ministers per- 
 sist in their present measures ; for the object of the war, 
 as avowed by them at different times, and jii various lan- 
 guage, does not permit us to hope that it can be complete- 
 ly terminated until one of the belligerent parties be con- 
 quered or destroj'ed. The objects of most of our former 
 wars have been dominion, glory, or commercial advantage, 
 arid the evils attending them were generally a dreadful 
 slaughter of men, and a great waste of treasure ; but th.^ 
 
 A 
 
national existence was never in danger. To view the pre- 
 sent conflict with the same indifference with which it was 
 not uncommon to reg-ard the prog'ress of those wars, would 
 be in us the most stupid folly. It nearly concerns every 
 man who is eng-ag-ed in a contest that cannot end but in 
 the destruction of his enemy or himself, to consider on 
 which side the chance of safety lies ; and it is strongiy 
 the duty of every Englishman to pause before he puts in 
 hazard every thing dear and valuable to him : he should 
 calculate the worth of the object, and the probability of 
 his attaining it, for which he risks the safety of those 
 laws that secure to him so many blessings, and the exist- 
 ence of that grand fabric of wealth and power which it has 
 required so many ages of the painful and adventurous in- 
 dustry of his ancestors to rear, and so many hard struggles 
 of their valour to defend. 
 
 Our commerce never afforded so ricli a prey, and we 
 have never of late years contended with an enemy from 
 whom we could make fewer reprisals than from the French 
 republic. More ships have been taken from us in the 
 years 1793 and 1794 than we lost during the whole of the 
 last or of the preceding war. Our commerce has also been 
 greatly injured by the poverty of our foreign markets, 
 owing to the general commotion, and the increased ex- 
 penses of foreign states, which have taken from their sub- 
 jects the superfluity that enabled them to purchase our 
 commodities. Every state in Europe has been impoverish- 
 ed by standing armies, and by the operation of the fund- 
 ing System. This appears from the extraordinary number 
 of bankruptcies that have happened on the continent since 
 the war. 
 
 By the war, the markets of France, Holland, and a great 
 part of Germany and Spain, are lost to us entirely ; and 
 
the value of the inhabitants of those countries \yith which. 
 we may stiil trade, is greatly diminished to us In a com- 
 meixial view. Taxes, and the destruction of property, 
 wlierever they take place, are injurious to a commercial 
 people, who are candidates for as much of the property of 
 every country as the inhabitants will spend. Every tax, 
 every waste of an estate in Portugal, Spain, or Italy, di- 
 minishes the customers of Eng-land, and will be felt by the 
 merchants of Leeds and Birming-ham. The misfortunes of 
 every part of the v/orld are injurious to the commerce of 
 this island, which is therefore interested not only to avoid 
 war, on account of its own losses and expenditure, but even 
 by friendly mediation to dissuade other countries from 
 contending with each other, that they may not waste in 
 war that property, of which great part would come into 
 ©ur possession if they remained at peace — Eng-land being 
 the greatest commercial covmtry in the world, is the ba- 
 rometer of its prosperity ; and every great calamity that 
 happens, in whatever part of the world, will affect us in 
 proportion to the extent of our commerce. 
 
 Many parts of the British empire are so circumstanced, 
 that government cannot reasonably expect much assist- 
 ance from them in the moment of danger. In Scotland and 
 Ireland great discontents have lately prevailed. If the 
 grievances of the Roman Catholics in the sister kingdom 
 are not speedily redressed, a separation may be the con- 
 sequence, which would be a death blow to the British em- 
 pire. Ireland supplies the navy with provisions, and the 
 army and navy with men ; she has given during this war, 
 more than 150,000 soldiers and sailors to his majesty's 
 service. When this immense resource is lost, recruits 
 must be found among tradesmen and manufacturers ; but 
 if they are taken from th^ir employments, our regular 
 
8 
 
 means of supporting government will be greatly diminish- 
 ed. Were the ports of the Irish channel in the possession 
 of the enemy, our homeward bound merchant ships would 
 require the protection of strong convoys, or be obliged to 
 risk the dangers of the north passage, and perhaps of 
 Butch privateers. 
 
 Our affairs in the East Indies are not so unfavourable. 
 It remains, however, to be known, what part the Dutch 
 settlements will take. We have in India an inveterate ene- 
 my, who would not fail to seize the least advantage that 
 our distresses, or the power of the French, might afford 
 him, in hopes of retrieving his reputation and his domi- 
 nions. 
 
 The resources of this country are represented to be in a 
 flourishing condition. Our commerce is certainly, not- 
 withstanding all losses and impediments, rich and exten- 
 sive ; our manufactures are numerous, and superior in ge- 
 neral to those of the same kind in other countries ; but the 
 produce of the soil is at present insufficient to support the 
 inhabitants. It could not, therefore, contribute to extra- 
 ordinary expenses. The resources of commerce are pre- 
 carious ; they are diminished in a much greater degree by 
 war than those afforded by agriculture ; and the loss of 
 one battle at sea might destroy them, or (what would have 
 the same effect for a considerable time on the operations 
 of government) the confidence of the public in their great- 
 ness and stability. 
 
 The resources of France are not inferior to the heroism 
 of her people. There is not a prince in Europe whose 
 authority is equal to that of the National Convention : in 
 every thing that relates to the defence of the country, it 
 
exercises an unlimited power ; and however it has been 
 distracted by its own factions, it has never been abated in 
 the energy of its operations ag-ainst the common enemj'-. 
 
 In the midst of tumults and military preparations, the 
 utmost attention is paid to ag-riculture, and to all the sci- 
 ences that can contribute to improve the art of war. In 
 short, the whole labour of the country, beyond what is suf- 
 ficient to support the inhabitants, is either directly or in- 
 directly in the service of the government. 
 
 To keep this mig'hty machine in motion evidently re- 
 quires vast pecuniary resources ; these consist of gold 
 and silver to the amount of about 20 millions sterlina: ; 
 and of paper currency, supported chiefly by the confiscated 
 lands 
 
 When ministers speak of the French finances, they avail 
 themselves of a misrepresentation in which it is extraor- 
 dinary they are not always detected. They expatiate on 
 the great depreciation of the asslgnats, yet when they 
 state to parliament any expenditure of France, they repre- 
 sent it (in British money) as if the assignats were at par, 
 and exult at the seeming extravagance which is the ne- 
 cessary effect of the depreciation. For instance, when as- 
 signats are fifty per cent, below par, it is evident that one 
 million sterling would go as far in France as two millions 
 in assignats. Lord ]Mornington and Mr. Pitt, would then 
 declare that the credit of the republic was in a most ruin- 
 ous situation, their paper m.oney being worth no more 
 than half the nominal value. If they noticed some article 
 of expense, which had cost the French, suppose forty- 
 eight millions oflivres, or two millions of pounds, (no more 
 in effect than one million sterling, according to the gi- 
 
 a2 
 
10 
 
 ven depreciation,) they wouldassert that it was impos- 
 sible that a government which expended two millions 
 sterling on such an. occasion, could continue the war ano- 
 ther campaign. And they would then boast of our own 
 extravagance as economy and mioderation. When they 
 wish to represent the French republic on the verge of 
 bankruptcy and ruin, they state sometimes with exaggera- 
 tion, and sometimes wuth fidelity, the depreciation of the 
 assignats. When they wish to represent France as bur- 
 dened with enormous debts, and carrying on the war at 
 an expense which it is not possible for any nation to bear 
 long, they take the assignats at par, and state the debts and 
 expenses in sterling money. If these gentlemen make use 
 of the depreciation of the assignats as an argument against 
 the credit and stability of the French government, they 
 ought, in fairness, to state their debts and expenditure ac- 
 cording to that depreciation. If, on the other hand, they 
 state those debts and expenses without making any abate- 
 ment on account of the depreciation, they ought to give 
 the French government credit for having their assignats 
 at par. 
 
 Though this latter mode would allow them a credit 
 which they do not possess, the advantage in men's opi- 
 nions would be overbalanced by the imputation of extra- 
 vag-ance. The debts and expenses of France being incur- 
 Ted in depreciated paper money, ought to be estimated 
 according to its real value ; and it will then appear that 
 they are not so enormous as ministers represent. 
 
 The report of Cambon, made on the 22d of January, 
 1795, states, that France has expended in four years and 
 an half two hundred and twenty -two millions sterling in 
 assignats more than would have been expended if the old 
 
11 
 
 ""government had continued, and that there had been no war.- 
 At whatever rate these assig-nats were issvied5(most of them 
 no doubt greatly under par,) they must now be vakied ac- 
 cording' to the present depreciation. Mr. Pitt and Cam- 
 bon agree in stating that assignats now lose eighty -five per 
 cent. ; that is, that one hundred livres in assignats are 
 worth no more than fifteen livres in silver ; at this rate the 
 two hundred and twenty two millions are no more in fact 
 than about thirty -three millions of our m.oney. The whole 
 expenditure of I'rance during the war, has been two hun- 
 dred and sixty millions sterling, the paper currency being 
 supposed at par. But by the depreciation of eighty-five 
 per cent, this sum is reduced to something less than forty 
 millions sterling. The whole expenditure of the month 
 from September 22 to October 22, 1794, was two hun- 
 dred and forty-three millions five hundred and eighteen 
 thousand seven hundred and thirty livres, upwards of ten 
 millions sterling, and the depreciation of assignats at this 
 time, was about seventy -five per cent. These ten millions 
 were therefore equivalent to no more than two millions 
 and an half Taking this sum as the average actual ex- 
 penditure of the different months of the year 1795, the ex- 
 penditure for that year will amount to thirty millions ster- 
 ling. The receipts from the same month were forty-three 
 millions fifty -eight thousand five hundred and seven of li- 
 vres, about twenty-one millions sterling per annum ; and 
 at the above rate of depreciation upwards of four millions 
 sterling. The deficiency of the debt for one year will, 
 therefore, be no more than twenty-six millions of our m.o- 
 ney ; no extravagant sum considering the greatness of the 
 military operations of the French. If from the v/hole sum 
 expended by the enemy during the war, be deducted the 
 financial advantages w hich he will not fail to draw from the 
 multitude of his coaquesta, particularly the conquest of 
 
12 
 
 Holland, we shall have no reason to flatted ourselves with 
 hopes of the speedy ruin of his finances. 
 
 The whole amount of the assigriats in circulation at the 
 beginning of the year was six thousand five hundred mil- 
 lions of livres, about forty-two anillions sterling-, at the' 
 present discount. Therefore forty -two millions sterling in 
 money or in property of any kind would now pay the whole 
 of the floating debt of France, provided that the holders of 
 assignats Vvxre obliged to accept of payment for them at 
 this depreciPvtion. 
 
 Whatever inconveniences the French government may 
 feel from the depreciation of their paper currency, the 
 French nation will at the end of the war be easily liberated 
 by the depreciation, from the load of debt which might 
 oppress them for a century, if contracted in the ordinary 
 manner. It cannot be supposed that all the holders of 
 assignats will be paid at par. To reimburse them in this 
 manner v/ould be impossible ; and if it were possible, it 
 would be unjust. The greater number of the holders of 
 assignats will have received them at a depreciated value, 
 and they cannot expect to be paid by the state more than 
 they have given for them. If upon the establishment of 
 peace, all the assignats were to be redeemed by the nation 
 at par, a multitude of persons, instead of bearing their just 
 portion of the public burden, would derive enormous wealth 
 out of the public calamity ; and thus the people would for 
 ages be oppressed, to support a host of speculators in idle- 
 ness and luxury. 
 
 It must be acknovsiedged that the advantages gained in 
 this manner by the state have been purchased by the suf- 
 ferings and losses of many individuals ; but these losses 
 
13 
 
 must have been sustained. Two hundred and sixty mil- 
 lions sterling (nominally) have been expended during the 
 war ; some of this money was issued at par, and a great 
 deal of it much below that rate. Suppose on an average 
 of the whole, that the real sum expended was two hun- 
 dred millions, which has now by the depreciation fallen to 
 forty millions ; the holders of assignats, that is, the na- 
 tion, have lost by the depreciation one hundred and sixty 
 millions sterling. But it was necessary to raise the sum 
 ©f two hundred millions to support the v/ar and the revo- 
 lution ; and this sum (unless for the creation of the paper 
 money) must have been either raised by enormous taxes, 
 or borrowed at an exorbitant rate of interest, proportioned 
 to the various fortunes of the republic. To have raised 
 the whole sum by taxes, would have been a greater griev- 
 ance to the people than what they have suffered by the de- 
 preciation, on account of the difficulty and expense of col- 
 lecting large taxes. It is therefore better for the French, 
 by the difference of this difficulty and expense, to sink 
 one hundred and sixty millions by depreciation, than to 
 pay that sum by ordinary taxation. It is also better for 
 them that they have sunk at once one hundred and sixty 
 millions by depreciation, than that they should have fund- 
 ed and paid an enormous interest for that sum ; for though 
 in the latter case they might not have paid so much, even 
 including the expense of collection, they would still have 
 had to discharge the capital, which would have remained 
 after the war a heavy burden upon themselves and their 
 posterity. 
 
 This depreciation may itself be called an extraordinary 
 lax. The cost of collecting it is trifling, being only the 
 expense of the fabrication of assignats. Whatever it pro- 
 duces comes without farther diminution into the publiq 
 
14 
 
 treasury : and the burden of it is in proportion to the 
 quantity of assignats that each person possesses. 
 
 This tax falls most heavily upon bankers, rich men, and 
 all those who have a fixed revenue arising* out of lands, or 
 any other species of property ; that is, upon the persons 
 who ought to be heavily taxed, when heavy taxes are un- 
 avoidable. The depreciation is less felt by tradesmen,, 
 manufacturers, and all who live by the wages of labour, 
 and the sale of the produce of the earth ; for labour and 
 the produce of the earth will always bring their j ust price, 
 provided there are no maximum laws. The industrious 
 classes are therefore less burdened than any other, by the 
 tax of depreciation. 
 
 Mr. Pitt has asserted, I think incorrectly, that the sys- 
 tem of moderation lately adopted in^ France is injurious to 
 the credit of the assignats, and that Robespierre's maxi- 
 mum laws supported by means of terror, gave additional 
 value to them, and consequently additional energy to his 
 ferocious government. By these laws, the government 
 supported itself, not from the contributions of the whole 
 nation, but by robbing individuals. When the French 
 government issue assignats at the market price the tax of 
 the depreciation is paid by the whole people, and the indi- 
 viduals who have dealings with the government pay no 
 more of this tax than their just share. But if the govern- 
 ment issue their assignats at par, the depreciation being 
 at the time, suppose fifty per cent, and force an individual 
 to sell his corn or his ship, and to take in return these as- 
 signats at a par price, the individual is robbed of one half 
 his property, besides paying as well as others his quota 
 towards the public taxes. By the maximum laws, farmers, 
 tradesmen, la,bourers, manufacturers, in short, £^11 the useful 
 
15 
 
 and industrious classes, were robbed to support the rich 
 and unproductive, of so much as the maximum prices of 
 their labour and produce fell short of the true prices. 
 This difference often amounted to half the value of the 
 commodity. 
 
 Persons of fortune, whose incomes through the opera- 
 tion of the maximum laws, were not affected by the depre- 
 ciation, paid little or no part of that tax, which fell alto- 
 gether upon the poor and industrious. Thus the true or- 
 der of taxation was reversed. Those who were taxed 
 lig-htly ought to have been taxed heavily, and those who 
 were taxed heavily, ought to have been taxed as lightly 
 as the exigencies of the public would admit. The maxi- 
 mum laws heaped favors upon the rich, and plundered the 
 poor. They paid court to those who are seldom danger- 
 ous to government, while they oppressed and irritated a 
 numerous and licentious class, who had the power, and 
 had often shown they did not want the inclination to re- 
 dress their grievances by insurrection. The maximum 
 laws so far from giving energy and stability to the govern- 
 ment of Robespierre, were among the principle causes of 
 iiis destruction. To support this. part of his dreadful sys- 
 tem required perpetual executions, for which he was ab- 
 horred, and at length abandoned by the people. 
 
 The maximum laws were as injurious to the true credit 
 of the paper currency, for whose support they were enact- 
 ed, as to the safety of the government. Like the old laws, 
 which inflicted heavy penalties for taking interest for mo- 
 ney, they defeated their own purpose. They attached 
 chiefly upon the necessaries of life, or in the French phrase, 
 upon articles of the first necessity ; but thoug-h they afnxed 
 the highest prices that could be demanded hv them (prices 
 
16 
 
 greatly below the true value) they did not in many instan- 
 ces oblige the owners to sell them, and,the owners w^ould 
 naturally wish to keep them from the market as long* as 
 possible. But as tlie maximum laws were enacted in 
 times of scarcity, there was always a great demand for the 
 maximum articles. The demand for food on the one hand, 
 and the eager desire of gain on the other, would cause the 
 law of the maximum to be disregarded, notwithstanding 
 the heavy penalties it imposed. Enormous prices would 
 be given to the seller of provisions ; for he would require 
 not only a just equivalent for his commodities ; that is, 
 the price they would bring, if no maximum law existed, 
 but he must be handsomely paid for the great risk he in- 
 curred by an illegal transaction. Assignats would in this 
 manner be depreciated by the laws intended to support 
 them. 
 
 One of the causes that give credit and currency tt3 the 
 assignats is the demand for them as instruments of com- 
 merce, but for this purpose they must be allowed to find 
 their true value. They must not, by obtaining from the 
 legislature a forced ci-edit, become the instruments of 
 public robbery and private injustice. When the diifer- 
 ence between the maximum prices and the just prices be- 
 comes very great, as it soon must, in consequence of the 
 increasing quantity of paper money, all affairs of commerce 
 will be transacted either without regard to the maximum 
 law by means of the assignats, which must be depreciated 
 by such. transactions, or by barter or by specie, by which 
 the demand for the assignats, as a medium of traffick, and 
 consequently their value, will be diminished. 
 
 It is not crueltv and terror, but justice and moderation 
 Jthat will syipport the finances of France. When the go- 
 
17 
 
 vernment Is just, the people will have confidence which is 
 the only real support of every factitious currency. Had 
 the system of terror and the maximum laws been continue 
 ed, their influence would have been as ruinous to the pa- 
 per money as to every thing else within their reach. They 
 injured the sale of the national domains ; for what man 
 would give a large price for land, when he might be law- 
 fully plundered of its produce : They nearly destroyed 
 many branches of commerce and manufacture for who 
 would engage in either when forbid on pain of death to 
 make any profit of his capital, and when all unprohibited 
 traffick was but mitigated robbery ? 
 
 The depreciation of the assignats, great as it has been, 
 is not so detrimental to the French government as his ma- 
 jesty's ministers suppose. The assignats were made for 
 two purposes : To serve as an instrument of commerce, 
 and as a medium by which the government were enabled to 
 command a portion of the produce and industry of the 
 country. With respect to commerce, it is not of so much 
 consequence that the assignats should bear a high value, 
 as a certain value ; for that which is to represent the value 
 of all things shotdd be the least liable to vary. The revo- 
 lutions in the government, and the events of the war, cau- 
 sed a fluctuation in the price of assignats that did much in- 
 jury to trade ; but the government, who were always 
 struggling for their existence, did not give themselves 
 much uneasiness about the embarrassments of merchants. 
 With respect to the government, the depreciation was not 
 so severely felt. 
 
 The circumstances that give strength to a paper cur- 
 rency like the assignats, are the public opinion of the sta- 
 •bility of the government, the pledges offered in exchange 
 
 B 
 
18 
 
 fbr them, the debts and the taxes which may be paid by 
 them, and the demand for them as instruments of com- 
 merce. The people of France have never been in les3 
 dread of a counter revolution than at present. The great- 
 er part of the territory of the republic is the pledge of the 
 assigTiats ; and with regard to the sale of that part of it 
 which has not been disposed of, it signifies little whether 
 one livre in silver will purchase two, or twenty livres in 
 assignats ; the land will sell for its real value. What 
 would bring one livre when they are at par, would sell for 
 two, when the depreciation is fifty per cent. When the 
 state is obliged, from the depreciation of its currency, to 
 pay double (nominally) for the services of its citizens, it 
 receives from them a proportionable price for whatever it 
 sells to them. If the national property is considerable 
 enough to defray all the public expenses, the government 
 can suffer little from the depreciation of its currency. 
 
 The same observations hold with respect to taxes. If 
 the assignats fall gradually to one half, or one fourth of 
 their nominal value, the taxes may be nominally doubled 
 or quadrupled, without imposing any additional burden 
 upon the people. The principal effect the depreciation 
 would then produce, would be the emission of a greater 
 quantity of paper, or a change in the denomination of the 
 notes. 
 
 The case in which the government cannot be injured by 
 depreciation, is when the quantity in value of the paper 
 money issued is not greater than the value received in 
 taxes, and in payment for national property. 
 
 If the depreciation be great and rapid, and if the quan- 
 tity emitted be enormously greater than that which is de- 
 
19 
 
 stroyed by taxes and otlier means, the French government 
 will be much embarrassed. That they will soon be in this 
 situation appears highly probable. Their immense ar- 
 mies — ^the myriads whom they employ in pro viding them— 
 the gigantic scale of all their operations — ^their extrava- 
 gance in many instances — and in some, their embezzle- 
 ment of the public money, have required such an emission 
 of assignats, that even the immense resources of France 
 have been insufficient to keep them down. Were we con- 
 tending with a state that relied upon regular resources, 
 we might consider this circumstance an advantage ; but 
 since our object is the destruction of a government to 
 which the people seem enthusiastically attached, and for 
 whose support they are ready to make every sacrifice, no 
 financial difficulties will subdue them while men and 
 money can be by any means obtained. If the depreciation 
 of the assignats should become so great as to make them 
 of little or no value, there are many expedients to which 
 the government, who have never been scrupulous on such 
 occasions, may have recourse. The state lands have 
 been already sold, but the purchasers did not pay imme- 
 diately. In general, the price was divided into twelve 
 parts, to be paid at twelve annual instalments. The prin- 
 cipal sales took place since the year 1792. The conven- 
 tion have therefore yet to receive several instalments upon 
 this immense property, which will withdraw from circula- 
 tion a great mass of assignats, and will therefore increase 
 the value of the remainder. But as these lands were sold 
 for a specific sum, the subsequent depreciation of the cur- 
 rency makes the sale injurious to the nation ; that which 
 was a fair price when asssignats bore a high value, maybe 
 at this time too small by one half. If the convention is 
 embarrassed, the purchasers may be told, that the spirit 
 of the contract must be observed, and that they must add 
 
20 
 
 to future payments, such a sum, beyond that which was 
 agreed upon, as will compensate for the depreciation since 
 lithe sale. 
 
 If the purchasers dislike this arrangement, the assig- 
 Jiats already paid by them will probably be returned with 
 interest, and an allowance for the depreciation, and the 
 lands be put up to auction anew. Should even this expe- 
 dient be insufficient, the French g-overnment may have re- 
 course to the measure which they adopted on the 14th of 
 Becember, 1793, that no assig-uat above a certain value 
 should be received at the treasury, after a certain time. 
 If pushed still further, they might make a similar decree 
 with regard to the whole currency ; the effect of which 
 Would be, that all national property sold in the mean time 
 would bring an immense nominal price, and the finances 
 would be completely liberated. If the convention were dri- 
 ven to the utmost extremity, they might declare all the as- 
 signats already in circulation, waste paper, make a new 
 emission, and open anew account; such measures would in- 
 deed amount to downright robbery ; but they are not the less 
 likely to be adopted by the convention. The distress and 
 complaints that would ensue would be soon overcome by 
 the energy of the government, and the enthusiasm of the 
 people. If we may judge from experience, there is no evil 
 which the French nation will not endure, no sacrifice which 
 they will not make, rather than submit to the re -establish- 
 ment of their former government. 
 
 If we contended with France, as formerly, only for wealth 
 and dominion, the embarrassments of her finances might 
 terminate the war in our favour ; but we fight to subvert 
 the system of her government, and we have ample proof 
 that we cannot succeed without subduing the coimtry. 
 
21 
 
 We have also proof that its inhabitants will make every 
 exertion, rather than submit to a conqueror. When, there- 
 fore, it is proposed, to examine how long" they are able to 
 hold out, and continue the war, we should lay aside com- 
 mon financial considerations, and inquire how long- the 
 whole produce and industry of the country would be suffi- 
 cient to support the people, and their armies. The assig- 
 nats are the only medium for transferring the surplus pro- 
 duce and industry into the hands of government. What- 
 ever derangements there may be in tliis currency, neither 
 produce nor industry will be destroyed by them. The 
 governm.ent will soon find means of commanding both; 
 and they never will abandon the struggle while France 
 yields food and clothes enough for her inhabitants, and arms 
 and ammunition enough for that part of them destined t© 
 oppose her enemies. 
 
 That her whole produce will be sufficient for those pur- 
 poses, for any length of time to which the war can be pro- 
 longed, is probable. It has been found sufficient hitherto, 
 without having been called for with that rigour with which 
 it would be exacted in the extremity of distress. Though 
 the government have accumulated a great debt, they have 
 not borrowed from any foreign state, which they must have 
 done, if more than the v/hole produce of France had been 
 consumed. On the contrary, they are said to have lavished 
 immense sums in certain countries. 
 
 II is very improbable that the produce of France, for the 
 next eight or ten years, will fall short of what it has been 
 of late, or even in the most flourishing period of the mo- 
 narchy. Her agricxiltural wealth was always superior to 
 *hat which arose from her manufactures and commerce. 
 It is the reverse iiv England. Oup commerce, and our 
 
 B 2 
 
manufactures, which in a great measure depend upon our 
 commerce, form the chief part of our wealth. The com- 
 mercial and manufacturing- interests of France have suf- 
 fered extremely by the war ; but the agriculture of that 
 country has been improved ; every encouragement is given 
 to it by the legislature. New modes of cultivation are 
 pointed out, machines invented to facilitate labour, the 
 public roads improved, canals formed, and those im- 
 mense portions of the earth that under the old govern- 
 ment were rendered useless by pride and ostentation, are 
 now made profitable to the state. To give efficacy to 
 these improvements, commissioners with full authority 
 are sent into every part of France ; and the result has 
 been, notwithstanding the oppression of the maximum 
 laws, and the destruction occasioned in many depart- 
 ments by revolt, that her soil has never yielded more 
 abiuidant harvests than since the revolution. 
 
 Let us therefore banish the delusive hope of conquering 
 France by her financial difficulties. Admit that we have 
 treasure without end ; France is equally rich in the fer- 
 tility of her soil, and the enthusiasm of her people. We 
 shall never be able to weary her from maintaining her 
 rights, as an independent nation, while she has men to 
 fight, and food to suppoi't them ; and if her enthusiasm 
 remains (as it certainly will, while the war for the re- 
 storation of her former government lasts) her natural re- 
 sources will enable her to continue hostilities, even on the 
 present gigantic scale of operations, for five, for twenty, or 
 a hundred years. 
 
 Let it even be supposed, that the success of the two 
 next campaigns, should fully gratify the hopes of the most 
 sanguine ; that the enemy should be dxiven from Germa- 
 
23 
 
 ny, Holland, the Netherlands, Italy and Spain, and that 
 the allies should be agam in possession of Valenciennes, 
 Conde, Landreeies, and Quesnoy ; we should not then be 
 nearer the attainment of the grand object of the coalition 
 . than at present. New assig-nats would be created — fresh 
 soldiers would fly to the frontiers — renovated enthusiasm 
 would urg-e them to battle — and the armies of the allies 
 mig-ht, as usual, either be cut to pieces, or forced to save 
 themselves by flight. 
 
 We have as little to hope from the assistance of the roy- 
 alists of France, as from the state of her pecuniary resour-- 
 ees. When this party were in their utmost strength, we 
 were unable to derive any benefit from their co-operation ; 
 they have been since broken by numerous defeats. The 
 effect of the decree of amnesty upon those who escaped is 
 well known ; and it is not to be expected, from the speci- 
 men they have had of the temper of the French govern- 
 ment, that they will again encounter its fury. 
 
 The expectatian of counter revolutionary insurrections 
 in Paris, we have found to be delusive. The objects of all 
 the revolutions and insurrections that have happened m 
 different parts of the republic, (La Vendee alone except- 
 ed,) were essentially different from that which his majes- 
 ty's ministers have avowed : In general, each revolution 
 has removed the government farther from monarchy than 
 the preceding. Such was the force of the popular aver- 
 sion to royalism, that whenever a party could fix the impu- 
 tation of it upon its adversaries, it destroyed their credit. 
 
 History teaches us that the object of our pursuit is fruit- 
 less. Wars made against opinions have only served to give 
 them strength. There is hardly an instance of a popular 
 
24 
 
 revolution being* tolerable successful in the beginning-, and 
 afterwards frustrated by foreign force ; but the history 
 of the world is full of examples of insignificant states, 
 which by the astonishing energy of political enthusiasm, 
 have vanquished all the forces of the greatest monarchies, 
 Rome, when she banished the Tarquins and became a re- 
 public, was assailed by all the kings of Italy ; whom she 
 repulsed and finally conquered.* Every one knows the 
 
 * The conduct of the Romans at this period bears a strong 
 resemblance to that of the French since the revolution. When 
 Tarquin -was banished^ Collatinus, the husband of the violated 
 XdUcretiay -tvas chosen one of the Consuh in preference to Vale- 
 rius, not on account of superior Tdrtue or talents, but because 
 he was imagined to have a keener hatred against the family of 
 the tyrant.— In France the JBrissotin and Rolandist parties 
 lost all credit -with the people by attempting to save the life of 
 Louis the XVI. 
 
 The ambassadors of Tarquin tvere refused an audience by 
 the senate — an oath tvas taken never to submit to him, but to 
 maintain the liberty of Rome by force of arms. Brutus ordered 
 ttuo of his 01071 sons to be put to death, for conspiring to restore 
 him ; a mtdtitude of other conspirators shared the same fate. 
 Collatinus tvas deprived of the consular dignity, for attempting 
 to save the lives of his nephews, tvho tvere acquainted tvith the 
 eonspiracy, and he tvas banished from the city, because he tvas 
 related to the tyrant. The people tvere allowed to plunder the 
 goods belongi7ig to the king, and his palace tvas levelled tvith 
 the ground. His cause tvas aftertoards espoused by the Latins, 
 end by P or senna, the most potverfid prince in Italy y tvhQ be- 
 &e^e4 Home tvith an immense army. 
 
QS 
 
 g-lorious and successful struggle made by the inhabitants 
 of Switzerland against the whole power of the house of 
 Austria, for twenty years ; and by Holland daring thrice 
 that period against the Spanish monarchy, although these 
 
 During" the siege, the Romans -were affiicted tvith a pesti- 
 lence, and distracted by the number of the king^s fy^iends, tvho 
 xvere yet in the city, and xvhom they -were obliged to terrify by 
 frequent executions. They xvere also harrassed at the same 
 time by a Tuscan ariny.—I*orsenna, admiring the heroism of 
 the Romans and seeing the folly of attempting to subdue them, 
 "was at length induced to abandon the cause of the feto exiles 
 toho had assured him that the assistance of their friends in 
 Rome, and the -weakness of the other party, ivoidd enable him 
 to restore Tarquin -without much difficulty. Jifter this event, 
 Tarquin -was assisted by other states, xoho -were soon compelled 
 to make peace iipon such terras as the Romans pleased to dic- 
 ■ tate. At last, after a contest of three years he found all hope 
 of effecting a counter revolution vain, and retxirned to the city 
 ofTusculum, -where he lived fourteen years -with his tixife in a 
 private ihanner. See Plutarch in Poplicolatn, Dionysius Hal. 
 Lib. 5. — Livy, Lib. 2. E^itropius, Lib. 1. Florus fcap. 9.5} in 
 his nervous and elegant abridgement of the history of those 
 times, makes use of the folio-wing remarkable expressions :——- 
 
 ' ' " Populus Romanus ad vindicandum libertatis ac piidiciti<e 
 decus, quodam quasi instinctu deorum concitatus, regem repente 
 destituit, bona diripit, agrum JUarti suo consecrat, imperium 
 in eosdejn libertatis suce vindices transfert, inutato tamen jure 
 €t nomine. — Tantumque libertatis novae gaudium incesserat, lit 
 vix mutati status fidem caperent ; alterumque ex consulibus, 
 tantum ob nomenet genus regium, facibus abrogatis, urbe dim~ 
 mlttereut. Itaque substitutus Valerius Poplicola ex summo 
 studio annixus est ad augendam liberi populi majestatem,-^ 
 
26 
 
 states were fsLf inferior, in ordinary resources, to those 
 which attempted to oppress them. The league of Cam- 
 bray, formed for the destruction of the republic of Venice, 
 was in the end almost as unsuccessful as the confederacy of 
 Pilnitz. The hisiories of ancient Greece and modern Italy 
 afford many instances of a similar nature. 
 
 I have hitherto confined myself to a consideration of the 
 improbability of the success of our offensive operations, 
 and I have admitted, for the sake of the argximent, that 
 our resources are inexhaustible, our allies faithful, and 
 our people obedient. I have presumed that the enemy will 
 be driven from all his conquests, and that our armies, in 
 the next or some subsequent campaign, will be as victo- 
 lious as when they conquered the chief fortresses of the 
 northern frontier of France. With all these supposed ad- 
 vantages, that we shall fail in subduing that country is, I 
 think, beyond a doubt ; and, unless the principle of the 
 war is changed, we may perhaps be obliged to defend our- 
 selves upon our own ground. 
 
 One country, till this time deemed invincible, has alrea- 
 dy fallen in the contest. The United Provinces, which re- 
 
 Jlt ne specie arcis ofenderet eminentes cedes suas in plana sub- 
 misit. — Liber jam hinc populus Romanus, prima adverses ex- 
 feros arma pro libertate corripuii ,' mox profinibus; deinde 
 pro sociis ; turn gloria et imperio, lacessantibus assidue usque 
 quaque Jinitimis.— Omnibus portis in hostem- incurrerat : do- 
 iiec quasi contagione quadam per singulos itum est et proximis 
 qidbusque correptis^ totam Italiam sub se redegerunt. — Some, 
 at the time of dethroning Tarquin^ toas less potverful, compared 
 •with the rest of Italy, than France is nnv, compared toith the 
 rest c{f Europe, 
 
m 
 
 sisted Spain for upwards of half a century, and all the 
 power of Louis XIV. when all Europe trembled at hia 
 name, have been unable to sustain the fury of the enemy. 
 The defeat may be owing to a diminution of the martial 
 spirit of the Dutch, or to the gradual encroachment of their 
 government, which left them nothing worth defending. 
 That which renders France at this time so dangerous to 
 the rest of Europe, is the enthusiasm of her people. It is 
 not the wild phrensy of barbarians, (though such a phrensy 
 has been equal to the conquest of the greatest part of the 
 world,) but an enthusiasm perfectly disciplined and obe- 
 dient. While a despotic power impels and restrains it at 
 pleasure, every art contributes to regulate its fury. 
 
 The victories obtained by the French during the last 
 campaign, are only to be paralleled in the history of those 
 countries, which, impelled by the cravings of hunger, or 
 the madness of fanaticism, have suddenly conquered all 
 the nations around them. The enemy during that cam- 
 paign captured one hundi'ed and fourty-four towns and ci- 
 ties, and among them some of the strongest fortresses in 
 Europe, won six decisive pitched battles, took two thou- 
 sand eight hundred and three pieces of cannon, and obli- 
 ged sixty thousand of the best troops in Europe to surren- 
 der as prisoners of war. With the additional strength and 
 spirits acquired by these victories, and by the conquest of 
 the United Provinces in the present year, it is not impro- 
 bable that France will be able, in the course of one or two 
 campaigns more, (if the war be unfortunately continued so 
 long,) to force Spain, the Italian powers, and Austria, to 
 make peace as Prussia has done ; or, if they hold out, to 
 subdue them completely, or reduce their power so far, as 
 to leave her at liberty to attack this country, without ap- 
 prehension of being disturbed or diverted. 
 
28 
 
 In this situation she might spare from her armed my- 
 riads tliree hundred thousand men for the invasion of these 
 islands. 
 
 To prevent expeditions of this nature, our chief reliance 
 is upon our navy, and it is certainly our best defence ; but 
 it is far from being certain that we shall always maintain 
 our present superiority by sea. The French are said to be 
 making immense naval preparations : The conquest of 
 Holland puts in their power a, number of ships of war, a 
 quantity of naval stores, and what is of more consequence, 
 thirty thousand excellent seamen. It is not easy to calcu- 
 late the advantages tha-t France may derive from this asr 
 sistance. Holland was once able to dispute the sovereignty 
 of the sea with England and France united. Since that 
 time, however, she has been enfeebled by age, luxury, and 
 servitude, but her seamen are still numerous and excellent. 
 This class of men, whose employment inures them to hard- 
 ships and danger, are not liable to the effeminacy that 
 grows up along with the wealth of a commercial state. 
 
 If an attempt is made upon this island before Spain is 
 subdued, we have not much assistance to expect from her 
 navy. She will be employed in opposing the French by 
 land. But if she is conquered before we are invaded, tlie 
 activity of the enemy will not suffer her fleet to remain idle. 
 
 To cover an invasion it is not necessary that the enemy 
 should have a great naval superiority. Their object might 
 be accomplished, if their fleet were strong enough to keep 
 ours engaged until they disabled it, or until their troops 
 were landed. Ireland might be invaded from Port L'Orient, 
 and Scotland from Holland, with certain v, inds that would 
 not permit our fleet in Plymouth or Portsmouth to disturb 
 
29 
 
 the invaders. Their usual audacity might make them con- 
 fident of success, and careless of the means of retreat. 
 
 The courage and loyalty of the British empire would, I 
 am confident, defeat any attempt of this kind. It would 
 subject us nevertheless to many calamities. 
 
 I do not urge this consideration to make us distrust our 
 own strength or anticipate improbable evil, but that we 
 should be prepared for every possible event. In times of 
 public difficulty, nothing is so pernicious as flattering mis- 
 representation ; and the worst enemy of this island could 
 not do it a greater injury than to persuade its inhabitants 
 that it cannot be invaded. That the invaders would be 
 speedily destroyed or captured, provided all due prepara- 
 tions are made for their reception, I consider cc^rtain ; but 
 it is as certain, that their attempt would be attended with 
 enormous mischief. All commerce would cease. The 
 high fever of the public mind would give fresh irritation 
 to political parties. Each would load its adversaries with 
 invective, and accuse them of being the authors of the pub- /' 
 lie calamity; and their disputes, as in other countries, 
 might lead to massacres and insurrection. This picture 
 may appear too highly coloured : But let it be recollected, 
 that it is not more horrible than that which France exhi- 
 bited when invaded by the allies. It may be asked, cannot 
 we too overcome all difficulties, and triumph over every 
 danger ? We can, we ought, and I am persuaded we should. 
 But is not the probability, that the continuance of the war 
 may bring upon us so much misery, an irrefragable argu- 
 ment for immediate peace ? 
 
 Many who admit that peace with the French govern- 
 ment is a desirable object, are of opinion that it cannot 
 
 C 
 
30 
 
 fee obtained with honour, as they think there cannot be 
 found among the enemy fit persons to treat with. 
 
 Few will deny that the g-overnment of France have suf- 
 ficient power to entitle them to negotiate. If this point be 
 doubted, the king- of Spain, the king of Sardinia, the king 
 of Prussia, the emperor of Germany, and the stadtholder, 
 can give testimony in their favour. The exertions of au- 
 thority displayed by them have astonished the most abso- 
 lute despots. But that government which can command 
 such efforts of their subjects, can, by a moderate exertion 
 of authority, cause a cessation of effort. They who have 
 power to maintain hostility, which is a state of action and 
 danger, can easily maintain peace, which is a state of com- 
 parative inactivity and repose. 
 
 The sacrifices and exertions of the French people to sup- 
 port the war, must render them desirous of peace. The 
 convention depend upon their will for their own power 
 and safety, and it is not to be presumed that they would 
 y continue hostilities if a fair opportunity offered for resto- 
 ring peace. With what pretence could that convention 
 refuse to make peace with this country, when their prin- 
 cipal accusation against twenty -two of their own col- 
 leagues, whom they put to death, was for declaring war 
 against us ? They may also have strong personal motives 
 for wishing for a general peace. They have already, no 
 doubt, (they at least who are in the reigning committees,) 
 appropriated a portion of the public wealth to their own 
 use, and they know by experience that as long as the war 
 lasts the public mind will be subject to violent agitations, 
 some of which may deprive them of their wealth and their 
 lives. Peace would produce a calm that might give them 
 a better chance of security, wid enable them to retire un- 
 oticed. 
 
31 
 
 They have been accused of entertaining' a rancourous 
 and inveterate animosity against the people of England. 
 The design imputed to them of subverting our constitu- 
 tion, and establishing their own republican system in its 
 stead, proved rather their folly than their enmity : for 
 they who desire to bestow upon us what they consider the 
 greatest of all blessings, and for the preservation of which 
 they sacrifice every thing that mankind deem valuable, 
 ought not to excite in our breasts any violent indignation 
 on account of the meditated bounty. It is true, that the 
 tone of the convention has not been always favourable to 
 us. They have, on some occasions, chiefly when they have 
 been exasperated by losses and defeat, uttered execrations 
 against the whole country ; but since the overthrow of 
 Robespierre they have resumed the language of modera- 
 tion. The cruel decree for refusing quarter to English sol- 
 diers has been unanimously repealed, and several of our 
 countrymen have been liberated from confinement. We 
 ought to avail ourselves of these symptoms of returning 
 friendship, for it would be highly dangerous to infer that 
 the French will always be pacifically inclined, and that we 
 may continue hostilities against them for one or more cam- 
 paigns, without any other loss than the blood, treasure, 
 and happiness wasted in the mean time. A certain degree 
 of success may incline an enemy to peace, but if the suc- 
 cess be so great that his adversary is unable to oppose him, 
 he will listen to nothing short of unconditional submission. 
 When the French took Maestrict the stadtholder thought 
 that as they were in possession of a part of his dominions, 
 the time was unfit for neg'otiation. General Pichegru was 
 of the same opinion when he had taken Nimeguen, Gor- 
 gum and Utrecht ; he would not even deign to admit of 
 capitulation. There is a pride and insolence in human na- 
 ture that indispose men from accepting by treaty what 
 
32 
 
 they can command by conquest, and allowing" as a right 
 what they can grant, with the reputation of generosity, 
 as a favour. 
 
 Although the hardships of the v/ar may have made 
 France desirous of peace at this time, they may not always 
 have the same effect. When the sufferings of men rise to 
 a certain height, they feel a savage gratification in submit- 
 ting' to any calamities to gratify their revenge. 
 
 It will be highly dangerous to the peace of Europe if 
 the war continues long enough to confirm in military pas- 
 sions and habits the myriads who compose the armies of 
 of France. The enthusiasm that urges them, the applau- 
 ses they receive, and the hope of eminence and wealth, 
 will give them a distaste to all useful civil occupations. 
 Victories and conquests will inflame their military phrensy. 
 If we continue the war imtil all the commercial capitals of 
 France are broken, the military profession will be the only 
 road to opulence, honour, or popularity in that country. 
 Agriculture is considered there as an humble pursuit ; be- 
 sides, the soil requires so little labour, that a small portion 
 of the inhabitants are sufficient for its cultivation. If these 
 causes should make the military character so far predomi- 
 nate in France, that war should be pursued by the majority 
 of her citizens as a profession or amusement, I fear that 
 most of the natiens of Europe would at last be obliged to 
 yield to her prowess. 
 
 The allied armies, it may be said, will also acquire those 
 fixed and fervid military passions. Admitting the fact, 
 (v/hich from various causes may be greatly doubted,) it 
 brings little consolation ; for the French would maintain, 
 cvt^ris paribus, their present, superiority. 
 
33 
 
 How long the war must be continued before Frailer 
 grows into a decided military republic, having no passion 
 but war, no ambition but for conquest, it is not possible to 
 calculate. Every day of hostilities, every merchant ship 
 that we take from her, every town that we destroy, every 
 source of her commerce that we may dry up, will serve to 
 accelerate that terrible event. 
 
 Among- the other reasons assigned for continuing the 
 war, his majesty's ministers object to acknowledge the 
 French republic, as the convention require. To make 
 this recognization, it is said, would be to admit the un- 
 lawfulness of every government in Europe, and to sign 
 the deposition even of our own king, and the annihilation 
 of our parliament. As applied to England, this objection 
 is not just, whatever it may be in regard to some other 
 countries. Our government has received from the revo- 
 lution of 1688, a popular sanction ; it still emanates in. 
 some measure from the people, and is modified and con- 
 trouled, if not directed by persons whom they appoint. 1 
 cannot therefore see how the fullest admission of the 
 rights of any other people would disclaim the principles 
 of our own constitution. 
 
 But if the title which the French republic assumes were 
 in the higliest degree ridiculous, and even inconsistent 
 v/ith the rights of other states, we ought not to quarrel 
 about it, if the precedents of former times have any autho- 
 ^it3^ With what propriety can his majesty refuse to ac- 
 knowledge the new title of France, on the ground that it 
 impeaches his own right to govern these kingdoms, when 
 his majesty assumes a title which destroys, not by impli- 
 cation, but directly, the right of any one but himself to go- 
 vern France ? 
 
 c2 
 
34 
 
 Another objection to treat for peace at this time is, that 
 we coiild not, considering the events of the last campaign, 
 expect favourable terms. This point is not certain; for, 
 until we make the experiment by negotiation, we cannot 
 tell what terms the enemy would offer. Whatever they 
 might be, the present posture of affairs does not promise 
 that we shall obtain better by continuing the war. It is 
 not indeed likely, that France will abandon all the con- 
 quests she has won. The fair and obvious criterion of ad- 
 justing terms of peace is the relative strength of the belli- 
 gerent parties at the time of negotiation, and it must be 
 thence considered what would be the probable consequen- 
 ces of continuing hostilities. 
 
 But it is said that a treaty which would leave France in 
 possession of Holland and Flanders would be the death 
 warrant of England. Let us examine this assertion. 
 
 The time is not remote since we contended against Hol- 
 land, France, Spain and another power possessing more 
 energy and resources than Portugal and the Italian states ; 
 and yet the existence of the nation was not in danger. All 
 these countries made use only of their ordinary resources ; 
 and if the combination had been aided by as many more 
 coimtries of equal power (in the same circumstances) we 
 should have defended ourselves successfully against them 
 all. 
 
 The enthusiasm that now animates France and renders 
 ber so terrible must soon subside, unless constantly sup- 
 ported by some violent impulse. If peace were establish- 
 ed, no impulse capable of sustaining such an enthusiasm 
 would remain. Commerce, manufactures, and the elegant 
 arts would be cultivated, and France would soon lose her 
 
35 
 
 present fui'ious spirit, and gradually become a regular and 
 flourishing" commonwealth. She might at all times, un- 
 doubtedly, display the military vigour that belongs to free 
 states ; but she would be infinitely less formidable than at 
 present. It is not likely that she would ever have another 
 cause of war capable of inspiring so much enthusiasm as 
 that which she now maintains. In no other cause would 
 any people submit to the violent exei'tions of authority 
 which the French government have sometimes made. We 
 should therefore have nothing to apprehend, from a peace 
 which would leave the French in possession of their prin- 
 cipal conquests. But if the war continues, its original 
 cause will keep up the enthusiasm which puts almost every 
 thing in danger. 
 
 What has not Europe to fear when the immense mass of 
 resources now possessed by France is impelled by that 
 terrible energy, which when exerted upon resources com- 
 paratively small, was sufficient to defeat the assaults of all 
 the great military powers ? 
 
 Mr. Pitt, speaking of the consequences of a fresh rupture 
 with France, which he asserts would follow close upon the 
 heels of a peace negotiated at this time, predicts what, if 
 I mistake not, is diametrically the reverse of what would 
 actually happen. He addressed the House of Commons in 
 these words : ** You would have put an end to the machine 
 which is with so much difficulty set in motion, and which 
 can scarcely at the end of two years be raised to the pitch 
 necessary to try the national strength ; a pitch to which it 
 would be almost impossible to raise it again in the same 
 space. On the other hand, the enemy would find it as im- 
 possible to disband their troops, as, with respect to youv 
 fbrces, you would find it necessary. They would again W 
 
36 
 
 prepared to start with the same gigantic resources, de- 
 riving fresh confidence from the disposition you had shown 
 to peace, and new vigour fr-om the interval which had 
 been afforded to hostilities.'* 
 
 I conceive that France would be precisely in the situa- 
 tion which Mr. Pitt foretels of England. She would find 
 it impossible to raise her national strength, in the space of 
 two years, to its present greatness. Her resources have 
 proceeded from extraordinary causes, have been exacted 
 with extraordinary rigor, and applied with extraordinary 
 energy. Can it be supposed that the government of 
 France have power to infiame the whole nation with 
 enthusiasm at pleasure ; or to pvit in requisition all the 
 men capable of bearing arms, and seize three-fourths 
 of all the landed property ? These are the resources which 
 have enabled France to perform such wonders. On the 
 other hand, England has made use of none but regular re- 
 sources such as the ordinary authority of government is 
 sufficient to command. These the war has undoubtedly 
 impoverished, but the interval of a few years of peace 
 "would restore them, and we should be prepared to start 
 with a great regular force against a wearied and impove- 
 rished enemy. 
 
 Nor w^ould they find it impossible to disband their troops : 
 If they have power to make peace, andrestrain their armies 
 from committing hostilities, they must have the power to 
 disband them. Will not the same authority which it was 
 said dragged them from their families be sufficient to brin^ 
 them back again, and restore them to tranquillity and 
 peace ? The enemy would find it impossible not to disband 
 their troops, because they could not pay them without le- 
 Tying such enormous contributions as no free people wouH 
 in such a case endure. 
 
37 
 
 With regard to the disposition of the captured colonies 
 of France, I doubt whether it would be wise to retain those 
 whose advantages are purely commercial. They mig-ht be 
 the cause of a future war, the more dangerous, as it would 
 appear to have some connection with the present. 
 
 They who dread the power of the enemy, ought not to 
 wish for the destruction of their commerce. France, pos- 
 sessed of flourishing colonies, an extensive commerce, 
 would be vulnerable in every part of the world, and there= 
 fore cautious of putting her wealth in danger by unneces- 
 sary wars ; but without colonies or commerce, she could 
 at all times disturb the world with impunity. Without 
 commerce, and its train of luxuries, the national character 
 .of the French will become stern and ferocious ; there will 
 be nothing left of sufficient influence to soften their man- 
 ners, and counteract their dangerous military spirit. Com- 
 merce, it is said, is a nursery of seamen ; but privateers 
 and men of war, when in service, supply a much greater 
 number. Algiers, without commerce, has seamen enough 
 to annoy any nation in the world. Commerce and manu- 
 factures employ a multitude of persons more advantage- 
 ously than war : Commercial and manufacturing states, 
 cannot, therefore, without exertions of tyranny, rarely to 
 be attempted, furnish such immense armies as other states 
 of equal population. States of the former kind will draw 
 a great part of their military resources from their com- 
 merce, and will therefore endeavour to extend it. But the 
 more extensive it is, it requires the greater protection in 
 w^ar, and thus a^great part of the public force is diverted 
 from oifensive operations. 
 
 In commercial countries there is always a powerful in- 
 terest, both in property and numbers, for preserving peace ; 
 
38 
 
 and though this interest has been frequently, and some- 
 times justly disregarded, it will always have great weight 
 where the government is popular. 
 
 The truth of these positions has been repeatedly proved. 
 When Holland made the powers of Europe and India trem- 
 ble, her commerce was less considerable than at subse- 
 quent periods, when her political influence was despised. 
 Denmark now- flourishes in agriculture and commerce, and 
 contains as many inhabitants as it did nine centuries ago ; 
 yet it is classed among the inferior states ; but at that 
 time, when it possessed no commerce, and was only a nur- 
 sery of warriors, it was the scourge of Europe. To des- 
 troy the commerce of France, is to force upon France the 
 character of Algiers, or to furnish Algiers with the resour- 
 ces of France ; it is to give justness to the comparison 
 which our enemies, in their pride and audacity, are so fond 
 ef making between themselves and the Romans, and be- 
 tween England and Carthage. 
 
 It is asserted, that a peace made Vv^ith the present govern- 
 ment of France would not be permanent; that we could 
 not expect from such a peace any cordial intercourse, any 
 \iseful commerce, any desirable friendship ; that it would 
 be a peace with an enraged enemy, in which there could 
 exist no confidence on either side, and that it would ne- 
 cessarily give rise to a state of jealousy, suspicion, and 
 constant armament. 
 
 This argument, admitting the statement on which it is 
 founded to be j ust, may be urged by the enemy as well as 
 ourselves, and therefore it would authorise eternal hostili- 
 ty between us. But it is not easy to conceive that any ar- 
 jg^ment can be morally good which would justify two na- 
 
39 
 
 tions in contending till one or both of them should be de- 
 stroyed. 
 
 The French would probably respect a treaty of peace> 
 liecause it would be their interest to avoid war. It will be 
 a long time before they recover what they have lost in this 
 contention ; and the sacrifices they have made, will, when 
 they think coolly and dispassionately, make them very 
 willing to engage in further struggles. 
 
 The frequent changes in the administration of the 
 government of France, should not prevent negotiation. 
 Such changes take place in monarchical governments, 
 where the prince or the minister with whom we treat one 
 day, may die, or be dismissed the next. During the first 
 years of the present reign, the changes of his majesty's 
 ministers were almost as frequent as those in France since 
 the revolution, and the different administrations favoured 
 different systems of foreign politics. 
 
 The party that now govern the French republic, have 
 continued in power more than nine months : — How much 
 longer must they triumph, before they can be denominated 
 a stable government ? Are we to inflict upon ourselves the 
 miseries of war, until their characters become pure and 
 their authority permanent ? If this be the resolution, the 
 public misery may be eternal. 
 
 It seems extraordinary that England should fear the 
 establishment of a government, which other countries of 
 inferior power behold with indifference. It would be more 
 wise and honourable to acknowledge the French govern- 
 ment, just as they are at this time, than to be forced t© 
 make the recognition hereafter by disasters and defeat. 
 
40 
 
 If the present war is distinguished by some unusual cala- 
 mities, an immediate peace would be attended with many- 
 peculiar advantages. Li commerce we should be left with- 
 out a rival, since most of the great commercial capitals of 
 France and Holland, our only former competitors, have 
 been broken by the war. It will require great exertions of 
 industry, and many years of peace, before these capitals 
 can be restored. In the United States of America, the 
 price of labour is so high, and the agricultural system ne- 
 cessarily so predominant, that they cannot for half a cen- 
 tury be formidable rivals to us in manufactures, or in mari- 
 time trade. An immediate peace would give us the car- 
 rying trade of all Europe. France alone, if the commer- 
 cial treaty were revived, would be an ample market for 
 all our staple commodities. The republic of America, 
 whose prosperity in a commercial view, is the prosperity 
 of Great-Britain, is now our richest market, and we could 
 supply it more largely and beneficially, when freight and 
 insurance were reduced in price. If the convulsions of the 
 war have impoverished our customers in many parts of 
 the world, the loss would be compensated by our being 
 unrivalled in their markets. To possess the whole of a 
 certain portion of commerce, may be more advantageous 
 than to share v/ith others a much greater one. But if we 
 continue the war for a long time, our trading capitals may 
 be broken or dispersed, like those of Holland, Flanders, 
 and France. When taxes become extraordinarily burthen- 
 some, our merchants and manufacturers w ill endeavour to 
 remove to some country, where they may enjoy their 
 wealth in more security, and employ it to greater advan- 
 tage. If the war should continue till it produces these ef- 
 fects, it may not then be in the power of peace to restore 
 our commerce. Capital is seldom withdrawn from one 
 country to another, unless great advantages are promised 
 
41 
 
 by the removal ; and it will require a stronger impulse t© 
 bring- it back, than that which removed it originally. When 
 a splendid commerce once departs from a nation, it seldom 
 rises to its former opulence and grandeur ; as the fortunes 
 of Pavia, Venice, Genoa and Antwerp, fully demonstrate. 
 Natural advantages are not so much the source and spring 
 of commerce, as great pecuniary capitals, which have al- 
 ways an mclination to withdraw from countries afflicted 
 by war and internal disturbances, and to seek refuge in 
 the bosom of peace and liberty. 
 
 Peace would calm those political dissections, which 
 have so dreadfully disturbed society. 
 
 The question of the establishment of the French repub- 
 lic has been their chief cause, and when this question wae j 
 forever closed, they would yield to those moderate disputes 
 respecting- principles and parties on which there never can 
 be an uniformity of opinion, as long as men have different 
 understandings, interests, prejudices, and passions. 
 
 The greatest evils of the French revolution have been 
 the private feuds and the intolerant spirit it has engen- 
 dered. "When these predominate, friendship is forgotten, 
 honour violated ; and perfidy, treachery, and even murder 
 are committed, not only with impunity, but with applause, 
 if the victim be politically obnoxious ; the public sense of 
 rig-ht becomes vitiated ; the milder virtues, which are the 
 most estimable and the most viseful, are disregarded, and 
 they will cease to be practised as they cease to be ad- 
 mired. 
 
 One of Mr. Pitt's objections to a peace, by which the 
 French republic should be acknowledged, is, tliat it would 
 
 D 
 
42 
 
 introduce jacobinism amongst us, and overturn our consti- 
 tution. But how are these events connected ? What have 
 ve to dread from the example of the French ? Nothing, 
 surely, from what has happened. All the events of the 
 French revolution tend to confirm the admirers of our 
 constitution in their political opinions. 
 
 If the object of continuing- the v/ar, be to prevent the in- 
 sinuation of jacobin principles into this country, how much 
 more effectual would peace be to that end ; how much bet- 
 ter an answer to them the actual comforts and improving 
 condition of the people, than even the most brilliant suc- 
 cesses abroad, which might lessen those comforts and de- 
 teriorate that condition. 
 
 It is also said that if peace is made before a counter-re- 
 volution is effected in France, the Christian religion is 
 lost. No Christian can be of this opinion ; for upon the 
 authority on which the religion itself is founded, he is told 
 that Providence is pledged for its eternal preservation. 
 
 But what additional force, what new arguments have the 
 enemies of Christianity acquired by the French revolution ? 
 Will the declamations of Robespierre, or the disgusting 
 blasphemy of Dupont, have more effect in shaking the cre- 
 dit of revelation, than the logic of Hume, the satire of Vol- 
 taire, or the eloquence of Rousseau ? 
 
 Can the jacobin infidels boast such purity of morals as 
 to compensate for their deficiency of argument ? Will the 
 example of their conduct convert those on whom their de- 
 clamations have no effect ? Is there any thing so fascina- 
 ting in their delations, perfidies, massacres and proscrip- 
 tions, as to make men renounce the religion to which they 
 
43 
 
 have hitherto zealously adhered, in spite of all the indug- 
 try and ability that have assailed it ? 
 
 ■ > 
 
 Every one in the kingdom would be immediately and 
 largely benefited by peace. It would immediately increase 
 the value of every species of property, and the price of 
 every kind of labour. 
 
 Indeed, as to the propriety of making peace (if a secure 
 and honourable one were by any means attainable) at this 
 time, there cannot be two opinions among unbiassed men. 
 The enemy declare they are desirous of peace ; the neutral- 
 ity of Prussia takes away all hope of recovering Holland ; 
 Austria, the Italian powers and Spain are on the eve of 
 withdrawing from the contest, and leaving us to sustain 
 unaided, the whole force and fury of France ; Ireland is 
 convulsed ; our colonies in the West-Indies are distracted 
 by the attacks of the enemy and by insurrections ; even 
 Great-Britain is threatened by famine ; tumults of the 
 most dangerous kind have already happened in different 
 parts of the country in consequence of the high price of 
 provisions. Are these the circumstances in which it is 
 prudent for England to contend ad intemecionem, with such 
 a power as the republic of France ? 
 
 It is high time for the people to awake from their le- 
 thargy, and endeavour by an immediate exertion of their 
 constitutional rights to save their country from impending 
 ruin. Their opinion expressed in remonstrances to their 
 representatives in parliament, and in humble petitions to 
 the throne, would be respected, and would in the end be 
 effectual. 
 
44 
 
 Perhaps there is no 3nan in the country who, from his 
 talents, experience, eloquence, popularity and fortitude, 
 might be more advantag-eously employed in the adminis- 
 tration of her affairs, than Mr Fox His well known frank, 
 open and determined character, and the energy belonging- 
 to his liberal principles of government, would incline (or 
 would soon compel) the enemy to offer just and honour- 
 able terms of peace. 
 
 FINIS. 
 
A LETTER 
 
 TO 
 
 THE DUKE OF PORTLAND, 
 
 BEING 
 
 AJM ANSWER TO THE TWO LETTERS 
 
 OF THE 
 
 RIGHT HONORABLE EDMUND BURKE^ 
 
 AGAINST 
 
 TBEATIJVG FOB PEACE 
 
 WITH THE 
 
 FRENCH REPUBLIC. 
 
 £t/ James TForkinan, Esq- 
 
 My Lord, 
 
 THOSE who are the least disposed to admit 
 the justice of an author's prejudice in favour of the sub- 
 ject he has chosen, will not be so hardy as to deny the im- 
 portance of that which I am now about to discuss, when 
 its difficulties occupy the talents of the most able, and its 
 consequences fill the minds of the most courageous with 
 anxiety. It was in the auspicious moment when a neg-o- 
 tiation was undertaken, to extinguish the flames of war 
 which have so long and so violently raged throughout the 
 world, that a writer whose ability is hardly surpassed by 
 his zeal, endeavours to light them up with fiercer fury 
 than they have yet displayed, and to feed them with such 
 fuel that no one now living could expect to see the end of 
 their devouring progress. 
 
48 
 
 That his arguments against negotiation for peace with 
 France, maintained with all his wojited strength of reasoning, 
 illustrated from the richest stores of his almost unbound- 
 ed knowledge, and adorned with all the splendour of his 
 unfaded imagination, may make a deep impression upon 
 the country, is reasonably to be apprehended : to pre- 
 vent or to remove such a misfortune is the object of 
 this letter, which does not, in my opinion, require to be 
 prefaced with much apolog3^ The greatness of the dan- 
 ger in which our country might be placed, affords an ex- 
 cuse for the humblest endeavour to avert it ; and the pos- 
 sibility of suggesting a hint which may be useful m the con- 
 duct of any of her important affairs, is a full justification, 
 of him who publishes his observations on so high a national 
 concern as that which I have undertaken to investigate. 
 
 The substance of Mr. Burke's Letters is nearly contain- 
 ed in the follov.dng propositions : 
 
 1st. That his majesty's ministers should not have recog- 
 nised the government of the French republic, because the 
 true and lawful French nation is not now represented by 
 it, nor to be found within the limits of geographical France, 
 but in the foreign countries in which her lawful represent- 
 tives are exiled ; 
 
 2d. That we should not recognise that republic, because 
 she is of a wicked, infamous and abominable character. 
 
 od. That if we make peace witii her, our religion, pro- 
 perty, constitution, and laws, and the whole system of go- 
 vernment, usages, morals and manners, now established 
 in Europe, will be speedily destroyed. 
 
 4th. That we and all the nations of Europe ought there- 
 fore, to continue the war until the republican government 
 
49 
 
 .)t' France and the whole system on which it depends, he 
 subverted ; that we should oppose to it for this purpose a 
 force, bearing some analogy and resemblance to the force 
 and spirit which that system exerts, and that our resources 
 are still great and abundant. 
 
 I shall examine those propositions separately and in the 
 order in which I have arranged them. 
 
 The distinction made by Mr. Burke between the sup- 
 posed moral nation of France, consisting of her exiled 
 prince and her expelled nobility, clerg-y and gentry, and 
 that supposed unlawful French nation which now exists 
 within the territories of France, and is represented by the 
 present French government, may afford one subject of dis- 
 pute on the right meaning of words, and another on the 
 conduct which the governments of Europe should observe 
 with respect to those rival nations. Which of the two 
 ought to be called with propriety the French nation, is a 
 question rather verbal than political, and therefore impro- 
 per to be examined in a work professing only political dis- 
 cussion ; but which of the two his majesty should recog- 
 nise and negotiate with for the advantage of his subjects, 
 is a question on vt^hich Mr. Burke's opinion seems refutable 
 with as mTich certainty as can be expected in any political 
 demonstration. 
 
 When two governments negotiate a treaty, they in fact 
 do no more than make a law to bind their respective sub- 
 jects. With whom then, as the representative of the 
 French people, is his majesty, for the benefit of his sub- 
 jects, to negotiate in order to ascertain boundaries, to de- 
 termine disputed rights, to regulate commercial inter- 
 ceurse, but with the persons who have the power to make 
 
50 
 
 laws for the French people, and to compel tliem to the ob- 
 servance of the stipulated restrictions and regulations I 
 
 To negotiate with persons who have no power to legis- 
 late, would be absurd and even ridiculous ; and to recog- 
 nise as a national authority any persons who have no power 
 to negotiate, would be a mere ceremony, which, whatever 
 pleasure it might afford, to the corresponding parties, could 
 be of no advantage to the subjects of him who made the 
 recognition. 
 
 Mr. Burke may, therefore, use the words French nation 
 in whatever sense his ingenuity or his affections may sug- 
 gest. But the French nation with which the governments 
 of Europe have any business to negotiate, is that people 
 which now inhabits geographical France. With the mem- 
 bers of the former and now exiled corporate body of France, 
 his majesty's subjects have no intercourse or connexion 
 that reqviires any other regulations than such as may be 
 obtained by negotiating with the governments of the coun- 
 tries in which the unhappy exiles reside. 
 
 To illustrate his opinion, Mr. Burke supposes a dreadful 
 calamity. He supposes all the royal family murdered, and 
 all the persons of worth, w^isdom and respectability that 
 England contains imprisoned, plundered, exiled or assas- 
 sinated by a faction of robbers. Is it, he demands, to this 
 faction he is to look for his country ? Would not the exiles 
 alone be his government and his fellow citizens ? Would 
 iiot their places of refuge be his temporary country ? 
 Would not all his duties and all his af?'ections be there and 
 there only ? What should he think if the potentates of Eu- 
 rope, being geographers instead of kings, recognised this 
 geometrical measurement as tlie honourable member of 
 Europe called England ? 
 
51 
 
 This case forms no exception to the principle I have ven- 
 tured to lay down. Without impugning it, in the least, 
 Mr. Burke's questions may be satisfactorily answered. 
 
 With his usual dexterity in the management of argu- 
 ments and analogies he presumes that the duties of a Bri- 
 tish citizen and a foreign prince, with regard to a British 
 government, may be strictly and exactly the same. But 
 this cannot happen. A government, with regard to the 
 citizen, is or ought to be a just and moral power. A go- 
 vernment with regard to a foreign potentate is a physical 
 power, which, acting within its proper range, is indepen- 
 dent of him by the laws of public right, and which it is his 
 duty to regard chiefly as it may affect the conditions of 
 his subjects. In Mr. Burke's supposed case the affections 
 and duties of every good citizen would certainly be with 
 the exiles and the rest of his oppressed countrymen, and 
 he should make every possible effort to deliver them from 
 tyranny and to punish their tyrants. But the good citizen 
 and the wise sovereign would have different duties to ob- 
 serve. The one is bound to consider in the first place the 
 rights and the happiness of his commonwealth ; the other 
 the welfare of his kingdom. The one acts entirely for the 
 benefit of his countrymen, the other chiefly for the safety 
 and prosperity of his subjects. The one should neither 
 obey nor recognise any public authority, (unless obliged 
 by necessity,) except the rightful one ; but should endea- 
 vour by all possible means to subvert any government 
 founded on the violation of his country's rights ; the other 
 should recognise every government whatever, and should, 
 if possible, avoid going to war with any power, however 
 vile and infamous, that could destroy the happiness of his 
 people. 
 
52 
 
 I do not deny that this potentate would have a right tt^ 
 deliver us from the tyranny of the robbers. God forbid 
 I should maintain such a selfish and ungenerous doctrine, 
 as that human beings can ever be bound by their duty to 
 behold tamely the wrongs of any of their fellow creatures, 
 or that any people have not a full right to rescue any other 
 from a galling bondage. Our affections should not be 
 wholly absorbed by our country ; they ought to be extend- 
 ed to the whole human race. 
 
 But this right of one government to interfere by force 
 on behalf of the oppressed subjects of another, can only be 
 acknowledged with severe restrictions, and must not be 
 exercised but with the greatest prudence. It would other- 
 wise occasion endless wars, and defeat its own generous 
 purposes. The oppression that may be thus lawfully re- 
 mioved must be obvious, flagrant and g-alling. We have no 
 right to redress any grievances in a foreign country that 
 are not severely felt and loudly complained of ; for no right 
 can exist that would allow any one nation in the world to 
 disturb at its pleasure the peace of all the others. He who 
 would achieve the emancipation of an enslaved people 
 should be morally certain that he is able to perform what 
 he wishes to undertake : If he fails in the attempt, he may 
 not only ruin Ms ov.^n subjects, but by enraging the tyrants, 
 he will certainly make the condition of their victims more 
 deplorable. He should also be well assured, that the 
 changes which he intends to introduce will be not only 
 good in themselves, but agreeable to the objects of his 
 generous interference. Indeed, his right extends no further 
 than to deliver them from their oppressors. He ma}'- re- 
 commend m.easures ; but if he enforces any, against the in- 
 clination of the country for which they are designed, he 
 vitiates ail his proceedings from the beginning. His con- 
 
53 
 
 duct shows that he was not actuated by benevolence, but 
 ambition. He is to be regarded not as a deliverer, but as 
 a conqueror. The transition from one of these characters 
 to the other, is so easy and natural, and has happened so 
 very often, that a wise citizen will endure much before he 
 seeks deliverance from a foreign power. Had your grace 
 lived in England during the tyranny of the fanatics, I think 
 you would not have called upon the czar of Moscovy for 
 redress. 
 
 Applying these principles to the solution of Mr. Burke's 
 questions ; any potentate of Europe would have a full right 
 to restore to us our liberties by force, if he were called 
 upon by the voice or the feelings of the country. But he 
 would not be morally bound to interfere thus in our con- 
 cerns, if it were probable or even possible, that his inter- 
 ference might ruin liis kingdom. He would owe a duty 
 indeed to our enslaved countrjnnen, but a much higher 
 duty to his own subjects. . 
 
 Suppose the situation of England was what Mr. Burke 
 has imagined, and that your grace was at the same time a 
 minister, directing the councils of any foreign power ; of 
 the kingdom of Portugal for instance, or the republic of the 
 United States of America. — Would you refuse to recognise 
 the English usurpers, if you knew that the refusal would 
 instigate them to cut up your commerce ; to plunder your 
 merchants ; to destroy your colonies ; and perhaps to send 
 out a navy that might lay Lisbon or Philadelphia in ashes I 
 In these circumstances you certainly ought not to refuse. 
 You would have no right to sport with the high charge en- 
 trusted to your keeping, nor to bring ruin on your country 
 for any class of persons, however deserving and unfortu- 
 nate. 
 
 E 
 
54 
 
 But the question of war or peace is not implicated in this 
 question of recognition. We ought to recognise and cor- 
 respond with the government of a state which is our ene- 
 my, on the same principle of mutual advantage that would 
 induce us to negotiate with that state, if it were our friend. 
 Correspondence between governments may diminish the 
 calamities of their subjects in war almost as much as it 
 can augment their prosperity in peace. In the prosecution 
 of hostilities, how detrimental would it be to the bellige- 
 rent parties if conventions, which imply recognition, and 
 which cannot take place without correspondence, were not 
 entered into concerning the observance of capitulations, 
 the exchange or ra,nsom of prisoners, the care of the wound- 
 ed, and the signals of defiance and submission ? With 
 whom, on the part of the warriors opposed to us, can we 
 negotiate these conventions ? With those only whom those 
 warriors obey- 
 
 If, therefore, it were even right to continue the war with 
 France for the subversion of her government, we should 
 yet acknowledge as a nation, the people, however wicked 
 or deluded, that we are fighting with, and recognise as 
 the representative of that nation, the government, however 
 infamous, which it obeys. Our recognition would not re- 
 tard for one moment the attainment of our object, if it were 
 attainable ; and whether attainable or not, the recognition, 
 without occasioning any evil, would be productive of many 
 advantages to us, which we could not otherwise possess. 
 
 " Mere locality," says Mr. Burke, "does not constitute 
 *' a body politic. Had Cade and his gang got possession 
 ** of London, they would not have been the lord mayor, al- 
 ** dermen, and common council."— True ; they would not 
 leave been the lord mayor, aldermen, and common counci!, 
 
55 
 
 any more than the directory, the legislative councils, and 
 the existing- tribunals of France are the king, the states- 
 general, and the ancient parliaments. But yet had Cade 
 maintained possession of London, in spite of all the exer- 
 tions of the government, and had destroyed or plundered 
 all those who attempted to expel him, it would have been 
 great folly in the citizens of Venice or Florence, whose 
 affairs might require them to come to our metropolis, 
 to have refused to call him lord Mortimer, or by any 
 other title he might have thought proper to assume. 
 By making this recognition they would have been able 
 to prosecute their affairs without interruption ; and by- 
 refusing it they might not only have deprived them- 
 selves of commercial advantages, but would have subjected 
 themselves to the depredations of his lordship's gang ; al- 
 though their refusal to acknowledge his title could not have 
 had the smallest tendency to mitigate the evil, or abridge 
 the period of his usurpation.* 
 
 The second proposition deducible from Mr. Burke's let- 
 ters, is, " That his majesty's ministers should not recog- 
 
 * Second part of Henry VI. Scene VL 
 Enter Jack Cade. 
 Cade. J^ow is Mortimer lord of this city .—And noio hence- 
 foi^cvard it shall be treason for any that calls me other than 
 lord Mortimer. 
 
 Enter a Soldier, running. 
 Soldier. Jack Cade.' Jack Cade! 
 Cade. Knock him doiun there, f They kill him. J 
 Smith. If this fellotv be ivise, he'll neve, call you Jaqk 
 Cade any more ,• / think he hath a very fair teaming: 
 
56 
 
 nise the French republic, because she is of a ^vicked, in- 
 famous, and abominable character." 
 
 Admitting", for the argument, that she is of that charac- 
 ter, the inference of Mr. Burke will not follow ; because 
 Iiis majesty, according to the practice of his predecessors, 
 and of most of the potentates of Europe, has long recog- 
 nised the government of what Mr. Burke calls the republic 
 of Algiers ; a government as wicked and abominable as can 
 well exist, and composed of as infamous materials as can 
 enter into the composition of any public body whatever. 
 
 But Mr, Burke maintains that the analog-ical argument 
 drawn from Algiers is not conclusive ; for, although he is 
 willing to admit that it has a constitution similar to what 
 he calls the present tumultuous military tyranny of France, 
 and that the Alg-erine community resembles the commu- 
 nity of France, yet he fears great danger from the recog- 
 nition of the French republic, and little or none from the 
 recognition of Algiers. Algiers, he observes, is not near 
 us, not powerful, not infectious ; and as it is an old crea- 
 tion, we have good data to calculate the whole of the mis- 
 cliief to be apprehended from it. 
 
 To determine whether a government of an abominable 
 character, should be recogniised, we must be guided by 
 considerations either of national honour or national inte- 
 rest. If the question relative to the recognisation of the 
 French republic, is upon the point of honour, the prece- 
 dent of Algiers seems to be of sufficient authority. If it 
 be a stain upon our national dignity, that we recognise and 
 iiegotiate with infamous governments, the stain is of the 
 same kind whatever power they may possess, and in What- 
 ever part ©f thft world they may b» situated. It can €tr- 
 
57 
 
 tainly be no extenuation of the disgrace that may be incut- 
 red by corresponding with infamy, that it resides at some 
 hundred miles distance, or that it has preserved for a great 
 length of time the consistency of its flagitious character. 
 
 Considering the recognition of Algiers only as a measure 
 of prudence, the argument drawn from its analogy is irre- 
 fragable. 
 
 It is not the recognition, but the refusal to recognise a 
 state that can be attended with danger. Why is it prudent 
 for ministers to negotiate with the Algerine government I 
 Because they obtain from it a forbearance of piracy. But 
 if for this reason we recognise the robbers of Algiers, who 
 can prosecute their depredations with but a few miserably- 
 armed vessels, and who, with their whole force could not 
 conquer the weakest of our colonies ; would it not be down- 
 right madness to refuse to recognise the robbers of Frances 
 (if indeed the French government merit that name) who 
 can prosecute their depredations on our property with 
 fifty ships of the line, and six times that number of stout 
 frigates and privateers of their own, and with as many 
 more ships of war which they have either forced or per- 
 suaded their friends to arm against us ; who would proba- 
 bly capture a thousand of our merchantmen in the same 
 time that the Algerine ruffians could take a score ; who, 
 with much short of their whole force, could conquer ot 
 destroy our most flourishing colonies, and who, in their 
 audacity, do even meditate the conquest of the empire 
 itself? Would it be prudent to avoid a wasp and encounter 
 :t tyger ? To sooth the anger of a mischievous dwarf, an4 
 rouse the rage of a ferocious giant ? 
 
 Viewing the present and the former state of the powers 
 itf Europe, do we find that any one of them has lost by rC- 
 
 E 2 
 
58 
 
 cognising', or gained by refusing to recognise the French 
 republic ? Not the late sovereign of Russia, certainly, for 
 she might have possessed herself of Poland with the same 
 facility, and perhaps with better grace and more consist- 
 ency of character, had she maintained the most friendly 
 correspondence with the robber and exterminator Robes- 
 pierre. Has Denmark, or America, or Prussia, or Hanover 
 lost any thing by recognising the French commonwealth 3 
 Has the late king of Sardinia, or the duke of Wurtemburgh, 
 or any other potentate of Europe, gained any thing by re- 
 fusing to negotiate with that state ? 
 
 The wish of Mr. Burke that we should not acknowledge 
 the present rulers of France, appears to proceed in part, 
 from a most pure and noble motive. He supposes them to 
 be guilty of every crime, turpitude, and oppression to- 
 wards their subjects, whose deliverance from what he calls 
 the vilest and severest tyranny that ever scourged the 
 earth, with the pimishment of their tyrants, are among 
 the great objects which he hopes to accomplish by conti- 
 nuing the war. But from many events of universal notorie- 
 ty, it must appear as ridiculous as impolitic to continue 
 the war any longer in order to punish the government of 
 France for oppressing her people. They have not only not 
 solicited us to deliver them from any oppression, but they 
 iiave themselves punished most severely all who have at- 
 tempted to interfere in their concerns. Supposing then the 
 tyi'anny of the present rulers of France to be as odious and 
 oppressive as Mr. Burke's information induces him to be- 
 lieve, their subjects highly deserve whatever they may 
 suffer, for having treated with such rude ingratitude all 
 the armies which the allies have ever sent for their delive- 
 rance. Let us, therefore, no longer punish ourselves, nor 
 even subject ourselves to the slightest inconvenience to 
 €ioancipa\.e tiiem, and let no oppression that may be ex> 
 
59 
 
 ercised on persons who are so willing' to endure it, retard 
 for one moment the re-establishment of the tranquillity of 
 Europe. 
 
 In proving the propriety of recognising" the most infa' 
 mous g'overnments, I have performed much more than my 
 case required. Desirous of completely refuiing,Mr. Burke's 
 arguments, I have hitherto admitted the principal facts on 
 which he founds them. But I have admitted a great deal 
 too much. The present government of France is far from 
 being of the infamous character which Mr. Burke de- 
 scribes. 
 
 To have negotiated with such infernal monsters as He- 
 bert, Marat, Chaumette, and Robespierre, might, in the 
 opinion of many, have been unsafe and dishonorable. But 
 this admitted, it would nevertheless have been unwise and 
 even dishonorable to have refused to negotiate with the 
 members of the directory ; because it would be unjust to 
 class these men, insolent and presumptuous as they are, 
 with the execrable ruffians, whose sanguinary domination 
 so long- afflicted the world. Some, indeed, of her present 
 rulers were of the number of those ruffians ; but they have 
 in some measure expiated their guilt. Tallien, for in- 
 stance, was foremost among those v/ho hurled Robespierre 
 from his throne of terror, and established, what in compari- 
 son with his rule, is the reign of humanity and mercy. 
 But whatever number of the old may have place in the 
 composition of the new government, there is certainly a very 
 great difference between its spirit and character, and the 
 spirit and character of its predecessor. Do we now hear ' 
 of any thing to remind us of those massacres which can- 
 not be reraembered without horror, except the punishment 
 of the perpetrators ? Do the present rulers of France maiji' 
 
60 
 
 tain themselves by proscriptions, exiles, and confiscations 
 without number ? Do they now carry fire and sword through 
 La Vendee ? Have they not faithfully observed the condi- 
 tions of their agreements with tke brave inhabitants of that 
 desolated territory ? Are they not entitled to a portion of 
 our regard for restoring liberty to such of our countrjTiien 
 as the perfidious and pusillanimous tyrant, without right 
 •r expediency, had consigned to his dungeons, for mitiga- 
 ting the captivity of those whose imprisonment was una- 
 voidable from the fortune and the taws of war, and for deli- 
 vering from death the myriads of their own nation, whose 
 blood was soon to have diminished the fears, or gi'atified 
 the vengeance of their oppressors ? 
 
 In almost every respect the chiefs of the new govern- 
 Hient are diametvically opposite to the jacobin* faction. 
 They encourage with a zeal that the worst of their enemies 
 must esteem laudable, the improvement of the arts and 
 sciences ; not those only which administer to the art of 
 war, but ail which can either augment the mass of useful 
 knov/ledge or afford delig'ht. Their projected establish-- 
 ments for the education of youth, merit universal attention 
 
 * Throughout this -worh the tvord jacobin is used, and 
 perhaps correctly, in the sense in tvhich it is nott>, and has been 
 for upwards of txvo years understood in the phice ivhere the 
 term originated. I define jacobinism to be the system of poH^ 
 tics adopted by the Jacobin Club of Paris, from the year 1793 
 to the time of its destruction, and acted upon in various pla' 
 €es, by Le Bon, Freron, Collot d^Herbois, Carrier, J^larat, 
 mnd Robespierre. By jacobinism, I mean that system which 
 drenched Frunce -mth Mood, and intindated it mth tears / 
 
61 
 
 and Imitation. Their manners, still more than tlieir mo- 
 rals, are remote from jacobin usage. They have laid aside 
 that barbarous grossness of language which was once es-- 
 teemed an essential in the accomplishment of a repviblican. 
 The squalid and sordid apparel heretofore displayed with 
 such ludicrious and grotesque vanity is no longer in the 
 mode of Paris. The ministers and senators of the French 
 republic have long thought that there is no necessary con- 
 nexion, and indeed nothing congenial, between dirt and 
 patriotism ; between rags and liberty. Were your lord- 
 ship now to visit Paris in a diplomatic capacity, you would 
 hear of none but former atrocities ; you would not see one 
 person brought to the guillotine (or as the exterminators 
 facetiously expressed it, " peeping through the little na- 
 tional window,") for the promulgation of opinions ; you 
 would be led into apartments as splendid as any in Burling- 
 ton house, and you would be introduced to a gentleman 
 
 proscribed probity, virtue, and true philosophy ; almost anni' 
 hilated cojnmsrce, arts, and sciences ; corrupted morcd priU' 
 ciple in its source ; delegated the po-wer of life and death to 
 the most vile aiid ferocious of men ; erected 50,000 bastiles, 
 and filled them tdth pretended conspirators ; massacred age 
 on its bed of pain / ?nurdered infancy in the mother's ■womb ; 
 violated chastity in the moment of death ,• changed the Bhone 
 and the Loire to rivers of blood ; Vaucluse to a fountain of 
 tears ; J^antes to a sepidchre ; Paris, Arras, Bordeaux, and 
 Strasbourg to slaughter houses ; and France to one vast theatre 
 of pillage and murder. When, therefore, I speak of Jaco- 
 binism, I cannot cdlude to any thifig English. There is no- 
 thing in England even like it. Instead of 80,000 JaeoklM^ 
 I de not believe the- Qountm emUains «?ie> 
 
62 
 
 wearing as handsome robes as your own, who would speak 
 to you with politeness. Whatever might be the lofty and 
 unreasonable demands of the directory, they would not be 
 made in the style of the Pere Duchesne. You would be 
 respected as the representative of a sovereign power, and 
 you would find among the members of the French govern- 
 ment, some men of splendid talents and extensive reputa- 
 tion, whose acquaintance.it would not disgrace any persoii 
 in Europe to cultivate^ 
 
 Xot one of the objections which have been urged 
 against treating for peace with France diuing the despo- 
 tism of the jacobin oligarchy, will apply in her present 
 circumstances. The actual government of that country 
 has given, during upwards of two years past, as good proof 
 ©f its stability as ought to be required in any times, parti- 
 cularly in such times of change and uncertainty as these. 
 It adheres steadily to one system j and has assumed a re- 
 spectable, although a haughty, character. It utters no 
 gross invectives against any kings, or any forms of govern- 
 ment ; it has abandoned the destructive design of impo- 
 sing its own political system upon all other nations, and is 
 as inveterately the enemy of jacobin principles as any ca- 
 binet in Europe. 
 
 Although the negotiations for peace are unfortunately 
 broken off, the formal recognition of the French govern- 
 ment may be attended with considerable advantage to us. 
 We have not merely acknowledged it, as we might have 
 done, although we at the same time prepared for its de- 
 struction ; we have recognised the system on which it is 
 founded. We have given our solemn sanction to the French 
 revolution ; and have, by that measure, renounced the tn- 
 
63 
 
 iquitous purpose of continuing' the war, for the restoration 
 of the monarchy, which that revokition overthrew. The 
 French government being- thus scarcely established, the 
 tremendous enthusiasm which arose out of the attempts to 
 subvert it, will be damped, if not destroyed. This main 
 spring of the martial prosperity and glory of the French 
 republic, derived all its strength from the dangers that 
 threatened her existence, and cannot retain its pristine 
 force after the formal recognition of her legitimacy, by all 
 her enemies. She can now continue the war for no other 
 Qbjects than extension of territory and of commerce ; ob- 
 jects that a whole people can never be made to pursue with 
 the same enthusiasm, which they would display in defence 
 of their favorite government, and their national indepen- 
 dence. This recognition may not only abate the enthusi- 
 asm of France, but rouse and animate the whole English 
 nation. The same causes that occasioned in France those 
 mig-hty exertions that have no parallel in the history of the 
 world, would operate, I trust, in Great-Britain, with equal 
 power. If it should ever appear that our enemies prose- 
 cute the war for the purpose of destroying our indepen- 
 dence or of subverting any establishment that we wish to 
 maintain, or imposing upon us any system or establishment 
 that we abominate, 1 trust there would spring up amongst 
 us a national enthusiasm, of such fervour and energy, as to 
 justify the expectation, that our exertions would even sur- 
 pass the hitherto unexampled exertions of the enemy. 
 
 If we followed the advice of Mr. Burke, never to ac- 
 knowledge the French republic, we could never prose- 
 cute the war against her with enthusiasm, nor would her 
 zeal against us ever be diminished. The spirit of the peo- 
 ple of England would be deadened by the opinion, that 
 their blood and treasure were wasted to gratify the obsti- 
 
64- 
 
 Rate pride of his majesty's ministers ; and the spirit of the 
 people of France would be buoyed up to its highest pitch 
 by the consideration which their rulers might fairly, and 
 no doubt would continually press, that our refusal to ac- 
 knowledge their government was indisputable evidence o 
 a project for its subversion. 
 
 The mode in which we have recognised the French re- 
 public appears to Mr. Burke imprudent, and not justified 
 by any example. *' I doubt," says he, ** upon mere tem- 
 ** porary considerations of prudence whether it (the for- 
 " mal recognition of that state) was perfectly advisable. 
 " It is not within the rules of dexterous conduct to make 
 *' an acknowledgment of a contested title in your enemy, 
 ** before you are morally certain that your recognition will 
 " secure his friendship. Otherwise it is a measvu'e worse 
 *' than thrown away. It adds infinitely to the strength and 
 *' consequently to the demands of the adverse party. He 
 " has gained a fundamental point without an equivalent.'* 
 
 In the unconditional recognition of the French republic, 
 we were perfectly authorised by the example of the Ame- 
 rican war. The United States of America were recogni- 
 sed in the first instance and without stipulation, condition, 
 or equivalent by a minister whom Mr. Burke then support- 
 ed.* But the unconditional acknovv^ledgment now in ques- 
 
 * Thefolloxcing passage is extracted from a speech of J\Ir. 
 Burke'' s, as it appeared in Debretfs Reports of one of tJie 
 debates of the house of commons on our aclawwJedgment of the 
 United States of America, 
 
65 
 
 tion, is certainly a measure of much clearer propriety, in 
 recognising our late colonies as sovereign states, his ma- 
 jesty relinquished an undoubted claim of his own, and at- 
 tributed to them a title to sovereign power, which, accor- 
 ding to the established law of nations, this recognition was 
 necessary to render complete. Previous to it, the formal 
 aeknowledgment of the American states by any other pow- 
 er would have amounted to a declaration of hostilities 
 against his majesty. In recognising the French republic 
 his majesty has relinquished no claim of his own, nor has 
 he attributed to that state any title, rank, or authority 
 which would not have been complete and acknowledged by 
 other powers without his recognition. How has it added 
 to the strength or to the demands of the enemy ? It has 
 
 " There were three opinions in this country on the great and 
 ** important question of American independence ; they might 
 ** each of them appear reasonable and upright ; he would not 
 ** pretend to decide upon either of them. The first of the 
 " three loas that independence to America under any considc 
 ** rations or conditions roas a real misfortune to this nation, 
 ** This idea might prevail -with some men of every description 
 ** in that house ; and he ivas sorry that it consisted of those of 
 ** all descriptions. He should not pretend to refute it. The next 
 ** was, that independence ought not to be graiited to America 
 *' -without an equivalent of some nature or other as the price 
 *' of peace, or for something beneficial to this country. The 
 ** last toas, that it should be given up xoithout any considera" 
 ** tion of any sort, that the recognition of if by this country 
 " should be free and unlimited. Amongst the last class was 
 " himself and his friend!'^ 
 
 Vide Bebretfs Pari Reg. Vol IX. page 79 ^ 80; 
 F 
 
66 
 
 indeed given him an assurance that we cease to war against 
 his national rights and his liberty ; but it has given nothing 
 more. It has added, not to his, but to our strength. It 
 will place us in any future negotiation on higher, because 
 on juster groimds. We had no more right to demand from 
 the enemy an equivalent for our late recognition than he 
 had to demand of the absolute princes, our allies, a com- 
 pensation for recognising their rights when he repealed his 
 decrees. of fraternity. Are we sure the directory would 
 not have smiled in derision if they had been seriously ask- 
 ed by our ambassador how much they would give his ma- 
 jesty as an equivalent for his recognition ? As an equiva- 
 lent, they might have said, for acknowledging the exist- 
 ence of a state that had made almost all her enemies trem- 
 ble for their own. 
 
 Between independent nations, the only sort of equiva- 
 lent that can be reasonably expected for the acknowledg- 
 ment of one title is, the acknowledgment of some other. 
 If two states quarrel, and each refuses to recognise the 
 title which the other has assumed, it might not be con- 
 sistent with the dignity of either of them to yield this 
 point to the adversary, without being first assured of re- 
 ceiving from him a similar concession. If the rulers of 
 France had refused to acknowledge the king of Great-Bri- 
 tain, ministers would have been blameable in recognising 
 them as a lawful government without demanding at the 
 same time the formal acknowledgment of his majesty*s au- 
 thority. But as they have never denied it, there was no- 
 thing that we could have justly demanded from them in 
 return. 
 
 The next proposition to be examined is, " that if we 
 make peace with the French republic ; our religion, pro- 
 
67 
 
 perty, constitution, and laws, and the whole system of 
 government, usages, morals and manners now established 
 in Europe will be speedily destroyed." 
 
 It IS extraordinary that the apprehensions which weise 
 at one time entertained from the revolutionary principle, 
 should still remain in any man's mind undiminished, since 
 they have not been justified by a single event. Not one 
 revolution has been effected in the world, by the mere 
 force or fascination of French principles. The insurrec- 
 tion in Poland had little connexion with them, audit is no- 
 torious that the change of government which has taken 
 place in the Netherlands, the United Provinces, Savoy, 
 and in some parts of Germany and Italy, was effected 
 chiefly, if not altogether, by the armies of France. Even 
 the revolution in Geneva, is much less imputable to 
 French doctrines than to French power and French gold. 
 All these were found insufficient, during the jacobin reign, 
 to produce a subversion of established authority in the 
 feeble republics of Genoa and Venice. But surely the dan- 
 ger that was not then fatal to Venice or Genoa, can never 
 be formidable to the British empire. 
 
 Mr. Burke is apprehensive for the safety of the chris- 
 tian religion, because France, as he asserts, is governed 
 by fanatical atheists, who have made " atheism by esta- 
 blishment," one of the bases of the French republic. 
 
 Atheism cannot justly be said to be established by any 
 state, miless it is professed by its representative in some 
 solemn declaration. To neglect acknowledging the exist- 
 ence of God, is not to establish atheism. T e word esta- 
 feiishment implies some positive regulation. Far from ha- 
 ving made atheisai one of their establishments, the le^isia- 
 
68 
 
 tors of tlje French republic have recognised the existence 
 and providence of the Supreme Bemg-, in their most 
 solemn act. The very first paragraph of the first and 
 most important chapter of their constitution, the declara- 
 tion of rig-hts and duties, is dedicated to this acknowledg- 
 ment. It is made in the following words : " The French 
 people proclaim, in the presence of the supreme being, 
 the following declaration of the rights and duties of man 
 and of a citizen." In addition to this solemn recognition 
 of the fundamental principle of religion, the same decla- 
 ration asserts, that ** no man is a good man if he is not 
 frankly and reUgiously an observer of the laws :" and what 
 is still more decisive, the 354th article of the constitution 
 provides that " no man can be hindered from exercising the 
 form of -worship that he has chosen, whilst he conforms to 
 the laws." Thus the French legislators have established 
 ^vth^ismj by making a solemn acknowledgment of the ex- 
 istence and providence of the deity, the preliminary to 
 their constitutional law ; and by securing in the most irre- 
 vocable provision they had the power to make, the right 
 of every man to adore that Being, in whatever mode, and 
 with whatever ceremonies his conscience may approve. If 
 atheism is established in the French republic it is also es- 
 tablished in the commonwealth of America. No particu- 
 lar form of worship is maintained in either of those states 
 Jit the public expense. 
 
 Were atheism actually made one of the bases of the 
 French republic, we should justly regard her with horror, 
 and account the ignorance, ingratitude and mental abase- 
 ment of her legislators as degrading to human nature. 
 Their conduct would be too detestable to be contagious. 
 Of all vicious opinions, atheism contains the least infec- 
 tion. It holds out no temptations : it presents no object 
 
69 
 
 for hope, the universal passion : it is a melancholy subter- 
 fug-e from fear. There are few who would not fiy for 
 refuge into the arms of the vilest and grossest superstition 
 rather than encounter the terrors of annihilatiton by em- 
 bracing the atheist's creed. 
 
 It is unfortunate for the credit of Mr. Burke that he ac- 
 cuses the revolutionists of crimes which are incompatible 
 with each other. He not only refuses to allow that they 
 possess any virtue, but he will not admit that they are free 
 from any vice. Those whom in one place he reproaches 
 with atheism^ with denying the existence of God, he ac- 
 cuses in another of being " rebels to Qodt' of perfectly 
 abhorring the author of their being, of hating him with 
 all their heart, with all their mind, with all their soul, 
 with all their strength; of having a delight, as they are 
 not able to revenge themselves on God, in vicariously de- 
 facing, degrading, torturing and tearing in pieces his image 
 in man. Such accusations are not only unworthy of the 
 enlightened philosop'her Edmund Burke, but they would 
 be too extravagant and disgusting to be made by John. 
 Bunyan or Rowland Hill, 
 
 It cannot be pleasing to the sincere Christian to hear 
 how Mr. Burke explains his apprehensions for the fate of 
 Christianity. " Example," says he, " is the school of man- 
 *' kind, and they will learn at no other. This war is . war 
 ** against that example. It is not a war for Louis XVIIT. 
 " or even for the property, virtue, fidelity of France : It is 
 ** a war for George HI. for Francis II. and for all the dig- 
 ** nity, property, honom*, virtue and religion of England, 
 ** of Germany and of all nations." Is then, the Christian 
 religion like all the superstitions that now exist among the 
 barbarous states, and those that were prevalent in the an^ 
 
 f2 
 
70 — 
 
 cient world, learnt only from example ; believed only be- 
 cause others believe, and publicly embraced only because 
 it is established ? Is it so feeble, and so entirely dependant 
 upon human circumstances, that it can be overthrown by 
 any example whatever ? If it were destitute of the divine 
 protection, its very nature, as an intellectual system, would 
 secure it from being- destroyed by force or by mere exam- 
 ple. It is a religien of opinions, doctrines, and precepts : 
 It teaches rights and duties ; it arrests and keeps posses- 
 sion of the mind by hope and terror : Its temples are the 
 heart and the understanding* : It therefore cannot be mor- 
 tally assaulted (admitting it to be a mere human system) 
 except with intellectual weapons. The religions of anti- 
 quity had no solid foundation in the mind : They were 
 therefore capable of being destroyed by force. When the 
 temples and priests of an heathen deity were destroyed, 
 the v/orship, consisting entirely of ceremonies, to the per- 
 formance of which temples and priests were requisite, 
 must soon have ceased, and the votaries have been com- 
 pelled to find another object of idolatry. It was on this 
 account that the ancient superstitions were so easily anci 
 so completely exterminated. But the religion of Christ 
 was never yet destroyed in any country where it had once 
 firmly taken root ; where it had ever been generally known, 
 and embraced as a system of opinions, and not as a system 
 of external rites. In spite of the sword, and oppressive 
 tribute ; of insolence, and contumely ; of imprisonments, 
 robberies, banishments, slavery and death ; in a word, in 
 apite of the whole force and the example of the Mahometan 
 governments of Asia, exerted during a long period with 
 fanatical fury and perseverance, for the destruction of this 
 religion, it is still, and during all that period, has been the 
 popular faith in most of the countries subject to the Maho- 
 metan sway ; and it would bave now been equally preva* 
 
71 
 
 lent in China, Japan, and other eastern nations, if it had 
 been introduced among them in its true intellectual shape, 
 and not as a collection of ceremonies, which physical power 
 could always destroy. Can we reasonably apprehend that 
 the mere example of France will operate more powerfully 
 on the minds of bold and obstinate Eng-lishmen, than force 
 and example, fire and sword, tribute and ig-nominy, have 
 ever done upon the minds of the feeble, timid, and enslaved 
 Asiatics ? 
 
 If any formidable attack can be made against Christian- 
 ity, it must be made with argument, or with something 
 that resembles argument. During the last and the present 
 centuries, such attacks were often made, especially in 
 France, where thej'^ were more successful than in any other 
 part of Europe ; and where they were undoubtedly assist- 
 ed by the revolution. But in England and most of the other 
 countries of Christendom, the church is now militant in 
 the same posture in which she would have stood if the 
 French revolution had not happened. No one whose faith 
 deserves consideration and concern, or whose opinions can 
 have an extensive influence over other men's minds, will 
 form his judgment concerning any religion from what may 
 happen in France, or in any other country, but from its 
 merit as a moral system, and from the evidence on which 
 it founds its claim to a divine original. 
 
 The property of this country has as little to dread as her 
 religion, from the infection of French principles, or the 
 influence of French example. Many and unjust confisca- 
 tions were made within our view, before the sera of the 
 French revolutioi,i, without disturbing among us the rights 
 of property. I should not indeed apprehend any danger 
 to property in thig coimtry, if the jacobin confiscations still 
 
72 
 
 centlnued, and if daily robberies and murders were now 
 perpetrated in France, as they were during Kobespierre's 
 tjTanny. I trust we shoidd view them with the deepest 
 abhorrence, and that in place of exciting us to similar guilt, 
 they would render us more zealous in the protection of 
 property and life. 
 
 Robbery and murder have not much more power of fas- 
 cinating the mass of mankind, than atheism. Many, in- 
 deed, may wish, although few will have the shameless au- 
 dacity to declare, that they are willing to im-itate the suc- 
 cessful plunderer. But no extensive robbery, such as Mr. 
 Burke apprehends, can ever be committed without a very 
 extensive combination, and a full declaration and confes- 
 sion of the views of the combining parties. I am persua- 
 ded it would not be possible to find within this kingdom, 
 granting liberal permission to canvass, such a number of 
 men as would be sufficient to destroy the rights of proper- 
 ty, who would also be inclined to do so, and barefaced 
 enough to avow their guilty inclination. I have a better 
 opinion of the people of England than Mr. Burke. I do 
 not believe they are so prone to plundering, that they only 
 want the revival of jacobinism in France to make them be- 
 gin their depredations.. 
 
 Property seems perfectly secure in England, because a 
 great majority of the people are interested in its preserva- 
 tion. There is hardly an Englishman, possessed of a cot- 
 tage and an acre of land, who does not know that he wo\ild 
 be in danger of losing both if his wealthy neighbour could 
 be plundered with impunity. 
 
 Whatever may be the operation of foreign example upon 
 Great-Britain, and whatever example, unfavourable to the 
 
73 
 
 rights of property, France may have hitherto given, she 
 does not now, and probably will not in future, afford any 
 further encouragement to unlawful confiscation. Her ru- 
 lers having acquired for themselves and the state so much 
 of the wealth of the proscribed orders, will naturally en- 
 deavour to render it secure. But it can possess no secu- 
 rity except what it enjoys in common with all other pro- 
 perty. If confiscations were still encouraged or permitted, 
 it would be impossible to restrain the depredations of the 
 confiscators to particular portions of property. The con- 
 fiscators of France, and those who claim under their acts, 
 should be uncommonly strict in securing to every man hig 
 just possessions, to compensate in some measure for the 
 doubtfulness of their own title. On Mr. Burke's supposi- 
 tion that all their confiscations have been acts of robberv, 
 they must consider that they are liable to have their own 
 example turned against themselves ; they must therefore 
 be careful that no future robbery, however minute, may 
 be unpunished ; and they must oppose with rigorous se- 
 verity every attempt to establish any new system of plun- 
 dering on a large scale. He would be a highwayman of 
 wretched intellects who, having acquired a handsome for- 
 tune by his exertions on the road, should suffer his zeal 
 for his profession so far to get the better of his prudence, 
 as to make him encourage the depredations of all other ad- 
 venturers. If he were not miserably ignorant of his own 
 interest, he would wish that no more robberies should ever 
 be committed in the world ; he would advise in opposition 
 to the jacobin doctrine that all titles to property should be 
 maintained, without looking too minutely or too far back 
 into their origin ; and he would admire above all things 
 the anti-revolutionary principle of our statute ©f limita- 
 ti©ns. 
 
74 
 
 whatever the causes may" be, the fact is, that since the 
 death of Robespierre few confiscations have been made in 
 France, except what were made most jnstly of the proper- 
 ty of many of his accomplices. Judicial robbery, like ju- 
 dicial murder, can never long be an established system in 
 a country where the voice of the people is heard. In 
 France indeed it formed the chief part of Robespierre's 
 system during many months. But as every one living be- 
 gan to think himself interested in the cessation of judicial 
 murder, so every one that possessed any property, and 
 chiefly all those who possessed the confiscated lands, began 
 to wish that no more judicial robberies should be com- 
 mitted. Opposition to the general will was vain, and the 
 cause of justice and humanity was triumphant. 
 
 The apprehension that the establishment of the French 
 republic, will endanger the safety of out country, seems 
 wholly mifounded. The form of the new French consti- 
 tution, and the leading principles on which it is establish- 
 ed, have a resemblance to the form and the leading princi- 
 ples of the constitution of Great-Britain. 
 
 In some instances the restrictions of the right of suf- 
 frage, both in respect to age and property, are more nu- 
 merous and more severe in the former, than in ours. No 
 French citizen iias the rig'ht of voting for a member of 
 eii ]ier of the legislative councils, unless he is 25 years of 
 age, and is in possession of a property equivalent in some 
 districts to 71 and in others to 14L sterling per annum. 
 The legislative authority is vested in two councils, or 
 houses, according to our plirase. Citizens under the age 
 of 40 years are excluded from the council of ancients, and 
 aftsr the seventh year of the republic, no person under the 
 
75 
 
 Age of 30 years will be eligible to be a member of the 
 council of five hundred. 
 
 The French constitution does not indeed, like ours, re- 
 quire the election of opulent legislators : But it is not likely 
 that the electors, who must themselves have property, will 
 clioose for representatives men who have none ; that they 
 will vest legislative power with those whose necessities 
 might tempt them to make too free with the purses of their 
 constituents. I think it may be fairly presumed that these 
 qualifications, if fairly allowed to operate, will give to 
 the future government of the French republic, a charac- 
 ter incompatible with a disposition to encourage wild and 
 wicked revolutionary projects. 
 
 The executive authority of that commonwealth is now 
 given to a council of five persons, who are vested with 
 high powers and cloathed with little less than regal splen- 
 dour. This council, called the Executive Directory, su- 
 perintends the execution of the laws, the receipt and ex- 
 penditure of the public money, and the ministry of all the 
 municipal bodies : It disposes of the armed force by sea 
 and land, receives ambassadors, negotiates treaties, pro- 
 poses peace and v/ar, appoints and dismisses at pleasure 
 all the ministers, generals, and a great number of the 
 otlier public functionaries : It has its g-uards, its messen- 
 gers audits ushers, — [Their dress would in some countries 
 entitle them to be called gentleman ushers.'] Its members 
 are lodged in splendid palaces, arrayed in robes of state, 
 addressed in respectful language, and received with the 
 highest military honours. Its relation to the legislative as- 
 semblies is similar to that which exists in practice between 
 his majesty and both houses of parliament. If the direc- 
 tory have no legislative voice, his majesty never exerts 
 
the legislative authority bestowed upon him by our constitu' 
 tion, but in sanctioning the decrees of our two legislative 
 assemblies. The directory have not the full power of de- 
 claring war. It cannot be declared but by a decree of the 
 legislative body on the formal proposition of the direc- 
 tors.* With us the same forms are observed ; for although 
 the royal prerogative authorises his majesty to declare war 
 in the first instance, he always sends a message to both 
 houses of parliament, whenever war is deemed necessary, 
 and without their approbation he never engages the coun- 
 try in any contest whatever. Treaties made by the execu- 
 tive directory with foreign powers are not valid until they 
 are ratified by the legislature. His majesty can indeed 
 by virtue of his prerogative make binding treaties, but 
 these are seldom concluded without the approbation of 
 parliament. Li some circumstances, apparently of no great 
 importance, our political modes are exactly copied by the 
 republican legislators. They have constructed the very 
 g'alleries of their assemblies in conformity with ours. AVhat 
 the speakers of our houses of parliament observe as to the 
 admission of auditors into those assemblies has been 
 adopted in France, and secured with the force and so- 
 lemnity of a constitutional article .f 
 
 I confess, that as far as I could allow myself to judge, 
 I was pleased at its establishment. Far from considering 
 it as a jacobin structure, I regarded it as a fabric built up- 
 
 * Article 526 of the netu Fre^ich constitution. 
 
 f Article 64 provides that the sittings of both councils shall 
 be public ; but that the persons -who attend cannot exceed the 
 number of one half of the members of each council. 
 
77 
 
 on the tomb of jacobinism, and hoped that it would forever 
 prevent the resurrection of that abominable system. The 
 division and accurate discrimination of all the great pow- 
 ers of government ; the independency of the tribunals ; 
 the two legislative assemblies ; the strength of the execu- 
 tive authority ; the severe qualifications of age ; all these 
 provisions seemed to me peculiarly suitable for the French, 
 nation ; to curb its flights, to correct its levity ; to mode- 
 rate the violence of its head-strong passions ; to restrain 
 its rash precipitation ; to protect unpopular minorities 
 from the rage of the multitude ; in short, to prevent for 
 ever the revival of those wild, extravagant, monstrous and 
 despotic measures which were pursued by the convention, 
 and which were, in my opinion, not more ruinous to France, 
 than terrible to Great-Britain. 
 
 Some circumstances, it must be observed, have rendered 
 tlie provisions of tliis constitution much less efficacious 
 than they will probably be after the lapse of a few years. 
 The qualification of 30 years of age, will not be required 
 in the members of the council of five hundred before the 
 year 1799. This circumstance can have but little influ- 
 ence, compared with that of the memorable decree for the 
 re-election of two-thirds of the convention into the legisla- 
 tive assemblies. Few will hesitate to admit, that the pre- 
 dominance of the conventional members in the composi- 
 tion of the new government, is unfavourable to its moral 
 character, and that it will probably have a stronger claim 
 to our esteem, when the good sense or indignation of the 
 people shall have expelled every September assassin, and 
 every accomplice in the crimes of Robespierre. 
 
 Notwithstanding that extraordinary decree, the new con- 
 stitution, aided by other causes, has greatly changed the 
 
spirit and character of the French government. The 
 courts of justice are independent, and France is not deso- 
 lated by those murdering* gangs, the revolutionary tribu- 
 nals : No proconsular tyrants scourge the departments : 
 No system of robbery is established, or proposed ; nor is 
 there aiiy more encouragement given to revolt, ih the 
 countries that are at peace with her, than in her own do- 
 minions : No decrees of con-fraternity are made by her 
 legislators : No orator of the hiiman race, is permitted to 
 propose, that every altar, and every throne be levelled with 
 the dust, and that every country in the world be annexed 
 as a department of the French republic. Her present ru- 
 lers have established their power on the overthrow of a 
 faction, which, notwithstanding its defeat, still meditates 
 insurrection, and aspires to empire ; and they know that 
 they cannot excite universal revolt abroad, without encou- 
 raging rebellion at home. They are therefore, as adverse 
 to high revolutionary principles as any statesmen in Eu- 
 rope : They seem to encourage them only, where the en- 
 couragement facilitates their military operations, employ- 
 ing their politics merely as an instrument of hostility. We 
 cannot reproach an open enemy with availing himself of a 
 formidable weapon. Who would not account that govern- 
 ment most stupid, who would spurn the proffered alliance 
 of enthusiasm, and create enmity to their caus^, and oppo- 
 sition to their measures, when they might secure zealous 
 friendship, and powerful co-operation? Itwouldbe as absurd 
 to censure the French generals for countenancing the re- 
 publicans of Flanders and Holland, as to blame our com- 
 manders for assisting the royalists in Martinique and St. Do- 
 mingo. France does not now, as Mr. Burke continually re- 
 presents, exert her power to extend her principles ; but she 
 avails herself of her principles to aggrandise her power. 
 She has long been extremely cautious of establisliing them 
 
(much more eautious than could have been expected from 
 her former zeal,) except where they favour her hostile pro- 
 jects. Her dh-ectors appear to have been very dilatory and 
 reluctant in changing the political system of Lombardy. 
 Their journals avow the motives of their conduct. They are^ 
 sensible of the energy of freedom, and they apprehend, that 
 the establishment of a popular republic in the heart of Italy, 
 might render that country one of their most formidable 
 enemies. They are not merely indifferent, they are hostile 
 to the extension of repubhcan principles beyond their own. 
 territory. 
 
 In Belgium and the other conquered countries which they 
 Intended to form into departments, and unite to France, 
 they naturally established her political system. They 
 would have acted most absurdly if they had suffered any 
 of tlieir provinces to have retained a form of government 
 entirely different from that of their empire. In Holland, 
 indeed, which they have not modelled into a department, 
 they have effected a revolution by co-operating with the 
 democratic party. But that party was favourable to French 
 politics ever since we espoused the cause of the stadthol- 
 der, and would probably have been assisted by France if 
 she had atchieved the conquest of Holland under the aus- 
 pices of Louis the Sixteenth. The enemy could never have 
 drawn from Holland the advantages which that country 
 has actually afforded to him since he subdued it, unless he 
 had countenanced some one of its principal parties. The 
 democrats, it was said, were the strongest. They were 
 certainly the party most friendly to the conqueror, who, 
 desirous of making the most of his acquisition, fraternised 
 with them, aided them in establishing their favourite sys- 
 tem, and permitted them to regulate their own affairs as 
 
80 
 
 they pleased, on condition of co-operating with him in all 
 the enterprises of his ambition. 
 
 But what puts out of all doubt that the French arenolong- 
 erpossessed with the spirit of propagating democracy, is 
 their conduct in the last campaign, whilst they were in pos- 
 session of a portion of Germany, containing the territories of 
 many absolute princes. If they had been revolutionary zea- 
 lots they would have then endeavoured to establish their 
 principles in those places ; but it is notorious they did not at- 
 tempt to excite any revolution in any one of them ; that 
 they did not dethrone any prince, untitle any nobleman, or 
 unbenefice any minister of religion. They do not now, 
 like Mahomet, make their invasions, the sword in one hand 
 and their creed in the other, except where their creed will 
 procure them some solid advantages. Experience has 
 taught them that the sword by itself is often more formi- 
 dable. Solely intent upon national aggrandizement, they 
 find a fitter employment for their armies than in enforcing 
 their doctrines on the mountains of Germany. They an- 
 noy their enemy in the regular, approved, old-fashioned 
 method ; by demolishing his fortresses ; by seizing on so 
 much of his territories as they can conveniently hold ; by 
 lev3dng contributions on his subjects ; by forcing from him 
 commercial immunities and privileges. They contend for 
 wealth and dominion exactly in the style of Francis First : 
 They are willing, when it may favour their all grasping 
 ambition, to countenance and assist persons of every sect in 
 politics and theology ; whether desirous of noble or popu- 
 lar rule ; whether attached to monarchy or despotism ; 
 whether deists or atheists ; baptised or infidel : They have 
 indeed given equal proofs of their attachment to the grand 
 signior, the king of Prussia, the lords of Piedmont, and the 
 people of Lombardy •■, to the papists of Milan, the Jqws 
 
81 
 
 of Amsterdam, and the Mahometans of €onstantmople. 
 These are facts of notoriety, which prove that Mr. Burke's 
 statement of the nature of the war is fundamentally erro- 
 neous. It cannot be considered in any respect as a '* civil 
 war ;" or a war against an " armed doctrine," or a nation 
 of propagandists. We contend with a nation of enterpri- 
 sing- warriors. Our enemy is strictly ** local and territo- 
 rial." His strength consists in his extensive territories, 
 his impregnable fortresses, his victorious armies, and in his 
 abundant material resources, rendered formidable by his 
 activity, and dangerous by his insatiable thirst of dominion. 
 We have to repress the rulers of France, as a government, 
 endeavouring to extend their mighty empire ; not to ex- 
 terminate them as a sect of fanatical atheists jfcttempting to 
 barbarise the world. 
 
 From Mr. Burke*s representation it would appear tiiat 
 Prance had been conquered, and was now governed by g, 
 tribe of atheistical vagabonds. But the truth is, that she is 
 governed by her own citizens exclusively ; and so jealous is. 
 she of any other than national rule, that her constitution ex- 
 cludes from the humblest political privileges, all foreigners 
 who have not lived within her territory a sufficient time to 
 justify the presumption that they have formed towards her 
 a national attachment. Her ambition is of the old kind, rest- 
 less indeed as ever, but strictly national ; and it must be 
 guarded against and repressed as in former times. When this 
 is effected, as far as circumstances require and will permit, 
 peace may be made with her as safely as with any other 
 powerful, ambitious, and enterprising- state. The opinion 
 that we should war with the ' existence' and not the conduct 
 of the French republic would be as dreadful and destruc- 
 tive to be adopted and acted upon, as it is in just theory 
 destitute of all foundation. 
 
 g2 
 
82 
 
 To show that her rulers aim at the destruction of every 
 government in Europe, Mr Burke observes that " they 
 ** have hitherto constantly declined any other than a treaty 
 ** with a single power," and that " they must be worse 
 ** than blind, who do not see with what undeviating regu- 
 ^' larity of system, in this case, and in all cases, they pur- 
 ** sue their scheme for the utter destruction of every in- 
 ** dependent power, especially the smaller, who cannot 
 " find any refuge whatever but in some common cause." 
 
 The directory declared, in their answer* to lord Malms- 
 fcury's memorial, that they did not decline treating, 
 with Great-Britain and her allies, conjointly. That they 
 have hitherto preferred treating with their enemies singly, 
 is no proof that they pursue a scheme for their utter de- 
 struction. Their policy in this respect was so obvious, 
 that they would have been extremely stupid if they had 
 preferred any other. It is the stratagem by which a great 
 confederacy is most likely to be broken and confounded ; 
 and the adoption of it by France, proves no more, than that 
 she w*as desirous of getting rid of her enemies in the best 
 and speediest manner. A confederacy of three nations is 
 now formed against us. Suppose an ambassador was sent 
 by the king of Spain, to treat for peace with Great-Britain ; 
 would your lordship recommend his majesty to decline 
 treating, until an ambassador should come from the French 
 republic ? Would you not eagerly seize the opportunity 
 of detaching an ally from the great enemy ? If you had 
 good reason to believe that a separate peace could now be 
 made with Spain, on as favourable terms as France obtain- 
 
 * This anstoer did 7iQt appear until after the publication 6f 
 Mr. £%irke's letters. 
 
s: 
 
 ed from several of the combined powers, would you not 
 advise every just measure to expedite such a fortunate 
 event ? Would you not defer, if not absolutely decline 
 treating" with our enemies conjointly, if you could treat 
 with them separately, on more honorable and more advan- 
 tag-eous conditions ? What would you think of the repub- 
 licans, if they made this conduct a subject of invective, 
 and adduced it as a proof, that his majesty was pursuing 
 a scheme for the utter destruction of every independent 
 power ? Would you not deem their accusation unfounded 
 and ridiculous ; and compare the authors of them to 
 children, who, in their little battles, complain that their 
 antag-onists strike too hard ? It would be as just, becom- 
 ing" and mag"nanimous in the enemy to inveigh against us 
 for the victories of our fleets and armies, as for the suc- 
 cess of our negotiations. 
 
 Mr. Burke considers the change which France has made 
 in her laws, manners, morals and usages, as further evi- 
 dence of her determined hostility to all mankind. 
 
 Few points can be established by better evidence than 
 that France bears no resemblance at this time to the hor- 
 rible nation he has described under her name. We know 
 that the majority of her people are employed, either in 
 the useful labours of agriculture, or the more arduous 
 and more honorable duty of defending their country ; that 
 of the remainder, some are occupied in the important 
 tasks of legislating and of administering laws ; others 
 in high pursuits of science ; some in the cultivation of the 
 elegant arts ; others in the acquisition of wealth ; others 
 in quest of the bright phantom, glory ; all actuated proba.- 
 bly, by the same sort of motives, good and bad, fair, 
 corrupt and compounded, that urged the inhabitants jof 
 
84 
 
 this island in their various pursuits. Is it possible that 
 they are cannibals, savag-es and obscure ruffians, who 
 have been more careful than any government in the world, 
 in providing- institutions for useful, learned and refined edu- 
 cation ? Is it possible that those works of genius, judg- 
 ment and erudition that come to us almost daily from 
 France, and excite our warmest admiration, are executed 
 by debauched banditti, assassins, bravos and smugglers ? 
 Does the history of the whole world exhibit a single in- 
 stance of a debauched and depraved nation, possessing 
 such a proud spirit of rationality as now animates the 
 French people ? No : their enthusiastic devotion to their 
 country, in all the vicissitudes of her fortune, is utterly 
 incompatible v. ith the abominable vices of which they are 
 accused by Mr. Burke. These would suffer no passion^ 
 but the vile and selfish, to exist in their minds. Some of 
 their very faults ; their haughtiness and arrogance towards 
 foreign powers ; \heir self-sufiiciency and mireasonable 
 pride .; their perseverance in pursuit of vrhatever they un- 
 dertake, just or unjust ; their insolent and imbounded ambi- 
 tion, will rescue them from the imputation of gross and 
 savage wickedness, and demonstrate that they are not 
 simk in brutish depravity. 
 
 Let none imagine from what I now say, that I am dispo- 
 sed to be the advocate of the French government, or the 
 undistinguished panegyrist of the French nation. I wish 
 to represent it, as an enterprising and formidable enemy 
 whom we should oppose, if we must still oppose, no 
 otlierwise than by fair hostility ; and whose friendship we 
 may accept of with honour whenever we can cultivate it 
 -with safety ; not as an assemblage of vile and fanatical 
 barbarians, who are hostile to the whole human race, and 
 whom we should therefore pursue to destruction, I wish. 
 
85 
 
 to refute the calumnies that are only calculated t« prolowg' 
 this war, and to render it more bitter while it lasts. I 
 wish to show that a treaty of peace and alliance (which 
 Heaven accelerate) may be made by us with the French 
 republic, without being- disgraceful to the reputation, or 
 injurious to the interests of Great-Britain. 
 
 Sooner or later peace must be made, but peace between 
 such proud, martial and high-spirited nations can ne- 
 ver be of long duration, whilst either of them is exas- 
 perated against the other ; it is therefore the duty of eve- 
 ry good citizen to prevent, as far as he is able, the irri- 
 tation and exasperation against France, which Mr. Burke's 
 unjust invectives are likely to produce. 
 
 Continuing this style of rancour, he asserts, that the 
 French legislators ** have omitted no pains to eradicate 
 " every benevolent and noble propensity in the mind of 
 " man," and that " their law of divorce, like all their laws, 
 " had not for its object the relief of domestic uneasiness, 
 " but the total corruption of all morals, the total discon- 
 " nection of social life.'* 
 
 On the very face of this statement it must (I hope) be a 
 misrepresentation. I cannot believe there ever existed a 
 body of men who undertook, with cool and steady design, 
 to effect the total corruption of all morals. The rulers of 
 France could have had no interested motive for attempting 
 such atrocious and stupid wickedness. History does not 
 exhibit any race of men, nor has any writer of correct ima- 
 gination ever fabled a class of beings, cooly and steadily 
 wicked without selfish inducements, or perpetrating mis- 
 chief only for the delight of contemplating misery. Our 
 great poet will not suffer even those spirits, whom he re- 
 
86 
 
 presents as the source and perfection of every thing guil- 
 ty and abominable, to pursue their projects without the 
 impulse of a powerful motive. If the French legislators 
 meditated, as Mr. Burke asserts, the subjugation of the 
 world of Europe ta their laws, manners and opinions, 
 they must have lost their senses if they would intention- 
 ally encourage corruption of morals. The execution of 
 that daring design would require the aid of every stern 
 and rigid virtue ; of courage unappalled by any danger ; 
 of patience in difficulties and hardships ; of devoted zeal ; 
 of perseverance against reverses of fortune ; of prompt 
 and blind obedience. It would have demanded the sacri- 
 fice of every private feeling and every selfish regard to 
 the public ambition. Would the practice of these virtues 
 be promoted by an universal dissoluteness, and the total 
 corruption of all morals I 
 
 Dissoluteness and corruption of morals, when spread 
 over a nation, will inevitably give it a voluptuous, feeble, 
 and effeminate character. If France has formed a scheme 
 ©f universal conquest, a law that would produce dissolute 
 and licentious manners in a considerable degree among- all 
 her citizens, v/ould be more beneficial to mankind, and 
 more ruinous to her guilty ambition, than the annihilation 
 of half her armies, and the capture of all her frontier for- 
 tresses. No dissolute people have ever yet subverted the 
 liberties of any portion of the world. If the history of every 
 age and nation can be depended upon ; if Lycurgus, and 
 the fathers of ancient Rome are of any authoiity ; if Bacon, 
 More, Harrington, Montesquieu, Hume, and the whole 
 race of speculative jurists and political philosophers are 
 not completely mistaken, the legislators of an aspiring, 
 martial republic, should not only discourage, but should 
 jnost rigorously repress licentious manners. They destroy 
 
87 
 
 all the virtues, and even the vices, that enable such a state 
 to accomplish its ends. They render a people unable to 
 1>ear the fatigues of military duty, loth to encounter dan- 
 gers, unwilling to sacrifice, or even forego their ease and 
 pleasures on any account, and careless, except as they 
 are personally interested, of their country's glory or dis* 
 grace, her aggradizement or her ruin. Nor are they fa- 
 vourable to those shocking and unnatural exertions of pa- 
 triotism, which have sometimes filled a whole people with 
 a frantic fury, that has rendered them invincible and irre- 
 sistible. Dissoluteness, with all its evil, is not universally 
 corrupting. Although it always diminishes public spirit, 
 it does not always extinguish the natural affections. 
 
 I do not mean to deny that the opposite vices of unna- 
 tural severity and extreme dissoluteness may exist in the 
 same nation, or that the same city may contain a Brutus 
 and a Messalina. Bat I insist, that the legislators, who 
 wish to avail themselves of the austere fortitude of the one, 
 are mad if they encourage the depravity of the other ; for 
 that vice, if become general, would not only prevent any 
 prodigies of patriotism, but would soon destroy all rational 
 attachment to the common welfare. 
 
 Since the downfall of jacobinism, we do not hear of any 
 of those horrible exertions of public or party spirit that 
 were at one time so much applauded in France. By some 
 persons these patriotic enormities are called virtues, and 
 they are generally characterised by an epithet taken, with 
 great propriety indeed, from the name of that nation that 
 robbed and enslaved as much as she could find of the 
 world. I confess I feel abhorrence, not admiration, at those 
 conquests of nationality over nature. I detest all laws, in- 
 stitutions and opinions, that require the man to be sacri- 
 
88 
 
 ficed to the state, and private virtues to public ambition. 
 When such sacrifices are demanded and applauded, the 
 foundations of moral philosophy are rudely and dangerous- 
 ly shaken. The sense of right and wrong must be obse- 
 quious to political circumstances. Public opinion, the 
 strongest sanction of moral law, will be depraved, and will 
 afford all its authority to recommend as examples, those 
 excesses and crimes which are committed, or may be pre- 
 tended to be committed, in the fury of an ungovernable pa- 
 triotism. 
 
 Country is a moral being of our own creation, which we 
 support for our own advantage. It can neither destroy 
 nor supercede the rights of those beings to whom the so- 
 vereign legislator of the universe, providing for our wel- 
 j'are by means, certainly much wiser and fitter than any 
 that we can devise, has drawn us by stronger attachment, 
 and bound us by a prior obligation. The factitious rights 
 and duties cannot take place of the natural. Our country 
 cannot require of us to forget our instinctive affections ; to 
 violate any duty, or perpetrate any crime. If in some cir- 
 cumstances she may require the violation of any one duty^ 
 or the perpetration of any one crime, she may in others re- 
 quire the violation of any other duty, or the perpetration 
 of any other crime ; and therefore she may command us to 
 violate all our duties, and to perpetrate all sorts of crimes. 
 If she can justly require you to murder your son, she 
 may, by a less rigorous exaction, command you to betray 
 your friend, to rob your benefactor, to violate your oath ; 
 and indeed all those crimes, when supposed to have been 
 perpetrated from revolutionary motives, were applauded in 
 France during the flagitious reign of the jacobin usurpers. 
 But this moral being, country, exists only for the general 
 good, which is its laws, and which sets limits to its claims. 
 
a9 
 
 it cannot therefore require what would be so utterly siib- 
 versive of that end, as the violation of the duties of nature 
 and the laws of universal morality, 
 
 A blind, unlimited, and exclusive devotion to cause and 
 country, has occasioned some of the greatest calamities 
 that have ever afflicted the human race. It was a vicious 
 enthusiasm that enabled the Roman robbers to pillage the? 
 earth, and a few wretched and ignorant fanatics of the de- 
 sart to barbarise almost all the nations of Asia, and one of 
 the finest and most celebrated portions of Europe. A fu* 
 rious zeal has often made the mildest of all theological sys- 
 tems, the christian religion, appear the most detestable ; 
 and has transformed that dispensation of mercy into a 
 cruel scourge. Liberty, the greatest of temporal bles- 
 sings, when cherished and supported by a rational affec* 
 tion, has been made, by the fiery enthusiasm of its advo- 
 cates, to produce as much misery as the most savage des- 
 potism. It was this frantic principle that gave success for 
 a time to the jacobins, and had almost enabled them to 
 plant their associated gangs, more abominable than that 
 murderous junto which Sparta imposed upon the vanquish- 
 ed Athenians, in the midst of the finest countries on the 
 conthient of Europe. Happily for the quiet and freedom of 
 the world, this ferocious spirit has expired in France 
 along with the system that gave it birth. Her people are 
 still animated in her cause by a generous zeal : a passion 
 as remote from the terrible jacobin madness, as inconsis- 
 tent with a corrupt and depraved national character. 
 
 Daring the whole discussion on the law of divorce, th^ 
 object of which, according to Mr. Burke, was the total 
 corruption of all morals, I happened to be in Paris, and 
 to be acquvainted with some of the iliembers of the nation- 
 
 H 
 
90 
 
 al assembly, who were active in support of that measure. 
 I am firmly persuaded that they had no such object in view. 
 They acted in this instance as in many others, without 
 sufficient caution or consideration. The law of divorce 
 was adopted in the delirium of liberty.* An indissoluble 
 engagement of any kind appeared to the democratic en- 
 thusiasts destructive of freedom. They expatiated on the 
 dissoluteness and domestic misery that prevailed through- 
 out France, occasioned, as they asserted, by the abuse 
 of the ancient paternal power, and by the licentious man- 
 ners that had grown up under the ancient system. The 
 object of the law of divorce was not to corrupt morals. 
 
 * JMr. Burke (" through inadvertency I presume^ has sta- 
 ted the law of divorce inaccurately. He says in page 102, 
 *' proceeding inthe spirit of the first axithorsof their constitU' 
 •* tiojif succeeding assemblies ivent the full length of the princi' 
 '^ pie, and gave a license to divorce at the mere pleasure ofei- 
 " ther party, and at a mo7ith's notice.^' The laiv of divorce 
 passed by the J\*ational Assembly in September, 1792, provi- 
 ded, that -when either party demanded to be divorced without 
 the consent of the other, and assigned no other cause for the 
 demand than incompatibility of tempers and dispositions, the 
 person mahing the demand shoidd signify it to a municipal of- 
 ficer, tvho ivas directed to cause the relations of both parties 
 to meet at the expiration of three months. If they could not 
 then reconcile them, they -were to hold a second meeting, for 
 the same friendly purpose, at the expiration of three months 
 from the time of the first meeting ; and if this second attempt 
 m reconciliation failed, the divorce, if insisted upon, ivas al- 
 loioed -without further delay. A divorce at the pleasure of ei- 
 ther party -was therefore not pertnitted without at least six 
 ^nonths notiee.-^See La Loi de Divorce. 
 
91 
 
 but to relieve the domestic inquietudes that corrupt mo- 
 rals had produced ; but although its purpose was good, 
 its operation was certainly most pernicious. It did not 
 sufficiently restrain capricious separations, nor sufficiently 
 protect those who stand most in need of protection. It 
 abandoned the most feeble and most amiable of our spe- 
 cies to the mercy of those who, if they ever have the de- 
 testable inclination, will alwaj-s have the power to injiu-e 
 them. The ardour of the authors of this law prevented 
 them from foreseeing the consequences. In their estima- 
 tion, nothing was of account when set in opposition to 
 boundless liberty. But Mr. Burke will attribute nothing 
 of the conduct of the revolutionists, no, not a single act or 
 endeavour, to mistaken zeal ; nothing to wild, extrava- 
 gant enthusiasm ; nothing even to ignorance, stupidity or 
 folly, or to any other cause that might in any degree ex- 
 tenuate their errors. He finds the source of every one of 
 their measures in wicked cunning ; in cold, designing 
 villainy ; in determined hostility to the human race ; in 
 persecuting atheism; in systems of pure, unchequered 
 guilt ; in the radical depravity, and the inherent, invete- 
 rate, incurable corruption of their nature. 
 
 Speaking of the new lav/s, usages and manners of France, 
 he has these observations : " The whole body of this new 
 ** system of manners in support of the new scheme of poli- 
 ** tics, I consider as a strong and decisive proof of deter- 
 " mined ambition, and systematic hostility. I defy the 
 ^* most refining ingenuity to invent any other cause for the 
 " total departure of the jacobin republic, from every one 
 ** of the ideas and usages, religious, legal, moral or social, 
 " of the civilized world, and for tearing herself from its 
 ** communion, with such studied violence, but from a 
 " formed resolution of keeping no terms with that world," 
 
92 
 
 No refining ingenuity is requisite to show, that the ne^' 
 system of government of France, demanded a correspond" 
 ing system of laws, usages and manners, and that she 
 could not effectually establish the one without the aid of 
 the other. Having abolished the feudal regimen, with all 
 the immunities and distinctions of the privileged orders, 
 and lastly, the monarchy itself, she acted only with com- 
 mon sense in abolishing all the Gothic usages ; all the 
 adopted titles of the Roman code, that related to monar- 
 chical government, and all the laws, customs, and manners 
 that had any connexion with the feudal system, with the 
 privileges of the orders, or with the poAver, influence, and 
 splendor of the throne. A revolution in the system of go- 
 vernment can never be complete, unless laws, usages, and 
 manners above all, are made congenial with the new order 
 of things. If the old laws and manners remain, they will 
 perpetually recall the old system of government to remem.. 
 brance ; they will make its loss regretted, and in the course 
 of time, or at any favourable opportunity, they may occa- 
 sion its restoration. I doubt whether the laws of landed 
 property, that spring from the feudal institutions, and the 
 manners that prevailed in France during her ancient regi- 
 men, could exist in a democratic republic. If they could 
 exist in it for any time, they would be at perpetual variance 
 with the spirit of the government. It would sit heavily 
 and aukwardly upon them. It would keep them in conti- 
 nual fear, and subject them to unceasing vexation. — They 
 would always sigh for the return of that government, that 
 instead of threatening, insulting, and despising, would fos- 
 ter and protect them. How came it, that at the restoration 
 of our Charles II. the republican gavernment expired in 
 England without a struggle or a groan ? Because the old 
 laws, usages, and manners had been left almost untouched. 
 Every thing was congenial with the old Gonstitution. The 
 
93 
 
 country was conquered by the fanatics, as by a band of 
 Mamelukes, but not revolutionised. She thought and felt 
 monarchically. Republicanism was violence during this 
 time. The restoration of the old constitution was the re- 
 storation of the natural order of things, and it was accom- 
 plished with a facility that appears incredible to those, who 
 do not sufficiently consider the powerful influence of cus- 
 toms and manners. The people naturally exulted at the 
 restoration of the system, from which their prejudices and 
 affections had never been drawn away by any revolutionary 
 artifices. Much as its re-establishment was facilitated by 
 the opmion of its own merit, it was greatly indebted to the 
 ignorance and stupidity of its fanatical enemies. They 
 had no management. Although complete masters of the 
 country for eleven years, those barbarous usurpers could 
 make no impression upon it, except what was ruinous to 
 themselves, their government, and theu' execrable reli- 
 gion. 
 
 Far different has been the conduct of the revolutionists 
 of France. They have suffered nothing to remain that 
 could militate against the genius of theu* institutions. La 
 Vendee was the only part of France impervious to theiie 
 operations, and its long and zealous attachment to the an- 
 cient system may be attributed, in a considerable degree, 
 to the little change that was effected in it by the revolu- 
 tionary measures. All these circumstances should be well 
 weighed by those whom the restoration of Charles II. 
 still encourages to expect the re-establishment of the 
 throne of Bourbon. — From what has been stated, we can 
 account satisfactorily for the change which the French re- 
 public has made in her laws, customs, usages, and man- 
 ners, without supposing with Mr. Burke, that she had 
 formed " a resolution of keeping no terms with the 
 
 H 2 
 
94 
 
 world," or that slie had any other motive in this ifistance^ 
 than a strong- desire of firmly establishing-, and perpetua- 
 ting her own system of government within her own domi- 
 nions. The change in her laws has not indeed, been quite 
 so great as Mr. Burke represents. Most of the articles of 
 the Roman law, not interfering with the republican system, 
 that were formerly adopted by France, are still found in 
 her code, and are meant to be preserved, if Cambaceres 
 has spoken the sense of her legislature. 
 
 But if the change in her laws, manners and usages had 
 been as great as possible, it need not prevent an eternal 
 peace between her and every country in Europe. We 
 have long been at peace with nations which differ from 
 ours in almost every thing in which it is possible for a dif- 
 ference between nations to exist ; in government, religion, 
 laws, customs, manners, prejudices and opinions ; with 
 the Ottoman empire ; with the piratical communities of 
 Barbary ; with Poland and Russia. The good understand- 
 ing that we have maintained with those states cannot be 
 attributed to their distance from us, since otir navy v.'ould 
 speedily bring them all within the reach of our power. 
 Our wars have been almost always with the countries whose 
 governments and manners most nearly resembled our own. 
 " Resemblances, conformities, and sympathies," do indeed 
 lead us to associate ; but they very often occasion us to 
 quarrel. Thej^ make us pursue the same objects : they 
 therefore create rivalship. " Nothing," says Mr. Burke, 
 " is so strong a tie of amity between nation and nation, as 
 correspondence in laws, customs, manners, and habits of 
 life." Yet such a correspondence between the common- 
 wealths of Greece formerly, and between many of the na- 
 tions of Europe in modern times, by giving them the same 
 viewS) the same wants, the same ambition, produced per- 
 
95 
 
 petuai rivaiships, jealousies, animosities and contcntioits 
 between them. States which are candidates for the same 
 sort of power, wealth and renown, must frequently clash 
 in their pursuits, and the discordance will g-enerally kindle 
 irritation enough for a quarrel. France and England have 
 long" soug-ht to acquire dominion and influence in the world 
 by tlie same means, and they have found in almost every 
 object of their ambition, a source of war. 
 
 Those resemblances between nations have often made 
 their wars more rancorous, as well as more frequent. The 
 most trivial disagreements have caused the most spiteful 
 and sanguinary conflicts. Mr. Bvirke observes with satis- 
 faction, that " the nations of Europe have had the very 
 ^^ same christian religion, agreeing in the fundamental 
 *^' parts, varying a little in the ceremonies and in the subor- 
 " dinate doctrines." Yet these ceremonies and subordinate 
 doctrines ; the fashion of a liood ; the placing of a table ; 
 the decorations of a church ; have produced amongst 
 christians, maligTiant and bloody wars. 
 
 If, at the commencement of the reign of Louis XIV. 
 France had become dissimilar to this country in every re- 
 spect, by being suddenly converted to the Mahometan re- 
 ligion, and to Mahometan politics, opinions and habits of 
 life, such as they are at this time, we might not have had 
 one contest with her ever since. She would not have given 
 herself the least concern whether w^e were Papists, Lu- 
 tiierans or Calvanists ; whether our king was a Tudor, a 
 Stuart, or of the line of Brunswick ; whether the high 
 church or the low church, the whig or the tory preponde- 
 rated in our legislature. She would have viewed with in- 
 diiference and composure our rising colonies in America ; 
 our conquests in the East and Vv'est-Indies ; our commer- 
 
96 
 
 cial monopolies ; and we should have contemplated her af- 
 fairs without any emotion except what might arise from our 
 curiosity ; little anxious about the proceedings of the di- 
 van or the intrigues of the seraglio ; little concerned whe- 
 ther the sect of Ali, or the sect of Omar was triumphant. 
 It is difficult to suppose any cause of hostility with France 
 in this situation ; so that, in truth, a total dissimilitude in 
 laws, customs and manners, instead of being a cause for 
 implacable enmity, may be a strong preservative betv/een 
 nations of perpetual peace. 
 
 I have hitherto maintained little more than that peace 
 might be made honorably, if it could be made safely. On 
 the advantages of peace it is unnecessary to expatiate. — 
 The topic, although so fertile, has been nearly exhausted. 
 There is, however, one among those advantages that has 
 not been considered with the attention it merits : I mean 
 the influence that peace would have upon France ; in 
 soothing her sufferings ; in mollifying her stern charac- 
 ter ; in lov/ering her high military spirit ; in destroying 
 what may yet remain of the revolutionary enthusiasm ; 
 in a word, in directing all her valour, enterprise, perse- 
 verance, activity and energy to other purposes than con- 
 quest or destruction. She might soon be distinguished 
 for refinement, and blessed with prosperity. I shall be 
 told, perhaps, that she would then become a formidable 
 commercial rival to Great -Britain. Be it so. She will be 
 a much less dangerous rival to us as a commercial than as 
 a warlike republic. It is vain to deny it : great commer- 
 cial prosperity tends not only to mollify and refine, but to 
 enfeeble the national character. A nation of rich mer- 
 chants and manufacturers is a far less formidable foe, thaa 
 a commonwealth of fierce and hungry warriors. 
 
^7 
 
 If I were perfectly neutral in this great «ont«st, I slioulcl 
 wish sincerely fpr the peaceful happiness of the people of 
 Prance. But as one of their enemies, I wish for it most 
 ardently. What would be our situation if we had suc- 
 ceeded in reducing" France to famine and wretchedness, 
 and had deprived her of ail hope of improving her condi- 
 tion, except by plunder ? The exuberance of her popula- 
 tion, urged by political passions only, carried terror and 
 dismay throughout all Europe. What then would she 
 not achieve if, impelled by the necessity of preserving 
 life and thirst of vengeance, as well as by enthusiasm, 
 her whole race of warriors were to gush forth on all sides, 
 uniting Vandal fury with Roman perseverance and know- 
 ledge seldom equalled in the science of war ? I confess, 
 I sincerely desire that France may soon become rich enough 
 to have more to fear than to hspe from hostile depreda- 
 tions, and that she may derive so much prosperity from 
 the re-establishment of peace, as to make her desirous of 
 its eternal preservation. 
 
 It is evident that a general peace would have upon her 
 that benign influence, which I delight to predict. The 
 partial treaties which she has already made, have pro* 
 duced it in so great a degree, as to have divested her of 
 the savage ferocity that marked her character, while she 
 was assailed by all the confederate powers. I consider the 
 effect that a peace of tolerable duration would have up- 
 on the martial spirit, and the political ardour of the 
 French people, of such importance, that 1 believe the 
 French republic, bounded by the Rhine, the mountains, 
 the Mediterranean, and the ocean, would be a less formi- 
 dable antagonist, after ten years of tranquillity, than she 
 would be at this time, if her empire did not extend beyond 
 tlie territories she possessed at the commencement of the 
 
98 
 
 war. It is not long' since Spain has become her ally, and 
 our opponent. The event did not depreciate our funds an 
 hundredth pai't of their value. Spain is a quiet, sober, 
 regular enemy. Her friend has not been able to commu- 
 nicate to her a spark of his fire. One Spain coming against 
 us, fresh out of a revolution, would be worse than a dozen 
 of such enemies as Spain is now.* 
 
 It has been urged, that the conduct of the French repub- 
 lic to some of her enemies, and to all the powers with 
 which she has made peace, should deter us from making 
 with her government any treaty whatever. Mr. Burke ac- 
 cuses her of negotiating with the insolence of ancient 
 Home, and he seems to regard each of her generals as a 
 Brennus.f *' Spain," says Mr. Burke, " is a province of 
 *' the jacobin empire, and she must make peace or war, 
 " according to the orders she receives from the directory 
 *' of assassins." That the French directory have great in- 
 fluence over her councils cannot be doubted. But it seems 
 
 * JWr. Burhe^ having discussed the subject of the equiva- 
 lent to be offered to France for the cession of the territories con- 
 quered by her from our allies, makes the follotmng mysterious 
 »bsei"vatio?i .• " If you or others see a toay o^it of these difficid- 
 *' ties, I am happy. I see indeed a fund from tvlience eguiva 
 ** lents ivill be proposed. I see it, biit I cannot just no-iv touch 
 ** it. It is a question of high moment. It opens another IlUad 
 *• of -woes to Europe." — See page 156. Concerning the nature 
 of this fund I have formed various, bzit unsatisfactory con~ 
 jectures. 
 
 ■j- " With their spears they draio a circle abotitus.*' p. 61. 
 ** lie is the Gaid that puts his sword into the scale J* p. 13, 
 
S9 
 
 to have been acquired in some degree by diplomatic ad- 
 dress. It is certain, at least, that if her situation is as Mr. 
 Burke represents it, she is ignorant of her abasement. She 
 would not otherwise speak of her masters in the con- 
 temptuous and insulting language she applied to them in 
 her answer to the remonstrance of the court of Peters- 
 burgh, concerning her conduct to the allied powers. When 
 she published that answer, she must have forgotten that 
 " the regicide ambassador governed at Madrid," and he 
 too, must be unacquainted with the extent of his power, 
 or he would not tamely suffer such an outrage on his dig- 
 nity. 
 
 f 
 
 Prussia has also been supposed to furnish proofs of 
 French insolence. This has been presumed, in conse- 
 quence of the permission granted by his Prussian majesty 
 to the French citizens, who reside in his territories, to 
 distinguish themselves by the revolutionary decoration. 
 But from the conduct and views of the French directory 
 and the king' of Prussia, when this distinction was allow- 
 ed, it is extremely improbable that he granted it without 
 some sort of compensation. 
 
 There is not one of the other states she has made peace 
 with, to which she bears such a relation, as would exist 
 between her and the British empire after the termination 
 of the war. The power of waging war is the best guaran- 
 tee for preserving peace ; and when a country refuses t» 
 treat with her enemy until he has deprived her of that 
 power, she lies wholly at his mercy, and can expect no- 
 thing more than permission to capitulate. 
 
 With respect to our material resources for supporting" 
 war, by which I mean laeii and military apparatus of evciy 
 
kind, I can hardly ae« an end to them, provided Uie people 
 will contribute to the utmost extent of their ability. But if 
 fehey refuse to contribute, except in the usual, regular, 
 and moderate manner ; if they are animated by no fervent 
 zeal, no glowing- patriotism, to support them under priva- 
 ^ons and in distress ; if in short, they will not give every 
 thing beyond what is necessary to support themselves, to 
 siipport their country, 1 am apprehensive that this war 
 cannot be long continued without very great embarrass- 
 ment. 
 
 On the subject of the military resources of nations, some 
 verj^ erroneous opinions have been prevalent. It is not in mo- 
 ney of any description, paper or metallic, that the actual re- 
 sources of a country consist, nor is it by the credit of assig- 
 nats or mandats, or the price of any public fund that we can 
 estimate the real ability of France or of England. If a coun- 
 iry produce men, ships, provisions, ai*ms and ammunition in 
 Sufficient abundance, or enough of other valuable commo- 
 dities to purchase v/hat she does not produce ; and if her 
 people are willing-, or can be made to contribute them for 
 her service, she may wage war, defensive or offensive, as 
 long as they last, without possessing a single piece of coin, 
 and without being obliged to support any paper currency by 
 plunder. Those representatives of value, which have been 
 mistakenly considei-ed as real resources, are no more than 
 useful instruments for obtaining the actual instrumei^.ts of 
 war. They greatly facilitate, but they are not absolutely 
 necessary to the transfer of them from the subject to the 
 government. In some situations the government may lay 
 their hands on whatever they want for the public service 
 in the first instance. But in such countries as France and 
 Engiand, an able minister can never be driven to adopt this 
 Oppressive mode of supply. He mtist be extremely igiio- 
 
101 
 
 lunt of the science of finance, who couid not mamtaln * 
 good paper currency, having the whole surplus produce of 
 a wealthy nation to support it. If every piece of coin, and 
 every note, bill and debenture in Great-Britain were sud- 
 denly annihilated, the loss would not render us unable to 
 carry on a long- and vigorous war ; if the population and 
 produce of the country continued as at present, and if her 
 people were animated in support of the contest. The loss 
 of the present circulating medium, although it would oc- 
 casion extreme embarrassment, would not deprive us of 
 men or arms, or of any of the materials for attack or de- 
 fence, except what the annihilated coin could have pur- 
 chased from foreign countries. Nothing, indeed, short of 
 a palpable stale necessity would justify the creation of a 
 paper currency in a great commercial nation. It is an ex- 
 pedient productive of much evil, and I triist we shall never 
 be compelled to adopt it. If, however, a paper currency 
 were our only resource, it might be maintained by impo- 
 sing annual taxes, to be paid with the paper money only, 
 to the amount of the paper money annually issued. It might 
 even preserve its full nominal value, if that amount exceed- 
 ed those taxes in a certain degree. So much of the paper 
 money as would be absorbed by commerce, might be safe- 
 ly issued, over and above the quantity of that money that 
 would be returned to government by the taxes. If this 
 currency should fail, another could be raised upon differ- 
 ent principles. Taxes might be imposed on actual produce, 
 and the payment exacted in kind. What they yielded 
 might be lodged in the public storehouses, and such arti- 
 cles as the government had no occasion for, might be sold 
 for the paper money, to keep up its value ; and with this 
 paper money the government might pui'chase what they 
 
102 
 
 could not obtain by direct taxation or requisition.* This 
 last sort of paper currency, or rather, this mode of support- 
 ing one, is aukward and embarrassing. It can only be ne- 
 cessary when the first sort of paper money has failed, 
 through extravagance, bad faith, or financial inability. 
 
 France has fully shown, since the revolution, in what real 
 Biilitary resources consist ; and she has completely refuted 
 the opinion, that the want of money, or even the ruin of a 
 system of finance, must necessarily disable a country from 
 prosecuting war with vigour. 
 
 At the beginning of the revolution the coin of France 
 disappeared. Its place was supplied by the assignats ; 
 various causes reduced their value so much, that they 
 were at last hardly worth the expense of fabrication. Yet 
 in their lowest state, France supplied her armies with the 
 most lavish profusion. She produced every thing they 
 wanted, and her government were masters of every thing 
 that she produced. For a short time they levied taxes on 
 
 * A part of the internal commerce of the state of Virginia 
 is carried on through the jnedium of a paper currency , called 
 tobacco notes. The oivners of tobacco of a certain quality, are 
 permitted to lodge it in the ware-houses of the state. Receipts^ 
 specifying the quantity deposited, are given to theyn, and are 
 circulated as the signs of so much value, which, as the quality 
 of the article represented is ascertained, can be appreciated 
 from the state of the markets with tolerable exactness. The 
 governme7it of Virginia, if they possessed no specie, might im- 
 pose a tax upon tobacco, to be paid in Jci?id, and issue tobacco 
 notes for the service of the state, payable at the public ^ware- 
 houses in so much tobacco as the notes represented. 
 
103 
 
 property in kind, and when pressed hard they made di- 
 rect requisitions. Another paper currency (the mandats) 
 has been established, and has succeeded in part. Where 
 it fails, metallic money is obtained to supply the deficien- 
 cy. During the greatest of the fiscal distresses of France 
 she carried on the v/ar against the allies with an energy that 
 cannot be derived from the most flourishing finances, im- 
 aided by the power of enthusiasm. 
 
 Extensive as our material resources now are, we should 
 not be able to accomplish the objects for which Mr. Burke 
 advises the continuance of the war, if every one of us 
 were convinced of the justness of his opinions, and fired 
 with the ardour of his zeal. France was at one time as- 
 sailed by 50,000 men, on the very lowest computation ; 
 consisting of the armies of La Vendee, those of the 
 king of Spain, the king of Sardinia, the Italian states, 
 the king of Prussia, the emperor, the Germanic princes, 
 Holland and England. Most of those armies were enraged 
 against the enemy ; they were all composed of brave, ac- 
 tive and disciplined troops, and were commanded by ma- 
 ny of the ablest generals in Europe. Yet this mig-hty force 
 i»ot only failed in its object, but failed without ever having 
 been near the attainment of it ; without ever having been 
 even in a situation from which we might now presume 
 that it would have been successful, if it had been increas- 
 ed by two or three hundred thousand men. These numer 
 rous, well conducted, well appointed, active and enthu- 
 siastic armies, not only failed of the conquest of France, 
 but were themselves vanquished by her in a shorter space 
 of time, and with more terrible defeat, than any other 
 foree of equal magnitude, whose discomfiture is record- 
 ed in the annals of the modern world. No person in his 
 senses would think of attempting the conquest of France, 
 
104 
 
 ■ or what is the same, the subversion of her political sys- 
 tem, in this moment of her prosperity and triumph, with 
 less than double the force, which was so extremely inade- 
 quate to that acliievement in the days of her greatest 
 difficulties and deepest affliction. Were a million of troops 
 at our disposal, (a force which in our present circum- 
 stances is hardly necessary to say we cannot bring to act 
 offensively ag-ainst her,) I . do not believe that we could 
 change her government. 
 
 Fortunately for this country, and perhaps for the whole 
 world, all powers and all parties seem to have relinquish- 
 ed the design of effecting by force, a counter-revolution 
 in France. Indeed, as far as France is only concerned, 
 there seems no attainable object of value, for which the 
 continuance of the war against her would be advisable. 
 
 Her commerce as an object of booty is contemptible. 
 Almost all her possessions in both the Indies are ours, ex- 
 cept the island of St. Domingo, which I am told the whole 
 force of England would be insufficient to subdue. As for 
 France herself, she lies before us a mighty and impene- 
 trable mass of strength. At home, I trust that we are 
 equally invulnerable ; and that although we have not like 
 France, a chain of fortresses to impede an invader, we 
 are as firmly protected, should even our navy fail, by the 
 rampart that made Sparta so long invincible, a wall of men. 
 Externally, our situation is not so strong. Our extensive 
 commerce, and our rich and numerous colonies, render 
 us vuhierable in every quarter of the world. The peril 
 in which these may be placed deserves serious considera- 
 tion. But there are other objects of higher importance. 
 Great-Britain has much more at stake than her colonies 
 and her commQrce. Ardently as I wish for a speedy peaccj 
 
105 
 
 and sanguine as is my hope that it will be the foundation 
 of a sincere friendship between France and England, and 
 the forerunner of unexampled prosperity to both nations, 
 it would be the last advice I would offer to my country, to 
 sacrifice her g-lory or her freedom for the preservation of 
 her wealth. 
 
 The manner in which the directory have broken off the 
 negotiations must be highly afflicting to every one who 
 wishes for the termination of the war. The advocate for 
 peace is extremely embarrassed by their conduct. It has 
 placed us in a very difficult situation. Difficult, however, 
 and embarrassing as it is, I trust that the magnitude of the 
 evil will suggest some remedy, and that both parties will 
 sacrifice punctilio, to put an end to the eifusion of human, 
 blood, and to all the other evils of this murderous conflict. 
 
 I have the honor to be. 
 
 Your grace's most obedient servant, 
 
 JAMES WORKMAN. 
 
 ^2- 
 
A LETTER 
 
 TO THE 
 
 RESPECTABLE CITIZENS, 
 
 MHABITANTS OF THE COUNTY OF ORLEANS 
 
 TOGETHER WITH 
 
 SEVERAL LETTERS 
 
 GOVERNOR CLAIBORNE, 
 
 A-!TD OTHEU DOCUMENTS RELATIVE TO THE EXTRAOE= 
 
 BINARY MEASURES LATELY PURSUED 
 
 JN THIS TERRITORY. 
 
 BY JAMES WORKMAN, Esq. 
 
 Late Judge of the County of Orleans, and of the Court of 
 Probates for the Territory of Orleans, 
 
A LETTER* 
 
 TO THE 
 
 RESPECTABLE CITIZENS, 
 IJsrHABirAJSTTS OF THE COUJVTY OF ORLEAJSTS. 
 
 GENTLEMEiSr, 
 
 THE public journals have announced my re- 
 signation as judge of your county : I offer the following 
 letters and documents to your notice, anxious to prove that 
 I did not quit my post at a time of difficulty and peril, for 
 any other cause than the failure of my efforts to obtain 
 from the executive the support necessary to the perform- 
 ance of my duties. Every possible exertion was made by 
 me, but in vain, to repress the usurped power that 
 subverted and insulted the law, and to terminate the des- 
 potism which, obscure as to its nature, objects and ex- 
 tent, hung in terror over this afflicted and degraded land. 
 These documents will show that from the commencement 
 of this odious and disgusting tyranny, my resistance to 
 it, as far as my legitimate authority enabled me to resist, 
 was uniform and persevering. Neither menaces, nor ca- 
 lumnies, nor accusations, secret or open, nor outrage, 
 accompanied with indignity, for a moment induced me to 
 relinquish or relax in my opposition. The last letters in 
 
 * In this and in the follotvin^ letters a fe-iv corrections have 
 been made. 
 
110 
 
 this collection, and those which remonstrated with tlie 
 greatest severity, were written and delivered subsequent 
 to the time when you saw me conducted by dragoons as a 
 prisoner through the city ; and subsequent also to tbe 
 charge which it was thought proper to prefer against me, 
 after I had accused general Wilkinson and governor Clai- 
 borne of high offences before the house of representa- 
 tives of the territory. Those officers expected, perhaps, 
 that their conduct towards me, -and the apprehension they 
 supposed I should entertain of the lengths to which ma- 
 lice might push persecution, would have induced me to 
 soften, if not to abandon my opposition to their lawless 
 career. If such was. their expectation, they have been 
 wholly disappointed ; every outrage, and every slander to 
 which I became subjected from their enmity, especially 
 from the enmity of the man who owed in some degree to 
 my steady support that he yet held the power of persecu- 
 ting, served only to sharpen the severity of my remon- 
 strances to the ungrateful author of the injustice. 
 
 I entreat you, gentlemen, to remark also, that while 
 in my own person I disregarded the oppressor's anger, I 
 observed due caution in whatever regarded the safety of 
 other men, carefully avoiding, as far as my authority was 
 discretionary, every measure which in our distracted state 
 might have endangered the lives of the citizens. 
 
 I allude to my letter to the governor when I was called 
 upon to issue an attachment against general Wilkinson. — 
 My reasons for taking that precaution, are set forth in the 
 passage printed in Italics. My conduct was in all respects 
 similar to that of judge Bee on alike occasion in Charles- 
 ton, although the circumstances imder which that magis- 
 trate acted, did not by any means require the same call- 
 
Ill 
 
 tion as the very extraordinary and embarrassing situation In 
 which I was placed : but as my judicial conduct during 
 the late trying period is the subject of accusation in a com- 
 mvmication made to congress, it may be requisite to an- 
 swer the charge more fully than my occupations at this 
 moment will permit. In the mean time, however, I cannot 
 forbear to notice the wretched and infamous libel father- 
 ed upon me by its stupid authors, and published together 
 with the president's official message. It is stated as the 
 ground of suspecting me for being connected with Mr. 
 Burr in his conspiracy, that I declared that ** the repuh- 
 lican who possessed power, and did not employ it to esta- 
 blish a despotism^ was a fool."— Without deigning to dwell 
 upon the intrinsic incoherency, and the absurdity in terms 
 which this vile morsel of nonsense contains, I may re= 
 mark that if men's opinions can be inferred from their 
 conduct, the sentiment which would have been expressed 
 in that sentence, if those who wrote it knew how to write, 
 maybe fairly imputed to general Wilkinson himself. The 
 i nstant I saw the paragraph, I ventured to particularise 
 its authors. The miserable folly of the thought, and the 
 bombast in the expression, induced me to believe that it 
 must have been the joint composition of both their civil 
 and military excellencies. The imbecile driveller who in 
 a solemn state paper declared his apprehension of the ar- 
 rival of persons charged with the fulfilment of a treasona' 
 ble duty, might well conceive the bright idea of a republi- 
 can establishing despotic power. And as for the general's 
 share in the mock heroic composition, it has appeared t# 
 me that there is a strong analogy between his warlike and 
 his literary achievements. His campaign on the borders 
 of the Sabine resembles most of the performances with 
 which he hath enriched the literature of America. He 
 wields his pen and his sword in the same style ; the en o- 
 
 NONHOTONTHOLOGOS OF LETTERS AND OF WAR. 
 
112 
 
 On the remaining part of the general's accusation, 1 re- 
 quest you will suspend your opinion. I think I have some 
 claim to this indulgence. For during the period, now 
 about three years, that I have resided among you, (engaged 
 nearly the whole time in some public employment,) calum- 
 ny breathed not against me until I had opposed and become 
 the accuser oTyour oppressors. In the exercise of my ju- 
 dicial duties I have reason to hope that I have been honour- 
 ed with your approbation. Upwards of six hundred suits 
 have been brought before the~ court in which I presided : 
 From its decisions there have been but very few appeals, 
 and in every one of these which has been heard and deter- 
 mined, the judgment of the superior court has invariably 
 confirmed mine. Permit me to remark also that I have a 
 considerable share in forming the system of laws by which 
 the territory is now governed ; a system which, combining 
 the excellencies of the Roman and the Eng-lish — of the 
 Castilia.n and the American codes, innovated boldly where 
 personal liberty required a change, and preserved with 
 scrupulous solicitude, in spite of the barbarous ignorance 
 that opposed us, all your laws, customs and usages, not in- 
 compatible with the acts of congi*ess or the principles of 
 the federal constitution. Yes, gentlemen, we were oppo- 
 sed by ignorance and presumption at every step. The first 
 legislative council, under whose auspices that system was 
 formed, and who deserved great praise for their cautious 
 wisdom, and for the firmness with which they resisted the 
 strong prejudices of two opposite and obstinate parties, 
 were frequently presented, (as the printed journal of their 
 proceedings may have informed you,) with bills from go- 
 vernor Claiborne, These were all read twice, through re- 
 spect for his excellency's office-— but a paramount regard 
 for the welfare of the public prevented the council from 
 passing any one of them into a law ; they were sufl^ered to 
 
113 
 
 sleep in peace and die in oblivion. Utterly inapplicable to 
 our situation, they were not conformable nor even analo- 
 gous to the principles of our code. The rejection of these 
 proposed statutes was in a good measure owing to my ur- 
 gent representations of their evil tendency, to the public 
 in one very important case, (the licentious bill of divorce,) 
 and in others, to the members of the legislative council. 
 That honorable body had chosen me, on the recommen- 
 dation of Dr. Watkins, as their secretary ; (an appoint- 
 ment for which governor Claiborne had proposed another 
 gentleman ; and they also appointed me as they had done Ed- 
 ward Livingston and James Brown, Esqs. to assist them in 
 draughting some important laws.) Congress, it is true, had 
 ordained that one of our governor's duties (for the supposed 
 performance of which we were obliged to pay him 5000 
 dollars per annum) was to enact laws for the territory, 
 with the advice and consent of the legislative council ; but 
 congress might as well have ordained that his excellency 
 should speak French, or write English, or act with wisdom^ 
 or dignity, ©r courage. 
 
 Was it not then much better that the inhabitants should 
 be put to the additional expense of a few thousand dollars 
 by reason of his excellency's ignorance, than suffer their 
 code to be mangled and deformed by him, and their pro» 
 perty thus rendered uncertain and insecure ? 
 
 The sum allotted by the joint resolution of both branches 
 of the legislature as the fee for the services of Mr. Living- 
 ston and Mr. Brown was 5000 dollars ; not one of whic^ 
 either of these gentlemen has ever received, noi: were 
 
114 
 
 they complimented with the thanks of the public, or even 
 of the ungrateful authority which has derived so much un- 
 merited credit from their able assistance. But can g-rati- 
 tude consist with low malice and abject pusillanimity ? He 
 who abandons, betrays and persecutes his best friends 
 must think very lightly of ordinary ingratitude. But the 
 g'overnor did not merely neglect to reward those by whose 
 counsel he had benefited ; he actually assumed the credit 
 of their works : — and, by an unparalleled union of eifro n - 
 tery and injustice, he endeavoured to convert them into an 
 instrument of his malignity against one of their authors. 
 In his speech to the legislative council, on proroguing 
 them, July third, eighteen hundred and five, he remarks : 
 ** To you, gentlemen, who have participated -zoith me the 
 *' toil of legislating for a territory, situated as this has beeji, 
 " where a general innovation throug"hout the whole S3-S- 
 " tern of government, presented a variety of legislative 
 " objects that required the exercise of a more than ordina- 
 " r?/ share of talent and discretion,- where prejudice and 
 " former habits presented impediments to that progress 
 " of improvement, which experience had suggested and 
 "^ reason sanctioned, and above all, where party spirit, 
 " lighted up by restless, and occasionally by unprincipled am- . 
 " bition, was too successful in producing distrust and in- 
 "* quietude ; permit me to say that to citizens who neither 
 *' influenced by any wayward impulse of the moment, or 
 "awed by the, difficulties in view, attended with fidelity 
 *' and remained with firmness at the post assigned them by 
 •* their country, a great debt of gratitude is due,*' &c. His 
 excellency, not content with a general eulogium on those 
 admirable legislative labours of his, in which he allows 
 the council the honour of having merely participated, 
 specifies some of the acts for which he claims a more par- 
 ticular commendation. 
 
115 
 
 " I now come to the period at which yoiir labotirs com- 
 " meiiced, and permit me to assure yo\i of 7ny great admi- 
 " ration of the- judgment you have manifested in selecting 
 " proper objects of legislation. Your code of criminal laxv, 
 '* exhibiti?ij a system at the same time mild and energ-etic ; 
 " the judicious innovations -which you have occasionally jnade 
 " in the municipal arrange7nents of the country ; the ivise acts 
 " you have passed for the convenience, eiicourogement and 
 "protection of commerce, as tvellas for the internal improve' 
 *' ment of the territory : and above all the latidable pro- 
 *' vision you have moxle for the introduction of science and li- 
 ** terature, and for the education of the rising" generation, ~vill 
 " remain lasting testimonies of ij our abilities, discretion, and 
 " real patriotism." 
 
 There is not perhaps extant such a monument of impu-- 
 dence, vanity and falsehood, as the speech from which 
 those extracts are taken. The code of criminal law, claim- 
 ed by his excellency, was drawn by me. For the judicious 
 innovations made in our municipal arrangements, you are 
 indebted chiefly to Mr. Livingston, Mr. Brown and Doctor 
 Watkins. The first of these gentlemen drew the county 
 court law — Mr. Brown is the author of the act regulating 
 the practice of the superior court, and Mr. Livingston and 
 Doctor Watkins, jointly, drew the bill for incorporating the 
 city of New-Orleans. Two bills for improving the inland 
 navigation of the Territory were drawn by Mr. liivingston. 
 Some objections having been made to them, they were con- 
 siderably altered, and united into one act by me, at the 
 desire and conformably to the instructions of Mr. George 
 Pollock, a member of the council, to whose perseverance 
 and activity the passing of that act was chiefly due. The 
 other bills, which the governor considers 'SO eminently ex- 
 cellent, namely, the acts for establishing a college, public 
 
116 
 
 scliools and libraries, came from my pen. Indeed, his ex- 
 cellency has done me the honour to adopt one of those 
 humble legislative performances with an ardent, parental 
 affection. The law to institute a university in this terri- 
 tor}^ has been published in several of the newspapers of 
 the United States with hig-h encomiums on the production 
 itself, and great compliments to the supposed author for 
 his solicitude for the education of youth. You may sup- 
 pose, perhaps, that these bills were written privately for 
 the governor by their respective authors — No such thing, 
 gentlemen ; their origin was a matter of notoriety. They 
 were almost all drawn at the desire, publicly expressed, 
 of the council or some of its members ; a fact generally 
 known here to those who inqure into such concerns. — Nay, 
 incredible as it may seem, his excellency himself had ap- 
 proved an act allowing me a recompense for draughting 
 the very laws, the merit of which he so modestly claimed. 
 But his pretensions shall not be allowed. The poor daw 
 m|iy continue to v/ear and display the feathers which have 
 been charitably ^iwre to him to clothe his unfledgedj miser- 
 able form, but he shall not steal the plumes which others 
 have appropriated for their own use or ornament. 
 
 Inquire too, gentlemen, when you hear any man's con- 
 duct condemned, who are his accusers, what their charac- 
 ter ; their motives, their interest in supporting the accu- 
 sation ? How stands their account with fidelity and truth r 
 Are they as hostile to veracity, as she is to them ? 
 
 But gentlemen, if desirous of removing from your minds 
 unfavourable prepossessions respecting individual charac- 
 ter, much more anxious am I that the constitution of our 
 government may not, from what has passed here, be de- 
 preciated in your esteem. The enemies of the United 
 
117 
 
 States and of civil liberty have availed themselves of these 
 apparently inauspicious events, to insinuate that we have 
 no constitution, and that the laws which can be set aside 
 and trampled upon by such a person as general Wilkinson 
 ■are of no value. Much industry, I fear, has been used to 
 give currency to these sug-g-estions. Libels inculcating 
 them have been openly published in your streets. Persons 
 (to adopt the majestic phraseology which our Roi de Co- 
 cagne has been lately commanded to assume) high in office, 
 if not in character, talent or understanding, insist on the 
 great inconveniences of the trial by jury, and of public tri- 
 bunals ; nay, they have gone so far as to propose destroy- 
 ing in some measure, by the mockery of law, the most va- 
 luable privilege secured to us by our constitution. They 
 have discovered that the habeas corpus is a nuisance ; the 
 possible instrument o^ rescuing those who, in the vile jar- 
 gon of imbecility and ignorance may be charged to fidfil 
 some treasonable duty. Gentlemen, let not all this treach- 
 ery, or- folly alarm you. The law is not dead, but sleep"- 
 eth : The constitution is eclipsed indeed, but the dark 
 bodies of hideous and ill omened form, which, have inter- 
 cepted its light and deprived us of its genial influence, will 
 soon pass away ; and we shall again behold the glorious 
 luminary shining forth in all its original splendour. 
 
 My reasons for entertaining sanguine hopes of the resto- 
 ration of our rights, and of security against future usur- 
 pation, are given in my letter of the 25thof January, 180*, 
 to the then nominal governor of this territory. 
 
 Even during the late alarming period, circumstances 
 have taken place, which demonstrate that our judicial in- 
 stitutions possess an essential purity itnd energy that des- 
 potism itself cannot wholly destroy. Of the number of 
 
 K 2 
 
118 
 
 your fellow-citizens who were denounced as conspirators 
 against the peace of their country, some have been brought 
 to trial, against whom the utmost efforts and influence of 
 power w6re employed. What was the consequence ? Did 
 you see the accused abandoned to the rage of their ene- 
 mies ? No. The brightest talents shone in their defence. 
 A lawyer, the ornament of his profession and of his coun- 
 try, stepped forth for their protection ; a man whose in- 
 trepid and high minded integrity stood far aloof from the 
 degeneracy of the day, and defied the outrages of usur- 
 ping power, the malice of dastard enmity, and, more 
 hateful than these, the poisoned shafts of slander. In line, 
 the accused were acquitted by a jury of their country; 
 whose verdict evidenced their own courage as well as 
 the innocence of those whom they had in charge. Far 
 then from suffering ourselves to be discouraged by the late 
 temporary" usurpation, let us endeavour to educe some 
 good from the evil which cannot now be prevented or di- 
 minished. Our cause requires action not lamentation. What 
 ■^e have suffered wiU convince the general government that 
 some change is necessary for our safety ; and I feel confi- 
 dfent that they will meliorate our condition, if it be repre- 
 sented to them justly, and illustrated with tl^ose lights 
 which eloquence can throw upon truth. 
 I have the honour to be, gentlemen, 
 
 Yo ur faithful and obedient servant, 
 
 JAMES WORKMAN. 
 JSTew-Orkam, March 28fA, 18G7. 
 
COPIES AND ABSTRACTS 
 
 OF CERTAIN 
 
 LETTERS AND OFFICIAL DOCUMENTS. 
 
 Xo. I. 
 
 JVew-Orleans, January 18, 1807. 
 
 To the honourable the house of representatives of the territo- 
 ry of Orleans. 
 
 Gentlemen, 
 
 HAVING lately adopted the unusual mea- 
 sure of adjourning' the court of the county of Orleans^, 
 sine die, I feel it a duty incumbent on me to justify myself 
 on the occasion to your honourable body, and to enable you 
 without delay, as far as lies in my power, to take such steps 
 a« your wisdom may deem requisite for our relief in the 
 extraordinary and painful situation to which we are redu- 
 ced. The documents herewith transmitted will inform you 
 of the illegal arrest and transportation of certain persons 
 by the authority of brigadier general Wilkinson ; the pro- 
 ceedings which have been had in consequence ; my unsuc* 
 ctessful applications to his excellency governor Claiborne 
 fbr support ; aiid the reasons which induced me to decUne 
 
120 
 
 holding" a court, whose authority and dignity I had not the 
 means to maintain. 
 
 I have the honour to be, g-entlemen. 
 
 With sentiments of profound respect, 
 
 Your most obedient and most humble servant, 
 
 JAMES WORKMAN. 
 
 No. IL 
 
 JVeiv- Orleans, Jaiiuary 5th, 1807. 
 
 To his Excellency Governor Claiborne. 
 
 S I R — The late extraordinary events which have taken 
 place in this territory, have led to a circumstance that now 
 authorises me to renew to your excellency, in a -formal of- 
 ficial manner, the earnest request I have so frequently 
 urged in conversation, that you would make use of the 
 constitutional force placed under your command, to main- 
 tain the laws of your country, and protect its citizens 
 against the unexampled tyranny exercised over them. 
 
 It is notorious that the commander in chief of the mili^ 
 tary force here, has, by his own authority, arrested several 
 citizens for civil offences. Ke has avowed on record that 
 he had adopted measures to send them out of the territo- 
 ry ; he has openly declared his determination to usurp 
 the functions of the judiciary, by making himself the only 
 judge of the guilt of those whom he shall suspect, and he 
 has in the same manner asserted, as yet wichout contra- 
 diction, that his measures were taken after several consul- 
 tations with your excellency. ^ 
 
121 
 
 Writs of habeas corpus have been Issued from my court. 
 On one of tliem Peter V. Ogden was brought before me 
 and discharg-ed. He was however again arrested soon after 
 by order of general Wilkinson, together with an officer of 
 this court, who had aided professionally in procuring Mr. 
 Ogden's release. The general in his return to subsequent 
 writs of habeas corpus^ issued by me in their behalf, refer- 
 red me to a return made by him to the superior court ; 
 and in the further return which 1 ordered him to make, he 
 has declared that neither of those persons was in his pow- 
 er, possession or custody : Bat he does not assert, what 
 is requisite in such cases in order to exempt from the pe- 
 nalty of a contempt of court, that these persons were not 
 in his power, possession or custody at the time when the 
 writs were served. In consequence of this deficiency I am 
 called upon to issue an attachment against him. 
 
 Although a common cause would not require the step I 
 am now taking, yet I deem it my duty, before any deci- 
 sive measures are pursued against a man who has all the 
 regular force, and in pui'suance of your public orders, a 
 great part of that of the territory at his disposal, to ask 
 your excellency whether you have the ability to enforce 
 the decrees of the court in which I preside, and if you 
 have, whether you shall deem it expedient to do it in the 
 present instance ; or whether the allegation that you sup- 
 port these violent and unlawful measures, is well founded ? 
 
 JSTot only the conduct and poiver of general Wilkinson, but 
 various circumstances peculiar to our present situation — the 
 alarm excited in the public mind — the description and charac- 
 ter of a large portion of the population of this county, might 
 render it dangerous in the highest degree to adopt the measure 
 lisualin ordinary cases of calling to the aid of the sheriff thQ 
 
122 
 
 posse coiTimitatus, miless it xvere done loith the assurance 
 of being supported by your excellency in an efficient manner. 
 
 I pray your excellency to give a precise and speedy an- 
 swer to my inquiries. Should I be asFAired of your sup- 
 port, I shall forthwith punish as the law directs, the con- 
 tempt that has been ofrered to ray court : On the other hand, 
 if your excellency shall not think it practicable or proper 
 to afford your aid, I shall not expose that court and its offi- 
 cers to the farther contempt or insults of a man whom 
 they are unable to punish or resist. 
 I have the honour to be 
 
 Your excellency's most obedient. 
 And most humble servant, 
 
 JAMES WORKMAN, 
 Judge of the county of Orleans. 
 
 Compared and found conformable to the original letter 
 transm.itled to governor Claibornej by Geo. T. Ross, she- 
 riff of the county. 
 
 GEO. T. ROSS-. 
 
 No. III. 
 
 Copy of an affi davit of Judge Workman. 
 
 I, James Y^'orkman, Judge of the county of Orleans, 
 and of the court of probates of the territory of Orleans, 
 do declare, that some time after the arrest of Dr. BoUraan, 
 Messrs. Ogden and Swartwout, by the order, as declarant 
 was mformed, of brigadier general James Wilkinson, this 
 declarant waited on governor Claiborne, and asked if he 
 
123 
 
 had consented to these proceedings.— Governor Claiborne 
 replied that he had assented to the arrest of Dr. B oilman 
 only, and that as to the propriety of the arrest of the others 
 his mind was not made up. This deponent then represented 
 the illegality and evil tendency of such measures, and be- 
 sought the governor not to permit them, but to use his 
 authority, as the constitutional guardian of his fellow-citi- 
 zens, to protect them in their rig-hts. The governor re- 
 marked that he had not the authority to libera.te those per- 
 sons, but that it was for the judiciary to do it if they thought 
 fit. Thereupon this declarant said, he had heard that a 
 writ of habeas corpus had been or would be issued by the 
 superior court, to bring Dr. Bollman before them ; that he 
 had also heard that general Wilkinson intended to send 
 the persons he had arrested out of the territory, and that 
 if this was not prevented the writ of habeas corpus would 
 be nugatory. — Declarant said he considered it to be the duty 
 of the governor in such a case not only to enforce obedience 
 to the judiciary, but to protect the citizens in the first 
 instance ; and prevent them from being sent away in such 
 a manner, and placed possibly out of the power of their 
 country, or the reach of justice. And this declarant fur- 
 ther saith, that soon after he had issued a Vt^rit of habeas 
 corpus, in the case of Peter V. Ogden, this declarant again 
 waited on the governor, and urged him as before to inter- 
 pose his authority, to prevent the laws from being violated 
 or rendered of no avail : This declarant stated his appre- 
 hensions that the persons arrested might be taken to the 
 Moro Castle, unless the governor would protect them. — 
 The governor on this occasion replied, that he was con- 
 vinced general Wilkinson's intentions were patriotic, and 
 that the prisoners would be carried to the United States and 
 not as this deponent feared, to the Havanna. — And this de- 
 ponent further states, that afterwards when Mr, Ogden and 
 
124 
 
 been arrested the second time, together with Mr. Alex- 
 ander, this declarant again applied to the governor on the 
 subject, repeated his former observations, and recommend- 
 ed that general Wilkinson should be opposed by force of 
 arms. — He stated further, that the violent measures of that 
 officer had produced great discontent, alarm and agitation 
 in the public mind : And that unless such proceedings were 
 effectually opposed, all confidence in the government would 
 be at an end. Declarant then urged the governor to re- 
 voke the order by which he had placed the battalion of 
 Orleans volunteers under general Wilkinson's command ; 
 and to call out and arm the rest of the militia force, as 
 speedily as possible.— Declarant stated it as his opinion 
 that the army would not oppose the civil power, when con- 
 stitutionally brought forth ; or that if they did the govern- 
 or might soon have men enough to render such opposition 
 ineffectual. Declarant added, that from the laudable con- 
 duct of commodore Shaw and lieutenant Jones, respect- 
 ing Mr. Ogden, declarant not only did not apprehend any 
 resistance to the civil authority from the navy, but thought 
 it might be relied on for aid in case of necessity. And the 
 declarant further states, that he did afterwards, at various 
 times, and previous to the fifth of this instant, January, 
 in presence of judge Hall and judge Matthews, urge the 
 governor as before to revoke the order above mentioned, 
 and assemble, arm, and call out the militia to defend the 
 country, enforce its laws, and protect its inhabitants 
 against tyranny. And this declarant hatli also heard 
 judge Hall and judge Matthews frequently call upon and 
 urge the governor to the same effect. 
 
 James Workman, being duly sworn on the Holy Evange- 
 list of Almighty God, doth depose and say, that the facts 
 
125 
 
 set forth in the above statement are substantially true, to 
 the best of this deponent's recollection and belief 
 
 (Signed) JAMES WORKMAN. 
 
 Sworn before me, this 13th day of 
 January, in the year of our Lord, 
 1807. 
 
 (Signed) JOHN WAT KINS, 
 
 Mayor of the city. 
 
 No. IV. 
 
 JVew-Orleans, January 12thf 1807. 
 
 To his excellency governor Claiborne. 
 
 S I R — Not having- received any answer to my letter to 
 your excellency of the 5th inst. and considering your silence 
 on the subject of it as a proof, in addition to those that 
 previously existed, that your excellency not only declines 
 the performance of your duties as chief magistrate of this 
 territory, but actually supports the lawless measures of 
 its oppressor, I have adjourned the court of the county 
 of Orleans, sine die. — And I took this step without grant- 
 ing the attachment sued for against general Wilkinson, for 
 the reasons alluded to in my late commimication. Had 
 this process issued, and the general, in pursuance of his me- 
 naces, made resistance, the sheriff -would then have been aU' 
 thorised and required by larv, independently of the court, to 
 call the aid of the posse coinimtsityLS. The ruinous effects of 
 that measure at this time — the confusion and destruction to 
 xohich it would probably have led, in consequence of your ex- 
 cellency^ s refusal ofyoitr support, are obvitym to every persm 
 
 I. 
 
126 
 
 ftcfuainted tifith our present dreadful situation, and 7dll fully 
 justify my conduct in the opinioti of every frietid to the ccwitry. 
 When your Excellency shall think proper to resume the 
 leg-itimate authority which you have abdicated, and be dis- 
 posed to exert it in support of the constitution and laws, 
 I shall then (if in my present office) cheerfully resume 
 the judicial duties which I am now unable to perform. 
 I have the honor to be 
 
 Your Excellency's most obedient 
 humble servant, 
 
 JAMES AVORKMAN, 
 Judge of the County of Orleans, 
 
 No. V. 
 
 Affidavit of Lawrence Clark in the case of Peter V. Ogden. 
 
 County of Orleans, ss. 
 
 Personally before me, Lewis Kerr, one of the justices 
 assigned to keep the peace in and for the said county, ap- 
 peared Lawrence Clark of the same place, merchant, who 
 being duly sworn, on his oath saith, that Peter V. Ogden, 
 late of the city and state of New-York, merchant, and a 
 native citizen of the United States, is now in confinement 
 and imprisoned on board of the United States.' bomb ketch 
 ^tna, this deponent having there seen him in custody this 
 day, which said ketch is now at anchor, and lying in the 
 river Mississippi, opposite the city of New-Orleans, and 
 within the limits of the said county, and that, as this de- 
 ponent is informed and hath reason to believe, and doth 
 verily believe, the said Ogden there remains in the immediate 
 
127 
 
 custody of Lieutenant Jones, but under the command 
 
 and controul, and within the power and subject to the orders 
 cf Captain John Shaw, of the United States' Navy, now in 
 the said county being", and that as this deponent is advised 
 and believes, the said Ogden is so detained without any 
 lawful cause whatsoever. 
 
 (Signed) LAWRENCE CLARK. 
 
 Subscribed and sworn at the City of 
 Kew-Orleans, this 16th of December, 
 A. D. 1806. 
 
 Before me, 
 (Signed) Ls. KERR, 
 
 Justice of Peace. 
 I certify the above to be a true copy from the original now 
 ©n file in my office. 
 
 THOS. S. KENNEDY, Clk. 
 
 No. vr. 
 
 Leviis Kerr^s Jlffidavit in the case of Peter V. O^den. 
 
 County of Orleans, set. 
 
 Lewis Kerr, being duly sworn, saith, that the United 
 States' bomb ketch, now in the port of New-Orleans, called, 
 as this deponent is informed and believes, the ^tna, is at 
 anchor in the river Mississippi, at a distance from the 
 shore, in the stream, and ready for sea, and that as this 
 deponent has been informed and believes, the said vessel 
 is about to depart from this territory witliin a few hours, 
 certain officers of the same having received, as this depo-- 
 
128 
 
 ii^nt has been informed and believes, orders to hold them- 
 selves in readiness for such departure. 
 
 (Signed) Ls. KERR. 
 
 Subscribed and sworn at the city of 
 New-Orleans, this 16th day of De- 
 cember, A. D. 1806, 
 
 Before me, 
 (Signed) JAMBS WORKMAK, 
 
 I certify the above to be a true.copy from the original on 
 file in my office. 
 
 THOS. S. KENNEDY, Clk. 
 
 [_A writ of habeas corpus, dated Dec. 16th, 1806, and di- 
 rected to capt. Shaw, commanding him to bring, without 
 delay, the body of Peter V. Ogden, tog-ether with the day 
 and cause of his detention before judge Workman.] 
 
 [A writ to the same effect and of the same date, directed 
 to lieutenant Jones, and to whomsoever it may be that has 
 or may have the command of the said vessel.] 
 
 [[From the alarm and terror prevalent in this city, the 
 deputy sheriff could procure no boat to take4iim on board 
 the -Sltna, to serve the above writ on the night when it was 
 issued. The circumstance was made known early on the 
 folio w^ing morning to judge Workman, who thereupon di- 
 rected the said deputy sheriff to procure a boat by the of- 
 fer of a considerable sum of money, for the payment of 
 which the judge undertook that the county would be res- 
 ponsible. The writ was served soon afterwards. 
 
129 
 
 No. vn. 
 
 Return in the case of Peter V. Ogderif made by Captain Shaw 
 and Lieutenant Jones. 
 
 At the Chambers ofJames Workman, Esq. Judge of the 
 
 County of Orleans, 
 
 December VTthy A. D. 1806 — at 5 o^clock in the evening-. 
 
 Lieutenant Jones, commandant of the United States' 
 bomb ketch -Etna, brought up the body of Peter V. Ogden, 
 before the said judge in pursuance of a writ of habeas cor- 
 pus to him lieutenant Jones directed for that purpose. 
 
 And for return to the said writ, the said lieutenant Jones 
 declared that he had detained in his custody the said Og- 
 den by virtue of an order to that effect from his command- 
 ing officer, captain Shaw, who, he understood, had taken 
 the said Ogden into his custody in consequence of an order 
 from general James Wilkinson. And lieutenant Jones 
 further declared that he knew of no charge against the 
 said Ogden. Wherefore, no cause being shown for the 
 imprisonment of the said Peter Y. Ogden, the said judge 
 ordered him to be discharged^ 
 
 I certify that the above statement made by captain J. 
 Jones, in the case of Mr. Ogden, is correct to the best of 
 my knowledge. 
 
 (Signed) JOHN SHAW, 
 
 Commanding the United States' naval forces at 
 New-Orleans. 
 
 l2 
 
130 
 
 No. vin. 
 
 Copy of the order of Captain ShatOj referred to by Lieutenant 
 
 Jones. 
 
 JVevf-Orleansj December 14, 1806, 
 
 JLf. Comdt. J. Jones f 
 Sir, 
 
 I enclose a copy of an order which I received, 
 and from -which I have been compelled to act. It is demanded 
 of me to place on board the ^tna, under your command, 
 Mr. Og-den and Mr. Swartwout, and there to be kept un- 
 der guard until further orders. You are by no means to 
 permit any letters to pass or repass from them, and you 
 are to deny the visits of their friends on board you. 
 
 You are to furnish your table with all the necessaries 
 they may want, for which the government will pay you. 
 
 I am. Sir, your's. Sec. 
 
 (Signed) JOHN SHAW. 
 
 P. S. The moment the civil law was put in force I had 
 the honor to give up Mr. Ogden to the hon. judge Work- 
 man. 
 
 (Signed) JOHN SHAW. 
 
131 
 
 No. IS. 
 
 AJ^davit of John Williamson in the case of Peter V. Ogden 
 and James Alexander. 
 
 County of Orleans, set. 
 
 Before me, James Workman, judge of the county of 
 Orleans, personally appeared John Williamson, who being' 
 duly sworn, deposeth and saith, that he saw Peter V. Og- 
 den, and James Alexander, in the custody of captain Ebe- 
 nezer Bradish, of the troop of cavalry at present employed 
 in the United States' army under the command of brigadier 
 general James Wilkinson, by whom they were arrested, 
 and that he verily believes they are detained ag^ainst their 
 free, will and consent, and that neither the said Peter V. 
 Ogden, nor James Alexander, are of the army or navy of 
 the United States. 
 
 New-Orleans, 19th December, 1806. 
 
 (Signed) JN. WILLIAMSON. 
 
 Sworn before me this 19th day of 
 December, 1806. 
 
 (Signed) JAMES WORKMAN, 
 
 Judge of the county of Orleans, 
 
 [A writ of habeas corpus directed to brigadier general 
 James Wilkinson, and captain Bradish, commanding them 
 to bring, without delay, the bodies of James Alexander 
 and Peter V. Ogden, together with the day and cause of 
 their detention, before judge Workman.] 
 
132 
 
 NO. X. 
 
 Certificate relative to the application of Mr. Livingston for a 
 -writ 0/ habeas corpus, in the case of James Alexander and 
 Peter V. Ogden. 
 
 On the application for the allowance of the above writ, 
 it was stated by Mr. Livijigston, who applied for the same, 
 that unless the same was instantly allowed the persons 
 would be removed beyond the reach of the process of this 
 court — whereupon the same was allowed returnable with- 
 out delay. 
 
 (Signed) JAMES WORKMAN. 
 
 (Signed) JA : WILKINSON. 
 
 . XI. 
 
 General Wilkinson^ s first return. 
 
 General Wilkinson requests the honourable judge Work- 
 man may have the goodness to receive the general's an- 
 swer to the superior court of the territory in the case of 
 the traitor Bollman, as applicable to the traitors who are 
 the subjects of this writ. 
 
 On motion of Mr. Livingston, ordered, that general 
 James Wilkinson, to whom a writ of habeas corpus was di- 
 r€cted,commanding him to bring up the bodies of James 
 Alexander and Peter T. Ogden, make a further and more 
 
133 
 
 explicit return thereto, or show cause ©n Monday next, 
 at the opening- of the court, why an attachment should not 
 issue against him. 
 
 NO. xn. 
 
 Further veUtrn of General Wilkinson^ in the case of 
 Peter V. Ogden. 
 
 The undersigned, comraanding" the armies of the United 
 States, has taken upon himself the responsibility of ar- 
 resting Peter V. Ogden, on a charge of misprision of trea- 
 son against the government and laws of the United States, 
 and has the honour to inform the honourable James Work- 
 man, judge of the county of Orleans, that the body of the 
 said Peter V. Ogden is not in his power, possession or cus- 
 tody. 
 
 JVew'OrleanSs December 26th f 1806. 
 
 (Signed) JA : WILKINSON. 
 
 On this return Mr, Livingston moved that an attachment 
 do issue against brigadier g-eneral James Wilkinson. 
 (Signed) THOMAS S. KENNEDY, 
 
 Clerk of the Orleans County Court. 
 
 [The same return and the same motion were made m 
 the case of Mr. Alexander.] 
 
1:^0. xiiL 
 
 Copy of Ge@. T. boss's affidavit respecting^ general Wilkinson. 
 
 Georg-e T. Ross, sheriff' of the county of Orleans, being, 
 duly sworn, deposeth and saith, that on the occasion of 
 serving a rule of the court of the county of Orleans, on 
 brigadier general James Wilkinson, the said general ob- 
 served, that if he, this deponent, came again, he need not 
 1)6 surprised if admittance was refused him. This depo- 
 nent then asked, if the remark applied to his coming as a 
 private gentleman, or his coming in discharge of his duty 
 as sheriff, to which the said general replied, that the re- 
 mark applied only to his coming in his official character. 
 (Signed) GEO. T. ROSS, 
 
 Sheriff" of Orleans. : 
 JVew-Orfeans, January 11th, 1807. 
 
 Sworn before me, the 11th day 
 of January, in the year of 
 eur Lord, 1807. 
 
 (Signed) JAMES WORKMAN, 
 
 Judge of the county of Orleans. 
 
 NO. XIV. 
 
 iiopt/ of Geo. T. Ross's affidavit respecting the dslivevij »j 
 Judge Workman's letter. 
 
 George T. Ross, sheriff* of the county of Orleans, being 
 duly sworn, maketh oath and saith, that he did on the fifth 
 
135 
 
 day of this instant, January, deliver to his excellency, go- 
 vernor Claiborne, a letter from James Workman, judg-e of 
 the county of Orleans, of which letter this deponent has 
 now in his possession an attested copy, carefully compared 
 by this deponent with the original, and foimd conformable 
 thereto. 
 
 (Signed) GEO. T. ROSS, 
 
 Sheriff Orleans county. 
 J^e~o-Orleans, January llif/i, 1807. 
 
 Sworn before me this 11th day of 
 January, one thousand eight 
 hundred and seven, 
 
 (Signed) JAMES WORKMAN, 
 
 Judge of the comity of Orleans. 
 
 NO. XV. 
 
 Thefollo'wingis the return referred to by General Wil- 
 kinson. [NO XI.] 
 
 The undersigned, commanding the army of the United 
 States, takes on himself all reponsibility for the arrest of 
 Eriek BoUman, on a charge of misprision of treason against 
 the government and laws of the United States, and has 
 adopted measures for his safe delivery to the executive 
 of the United States. It was after several consultations 
 with the governor and two of the judges of this territory, 
 that the undersigned has hazarded this step for the na- 
 tional safety, menaced to its base by a lawless band of 
 traitors, associated rnider Aaron Burr, whose accomplices 
 
136 
 
 are extended from New-York to this city. No man holds 
 in hig-her reverence the civil institutions of his countiy 
 than the undersigned, and it is to maintain and perpetuate 
 the holy attributes of the constitution against the uplifted 
 hand of violence, that he has interposed the force of arms 
 in a moment of extreme peril, to seize upon Bollman, as 
 he will upon all othera, tvithout regard to standing or station, 
 against whom satisfactory proof may arise of a participa- 
 tion in the lawless combination. 
 
 (Signed) JAMES WILKINSON. 
 
 No. XIV. 
 
 JVew-Or/eans, January 25, 1807. 
 
 To Ms Excellency Governor Claiborne. 
 
 SIR — Although your excellency has not deigned to fa- 
 vour me with any answer to my late communications, I 
 still deem it right to use every effort in my power, and to 
 press, with the respectfulness due to one who has been 
 honoured with the confidence of the president and senate 
 of the United States, every argument and consideration 
 that may recall you to a sense of your duty, and restore 
 5^ou to the situation from which you have been so shame- 
 fully deposed. 
 
 The tyrannical acts of gen. Wilkinson, of which I have 
 so often and so vainly complained to your excellency, have 
 already produced an effect beyond even what I had antici- 
 pated; they have in a great measure blasted the hope 
 wliich the Louisianians began to entertain of the permanent 
 
137 
 
 freedom and prosperity of their country ; the terror whick 
 they have inspired is visible throughout the city, in every 
 countenance. Apprehension and suspicion have taken 
 place of the fearless confidence^ by which our society was 
 distinguished. Is not the continuance of such a state of 
 things calculated to produce great discontent, if not dis- 
 affection ? Can we expect to be defended strenuously by 
 those who are deprived of almost every thing worth de- 
 fending ? Let us not conceal from ourselves our real situa- 
 tion. Your excellency is reduced to a cypher in the terri- 
 tory which, according to law, you ought to govern. In a 
 word, the country is subdued : The conqueror has estab- 
 lished over its vanquished inhabitants a severer despotism 
 than the harshest laws would authorise ; and the worst is 
 that your excellency surrendered at discretion without a 
 struggle or an effort. You struck your colours before a 
 gun was fired or a sword drawn. You cried out craven, 
 before you received a blow. And this at the summons of 
 an officer commanding five or six hundred troops, when you 
 had, as your excellency yourself hath informed us, five 
 tiiousand militia under your immediate command. 
 
 What the real object of general Wilkinson's measures 
 may be, I cannot undertake to assert ; but in my opinion, 
 they have a tendency highly injurious to the government 
 and interests of the United States. Of what value, may it 
 be asked, is our constitution, if such a man can violate at 
 pleasure and with impunity, every privilege which it holds 
 sacred? If acting at once as prosecutor, witness, judge 
 and executioner, he can imprison and transport, we know 
 not why nor whither, whomsoever he may think fit to sus- 
 pect ! Measures like these have preceded the downfall of 
 every republican government. It has been the practice of 
 those successful usurpers who have established despotic 
 
 M 
 
138 
 
 fovfCT on the ruin of free states, to endeavour to persuade 
 the people that the existing- system is inadequate to their 
 protection ; these men generally seize on some popular 
 pretext for spreading alarm, and when they have thrown 
 every thing into confusion, they suggest the necessity of 
 a change of government for the restoration of order. — Your 
 excellency will remember that when Bonaparte had turned 
 the council of 500 out of doors, and treated the directory 
 and the other constituted authorities of the French repub- 
 lic with as little ceremony as general Wilkinson has shown 
 towards your excellency and the judges, the more mode- 
 rate t)Tanny which he soon afterwards established was en- 
 dured with satisfaction. The outrages which he hunself 
 had committed, were urged by his partizans as a reason 
 against the re-establishment of the system which he had 
 so easily overthrown. And may not we in like manner be 
 asked if we wish again for a constitution, which a few 
 dragoons have trampled upon ? for governors who abandon 
 those whom they are bound by every tie of duty and 
 honour to protect ? for writs of habeas corpus, which 
 serve only to cause those who are the objects of them, to 
 be more speedily transported ? 
 
 To these unsound, but specious suggestions, I should ans-wer, 
 that the suspension of our laios is but for a moment ; that si- 
 milar evils have been experienced in every free state, fespeci' 
 ally in the provinces and territories remote from tJie seat of go- 
 •vernment,^ ivithout producing the subversion of tjieir freedom ,♦ 
 that many ages may pass axvay before such a combination of 
 men and circumstances as have occasioned our pi^esent misfor- 
 tunes, can again occur ; and that every year rvill increase the 
 number of freemen in our neighbourhood, and facilitate the 
 communication -with our protectors in the United Sates. In 
 fact, the present interruptioji in th^ enjoyment «/" our rights, 
 
139 
 
 may operate as a temporary Jit of sickness on a careless man, 
 of a good constitution, to make him more sensible of the invtt' 
 luable blessing of health, and mare anxious and solicitous for 
 its preservation. 
 
 The evil of the tyranny in question cannot be duly 
 estimated by the number of its victims. When the person- 
 al rig-hts of any individual are violated with impunity, those 
 of every member of the state become insecure. From 
 that moment the proud confidence, the manly, liberal, up- 
 right self-possession which government by law inspires, 
 must yield to the deg-rading sentiment of dependence and 
 subjection. 
 
 The people of Louisiana have been often assured by your 
 excellency, that they were free, and that freedom would 
 fee the perpetual inheritance of their posterity. If you 
 wish them to give any credit to the prediction, restore their 
 rights without a moment's delay. Their doubts on this 
 subject are continually increasing. When we talk to them 
 ©f American laws and liberty, they already begin to shrug 
 up their shoulders, and cry out Claiborne ! Claiborne ! 
 That name, sir, will long be remembered : believe me that 
 every effort in your power is requisite to prevent it from 
 being immortalized by the curses of Louisiana. God grant 
 that the cradle of her freedom may not, through your 
 means, become its grave I 
 
 State necessity is made, as usual, the pretext for these 
 violations. — But never, sir, was there a country which less 
 than ours afforded a justification for violent and irregular 
 proceedings. In no part of the world were the laws more 
 easily executed, or the magistrates more readily obeyed. 
 Of the militia, some time ago drafted by your excellency 
 
140 
 
 for actual service, not a man, I am told, refused to march. 
 Why then those unlawful arrests ? why are the accused 
 transported from the place where, if guilty, they ought 
 to be tried and punished ? It is said that the offences of 
 some of them are bailable, and that it would be highly 
 dangerous to set them free. Are we then in such a deplo- 
 rable condition as that the force or counsel of four or five 
 men can endanger our safety ? I sincerely believe not ; but 
 if these persons were indeed fprmidable, can any danger 
 to be apprehended from them, be put in competition with the 
 danger of violating all the rights of the public ? Shall we 
 outlaw the whole community, at the very moment we call 
 upon them to maintain the laws ? Shall we reduce every 
 man to the condition of a slave, holding life and liberty at 
 the pleasure of general Wilkinson, when we ought to nerve 
 every arm, and inspire every soul with enthusiasm, in de- 
 fence of our free constitution ? 
 
 No measures like these were ever adopted during the 
 war of the revolution, although it continued through a pe- 
 riod in which calamity and danger were experienced in al- 
 most every degree and vicissitude ; and when the Ameri- 
 can people had to encounter not only a formidable public 
 enemy, but a more dangerous secret foe. 
 
 The violator of our laws defends his conduct, it seems, 
 on the ground of extraordinary patriotism ; a zeal unvisu- 
 ally ja-dent for the good of his country. It seldom hap^ 
 Dens that great public offences are committed without a 
 similar pretence. It was my misfortune to reside in Paris, 
 during the worst period of the French revolution ; and I 
 perfectly recollect that every abominable proposition made 
 there at that time, was founded on a supposed excess of 
 patriotism. The miscreants whose hands w^ere yet red 
 
141 
 
 with the blood of the ianocent ; the detestable tyrants who 
 transported, (but not without some form of trial, the 
 mockery at least, of justice,) those who dared to resist 
 oppression, declared that they had no other object in view 
 than to insure the national safety^ to maintaii the constitution 
 inviolate y and perpetuate, what their impious hypocrisy 
 Stiled, the holy rights of man* 
 
 Business of an important nature compels me to post- 
 pone the further observations which I have to make on 
 this subject. 
 
 I have the honor to be 
 
 Your Excellency's most obedient 
 And most humble servant, 
 
 JAMES WORKMAN, 
 Judge of the County of Orleans. 
 
 No. XVII. ^ 
 
 J^Tetv-Orleansy February 11th, 180r. 
 
 T.o his Excellency Governor ClaiboPne. 
 
 SIR — ^I beg leave to resume the admonitions respecting 
 your excellency's conduct, which my official situation not 
 only authorises but requires me to continue. 
 
 The responsibility for the late unlawful measures is claim- 
 ed exclusively by general Wilkinson ; but notwithstand- 
 
 .^- 
 
 See ^en. Wilki?ison*s return to the xvrit o/habeas corpus. 
 
 u2 
 
142 
 
 i'ng his generous intentions towards you, I apprehend your 
 excellency is entitled to a full share of the blame of all 
 that has been done. You admit that you assented to the 
 ( Ulegal arrest of Doctor BoUman, and it is evident, that 
 without your permission, or inactivity at least, none of 
 the other gentlemen arrested in like mamier, could have 
 been detained or transported. In my opinion your excel- 
 lency has incurred a severer and more degrading responsi- 
 bility, in withholding your aid from those whom you were 
 able and were bound to protect, than if you had assisted 
 personally in the violation of their rights . Suppose a watch- 
 man were required to defend an inhabitant against robbers, 
 and that instead of going to the sufferer's assistance, he 
 remained inactive and trembling in his centry box : would 
 it be any excuse for him to say that he had no hand in the 
 depredation which his pusillanimous dereliction of duty 
 alone permitted ? And instead of aiding the person whom 
 he was paid and had sworn to protect, he should cry out, 
 (appealing like your excellency to the judicial power,) " I 
 can do twthiiig for you loithout an order from the justice'*'— 
 what epithets would you bestow on his conduct ? I shall 
 not mention them, because I fear they would apply to yovir 
 own. 
 
 The responsibility for most of the unlawful arrests 
 seems directly fixed upon you, inasmuch as they were ex- 
 ecuted by the volunteers of the Orleans battalion ; who, 
 however they might be liable to be commanded, if sent out 
 as a reinforcement to the army, were, or ought to have 
 been, under your orders, while you continued in the exer- 
 cise of your office, in the place where they were stationed. 
 ■Vy^hatever general Wilkinson may think fit to demand, or 
 your excellencybe disposed to surrender, the congress have 
 
143 
 
 ordained that the governor of this territory, for the time 
 being's shall be commander in chief of the militia. 
 
 The great object of the militia establishment is to main- 
 tain tbe independence of the nation, without endangering 
 its liberty. Standing armies have generally proved the >•- 
 best defence against a foreign enemy ; but they have so 
 often become the instruments of usurpation, that it has 
 been doubted whether, in a free state, the advantage at- 
 tending them is not overbalanced by the danger. The le- 
 gislature of the United States have endeavoured to com- 
 bine both those establishments so as at once to secure the 
 country against external and domestic foes ; and for this 
 purpose the regular and militia forces are placed, generally, 
 under distinct commanders. 
 
 The events of a few weeks past have shown better thaji 
 volumes could explain, the nature and use of the militia. 
 One of the first acts of gen. Wilkinson, previous to his ex- 
 traordinary measures, was to obtain from you the only 
 militia regiment in this part of the territory then fit for 
 service. — From the moment you abdicated the command 
 of that corps, the general became your excellency's and 
 our master. His will was then the law, and his sword the 
 minister of its decisions.— ISIost of his violent measures 
 were executed by his new auxiliaries. They were direct- 
 ed unlawfully to drag to prison (a prison, for aught they 
 knew, the vestibule of the grave) those whom every ho- 
 nourable motive inclined them to protect. It seemed as if 
 the general wished to exempt his own troops, and fix upoa 
 your's as much as possible of the odium of his own and 
 your misconduct. 
 
144 
 
 If the governors of other states and territories were in 
 this manner, and for a like purpose, to relinquish the mi- 
 litary trust confided to them by their country, what would 
 its freedom be worth ? Just as much as the writ of habeas 
 oorpns, under your excellency's auspices, during the last 
 six weeks of your excellency's administration. 
 
 General Wilkinson's rneasures appear to me particularly 
 injurious to the United States, in the present perilous situ- 
 ation of the civilized world. From the late European in- 
 telligence, it is doubtful whether Great Britain can perse- 
 vere much longer in a contest in which she hazards not 
 merely her empire, but her existence. If she concludes 
 a peace with France, its consequences to this territory, 
 and indeed to the whole American union, cannot, I think, 
 te contemplated withovit g-reat anxiety. It is then, at this 
 conjuncture, when large standing armies may be requisite 
 for our defence, that general Wilkinson, aided by your ex- 
 cellency's humble alliance, will have rendered the very 
 name of a standing army odious to the American people. 
 
 On comparing your responsibility with that which gene- 
 ral Wilkinson has incurred, I should greatly prefer his risk 
 to yours. Imbecility in those who govern, is much more 
 dangerous than oppression. It was not the tyranny of 
 Loviis XIV. but the feebleness of liis irresolute descendant, 
 that drew upon France the successive calamities of anarchy 
 and despotism. The characteristic of ^en. Wilkinson's 
 late conduct is audacity ; that of your excellency's, sub- 
 mission. It would have been far better if you had deci- 
 dedly avowed and maintained, or boldly opposed his pro- 
 ceedings. In taking a wavering, middle course you have ■ 
 offended both the friends and the enemies of the constitu- 
 tion. 
 
145 
 
 The responsibility for the unlawful transpertatiens may 
 eventually be such as you will shudder to learn. Suppose 
 that any of the gentlemen who, with your aid or acquies- 
 cence, have been seized to be sent, as it is said, to some of 
 the northern states, should be intercepted on the passage, 
 and murdered ? What degree of felonious homicide would 
 those persons be guilty of, who had perpetrated or per- 
 mitted the original outrage, which led to the murder ? Do 
 not allege that you never imagined such a horrible result. 
 My reasons for apprehending it have been frequently 
 communicated to you. The Americans, sir, are slow to 
 wrath ; but a crime of this nature would, I am persuaded, 
 rouse the whole nation into fury, and impel them to take a 
 dreadful and exemplary vengeance on all concerned or im- 
 plicated in the atrocious guilt. God grant that the mea- 
 sures against which I have so often warned you, may not 
 bring your excellency to the scaffold. 
 
 Illegal arrests by military authority have sometimes ta- 
 ken place in the United States, as well as in other countries ; 
 but this transportatioji of American citizens accused of 
 designs hostile to the Spanish government, in private, un- 
 armed vessels which must pass1)y a Spanish fortress, un- 
 der whose guns, force, treachery or accident, may place 
 them, will distinguish (and I hope without a parallel) your 
 administration in the annals of America. 
 
 That there are cases of extreme necessity which require 
 an extraordinary vigour in government, I am free to admit 
 — ^but this necessity should be clear, evident, palpable ; as 
 if Hannibal or Cataline were at the gates ; if actual insur- 
 rection raged throughout the land, and that the rebels 
 were so numerous as to overpower or overawe the consti- 
 tuted authorities of the state, But if such were our sitU' 
 
146 
 
 atl»n, the g-eneral has not gone fa.r enough. Instead of a 
 vam, vexatious contest, between the civil and military au- 
 thorities, he should have required your excellency to shut 
 up the tribunals and send forth his trumpets and proclaim 
 martial law. 
 
 But when has gen. Wilkinson proved the necessity by 
 which alone such raeasures could be justified ? Never, I be- 
 lieve : for although he has becyphered the superior court 
 and the house of representatives, for hours together, he 
 has communicated, I am told, but little more concerning 
 the alleged plots of disimion and separation, than was 
 made public a naonth ago, in the letter to your excellency 
 from your Tennessee friend, (in which letter, by the way, 
 you were specially warned to beware of the very man to 
 whom you have since surrendered yourself and your 
 government.) 
 
 Of col. Burr*s meditated expedition against Mexico, the 
 proclamation and instructions of the president of the Uni- 
 ted States afford undoubtedly sufficient evidence, for the 
 purposes of precaution. Let then, sir, that proclamation 
 and those instructions be your guide. I know that the 
 exalted magistrate from whom they proceed, does not di- 
 rect you to transport unlawfully, the inhabitants of this 
 district, to prevent the possible breach of a positive law. 
 I feel confident that he will never approve of your destroy- 
 ing the sacred rights of American citizens, in order to 
 preserve the dominions of his catholic majesty : I firmly 
 believe he would rather see col. Bvu-r conquer all the king- 
 doms and provinces of Spanish America, (horrible as that 
 event may appear to the traitors pensioned by the Spanisn 
 
147 
 
 g-overnment,) than witness the recent scandalous violations 
 of the constitution of his beloved country. 
 
 But to return to the main object of my letter, the re- 
 storation of your excellency's legitimate power. The late 
 imprisonment by general Wilkinson of col. Kerr, while 
 under a military arrest by your orders, and a prisoner on 
 parole in your custody, should awaken you to a sense of 
 your real depressed situation. You endeavoured, I am 
 told, to obtain his immediate relief ; but as if the general 
 were determined to mortify your excellency, he did not 
 liberate that g-entleman 'til judge Hall commanded it in 
 the name of the United States. 
 
 In the course of these communications I may have said 
 disagreeable things. The firm physician is sometimes 
 obliged to use strong and painful stimulants, and even, in 
 cases of dangerous lethargy, to scourge his patient into 
 animation. My sincere wish on this occasion is to rouse 
 you from your death-like torpor ; to make you become a 
 real, efficient governor, the assertor and protector of your 
 country's rights ; and not a mock magistrate, such as the 
 unfortunate lunatic who parades our streets with feathers 
 in his hat, and other vain emblems of imaginary authori- 
 ty, stiling himself the emperor of Louisiana. 
 
 Resume then at once, sir, your office. Take every re- 
 quisite measure for defending the territory and its people*s 
 rights. Protect those who are not yet transported beyond 
 its limits : counteract the menaces of general Wilkinson, 
 by a solemn proclamation, assuring to your fellow-citizens 
 the protection of the law : in a word, make, before it is tod 
 late, one bold, strenuous effiart to retrieve your prostrate 
 
148 
 
 character, and restore this part of Louisiana to its former 
 tranquillity and freedom. 
 
 I have the honour to be. 
 
 Your excellency's most obedient, 
 And most humble servant, 
 
 (Signed) JAMES WORKMAN, 
 
 Judge of the coimty of Orleans, 
 
 ON the 14th of January Judge Workman was arrested 
 by the order of gen. Wilkinson, and conducted to head- 
 quarters, from which he was released the following day by 
 a writ of habeas corpus.\ 
 
 On the 23d of February, judge Workman resigned his 
 offices, finding that he could not, either by solicitation, re- 
 monstrance, or just reproach, induce governor Claiborne 
 to support him in bringing* general Wilkinson to condign 
 punishment. 
 
 On the 4th of March Mr. Workman was tried before the 
 U. S. court for the Orleans district, on a charge of high 
 misdemeanor, in setting on foot a military expedition 
 against the Spanish provinces of Florida and Mexico. — 
 When the counsel for the prosecution had gone through 
 their case, the traverser left it to the jury, without addu- 
 cing any evidence, or offering any observation in his de- 
 fence. The jury retired, and immediately found a verdict 
 
 of NOT GUILTV. 
 
The following is the Letter coneerning the 
 Bill of Divorce alluded to in page 113. 
 
 TO THE LEGISLATIVE COUNCIL OF THE TERR? 
 TORY OF ORLEANS. 
 
 Gentlemen, 
 
 IN the discourse delivered by your president, 
 at the opening of the session, he invited his fellow-citi- 
 zens to aid you with their advice. He knows that laws 
 should not only be conformable to the immutable prin- 
 -ciples of eternal justice, but adapted to the customs, 
 the opinions, and even in some instances to the prejudices 
 of a people. It is also of importance, that the citizens 
 should be consulted, as far as good order and existing- es- 
 tablishments will permit, respecting the ordinances by 
 which their conduct is to be guided or restrained. All men 
 naturally desire to have some share in the management of 
 their own concerns. They easily approve what they have 
 suggested, and obey cheerfully what they approve. 
 
 It is to be regretted that in a city, containing so many- 
 persons well acquainted with the opinions, the manners^ 
 and the wants of the people ; enlightened by study, im- 
 proved by travel, and above all instructed by the terrible 
 lessons of the French revolution, not one has yet obeyed 
 your president's call. But however inferior I may be to 
 
 W 
 
150 
 
 these gentlemen in knowledge, I shall not like them de- 
 cline so honourable an invitation ; I shall communicate to 
 you such remarks occasionally as the nature of the sub- 
 jects offered for your consideration may suggest. 
 
 And for this purpose I conceive the channel of a public 
 journal the best that can be made use of. What is well 
 printed can be read with greater facility than the best ex- 
 ecuted manuscript ; and what is published to the world, 
 as well as to you, vi^ill have this advantage, that as it may 
 attract attention and excite observations, you will not only 
 be enabled to appreciate the value of my suggestions, but 
 to know how far they are discordant or in unison with 
 public opinion. 
 
 A bill is now before you, (a copy of which has appear- 
 ed in print,) concerning divorce and alimony ; and if it 
 should pass, in its present form, I am persuaded that its 
 consequences will be fatal to the happiness of the commu- 
 nity. Divorces have been considered by every wise legis- 
 lature, as a great evil, to be endured only when necessa- 
 ry. If we cannot always prevent, we should as much as 
 possible .Restrain and discourage those separations of do- 
 mestic ties, not only on account of the anguish they occa- 
 sion to innocent families, but of the example, unfavora- 
 ble to the reputation of the state of marriage, and injuri- 
 ous therefore to the public morals. "Whoever wishes to 
 promote marriage, that source of the preservation as well 
 as of the happiness of the human race, should discourage 
 divorce. In every civilized nation that has attained cele- 
 brity in the world, the state of marriage has been anxious- 
 ly guarded by the laws. Unwilling that it should be re- 
 garded as a mere civil contract, they have ordained that 
 it should be celebrated with solemn and religious rites.— 
 
151 
 
 Each family, thus consecrated at its establishment, should 
 be preserved from untimely dissolution with the same care 
 as the state itself, of wliicliit is the image and the support. 
 It is of these domestic societies that a commonwealth is 
 composed ; and its moral character, its permanence and 
 its purity must depend upon theirs. 
 
 We live in an age when the bond of marriage has lost 
 much of its force : when licentiousness has the sanction of 
 fashion and the support of wit. It is at this time there- 
 fore the peculiar duty of the legislature to watch with so- 
 licitude over every thing by which morals maybe affected ; 
 especially the institution of marriage, the palladium that 
 preserves what is yet sacred from pollution. If you de- 
 stroy the connection between religion and matrimony, you 
 reduce it at once to a business of equal importance with 
 the freighting of a ship, or the hiring of a house ; a bar- 
 gain to be made and dissolved at an hour's notice by a jus- 
 tice of the peace or a civil commandant. 
 
 Pause, gentlemen, before you meddle with so delicate a 
 subject. Consider the ruinous effects produced in France 
 hy a law of divorce, in many respects similar to that now 
 before you ; and remember that you are legislating- for a 
 French people, aivimated and impetuous in all their pas- 
 sions, and often incautious in their conduct and unmind- 
 ful of its consequences. Be assured that if you weaken 
 the tie of marriage, you will undermine and soon over- 
 throw the strongest barrier against the inundation of mo- 
 ral turpitude poured forth from that foul but ever salient 
 source of mischief, misery and abomination, the licentious 
 and atheistical system, miscalled philosophy, which has 
 already deluged the finest nations of Europe, and which 
 menaces the whole world with moral destruction. 
 
152 
 
 By the third section of the bill in question, it is de- 
 clared, 
 
 ** That divorces from the bond of matrimony shall be de- 
 creed in cases where the parties are within the degrees, 
 prohibited by law ; where either of the parties are natu- 
 rally impotent, and in case of adultery in either of the 
 parties ; and also for wilful, continual, and obstinate de- 
 sertion for the term of four years, or for extreme cruelty 
 in either of the parties.'* 
 
 The first clause of this sentence is unnecessary ; for if 
 the parties are within the prohibited degrees of kindred, 
 the marriage from the beginning will have been null and 
 void. The provision that follows would lead to proofs and 
 discussions too offensive and impure for public inquiry, 
 and which should never be examined before a public tri- 
 bunal. By the succeeding paragraph there is given such 
 a facility to obtain divorces, that from the instant it is in 
 force, marriage will be degraded into a speculation of 
 profit or convenience, and debased into a state of licensed 
 concubinage. To ordam, as this clause imports, that 
 adultery in a man is an offence of equal guilt, and as in- 
 jurious to society, as adultery committed by a woman ; 
 and to put the offender on the same footing w ith the inno- 
 cent party, as to the power of contracting a future mar- 
 riage, would be to decide differently from all wise laws, 
 and in violation of aU received opinions. 
 
 Such a law as this, although it might be agreeable to a 
 few married harlots, by releasing them from some of the 
 restraints to the gi-atification of their desires, would ope- 
 rate fatally against the happiness, the honor and the dignity 
 ©f the virtuous part ©f th« female sex. A worthy roan di- 
 
153 
 
 vorced from his wife, is by no means in the same unfortu- 
 nate condition as a woman of honor divorced from her hus- 
 band. Various physical and moral reasons, as well as the 
 opinions and prejudices of society, support this position. 
 Let us imagine the situation of a virtuous female, whose 
 best years, and whose early charms had been .given to a 
 husband whom she thought deserving, on the solemn con- 
 dition, and under the promise, made at the altar of God, 
 that nothing but death should dissolve their union ; let us 
 also suppose (what it is to be regretted doth not violate 
 probability) that this husband becomes disgusted or in- 
 different — that attracted by novelty, or seduced by artifice, 
 he transfers his faithless vows to some unworthy object;, 
 and that he has had the felicity to live until this law shall 
 have enabled him to violate his oath aiid his engagements with 
 impunity : How is he to act ? Let him commit adultery ; let 
 him bring his concubine to his wife's bed ; let him treat 
 her -with cruelty, and then we may safely predict that her 
 feelings, her honest pride will urge her to demand a di- 
 vorce. Her request is instantly granted ; and she may 
 soon have the additional satisfaction of knowing that her 
 rival has become the wife of her late husband ; of seeing a 
 licensed adultress introduced into public society ; and of 
 finding in time that the bread of her children is given to 
 feed the spawn of a strumpet. It is here proper to inform 
 you that the persons in question could not be married be- 
 fore the Louisianian church : its altars are too sacred, its 
 ministers too upright to suffer such abomination. Should 
 the bill, therefore, pass into a law, it would be requisite, 
 for the accommodation of such worthy persons, as might 
 take the benefit of it, and desire to contract new matrimo- 
 nial engagements, to establish, for the purpose of perform- 
 ing the requisite ceremonies, one or more offices, to be 
 
 N 2 
 
154 
 
 styled marriage brokers, marriage contractors, or l)y some 
 other new and suitable denomination. 
 
 But, no g-entlemen, I am persuaded your feelings as 
 fathers, as husbands, as honest and intelligent men, will 
 never allow you to put to such an impious law the seal of 
 your approbation. You will never consent to corrupt the 
 manners, nor outrage the feeling, nor contemn the usages 
 of the people of Louisiana. Distm-b not then their domes- 
 tic peace — violate not their hearths or their altars — destroy 
 not the alliance which the good and the wise of every age 
 and nation have endeavored to establish between sanctity 
 and marriage — take not away from the most important of 
 all moral obligations, the sanction of religion ; and what 
 its rites have bound, let nothing separate but its authority. 
 Cases demanding separations, divorces a mensa & thoro, 
 will unfortunately arise. Let the chief of the Louisianian 
 church be authorised, as heretofore, to take cognizance of, 
 and decide them according to the rules which our religion 
 has established. Before such a tribunal all the public 
 scandal and the dishonour of families, which the discussion 
 of such causes in open court must occasion, would be en- 
 tirely avoided. When that tribunal decides that there is 
 ground for a separation, let every thing respecting alimony 
 and the provison of children, in a word, every pecuniary 
 question be determined by the superior court. And should 
 any instances of particular and extraordinary hardship ©c- 
 cur, calling for relief, beyond the power of the tribimal to 
 bestow, reserve the decision of them to the legislature 
 alone. Its wisdom may enable it to do justice, without 
 wounditig the feelings, violating the religion, ok injuring 
 the morals of the community. 
 
 I.. 
 
PROPOSALS FOR PUBLISHING 
 
 A 
 
 DIGEST 
 
 OF THE 
 
 LAWS OF CASTILE 
 
 AND 
 
 THE SPANISH INDIES, 
 
 WITH THE 
 
 INSTITUTES OF THE ROMAN CODE 
 
 ON WHICH 
 THOSE LAWS ARE FOUNDEX*. 
 
 BT JAMES WORKMAJ^, ESQ. 
 
 Counsellor at iaw, late Judge of the County of Orleans, 
 and of the Court of Probates of the Territory of 
 Orleans. 
 
 THE principal difficulty experienced in tlie administra- 
 tion of justice in Louisiana, since its cession to the United 
 States, has arisen from this circumstance, that its most 
 important laws could be found only in books written in 
 lang-uag-es with which few of our judg-es were thoroug-hiy 
 acquainted. To remedy this inconvenience is one of the 
 objects of the proposed publication. 
 
 It is well known that when Spain took possession of this 
 colony, the laws ©f Castile and the Indies were immedi- 
 
158 
 
 ately introdaced by a proclamation of general O'Reily, 
 which was acted upon here, and considered valid by all 
 the Spanish judicial authorities. Since we have held the 
 province, its code has in some respects been altered. In 
 the criminal part, it was rendered conformable to the laws 
 of the United States, by two acts, which were drawn by 
 the author of this v/ork, at tlie request of the first leg-isla- 
 tive council of this territory. The nature of our g-overn- 
 ment, and the particular ordinances of congress required 
 this innovation in our criminal jurisprudence. But in civil 
 concerns — in whatever related to property, contracts or 
 obligations, the Castilian Code has undergone little altera- 
 tion, further than was expedient to adapt it to the practice 
 of our tribunals, and the mode of trial by jury. Should 
 this system be preserved, it were needless to urge the 
 utility of a work to explain and promulgate more gene- 
 rally its principles ; and whatever further improvements it 
 may require, a thorough knowledge of it in its present state 
 will be indispensable to those who may undertake the task 
 of correcting its errors or supplying its defects. If even a 
 code altogether different should be adopted, an acquaint- 
 ance with our present system will long be necessary, for 
 the just determination of controversies arising out of en- 
 gagements, formed or imposed by its authority. 
 
 It may not be unnecessary to inform some readers that 
 the laws of Spain, like those of most of the nations of Eu- 
 rope, are derived from the Code and Pandects of Justinian. 
 The discovery of his admirable Digest was regarded in 
 the middle ages as a New Revelation. It brought to light 
 a system of jurisprudence which, notwithstanding all its 
 faults, was the best compilation then extant of written 
 reason, applying the maxims of morality to the various and 
 complicated affairs of human life. Many advantages at- 
 
159 
 
 tended the rise and growth of the Roman Code : It was 
 not like most others, the progeny of ignorance and super- 
 stition : It was the favoured offspring of civilization and 
 science ; and it was matured by the care of many centu- 
 ries, improved by the collected wisdom of various nations, 
 exalted by philosophy and adorned by eloquence. If an- 
 cient Greece hath borne from all competitors the prize of 
 literature and the finer arts, Rome stands unrivalled in 
 legislation : as if they who could conquer, best knew how 
 to govern the world. 
 
 This Code, however, like every thing of human origin, 
 is far from being perfect. Equity itself, in all its decisions 
 in civil causes, between those whom its regards as equals, 
 too often breathes the spirit of the harsh and arbitrary 
 government from which it sprung. The authority of that 
 despotism was communicated in various degrees to a large 
 portion of its subjects. The master in his household, and 
 even the father among his children, were images of the 
 prince on his throne, released from the obligations of the 
 law ; and tlie whole female sex were held in a state of tu- 
 telage, impairing the freedom and dignity to which nature 
 entitled them. 
 
 During the progress of this system in Europe, it was 
 often mingled with local usages, and always moulded by 
 national character. When it took root in Spain, that high- 
 minded nation was animated by religious zeal and roman- 
 tic gallantry. Modified by these predominating passions, 
 the Civil Code of Castile seems to be the Roman law, sof- 
 tened by the spirit of Chivalry, and touched and purified 
 by the influence of the Christian Religion. The parental 
 power was reduced within its proper limits ; the female 
 sex were emancipated, and peculiarly favoured ; and slave- 
 ry itself assumed the form of protected servitude. 
 
160 
 
 The laws peculiar to the Spanish colonies will be com- 
 prised, in an abridged form, in one of the volumes of this 
 Digest. Those laws are now compiled in four folio vo- 
 lumes, and classed in nine books : a brief summary of 
 their contents will enable the reader to judge how far they 
 are calculated to interest or instruct him. 
 
 The First Book is consecrated to the establishment of 
 the Christian Religion, and its ministers : — This division 
 treats of cathedral and parochial churches, monasteries, 
 convents, hospitals, universities, colleges, and seminaries 
 of education ; of the extent of the privilege of asylum ac- 
 corded to churches and monasteries ; of the royal patron- 
 age in ecclesiastical appointments ; of provincial and sy- 
 nodal councils ; of archbishops, bishops, prebendaries, and 
 generally the clergy, regular and secular, of all classes 
 and orders; of tythes and other ecclesiastical dues; of the 
 tribunals of the Inquisition, their jurisdiction and powers ; 
 of the ecclesiastical judges, visitors and conservators ; of 
 the apostolic bulls and briefs ; of the books allowed to be 
 printed and published in the Indies, &c. 
 
 The Second Book treats of the laws, and royal ordi- 
 nances, to be observed in the Indies ; of the council of the 
 Indies, its fiscal, treasurer, secretaries, alguacils, advo- 
 cates, procurators and other officers ; of the royal audi- 
 ences and chanceries, (tribunals of high jurisdiction,) and 
 their various officers; of the auditors and visitors of dis- 
 tricts, and their jurisdiction ; of the administration of the 
 estates of deceased persons, &c. 
 
 The Third Book contains the laws which treat of the 
 royal dominion and jurisdiction in the Indies ; of the man- 
 ner of appointing to offices, and bestowing rewards and 
 
161 
 
 favours ; of the viceroys, presidents and presiding go- 
 vernors ; and their authority to levy war ag-ainst hostile 
 or rebellious Indians ; of forts, castles, and fortifications, 
 their governors, and alcades, and the revenues assigned 
 for their maintenance ; of the pay, privileges, and du- 
 ties of the military in general, and the mode of deciding 
 causes in which they are interested ; of the punishment of 
 pirates ; of the application of prize money ; of commerce 
 with foreigners ; of the honours to be paid to viceroys, 
 governors, and other high officers, civil, ecclesiastical, 
 judicial, and military ; and lastly, of the conveyance of 
 letters by expresses and post couriers. 
 
 The Fourth Book treats of new discovered countries, 
 and the privileges and immunities bestowed on the disco- 
 verers ; of the reduction, pacification, conversion, and 
 colonization of the Indian tribes and nations ; of the found- 
 ing and settlement of new cities and towns, their councils, 
 public officers and municipal government ; of grants, dis- 
 tributions, and sales of lands and building lots ; of the 
 public property and funds of cities and towns ; of public 
 granaries ; of duties, taxes, and contributions, for ob- 
 jects of public utility : of public works ; of roads, inns, 
 taverns, boundaries, mountains, pastures, woods and 
 vineyards ; of the commerce, provisions, and productions 
 of the Indies ; of the discovery and working of mines 
 and the privileges to which miners are entitled; of the al- 
 cades and secretaries of the mines ; of the assaying, melt- 
 ing and marking of gold and silver ; of the mints and the^ 
 officers ; of the value of gold and silver, and the com- 
 merce thereof ; of pearl fisheries j of the estftbUshmeftt 
 of manufactures in the Indies. 
 
 © 
 
162 
 
 The Fifth Book treats of divisions and limits of go- 
 vernments, and the subordination of certain governors to 
 the viceroys ; of governors, corregidors, alcades mayores, 
 and alguacils, their duties, privileges and authority ; of the 
 ordinary alcades, provincials, &c. ; of physicians, surgeons 
 and apothecaries ; of notaries public and notaries of the 
 government ; of the jurisdictions of the several tribunals, 
 and the manner of determining disputes concerning the 
 cognisance of causes ; of suits at law, and the proceedings 
 therein ; of the pleadings, judgments and executions ; of 
 the recusation (or challenging) of judges ; of appeals from 
 the inferior tribunals, and from the royal audiences to the 
 king ; of the mode of levying executions and the fees there- 
 on ; of the examinations or trials which viceroys and other 
 high officers must undergo on resigning, or being removed 
 from their respective offices. 
 
 The Sixth Book contains nineteen titles, which regu- 
 late the condition of the native Indians, and treat minutely 
 of their marriages, employments, instruction, tributes, 
 taxes, disabilities, and personal services ; of the privi- 
 leges of the city and republic of Tlaxcala ; of the authori- 
 ty, rights, privileges ajid duties of the Indian caciques or 
 chiefs ; of the exemption of the Indians from personal sla- 
 very ; of the means of reducing the wandering Indians 
 to form towns and settled establishments ; of the pub- 
 lic property of Indian communities, and the adminis- 
 tration thereof ; of the good treatment and the offi- 
 cial protectors of the Indians ; of the allotments {reparti- 
 mientos) of Indians, and the revenues and services which 
 may be exacted from them by the persons (encomenderos) 
 to whom they are assigned ; of the duties of the encomen- 
 deros to protect and defend their Indian vassals, and to 
 
16 
 
 n 
 
 promote civilization, learning and religion among'st them ; 
 of the services which the Indians are liable to perform in 
 agriculture and manufactui-es, in the mines, pearl fishe- 
 ries, public inns, the transportation of goods, &c. 
 
 The Seventh Book treats of the powers and duties of 
 tiie judges who are appointed by special commission ; of 
 games of chance and gamblers ; of Spaniards absenting 
 themselves in the Indies from their wives, or the ladies to 
 whom they are bethrothed in Spain, and how they shall be 
 compelled to return thereto, in order to cohabit with their 
 wives, or to marry their affianced mistresses ; of vagrants 
 and gipseys ; of mulattoes and negroes ; of jails, jailors, 
 and the visitation and inspection of prisons; of crimes 
 and misdemeanors ; of fines and their appropriation. 
 
 The Eighth Book treats of the finances of the Indies^, 
 and of the various officers, councils and tribunals employ- 
 ed in collecting or enforcing' the payment of the royal re- 
 venues ; of the method of keeping the public accounts ; 
 of the administration of the royal finances ; of the tri- 
 butes to be paid by Indians who are the immediate vassals 
 of the crown ; of the proceeds of vacant encomiendas ,• of 
 the king's fifths of all gold, silver or other metals ; of the 
 administration of the mines ; of treasures discovered in 
 caves, Indian temples or sepulchres ; of estrays and de- 
 posits ; of the alcavalUf or duties on the sales of proper- 
 ty ; of custom houses ; of the duties on imports and ex- 
 ports, and the valuation according to which those duties 
 are to be rated ; of the penalties incurred by the neglect 
 or violation of the revenue laws : of the importation of 
 slaves and the duties thereon ; of the media amiata, or 
 first fruits, (the half of one year's salary and emoluments 
 of every place, office, and annuity conferred by the royal 
 
164 
 
 authority ;) of the sale of offices, and the duty on the 
 subsequent transfer thereof; of the royal monopoly of 
 quicksilver and salt ; of the duties on sealed or stamped 
 paper, (requisite to give validity to public acts and to con- 
 tracts ;) of the king's ninths, or portion of the tythes ; of 
 the revenues of the vacant bishoprics and arch-bishops ; 
 of the salaries of the king's officers, and the manner of 
 paying them ; of assignments and appropriations of par- 
 ticular revenues ; of libranzas, or treasury orders ; of clo- 
 sing of accounts, and the manner in which the royal re- 
 venue is to be remitted. 
 
 The Ninth and last Book treats of the royal audience 
 and chamber of commerce of the Lidies, residing at Se- 
 ville, of its members and officers, its powers and duties ; 
 of the consulate of merchants at Seville, trading to the 
 Indies ; of the levy and administration of the duties on 
 goods exported to the Indies ; of the company of mer- 
 chants, purchasers of gold and silver ; of the generals, 
 admirals and governors of the fleets and armaments of the 
 trade of the Indies ; of the inspector, comptroller, ^dctual- 
 ler, pa}rmaster, storekeeper, clerks and military officers 
 belonging to the armadas and fleets ; of the corporation 
 of ship-owners, pilots and mariners at Seville — their ex- 
 emptions and privileges ; of licences to pass to the Indies, 
 and to return to Spain ; of foreigners desirous to trade 
 to the Indies : of the building, rigging and measurement 
 of ships ; of the registering thereof; of the search or 
 examination of vessels ; of the navigation and voyage of 
 the fleets, and the regulations to be observed thei*ein ; of 
 advice or packet boats ; of underwriters and policies of 
 insurance ; of the judges of registers in the Canary 
 islands, and of the commerce and navigation thereof ; of 
 tbe navigation and commerce of the Windward islands. 
 
165 
 
 and the adjacent provinces ; of the trade and navigation 
 to the South seas, and to the Phillipine islands, China, 
 New-Spain, and Peru ; of the consulates of merchants 
 at Lima and Mexico. 
 
 The proposed work will be published in two volumes, 
 Svo.— at the usual price of Law Books. 
 
 T H U END. 
 

 
 
 
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