F 
 
Class. 
 
 Book-ikL 
 
ADDEESS 
 
 ON 
 
 NEW HAMPSHIRE 
 
 AND 
 
 VERMONT: 
 
 THEIR UNIONS, 
 SECESSIONS AND DISUNIONS. 
 
 DELIVERED BEFORE 
 
 Yl)e Xtnv ftan)psl\ife Aiitiquki'iaii Sodety, 
 
 JULY15, 1879. 
 
 By CLARK JILT^SON. 
 
 WORCESTER : 
 
 PRESS OF CLARK JILLSOM. 
 
 1882. 
 

ADDEESS. 
 
 \\T^ STAND before the hours, crowded to the 
 ' ' front and into the future by the lapse of time. 
 The last decade has taken its position behind us, 
 and the generations have thus been carried to a 
 point one hundred years beyond the grand historic 
 period of the Western Empire. 
 
 One hundred years ago this very hour, "Mad An- 
 thony Wayne," the hero of Stony Point, was mar- 
 shalling his troops for that memorable assault; and 
 when he was wounded, the thrilling order he gave, 
 "March on ; carrj- me into the fort, and let me die 
 at the head of the column," together with the ac- 
 count of the intrepid manner in which Col. Fleury 
 struck the British standard with his own hand, and 
 the words of Major Posey, "The Fort's our own," ran 
 beyond the lines and through the Colonies like the 
 echoes of inspiration. But the full account of this 
 tragic event has not l)een preserved by tradition 
 alone. Unlike hundreds of other remarkable occur- 
 rences during the revolutionary period, it found its 
 
way into written history, and is now known as one 
 of the most daring exploits of the war. 
 
 Tradition is too fickle for practical use, always 
 taking from or adding to the real fact; and what 
 we thus gather in relation to any past event is only 
 worthy to be called a story, unless it can be traced 
 to some well authenticated record, made at or about 
 the time it occurred. The nearer worthless we can 
 make tradition in its application to the future, the 
 more complete will be the knowledge of coming 
 generations in relation to what is now transpiring; 
 and among the many duties we are under obliga- 
 tions to perform, that of making and preserving 
 authentic history is one of the most important and 
 imperative. The neglect of such duty by one man, 
 may, in time to come, involve a nation in doubt, 
 and make future generations busy with unsatisfacto- 
 ry research for hundreds of years. Against such 
 omissions the world has been struggling through all 
 the historic past; and while I speak to-day there 
 are hundreds of men in New England engaged in 
 experimental labor upon which they are employing 
 the best mental efibrts of their life's prime, uncon- 
 scious ot the fact that they are spending their time 
 on the hundredth edition of the same work. 
 
 More than half of our inventors are now studying 
 upon what has been or will be rejected matter, for 
 the reason that they have no adequate facilities for 
 finding out what other minds have accomplished, 
 hence the same thing will be invented over and over 
 
3 
 
 again without any {jcrceptible change, even of form. 
 
 It has been (lainied by some that too much is 
 already being written and printed; and when the 
 recent proposition for an enhirgement of the rooms 
 containing the Congressional Library at Washington 
 was being discussed, a certain newspaper in Massa- 
 chusetts advocated burning the books in preference 
 to furnishing more room! It is true that worthless 
 books, so called, are not extremely rare, and jet it 
 requires a sublime stupidity to make a book of no 
 present or future value. The solitary fact that a 
 book has been printed is worthy of preservation. 
 If it contains but a single word bearing a new rela- 
 tion to any other, it ought to be preserved ; and the 
 man who advocates the burning of books would be 
 inconsistent in opposing his own cremation. 
 
 Things of little apparent consequence to-day are 
 liable to beconie famous to-morrow, and after it is 
 too late comes the struggle for a knowledge of their 
 early history. 
 
 When Christopher Columbus was wandering over 
 the countries of Europe, begging for royal patronage 
 to assist in carrying forward an enterprise that ex- 
 isted only in his own brain, in the form of a vision, 
 there appeared no friendl}' hand to record his plead- 
 ings. It was considensd enough for posterity to 
 know tli;it he had been refused and placed on the 
 beggar's list. When he finally succeeded in present- 
 ing his claim to the Court of Spain, it was referred 
 to a commission who reported after a delay of about 
 
seven years, th.at the project of Columbus was "vain 
 and impossible." Had all his plans been thus de- 
 feated, the discovery of the new world might have 
 been delayed for a century. It was then that the 
 destinies of America hung in a balance. 
 
 The manner in which Columbus presented his 
 cause to the commissioners is unknown. The his- 
 tory of their deliberations within the decorated walls 
 and under the frescoed arches of the Alhambra, 
 where the future of a great Republic was dimly out- 
 lined four hundred years ago, has not been written. 
 The original plan of his then intended voyage to- 
 ward the setting sun has been lost. The words he 
 uttered to the Queen on his return to Granada, in 
 obedience to her summons, after he had been refused 
 a further hearing by Ferdinand, at which time she 
 pledged to him the jewels of her own crown of Cas- 
 tile, were known only to her and to him, and con- 
 sidered unworthy of record ; but the corner stone of 
 an empire, now one of the great powers of eartli, 
 was then and there laid. 
 
 Doctor Franklin, with all his sagacity and fore- 
 sight, did not comprehend the importance of his 
 own rude experiments with electricity, nor even 
 dream that the thread connecting his door key with 
 a kite, was in the least degree suggestive of the iron 
 cord yet to span the globe from continent to conti- 
 nent, passing under the sea, transmitting its pulsa- 
 tions of thought around the world. 
 
 When Capt. Samuel Morey was experimenting 
 
with his newly invented Steamboat upon the waters 
 of New Hani})shiie and Vermont, in 1792, he evi- 
 dently did not eomprehend that the culmination of 
 his thought, wrought out and perfected by other 
 hands, would at some future time revolutionize the 
 commerce of all the nations on the earth. 
 
 Those three joung men who assembled in the 
 town of Ilopkinton, N. 11., on the lOtli day of Nov., 
 1859, and organized themselves into the Philo- 
 mathic Club, which they resolved should never 
 contain more than seven members, nor cease to ex- 
 ist except by the unanimous consent of the last one 
 living, may well be reminded that 
 
 "■Tall oaks froin little acorns 2;ro\v," 
 
 and that the creed of a modern prophet needs fre- 
 quent revision. Out of that humble beginning has 
 sprung jour Societj^, with its rare and valuable 
 library, its extensive collection of relics and curiosi- 
 ties. Through its inliuence j^ersons of similar tastes 
 have been brought together, and their elforts com- 
 bined in a common cause for the public good ; and 
 you are now making history from year to year 
 about which there will be no dispute or misunder- 
 standing in the future. You have been so fortunate 
 as to i^reserve a record of your early work, and pos- 
 terity will thank you for handing it down to them. 
 I have thus called your attention to these several 
 cases for the purpose of intimating that any impor- 
 tant historical event, growing out of a multitude of 
 
minor unrecorded occurrences, cannot easily be 
 traced to any well defined cause. 
 
 Nearly all historical matter relating to the early 
 settlement of New England is of such a general 
 character as to make it next to impossible to give a 
 connected account of any important event without 
 taxing the imagination to supply some of its details. 
 The little incidents that go to make up a symmetrical 
 statement have generally been lost by reason of the 
 failure to make their record at the time they occur- 
 red, and the whole transaction, presented in general 
 terms, is often vague, uninteresting, and not easily 
 comprehended. 
 
 The controversy between New York and New 
 Hampshire in relation to the territory now known 
 as Vermont, covering a period of about forty years, 
 has come down to us in a great measure tln-ough 
 the uncertain channels of tradition ; but there has 
 been enough j^i'eserved and authenticated from 
 which to present a general view of the main trans- 
 actions during that eventful period. The lesser de- 
 tails constituting the cause of this long and bitter 
 contest, were evidently so numerous and obscure, 
 passing so rapidlj" without being recorded, as to 
 make the statement of an aggregate made up from 
 them exceedingly difficult, and render conclusions 
 drawn therefrom vague and uncertain. Upon look- 
 ing over the field with some care, I am obliged to 
 conclude that each and every person who makes an 
 investigation of this subject will be obliged to attri- 
 
biite the result to such causes as his judgment shall 
 dictate, from the Tew tacts that have been preserved 
 in history. 
 
 In treatino- the subject under consideration, I am 
 obliged to omit any detailed statement relating to 
 the condition of New Hampshire in early times. 
 
 The civil and ecclesiastical difficulties of the three 
 governments of Dover, Exeter and Portsmouth — 
 their union with Massachusetts in 1642 — their sepa- 
 ration in 1G80, and their organization as a govern- 
 ment with John Cutt for President — the subsequent 
 administrations of Walter Barefoot and Edward 
 Cranfield — their reunion with Massachusetts in 1686 
 under the presidency of Joseph Dudley, of Edmund 
 Andros in 1687, of Simon Bradstreet in 1689 — their 
 return to a separate government in 1692, in which 
 position they remained for a period of ten years, 
 under Usher, Partridge and Allen — the re-appoint- 
 ment of Dudlev, and their third union with Massa- 
 chusetts in 1702, and from that time up to the ad- 
 ve)it of Benning Wentworth in 1741 — must be passed 
 over without further remark. 
 
 On the third day of July, 1741, Benning Went- 
 worth was made Governor of the Province of New 
 Hampshire, the southern boundary- of which was by 
 a line running paralel with the Merrimack River, 
 three miles north thereof, till it reached a point due 
 north of Pawtucket Falls; thence by a straight line 
 due west "until it meets with his majesty's other 
 governments." This language was construed b}^ 
 
8 
 
 Governor Wentworth to mean that the southerly 
 line of New Hampshire extended as far west as that 
 of the two Charter governments, Connecticut and 
 Massachusetts Bay, each of which had exercised 
 jurisdiction to within twenty miles of Hudson's 
 River. By this appointment the union between 
 New Hampshire and Massachusetts was again dis- 
 solved, and each Colony was left under the shadow 
 of its own destiny. 
 
 On the 17th day of November, 1749, Governor 
 Wentworth addressed a letter to Governor Clinton 
 of New York, for the purpose of giving notice that 
 he proposed to issue grants covering territory west 
 of the Connecticut River ; and also asking his ex- 
 cellency to state how far north of Albany the Gov- 
 ernment of New York extended by his Majesty's 
 commissions, and how many miles to the eastward 
 of Hudson's River. This letter was jDresented by 
 Governor Clinton to the Council of New York, and 
 thereupon the following order was adopted : 
 
 In Council JYeit' York 3d .'ijjril 1750. 
 Ordered, That his Excellency do acquaint Governor Went- 
 worth that this Province is bounded eastward by Connecticut 
 River, the Letters Patent from King Charles the second to the 
 Duke of York expressly- granting all the lands from the west 
 side of Connecticut River to the east side of Delaware Bay. 
 
 Before a coi:)y of this order reached Governor 
 Wentworth he had granted one township, six miles 
 square, twenty-four miles easterly from Albany, and 
 six miles north of Massachusetts line, presuming 
 
that New ILiinpshire was bounded by the same 
 north and south line as Connecticut and Massaciiu- 
 setts Bay. 
 
 It will be seen that here was ample room for strife, 
 as the Governor of New Hampshire had put the seal 
 of liis jurisdiction upon territory 40 miles west of 
 where the Council of New York had declared the 
 line between the two governments to be ; and he 
 had also paid deference to his own name by calling 
 the newly granted township Bennington. 
 
 After some correspondence the two governors 
 agreed to make a representation of the whole mat- 
 ter in dispute to his Majesty, which agreement was 
 contirmed by his Majesty's Councils on the ^''^^y^ of 
 both governments. Richard Bradley Esq., Attor- 
 ney General of New York, to whom the matter had 
 been referred, gave an elaborate written opinion, 
 wherein he recited the provisions of the Charter of 
 Massachusetts Bay, and concluded by affirming that 
 Connecticut River was the eastern boundary of the 
 Colony of New York. Whoever throws away time 
 enough to read the Attorney General's statement 
 will surely discover in it a few weak points. The 
 Surveyor General came to the rescue, and made 
 certain suggestions which he thought proper to have 
 added to the Attorney General's report. The Soli- 
 citor General made some discoveries, claiming that 
 10,000 acres of land, situated on the west side of 
 Connecticut River which had been purchased by 
 private persons from the government of Connecticut, 
 
10 
 
 the same being lands laid out by the government of 
 Massachusetts Bay and exchanged for other lands 
 held by Connecticut, had become a part of New 
 Hampshire. 
 
 On the 28th day of December, 1763, Lieut. Gov. 
 Golden issued a proclamation in accordance with 
 the Attorney General's report, wherein he enjoined 
 the High Sheriff of the county of Albany to return 
 to him the names of all persons holding possession 
 of nuy lands west of Connecticut River, under the 
 grants of the government of New Hampshire, so that 
 they might be proceeded against according to law. 
 On the 13th day of March, 1764, Gov. Wentworth 
 issued a proclamation in answer to that of Lieut. 
 Gov. Colden, wherein he claimed that the Patent to 
 the Duke of York was obsolete, and commanded all 
 civil officers within his province, and all the inhabi- 
 tants thereof to exercise jurisdiction as far westward 
 as his grants had been made, and to deal with all 
 persons who might presume to interrupt, "as law 
 and justice doth apjDcrtain, notwithstanding the pre- 
 tended right of jurisdiction mentioned in the procla- 
 mation" of Lieut. Gov. Colden. 
 
 The inhabitants occu^Dying the territory' over 
 which Gov. Wentworth proposed to exercise juris- 
 diction were not of one opinion in relation to the 
 rights claimed by New York and New Hampshire 
 respectively ; and there was considerable feeling 
 manifest on both sides. The decision of this matter, 
 
11 
 
 tliereforc, was to ho one that would not hu sanction- 
 ed by all parties, j)eihaj)s not l)y a majority. 
 
 The north and south line between New Hampshire 
 and what was chiimed to be New York, as estab- 
 lished by the original grant to John Mason, com- 
 menced at a point on the line between New Hamp- 
 shire and Massachusetts, sixty miles from the sea, 
 which left quite an extensive territory between that 
 and Connecticut River. If the decision should be 
 in favor of Gov. Wentworth, some might claim that 
 New Hampshire ought not to exercise its jurisdiction 
 over the lands easterly from the river and westerly 
 t'roni the line defined by the grant to Mason. If the 
 decision should be in favor of New York this same 
 tract of land would still be left as a bone of conten- 
 tion, and the inhabitants of the territory in dispute 
 might desire to divide, the easterly- half going over 
 to New Hampshire, and the westerly- to New York, 
 or the whole might unite and form a new State. 
 
 With all these contingencies pending, the appli- 
 cation had I)een made, and great anxiety was felt in 
 relation to the result. Governor Wentworth had 
 issued one hundred and thirty-eight grants, and a 
 large number, in some cases covering the same ter- 
 ritory, had been granted to New York. 
 
 At the court of St. James, on the 20th da.y of 
 July, 17(54. it was declared that "the western banks 
 of the river Connecticut, from where it enters the 
 Province of Massachusetts Bay, as far North as the 
 forty-lifth degree of North Latitude, to be the 
 
12 
 
 boundary line between New Hcampshire and New^ 
 York." This decision was not very objectionable to 
 the government of New Hampshire or its people 
 outside of the New Hampshire grants, it being con- 
 sidered only a change of jurisdiction ; and if the 
 land titles had been left undisturbed there would 
 have been no further controversy between New 
 Hampshire and New York. 
 
 But when the authorities of New York decided 
 that the New Hampshire grants were null and ahvays 
 had been, and that the settlers would be compelled 
 to re-purchase their lands or be ejected therefrom, 
 a spirit of resentment arose among the pioneer set- 
 tlers of the New Hampshire grants that could not 
 be allayed short of revolution. The magnificent 
 blunder of Charles the second in granting to the 
 Duke of York, in 1G64, all the lands from the w^est 
 side of Connecticut River to the east side of Dela- 
 ware Bay, without any reference to the charter of 
 Massachusetts Bay, granted in 1629, or that of Con- 
 necticut granted in 1662, became a^Dparent to the 
 settlers, and they were led to question the validity 
 of the grant under which the New York officials 
 were beginning to proceed against them. 
 
 Within a month from the time of the passage of 
 the royal decree establishing the eastern boundary 
 of New York, Sheriff Schuyler found it necessarj^ to 
 appeal to the Commander-in-chief in a case where 
 he claimed that a citizen of "Hoseck" had been 
 ejected from his lands and tenements, and compelled 
 
13 
 
 to sillier other wrongs at the hands of the New 
 Hampshire })eoi)le. In eonsecjiience of this, the said 
 Sheriff arrested four persons and committed them to 
 jail in Albnny. This ^vas the New York version; 
 but Gov. Wentwortli in his letter to Lieut. Gov. 
 Golden, claimed tliat ''several of the inhabitnnts of 
 Pownal, at a time when the Deputy Sheriff was ex- 
 ecuting a legal precept, were set upon by the Sher- 
 iff of Albany and more than thirty armed men on 
 horseback, and that the Deputy Sheriff with the 
 three other principal inhabitants, were seized upon 
 11 nd carried to Albany, where they were immedi- 
 ately coinniitted to jail." 
 
 Whatever might have been the original provoca- 
 tion in this case, whether trifling or otherwise, an 
 eilbrt was made, probably on both sides, to adjust it 
 by resorting to violence. False imprisonment to- 
 gether with the "Eeech Seal" were frequently ap- 
 pealed to in the settlement of similar cases. 
 
 But at this })eriod there were tw^o parties residing 
 upon the territory now^ Vermont, one being favor- 
 able to New York and the other an ally of New 
 Hampshire, without any marked opposition to each 
 otlier ; but none of them knew or cared for any law 
 except the individual code, dictated by individual 
 conscience ; and never was a connnunity better or- 
 irani/.ed for a reiirn of terror than were these dis- 
 contented pioneers. 
 
 For the better administration oi justice, and the 
 convenience of the settlers, three petitions were 
 
14 
 
 presented to Lieut. Gov. Golden, in 1765, praying 
 that several counties might be erected covering ter- 
 ritory occupied by the New Hampshire grants. One 
 of these petitions represented that one murder had 
 been committed "^and one man more missing, that 
 is supposed to be murdered by the same Villin, and 
 that unless there be a county made as prayed for, 
 instead of good wholesome Inhabitants comeing and 
 Settling amongst us, the land wall be filled with 
 nothing, but Villins and Murderers." 
 
 These petitions were read in council and referred 
 to a committee who reported on the twenty-second 
 day of October, 1705, that the inhabitants had "as 
 yet only an Equitable Title to the lands they pos- 
 sess ; are utterly unacquainted with the laws of the 
 Province, and the modes of dispensing Justice there- 
 in," and recommended the apiDointment of "a num- 
 ber of fit persons for the conservation of the Peace 
 and the administration of Justice." 
 
 This was not a very Mattering state ot affairs to 
 be contemplated by those who had bought and paid 
 for their lands ; nor was it much of a compliment 
 to the men fresh from Massachusetts and Gonnecti- 
 cut, to be told that they were incapable of self 
 government. 
 
 Four counties were established and the "Cit per- 
 sons" appointed, but submission to their dictation 
 was never made complete. The settlers finally 
 concluded to resist the authority of New York, and 
 Samuel Robinson of Bennington was appointed to 
 
15 
 
 represent them at the eourt of Great Britain and 
 obtain, it' i)ossil)le, a conlirniation ol'lhe New Hamp- 
 shire grants, and his Majesty was indueed to issue a 
 special order tor the purpose of proliibiting the Gov- 
 ernor of New York from making future grants till 
 his Majesty' could further consider the whole matter. 
 
 No heed was paid to this order, but further grants 
 were made, and fresh writs of ejectment were con- 
 stantly being issued. Up to this time, and still later, 
 most of the controversy had been carried on by per- 
 sons residing west of the Green Mountains. 
 
 About this time a convention was held at Ben- 
 nington wherein the delegates resolved to maintain 
 their rights under the New Hampshire grants hy 
 force. Thereui)on a military association was organ- 
 ized, with Ethan Allen for commander. The militia 
 Nvere called out by the Governor of New York to 
 assist the Sherilf, but their sympathy seemed to be 
 with the people to such an extent as to destroy all 
 dicipline, and tlie appearance of Allen's troops 
 caused them to disband. The next otficial display 
 was in the form of a proclamation, issued by the 
 Governor of New York, oflering a reward of .£150 
 for the arrest of Ethan Allen, and £50 each for Seth 
 Warner and several others. On the other hand a 
 proclamation was issued oflering <£5 for the Attor- 
 ney General of the Colony of New York. 
 
 In l?72, the Governor of New York made an 
 attempt to settle the controversy, and for that pur- 
 pose opened correspondence with the Rev. Mr. Dew- 
 
16 
 
 ey of Bennington, and some others, signifying his 
 willingness to confer with any person or persons 
 the opposite party might choose, except Allen, War- 
 ner and three others. Capt. Stephen Fay and Mr. 
 Jarias Fay were appointed to confer with the Gov- 
 ernor ; but this attempt at diplomacy failed for the 
 reason that the Green Mountain Boys undertook to 
 try their hand at the ejectment process while these 
 negotiations were pending, which resulted in the 
 abandonment of the whole scheme. 
 
 In the mean time the hostile condition of those 
 occupying the New Hampshire grants became more 
 and more alarming. Committees of safety were ap- 
 pointed in the several towns, and they were in con- 
 stant communication for the purpose of devising the 
 best means of common defence. The inhabitants 
 were forbidden the acceptance of the honors of office 
 under the Colony fo New York, on the pain of being 
 "viewed." These "views" generally resulted in a 
 liberal application of the "beech seal," vigorously 
 laid upon the naked backs of the "yorkers." 
 
 The inhabitants of the "grants" were peculiar in 
 many respects. Their laws, their manner of trial, 
 their penalties and methods of punishment, were all 
 vested in the Committee of Safetj^, and no person 
 was allowed to escape on technicalities. Benjamin 
 Hough was one of the King's Justices, under the 
 authority of New York, and undertook to act in that 
 capacity within the limits of the New Hampshire 
 grants. He was brought before the Committee at 
 
17 
 
 Sinuloi'huul, wlicri' \\v })lc;i(k'(l tlic jiii'isdiction of New 
 York ; but the (liven Moiint;iiii Boys considered the 
 decree of tlie convention, foi'hidding till persons from 
 holding otfice, civil or military, under the Colony of 
 New York, to be supreme, and passed the following 
 sentence, which they pi'oceeded to execute Avithout 
 giving time for spiritual advice or repentance: 
 
 "That the prisoner be taken from the bar of this 
 committee of safety and l)e tied to a tree, and there, 
 on his naked back, to receive one hundred stripes ; 
 his back being dressed, he should depart out of the 
 the district, and on return, to suffer death, unless by 
 special leave of the committee." 
 
 In another case, a person who had advised the 
 settlers to submit to tlie authority of New York, 
 after disregarding the warning of the committee, was 
 arrested and carried to the Green Mountain Tavern 
 in Bennington, where his defence was patiently 
 heard, and then he was ordered "to be tied in an 
 arm chair and hoisted to the sign, and there to hang 
 two hours in sight of tlie people, as a punishment 
 merited by his enmity to the rights and liberties of 
 the inhabitants of the New Hampshire Grants." 
 
 The sign to which he was raised consisted of a 
 post twenty-five feet high, with a sign-board at the 
 to}), upon which stood a stuffed catamount's skin 
 facing New York, with a ferocious countenance. 
 This Inn was ever after known as "Catamount Tav- 
 ern" and was standing in 18G9, but has since been 
 destroyed by fire. Near this spot David liedding 
 
18 
 
 was hanged, June 1777, for "inimical conduct." 
 
 The General Assembly of New York, on the 5th 
 day of February, 1774, passed resolutions wherein 
 they called the Green Mountain Boys "the Benning- 
 ton Mob," and recommended the passage of a law 
 for their suppression and punishment. These pro- 
 ceedings made it necessary to call a general meet- 
 ing of all the committees, which meeting was held 
 at a private house in Manchester, on the 1st day of 
 March, 1774. At this meeting the inhabitants re- 
 solved that while they were willing to encourage the 
 execution of the laws, both civil and criminal, "that 
 were so indeed," and that they should act only on 
 the defensive, they would stand by and defend their 
 friends and neighbors "at the expense of their lives 
 and fortunes." 
 
 On the 9th day of March, 1774, the Assembly of 
 New York passed an act that struck the key note of 
 rebellion. It provided that if any person should 
 oppose any civil officer of New York, in the dis- 
 charge of his duty, or wilfully distroy the grain, corn 
 or hay of any other person, being in any enclosure ; 
 or if any persons should assemble together, to the 
 disturbance of the public peace, and demolish or 
 pull down any building in the county of Albany or 
 Charlotte, said offence should be deemed a felony, 
 without benefit of clergy, and that the offender 
 should suffer death. All crimes committed on the 
 Grants were to be tried by the courts of Albany-, and 
 said courts were empowered to award execution 
 
11) 
 
 against such as should ho indicted for capital offen- 
 ces, who should not surrender themselves, in the 
 same manner as if they had been convicted on a 
 fair and impartial trial ; and a reward of <£50 each 
 was offered for the arrest of Ethan Allen, Setli War- 
 ner, and six others. 
 
 On the 26th day of April, 1774, Ethan Allen and 
 six others made and signed a remonstrance, wherein 
 they resolved to inflict immediate death on whoever 
 might attempt to apprehend any person indicted as 
 a rioter for the purpose of inflicting the death penal- 
 ty', declaring that "Our lives, liberties and properties 
 are as verily precious to us as to any of the king's 
 subjects; but if the governmental authority of New 
 York insists upon killing us to take possession of our 
 vineyards, let them come on ; we are ready for a 
 game of scalping with them, for our martial spirits 
 glow witli bitter indignation and consummate fury, 
 to blast their infernal projects." About this time an 
 attempt was made by Col. Philip Skeene to erect 
 the New Hampshire Grants into a separate govern- 
 ment under Great Britain ; and it is said that his 
 plan met with some favor on the part of the British 
 government, and was probably instrumental in caus- 
 ing; the Grants to declare themselves free and in- 
 dependent, in 1777. 
 
 Early in 1775 hostilities commenced between the 
 Colonies and Great Britain, which overshadowed the 
 controversy with New York, and the proscribed pat- 
 riots of the New Hampshire Grants, with a bounty 
 
20 
 
 upon their heads, entered into the conflict with no 
 fear or expectation of defeat ; and on the tenth of 
 May Ticonderoga and Crown Point were captured 
 by Allen and Arnold. 
 
 It has generally been claimed that the first blood 
 shed in the American Revolution, was at lexington, 
 Mass., April 19th, 1775; Imt Lexington has a rival. 
 The first conflict between the constituted authorities 
 of Great Britain and the American Colonies occurred 
 on the New Hampshire Grants, and was followed 
 up by successive engagements between the loyalists 
 and the rebels till the close of the revolution. 
 
 On the 5th day of September, 1774, Congress ad- 
 vised the people of the Colonies to maintain their 
 liberties in such ways as should be found necessary ; 
 and the inhabitants of Cumberland county, for the 
 purpose of resisting British tyranny and oppression, 
 found it necessary to interfere with the holding of 
 the court at Westminster, on the loth day of March, 
 1775. On this occasion there was a desperate strug- 
 gle on one side to maintain the authority of the 
 British government, while on the other the liberties 
 of the people were defended ; and the lines between 
 the two contending parties were as distinctly drawn 
 and understood as at any future time during the war. 
 Firearms were used, one man killed, several wound- 
 ed, and many taken prisoners. 
 
 The battle of Lexington w^as fought within forty 
 days from this time, and that of Bunker Hill within 
 sixty days thereafter, against the same authority 
 
21 
 
 ami in the saiuc cause. Had the war between the 
 Colonies and Great Jiritain been coniinenced when 
 tlie conlliet occurred at Westminster? If so, the 
 first blood shed in the American Kevolution was 
 within tlie jurisdiction of the New Hampshire Grants 
 and previous to the l)att]e of Lexington. 
 
 Patrick llenrv, after the light at Westminster and 
 before that of Lexington, made the following state- 
 ment which has never been disputed : "The war is 
 actually begun ! The next gale that sweeps from 
 from the north, will bring to our ears the clash of 
 resounding arms! Our brethren are already in the 
 held I Why stand we hei'e idle?" 
 
 The light at Westminster was not a mob or a riot 
 any more than was that of Lexington, but a deliber- 
 ate resistance on the part of the people, to the gov- 
 ernment of Great Britain, and the lirst attempt to 
 defj', by an armed force, the authority of British 
 rule. If the Kevolution was brought on by reason 
 of the deiiance of laws made for the government of 
 the Colonies, and a resistance to their execution by 
 an armed force, we may justly claim that among the 
 wilds of the New Hampshire Grants was shed the 
 first blood in behalf of American liberty. 
 
 From this time for nearly two years the inhabit- 
 ants of the (Jrants were active in their opposition to 
 British authority; and on the 15th day of January, 
 1777, at a convention held in Westminster, they 
 declared themselves to be "a separate, free and in- 
 dependent jurisdiction or State ; by the name and for- 
 
22 
 
 ever hereafter to be called, known and distinguished 
 by the name of New Connecticut." On the 4th day 
 of June, 1777, at a convention held in Windsor the 
 name thus deliberately and formally given was 
 abandoned, and the name of Vermont substituted. 
 The reason given for making this change was, that 
 a district of land on the Susquehanna river had been 
 named New Connecticut, and it was claimed to be 
 inconsistent for two districts on this continent to 
 bear the same name. 
 
 This brief but decisive Declaration of Independ- 
 ence opened a new field for strife. The New York 
 people were alarmed at the conduct of Vermont, 
 and their committee of safety appealed to Congress, 
 declaring it to be necessary that the commission of 
 Col. Warner, who had been authorized to raise a 
 regiment, be recalled ; that nothing else would do 
 justice to New York. Certain persons of ability and 
 influence were urging Vermont to maintain her 
 independence, choose delegates to Congress, and 
 form a State Constitution. One Thomas Young- 
 printed and issued an address to the inhabitants of 
 Vermont, urging them to be firm in their attempt 
 to maintain the position they had assumed, assuring 
 them that they had a right to choose how and by 
 whom they should be governed. This address and 
 other publications of a like nature were printed at 
 Philadelphia, and the authorities of New York were 
 much disturbed by their appearance. 
 
23 
 
 One of tlio New York delegates presented the 
 printed letter oi" 'IMioinas Yonng to Congress on the 
 '2od day of June, 17V7. The entire suhjeet was ex- 
 amined and discussed in coniniittee oithe whole, and 
 on the oOth day of June resolutions Avere adopted 
 dechiring "That the independent government at- 
 tempted to he estahlished by the people styling 
 themselves iuliahitants of the New Hampshire Grants, 
 can derive no countenance or justification from the 
 act of Contrress declaring the United Colonies to be 
 independent of the crown of Great Britain, nor from 
 anv othei' act or resolution of Congress; and that the 
 petition of Jonas Fay, Thomas Chittenden, Iliram 
 Allen and Heuhen Jones, praying that the district 
 they represented might be ranked among the free 
 and independent States, be dismissed." Although 
 this action was favorable to New York, the Vermont- 
 ers were still more confirmed in their determination 
 to maintain their independence, if need be, against 
 the whole world. 
 
 Up to this time there had been no controversy 
 between Vermont and New Hampshire. In fact 
 New Hampshire had acknowledged the independ- 
 ence of ^^M-mont through her President, Mr. Weare, 
 in a letter to Ira Allen, Secretary of the State of 
 \'ermont, wherein the New Hampshire Grants were \ 
 designated as "a free and sovereign, but new State." 
 By the use of this language it was supposed that 
 New Hampshire would use her influence to have 
 A'erniont recognized by Congress as an independent 
 
24 
 
 State ; but there was really no tenable ground tor 
 such a supposition. While it was understood that 
 the easterly line of New York was by the Connecti- 
 cut river, New Hampshire had no cause for com- 
 plaint against Vermont for maintaining the same 
 boundary The inhabitants on the east side of the 
 river well knew that the east line of New York 
 might have been extended to within sixt}^ miles of 
 the sea with as much propriety as any of the lands 
 more than twenty miles east of Hudson's river could 
 be claimed by the government of New York. The 
 inhabitants of Vermont were also aware that the 
 unchartered territory between the river and the 
 Province of New Hampshire, as granted to John 
 Mason, did not belong to New Hampshire with any 
 more certainty than did the territory west of the 
 river ; and it was claimed that their declaration 
 took effect on both sides of the river to such an ex- 
 tent that all persons residing west of the Mason line 
 and east of the river, were free to join such govern- 
 ment as tlie>^ might desire, but more especiallj^ Ver- 
 mont. These ideas were undoubtedly concocted 
 and promulgated by the inhabitants west of the 
 river and east of the Green Mountains, for the pur- 
 pose of giving political strength to eastern Vermont, 
 without any malicious intent to injure New Hamp- 
 shire. The action taken on the part of the towns 
 east of the river was remarkable. 
 
 On the 12th of March, 1778, sixteen towns east of 
 Connecticut river declared in convention that thev 
 
25 
 
 were not connected willi aii\ State, and tlicrcnpon 
 petitioned tlie State of \ ernioiit lor an opportunity 
 to confederate with its inhabitants. This petition 
 was presented to the Assembly of Vermont. The 
 members from the west side of the mountains, as 
 might have been expected, were strongly opposed 
 to it, but those from the vicinity of Connecticut 
 river generally favored the union, and were so per- 
 sistent in their eflbrts to accomplish the object of 
 their strife as to propose a withdrawal from Ver- 
 mont and the erection of a new State, including 
 territory on both sides of the river. The independ- 
 ence of Vermont so recently and so unanimously 
 promulgated to the world was now tlu'eatened with 
 earW dissolution ; but it was found that a majority 
 of the Assembly were not in favor of the annexation 
 of any of the New Hampshire towns. This state of 
 affairs caused some delay ; and when the matter was 
 brought before the next meeting of the Assembly, it 
 was asserted that the inhabitants of the towns ap- 
 plying for annexation were nearly or quite unani- 
 mous, and that the state of New Hampsliire would 
 make no opposition. By means of these false rep- 
 resentations, made by interested parties in both 
 states, a vote of 37 to 12 was obtained in favor of 
 the union ; and by resolution it was provided that 
 any town east of Connecticut river might be admit- 
 ted on sending a representative to the Assembly of 
 Vermont. 
 
26 
 
 This attempt to swallow up New Hampshire crea- 
 ted dissatisfaction and alarm among the inhabitants. 
 An appeal was made to the Governor of Vermont, 
 and a minority of the sixteen seceding towns claim- 
 ed protection from the state of New Hampshire. An 
 effort was made to interest Congress in their behalf. 
 Col. Ethan Allen, who had been sent to Philadel- 
 phia for the purpose of solving this difficult problem, 
 reported that Congress would not favor the union, 
 but, in case it was abandoned, would not oppose the 
 independence of Vermont. 
 
 In October, 1778, representatives from ten towns 
 east of the river took their seats in the Assembly of 
 Vermont, and it was proposed to erect a new county, 
 to be composed of the towns which had been admit- 
 ted to a union with Vermont ; but this proposition 
 was voted down, whereupon the members from the 
 towns east of the river withdrew from the Assem- 
 bly. Fifteen members from towns west of the river 
 also withdrew, leaving just two thirds of the whole 
 number, all of whom were required to be present 
 for the transaction of business. The matter in rela- 
 tion to the union with New Hampshire was referred 
 to the next Assembly. 
 
 Those who had withdrawn met in convention at 
 Cornish, Dec. 9th, 1778, the towns on both sides of 
 the river having been invited to send delegates. At 
 this convention it was agreed to unite regardless of 
 the boundaries established in 1764, and the conven- 
 tion also consented that the whole territory compri- 
 
27 
 
 sing the New Hampshire Grants might become one 
 State as it was bountlcd j)revi()iis to that time. — 
 Until something of this kind should be accomplished, 
 they resolved to trust in Providence and defend 
 themselves. The propositions put forth by this con- 
 vention were such, if adopted, as to unite a part of 
 New Hampshire with a part of Vermont, or to de- 
 stroy the government of Vermont and unite the 
 M'hole territory with New Hampshire. Had a State 
 been thus formed, the Capitol would undoubtedly 
 have been located near Connecticut river; but this 
 dangerous experiment was avoided in a singular 
 way, without detriment to either State. 
 
 On the 12th da}' of February, 1779, the Assembly 
 ot Vermont voted to dissolve the union with the 
 towns of New Hampshire. This unreliable course 
 on the part of Vermont had tlie effect to encourage 
 the authorities of New Hampsliire, and cause them 
 to claim the entire domain over which Wentworth 
 exercised jurisdiction previous to 1764, and an ap- 
 plication was made to Congress claiming the whole 
 of Vermont. New York was awakened by these 
 proceedings, and claimed the same territory. 
 
 At this time it began to look as though Vermont 
 would be divided between New York and New 
 Hampshire; and her condition was now more criti- 
 cal than at any previous pei'iod, for the reason that 
 this controversy was a troublesome matter for Con- 
 gress to deal with, and such a disposal of the terri- 
 tory of Vermont as was urged and expected by some. 
 
28 
 
 would destroy the State ; but, if the entire matter 
 of jurisdiction could be forever settled thereby, such 
 a result did not seem to be then improbable. 
 
 Massachusetts also saw this glittering bait and 
 put in her claim to a large portion of Vermont. 
 Whether this was intentionally done on the part of 
 Massachusetts to prevent the swallowing of Vermont 
 in two parts, by two other states, or for some other 
 purpose, is of but little consequence ; but it may be 
 justly said that Vermont owes Massachusetts a vote 
 of thanks for that act. It was evident that some- 
 thing must be done forthwith, or civil war, 
 
 "The child of niulice and revengeful hate," 
 
 would cast its grim shadow over the territorj^ in 
 dispute, to the nation's peril. 
 
 The controversy with New York became intensi- 
 fied on account of the attachment of sundry inlluen- 
 tial persons, residing in Cumberland (now Windham) 
 county, to that State, and their opposition to Ver- 
 mont. They had boasted of their military strength, 
 claiming that they had raised a regiment of 500 men 
 who were opposed to Vermont and in favor of New 
 York. Col. Ethan Allen was directed to engage a 
 portion of the militia for the purpose of bringing 
 these warlike demonstrations to a close, whereupon 
 Col. Patterson of New York, sought the advice of 
 Gov. Clinton as to holding the militia of xllbany in 
 readiness for any emergency, and suggested the 
 propriety of employing the enemies of Vermont in 
 
20 
 
 each town as spies. Tlie Governor became uneasy 
 and wrote to the President of Congress, stating that 
 he was daily expecting to order out a force to resist 
 the troops commanded by Allen. On the 29th day 
 of May, 1779, Congress referred the matter to a 
 committee of the whole, and on the first day of 
 June, by resolution, provision was made for a com- 
 mission to settle all matters in dispute. 
 
 There were now four different claims submitted to 
 Congress, to a tract of country, the inhabitants of 
 which had been recently united under a Declaration 
 of Independence, but were now at war with them- 
 selves and all the rest of mankind. On the 24th day 
 of Sept., 1779, Congress passed a resolve recom- 
 mending that New Hampshire, Massachusetts Bay, 
 and New York, "forthwith pass laws expressly au- 
 thoriziuii; Conycress to hear and determine all dill'er- 
 ences between them relative to their respective 
 boundaries." It was also resolved that "in the opin- 
 ion of Congress the three States aforementioned ought 
 in the mean time to suspend executing their laws 
 over any of the inhabitants of said district, except 
 such of them as shall profess allegiance to, and con- 
 fess the jurisdiction of the same respectively." 
 
 There being numerous persons in Vermont who 
 adhered to all these States,, this resolution, if carried 
 out, would establish four governments over the 
 people of Vermont. To have that number of sepa- 
 rate jurisdictions operating at the same time over 
 the same territory, after the people had assumed the 
 
30 
 
 functions of a State government, declared themselves 
 free and independent, framed and adopted their con- 
 stitution, enacted a code of laws and erected courts 
 of justice, was a novel state of afiairs from which no 
 government outside of the New Hampshire Grants 
 would ever expect to escape and be again identified 
 by friend or foe. 
 
 On the second day of June, 1780, Congress passed 
 a resolve declaring that the inhabitants of the New 
 Hampshire Grants had pursued an unwarrantable 
 course, subversive of the welfare of the United States 
 and requiring them to exercise no further authority, 
 civil or military, over those professing allegiance to 
 the other states. To this resolution the Governor 
 and Council made reply, asserting the independence 
 of Vermont, and claiming that Congress had no 
 right to meddle with their jurisdiction, as they were 
 not included among the thirteen United States, but 
 were at liberty to declare war or peace with Great 
 Britain, without asking permission ; but so long as 
 Congress declined to recognize Vermont in her in- 
 dependence, they had no interest to fight Great 
 Britain for the purpose of defending a frontier for 
 the benefit of the United States, but that they were 
 willing once more to ofi'er a union with the United 
 States of America. 
 
 Congress seemed inclined to entertain this propo- 
 sition, while New Hampshire and New York put in 
 their claims that Vermont was not entitled to inde- 
 pendence, but belonged to them. Vermont claimed 
 
31 
 
 ;i heaiiiii:", and was notif'K'd to a])pear on the lOtli 
 day of Sept., 17S0, but her rej)iesentatives Avei e not 
 aHowed to be heard, whereupon on the 22d day of 
 Sept. they filed a remonstrance to the proceedings 
 as the3' were being carried on, and declared that if 
 such was to be the manner of treatment on the part 
 of Congress, they were "ready to appeal to God and 
 the world, who must l)e accountable for the awful 
 consequences that may ensue." The contending 
 parties were so much exasperated as to suggest an 
 alliance with Great Britain in case their rights were 
 not respected. There was danger in this suggestion, 
 but in order to obtain a decision in favor of Vermont, 
 it was important to show^ that her military power 
 would be of some value to the United States, and 
 not be absorbed in contentions with other States. 
 There was no time lost by either of the States in 
 making reasonable and unreasonable efforts in their 
 ow^n behalf. 
 
 It was soon discovered that the inhabitants in 
 most of the towns in western New Hampshire were 
 desirous of being annexed to Vermont, who now^ 
 proposed to take up the weapt)ns used by her oppo- 
 nents, to wit, the claiming of jurisdiction. There- 
 upon a convention was held at Charlestown, N. H., 
 Jan. IGth, 17S1, and 4o towns in western New 
 Hampshire were represented therein, a large major- 
 ity being in favor of forming anothei- union with 
 Vermont; and a connnittee was appointed to con- 
 sider the matter and report. On the 10th day of 
 
32 
 
 February the assembly of Vermont, sitting at Wind- 
 sor, received information from the committee that 
 the convention of the New Hampshire towns "was 
 desirous of being united with Vermont in one sepa- 
 rate, independent government, upon such principles 
 as should be mutually thought the most equitable 
 and beneficial to the whole." On the 14th day of 
 February, the Assembly of Vermont resolved to lay 
 "a jurisdictional claim to all the lands whatever, east 
 of Connecticut river north of Massachusetts, west of 
 the Mason line and south of forty-five degrees north 
 latitude." The convention of the New Hampshire 
 towns, then in session at Cornish on the opposite 
 side of the river, agreed upon a union on the 22d 
 day of February; and the Assembly of Vermont re- 
 solved that the union, thus confirmed, should be 
 held sacred. New York by this time began to dis- 
 cover that the frontier needed defence, and the in- 
 habitants adjacent to Vermont petitioned the Assem- 
 bly of that State for protection. 
 
 Upon this petition the Assembly of Vermont re- 
 solved to "lay a jurisdictional claim to all the land 
 situate north of the north line of the state of Massa- 
 chusetts, extending the same to Hudson's river ; the 
 east of the center of the deepest channel of said 
 river, to the head thereof; from thence east of a 
 north line, being extended to latitude 45 degrees ; 
 and south of the same line, including all the lands 
 and waters to the place where this State exercises 
 jurisdiction." In each of these unions jurisdiction 
 
was not to he exerciscMl lor the tiiiR' being; Imt pe- 
 titions were* soon received from tlie inliJihitants of* 
 New York praying that W*rniont might exercise 
 jurisdiction without further dehiy. These hist un- 
 ions were more remarkable than any former ellbrt in 
 that direction, being accomplished while New York 
 and New Hampshire were using every eflbrt in their 
 power to extend their claims over the whole terri- 
 tory of Vermont. 
 
 When New Hampshire, New York and Massachu- 
 setts, were seeking to absorb the territory of Ver- 
 mont, there was little or no sympathy manifested 
 for either state outside of its own limits ; but when 
 Vermont turned the tables upon all of them, by hi}^- 
 ing chiim to a large portion of New Hampshire and 
 New York, its policy, though aggressive, met with 
 so much favor that 35 towns in western New Hamp- 
 shire and 10 districts in eastern New York, were 
 represented in the Assembly of Vermont, June 16th, 
 1781. 
 
 On the 2()tli day of August Congress passed a re- 
 solve setting forth that the people inhabiting the 
 territory called Vermont, as preliminary to their 
 admissioji into the federal union, should relinquish 
 all demands or claims of jurisdiction on the east side 
 of the west bank of Connecticut river, and also its 
 claim west of a line 20 miles east of Hudson's river. 
 
 In October the Assembly of Vermont convened at 
 Charlestown, N. H., and the resolve of Congress was 
 presented and rejected on the ground that it would 
 
 L.ofC. 
 
34 
 
 become necessary to break faith with New Hamp- 
 shire in order to comply with the provision of Con- 
 gress, Vermont, however, expressed a willingness 
 to submit the boundary question to a commission. 
 
 New York became thoroughly frightened by the 
 proceedings of Congress, and its Legislature claimed 
 that that body had no right to intermeddle with 
 matters of jurisdiction except in cases of dispute be- 
 tween two states already in the union, nor to admit 
 even a British colony, except Canada, without the 
 consent of nine states, nor to create a new state by 
 dismembering one of the thirteen United States, 
 without unanimous consent of the invaded state ; 
 and against all such procedure they entered. a sol- 
 emn protest. At this time Gov. Chittenden opened 
 correspondence with Gen. Washington, claiming that 
 Vermont had been driven to desperation by the in- 
 justice of those who should have been her friends. 
 This correspondence was interrupted by the appear- 
 ance of new and more threatening danger. 
 
 The Sheriff of ii. New Hampshire county which 
 had been admitted to a union with Vermont, in- 
 formed Gov. Chittenden that New Hampshire was 
 preparing to compel those who had formed a union 
 with Vermont, to conform to the authority of New 
 Hampshire. While this excitement was at fever 
 heat, the authorities of New York were trying to 
 sujDpress what they called an insurection among the 
 citizens who had united with Vermont. This new 
 feature in pu))lic affairs made lively work for the 
 
35 
 
 inliabittuits of the New Ihiiiipsliiro Grants, and at 
 one time it looked as tliouLL-li Vermont mi'dit have 
 its lite sijueezed out between New llami^shire and 
 New York. They were all badly frightened at the 
 prospect of civil war, but their relations with Great 
 Britain furnished an outlet for their belligerent ten- 
 dencies till better judgment overruled the passions 
 of the hour. 
 
 The Commander-in-chief of the American army 
 was much troubled by the contest between these 
 states, and on the 1st day of Januarj^ 1782, he re- 
 plied to Gov. Chittenden, advising Vermont to con- 
 fine its jurisdic'tioii to its old limits, and thereby 
 obtain an aekiiowJedgnuMit of independence by vir- 
 tue of the resolutioji of the 20th of August, 1781. 
 
 In February, 1782, the Assembly of Vermont met 
 at lienniuL'ton, and the letter of Gen. Washinoton 
 was there presented, and it was agreed to comply 
 with his suggestion, whereupon the Assembly resol- 
 ved. "That the forei>ointi; reconnnendation be com- 
 plied with, and that the west banks of Connecticut 
 river, and a line bei>;innin«; at the northwest corner 
 of the State of Massachusetts ; from thence north- 
 ward twenty miles east of Hudson's river, as specified / 
 in the resolutions of Congress in August last, be con- 
 sidered as the east and west boundaries of this State. \ 
 That this Assembly do hereby relin((uish all claims 
 and demands to, and rights of jurisdiction in and 
 over any and every district of territory Avithout said 
 boundary lines." 
 
36 
 
 The delicacy about encroaching upon the good 
 faith of New Hampshire had been forgotten by Ver- 
 mont, and the eastern union, which she had declared 
 should be held sacred, was dissolved in a suunnary 
 manner ; and by a like process the western union 
 was also terminated. 
 
 Vermont having thus complied with the resolves 
 of Congress, proceeded to take measures for her ad- 
 mission into the union of states. The application 
 was refused, and the people of Vermont began to 
 suspect that Congress was not inclined to deal with 
 them as had been intimated ; but they continued to 
 appoint agents to perfect arrangements for admis- 
 sion. Congress withdrew the continental troops, 
 leaving the frontier exposed to the encroachments 
 of the enemy. Vermont thus shorn of much of her 
 political power, and essentially weakened in her 
 means of defence, so long as she should exist outside 
 of the Federal Government, still continued to assert 
 her independence by declaring that she had as good 
 ' a right to the same as Congress, and as much au- 
 thority to pass resolutions j^rescribing measures to 
 Congress as Congress had to give directions to her. 
 
 Some of the enemies of Vermont had been ban- 
 ished and their estates confiscated ; and Congress 
 demanded that full restoration should be made be- 
 fore the state could Ijc admitted. New York was 
 using every effort to keep Vermont out of the 
 union, and the controversy between these three pow- 
 ers continued till October 2Sth, 1790, when the As- 
 
seinbly of A'oriuoiit, imdor advice of coininissioiiers 
 iVoiu l.otli the state.s agreed to pay $30,000 to New 
 York in settlement of all matters between them in 
 relation to boundary lines; and Vermont was ad- 
 mitted as a State, Feb. 18tli, 1701., at which time 
 all controversy with New Hampshire, New York and 
 Massachusetts, was brought to a close. 
 
 Such has been the history of the unions, secessions 
 and disunions of New Hampshire and Vermont, in 
 early times. It may be easy to criticise New Hamp- 
 shire for the part she took in furnishing material for 
 this history. We may claim that Gov. AYentworth 
 was a trespasser and a swindler; but if such was the 
 fact, M'hat shall we sav of those who bouuht and 
 paid for their lands in good faith, with a view to 
 make themselves homes, establish institutions of 
 learning, and receive further light in civilization ? 
 Are they to be censured for forming unions with a 
 friendly ally, without reference to jurisdiction or 
 boundary lines, when an unrelenting enemy with 
 tomahawk and scalping knife in hand, stood ready 
 to invade their peaceful liresides? If they met in 
 secret conclave or open convention, resolving to do 
 a work which they were unable to perform, are they 
 to be looked upon with contempt for changing their 
 course, their resolution, or their vote? Are tliej^ to 
 be blamed for dissolving an unsatisfactory union and 
 and forming another more complete and beneficial ? 
 
 I might set forth in detail the action of the several 
 towns on both sides of the river in relation to these 
 
38 
 
 unions, and delineate some of the scenes and per- 
 sonal encounters of those stirring times ; but none 
 of them, nor all combined, would change your opin- 
 ion in relation to the honor and fidelity of the early 
 patriots of New Hampshire. Without means of 
 ready communication, liable to be surprised at any 
 moment, day or night, by an uncivilized and dan- 
 gerous foe, their willingness to unite with their 
 friends and neighbors for the common defence was 
 a virtue not to be despised ; and tlie struggles they 
 endured in behalf of their families, their homes and 
 firesides, were not prompted by a spirit of invasion, 
 nor the allurements of conquest. 
 
 After the dissolution of the eastern and western 
 unions, in 1782, New Hampshire took but little in- 
 terest in what transpired between New York and 
 Vermont, or between both those states and Congress. 
 This was not an unnatural course to pursue, for she 
 had acquired an extensive territory not included in 
 the grant to John Mason, which defined the actual 
 territory of New Hampshire. Nor is there anything 
 connected with the entire history of the New Hamp- 
 shire Grants beyond the comprehension of an intel- 
 ligent mind, or that could not be satisfactorially ex- 
 plained and accounted for, would time permit. Had 
 New Hampshire been settled exclusively by the 
 English as far west as the Connecticut river, Ver- 
 mont by natives of Massachusetts and Connecticut, 
 and New York by the Dutch, the unions, secessions 
 and disunions, now seeming so peculiar to the local 
 
39 
 
 liistorian, would novcr have occurred ; and whoever 
 traces out the «;'cneah)uy of the races who inhabited 
 this territory previous to 1780, will find a key to all 
 the strange problems with wliich the historian has 
 been perplexed. 
 
 It is true that the inhabitants of the New Hamp- 
 shire Grants were a peculiar people. They were 
 adventurers, seeking homes in the wilderness, sur- 
 rounded by hostile and warlike tribes who sought to 
 overwhelm and destroy the unprotected colony. 
 They acknowledged no superior authority, except 
 God, the king, and the Continental Congress. They 
 enjoyed freedom of speech, an uncontaminated at- 
 mosphere, and ])]enty of hard work. They erected 
 their rude dwellings, churches and school houses, 
 subdued the forests, and planted the germ of a high- 
 er civilization. Tlie sunlight that had gilded the 
 mountain tops through the lingering decades of un- 
 recorded ages responded to the march of improve- 
 ment, and the vallevs were made to blossom like 
 the rose. Their integrity, their honorable bearing 
 towards all men, their brave conduct in times of 
 peril, their hdelity to the most complete liberty of 
 mind and conscience, together with an unfaltering- 
 faith in energy, perseverance and self reliance, made 
 them a terror to ;ill tyrants, and champions of the 
 highest type of freedom. 
 
 No settlement was ever made on the habitable 
 globe by a more stern and conscientious race than 
 were the rustic pioneers who established their homes 
 
40 
 
 within the jurisdiction of the New Hampshire Grants. 
 Many of tliem had before been familiar with pioneer 
 life, earning day by day their scanty meal and home- 
 spun raiment, — destitute of every luxury except a 
 clear conscience, and willing to spend their lives for 
 the benefit of religious freedom, liberal education 
 and good morals. They were quick to resent an 
 injury, but ready to repair a wrong; and sometimes, 
 with slight cause, they entered the arena of strife in 
 behalf of state or country; and the daring deeds 
 they performed at Ticonderoga and Bennington, 
 give a peculiar charm to American history. 
 
 Whether they espoused the cause of New Hamp- 
 shire, Vermont or Massachusetts, let the annals of 
 a great empire continue to glow with the recorded 
 valor of these illustrious men. 
 
Dec %^lQOi 
 
DEC 18 1901 
 
LIBRARY OF CONGRESS 
 
 014 042 983 1 
 
 S^ft