Classhi_2 0^j Book ■ G CiJPlRIGHT DEFOSm r W r: X- RHODE ISLAND HisTOEicAL Tracts NO. 19. STEPHEN HOPKINS, RHODE ISLAND STATESMAN A Study in the Political History of the Eighteenth Century. BY WILLIAM E. F(3STEK. P^RT ONE. ■y RHODE ISLAND W'^ Historical Tracts. NO. 19. PROVIDENCE / SIDNEY S. RIDEIl. 1884. Copyright Ijy S 1 1) N E Y S . K I U E K . 1 S 7 8 . PiiOVIDLXCE PRESS fOMTASY, PKIXTEKS. STEPHEN HOPKINS RHODE ISLAND STATESMAN. STUDY IN THE POLITICAL HISTORY OF THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY. BY WILLIAM E. FOSTER, P^RT ONE. PROVIDENCE SIDNEY S. RIDER. 18 8 4. F^'^. ^ >? ,u> •H^dF'j Copyright by SIDNEY S . RIDER, 1883. TABLE OF CONTENTS. PAGE. Preface ....... xiii. ackko^ ledoment of ocligatioxs . . . xvu. chapter i. Intboductoky, . . . . • . •. 1 Contrast between Rhode Island in 1700 and that state in 1799.- Due partly to natural growth and partly to in- dividual effort.— Names o[ some whose influence was a factor in this change.— Hopkins's position among these. CnAPTER II. Ancestry and fajht.y c6nnections, ... 9 His birth.- Thomas Tlopkins, the emigrant ancestor. —The Arnold family.— Major William Hopkins.— Tlie Wliipple family.- -William ITopkins, Jr.— The Smith, ^^'ickendcn, and Wilkinson families.— Marriage of Wil- liam Uopkins and lluth Wilkinson.— Their children.— Ancestral traits represented in Stephen Hopkins. CHAPTER III. Earia' influences, [1707-30] ..... ^55 Lack of means of communication in the up-countrj- settlements.— The lack of means of culture among the VI STEPHEN HOPKINS. tliird goiu'ialion of New Englanders.— Lack of .school facilities in IMiode I.sland.— Stephen Hopkins's faniilj snriouiidings.— An early "circulating library."— His efforts at self-culture.— The valuable discipline of Lis training in surveying.— The appearance of the commer- cial instinct.— The Quaker training of his early home. — His marriage and start in life as a farmer. CHAPTEK IV. Entkance on public life as a "COUNTKYMEM- BEi;," [1730-42], ...... 03 His inherited disposition for public life.— Official con- nection with the town of Scituate. — In the General Assembly as a "country member."— The mea.sures of the Wanton administrations. — First connection with Newport.— His home life at Scituate. Gradual with- drawal of his family fnmi Scituate. — Concentration of his own interests at Providence.— Removal to Provi- dence in 1742. CHAPTER V. A CITIZEN OF Providence, [1742-70], .... 8 Stephen Hopkins the most distinguished native of Providence.— His capacity for retaining his hold on asso- ciations once formed. — His peculiar identification with the interests of Providence. — His marked agency in developing its commercial growth.— The town of Provi- dence in 1742. Tlie commercial development of Providence. — Hop- kins's corrtH't forecast of the direction taken by it. — I TABLE OF CONTENTS. VI 1 The lack of custom-liouse records before 1790.— iSteplieii Hopkins's early and unbroken connection with the Brown's,, the "four brothers."— Moses Brown's com- mercial records of twenty-five years.— The predomin- ating share of the Brown and Hopkins families in the conmieree of this period.— Hopkins's attention to the needs of tlie growing connnerce of the town.— A better harbor front needed. The question of hi(/hi':a>js and sti-eets.— Better com- munication with tlie interior towns needed. — More intelligent internal arrangements needed for the satis- factory development of the town.— The new policy as to lands and streets. Other enterprises.— His connection with the establish- ment of the public market; with rebuilding Weybosset Bridge; and with an early system of insurance. Education in Providence.— Kis efforts in behalf of public education. Libraries in Frovidence. —B.is connection with the establishment of the Providence Library, " to promote useful knowledge." His literary labors.— His historical researches.— His political writings.— The Providence Gazette established. IS iSeveral FrankUn ideas.— Two other '"Franklin ideas introduced at Providence; the post-office and the fire department. Vlll STEPHEN HOPKIKS. Family conneciiO«s.— Changes in his family, from 1742 to 1755. Politicdl connections. — His connection with political life (luring this period.— The questions at issue in the General Assembly. Connection vith the courts.— l\\>i service as Chief- justice. His influence.— iHswes growing out of tlie develop- ment of the town and of the colony. CHAPTER VI. The statesmanship of the Ai.p.axv coxopess, [1754]. 155 The significance of this conference. — The four pre- dominating political ideas.— Self-government the earliest. — Its extreme development in TJhode Island. — The ir.odification due to connnercial connections. — Tluit due to tlie agitation oC boundary disputes.— The accession of the five border towns in 1747.— Liberalizing tendency of the piinting-]>ress, tlie libraries, and the movement towards education.- Necessity of combinatioji for mili- tary defence.— The system of colonial congresses.— Pur- pose of tlie home government in relation to the Albany congress.— A plan of union abeady conceived by Frank- liu.— Tlie emiuence of tlie delegates to this congress.— Appieheusions of (he cbarter colonies in relalion to their charters —Tbe |)osili(m of tlie loyalist elenunt.— Fraulclin's plan agieed to by the delegates.— Stephen Hopkins apparently the only active collaborator of Franklin.— I'oints of resemblance between Franklin and TABLE OF CONTENTS. IX Hopkins.— Hopkfns's intelligent support of the princi- ple of colonial union.— The excited opposition to the plan in Rhode Island.— Stephen Hopkins's pamphlet in defence of the action of tlie congress.— The pamphlet published in reply by "Philolethes."— Rejection of the plan of union in every colony and by the home govern- ment.— The remarkable extent to which this plan was the prototype of the constitution of 1787.— Stephen Hop- kins's exceptional service in rendering its principles familiar and approved in Rhode Island. PUBLISHER'S NOTE. It was the iutoutioii of the publisher to bring the First Series- of the Rhode Island Historical Tracts to a close with the 20th number, iu which Tract it was his intention to have made cor- rection of such errors and omissions as had been printed or left out, and which was also to have contained an index to the entire series. The verj' great enlargement of Mr. Foster's monograph making it far too large for a single number, necessitates the printing of it in two parts. It will thus form numbers 19 and 20 of the present series, and the index and other papers referred to will be issued in a closing Tract. It is the further intention of the publisher to begin the publication of a second series of these Tracts immediately after the close of the present series. 1 PREFACE. Tliere are several reasons why a publication like the present one is a desideratum. The study of Stephen Hopkins's career shows it to be connected in a very marked degr^ with the whole political development of the century in which he lived. At the same time, scarcely one of his contemporaries is a less familiar character to the young men of this generation. Yet there are the best of reasons why this is so. Not only has no published biography of him been accessible, — beyond the most meagre of sketches,' — but the historical student is deprived- of the opportunity of access to his papers and memoranda. Nor is this deprivation by any means a slight one. Stephen Hopkins, like his distinguished compatriots, Franklin, the Adams's, and others, was constantly busy with his pen duriug the greater part of his life. He left behind him, at his death, an invaluable col- lection^ of papers and discussions, not merely in the form of 1 See Appendix A, for mention of tlie most important of these. ■> These papers were lost in 1815. In tile great storm of September in tliat year, sa3-s John Howland, " tlie tide swept througli the house where they were lodged, and they were carried olT and lost in the multitude of waters." (Stone's " Life and recollections of John Howland," p. 47). .3 " He left," says John Howland, " a large trunk of papers, connected with the transactions of his public life." (Stone's "John Howland," p. ir). B XIV STKI'HKN HOPKINS. coiTcspoiulenco,' but of reports, nieinoriiiidii, iiud notes, benriiiy; on such topics as the stamp-act discussions, tlie Albany con- gress; the various plans of union subsequently discussed; tlie gradual progress towards armed resistance on land and sea; and the equally gradual assumption of national powers, by tlie col- onies acting together. Some small portion of this material, not collected witli the rest, remains to us.'^ The greater part is a total loss. It is not to be wondered at tliat '• tlie oblivion Avliieh," saj;^s Mr. Edmund Quincy,-' " is so swift to swallow up American reputations," should have seemed to be in a fair way to await Stephen Hopkins's name. Yet, though late, it may not l)e too late, aiiproximately to counteract this tendency. That which is now possible is, merely to construct from the widely scattered material of his time, something which shall serve as a partial representation of his 1 'I'liosf li'ttfi-s comprised CDrrosiioiKlcncc with \Vas!iiiii;toii ami .lettVrsoii, .Io)in Aflanis and .Sainui'l Adams, ratiick lli-nry, llioliard Ilt-nrv Let', and Henjainin Franklin; — in tact, with most (li those wlio were It-adi-rs in the stlri'ing events of Ids time. AVith nio-t of these men his intercourse dates back several years before they met in tlie (didinental Congress, during winch time they were hi active connection with the committees of correspondence. With Franklin his intimate association date(l l)ack to at least as early a point as tlie Albany congress, in 17.54. 2 .See .Vpiienilix 11, lor a meuioraiKhim of sucli writings of Stephen Hop- kins as are ikjw acci'ssilile. :l .Mr. (^uincy, in tlie preface to his father's Life, says that, " having met with well-educated persons wlio had never heanl of I'ishej- .Vines, and even with geiitlemeu of the law wliose notions of Samuel Uexter wiTe nebulous to the last degree," lie nearly despaired of his fatlier's name surviving, U^.iincy's " Life of .losiah Quincy,'' p. iii). rREFAcr:. xv life and work. To bring togetlier, in their proper relations and in consecutive order, tlie incidental allusions to him, — in official documents, in state papers, in the general and special histories of liis time, in verbal tradition wiicn it can be relied on as trust- worthy, and in the lives and writings of his contemporaries, — is the ol)jcct of the present publication. That this work should not have been left until our own generation, to be tluis iuade- quatel}' accomplished, needs no argument to show. It should have been executed when his career was still fresh in the minds of men who were contemporary with him. Nor should it have been left to be undertaken by one wlio, like the present writer, is not a native of Rhode Island. Fully recognizing the fact that few not born and brought up in Rhode Island can adequately ap- preciate in all their bearings, tlie nearly unique conditions of society characterizing the earlier history of this colony, the ' writer has gratefully availed himself of the valuable assistance so courteously attbrded him by those wliose acquaintance with the details of various portions of the subject is intimate and com- prehensive.^ Late as it is, however, and necessarily limited as are the opportunities for treating the subject, the present work will serve to render somewhat tardy justice to a man whose services to his colony, and to the nation, as well, were such as entitle him to no unimportant position among the founders of the republic. No apology, certainly, is needed for the minuteness r)f the references in the foot-notes. More, perhaps, than in any other work of similar scope, it is important that the reader should 1 Set- the "Acknowledgment of obligations," on pages xvii.— xx. XVI STEPHEN HOrKINS. have " chapter ami verse "' as the authority for tlie statements which lie liere finds. Tlie tield is very nearly " virgin soil;" and those citations will serve, to (juote lYom another writer, "to help others in testing " his own statements, "and in prosecut- ing similar studios for themselves." The subject is not wholly a new one to the author, but has engaged his attention, to a considerable extent, for several years past. While he has endeavored to treat his subject in the spirit of a judicial inquirer, rather than of an advocate, yet the result of his researches has been to heighten his respect for a man who, with many limitations, and with marked faults even, was nevertheless an iuliuence and a power for gooii, iu so many directions. Pkovidence I'unLic Library, December 1, 18>^^^^,^^^,„.,,„ its eorpovalc luii.ls , tl.ou^ neighboring town.^ ^^^^ .,„,, ,„d h.s Thvongh his lathe>, ^^ > ^^^^^_^^^^, f,,„ the „olhev,RnthVViUunso,. ^^ toV.lies of Hopluns, ^"^,^,^^„A^^.^^^- „, 11 IS next "■!"""' , ,-r,,mlv.«ttl>« ., «„. .e„U.r, M. «-• ^'l ,,„. ,<,..,„, ., ».e '^Z<>., won. .,..e «t.». !<«<'• "f "; *,„ Appe.u.U D). «"'» "' " , „, „„ „,a «t ,, a veritable -Uve of r> , ,,,e.dy cited, U : "on Monday. ^^- •^^;;!:\7rt:r papers, VI. V.). ^^ ^,,,e. day of March, 1-0, . ( ^^^^^,^ f,,„, .v.U be g ^^^^^^^ „f ^ ^"^^"^^:r;::i^-orrespo.ded^aayt. -^^^^^^^ ^,. , 3 Theto^n t P'OV ^^^^ ^^^^_^^ ^^,,„ ,,e first dn..o Providence, until r • iocorporatlon col. Bccords, IV. 44.-^^ ^^ ^ .^^ritory i-^"<^<^^;;^^; 3, , .It re-^n- , The estate in "i-^^-; ^^,,f,,,,. ,K. I. Col. Records. ^ • 3. )• onUetovvnofOrau....y ^^^_ „exed as the 0th ward, June 1, ANCESTRY AND FAMILY CONNECTIONS. 11 out exception ; families, moreover, which were con- nected in three' of these instances with the settlement as oiiirinallv made under Ro^^er Williams. His paternal ancestor,- Thomas Hopkins, 3 was born in England in 1016." The precise locality has not been ascertained, yet his [Thomas's] motherV family were residents of Cheselbourne, in Dorset- shire,*^ where her ancestors, for several generations 1 Arnold, Wickenden, iind Hoiikins. (R. I. Col. Record.^, I. 21, 2i). 2 Three generations back. Thomas Hopkins,' William* Hopkins,^ William Hopkins,^ Stephen Hopkins.^ See Aj)pendix C. 3 Thomas stands in the foregoing list as of the first American generation. His father, William Hopkins, never came to this country. No connection is known to exist between this family ami that of Stephen Hopkins of the Plym- outh Colony, (Assistant, 163:5-36), or that of Governor Kdward Hopkins of the Connecticut Colony. i He was "baptized, April 7, 1610." The record of his birth Is not found. He had two sisters, Frances and Elizabeth. (Arnold fiimiW recordf, Xeiv- Eng- land Historical and Genealogical Register, XXXIII. 428). 5 Joanna Arnold. 6 It is interesting to notice that in the case of Providence, as in that of what may almost be called its parent town, Salem, some of the best known of the original settlers were from the southwestern countiesof England,— Dorset- shire, Wiltshire, Somerset, and Devonshire. This locality was the home of the Endicotts, the Woodberrys, the Dodges, and the Halclis, of Salem, and of the Greenes, the Carpenters, the Arnolds, and possibly the Hopkins's, of Provi- dence. (See "Historical collections of the Essex Institute," XVII. Gleanings from English records about New England families. Also, Savage's "Genea logical dictionary.") as ]2 STHPHEN HOrKINS. had lield estates.' The paternal line of Thoma? Hopkins has been traced no farther hack in England than to the bare name of his father, William Hop- kins. ^ Of the family of his mother, Joanna Arnold, ^ more is known ; her line having been followed back through five generations of Arnolds in Dorset and Somerset, to Koger Arnold,* in the fifteenth century, who appears to have been of Welsh origin. The Arnold family became, on removing across the Atlantic,' one of the best known families of Rhode Island, identified with its history' in each successive generation. -"^ 1 K. E. Hist. Gen. Reg., XXXIII. 4:j4-.35. 2 Hopkins genealogy, p. 7. 3 Joanna Arnold, " baptized the 30' of Xovenibei' in the yeare 1577 " mar- ried William Hopkins, sonietime before l(il4. X. E. Hist. Gen. Register, XXXIII. 427. 4 Roger Arnold ;i Thomas Arnold, = married Agnes, daughter of .sir Kichard AVarnestead, Knt.; Richard Arnold,^ of Street, in Somerset, mar- ried Emmote Young; Kichard Arnold,-' of Jlilton Abbas, Dorsetshire; Thomas Arnold, s (Cheselboiirne), married Alice Giilley, daughter of Jolm Gulley, of Cheselbourne; Joanna ArnoUI," baptized 30 Nov., 1577. (A". E. hist. Gen. Reg., XXXIII. 434-35.) The family record just cited indicates also the supposed Welsh line of descent; (p. 433-34). 5 In the 8th generation from the Tliomas Arnold, just mentioned, (the father of Joanna), is the late Samuel G. .A.rnold, the distinguished liistorian of . ,i' tlie state. ANCESTIIY AND FAMILY CONNECTIONS. 13 Authentic records are silent as to the circumstan- ces of Thomas Hopkins's life in England. They are no less silent as to the time and manner of his removal to America ;' the first information that we have of him locating him at Providence as early as 1(538.- Whether he was married on the other side 1 Savage's statement, ("Genealogical dictionary," II. 402) :—" Thomas, Providence, IGll, luul foil. [owed] Roger Williams in 103() from riymouth," is strangely beside the facts ; nor does it appear who furnislicd him with this information. See Appundi-vc E for the examination of other statements of Savage. ' 2 At the assignment of the fifty.four home lots in 1G38, (from the territory now bounded by Olney, Hope, Wickeiiden, and North and South Main Streets), the entry of his name shows him to have been already on the ground. (R. I. Col. Records, I. 21). With him at Providence at the same assignment were his brother-in-law, William Man, (husband of his sister, Frances), and his cousin, William Arnold. Also, Arnold's son, Benedict Arnold; his son-in-law, "William Carpenter; and John Greene, whose grandson married his grand- daughter. As* already indicated, they were mostly from the same quarter of England. Whether they all came in t!ie same vessel with William Arnold, (who "sett sayle ffrom Dartmouth in Old England, the first of May, * * * 1635," arriving in New England, .lune 24 of the same year), there is nothing to indi- cate. The entry just cited is from a manuscript record of Benedict Arnold, printed in the .V. E. IJist. Gen. R,f/. XX.XIII. 428. From this and other accounts, it would appear that he first . settled at Hingham, near Boston, but came to Providence in the spring of 1030. (A'^. £. Uist. Gen. Reg. XXXIII. 436, 428). 14 STEPHEN HOPKINS. of the Atlantic or thls,i the name and family of his wifo,^ the dates of his marriage and of the births of his children, 2 can ho only matters of conjecture. Ilis children appear to have been three in number; two sons, William- and Thomas;- and a third, prob- ably a son, 2 whose name is not preserved. Ilis " home lot," as indicated bv the assis-nment in 10383 occupied the territory now partiall}' traversed by Williams St. But he soon afterwards acquired an estate at Louisquisset, in what is now Lincoln,'' and here he lived, in all prol)al)ilit3%-^ until the outI)reak of King Philip's war,'' in 1675. Here, doubtless, his children were born, but of this there is no record. Were it not for the occasional entries of his name on 1 Mr. Holbrook's conjecture is that " he married, probably about tlie year 104y," at I'rovidi'iicp. (Uoplcius genealogy, p. 9). Tlie records are silent. 2 See Appendix E. .3 R. I. Col. Hecords, I. •>■!. 4 The e.xact neighborliood was known as Louisquisset very early. See deed from Major William Hopkins to his brother, Thomas, Dec. 27, 161)2, (Providence deeds, IV. 11); also the "lay-out" of additional land to Thomas April 10, 1704. (Providence land records (old books), III. 21-3) ; see also Foster I'apers, XIII. 18. 5 It by no means follows that the " home lot " received in the assignment of 10.38, was in every instance the " home " of the owner. C See Newport Historical Jfagaziiie, III. 259. J ^r ANCESTRY AND FAMILY CONNECTIONS. 15 the colony records, the knowledge wo have of this emigrant ancestor would be even more shadowy than it is. lie was one of the 39 inhabitants, who sisfned the compact^ of July 27, 1()40, memorable as being the action with which the town organization virtually began. 2 His name occurs in the list of six "com- missioners" from the town of Providence to the General Assembly, which met at Providence, October 28, 1052,3 during the period when Portsmouth and Newport were carrying on a government apart from that of Providence and Warwick.^ lie served also as commissioner under the re-established govern- ment, in 1()5U^ and IGOO ;^ and was a member of the General Assembly under the charter, in 1605^ and 1GG7.^ In 1G68 his name is signed to that unique " letter missive," entitled " The fire-brand discov- 1 R. I. Col. Record?, I. 31 ; Sfaples's " Annals of Providence," p. 43. 2 Staples's " Annals " p. •H-45. 3 R. I. Col. Records, I. 245. 4 See Arnold's " Rliode Island," I. ch. 8. In the Colony Records, (I. 243- 40), tliere is printed a letter addressed by the members of this General Assem- bly, to Roger Williams, then in England. 5 R. I. Col. Records, I. 408- 6 Ibid., I. 431. 7 Ibid., II. 130. 8 Ibid., II. 200. 16 STErilEN HOPKINS. ercd,"^ sent by n coinniiltcc of the town of Provi- dciico, to the other towns, in rehition to ^Villi:lm Harris. In 1(!()7 and 1(172 he was a mcniher of the town conncil.- His nain(!, of eonrse, disa[)[)ears"^ fi'oni any Khode Island records after 1()75, and nothing more is heard of him until jiis death. Ho died at Oyster Bay, N. Y., 1084, (perhaps in August).'' Major William Hopkins, his eldest son, was now prol)al)Iy about thirty-lour'' years of age, and by far the best known and most positive charaeter among the three children. He had married shortly before 1 Staplcs's " Aiiii:ils,"p. H:;-!.}. 2 Ibid., p. 051. 3 A " Tlioiiias Hopkins " was u hhiiiIm r of" tlie (iiiicral Assembly from Providoiicf ill 10?,!. (K. I. Col. Uccorils, II. -11',)). Tliis may have bt-eii he, but it may also have been his .son, Tliomas, wlio was now of age to serve in this ollice. Two additional entiiesof his name will be found in Staples'3 "Annals," j). 7(i, lOo. 4 At any rate, !it some time not lon^; previous fo September G, IGSl, when he is s])ok(n of as " lately deceased." (Oyster l!ay town records, book I?., p. M). Savage's slaleinent, {" Cienealiigical dictionary," II. -tCi-J), is tliat he "d[ ii-d) ICi'.il) " lint tills conlounds him \\ itii the " 'rhomas Hopkins of Jlashan- taliil," (p(rhai)s within Cranslon or Vtarwick limits), whose will, (dated Oct. 20, lODtS), was probated Feb. '-'0. 101)8-'.). (I'rovideiiee Wills, I. 2?.)). ' 5 See llolbrook's remark as to the probable date of birth. (Hopkins gene- ftlogy, p. 0). , J I'' ANCESTRY AI^^D FAMILY CONNECTIONS. 17 this/ the daughter^ of Captain John Whipple, 3 one 1 " About ICSO," snys the Hopkins genciilof^y, p. 10. 2 Tilt' imiiie of tlii.s (ImiglitiT, Abigail, is not includetl in tlie list of baptisms of John Whipple's cliiklren at DorchesttT, (Foster Papers, VI. D). The infer- ence is, therefore, that she was born after his removal to Providence in 1059. (Savage's " Ocncalogical dictionary," IV. 500). The entry of her birth, how- ever, is not found on the Providence records. The account of the "Descendants of John Wliipple," (y. A'. HM. Gen. Uvg., XXXII. 401), says that she was born " 1GC5." Yet she had married Stephen De.\fer, and was the mother of two children by him (named in her will of Aug. 10, 1~l'5, (Providence Wills, II. 237), as John Dexter and Abigail Field), at the time of his death in 10"8, (Dorr's "Providence," p. 30). She was thfrefore a widow at the age of 13 ( !) And she is said to have married .Major Hopkins about lOSO. That one of the statements cited above is incorrect seems very evident. Possibly the date of her birth should be carried farther back. 3 John Whipple, like John Smith, "the miller," was from Dorchester, Mass., and the "registry of baptismes " of eight of his children, copied from the church records of the First Church in Dorchester, in 1708, and "attested" in the handwriting of the then minister of Dorchester, Uev. John Danforth, is preserved in the Foster Papers, VI. 0. He was for a time in the employ of Israel Stoughton, the father of the future Governor Stoughton, of Massachu- setts; and Savage, ("Genealogical dictionary," IV. 505\ intimates that he may have come from England in the same year with him, 1632. Dorcliester, at this early day extended nearly to the Rhode Island line, (Clnpp's "History of the town of Dorchester," p. 20), and it is by no means certain in what portion ot this territory he lived. His name occurs once on the Dorchester town records, in connection with a grant of land, of trifling e.xtent, "about the mill," Jan- -> l''-^''- (Fourth report of Boston Record Commissioners, ISSO, p. 27). The home of John Smith, however, (whose son John married his daughter Sarah), was at Ponkapog, near the southern base of the Blue Hills. (Manuscript notes of Job Smith). John Whipple received an allotment of land at Louisquisset, June 27, 1659. (Foster Papers, XIII. 18). Ilis inn 18 . STEPHEN HOPKINS. of the prominent figures in all phases of Providence life, from IGliO^ to lG85,as inn-holder, surveyor, car- pentcr,2 member of the town council,"' and member of the General Assembly. 4 He was also the princi- pal trader, and a principal legal practitioner in the town, while he lived. ^ Traits of this enei'getic seventeenth-century public character will be found to stood on the Town Street, nt the foot of the present Constitution Hill, (the site of 3C9 North Main Street). "From the staid and sober character of the old Wiiipple inn," says Mr. Dorr, "as well as from its central position, it became the favorite place of meeting of the town council and court of probate." (There was no Colony house in Providence until 1731). Dorr's " I'rovideuce," p. 184, 155. 1 He removed to Providence about 1059. His will is dated May IC, 1CS5. (Foster Papers, VI. 3). 2 He had been a carpenter in Dorchester. (iV. E. Hist. Gen. Reg. XXXII. 403). See also Dorr's " Providence," p. fiS. 3 In 1GG9. Staples's "Annals," p. 054. 4 In lOGG, 1GG9, and 1G75-6. R. I. Col. Records, II. 150, 241, 532. 6 In the si.\teen bound volumes of manuscripts known as the Foster Papers, (in the possession of the Rhode Island Historical Society), are preserved a large number of John Whipple's papers, public and private, together with some of John Whipple Jr's. Tiiey were inherited by Governor Hopkins, and were by him placed in the hands of Senator Foster between 1/70 and irS5. Tliey comprise deeds, deposition-:, writs, warrants, returns of surveys, several instances of '-power of attorney," and letters. There is also one curious seventeenth century bill of lading, dated July 3, 16i^, (Foster Papers, XIII. 22). (i ANCESTRY AND FAMILY CONNECTIONS. 19 characterize his son-in-hiw, Major Hopkins, to some extent; but they certainly reappear with marked force, in tlie Major's grandson, Governor Hopkins. i Major William Hopkins was admitted a freeman of the colony. April 30, 1672.^ The business to which he was brought up was undoubtedly farming, but he is early known also as a surveyor ; and, says Hol- brook, "numerous accounts of his labors in this pro- fession abound in the records."^ The advent of King Philip's war, in 1675, would seem to have scattered the Hopkins family very completely. William's father, with his sister-in-law'' and her children, ap- pear to have gone, at this time,^ to Long Island. His brother Thomas remained on the Louisquisset estate.^ He himself, being a military man,^ not only I See page 33. 2 R. I. Col. Records, II. 450. 3 Hopkins genealogy, p. 10. 4 Her name was Elizabeth. See Appendix E. The name of this third brother whom she married, remains unknown. See p. 14. 5 See Xeicport Historical Magazine, III. 259. 6 See Hopkins genealogy, p. 15-16. See also deed of Dec. 27, 1692, (Provi. dence Deeds, IV. 11), which mentions it as the "lot on which he now dwelleth." 7 He was a "captain " as early as 16S8, (R. I. Col. Records, III. 243) ; and " major " in 1698. 20 STEPHEN HOPKINS. renriiiied in the town, (being one of the twenty- seven "th:it stayed and went not away" in King Philip's war, as recorded in the town meeting rec- ords )i but performed military service. A less creditable record is associated with his name in August, 1G70, when he was one of those appointed by the town, to sell the Indians taken captive iu the war.- In the neighborhood of 1G80, as has al- ready been stated, ^ occurred his marriage with the young widow, Mrs. Dexter; and from this time he is frequently found in association with his father in- law.'* Mrs. Dexter had by her first husband^ two 1 Printed in Staples's " Annals," p. lO-l-fio. There is a copy in tlie Foster Papers, I. 3. Among other names in tliis list are Ivoger Williams; Dmiiel Abbott ; Valentine Whitman ; James Angell ; Hopkins's cousin, Abraham JIan ; and Captain .John Whipple. 2 staples's " Annals," p. 1/0. See Fost-^r Papers, T. 0. See also Arnold's reference to this transaction as " in fact a true apprenticeship system." (Ar. noUl's " Uliode Island." I. 419). 3 See pages 10-17. 4 Captain John Whipple. He probably lived in "The Neck" for some years after the war. (" I'lie Xeck " was frequently used as a designation before the diviMon of the town in ir'.O-l to distinguisli the settled part). 5 Her hnsbaml, Stephen De.xter, was tlie son of Rev. Gregory Dexter, at first a printer in L )ndoii. Hi* imprint is on the title page of Roger Williams's volume, " .V key into the language of America," (1043). Gregory De.vter came to Providence about 1044. Here he was " for several years town clerk," (Nar- AKCESTKY AND FAMILY CONNECTIONS. 21 children, John and Abigail Dexter.^ The date of birth of William H()[)kins, Jr., the only son of the ISIajor and his wife, is not on record. 2 Their grand- son Stephen's birth, however, occurring only twenty- seven years later, ^ renders it probable that their son was born soon after ]68(). In 1(J84 the death of Major Hopkins's father occurred, on Long Island.'' As surveyor^ of lands, Major Hopkins was conver- sant with the good qualities of much of the land in the "Plantations ; " and he appears to have found so early as 1689*^ a piece of property"^ which pleased him ragansett Club Pub., I. 71) ; was president, (of Providence and Warwick), in 1053-54; was named in the charter of 1063; and about 1050 acted as pastor of the cliurch (now the First Baptist churcli), in Providence. His great grand- daughter became the wife of Governor Hopkins's eldest son, Rufus, in 1747. Wlietlier Stephen Hopkins owed his Christian name to this Stephen De.\ter, whose widow became his grandmotlior, docs not appear. He had a somewhat remote kinsman, Stephen Arnold, from wliom it may have come. 1 Tliese children are named in her will. (Printed in Hopkins genealogy, p. 69-71. 2 Tlie provoking incompleteness of the early records will have already been noticed. It is due partly to original neglect, but partly to the loss and injury of certain volumes. 3 March 7, 170C-7. 4 See page 10. 5 Hopkins genealogy, p. 10. 6 Feb. 20, lGSS-0, is the date of the deed by which he acquired ownership of a portion of this property. (Providence Deeds. I, ISO). But it is apparent that this was not his original purchase in this locality. 7 It is not improbable that this property, which only a few years before had 22 STErilEN HOPKINS. SO well that ho made it his home for the rest of his life, 1 (1_\ iiiir there in 17:^3. Here, in i7()7, his sou and his wile ap[)ear to have been living also; for it been in tlie possession of Robert Coles, (sec Appendix D) one of tlie fnur rawtuxet owners, luul ci>nie into M.ijor Hopkins's luinds tlirongh the interested snggestions or cflbrts of his kinsman, William Arnold, liiinself also one of tlie fonr Pawtuxet owners. His lather, Thomas Hopkins, had apparently been on the most intimate terms «itli liis cousins, the Arnolds; and mention Is made on tlie Providence town records, (April 10, 1704), of their joint ownership in certain hind near Lonisquisset. (" A half ri;0). This committee ran the line only as far as the " Pawchasit river," and reported to tlie town in .lamuiry, lOliS. (Staples's " Annals," p. 5S0). The same coniniittee reported ill 108:!. (Staiiles's "Annals," p. 58'.)). IJeiiig thus connected, by interest at least, with the fertile Tawtuxct lands, it is not strange that M;ijor Hopkins should have made his permanent home in this desirable location, not far removiil from them, fertain land had been earlier "laved out "to Kobert Coles, " by the thirteen proprietors of I'awtuxet for his Paw- tuxet share of meuddow in those fresh meaddows where it lieth ;" and had b<-en by him sold to Valentine Wliilman, (wliose name stands next to that of Pioger Williams in the Indian deeds of Dec. J?, KilU, Feb. 1, Km,', ami .hiiie 'J4, li;:)i; Stiiples's " Annals," p. b7i-7o) ; and this land was by him transferred to M;ijor Hopkins in the deed of Keb. L'O, lOSS-;), already alluded to, (Providence Deeds, I. hsCi), tlius adding to the estate already in his jiossession. 1 In his will, July 1, 17;;:i, he calls it his "homestead;" ("all that my homestead, meadows, and tenenieuts where I now dwell"). (Printed iu Hop- klus geuealogy, p. 65). ANCESTRY AND FAMILY CONNECTIONS. 23 was on it that tlicir son, the fnttirc Governor Hop- kins, was horn,- in that year. This hind, referred to hy ALajor II()[)kiiis in his will- as " near to a place called Massapange,"^ and hy Governor Hopkins thirty-one years later,'' as "in Cranston,''^ i.-, as has already heen shown, *> in that i)ai"t of the [)resent city of Providence known as Sontli Providence, near Broad, ki'ackett, and Hamilton Streets. His father had died intestate' in lGi54, and hy the law of prinio- genitnre^ the whole i)r()perty had now conic into his own hands. Bnt, in order to rcmeily this inecpiality of legal provision, he cxecnted in 1()!J2 a "gill deed ''^ to his brother, transferring t(j him the homestead of their father at Lonisqnisset,"' on which, 1 Slarjh 7, 1703-7. For the evidence as to the identity of this place, see Appendix D. 2 July 1, 17.23. 3 Hopkins pjenealogy, p. 05. 4 Feb. 3, 1751. 5 See Ajipendix C. See p. 9. 7 Oyster Bay (N. Y.) town records, Book B, p. 11. 8 Not npialed until June, 1718. (I'ublic laws of Ilhode Island, 1719, p. 95-98;. 9 December 27, UV.YZ. (IMovidenc Deeds, IV. 11). 10 There is {jreat lack of uiiitbnnity in the spelliiix of this Indian name. Tile above is the form in whicli it is usually found on modern maps. Its present form, says Dr. J. Hammond Trumbull, '• is corrupt beyond conjecture of its original Indian sounds." Au examination of land records shows this 2-1 STEPHEN HOPKINS. in fact, Thomas now lived. ^ His first service under govei'nment was during Andres's occupation of New Enixland, wlicn he attended as a memher of the "grand jury," at the "quarter sessions" ofSeptemher, 1088.^ During Governor Cranston's long adminis- tration, however, his attendance in the General As- sembly was frequent ; and ten tcrms^ of service as assistant are recorded, in the eight years, 1700-1707. His duties as surveyor made him a pre-eminently useful citizen in those early days. Besides repeatedly exercising this accomplishment, in the laying out of the up-country4 lands, he was appointed on a com- mittee^ in 1705 and 1709, to rectify the northern and eastern boundaries of the colony ; and in 1708 to cor- locality to be fartlur north in Uie present town of Lincoln tliau tlie school dis- trict wliich goes by tins name. 1 The deed mentions it as the " lot on which he now dwelleth." 2 During the suspension of the chartei", no meetings of tlie (ieneral Assem- bly were lield. Tlie record of these quarter sessions will be found in R. I. Col. Kecords, HI. 243. 3 irOO, iroi, 1702, 1703, 1701, 1705 (May, June, and October,) 1703, 1707. R. I. Col. Records, III. 408, 429, 443, 472, 511, 523, 531, 54 See, however, the Wilkinson Memoirs, p. 4s. 7 Providence Deeds, I. 113, 39. IS Wilkinson Memoirs, p. 45; wliich refers to Providence land records, etc., (old books), I. 30. Wilkinson is, however, wrong in making the expression "brow of the hill " refer to Smith's Hill itself. It refers rather to a small but then precipi- tous eminence, soiitheast of the present bridge over the Moshassuck at Nash Lane. ANCESTKY AND FAMILY CONNECTIONS. 27 there are even others of this certainly not uncommon name who have an equal claim.' Lawrence Wilkinson's first residence appears to have been southeast of the present North Burying Ground." In lt)fi(j, however, possibly about the time at which Thomas Hopkins^ settled in the same locality, he received a grant of land^ in the vicinit}' of Louisquisset, and this remained his home for the rest of his life. He acquired much additional land, however, amounting before his death, to "about 1,000 acres. "^ He was a member of the General Assembly in 1673.^ He died August 9, 1692, '^ leaving three sons and three daughters.^ The eldest son of Lawrence Wilkinson was Sam- uel, born not far from 1650.-' In 1G72'" he married Plain Wickendeu, one of the Rev. \Mlliam Wicken- den's three daughters. Mr. Wickenden's " home lot," 1 No relationship has been establislied between the two Smith fKmilies above named. 2 Williiusou Memoirs, p. 37, 43. 3 See page H. 4 AVilkinson Memoirs, p. 38. o Ibid., p. 42. 6 R. I. Col. Records, II. 482, 7 Wilkinson Memoirs, p. 43. 6 Ibid., p. 47. 9 Ibid., p. 47. 10 Ibid., p. 326. 28 STEPHEN HOPKINS. named thirteenth in order in the "revised list" of the early settlers, was in the southern part of the town, (the present corner of South Main and Power Streets marking its southwestern limits).' Mr. Wickenden's connection with the colo-nial govern- ment was Ions: and intimate. He is said to have come from Salem in 1639.^ He signed the agree- ment of 1636^ and the compact of 1G37 ;^ he served on the committee which organized the government under the patent in 1648 \'^ and served as commis- sioner for Providence in 1651, 1652, 1653, 1654, and 1655,*^ and as deputy in 1664.^ He was one of the ministers of the church in Providence, during some part of this time.^ He died February 3, 1669-70.'J 1 Staples's " Annals," p. :!5. 2 Tliis is the statement of the Wilkinson Memoirs, p. 325. Savage says, more cautiously, " perhaps of Salem, 1639." (" Genealogical dictionary," IV. 5.37). 3 R. I. Col. Records, I. 14. 4 Ibid., I. 31. 5 Ibid., I. 209. 6 Ibid., I. 2.35, 230, 241, 250, 258, 267, 271, 277, 281, 304. 7 Ibid, II. 3S. 8 " History of the First Baptist church in Providence, 16.39-1877," p. 7. 9 Savage's " Genealogical dictionary," IV. 537-38. ANCKSTKY AM) FAMILY CONNKCTIOXS. 29 ♦ One of the finst' of Stephen Hopkins's ancestors to embraee the doctrines of Friends appears to have been the public spirited fanner of Louis(piisset, Samuel AVilkinson. lie was growing u[) to manhood when the \ouiX continued discussion- of their views took place, and the home of Richard Scott-' and his family, amone: the most active of the promoters of these doctrines, was not far from his own neighborhood.'^ Through his daughter, the governor's mother, the principles of this body of believers were handed down to Stephen Hopkins himself.'' Though not residing in "The Neck," he engaged very largely in l)ublic life. He was a justice of the peace, and many of the marriages of that day were performed hy him.*^ 1 Saimiel Wilkinson's grandfatlii-r, Cliristoplier Smith, is said to have been a Friend. 2 See Arnold's " Rhode Island," I. i.'C>i)-70, 369-62. H See Fox's " New-Enpland-firc-brand quenched," Appendix. 4 At what is now Lonsdale. (Wilkinson Jlenioirs, p. 3Jo). 6 A great-granddaughter of this same Richard Scott, whom Stephen Hop- kins must doubtless have seen occasionally at the Friends' Meeting in this neighborhood, (Staples's " Annals," p. 431), became his wife, (by his first mar- riage), in 1726. 6 "In his younger day-i " he "was constable." Wilkinson Memoirs, p. 49. 30 STEPHEN HOPKINS . "On one page' of the public records," says the family annalist, "are recorded thirty-one c()ui)le who were married by ' Captain- Samuel Wilkinson justice.'":' He was a member of the General Assembly in 1707 and 171(>.^ Like Major W^illiain Hopkins, with whom he was certainly bi'onght into close associa- tion,'' he was a surveyor.*^ This fact was doubtless the occasion of his appointment in 171U on one of the boundary commissions, to determine the north line of the colony/ He lived to see a numerous family of children and grandchildren, growing up around him. Among the latter was Stei)hen Hop- kins, who enjoyed to a marked extent the opportu- nity of his companionship and influence,^ and who 1 Providence IJecoid of births, marriages, etc., I. 77. 2 The title of "Captain" appears to have dated from King Pliilip's war. (Wilkinson Memoirs, p. .'i.Sl). ."H Wilkinson alemoirs, p. 50. 4 K. I. Col. Records, IV. .3, 28, 211. 5 They were neighbors. He vi'as appraiser of Major Hopkins's brother's estate, (his near neighbor), at his deatli in 171S. Wilkinson Memoirs, p. 50. f) " His name," says W^ilkiuson, " appears more frequently tluvn any otiier man's as surveyor, administrator, appraiser of estates, overseer of the last will and testament." (Wilkinson Memoirs, p. 49). 7 R. I. Col. Records, IV. 252. 8 "Surveying," says Wilkinson, "he undoubtedly acquired of his grand- father." (Wilkinson Memoirs, p. .361). ANCESTRY AND FAMILY CONNECTIONS. 31 was twenty years of age at his death. He died August 27, 1727,' leaving six ehildren,"- having survived liis friend Major Hopkins four years.-' The marriage of his daughter Ruth with William Ho})kins, Jr., occurred soon after 1700.^ The first years of their married life were passed, as has al- ready been indicated,'' at the Massapauge" homestead. But these were the times when great interest attached to certain lands west of the seven-mile line. The father of both were surveyors, and naturally familiar with the ground. Moreover, Kuth's young- est brother, Joseph Wilkinson, had received in 1700 a grant of 1371 acres of land,^ near Chapumiscook.*' 1 There is u discrcpuncy in Wilkinson's stiitements as to this date, (17-'i), at page 337; and 1727, at page 51). The latter appears to be the correct date. 2 Kuth, the mother of Governor Hopkins, was the yonngest hut one, and was born .Jan. 31, 10S5-<>. (Wilkinson Jlenioirs, p. CA). 3 Major Hopkins died .Inly S, 1723. 4 The records in connection witli William Hopkins's family arc surprisingly meagre. .5 See pages 22-23. The modern spelling is Mashapang. 7 Wilkinson Memoirs, p. 7(5-77. 8 This is the common spelling in the records of the last century. It is abbreviated on modern maps, to '"Chopmist." Parsons's "Indian names of places in Rhode Island," p. 12. It lies near the present northwest corner of Scituate. 32 STEPHEN HOPKINS. It Wiis not longi before he went with his wife to this farm in the forest, and settled there. Within a few years- William Hopkins followed, with his wife and two children,^ and became a resident of Chapum- iscook. His farm was not far from his brother- in-law's estate, and was "on high land, overlooking a wide extent of country."'^ Here, remote from the settlement at "The Neck," in the heart of an almost unbroken forest, ^ in a house doubtless of uncomfortably small dimensions,^ he brought his farm to a high state of cultivation.'^ He at the same time brought up a family of children^ of whom any parents might well bo proud ;^ one of 1 " About the year 1703.'' Beaman's "Historical address at Scituate," p. 14. 2 Soon after 170r, probably. See the Hopkins genealogy, p. 12, (list ot births). 3 William and Stephen. 4 Beaman's "Scituate," p. 18. 6 Wilkinson Memoirs, p. :i59. Beaman's " Scituate," p. 16. 7 " It," says Wilkinson, " when in possession of the Hopkins's, was exceed- ingly fertile, producing excellent crops of corn, rye, oats, and potatoes." (Wilkinson Jlemoirs, p. 350). 8 Their names will be found in Appendix C. There were six sons and three daughters; two of the latter of whom married into the Harris and Angell families. (Hopkins genealogy, p. 12, 20, 27). 9 William, the eldest son, the namesake and legatee of his grandfather, the Major, was among the earliest of Rhode Island sailors to extend the commerce of Providence. A curious mass of traditionary anecdote appears to have ANCESTRY AND FAMILY CONNECTIONS. 33 whom was destined to reflect honor on his stute and nation. In Stephen Hopkins may be discovered, no tlonbt, something of the energetic, spirited nature of his paternal grandfather. Major William Hopkins, ^ and of the shrewd sagacity of Captain John Whipple.^ But it is to his mother's side of the house, after accumulated about his name; (see, for instance, the Wilkinson Memoirs, p. 350-51, 353) ; but there is enough that is authentically recorded to show his activity and enterprise. (For his connection with the war with Spain of 17-44- 48, see the "Public letters," 1731-il,p. 67; and 1742-45, p. 21, etc. on file, in manu- script, in the office of the secretary of state, at rrovidence). A granddaughter and a great-granddaughter married sons of (Jovernor Nicholas Cooke. Another son, Stephen, became the most eminent Rhode Islander of his time, in civil life. Another son, Esek, became, in 1775, commander of the first fleet of the United Colonies, and later commodore. A granddaugliter became the wife of Abra- ham Whipple, another early commodore of the United States navy. Another granddaugliter became the wife of President Maxcy, of Brown University. A great-grandson, the late Hon. John Hopkins Clarke, represented Rhode Island in the United States Senate, 1847-53, being the last Whig member returned to the Senate from this state. Whether the tlnee brothers vvlio died young would have eclipsed the careers of William, Esek, and Stephen, can never be known. But, says Beanum, the record of these descendants should cause their parents to " be gratefully and honorably rememberd." " What a family were William and Ruth Hopkins rearing," he adds, "in tlieir small and rough-boarded farmer's house, among the wooded hills, in the first ([uarter of the eighteenth cen(ui-y !" (" Historical collections of tlio Ksscx Institute," II. 123). 1 See pages 16-25. 2 See pages 17-19. 34 STEPHEN HOPKINS. all, th;it he may be said to owe most. In him there "Were to be seen, throughout life, something of the gravity! which may have come to him from his an- cestor, Kev. William Wickendcn ; but especially the intelligent, earnest interest in, and capacity for effi- cient public service, which characterized his Quaker grandfather. Captain Samuel Wilkinson.- He is one of the first instances of a type which has since furnished numerous examples of good citizenship, — a public spirited Quaker.^ 1 See Wilkinson Memoirs, p. S'JG, p. 82. Mr. Wliittier Iiimself states, how- ever, in a letter to the author, that the Hopkins of the poem quoted by AVilkin- son, is not Governor Stephen Hopkins of Providence, but Rev. Samuel Hop- kins of Kewport. 2 See pages ::i9-31. 3 No record exists, hovvfever, showing any connection of Stephen Hopkins with the Society of Friends, as a member, until the year 1755. CHAPTER III. EARLY INFLUENCES. The rirst twenty^ years of Stephen Hopkins's life, in which, if at all, he was acted on by the formative influences in his sniTounclings, lay entirely within the long term of service of Governor Samuel Crans- ton. 2 As has been briefly indicated already ,3 the life of that period was in its most rudimentary stages. Nor was there, to quote the language of General Greene's biograi)her, even so late as 1742, any " very material difference between town and country ;"** much less in 1707. The Providence set- tlement^ was a collection of straggling dwellings on the east side of the river ; access to the outside world 1 1707-27. 2 1608-1727. 3 See p. 1-2. •1 " Life of Natlianael Greene," by G. W. Greene, L 6. 5 A census taken in 1708 showed tlie population of tlie undivided town [j. e. county] of Providence to be only l,44f>. (R. I. Col. Records, IV. 59). 36 STEPHEN HOPKINS. being by a ferry at Weybossoti and another at "Nar- row Passage,"- and the '' Old North road,"^ leading from the npper end of the Town Street. If these "roads," moreover, which were understood to lead somewhere, were little more than the " widening of the old bridle-path through the woods, "^ fenced across at intervals with gates, ^ it could hardly be expected that the forest pathwa3's, stretching out to the va- rious settlements west of the " seven-mile line," which were no thoroughfare to any point beyond,'' would be any better. Efforts were made in 1706 and 1710 to authorize the laying out of some road, communicating with Plaintield and Woodstock in the Connecticut Colony.' Yet these needed highways waited sixty years for completion. » In reaching Ste[>hen Hopkins's early home, at 1 The^bridgc was not completed until 171-;. (Dorr's " Providence," p. 107). 2 The present site of " Red Bridge." See Dorr's " Providence," p. 78. 3 Dorr's " Providence," p. 74-75. 4 Ibid., p. 79. 5 Little regard, as Mr. Dorr shows, " was paid to the convenience of travel- lers toward Massachusetts." In 17:i0, the town meeting voted that the high- way " to Pawtucket, be fenced for five years." (Town meeting records, 1720). t) Up to 1700 no attempt was made to render them a "thoroughfare," even to these Rhode Island settlements. 7 Dorr's " Providence," p. 125. 8 Ibid., p. 127-28. EARLY INFLUENCKS. o7 Clia[)Uiniscouk,i (now Scituate), tnivelliiig was doiio chiefly on horseback. There was no regiihu* convey- ance for passengers. If* an}^ man wonld travel, he used his own horse. jMerchandise was taken home at the charge of the purchaser in ox-teams. Nor was any " country store " opened at the Scituate scttk'ment until a later period. 2 There was no regular postal route into this region ; for there were no daily or weekly newspapers published in Rhode Island, to be se;it there ;•* and there were few letters written and was little occasion for any. Not until several years later does any building for religious purposes appear to have been erected in this Scitiuite neigh- borhood. ■! Not until well into the present century did it give any support to public schools.'' The town itself received its separate incorporation and name in ITol, when Providence County was 1 Though born at th). At New York a "public library," "for the use of the clergy and gentlemen of New York and the neighboring provinces," existed in 1729;— perhaps in 1700. (Mr. Horace E. Scudder's chapter iu the Ignited States government report on "Public libra- ries," 1N7C, I. H). Franklin's "subscription library" at Philadelphia was " founded in 17.}1, and incorporated in 1742." (Bigelow's " Benjamin Frank- lin," I. 222.) The Newport " subscription library," though started by an asso- ciation formed for literary purposes under Bishop Berkeley's auspices in 1730, (King's " Historical sketch of the Redwood Library and Athena?um," p. 3), was as Mr. Hunter thinks a suggestion of Redwood himself, {Newport His- torical Magazine, II. S0-.S8^, and was incorporated as the Redwood Library in 1747. (See Records of the colony of Rhode Island, V. 227). Governor Hop- kins's " subscription library " at Providence, was begun probably in 1750, ("Wilkinson Memoirs, p. 366), was known as the Providence Library soon after 1754, (Records of the colony of Rhode Island, V. 378-79), and was incor- porated 1798. Assuming that the last named institution, (still in exist- 48 STEPHEN HOPKINS. these hooks were, it woiihl he of uncomnioii interest to know, hut we are deharred from that pleasure.' As would naturally he cxpeeted from this early hent given to his development, the taste for reading, and the faculty of usini^: hooks to the hest advantao:e, Avere eharacteristie of him throuo-hout life.--^ He himself hegan early to collect a lihrai"\' of his own, Avhich, says one who was a!)le to examine it, '' was ciice as the '• I'roviilcucc Athenaniiu"), i.s llie t-nriit'st I'loviileiicc library whose origin eiiii be located with entire certainty, only six towns appear to have preceded this in tlie establishment of a similar library; — Boston, Con- cord, Philadelphia, Anmipolis, New York, and Newport. It is hoped, how- ever, that more lifi'if ''"ii be thrown on this earlier library, above alluded to. I " The writings," says the author of a short sketch of him, ''of Spenser and Shakespeare, Milton, Jei-emy Taylor, John Banyan, Dean Swift, Addison," and others were extant. (Wilkinson Jlemoirs, p. :i(JO-iU). His own writings sliow a familiarity with more than one of these authors. ■Z " He was a close and se\ ere student, filling up all the sjiare hours of his life with reading." (Bi'aman's " Sciluate," p. ^1). " He attached himself in early youth to the study of books and men, and continued to be a constant and mi)roving reader, a close and careful observer, until the period of his death." (Sanderson's "Biography of the signers," VI. ■US). The same writer dwells upon " his habitual deep research, and the indefatigability with which he pene- trated the recesses, instead of skimming the surface of things," (p. L'-iS). Presi- dent John Adams, who knew him late in life, says of him : " He," [Governor Hopkins], " had read Greek, Roman, and British history, and was familiar with Engliuh poetry, particularly Pope, Thomson, and Miltou, and the flow of EAKLY INFLUENCES. 49 large and valuable for the time."i And he had not been a citizen of Providence many years^ before he found kindred spirits^ willing to unite with him in sending to England for such books as they found desirable."' This was the origin of the Providence Library,'' the second public library in the colony, (for the Kcdwood Library at Newport antedated it by several j^ears ;)^ and the fifth in New England."^ liis soul made all of his reading our own, and seemed to bring to recollection in all of us of all we had ever read." (Works of John Adams, III. 12). He " was," says William Hunter, of Newport, " a man of deep and original thought and persevering reading." (Xewport Historical Jfagazine, 11. 141). Mr. S. S. Rider, in the note already cited, (U. I. Historical Tract No. 13, p. 20), says in connection witli this library of Governor Hopkins's boyhood : " In these early years there came from this region very well educated and very able men; may we not reasonably infer that it was from this source that their learning came? They had not schools, they must have read these books, and thinking did the rest." His " close application to books " is cited among other circum- -stances, by Mr. Dwight, in connection with his " application to study," as accounting for his success. (Nathaniel Dwight's '• Sketches of the lives of the signers of the Declaration of Independence," p. 69). 1 Seaman's " Scitiiate,"p. 18. See also Mr. Beaman's article in the Pi-ovi- dence Journal, May 26, 1855, where he mentions some of them. 2 As early as 1754. 3 Some of them are named in the It. I. Col. Records, V. 378. 4 Itecords of the colony of Rhode Island, V. 378-71). 5 See also Chapter IV. 6 The Redwood Library dates from 1747. • 7 These five are: (1) the Boston library, variously known as the "town library," the " public library," etc., as early as 1653, ("Memorial history of 5 50 STKPHEN HOPKINS. And yot nil this is beside and apart from the ques- tion of his hick of educational advantages. The result in his case was that, to quote the language of President Manning, "possessing an uncommonly elevated genius, his constant and assiduous applica- tion in the pursuit of knowledge"' rendered him distinguished. But with less highly endowed minds this would not have been the case.^ Even in his case, one can but retlect that if he attained such dis- tinction without the discipline and aid of that train- ing which John Adams^ not long after was enjoying as a Braintree boy in the schools of that town, and later at Harvard College ; or JcHerson^ as a student Boston," lA'. t;?S); (,') tlu* Concord town libiary as oarly as Ki?;;; (:j) Kind's Cliapcl Library (Bo.ston) as early as 1008, (Grconwoort'.s " History of King's Chapel," p. 55) ; (4) t!ie Itedvvood Library, at Newport, 1747: (5) the Trovi. deiiee Library, at Providence, as early as 1754. Tlie I'rince liibrary and the New England Library, in Boston, were not established until 175N. (II. S. Government report, I. 3L'-:!3). 1 Printed in the Providence Gazette, July 10, 1785. 2 It was only, to quote from Mr. Dwight, cited al)ove, " the power of a strong mind, and application to 8tudy, by which a want of enlarged means for ac(juirlng an early and .lystematic education," was, in his case, in a wholly exceptional manner, " overcome." (Dwight's " Signers," p. OU). 3 John Adams's Life by C. F. Adams. ( Works, L 13-14).. 4 Morsse'.s " Thomas Jefferson," p. 5-7. EAKLY INFLUENCES. 51 at Williamsburgh in 1760; — the brilliancy of his career would have been even greater. No one realized this more than Stephen Hopkins himself. A self-educated man, he was conscious of the inevitable limitations and defects of the " self made man." "Having himself felt the want," saj's Wilkinson, "of instruction in early life, and afterwards realized the advantages of extensive attainments in knowledge by his own efforts, he was desirous that others should possess and enjoy the means for cultivating and im- proving their minds, on a liberal and broad founda- tion." To use his own language, "nothing tends so much to the good of the commonwealth as a proper culture of the minds "^ of its youth. This was a doctrine for the application of which there was a wide Held open in Rhode Island; and it is very much to be regretted that the pre-occupation of his energies by calls in other directions prevented his pressing it to an effective issue. Had not the revolu- tionar}' struggle been precipitated when it was, and had it not thus engrossed the universal attention, it 1 Printed in Sanderson's " Biography of the Signers," VI. ijl. 52 STEPHEN HOPKINS. is by no means improbable that a public school sys- tem might have been secured in Rhode Island nearly half a century earlier than the time at which it actually was instituted. Nor is it less probable that Stephen Hopkins would have been the efficient actor in the movement.^ These early years, however, were by no means unoccupied and unimproved. At the time when children in our day would be at school Stephen Hopkins was doubtless helping his father on his farm. At a later period he was putting in practice the principles of surveying which he had learned of his grandfather and his uncle. It is impossible not to see that, as in the case of the young Virginian surveyor, George Washington,- a little later, this 1 For a brief nienfion of Uie few and scattered efforts to establish schools in various parts of Rhode Island, from 1640 to 1828, see Barnard's " Keport of public scliools in Rhode Island," 1848, and Stone's "Manual of education," (Providence, 1874), p. 0-10. The " act to establish public schools" was passed at the January session, 1828. 2 In laud surveying, says Irving, Washington " schooled himself tlioroughly, using the highest processes of the art; making surveys about the neighbor- hood, and keeping regular field books." lie adds that this occupation made him acquainted also witli the country, the nature of the soil in various parts, and the value of localities." (Irving's " Life of Washington," eh, S). EARLY INFLUENCFTS. 53 was an occupation sure to result in extending bis acquaintance with dilFerent portions of the ccdony, and with nien^ as well as aflairs. Not only did it bring him in contact with the various outlying localities, in such a way as to give him that intimate familiarity with the affairs of the coh^ny at large, which is at all periods of his career very apparent; but it had the certainly no less important effect of bringing him into consultation and communication with the representatives of other colonies, when as Avas natural, his skill as a surveyor caused him to be appointed on the commissions to determine boundary (juestions.^ While but scanty light is thrown upon these years of his life by any records now accessible, it is appar- ent that another factor is to be recognized as enter- ing into the careers of his brothers, and into his own as well, from a somewhat eai ly period in this cen- tury, — namely, interest in commercial enterprises. 1 It is significant ihat liis early attention to quote Irom Sanderson's account, (VI. 248) was directed to the study not only "of books," but "ofnieu." This never ceased to be true of liini. » 2 R. I. Col. Records, IV. 559, 590; V. 15, 27, 35, 252, 265, .333, 348. 54 STEPHEN HOPKINS. No such tendency had manifested itself in the genera- tions preceding his, in his own ancestiy. But not only was he himself very early interested in mercan- tile operations, (as early as 1740, probably, employ- ino" several vessels in constant service),^ but h"is eldest brother, William, had even before this "en- gaged in a maritime life."- A younger brother, Samuel, became commander of a vessel early in life, and in the course of one of his voyages in 1744, died at Ilispaniola, in the West Indies.^ But his brother Esek, still younger than Samuel, had "in the summer of 1738," "in the twentieth year of his ase," l)ade "adieu to the old homestead." He "journeyed to Providence and became a sailor, soon rising to the position of captain."^ "He had found his place," says Mr. Beaman,-^ the annalist of the Hopkins family, "and soon rose through all the ofrades of office to be the master and owner of vessels. He made Newport, then a place of considerable 1 In that year he was in partnership with Godfrey Malbone, of Newport, in the ownership of several vessels. 2 Hopkins genealogy, p. 12. 3 Ibid., p. 20. 4 Bearaan's "Scituate," p. 16-17. 6 " Historical collections of the Essex Institute," II. 121. EARLY INFLUENCES. 55 commerce, his residence ;"^ marrying- into a family already intimately identified with the strikin*"- development of that seaport. ' Stephen Hopkins him- self was engaged in active co-operation not only with his brother, hnt with other Newport merchants.^ The tendency towards commercial enterprises which had thus manifested itself so strongly in this genera- tion, was no less apparent in the next. Of the four sons^ of Stephen Hopkins who reached maturit}^ every one followed the sea, and all except Silvanus^ became commanders of vessels. The same is true of his nephews, Captain Christopher Hopkins,''' Cap- tain John B. Hopkins,^ and Captain Esek Hopkins, Jr.» This is a noteworthy record.'-* That the govern- 1 He removed to Providence, however, in ir55. (Hopkins genealogy, p. 2i) 2 He "married, Nov, 28, ir-il, Desire, daughter of Ezekiel Burroughs, of Newport." (Hopkins genealogy, p. 24). 3 Malbone, Whipple, Redwood, and the Wantons. See Chapter IV. 4 Rufus, John, Silvanus, and George. (Hopkins genealogy, p. 18,28-33). 5 And he died " at the age of eighteen," when he " had advanced to the position of second-in-command." (Hopkins genealogy, p. 31). 6 Hopkins genealogy, p. 2«. 7 Ibid., p. 3o-.3(). 8 Ibid., p. 41-42. 9 See also Moses Brown's statistics, cited in Chapter V. 56 STEPHEN HOPKINS. or's fiimily .should have thus identified itself so thoroughly with commercial pursuits is, of course, partly to be accounted for by the fact that the early manhood of Stephen Hopkins was contemporaneous with that long-delayed awakening on the part of the Providence community to the exceptional natural advantages of its position at the head of its admira- ble bay^ It seems certain, also, tliat the mathemati- cal training received from his grandfather and uncle, on which Moses Brown- dwells in more than one place, had a tendency to stimulate the study and practice of navigation,^ as well as surveying. One other clement in his early training remains to be noted ; namely, its moi'al and religious side. 1 " Very slowly," says Mr. Dorr, " tlie old fanning town awakened to a perception oftlie commercial value of tlie Bay." " Until the seventeenth cen- tury was waning to its close, no sloops or scliooners, save those of Jlassachu- setts and New York, enlivened the wafers of the bay." (Dorr's " I'rovidence," p. yo). 2 See his letter to Robert Wain, in ls^3, (in several places). 3 " Tliere seems," says Wilkinson, " to have been a passion for this branch of mathematics, [surveying], which has been handed down from father to son." "No branch of study," it was maintained, "would be more useful. After surveying, navigation was recommended, as these two brandies gave a person ascendancy on land and water." (Wilkinson Memoirs, p. 361). EARLY INFLUENCES. 57 There is nothing to indicate positively the religions predilections of his father. We have only the nega- tive prol)ahility that he was not a Friend. A Friend, however, his mother was, as has been noted ;' and Governor Hopkins himself, later in life,- identified himself very completely with that body of Christians, even to the extent, to quote from Moses Brown, his constant co-laborer, (and himself a Friend), of his havins: the Friends' meetinjjs " sometimes held in the winter at his dwelling-house."^ It is hardly probable that his early life was passed as a member of the Friends' society. In fact, various occurrences in the early lives of William, Stephen, and Esek, 1 See page 2',>. 2 How late in life is not (luite certiiin. His first and seeonil wives were both Friends, but his second marriage only was solemnized in Friends' Meet- ing. (" Historical collections of the Kssex Institute," II. 120). It was at tliis time, says the same account, (p. 120), that "he connected himself with the 'Friends.'" Yet his first wife was of unbroken Quaker ancestry, whether herself a Friend or not. His first marriage was by a justice of tlie peace, and appears to have taken place " at the house of the bride's father." (Wil- kinson Memoirs, p. 363). Governor Hopkins severed his connection with the Society of Friends in 1773. (Records of Smithfield Monthly Meeting of Friends, 1773). For the cu'cumstances of this occurrence see Chapter VIII., of this work. 3 Letter of Moses Brown to Robert Wnln, in 1823. 58 STEPHEN HOPKINS. render it very improbable that they were in mem- l)ership with this most uuworhlly body ol" believers. With Stephen it seems clear that the rigorous and unremitting demands of the public service, — in itself a discipline, — had a natural tendency to sober him and regulate his life. From the time that its grasp was tightened on him, not to be relaxed until extreme old age, there is good reason to believe that his private life presented a high standard of blame- lessness ; and his public life, if judged in the light of the times, suffers not very much by comparison. It would be strange indeed if the seething political distractions of the years 1755-68, should not have furnished detractions of the bitterest nature. i But there are other sources of testimony than these,- and in the simplicity of his demeanor, the hearty frank- ness and the calm dignity of manner which were generally characteristic of him, he reHected no undeserved credit on the training of his intelligent Quaker mother. 1 For a consideration of tliis point in detail, see Cliapter VII. 2 Among otlirrs, Moses Brown, and President Manning, already cited. EARLY INFLUKNCES. 50 He nifirriecP early,- however, before entering to any extent on [)uhlic life. His wife, Sarah Scott, was, like him, of Quaker stock, her great-grand- father, Kicharcl Scott, ^ having been the carliest4 Rhode Island man to embrace the doctrines of Friends. On her mother's side she was the griind- daughter of that Major Joseph Jcnckes,^ who, in 1655, came from Essex Connty, Massachusetts, and 1 October 9, 1726. (Providence Ilecord of births, marriages, etc., I. 48). They were not married in Friends' meeting, but by Sarah's uncle, William Jenckes, justice of the peace. 2 At the age of 19. n is wife was of tlie same age. (Willcinson Slemoirs, p. 362). 3 Richard Scott, arriving among tlie " second-comers " in 1636, signed the well-known "compact" of Aug. 20, of tliat year. (R. I. Col. Records, I. 14). See the Historical Magiisine, 2d series, VI. 225-20; also the " I'roceedings of the Rhode Island Historical Society," 1880-81, p. 15. 4 "The first Quaker tliere," is the language of Governor Hopkins's family record. (Foster Papers, VI. 12). His wife, Catherine, was the daughter of Rev. Edward llarbury. (Wintlirop's " History of New England," I. 293). Her sister Anne, was the celebrated Mrs. Hutchinson, of Boston and Newport. (See Palfrey's "New Enghind," I. ch. 12). 5 The father of Major Joseph Jenckes settled at Lynn, Mass., and is named as "the lirst founder 'who worked in brass and iron' on the western continent." (Lewis's "History of Lynn," p. 2US). Among liis descendants are Governor Joseph Jenckes, named on tlie next page; Judge Rufus Hopkins, tlie son of Governor Hopkins; Nicholas Brown, the founder of Brown University, and John Carter Brown, his son ; and the late Hon, Thomas A. Jenckes. 60 STEPHEN HOPKINS. set up ;i forge near Pavvtucket Falls. i I ler mother's l^rother, Joseph Jenckes, a man of iincoinmon abili- ties, had been serving as Deputy-governor with the aged Governor Cranston, (who was now nearly seventy years of age), since 17ir>, with the excep- tion of a single year.'^ At the very next election^ he was chosen Governor of Rhode Island. He was thus the tirst man, not a resident of Newport, who had ever held that position under the charter ; and the only one, with one' exception, until this young man who had just married his niece, was elected to the same position in 1755.'' Iler father. Major'' Syl- vanus Scott, occupied the homestead estate on the Blackstone river, at what is now Lonsdale,^ not very far from the Wilkinson and Hopkins homesteads. 1 Sc-e Goo(iiicir.-> " Ui.^Ioiical sketcli oftlif town oC I'awtucket," p. 18-30. 2 1721-22. ■■', 172r. 4 Goveiiiur Williiim Gifeiie, of \A'arwick, ir4:)-4.'>, 1746-17,174^-50. Also, afterwards, 1757-58. 5 Stephen Uopkins was elected to succeed (iovernor Greene, in Jlay, 1755 « "Major Sylvanus Scott" is the language of Governor llopkins's family record in 1754. (Foster Tapers, VI. 12). He is previously referred to as "Cai>t. Sylvanus Scott" in the list of nieniljer-i of the General Assembly, ilay, 170y. (R. I. Col. Records, IV. f.7). 7 Wilkinson Memoirs, p. 01. EARLY INFLUENCES. () 1 Siinih, the Governor's first wife, was the mother of all of his seven children ; none having been horn to him by his second wife.^ These children, (whose names will be found in the Appendix),- were all born at his Scituate home, with the exception of the eldest.^ Riifns, the eldest, and John, the second son, were apparently named for the two younger brothers of their father. Silvanus (or Sylvanus) , re- ceived his name from his maternal onuidfather, Kuth received her grandmother's name. Seventy acres of land, at Chapumiscook, were immediately made over to Stephen and his wife by his father;'' which amount 1 '• He was twice married, living willi each oC his wives just twenty-seven years." (" Uistorical collections of the Kssex Institute," 11. 120). His allec- tion for the three children of his second wife, (his own step-childrcn), appears to huve been very marked. One of them writes : ">'ever was father kinder than he was to us children." (" Historical collections of the Ksse.x Institute," II. 120). 2 See Appendi.x C 3 Governor Hopkins's entry in his family record, (Foster Papers, VI. 12), with regard to Rufiis is that he "was born in Cranston," — doubtless at his own birthplace at the Mashapaug homestead. This had been, since 172:1, the home of Stephen's elder brother. Colonel William Hopkins. (Hopkins gene- alogy, p. 11). 4 Wilkinson Memoirs, p. :{fJ3. (52 STP^rilEN HOrKINS. was gr;u1ually increased from other sources;* and he was apparently destined to settle down in life as an np-country farmer. 1 P^roiii his gi-aiulfather, Samuol Wilkinson, lie received ninety acres more, about the same time. (Willcinson Memoirs, p. 3().3). This land was situated at einipumiscook, in tlie vicinity of Iiis father's residence. In 17L'3 his grand- father, Major William Hopkins, liad died at his Mashapaug homestead; conlirm- ing this valuable estate, in all, about 200 acres, to his grandson. Col. AVilliam Hopkins, the elder brother of Stephen, but contirming the Cliapuniiscook prop- erty to Stephen's father. (See his will, printed in the Hopkins genealogy, p. fi5-6G). Two years later, 1725, his widow died, making this same grandson, Wil- liam, the e.Kecntor of the i-emainder of the pioperty. (See her will, printed in the Hopkins genealogy, p. 71). In 1727, Capt. Samuel Wilkinson died, leaving no will. (Wilkinson Memoirs, p. 51). IJy the settlement of the estate, under his son Joseph as administrator, doubtless someporlicm came to his grandson, Stephen Hopkins. Stephen received by deed his father's Cliapuniiscook farm. (Essex Inst. Hist. Coll. II. 121). In 1738, William Hopkins, Stephen's father, died at Cliapuniiscook, dividing the remainder cif his estate, by his will, equally between his two sons, Stephen and Esek. (See his will, printed in the Hopkins genealogy, p. 73). IMrs. I'.uth Hopkins, their mother, had died some- time between 1721 and 1731. (^Vilkinson Memoirs, p. sti). Ksek reliiKiuished his portion to Stephen not long after 173S, and left for sea. ("P^ssex Inst. Hist. Coll." II. 121). CIIAITER IV. ENTRANCE ON TUBLIC LIFE AS A COUNTRY MEMBER The expectation that Stephen Hopkins wouki, like his father, quietly continue to till his fields in the se- clusion of Chapumiscook was destined to disappoint- ment. For five years nothing is heard of hini,^ but soon after attaining his majority he manifested a de- cided bent for public life. There can be little doubt that the disposition was an inherited one ; and that he was following out the lines indicated by the careers of his two grandfathers, Major Hopkins- and Captain Wilkinson,"^ in their earlier, though less activ'c generations. When in 1731,'^ the town of Providence, hitherto intact, was summarily divided'' 1 He was, liowever, no doubt, practising his duties as surveyor in various parts ol tlie colony, as occasion niiglit arise. 2 See pages 10-25. . 3 See pages l".»-.31, .'M, 11. 4 Feb. 20, 1730-1. 5 U. I. Col. Records, IV. J 12-1.5. 64 STP^PIIEN IIOrivINS. into four, William Hopkins's neighborhood at Chap- uraiscook was included within the town of Scituate, the south-western one of the four towns as then organized. The first official action of the newly fledged town- ship, in its first town meeting, was to choose a mod- erator ; and the young man, " Stephen Hopkins, then only twenty-four years of age," Avas immediately chosen. 1 "This fact," says Mr. Beaman, " is signifi- cant of the very high opinion entertained of him in his native town,- as a man of business and compe- tent to preside over public meetings. "^ When the next annual town mee'ting came around,^ he was chosen town clerk of Scituate.^ The duties of this oi3ice, so important in a newly constituted town, from their comprising the registration of deeds, and other land records, were labors for which his train- ing as a surveyor had eminently fitted him,'^ and he 1 Biamaii's " Scituate," p. 19. 2 " lUs native town." It was not his native town, tliougli as is stated olso- wliere, it lias been widely so considered. See pages 9-10. 3 Beaman's "Scituate," p. 1'.). 4 Maicli20, 17.31-2. 5 Letter of Moses Brown to Robert Wain in 1823. (i " The town records of Scituate," says Beaman, (p. 21), " attest that he •was familiar with drudgery." ENTRANCE ON PUBLIC LIFE. (i5 held this i)]ace for ten years ; in fact until his removal from the town in 1742.1 Meanwhile, however, his fellow-townsmen were exacting from him other ser- vice. At the annual town meeting in 1785,- he was chosen president of the town council.^ This posi- tion also he held by successive re-elections, until his resignation on account of removing to Providence. • In 17oG, he became one of the justices of the Court of Common Pleas, ^ and also justice of the i)eace.'' The records of the town of Scituatc for these ten years, in his handwriting, are still in good preserva- tion, and are of interest from their legibility and neat- ness. Written before the nervous difficulty' of his 1 Beaniaii's " Scituate," p. K>. '^ jMarcli 1."., I7:!4-5. 3 Letter of Moses Brown, 182:5. 4 Sanderson, VI. 2L'7. 5 Records of Providfuce County Court of Common Pleas, I. IK',. a See Appendix F. 7 " For a number of jcars previous " to 177(), writes Mr. Wahi, (on the basis of Moses Brown's information), " lie had been afflicted witli a nervous affec- tion," and when he wrote at all, which was seldom, he was compelled to guide the ri^ht hand with the left. The venerable Moses Brown, of Providence, has, on vjirious occasion.s, acted as his amanuensis." (Sanderson's " Signers," VI. 245). " From my boyhood," says another writer, " in looking at the Declara- tion of Indep.ndence, I imagined the autograph of Stephen [Hopkins] iudi- cated a poor penman." " What was my surprise," he adds, " in e.Kamining the records of the town of Scituate." (Wilkinson Memoirs, p. :i05). 66 STEPHEN HOPKINS. later years had begun to aifect him, " every page of the first and succeeding books," says Mr. Wilkinson, "bears ample evidence of penmanship excelled by few, even masters of the art. At first for a few pages his recording lacked boldness, ]>eing a hair mark, but improvement manifests itself until the beautifully shaded letters are a close imitation of neatl}^ engraved copper plate. "' In 1734 and 1735, Stephen Hopkins, with two other citizens, secured from the General Assembly the action long needed, establishinjy the Plainfield road throuo;h Scituate on a new and improved location.- In 1737, the pro- prietors of Providence had occasion to prepare new maps and plats of the estates. Stephen Hopkins was therefore engaged "to revise the streets, and project a map of Scituate and Providence, which work required no little knowledge of mathematics, and was executed to the entire satisfaction" of the proprietors.^ In 1740, Stephen Hopkins " was 1 Wilkinson Memoirs, p. 305. 2 R. I. Col. Records, IV. 402, 512. 3 Wilkinson Memoirs, p. 305-06. The records of the proprietors also show that in 1738 a committee on revisinj^ the highways was appointed, (Stephen's brother being chairman), perhaps in continuation of the suivey of 1737. (Dorr's "Providence," p. 13!t). ENTRANCE ON PUBLIC LIFE. 67 appointed surveyor of the proprietor's lands, and also acted as clerk to the proprietors. "^ He was thus closely idcntilied with improvements in connection with the now rapidly advancing seaport, which "were most valuable, and mark a stage in the devel- opment of the town."- But during these ten years Stephen Hopkins's ser- vices had been found useful not merely by his towns- men and the Providence proprietors, but by the col- ony. In 1731, when Scituate for the first time chose representatives to the General Assembly, Ste- phen Hopkins's uncle, Joseph Wilkinson, appears to have been the sole Representative for the first year.^ But in the next year"* the people of Scituate turned to their energetic young town clerk, Stephen Hop- kins, and elected him one of the two representatives.^ From this time until 1738, inclusive, there was but one vear,*^ when he was not one of the Scituate rep- resentatives in the General Assembly, though with 1 Wilkinson Memoirs, p. 3(i6. -' Dorr's "Providence," p. 240. 3 R. I. Col. Records, IV. 449. The entry under 1731 in P.ounuin's Scituate, (Appendix, p. 1), is apparently an error. 4 1732. 5 R. I. Col. Records, IV. 46S. 6 1734. G8 STErnEN hotkins. a new colleague in each new year.^ In 1730 and 1740 he is named lirst on the list of justices of the Court of Common Pleas for Providence County, -^ havinui; heen first chosen one of the justices of that court three years hefore ;^ but in 17-11 he was again chosen representative from Scituate,^ and at this ses- sion he was chosen Speaker"' of the General Assem- bly. In 1711 he was appointed clerk of the Court of Conanon Pleas.'' The time of Stephen Hopkins's entrance into public life, and participation in the government of the col- ony, it will b.; noticed, was in the administration of Governor William Wjuiton ;' the Hrst of the fourS members of the Wanton family'" win* served the col- ony as governor. At more than one [)oint it will appear that there was a cordial understanding be- 1 R. I. Col. Records, IV. 480, 507, 5-^7, 534, 54;i. i See Appendix F. ."5 See Record.-; of Hie Trovideuce Court of ('oiiiinon I'leas, I. !(>:], 201, 2-J4, 250, 277, nors, 31'.l, :;41, .",70, 381. 4 R. I. Col. Kecord.s, v. 'Jl. 5 Uiid., V. Jl. () Sec Appeiidi.x F. 7 1732-33. 8 AVilliam Wiinton, 17:!-.'-:'.3; ,)olui Wanton, 1734-40; Gideon Wanton, 1745- 40, 1747-48; .Iosei)li Wanton, 170!»-75. 9 See narlleltV " Uisfory of tlio Wanton family," (U. I. nistoricul Tract Ko. 3), for an extended account of tliis intlueiitial family. "T+' ENTRANCE ON PUBLIC LIFE. 69 tween this Newport family aiul Mr. Hopkins's sup- porters. ^ By no metuis tlie least distinguished of the four was the above-mentioned Governor Willium Wanton, who died in office in December, 173;3. Dean Berkeley, one of the most distinguished of the lono- hue of eminent men who have honored Newport by their residence there, says Mr. Bartlett, "dined every Sunday with Governor Wanton.'"-^ He was a most useful man and one to whom the commerce of Newport and of the colony in general may be con- sidered to be largely indebted.^ Of his brother, Governor John Wanton, unfortunately, not so much can be said. The action by which he is best remem- 1 A son of tlie last nieutioned Governor Wanton was deputy-governor in 1761-05, irO'-OS, during Stephen Hopkins's governorship. (See Bartlett's " Wanton family," p. SO;. Their commercial transactions were iifcessarily frequent. (See chapter V.) One circumstance which may have had some in- tluence in this matter is, that the first three of them were, like Governor Hopkins, Friends. In the prolonged Greene and Wanton contest, 174.3-55, it seems probable that Wanton had the support of Providence. This attitude of the Wantons is attributed, on the authority of the late Stephen Gould, of Newport, to a quarrel between the AVanton and Ward families, very early in the century. 2 Bartlett's " Wanton fanuly," p. 34. 3 See Governor Cozzens's addrc-s at the " Dedication of the school-house erected by the trustees of the Long Wliarf," Newport, 1803, p. 25. 70 STEPHEN HOPKINS. bered is his opposition, as Dcpuly-govcnior, in 17H] , t(^ the eniiiiently jiitlicioiis (li8ai)[)roval' by Governor Jeneks,- of the '"act for emitting £()(), 000 in pnblic bills of ei'C(lit"3 in conseqnence of whieh the "liard money }):irty " went out of power. 'i A course of paper money emission, already found to be ruinous in its tendency, was thereupon pursued with an added impetus and recklessness which made the subsequent attempts of l\hode Island to establish a secure sys- tem of finance a most diHicult undertaking. ^ The name of Ste[)hen Hopkins is found signed to a report presented to the General Assembly-, Fel)ruary 27, 174',), 'i wliich, with abundant opportunity for ol)serv- 1 See 1{. 1. ( ol. llci'oi (Is, l\ . i,)l>. '!'];(■ tliiiiicr iiavc the govt riior no iiotual " velo " power. 2 Sfcplicii Hopkins luid married liis niece in 172G. See pnges 5i'-C0. 3 Sec li. I. Col. Itecoids n. ^•'ii. (Also IV. 450-Gi). The act is printed in tlie " Tublic laws," 17;!1, p. L';il-34. 4 See Cotter's work, " Some acconnt of the bills of creditor paper money of Khode Island," (K. 1. Historical Tract, No. 8), p. .id. 5 " An altemjit " was made in October, 17(iO, says Arnold, " to settle np the paper money oHiee eicated at the time of tlie early bank issues." (Arnold's "Khod(> Island," 11. l.'i.'4). lUit this was not done, and the e.xigencies of the war of inde])endcnce found IMiode Lsjand unprepared. Cotter's " Hills of credit," alujve cited, e.xannnes llie operatiinis ol tlie ten issues of this ruinous currency from 17 10 to KXC). At this same session lie served on another committee in relation to the settlenitnt of the outstanding issues. (H. I. Col. Kecords, V. "02-03). ■'^mt ENTK\NCa ON PUBLIC LIFK. 71 iiii; the ()i)ci'ati()n of this fbllv, reiimrks that the tendency is, to "daily sink tlie value of paper hills. "' These were years of peace.- The home govern- ment had not been at wai; with any European power since 1718. Hostilities with Spain, however, were threatening,-' and this colony thought it necessary in 1732 to pass an act' for strengthening Fort George, on Goat Island.'' This was made the excuse in 1733 for the issue of £ 104,000. ^ The pailicular spot at which the ever vigorous boundary disputes were now agitated was the eastern line of the colony, comprising the "Attleborougli gore," now Cumber- land." At the May session, 173G, Stephen Hopkins 1 TottHi-'s " Bills of credit," p. ISs. i Tlie " war of tlie Spanish succession," (" Queen Anne's war "), closed in that year. 3 The " war of the Austrian succession," ( King George's war), in which England and Spain were again pitted against each other, actually broke out in 1744, twelve years later. 4 K. 1. Col. Kecords, IV. 4r5-r0. 5 This fort which seems to have changed its name with the accession of a new sovereign was originally created in (iueeii Anne's reign, in 17(l'J, (Arnold's " Rhode Island," II. . '5), and was known as Fort Ann in iru.'i. (K. I. Col. Records, III. 524). () Potter's " Bills of credit," p. 40. 7 At first a part of Rehoboth, in the Plymouth Colony, but from l('i'j4 to 1746-7, included in Attleborougli, Blass. 72 STEPHEN HOPKINS. was appointed one of the committee of three,' (his brother, Colonel William Hopkins, ^ being another member,) to procure certain much needed evidences. The sessions of the General Assembly at this time were held successively at Newport, Providence, War- wick, East Greenwich, and South Kingstown, but Newport was universally regarded as the metropolis of the colony, and by far the greater number of the sessions were held there. The Superior Court also, of which Stephen Hopkins was to be chosen only a few years later (1747)^ Assistant-justice, had been held exclusively' at Newport.'^ To a young man^ of 1 U. I. t;ol. Kecorils. IV. o'J2. 2 Only occasional glimpses of Colonel Uopkins in his native town are to be lound (luring tins period. During n)ucli the larger part of the twenty years, ir.'!0-50, he was at sea. (Wilkinson Memoirs, p. 350, o52). .•i 11. I. Manual, 1882-83, p. 134. Records of the K. 1, Superior t:ourt, I. 1. 4 The plan ol' holding the sessions of this court in succession at the several court-houses in the colony dates from 1717. "Acts and laws," 1752, p. 28. 5 "The salutary influence of Newport," says Chief-justice Durfee, in the work already cited, "on the early history of tlie state, has never been fully appreciated." " Tlie citizens of no other town," he elsewhere says, "Minder- stood so well or cultivated so assiduously tlie amenities of every day life. Its flourishing commerce put it more tuUy en rapjiort than was any other town, with all that was best in the intellectual life of the old world." (Durfee's " Gleanings from the judicial histoiy of Rhode Island," p. 18; p. 17-18). 6 An interesting picture of the impression made by Newport in a few years ENTRANCE ON PUBLIC LIFK. 73 his iiuirked ciipabilities, his quicli instincts, and his lively appreciation of all phases of hnmnn life, there can be no doubt that the two or three occasions i in every year when his duties called him to Newport, were opportunities which he would by no means allow to pass unimproved. This, it must be re- membered, was the Newport of Dean Berkeley ,2 and of the genial divines, Rev. Mr. llonyman^ and Rev. Dr. MacSparran ;^ of Smibert, the painter,'^ and a little later of the youthfid Gilbert Stuart;*^ of such after, on the iiiiiul of a much younger man than Stephen Hopkins at this time, may be found in the life of General Greene .—"As the little sloop rounded Long Wharf, he caught his first glimpse of ships that but a few weeks before had been lying at a wharf in London or Bristol ; * * * as he walked up Church Lane, he saw the steeple of Trinity rising higli over Berkeley's organ, and farther on, the Corinthian portico of the Hedwood Library, opening upon more books than it seemed possible to read in a lifetime." (Greene's " Natlmuael Greene," I. 19). 1 As member of the General Assembly and judge of the Superior Court. 2 Berkeley was a resident liere from 17-".) to 1731. IHs "Alciphron " belongs to this period. 3 See Bull's " Jlemoirs of Rhode Island," 17J0; Updike's Narragansett Church, p. 30i-0(). The spelling " Honeyman " is also rarely found. 4 See Updike's " Xarragansett Cliurch." For some communication which passed between Dr. MacSparran and Stephen Hopkins, see Moses Brown's letter to Robert Wain, 1823. 5 See Tuckerman's " American artist life," p. -11-43. 6 Stuart was sketching in Newport from 1769 to 1774. (Updike's " Narra- gansett church," p. 253-57). 74 STEPIIKN HOPKINS. merchant princes as the Wantons, the Malljones, Abraham Rethvood' and \Vhip[)le ;2 of such accom- plished historical scholars as Dr. i^tiles-^ and John Cal- lender,-! and of scientific men like Joseph and Peter Harrison,'' and Dr. William Hunter. 6 It was the period when such families as those of Wanton, Bren- ton and Vernon, Bull, Coddington, Brinley and Rob- inson furnished the cultivated society" for which the town became eminent ; and when tiie distin- 1 Si'e Hunter's "Address liefbre the Reihvood Litirary," lS4r. In Newport Historical Magazine. II. 8S-8il. 2 Whipple was Hopkins's second cousin. He married Redwood's daughter. 3 Dr. Stiles's voluminous collections remain unpublished. There is a selec- tion from different portions of them (in manuscript) in the possession of the Rhode Island Hi'g more valuable by increased cultivation as well as by increase in acres ;2 he was introducing improved means of communication-'' between it and " The Neck ;" he had by 1740 become the father of seven children ;'' liis uncle (and comparatively near^ neighbor,) Joseph Wilkinson, who had built, per- haps in the year before his own marriage,*' "one of the tineyt houses in Scituate,"' had added four more to his already lar'^fo family of children,'' and acquired 1 Sti'lilifii lloiikiiis liiiii^-clf no ddiilit iiiailc frtMiUfiit ;iiiil extc'iulcd use ol' tlif Redwood Libriii-y. (See .Miison's "Newport illustnited," p. 5'^). 2 See pages (il-Ov!. 3 See his ;ictioii with i-es;ird to the rhiinfielil road, page Ofi. Also compare R. I. Col. Records, IV. 4'.)->. .')IL>. 4 Hopkins genealogy, ]). 1)^. In his own family record, (Foster Papers, VI. 12), one, (Rufiis), is to have been horn " in Cranston," and four " at .Scituate," and in the remaining two in.stances tlie place is not mentioned. .*) Within a lew miles. 6 " Erected in ir~'.5 or thereabouts." (Wilkinson Memoirs, p. 318). 7 " The first one finished off in panel work," Wilkinson adds; and he states that It stood 120 years. (Wilkinson Memoirs, p. •''.48). 5 He had fifteen in all. (ATilkiiuon Memoirs, p. 114). ENTRANCE ON PUBLIC LIFE. 77 about a thousand acres of laud ;• and his remoter cousins, the Hopkins's, (the descendants of iiis grand- father's brother Thomas,) had settled in large num- bers near his own home in Scituate.2 But by 1740 he appears to have become the only member (jf his own immediate family remaining there. His brother, Colonel William Hopkins, had removed to the Mash- apaug homestead soon alter 1723.^ His brothers, Rufus, John, and Samuel, ai)[)ear to have been at sea,"* during mo«t of the time, and one of them ^ was probably dead in 1741. His sister Hope had married in 173(5 Henr>' Harris,'' and removed nearer" the Neck settlement. His sister Abigail had mar- ried^ Nathan Angell,!* who was one of the earliest tradesmen'" in the Town Street, near Angell Street. 1 Wilkinson Memoirs, p. 348. 2 Hopkins genealogy, p. 15-lfi. 3 See pages 01-62. i See page 54. 5 Rufus. See Hopkin.s genealogy, p. 10. 6 Hopkins genealogy, p. 20. 7 Wliat is now Johnston, says Mr. Holbrook, '• had probably been her home throughout her married life." (Hojykins genealogy, p. 23). 8 The exact (lute is not preserved. It was before 1744. (See •' (ienealogy of the descendants of Thomas Angell," p. 44). i) In the 4th generation from Thomas Angell, the companion of Koger Wil- liams. (See Angell genealogy, p. 44). 10 Angell genealogy, p. 21, 44. 78 STEPHEN HOPKINS. His brother Esek had, soon after 1738,^ left Scituate and ''havinn found" at Providence, savs Wilkinson, 2 "a vessel ready to sail to Surinam, he enlisted as a 'raw hand,' having disposed of his gun for a Span- ish four-pence." "His practical knowledge of nav- igation," the same writer adds, 3 was what gave him "pre-eminence on the sea," and marrying at Newport in 1741,^ the connection of this brother with Scituate was severed forever. Death also had re- moved from Stephen's companionship his grand- father, Samuel Wilkinson, who had apparently died in less than a year after his own marriage in 1726, (August 27, 1727) ;•' his uncle, Joseph Wilkinson, who died in 1740; his mother at some time previous to March, 1731 f and his father in 1738.^ He was indeed left alone, in the neighborhood.® This, how- 1 On the death of his father. 2 Wilkinson Memoirs, p. 381. .3 Ibid., p. .S82. i Ibid., p. ,383, 5 Ibid., p. 51. 6 A quit-claim deed from Colonel William Hopkins to his uncle, Joseph Wilkinson, dated Feb. 23, 1730-1, speaks of his "deceased mother, Kuth Hop- kins." (Printed in the Wilkinson Memoirs, p. 354). 7 Hopkins genealogy, p. 11. 8 His kinsmen were now chiefly in Newport and Providence. At Newport, Joseph Whipple. Jr., deputy-governor in the next year, and his brother. Cap- ENTRANCE ON PUBLIC LIFE. 79 ever, may not be the only reason for his removal to Providence in 1742. He had, it is true, been apply- ing himself to farming^ with that energy which inva- riably characterized him ; but the conviction appears to have been gradually forcing itself upon him, that commercial enterprises offered a Held for his best eff'orts. His relations with Crawford and Angel! in Providence,"^ and with Malbone,^' Redwood, •• and Whipple^ in Newport, engaged as they were in the tain Esek Hopkins, with his fumily. At l'io\ ideiuv, his latht^r's cousin, Col. Joseph Whipple, one of the founders of King's Church, in 1722, and his brother-in-law, Niithan Angell, both of them extensively engaged in trade. Several of Col. Whipple's fiiuiily also had married into the Fenner and Craw- ford families ; one marrying Captain John Crawford, and another William Crawf' whose inventory " in 1720, says JUr. Dorr, " was tlie largest that had yet been exhibited to the court of probate." (Dorr's " Providence," p. 16~) . His wife's kinsmen also were liere ; the ex-governor, Joseph Jencks, (of what is now Pawtucket), her uncle, and the families of the four brotliers. Brown, connected by several intermarriages with the families of Scott and Jenckes. With all tliese Stephen Hopkins's relations were close and intimate from this time forward. 1 A bit of light is thrown on his success by the record of payment of boun- ties offered by tlie General Assembly for the heaviest crops of tlax. From these it appears that in 17:!3, Stephen Hopkins raised 9-151/4 lbs. of flax, and manufactured 104 lbs. of hemp. (Potter's " Bills of credit," p. 78). 2 See Chapter V. ^ See page 54. 4 Abrnliam Hedwood was the father-in-law of Joseph Whipple, Jr. 5 His second cousin, Joseph Wliipple. Jr., of Newport. Whipple was 80 STEPHEN HOPKINS. flourishing commerce of that time, may have drawn him to the idea, and the strikingly successful nauti- caP experiences of his brothers undoubtedly empha- sized the tendency. Perhaps, however, the direct occasion for his decision was his appointment as clerk of the Court of Common Pleas of Providence County in 1741, ^ preceded by his election as speaker of the General Assembly in the same year."^ To do full justice to the now duties thus imposed upon him, it seemed essential that he should be settled in some more accessible locality than Scituate. The Chapumiscook farm was accoi-dingly offered for sale ;'» apparently in the direct line for the governorship, and doubtless would have reached this honor earlier than Hoplvins, in 1755, except for his unfortunate but honorable business failure. (Arnold's " Rhode Island," II. 186). 1 Their father, William Hoplcins, in penetrating the forest about 1708, and establishing his home a dozen miles from the sea coast, perhaps flattered him- self that he was thus making it certain that his " brood " would turn out farm- ers. Instead of that, they "took to the water like ducks." He had not been in his grave three years, when the last one of theni appears to have left the Scituate hills; and within the next forty years liis descendants were sailing the ocean in all directions; twelve of them in command of vessels. 2 Kecords of Providence County Court of Common Pleas, I. i'S.i. '.', R. I. Col. Records, V. 10. 4 " He sold his farm in Scituate in 1742." (Wilkinson Memoirs, p. 306). It was perhaps not entirely disposed of until 1744, in which year part of his ENTRANCK OX PUliLlC LIFE. 81 ail estate was purchased' in Providence, on the Town Street ;2 and thereupon beg-aii that complete identi- fication of himself with the interests of this town, which caused him to be leofarded, almost from the very first, as her leading citizen. homestead was bought by John Hulet. (lieanian's " Scituate," p. 23). Ou this estate the next owner, Lieutenant Governor AVilliam West, built, " in 1775," " the largest and most showy house that had ever been erected in Scitu- ate." (Beaman's "Scituate," p. 25). 1 April 15, 1742. (Moses Brown's letter to Robert Wain, 1823). 2 The present corner of South Main and Hopkins Streets. CHAPTER V. A CITIZEN OF PROVIDENCE. In the preceding chapter^ allusion is made to the immediate recognition of Stephen Hopkins as a lead- ing citizen of Providence, by his contemporaries. We may go farther than that, at this remove in order of time, and pronounce him the most distinguished citizen to whom she has o;iven birth. Ko"^er Williams first saw the light on the other side (jf the Atlantic, Nathauael Greene, whose name is held in deepest honor throuiihout the state, was l)orn in Warwick, and was never a resident of l^rovidence. The great names of lierkeley and Channing have insei)arable associations with Newport, but have none with Prov- idence. But Stephen Il(j[)kins was born on her soil, was thoroughly identified with her interests, 1 See page 81. A CITIZRN OF PROVIDENCE. 83 and Nv;is one of her most assiduous public servants, to whose exertions she is most deepl\- indebted. The state of Rhode Ishmd has creeled a substantial monu- ment^ over his remains in the now almost historic cemetery'-^ which contains them. It would be a fitting act for the city of Providence to perpetuate his niem- orv by a suitable memorial at the spot which marks his biithplace. One characteristic of Governor Hopkins stands out with great distinctness, in connection with his ten- dencies to expansion, already noted, 3 which led him constantly to widen the sphere of his duties, and broaden the scale of his operations. It is, that in passing to new surroundings, he did not abandon the old. lie was able in almost every instance to retain his hold on what he had once secured, and this goes far to explain the success of his career. It throws especial light on his very noteworthy success as a leader of pul)lic o[)iiiion.^ Thus in removing from the country to Providence, he did not lose his hold 1 For tlie iiisciiiition ciiived upon its tablots, see Appendix. 2 The Nortli Burying Ground. 3 See pages 52-53. 4 See Chapters VI. and VIII . 84 STEPHEN HOPKINS. on "the country elemcul." On the contrary, that element ap[)ears as a not(!\vorthy feature in his fol- lowing-, throuo^h the whole of his career, up to its very close. Nor in exchanging the duties of a cit- izen of Providence for those of governor of the col- ony, did he abandon his direct and intimate interest in tlie development of Providence. And once more, in i)assing from the sphere of his colonial duties in the smallest of the original thirteen, to a position of inHueuce in the councils of the United Colonies, he still carrie(] with him an unremitting and devoted attachment to Uhode Island interests. Yet the student of his career cannot fail to remark the peculiar sense in which he may almost be said to have identitied himself with Providence. Although from the period of his first governorship his interest in all parts of Rhode Island was intelligent and con- stant, and while his candidacy always had strong and earnest supportei-s in other parts of the colony, yet there is no doubt that he took a ])eculiar and al- most alfectionate interest in the development of Prov- idence. It is somewhat significant that one of the most appreciative statements of this fact is found in A CITIZEN OF PROVIDENCE. 85 an address before the Redwood Library in 1847, by a distinguished native of Newport, the late William Hunter. "Stephen Hopkins," says Mr. Hunter, "tauo-ht Providence her capabilities, and calculated, rather than prophesied her future growth and pros- perity."! This is striking language, but no one who has studied the period in question will fail to recog- nize its truth and fitness. It is' true that natural conditions were powerful aids in the same direction. It is true that the existence of the magnificent inland sea, at the head of which the town had grown up, made it impossible that, sooner or later, the commercial instinct and the habit of sailing with cargoes, should not become almost second nature to its enterprising and adventurous citizens. ^ The won- der is that she was so late in moving. Newport had 1 Neioport Historical Magazine, II. H2. 2 Tristam Burges, in ISIiG, wrote as follows to Moses Brown : " The people of this state must have been much engaged on the sea, before ir7:i; or ycur brotlier John [John Brown] could not at that time have collected fifty young men at Providence in one evening, to embark with him in the destruction of the Gaspee." (Manuscript letter in possession of the Rhode Island Historical Society, Jan. Vi, 18.36). 8 86 STEPHEN HOPKINS. many years the start of Providence, as a port in whose waters the trade of distant nations found a harbor. 1 But Providence, to quote once more from Mr. Hunter, was "now beginning to appreciate * * * the safety and superiority of its position at the head of navigation. "2 And by 17(37, to quote from the report of a committee made to the town in a subse- quent year : " The town of Provkleuce was in its most flonrishing circum- stances. Its trade was open to almost all parts of the world, its navigation extensive and prosperous, its stores and warehouses crowded with all sorts of merchandize, its streets thronged willi foreigners who came liither to advance their fortunes by trade and commerce." ^ When Stephen Hoplvins became a citizen of Prov- 1 So early as Dec. 5, 170s, Gov. Samuel Cranston wrote to tlie Board ol Trade, in answer to a series of in(|uirii-s : "About twenty years \r.i-t, we had not above four or five vessels that di no school-houses ;*' no college ;" no libraiy ;« no public market-house,'-^ no "state-house," (Newport being the "Metropolis" of the colony;) no bank nor insur- ance office ;i^ no printing-press and no newspaper ;i' 1 For scviTul ytars after this, the colony tax assessed upon Providence was less not only than tliat oCNewport, but than that of the liirniing town of South Kingstown. (Staples's "Annals," p. 200). 2 Six years later it was 3,45u'. (Douglass's " Summary," II. 89). Compare also R. I. I'ublio Documents, 187'.i, No. (>, p. ~'9. 3 " We never had in this town," says Closes Brown, " a custom-house office until after the revolution ;" or rather after the ratification of the L'nited States constitution by Khodc Island, in 17'M. (Letter to T. Durges, .Ian. 1~', im'<). 4 This was not established until about 1758. (Dorr's " Frovidence," p. l'.t'.»; Staples'.s "Annals," p. (ill). a The town was, however, allowed to hold town-meetings in the county- house, erected 172<)-:il. (Slaples's "Annals," p. lOl-'.)-'). (i No mention of a "town school-house" appears on the town records until ir.'jL'. (Staples's " Annals," p. 105.) 7 L'niversity Hall was built, 1770. 8 Tlie Providence Library was founded at least as early as 1751. (U. I. Col. Records, V. 378-70). None was erected until 1773. (Stai)U's's " Annals," p. '..'Ol-^). 10 The lirst bank was in 1701 ; the first insurance office in 1700. 11 William ( ioddard set up his printing-press in 170:;, when he began tlu' issue oiUw Providence Gu::eUc. Thomas's "History of printing in America," II. S3. (Am. Antinu. Soc. ed.). 88 STErHEN HOPKINS. but four liuildings for religious worship ;' no paved street ;'~one mill ; three taverns ; a draw in the bridge at Weybosset ; a ship-yard just above it,^ on the west side ; a row of wharves just above it on the east side ; a little back from these, the Town Sti'eet with its pretty continuous line of dwellings and shops, from Weybosset T3ridge to the northern slope of Stampers Hill ; south of the bridge, dwellings and shops, but much fewer: and beyond the crest of the hill back of the Town Street, wide expanses of fields unbroken by any dwellings except at very rare in- tervals ;■* on the West Side and on Smith's Hill a still wilder and less tenanted territory.^ 1 The old I'upli^t iiiet'ting-Iionsc, near tlic corner of Siiiitli Street, King's Cliurch at the coi-ner of Church Street, the Friends' nieetingdiouse, at JMecfing Street, and tlie Congregational nieeting-liousc, on the site of the present Court- liciise. 2 There was no i)a\ ing until 17()1. (U. T. Col. Records, VI. :.'(>i.), L'S(i-S7). 3 That of Nathaniel I'.rown, estahlishe stacle to the comprehensive tracing of the beginning 1 Seethe " Ui.storicrtl discourse" on the 150th anniversary of St. John's Ijarisli, J). 4s. 2 Tlie town f,M-anted liim "one-Iialf acre on Waybosset Neck, on salt water." (Uorr's " Providence," \). 117). 3 Dorr's " Providence," p. lis. 4 Mr. Dorr says: (" Providence," p. 137) " I'pon tlie fislieries wliich were sources of tlie earliest vvealtli of Mussacliusetts, tlie Plantations did not ven- ture." They certainly did not to a large extent, but si'vcral allusions to fisher. ies will be found in tlie letter of Moses Brown. 5 Dorr's " Providence," p. 13(;-37. A CITIZEN OF PROVIDENCE. 93 and growth of the commerce of this seaport. Prov- idence, in fact, never attained the distinction of being a port of entry, ^ until brought under the juris- diction of the United States government, in 1790.- Until then the Newport collector and the Newport custom-house, were made to serve the purpose of the whole of Rhode Island. "During the first half of the last century, therefore," says Mr. Dorr, such enterprise is only to l)e traced " in the lengthening rolls of tax-payers, in the ampler probate invento- 1 There seems, however, to Imve been a local officer, called a "naval offi- cer," so early as 16S0, or 1082. (Letter of Moses Brown, Jan. V2, Ki.'iO). Au ordinance of the General Assembly in 1G82, ordered " that there sliall be in the towne of Newport (,nnd elsewhere the Governor of tliis collouy shall judge meet) * * a navall office." (K. I. Col. Records, III. 110. See also IV. 23G, 4.39; V. 71,74). This officer was appointed, however, not by the home government, but by the colony. Moses Brown, in the letter just cited, mentions Jeremiah Olney and Ebenezer Thompson as having held this position. An officer appointed by " the commissioner of His Majesty's revenue," in Boston was known as " the surveyor of the King's customs." Though living at Provi- dence, he reported at Newport. " Each new vacancy," says Mr. Uorr. "called forth angry complaints, that none but a Massachusetts man was ever deemed worthy of tliis royal favour." (Dorr's " Providence," p. 218). Comi)are also a " Searcher's notice," in the Providence Gazette, Nov. 20, 17<>3. 2 President Washington, in 1790, appointed Jeremiah Olney collector of the port of Providence, and Theodore Foster naval officer. (Stone's " John Howland,"p. 160). 94 STKPIIKN HOPKINS. rics/' and .similar iiistruiuciits, "preserved in the pn])lic nrchivcs/'' Fortunately, h(nvovcr, the extensive ))usincss of one of the most entei-prising families- of this period has secured a record, l)ri(?f and incomj)lete, to l)e sure, but very welcome in the absence of ihe olh'cial custom-house records. Moses Brown, in a letter written in iy3(],^ carefully copied a list of "84 ves- sels before the year '60" ■^ "named [as he said] in our books," and these eighty-four may be taken as ap- proximating very closely to the total then owned here. To this family of " four brothers," ■" every one of them 1 Dorr's " rrovidcnce," p. 137. 2 The Brown family. ;} Tlii-; letter has tdreaily boon cited several time.- in these pages. Sec pages 85, 8(5, S7. It was written .Fiin. \2, ISlJCi, in answer to a letter of Uon. Tristani IJurges, who liad been invited to deliver an address before the Khode Island Historical Society, on the early coniinerce of Providence ; and who turned most naturally to his A-enerable friend, then '.»7 years of age, for trustworthy infor- mation on that point. Mr. i'.urges's letter contained eight sejiarate (picries, to winch Hoses IJrown replied in a letter of nearly thirteen foolscap pages of mauiiMcript. At the end of his letter iic adds the list of vessels above alhuled to. Both Mr. Bnrges's letter, and Moses Brown's answer, copied by himself, are in the possession of Ihe Rhode Island Historical Society. 1 1700. .5 Nicliolas, .Joseph, .Tohn, and Closes. A CITIZEN OF PROVIDENCE. 95 enS-4'.). 5 The exception was the shoi-l " War of the .\nstrian succession," (King George's war), 1744-48. A CITIZEN OF rilOVIDENCE. 99 "Seven years' war," in 1756,' Moses Brown tells us, some of the citizens tleterininetl to secure [)rizes of war. "In live ino[iiths], four days,^ from the declaration to lit out, man, and capture the prize," a valuable Spanish vessel re-named the Desire,^ was brought in triumph to the wharves of Providence. The name of the daring captor was Esek Hopkiiis. Easily second in fact to the Brown family in com- mercial pre-eminence, was the Hopkins family, now rising to distinction. In Moses Brown's list of Providence vessels,^ seventeen are either owned or commanded by various members of the Hopkins family,^' and in still other instances Stephen Hop- 1 Tills war, (17J0-0;!), was sometinifs known in this country as " I'ho old French war." ■Z Tlie 30tli of January, 1757. :j The fact tliat Desire was the name of Captain Uopkins's wife, and later of his daughter, tln-ows some light on the re-naming of tliis vessel. (Hopkins "genealogy," p. 2i, 27). 4 Of these seventy-nine vessels, two are ships, three schooners, twelve snows, nineteen brigs or brigantines, and forty one sloops; two are unde- scribed. They are elsewhere referred to as "eighty-four," (see p. W), but in several instances the same vessel is mentioned twice. 5 Besides "Stephen Hopkins & Co.," (so early as 174ri). Esek Hopkins's name occurs as master of a vessel four times, and their nephew Christopher's 100 STEl'IIEN IIOrKINS. kins's interest may be traced. But it was not simply as owner and manager of vessels, that Stephen Hop- kins was now engaged in imparting an impetus to the commercial development of the town. His com- prehensive intellect was taking in not merely the details of tonnage, the measuremeiit of sloops and hrigantines,' the storage of molasses and sugar; but was rancinii" the seas Ibr new markets, was calcula- ting the eliect of new or proposed duties to be laid by the home government, was plannnig the most economical and labor-saving routes for the foreign trade,- and was watching constantly for new feeders twice. Of thf governor's sons, Kufii.s's name ajipears as captain so early as 174(i; Jolm's so early as 1700; and (ieorge's so early as ITCiO, at the age of 21. It is to be remeniberefl also tliat in more tlian a quarter of these instances the name ot'the owner, or tlie master, is omitted; and in some of these the proba- bility is very strong that Stejihen ni)])kins had an interest. 1 " Brigantine," In only one instance in Jloses Brown's list, is "brig" used instead of this form of the word. The distinction between the two species of craft is not always observed. 2 One of his vessels, about tlie year ir.Tl, loaded in the "Seekonk River" with lumber wliich had been lloated down from 3Iassachusetls, sailed to London, was sold with her cargo on board, for goods brought home in another vessel, " which set up three shops," and ajipiars, according to I\Ioses Brown's state- ment, to have been the beginning of the dry goods business of l'ro\ iilence. ■' Before tliis," he says, "shops of dry goods owned by people in rsewiiort, A CITIZKN OF TKOVIDENCE. 101 to the business of Providence, from the outlying country. 1 A commercial town nmst have docks and warehouses. " With increasing trade," says Mr. Dorr, "deeper warehouses were built, and l)ehind them, wharves of timber, beneath which the tide l)i-incipally supitlied our cuiiiity." (Li-tter otMoscs Hrowii to T. l;iir;,'i's). U was not long before .loseiiU iuid Willi:iiii Kiis^ell, both of thoiii activL-Iy asso- ciated with Hoi)kins in public enterprises, began their eniineutly successful mercantile career. "On tlio arrival," says Mr. Dorr, -'of a barque or a brigautine for .Joseph and William Itussell, their advertisement of her cargo often filled an entire pageof the Gazetia." (Dorr's '• I'rovidence," p. lIy to siirmoiuit." (Annual aildress of president of tlie Providence Board of Trad", Jan. 10, ISSi, p. 7). No Yunliee guess appears to have solved tlie riddle of this Sphinx of unnavigable rivers, and it was left for the Englishman, Samuel Slater, in 1789, to show what an era of manufac- turing pre-eminence, based on these very waterfalls, was open to the well- directed efi'orts of Rhode Islanders. See White's " Life of Samuel Slater." Samuel Slater married iu 1791, a distant kinswoman of Governor Hopkins, Hannah Wilkinson, in tlie si.vth generation from the original ancestor. (Wil- kinson Memoirs, p. 22(5) . 1 Dorr's " Providence," p. 150. 108 STi;riiEN iiofklns. years. The desiiiii of tlic original proprietors^ was not a close corporation.- IJnt, says Air. Dorr, "the town was made sucli, some years later." The tract of land'* which had been split into long, rihhon-likc estates, hy the "home-lot" assignment in 1(538, h:id scarcely, np to this time, (1742), been penetrated-* l)y anj^ ways for travel, (with the exception of the two'' expressly indicated*^ in the original division), which had been regularly :iccei)ted by the town.^ The proprietors' own dwellings had been placed on 1 Till' lirst " purcliasfi-s," in i(i:!s, and tlic " quin-tcr-right )iui-cliasers " ol' ir>45, and previously, (Stapk's's "Annals," j). :M-;!5, (i(Mil), Cdniiirisedflie body ol'proiu-ietoi's, admitted fVoni time t7), to admit otliers to their fellowship; and their "heirs, executors, administrators and assigns," likewise, were to succeed regularly to their rights in the purchase. :) This tract was, as has already been stated, that now bounded by Olney, nojie, and Wickenden, and North and South Jlaiu Streets. (Slaiiles's "Annals," p. :jO-:il, .'i4, 35). 4 And even tlic " highway at the head of the lots," (the present Hope Street), was fenced across. (Dorr's " I'rovidence," p. Ki). 5 Now known as Power Street and i\Ieeting Street. G By the woids, "a highway." See the manuscript "revised list." (I'rinted in Stiiples's "Annals,'']).:!.')). 7 With the " old gangways," says 5Ir. Dorr, "the town meeting had noth- ing to do." A CITIZEN OF PROVIDENCE. 109 the end of their lots which joined the Town Street. A little farther up the hill, their successors had laid out the small family burial grounds, i of which there was a continuous though irregular line, from north ^ to south ;2 and nearer the "highway at the head of the lots," 3 were the pastures. The idea of "a town " thus conceived by these men of the first gen- eration Avas adopted with little change by their de- scendants, and the gradual filling up of "The Neck" crowded the houses, the business, and the travel, into the Town Street, and such ways as had branched out from it at the " North End," or even west of the river. 4 The rest of the land within the purchase 1 There is a comprebensive discussion of these ear?y burial grounds in a paper read before tlie Rliode Island Historical Society, Nov. 15, ISSl, by C. B. Farnsworth. (Providence Journal, Nov. 16, 1881). 2 It followed generally the line of the present Benefit Street. (Dorr's " Providence," p. 45). ;< Now Hope Street. 4 " It is," says Mr. Dorr, " a singular illustration of the resistance of the old Plantations to any division of their home lots, or disturbance of their agricultural pursuits, that more than a century from their beginning, the pec pie were widely scattered over the western side of the ' Salt river? '" " while the Town Street was still tlie only important thoroughfare on the East." (Dorr's "Providence," p. 117). 10 110 STEPHEN HOPKINS. was regarded as " common land ;" — a part of it being the "stated common,"^ in which each proprietor had an original or inherited right for pastnrnge,^ or else land which was, at the snccessive meetings of the proprietors, parcelled ont^ in shares to each member, or a number of members. Such a thing as land understood to be "in the market,"^ as an inducement 1 Sucli a " stilted common '' was on ."Smith's }Iil]. Sec tlie map preserved with the " proprietors' records." 2 It is curious to notice that few early New Enghtnd communities seem to have more completely reproduced the Old Knglish and Germanic prototype of "a town" than I'rovidence. Such a " town,'" in its essential features, is thus described by Dr. H. I{. Adams, of Baltimore, in a recently inililished mono- graph : "A village community of allied families, settled in close proximity for good neighborhood and defense, with homes and home lots fence<, tlie revision of the "ware- house lot s " was accomplislied, it was apparently owing to his public spirit that " a corner of said Abbott's land " was named as the southern extent of a thus greatly enlarged open space, later known as ^Market Square. (Dorr's " Provi- dence," p. 141). Eight years later, Jlay 19, 1740, he made over to the town, " the common, so called, Jnow Abbott I'ark] for passing and repassing, train- ing and the like, always to be kept clear and free of any building forever." A little more of this enlightened thoughtfulness for the succeeding generations would have placed us under still greater obligations to him. 3 Together with his enterprising partner, John Innes Clark, he did much to devoloj) the importing trade of Providence. " Clark and Nightingale," says 3Ir. Dorr, were among "the chief importers of English and Irish goods." (Dorr's "Providence," p. 108-00). Their wharf stood where 8teei)!e Street now is. 4 I'he future governor of Ivhode Island during the tirst three years of the war of independence. C> (.iovernor Hopkins's associate in various connections during the period of the committees of correspondence. (See Wells's " Samuel Adams," II. 1.3-17). (i .labez Bowen, the younger, (who died in ISIS), w.as a nephew of Daniel Abbott, and was one of the most continuously useful citizens of his day. In the movenu'nt for a school system, in the revolutionary struggle, in the resistance A CITIZKN OF rilOVIDENCK. 121 of the citizens of Providence in 17()7,i was a grad- uate of a college.- To him is due^ the very com- prehensive^ report'^ presented to the town in the next year,'' (Messrs. Sessions and Xightingale, with Moses Brown, comprising the other members of the connnittee). The rc[)ort was r«;jected ;" after having to the paper-money iiiadues.s, in the nitirtcation of the natioiuil constitution, and in connection with tlie foundation and developniLMit of IJi-own University, lie was invariably to he. depended on. See Stai)Ie-;'s '-Annals," /icifinim. 1 Silas Downer, a gi"iduate of Haivard, In the elates of iriT, and Ilev. Jlr. Graves, of King's Church, ai)i)ear to l)e the only others. Not nnfil irO'.Mvas the first class graduated from Ilhode Island College. 2 Yale College; cla-!s of 1?.j7. Chlt'f-justice John Sloss lloliart, of New York, was a classmate. 3 It is, says Staples, " in the hand writing of the late (iov. [i. c, hieu- tenant Governor] IJowen." ('-Annals," p. l'.)7). \'et it is in-ohahle that this report is even more directly tin; inspiration of Governor Hopkins than has been generally sujjposed; for there has been preserved among a few miscel- laneous papers of Stephen Hopkins, a "preamble" very similarly worded. (Printed in Sanderson's " Signers," VI. 251). "All institutions of learning," says Governor Hopkins's draught, " beconu' so imich more useful as they are more free, and witiiin reach of tlie j)oor as wi>ll as the rich." A comparison of this language with the preamble of .labez IJowen's committee, (Staples's "Annals," p. 4i'7),will show a decided correspondence. There was undoubtedly some communication between them. 4 It provided for a levy of EV.JO " on the polls and estates of tlie inliabitants of this town." (Staples's "Annals," p. 41)8). 5 Staples's "Annals," p. ■i'.)7-5aO. " Neither " this nor one on building a school house, says Staples, " is on file or recorded." (i .Ian. 1, ir()8. 7 Town meeting records, ,Jan. 1, 1768. II 122 STEPHEN HOPKINS. been " first voted by the town with great freedom,"^ and a minute affixed to it by Moses Brown indicates some of the reasons. One cannot forbear sharing his snrprise, as he records : "What is most surpris- ing and remarkable, the phm of a free school, sup- ported hy a tax, was rejected by the pooi-er sort of the people."- A lack of "public spirit"^ to appre- ciate and execute a measure which would so surely benefit themselves,^ he conceives to be the chief rea- son. He could not have hit the nail more s(piarely on the head. A lack of " i)ublic spirit," indeed, it was, which not only he i)ut his thi'ce brothers, — and no less Governor ll()i)kins, hituself, — found in re- peated instances thereafter, lying like; a senseless log across the patli of some needed ini[)rovement or pub- lic euter[)iMsc. It was the inevitable outcome of the enforced ignorance in which this same " poorer sort of the people" had for generations been coming up to citizenship and to a control of the town's policy ; as well as of the years of placid indifference to any 1 The language of Mo.scs IJrowii, (Staijlus's "Annals," p. 500). 2 Staples's "Annals," p. 500. 3 Ildd., j). 500. 4 Tlic inovcnmnt, says .lohii Ilouiaiid, " met witli the most opposition from the class it was designeil to benefit. " (Stone's "John Howlanfl," p. VM). A cm;'. EN OF PROVIDENCE, 123 but the luuTowost interests, on the part of the nuun body of the proprietors. These eighteenth century citizens, however, at the head of whom were Hop- kins and Bowen, were men of phick as well as en- terprise, and they did not rest until they liad carried their |)()int. Stephen Hopkins ended his h)ng life before the final result was reached ; but Jahez Bowen lived to serve as a member' of the school committee of the town under the act of the General Assembly passed in 1800,2 since which the town of Providence has never been without public schools ; and Moses Brown lived to see the re-organized system of 1828^ adopted, since which time the state has at no time been deprived of the same benetits. ^. A 1 Staples's "Annals," p. 510. 2 Barnard's " Keport and documents relatini? to tlie publio schools of Rhode Island," l^ts, p. :!'.). It was repealed in 180:j, but the system continued in operation in Trovidenoe. 3 See Higginson's •■ History of public education in Kliode Island," p. :]S-io. 4 The biographer of John Uowland, whose is the distingiuslied honor of being known as " Uie father of the free school system of Rhode Island," in citing the names of those whose -cooperation and i)ersonal exertions were added to his, and who '■ will ever be litld in grateful remcndirance for the in- tercst they early exhibited in the sacred cause of education," names, first of all, Stephen Hopkins. (Stone's " Jolin llowland," p. HI))- 124 STEPHEN HOriCINS. LII'.RAKIES IN niOVlDENX'E. All aciito observer,^ in u recent survey ot a single phase of the progressive development ot" Rhode Is- land, reaches the conclusion that "wherever we see the state or any part ot its people, moving in ways higher than the average, there we are sure to tind Stephen Hopkins prominent in the movement.""- This is conspicuously manifest in his connection with the movements to develop the town's commerce, the town's higinvays, and the town's schools ; yet it is perhaps cpiite as manifest in another matter, of less commanding i)rominence, but of no less marked in- terest, — the establishment of the Providence Library about 1754.'' Occasion has alread}' arisen for notic- ing the circumstances under which the reading habit was planted in tlie mind of the l)o\', Stephen.' It was now bearing tVait, Several characteristics of the man are to l)e observed in his use of books. It was [)ursued with constant and unllagging interest. "His pul)lic life," says one writer, "made him the 1 ('liiof-justioe Durfcc 2 Durfee's " Gk'iiiiings from ilii' jmliuiMl liisrorv of Khod:' Island, " (K.*!. Historical Tract, \o. lis), p. '.».!. ."i K. [. CdI. llcconiR, v. ;!7t<-7'.i. 4 Sie pagt-s ■i8-4S>. A CITIZKN OF PKOVIDEIsCK. 125 servant of all ; and he was a close and severe stndent, filling np all the .spare hours of his life with read- ing."'^ It was at once thorough and comprehensive. "He was a man,'' says Chief-justice Durfee, " of ex- traordinary capacity," — "omnivorous of knowledge, which his energetic mind rapidly converted into power.'' 2 A friend of his later years declared that he had " never known a man of more universal read- ing, nor one whose memory was so faithful.''-' His method of historical research w;is the correct one. "Holding," says another writer,^ "all abridirmeuts and abridgers, in very low estimation, it is cited, in excmplitication of his iiabitual deep research," "that instead of depending upon sum- maries and concentrated authorities, he persever- ino-ly perused" the original sources'" of iuf)rmation. 1 Beaman's ■'Scituate," p. Ul. •> Durlff's " (ileanings from tlit-juilicial liistory of Ulioile Island," p. »)2-9;{. 3 Remarks of Asher llobbins at ^COtli aunivi rsiuy of T'rovidtiu'i" ; (in Providence Journal, Aug. 8, IS^SO). 4 Sanderson's " Signers," VI. 248. (On the information of Moses Brown). 5 Among the instances cited is Thurloe's "Collection of state papers;" which, says Mr. nunter, he " read through and annotated." One can hardly imagine a more absolutely repulsive task than this would have been to more 126 STEPHEN HOPKINS, He mude his rending not onlv a moans of culture, hut a means of discipline. He was "skilled in many branches of the liberal arts," says one writer.' Another testimony pronounces him " a scholar, a man of science and ii^oneral literature."-' His " read- ing," iiowever, had not merely made him "a full man," to quote Lord Bacon, ^ but the mental disci- pline which accompanied it had made him "a ready man "^ and "an exact man.""> * It was beyond the range of [)robal)ility that he could long content himself with the meagre collec- tliaii one of lii« coiilciiipoiMrii'S. Al tliu saiiio liiiic, it is easy to sec that lio (oiilil lia\e i.iiueii ill Ccw (lirei-fioiis which woiiUl luivc so thoroiijjhly e<]uippc(I liiiii ibr his S!ibs((|iieiii laljois in ailvocatiiig the rishli^ of American colonies inuler tlie Knglisli crown. Uis aiifaf^onists nii^rht well find occasion to heed the connsel, "beware of tlie man of one hook,"" e\ en thon^'Ii Uopkins cotild not projierly be so designati-d. 1 Sanderson's "Signers, " \'I. 'J4'.t. 2 IJwislit's " Sij;ners," |i. (V.K 3 Hacon's Kssay " Of sln0). 4 See the instances given of liis retentive memory in Sanderson's "Siooksellei- in Providence appears to have been Daniel Jenckes, about 1763. Uis book shop was "just, above " the (ireat JJridge, " at the sign of Shakespeare's head." (Dorr's " Providence," p. 1!»7). A CITIZEN OF PROVIDF.NCE. 129 friends " raised and sent to England a sniu of money snfficient to purchase books to furnish a small library." 1 Like them also, they h)oked about for "a proper phice to keep the books in." Like the Philadelphia company, once more, they soon advanced to the point where they found it practica- ble to make it " a public subscription library." The year in which the first steps were taken is uncertain, though it may have been 1750.^ The associated members were in search of a place to store their books in 1754, when they sent to the General As- sembly a petition, 3 (Stephen Hopkins's name head- ing the list), that they might use " the council cham- ber in the court house'* at Providence" as their lil)rary room."' The petition was readily granted. 1 R. r. Col. Rpcords, V. :ir'.t. 2 Wilkinson say.s " in 17.50," but does not suite liis iiutliorily. (Wilkinson Memoirs, p. :300). Z K. I. Col. Kecorils, V. Isri^-zO. 4 Erected in 17.31. (Staples's "Annals,'" p. lOJ). 5 The earlier books were catalogued by Stephen Hopkins. (Letter of Moses ISrown, l.s'^:!). No copy of this catalogue is known to exist. But there is in the .John Carter P.rown library at I'rovidencc, a neatly printed " Cata- logue of all the books belonging to the Providence I, ibrary," published in 1708; and in this a star * is used to designate such of the books in the former col- lection as escaped burning by being in the hands of readers at the time of 130 STKPHEN HOPKINS. Four yeur.s later,' unfortiiiuitely, the building was burned y^ nnd the groiitcr part of the lil)rary with it. Some of the treasures^ of the library, however, were at that time in the hands of renders, and were thus preserved."* On the completion of the suercs.sor to this building', (the i)resent State House biiihling), four years later,'' the lil)rary [)roi)rietors were again authorized" to make use of it for their newly collect- ed library." In l(So() its books became the property tliL' tire. 'I'lic cala!<>j;no is of no little interest, as show iiif> wliat hooks Stei'lieu Hopkins and his associates thoiiglil it necessary to liave at liand. 'J'lie classics are exceedingly well rejiresenti (i. So also is the standard Kuglish literature of that century as well as of previous periods. Milton and Hooker, the Spectator and the Guardian, Itacon and J^ocke, are on the library shelves. History is well ref/resenled in 'fhucydides, I'lutareh, Sallust, I'aeilus, Clarendon, IJurnct, and many otiiers; but I'rince's " New England chronology'' appears to be tlie only work of American history comprised, except Herrera and La Uontnn. These last entries show that Iheie were critical scholars among their readers. Political science and international law were rejiresented by Coke, ^'attel. I'uf- fendorf, Grotius, and the "Lex niercatoria rediviva." The library also con- tained a copy of Franklin's work on ■' Electricity," in (puirlo form. This catalogue is an exceedingly rare pamphlet. 1 December :;:4, 175S. 2 Staples's "Annals," p. 53-4. 3 It had now become, to use the language applied to it in 1759, •' a very valuable collection of books." (K. I. Col. Records, V. 215). 4 These are designated by a star * in the catalogue of l?(i8. 6 17(W. Staples's "Annals," p. IM. 6 I!. L Col. Kecords, VI. 215. 7 Stephen Hopkins, says Moses ISrowu, was "active in securing another library, which arrived " soon after. (Letter to Uobcrt Wain, 182:i). A CITIZKN OF riiOVIDEN'CE. 131 of the Providence AtheuaMim/ (incorporated 1831), which is thns its lineal successor. It was not until more than forty years later^ that a " pul)lic library " was established in Providence, on such a f>asis as to become, to use Stephen Hopkins's own language, ^ "so much the more useful as" it is "more free, and within reach of the poor as well as the rich." The end contemplated by these founders^ of the 1 Staples's "Annals," p. 5:!-i-:W. Itss builiUng was opened to tlic public, July 11,1838. Soe the "Discourse dcliverPd at the opening of the Providence AthenEeum," by I'lisident Francis Wayland, of lirown I'niversity. This library was, in 18r(>, the tenth in size in New England, and among the most carefully selected in the country. 2 Opened to the public Feb. 4, 187^. "Firsl annual report of the librarian of the Providence Public Lilirar}." 3 Used with reference to public schools. (Quoted in Sanderson's "biog- raphy of the signers," VI. 251. •1 Some of these were Stephen Hopkins, Chief-justice Cole, Judge Jenckes, Colonel Ephraim Bowen, and Nicholas Brown. Most of them were also mem- bers of that " political club," which was a very noteworthy factor in the development of a patrioticspirit during the years 1703-74, and in whose society, perhaps at Stephen Hopkins's house, John Adams's friend, Daniel Leonard, passed a very agreeable evening in 17y lli': yi'iii' I7<)i?, ]><■ w.v-. (lonlill'- •, in ))';■■,<•, i'*ii (A .■III jiii)»')rl ;i III lli ,l<)rif;i I < ol li-cl ir>i). I'loiii llic (• ));i|)<:i ■, ;iii'l Irniii llic i iil flliyciil liidy' wliidi lie l)ri)ii"lil l<( l(C,ir iijioii IImmi, t ();'Ii jiijiI jmlliiii) litli m-sii «( l< (/i|)< I , ;iii )/liiliily oil ■••)'viil/li- 111 III.- Ill I'/ili'iil wiillii(/;-. / li"'.-<- ;ui <|iiiiil llli IiIk llllll'. till- III! lllill il|r:i:l|llil|l- W)l)i;ll III' Itrljllll'll h )irl.: '.) 11.-. linn-. I'.lll )l llllll ^/H'ill l-Jil'I'lll'lli;!-.--, llUlll ill :-.|/'ll',< II Mini Wl jlllll fll.'TC'llll'KI!, Ill wii.-:, ••iiy.- .M'l^iK I'.riiwii, "iilwiiy.- I'lllii- j/ninl , < liiir, cidiilsi-, [n) Ijin'iil, jiKVV" rlul, ;-()iiiiliiiii';: i-iii-);j;ill<^, (/< in-iiil)y iiiliii, liilloiiiil, iinil ''')iivi(i<;)ii(f ; =■= »l''V<'l' )<-Mp;lliy, lull <)lliii :||i,il iiii'l jdlliy," (l.illii lo l!''■>' Uii lii.Miiini-, l(,. I. ci,), Kiiniiia, VI. r/n-n'.i, ll'J ii'i, ■Ui'i '■':/. ','i/iM)iiiri' iil.^') '.liiijili-r \lll. 1)1 llii.- w')ilt/. Till- Biiiiii- <(iiiilllii 8 (di- JiiiulHiBl ijl l))« " MjKl'lllciti l»i;(;0lllll ni Hm liliinlln// nml )/ii)".lli >)( J'COVi'll IM'l'." U rillili •! ill III' /'/<-/!///<;/s(M|iit'iil cliaplfi's.^i 'i'o a siihsocpUMit fliaplcr' lu'loiius also lli(> cotisid- tM'alioii of Sti'plu'ii llo[»kiiis'.s cMUiiu'ctioii with Iho loiiiitlatioii and .support ol' llu' earliest Providoiico no\vspai>er.' The motive tor its estahlishment at (hat time, (17(">2), was largely, i)tU'haps i)i'odoniiiia- lini^ly, — political. ll, Imwiver. played no iiniin- portant part in the unidual advaiu'i> ot llu^ now tlioroiiu'lily awakened town, aloii;;' its various liiu's ol' eommereial, ediieational and social proiii'oss. SKViaJAI. KUANKI.IN lOKAS. The stiideiii of (lovernor Hopkins's i'art>er cannot, fail to remark tlu' repeated instances in which he is ill some way hriui^^ht into coniu'ction with lUMijamin Fnmklin. The noU'wurthy resemlilance in llu^ cir- cnnislMiicos under which thcii' " suhjcripl ion lihra- I ll siiipM III UW.i. I lii'i'i' I'liu lit' IlKk' (loiilit Ilitii he hail iiiiiti'iiiil I'or I'lir- ryl«K It I'urllx'i'. •J 8»'.' ApiMiulK H. a S.'c Clmiitos VI.. \ III., |\. •I SiH' rliii|iiii' \ HI ft 'I'Uv l^roviilcncff liir.i tie. 136 STEPHEN HOPKINS. ries" were established, has ah'eacly been mentioned.' The establishment of this newspaper in 17G2 is more than likely to have grown ont of Hopkins's oppor- tnnity for observing Franklin's pre-eminent success in forming public opinion by his newspaper at Phila- delphia,- and also, perhaps, from correspondence^ with him regarding it. Only six years later (1768) the management of the Providoice Gazctfe passed into the hands of John Carter,'' a native of Philadel- phia, and one of Franklin's l)est tried and most approved apprentices. The mastei- in this case cer- tainly had no occasion to feel ashamed of his appren- tice's work.'' Two other " Franklin ideas " appear at Providence in or about 1754, the year from which 1 See pages 127-20. 2 See cliapter VJII. 3 No letters of tliis period are pre^e^ve(l, liowever. 4 He was a eonstaut coadjutor of nojikiiis aiui tlje JJrowns, and his daugh- ter married tlie son of one of these four brothers, (Nichohis Brown, .Tr.). 5 " The Ga-^c'l'e" says Staples, " under the editoiship of Jrr. Carter, is such a raonuinent as the liruiest patriot and the best citizen might honestly desire. He prided himself on the typographical correctness of his paper, and the pub- lic relied on the correctness of its contents. It would be difficult to find an error in eitlier department, justly chargeable to Mr. Carter." (Staples's "Annals," p. 514-45). This testimony is abundantly confirmed from other sources. John Carter Hrown, son of Nicholas Brown, the younger, was a grandson of .Tohn Carter, and was named for liini. A CITIZEN OF PROVIDENCE. 137 the intimacy between Frunlvlin and Hopkins proba- bly dates. These are the post-office and the tire department. "No trace," says Staples, "can be found of tiie Hrst establishment of a post-office in Providence."' It is certain, however, that it existed in 1758,- and in all prol)abillty earlier. Franklin's appointment as deputy-post-master-gencral of the American colonies dates from 1753,3 though he had been appointed postmaster of Philadelphia, as early as 1737.' A systematic fire department, first put in practice by Franklin in Philadelphia in 11S6,^ was organized in Providence in 1754 f Hopkins's frequent 1 Staplcs's "Annals," p. 014. 2 Some attempt at postal service luid existed since KJ'Jl, (Stiiples's "An- nals," p. r his coinioctiim willi thus matter, sec thf U. I. Col. llccords.'V. 15-16 29-30, 3u'-:i:i, .■!;■-). a Ouinborland, Wiurcii, ISristol, 'rivcrtoii, und Little Coinptoii. 3 The royal dt'crcc cstablishiiijv tlie new bouiuhiiy lines is (hited May 1.'8, ITlCi; tlic report ot'tlie Rhode Island eoiiiinissioners, ai)i)ointed in coiiseiiuence of the decree, is dated .Jan. fi, 17-ir.-7, (It. I. Col. Records, V. 199); tlie five towns received incorporation from tlie Uliode Island (ieneral Assembly, .Jan. 27, 1710-7, (R. I. Col. Records, V. L'Ol-fi) ; they were assij^ned to their respect- ive counties, by vote of the (ieiuM-al Assenil)ly, in February, 171('>-7, (R. I. Col. Records. V. 208-9). A CITIZEN OF niOVIDENCE. 145 commissions were appointed in 1748,^ 1750,2 and 1751.3 But there seemed to be no definite point reached, and at the June session, 1751, the matter was placed^ in the hands of Stephen Hopkins and two others for thorough examination. They con- ferred with commissioners from Connecticut,'^ and in 1752 reported^ that the "skillful artists," ^ Wood- ward andSaffery, who, in 1642, had said they knew where this line struck the Connecticut River, were several miles out of the way.^ 1 K. I. Col. Records, V. 255. 2 Ibid., V. 281, 299. .3 Ibid., V. .322-25. 4 Ibid., V. 333. 5 One of the Connecticut commissioners was Roger Wolcott, Jr., afterwards Stephen Hopkins's associate in the Albany congress. 6 April 4, 1752. (R. I. Col. Records, V. .346-48. Bowen's " Boundary dis- putes of Connecticut," p. 62-fi3). 7 What the Massachusetts government meant, says Mr. Clarence Bowen, "by calling these surveyors ' skillful artists,' seems a matter of conjecture." (Bowen's "Boundary disputes of Connecticut," p. 19). 8 The Massachusetts government appointed as surveyors of this line in 1642, Nathaniel Woodward and Solomon Saffery. " They started the line," says Mr. Bowen, " from the point they thought was three miles to the south of the southernmost part of Charles river, and instead of extending the survey acrosB the country, they sailed round Cape Cod, and up the Connecticut River, to the point they supposed was in the same degree of latitude with the starting point." This was more than four miles too far south. They were thence sarcastl- caUy called "the mathematicians." (See Bowen's "Boundary disputes of Connecticut," p. 19, 63, and Map IV.) In this case, though Stephen 13 146 STEPHEN HOPKINS. Durins: Governor Greene's first administration > the war with France and Spain^ broke out. Stephen Hopkins's friend, Jabez Bowen, the elder, was a colonel in the Rhode Island line, at the time of the reduction of Louisburg, and shared in the glory of that campaign.^ After the close of this year's active military operations,^ Stephen Hopkius waited on Sir Hopkins did not personally survey it, no doubt his careful training as a surveyor, in his youth, served him in good stead. He was frequently called to put this training in practice even until "advanced in life," says Moses Brown. The same writer says : " To illustrate his skill, I will mention that I was with him about the year 1769. We were laying out and surveying a piece of land in Scituate for the use of our furnace, [Hope Furnace], when we had to pass through a very thick, shrubby plain. When we got through, he felt for his watch to see the time of day, and it was missing. It occurred to us that probably it caught by the bushes and was hauled from his fob. He set the same course back, and found the watch hanging in the bushes." (Letter to Robert Wain, 1823). 1 1743-45. 2 The "'War of the Austrian succession," 1744-48; known in America as " King George's war." 3 " When the expedition against Louisburg was projected," says Sir Wil- liam Pepperrell's biographer, " Rhode Island entered heartily into it, and raised three companies of one hundred men each, [and] paid them more liber- ally than any other colony." He adds : " The troops failed of reaching Boston in season to embark witli I'epperrell. They, however, proceeded early in July, and proved a valuable reinforcement in preserving the conquest." (I'ar- 8ons's " Life of Sir William Pepperrell, p. 135). 4 Most of the New England troops appear to have returned in 1740. The reduction of Louisburg took place in 1745. A CITIZEN OF PROVIDENCE. 147 William Pcpperrcll, at Boston, i at the request of the General Assembly, and was successful in having the really very creditable participation of this colony in the war properly placed on record. 2 During this period two issues of bills of credit took place, the second one being made the occasion of a vigorous in- terference by the home government. The General Assembly, on receiving a letter^ from the English secretary of state, containing inquiries as to these successive issues, voted to place the matter in the hands of a committee (Stephen Hopkins and three others), to make examination and report. 4 The committee possessed too much intelligence to pre- sent a defence of the practice, and their report was almost wholly limited to a statement of the bare facts. But this occasion presented a good oppor- tunity for the committee to emphasize the ruinous tendency of the course to which Rhode Island had 1 R. I. Col. Records, V. 202. 2 See also General Wolcott's letter in testimony of the service of the Rhode Island troops, (dated Nov. 15, 1745). (R. I. Col. Records, V. 155). 3 Dated July 10, 1749. Printed in the R. I. Col. Records, V. 278-79. 4 Their report is dated, Newport, Feb. 27, 1749-50. (Printed in R. I. Col. Records, V. 283-86). 148 STEPHEN HOPKINS. been committing herself, and by an appeal to the intelligence and sense of honor of the colony to pro- cure the arrest of the tendency by its own action, withont waitino^ for the home government to act. That the committee did not do so may perhaps have been due to timidity ; perhaps also to an impression that their words would produce no eflect. This action is less excusable in Stephen Hopkins than in the other members, for it had alreadv been made clear that his influence was equal to nearly any emergency, where public opinion was to be shaped. The opportunity was lost ; and the very next year witnessed another of the insane issues of paper money by the General Assembly, to the amount of £25,000.^ The long suftering merchants of New- port, convinced that there was no farther ground for believing that this body would act intelligently in the matter, resolved to appeal to the King. This they did, in a petition^ dated September 4, 1750, 1 Potter's " Bills of credit," p. 72-77. 2 Printed in R. I. Col. Records, V. 311-13. A CITIZEN OF PKOVIDENCE. 149 aud signedi by seveuty-two of their number ;— pray- ing that the General Assembly " may be prevented and efFectually restrained from making or emitting any more bills of credit upon loan." The appeal appeared to beeliectual, and a bill- passed the House of Commons, in 1751, prohibiting any farther issue. But in one sense even this beneficent interference came too late. The expenses of the Louisburg campaign, in 1745, had left all the New England colonies financially embarrassed ; and an appropria- tion of £800,000 was made by parliament in 1747,^ to reimburse these colonial outlays. Upon this, the colony of Massachusetts Bay, seizing the favorable moment, imposed a sufficiently heavy tax in addition, for this special purpose, and was able to redeem every one of her outstanding bills.'* There appear 1 Among the names signed to this petition are those of Abraham Eedwood, Joseph Harrison, Peter Uarrison, Henry Collins, Heury Ball, John Cole, and George Gibbs. 2 Potter's " Bills of credit," p. 84-86. 3 See Sumner's " History of American currency," p. 34. 4 This action of Massachusetts is to be credited largely to the intelligent exertions of Governor Thomas Hutchinson, at that time a member of the General Court. (Sumner's " History of American currency," p. 34). 150 STEPHEN HOPKINS. to be several reasonsi why the Rhode Island colony did not take the same action ; but she did not take it, as she had abundant reason subsequently to regret. CONNECTION WITH THE COURTS. - It was in the year just mentioned (1747), that Stephen Hopkins, who, in 1736, became justice of the Court of Common Pleas of Providence County,^ was now made one of the assistant justices of the Rhode Island Superior Court."* This position he held only two years, but in 1751 he was made Chief-justice of the Superior Court. '^ This latter position he held at the time of his election as governor, in May, 1755.*" First and last, Stephen 1 See Potter's " Bills of credit," (p. (!7), where it is pointed out that Rhode Island at this time received from the honu' government only £7,800, out of her share of the funds, amounting to £16,407; and that a tax adequate to discharge the obligations at this time " would have amounted to nearly £14 per capita." 2 Compare Appendix F. .'( See Records of the Providence County Court of Common Pleas, I. 163. 4 Records, (Mss.) of K. I. Superior Court, I. 1. 6 Ibid., I. 81. 6 Governor Hopkins, no doubt, at once resigned the office of Chiefjustice, on assuming the executive chair; for Francis Willet was elected Chief-justice at the May session of the General Assembly in 1755. ("Acts and resolves," May, 1755, p. 8). But owing to the failure, probably, of Mr. Willet to qualify, a new election took place at the August session of the General Assembly in the same A CITIZEN OF PROVIDENCE. 151 Hopkins had considerable to do with the courts, and with hiwsiiits ; but he had never " studied law," in the sense in which this language is used of an edu- cated lawyer of our day. It is therefore at first sight somewhat singular that he should have gradu- ally risen to the highest attainable position in this as well as in each one of the other lines of advance- ment open to him. The truth is, that until long after this date, (to quote from Chief-justice Durfee), "the regular lawyers were few, and must have been imperfectly trained and slenderly equipped." i An elective judiciary was the established practice in this colony ; and in the annual choice of judges the pref- erences of the citizens lighted now on some active farmer, now on some tradesman who had risen to year, (1755), at which the Assembly chose "His Honor the Governor Chief- justice of the Superior Court of Judicature," etc., etc. ("Acts and resolves," August, 1755, p. 36; see also p. 44). Governor Hopkins served under this election from August, 1755, to May, 1756, when John Gardner was elected his successor. ("Acts and resolves," May, 1750, p. 7). Thiscertainly very unusual occurrence is pronounced by Arnold "a union of the highest executive and judicial powers in the colony, as rare as it would, at this day, be thought dangerous. It attests the confidence of tlie people in his integrity and nncommon mental attainments." (Arnold's " Rhode Island," IT. iy4). 1 Durfee's " Gleanings from the judicial history of Rhode Island," p. 66. 152 STEPHEN HOPKINS. mercantile prominence in the Town Street, — and at rare intervals, on some thoroughly equipped lawyer, like William Ellery or David Howell. The wonder is that these annual choices of the General Assem- bly resulted so well. "For the ordinary run of judicial business," Judge Durfee remarks, "honesty, good sense, diligence, and fair-mindedness," were "tolerable substitutes for professional learning." ^ From this point of view, Stephen Hopkins can easily be believed to be a satisfactory public officer. " Though not a lawyer," says Judge Durfee, he " was doubtless a good judge."- Little remains to throw light on the cases^ which came up before him for deci- sion. The one best known is the curious case of Maw- uey vs. Peirce,4 in 1752, in which the "omnipotent"^ General Assembly pronounced*' upon the validity of the court's rulings, as it assumed to do thirty-four years later in the case of Trevett vs. Weeden,^ and 1 Durfee's " Gleanings from the judicial history of Khode Island," p. 91. 2 Ibid., p. 93. Z For the case of Angell vs. Belknap, sec Appendix F. •1 See Records (Mss.) of the K. I. Superior Court, I. 86, 92, 9^100, 106. 5 See Arnold's " Rhode Island," II. 520. 6 K. I. Col. Records, V. 358-59. 7 Arnold's " Rhode Island," II. 526-28. A CITIZEN OF PROVIDENCE. 153 as it repeatedly claimed the right to do even into the present century.^ It was during Stephen Hop- kins's first chief-justiceship, that suitable court houses^ were provided at East Greenwich and Kingston, for the accomodation of the court. 3 HIS INFLUENCE. The thirteen years daring which Stephen Hopkins had now been a citizen of Providence,^ had been years of the closest application and unremitting attention to public business. It was impossible that 1 Durfee's " Gleanings from the judicial liistory of Hhode Island," p. 61-65. 2 K. I. Col. Records, V. 349-50. (Arnold's " Rhode Island," II. 185). 3 The following memorandum shows the official connection of Stephen Hopkins with Rhode Island courts during his life. »Justice of the Inferior Court of Common Pleas for Providence County, 1736-40, (Records, C. C. P., I. 163,201,224,256,277, 303, 319, 341, 370, 384); ^Clerk of the same, 1741-44, (Records, C. C. P., I. 433, 485, 529, 605; II. 1, 31, 93, 169, 217) ; 'Clerk of the same, 1746, (Records, C. C. P., H. 363) ; Assistant-justice of the Superior Court of Judicature of Rliode Island, 1747-49, (Records, R. I. Superior Court, I., 1, 22; R. I. Manual 1882-83, p. 134); Chief-justice of the same, 1751-55, (Rec'ordl, R. I. Superior Court, 1.81, 87,94, 101, 109, 116, 127, 137); Chief- justice of the same, 1755-56, (Records, R. I. Superior Court, I. 149, 163) ; Chief-justiceofthesame, 1770-70, (Records, R. I. Superior Court, II. 36,53, 67,90, 125, 155,200, 205, .323). Metcalf Bowler does not appear to have suc- ceeded him until March, 1776. He also acted as justice of the peace, from 1736. (See Appendix F). 4 For his later connection with town interests, see Chapters IX, XI. 154 STEPHEN HOPKINS. such a citizen should fail to make his personality, his iuflueuce, and his effprts felt ; and as a conse- quence, neither the town of Providence nor the col- ony of Rhode Island was the same community at the end of this period as at the beginning. The town was wealthier, more enterprising, more influ- ential ; the colony was more united, more aggressive, more disposed to defend and develop its commer- cial facilities. The new issues which were now forming, and which are to be considered in subse- quent chapters grew in part out of this fact. The growth of Providence, at first unnoticed and dis- missed from attention, was now seen to be giving Newport a rival in the internal control of the colony ; and this fact soon made itself manifest in Rhode Is- land politics.! The commercial growth of this, with other American colonies, likewise, when once recognized by the home government, led to the more literal and stringent enforcement of those repressive measures which precipitated the war, and eventually resulted in the independence of the colonies.- 1 See Chapter VII. 2 See Chapter VIII. I CHAPTER VI. THE STATESMANSHIP OF THE ALBANY CONGRESS. There were few, doubtless, among the industrious burghers of that quaint old town in which the Al- bany congress of 1754 held its three weeks' ses- sion, ^ who looked upon it as anything but one more interview with the Indian chiefs whose favor it was constantly necessary to secure. Nor was it until within the present century that this conference was seen to have been a most important step in the gradual progress towards a national government on this continent. This progress was anything but a simple and un in- volved tendency. There are four political ideas which are at once seen to underlie the successive movements of the eighteenth century ; — Local self- government ; Union ; Independence ; Nationality. 1 It assembled June 19, 1754; and was dissolved July 11, 1754. 156 STEPHEN HOPKINS. Yet any attempt to treat these tendencies otherwise than as interlacing with each other ; and as now coming to the front in this shape, now in that, is met with insurmountable difficulties. The tendency to local self-government was, no doubt, the earliest to manifest itself. It was inherent in the very charters which furnished the basis of colonial organization; and if it had not been, it would have been evolved from the essential spirit of the asserted rights of the colonists, as Englishmen. Independence, however, particularly in the form into which the idea finally developed, was not in the letter of the colonial charters ; nor was this stage reached until after a century and a half of political a""itation. Long before this was attained, the idea of union had become one of the most familiar and significant, in the thought and discussion of the col- onists- More than one scheme of uuioni is to be found, from which the veriest suggestion of independence is conspicuously absent. Yet it was not until inde- 1 For a reference to some of these schemes, see Appendix G. 8TATESMAXSHIP OF THE ALBANY CONGRESS. 157 pendence had boon secured, that the problem of union became in truth a vital one ; and a most per- plexing question of method and detail. And with this last stage of progress came, as the latest and the consummate development of this new world political growth, the nationality of the American people ; — a nationality in which, as a whole, each subordinate centre of local self-government finds its harmonious jidjustment. From the nature of the case, the current at first set most strongly away from the centralizing tenden- cies, and in the direction of isolation, and the most pronounced self-government. There is of course a difference in degree to be noticed, in comparing one colony with another ; yet in general this was true of all. Nowhere, however, was it more completely the case from the first ; and nowhere did the tendency continue longer, than in Rhode Island. Self-govern- ment in fact could safely be pronounced the essen- tial principle in its p(^litical theory and practice. When, at some future time, the Rhode Island town o-overnmants of the seventeenth century shall receive lo8 STEPHEN HOPKINS, the cotnpreheiisive stud}' which so fascinating a field invites, it will he found that they were scarcely less than little "states," in the functions which they exercised ;' and that the successive steps hy which they were brought to unite in the first General As- sembly in 1647,2 and later to accept the more rigid restraints of the charter of l()i33,-' ma}- as truly be described as concessions ''extorted from the ffrind- ing necessit}^ of a reluctant" people, ^ as in the case of the great political event^ of which these words of John Quincy Adams were written. The appearance and re-appearance of this early trait has already been noted in these pages. ^ It was manifested in the long neglect of communication be- tween this colony and its neijilibors ; in the failure to open highways into the adjoining colonies; in the 1 Some of tiicse may be studied (Vom the record of tlieir proceedinjjs, iu R. I. Col. Records, I. 1-HO. 2 See the late Judge Stiiplos's pampldet ou " Tlie proceedings of tlie first General Assembl)," witli notes historical and explanatory. 1847. .•5 See Arnold's " Rhode Island," I. 2iSu. 4 Address of John Qiiincy Adams, on " Tlie jubilee of the constitution," 1839, p. 55. 5 The adoptiou of the United States coustitution. « See pages 2. 110-12. STATESMANSHIP OF THE ALBANY CONGKESS. 159 long and surprising absence of commerce, for which this Bay was so perfectly adapted ; in the bitterness with which the early generations nursed their remem- brance of w^rongs and injuries received from Massa- chusetts and Connecticut; in the fact that "the old townsmen," to quote from Mr. Dorr, ''gave no cor- dial welcome to emigrants, and ottered them no in- vitation by the establishment of schools, or other means of improvement." i Yet the momentum of nature was too strong for the permanent continuance of even these deep-rooted tendencies and sentiments. Even before Stephen Hopkins entered on public life,'-^ these barriers were beorinnino- to come down. Commercial connections^ were, of course, a most important factor in this transformation. The natural market which such a 1 Dorr's " Providence," p. KiS. 2 1731. 3 The position of this port, at the head of navigation, with a productive outlying neighborhood depending on it for supplies, not only in Rhode Island, but outside the colony limits, lying moreover, in the direct path between the two constantly growing commercial centres, Boston and New York, on the route over which the King's post was obliged fo pass, is of significance in this connection. 160 STEPHEN HOPKINS. town as Providence afforded, formed cue of the in- termediate steps by vvhicli it was transformed from an isolated, agricultural community to a trading town, and later to a commercial port and manufac- turing centre. When caro'oes beo-an to be inter- changed with distant seaports ; when outside mer- chandise was introduced, — outside customs, outside ideas, and outside visitors, — there came also per- manent settlers, whose fathers and grandfathers were not Rhode Island men, but whose sons and grand- sons were to have a hand in modifying some of the fundamental ideas of the Rhode Ishmd colony.^ There can bo no doubt, also, that the very bound- ary disputes," whose existence and successive settle- ment would a[)pear to have constituted an almost ever-present source of diiHculty, had no unimportant 1 A comparison of the names most largely represented in the directories of Providence and Newport of to-day or of those connected with the business and society of both those cities, with the early records, will show that there are many such "representative names" which were not " llliode Island names " earlier tliau IHO, and which are borne by families originally identi- fied with Windham County, Connecticut, Worcester County, ^Massachusetts , Norfolk County, Massaeiiusetts, or some one of tlie counties of the "Old Colony." 2 See pages ?!, 71-ra. STATf:SMANSHIP OF THK ALBANY CONGRESS. 101 influence in nibbing off some of the projecting cor- ners of Rhode Island individualism. And when in 1747 the hist important one was settled, and the five townsi on the eastern border of the colony were defi- nitely added to its territory, there was then intro- duced into Rhode Island society, and into its politi- cal organization, a population which for more than a century had been under the jurisdiction of the Massa- chusetts and Plymouth governments, — identified with the interests, the history, and the traditions of Massachusetts.'^ This new element has not failed to contribute its share of noteworthy and influential characters to Rhode Island history, both in that cen- tury, and in our own time.^ It is sufficient to cite 1 Cuniberlaiid, Warren, Bristol, Tiverton, iiiitl Little Coiiipton. A sixtli town, Barriugton, was in 1770 formed from the territory of Warren. See p. 144 . 2 lu fact, the union of the characteristics of botli colonies in these border towns seems to have produced a somewhat felicitous result. A sentiment which can be heartily approved is that of Colonel Thomas Wentworth Higgin- lon, at Bristol in 1880. ("Celebration of the two-hundredth anniversary of Bristol," p. 75). 3 For instance, the late Professor Diman, certainly the most distinguished historical scholar that the state has produced; the late Hon. Thomas A- Jenckes, whose name is associated with more than one noteworthy instance of constructive statesmanship; and the late Chief-justice Durfee of the .Supreme Court of Rhode Island, whose son now occupies the same position ou the bench. 162 STEPHEN HOPKIXS. William Bradford, i Benjamin I^ourne,^ and James Manning,*^ among Stephen Hopkins's contemporaries. And when the stress of British hostilities,'* of paper- money madness,'"' and of opposition to the constitu- tion,^ called for the best energies and the I)est intel- ligence of Rhode Island men, no towns were more steadfast in the defence of correct principles than were these. 1 He was boru ut I'lyrapton, nyar Plymouth, was a descendant iu the fifth generation of Governor Bradford, whose name he bore, and became a resident of Bristol about 1758. He was deputy governor, 177.5-78, and P^nited State.s Senator, 1703-07. 2 He was a native of Bristol, a graduate from Harvard College in the class of 1775; served in one of the Rhode Island regiments during the war, and was elected the first representative in congress from Rhode Island, 1700. His name is found iu the "Acts and resolves," with the spelling, "Bonrn," like that of the present governor of the state. (1883-84). 3 He was a native of New Jersey, and a Princeton graduate, but a resident of Warren, K. I., from 1704 to 1770, being identified with Rhode Island College as its head, from the very first, and president until his death in 1791. See his " Life," by R. A. Guild. 4 See Cowell's " Spirit of '7(5 in Rhode Island." One of the most distin- guished names of the late civil war also — that of the late Major General Burn- side,— belongs to one of these towns (Bristol), as that of an adopted citizen, though not as a native. 5 A record of the votes of the towns on these two important questions shows the intelligent position generally taken by these. five towns. See Ar- nold's "Rhode Island," II. 520; Staples's "Rhode Island in the Continental Congress," p. 580, 1)27; 3Iunro's " History of Bristol," p. •245-4li. STATESMANSHIP OF THE ALBANY CONGRESS. 163 Undoubtedly, also, the gradual establishment in Newport !Uid Providence, of institutions such as the printing press; tlie post-office ;^ the custom-house,'^ and the insurance agencies ;^ gava a very appreciable impetus to this liberalizing tendency. Even more is to be said for the lil)rarics#of Newport and Prov- idence, which at once laid open to those who used them a world of thought and activity, by no means circumscribed by the narrow limits of the colony. And the successive movements towards a system of public education,-^ though long-delayed, may be considered to have broken down the last barrier of is(jlation. Another such tendency may be traced to what, like the boundary disputes, was apparently an evil and only an evil, — the successive wars with the European enemies of Great Britain. These rendered necessary among the American colonies constant association for military defence. Indian foes there had been, from the beginning, but since 1689 the 1 At Providence so early as 17o8. 2 At Xcwporf, lOSl. 3 At Providence so early as 17o(;. See page 11~. 4 Redwood Library, 1~4~; Providence Library so early as i:.)4. 5 From 17C7. 164 STEPHEN HOPKIxXS. ever-active aggressions of the French on this conti- nent had complicated the situation. The English colonics were a mere crust, along the Atlantic coast, under the constant, steady pressure of these allied foes. Yet the same pressure which crowded them thus tH the seaboard served also to crowd them into closer connection with each other. So early as 1643, four New England colonies were forced to take united action for protection against their foes ; and the "New England confederacy "' was formed. King Philip's war made heavy demands upon their energies, and it was ^vithin the limits of Khode Island, itself not a member of the confederacy, that the decisive campaign- occurred. In 1703 the assistance of this colony in furnishing troops was asked for in behalf of Massachusetts and New York. 3 The war of 1744-48 called out the utmost available force of all the New^ England colonies, and Rhode Island troops bore a distinguished part in the Louis- 1 Its proceedings are comprised in Hazard's " Historical collections," vol- ume 2. 2 The Narragansett Swamp fight, Dec. 19, 1075. Arnold's " Rhode Island," I. 403-6. 3 Arnold's '• Shode Island," II. 13. . STATESMANSHIP OF THE ALBANY CONGKESS. 165 burg campaign.^ The " Seven years' war,""' also, M'hich was one of the episodes of Stephen Hopkins's governorsiiip, made constant demands on the resources and military spirit of Rhode IsUmders. In Khode Island, moreover, the commercial instinct had now become so fully developed, though so late in manifesting itself, that the service of its citizens was quite as frequently and as f()rcil)ly rendered on the seas as on the land.^ From 1703 onward, no French, nor Spanish, nor Indian foe longer molested the colonies. But the colonists had formed the habit of acting together. They possessed officers and men, trained in the act- ual experiences of war. The foundation had been laid, unwittingly, so far as the home government 1 Not at the siege itself, but as a most " valuable reinforcement in preserv- ing the conquest." (Parsons's "Sir William I'epperrell," p. i;!5). 2 Referred to in many colonial records as " The Old Frencli war." 3 For the achievements of the privateer Tartar, see Sheffield's address on "The privateersmen of Newport," p. 1.V17. " While Louisburg," he says, "was besieged by the ships of Sir Peter Warren in front, and by the army of Sir William Pepperrel in the rear," nine luuidred French and Indians under command of M. Marin, were crossing the Bay of Fnndy as reinforcements, and were successfully repulsed by the Tartar. " This expedition " of the Tartar, says Sheffield, " probably decided tlie fate of Louisburg." (p. 1(5, 17). 166 STEPHEN HOPKINS. was concerned, which was to serve as a basis for the "continental" army of 1775, under the command of that same Colonel Washington, whose military ex- perience had been acquired in Braddock's campaign, in 1755 ; in the support of which, moreover, Stephen Hopkins was to tind pre-eminently serviceable that familiarity with military organization which the duties of his administration' had rendered necessary during the "Seven years' war." But military experience was not the only thing for which the colonists were indebted to the danger from French aggressions. To this same source they owed the institution known as the " congress of dele- gates." This political agency, regarded by the home government with complacency and even approval, so long as it served merely for local military defence, became at last the medium throiio-h which were reached successively, remonstrance against measures touching political rights, determined resistance to those measures, and finally, political independence. The New England confederacy of 1643 to 1686, as has been already indicated, ^ did not include 1 See Chapiers VII., X., XI. 2 See p. C. STATESMANSHIP OF THE ALBANY CONGRESS. 167 Rhode TsUind. An ill-considered letter of William Coddington, applying for admission in 1648, ^ bronght onl}^ a refusal from the commissioners. Whatever sentiment of union might have been developing in Rhode Island, either at Newport or Providence, was very effectually extinguished by this action. Yet the existence of this confederacy for forty years was a most important and significant fact in American political development; and there is no doubt that it prepared the way^ for that intensity of sentiment in favor of colonial union and co-operation which, in the next century, was strong enough to sweep Rhode Island along also. Rhode Island was not, however, represented in the earliest of the nine congresses^ which preceded that of 1754. In some instances, no doubt, she was not invited.^ In others, the importance of the prin- 1 Printed in Uazard's " Historical collections," II. 99-100. 2 See Frotliiugham's " Rise of the republic," p. 72. 3 lOS-1, lOO.'?, 1001, 1709, 1711, 1722, 1741, 1748, 1751. See Frothingham's "Rise of the republic," p. 118-20. There were also "interviews of governors," of less importance than these, as for instance in 1740 and 1747. 4 The invitation was certainly received in 1746 and 1747. (R. I. Col. Rec- ordi, v. 157, 108-69,219}. 168 STEPHEN HOPKINS. eiple had not impressed itself on the minds of her public men. Indeed it was not until Stephen Hop- kins's influence had already become a power in the colony that Rhode Island delegates were chosen, in 1740, ]754, 1755, 1757, and 1758.i No reported utterance of his, earlier than the year 1755, 2 in re- lation to this system of congresses, remains. The probability, however, that the representation of Rhode Island in the first four of these is to be con- nected with his active influence, is strengthened not only by the lact that in each of these instances the General Assembly chose him as one of the dele- gates -f^ — but also l)y the f:ict that both by correspond- ence and l)y personal intercourse lie had by this time laid the foundations of that wide acquaintance in all the colonies which subse(juently served him so 1 H. I. Col. Keconls, V. 108-70, :?S4-Sru colonies." Providence, 17.)5. 3 See note 4. STATESMANSHir OF THE ALBANY CONGRESS. 169 well as M member of the committee of correspond- ence.^ He was therefore, even at this time, a man of wider ontlook ami less provincial spirit than the o-reat body of his associates. An examination of the specified purposes for which these successive congresses were called^ shows that in only one instance, — that of 1754, — was a plan of union mentioned or hinted at. In all the other cases, the simple fact of danger from French or Indian hostilities is cited as the occasion of conven- ing- the deleofates. That element, in fact, character- ized the congress of 1754, in common with the others. The last preceding congresses, (those of 1748 and 1751), had found the threatened defection of the Six Nations to be a cause for serious appre- hension.^ That also was a no less distinct cause of solicitude in the debates of the All)any congress." 1 See Chapter VIII. •i A summarized record of their proceedings is given in Frotiiingham's " Rise of the republic," p. 118-20. 3 See Frothingham's "Rise of the republic," p. 110-20. 4 It probably was more or less in view tliroughout all the discussion. See the official record of the projoelings of the convention. There is an original 15 170 loniei. ■2 Printed in E. I. Col. Records, V. 3y:. 3 Printed in E. I. Col. Record-^, V. :^>r-3S. i Froia Sir Thosaas Robinson. It vras this same Sir Thomas Eobinson who, thirteen years before, had been pis«^i in a most embarrassing situation at Strthleii in I'russia, at an audience granted him by Frederick the Great, as the diplomatic representative of Euglai.d. The interview is picturesquely and dramatically dcscribe«l by the latest historian of Frederick and JIaria Theresa, the Due de Broglie. " It was the evil chance," he says, •' of the unlatky diplomatist, to find himself between two imperious natures." '•' Fi-ederick II. aid iiaria Theresa," ch. 4,. 5 It was written during the sesnon of the congress. .July o, 1754. ;R. I. Col. Reco-'ls, V. .3S7-96; . STATESMANSHIP OF THK ALBANY CONGRESS. 171 form of 51 "circLihir letter," 1 forwarded to all the colonial governors at the sa\ne time, the Lords of tnide,-2 ill letters to those more immediately in their confidence, 3 named more specifically as one of the objects of the ct)ngress, " to enter into articles of union and confederation with each other.""' Nor should it be overlooked, moreover, that the congress itself was to be a body of delegates, chosen by the respective colonial legislatures, on the basis of representation.' Here, certainly, was a plan marked out, which must have appeared an intinitely suggestive one to any American who had looked far enough into the future to forecast and calculate the American devel- opment which was possil>le. One such American there was, at least : and he had been elected a mem- 1 As appears bv the Earl of Holderne*>es sratement. ;K. I- Col. Records. V. 397). 2 The fail title of thi^ body WA< "Tae Righ: Hoaorabie the Lords of the committee of trade and plantations." 3 Lieateaant -governor DeLancey. of New York, vras in more d-irect com- municatioa with the hoTie gorernm9a: thia the other colonial officials. He also took occasion to stir up the other colonies. See his letters of March 19 . and April 22, 1751. in R. I. Col. Records, V. 3S5-86, 3SS-64. 5 gee Frothingham? '■ Rise of the republic,"' p. 152- 172 STEPHEN HOPKINS. her of this congress. Beiijanriii Franklin had come to Alhany^ with a specific phm in his pocket, for secnring the " union and confederation " thns hinted at. This was an idea which had hiin developing in his mind for months,- oratherino- siiojgestiveness and clearness ; and the appearance of it in the semi-official recommendation of the home government must have almost startled him with its appositeness to his own thoughts. He had advocated it, both by direct argument and by indirect implication, in his news- paper at Philadelphia,"^ and had freely talked of de- tails (jf the plan to his friends at New York,** on his way to the congress. 1 He was one of the delegates from Pennsylvania. 2 "There are evidences," says Sparks, "that Franklin's thoughts had been for some time turned to a union of the colonies." (Note in Franklin's " Works," III. 25). Mr. Bancroft prints, (" History of the United States," I V- 91-92, ed. of 1^52), an anonymous letter, which he believes to have been Frank- lin's, advocating " a voluntary union, entered into by the colonies themselves," (Letter of March, 1752). 3 The Pennxylvaiihi Gazette. It was in this paper that he had published only a month earlier, (May '.», 1754), the article in wliieh he introduced the wood- cut "Join or die," (tlie tigure of a snake, cut into thirteen pieces), which be- came a very eftective device, ten years later. This same article forcibly pointed out " the very great advantage of being under one direction, with one council, and one purse." 4 Lieutenant-governor Colden; Archibald Kennedy, who in a pamphlet. STATESMANSHIP OF THE ALBANY CONGRESS. 173 When the nicnibers assembled at the Court House in Albany on the U)th of June,' it was found that Penns\'lvania was not alone in appointing a dis- tinguished citizen to represent her. On the roll of the eongress were the names of Lieutenant- governor De Laneey,^ of New York, who presided ; and from the same province William Smith, the his- torian,^ and the future Sir William Johnson,^ not yet made a baronet. From the proprietary provinces of Pennsylvania and Maryland were the well known officials, John Penii, grandson of the founder ;^ Rich- published in ir.Vi, had proposed a sclieiiu' of iiniou, (Frothiugliani's " Rise of the republic," p. 116) ; and Mr. James Alexander. (Bigelow's "Benjamin P'ranklin," I. o03). See also Sparks's " Works of Beiyainin Franklin," (III. 27-32), lor some of their suggestions. 1 The congress was called for Die 14th of .lime iLetter of UeLaucey, in K. I. Col. Records, V. .386), but it did not convene until the l'.)th. 2 See Sabine's "American loyalists," (Ed. of 18(54), I. 3()~-70. 3 His account of the congress is in his " History of the late province of New York," [1608-1762], II. 219-25. Besides Stephen Hopkins (and Franklin in his "Autobiography"), Hutchinson is the only other member of the con- gress who has left in print any account of its proceedings. (See Hutchinson's " Massachusetts Bay," III. 19-23). Hopkins's account is much the fullest, 4 See the " Life of Sir William .lohnson," by W. L. Stone. (Albany, 1865) . 5 He became governor of Pennsylvania in 1763. See Sabine's "American loyalists," II. 150-64. 174 STEPHEN HOPKINS. arc! Peters ;i and Benjamin Tasker.2 From the province of New Hampshire were her fntnre gov- ernor, Meshech Weare,^ and Theodore Atkinson ;"* and from the province of Massachusetts Bay , the late Lieutenant-governor, Thomas Hutchinson, Colonel John Chandler, of Worcester, 5 and Oliver Partrido-e,*^ a man of commandino; influence in west- ern Massachusetts." Lastly, the two colonies'^ which had so tenaciously preserved their charter govern- ments through the vicissitudes of more than a cen- tury, — Connecticut and Rhode Island, — had acceded to the repeated solicitations of the home govern- ment, ^ and with unfeigned reluctance, we may he 1 Secretary of state of Pennsylvania. 2 Of JIarylanel. He Iiad, says Frothinsliam, "a high legal reputation." (" Rise of the republic,", p. 1.3S). 3 1776-84. 4 At that time Chief-justice. 5 The second of three judges of the name, in three successive generations. He was judge of the Worcester County Court of Common Pleas, 1754-(V-', and served as " special justice of the Massachusetts Superior Court of Judicature," 1756. (Whitmore's " Massachusetts civil list," p. 118, 73). Ci He was also a member of the stamp-act congress of ]7rp5. 7 For the complete list of delegates, sec Appendix H. 8 Tile only two. No other colony had been in possession of a charter since 1684; although two, (Pennsylvania and Georgia), were governed as provinces under charters, with very restricted powers. 9 For something bordering on a threat, see a letter of Governor Shirley in 1747, (printed in E. I. Col. Records, V. 235). STATESMANSHIP OF THK ALBANY CONGRESS. 175 sure, li;i(l sent iis represciitutives men of such wide experieuce in their colonial concerns, as Roger VVol- cott, Jr.,' and Stephen Hoi)kins. " America," says Mr. Bancroft, -2 "had never seen an assembly so vener- able tor thi! slates that were represented, or for the o-reat and able men who composed it." They were detained in this hospital)le old Dutch town for more than three weeks, and it is l)y no means to be sup- posed that the seventeen stated sessions of the con- gress embodied all the discussion which the occasion called forth. There wei'e, no doubt, amidst the social tea-drinkings, or the frequent tete-a-tetes of these members from distant colonies, much quiet discussion, much earnest argument, much determined canvassing of the methods and details of the plans of union. For it was found that Franklin was not the 1 Ue was at this time a justice of tlie Superior Court. It will be reniein- bored that he had been associated with Stephen Hopkins in the correction of tlie Woodw.ird and Saffery boundary line, two years before, (see page 145) . His father was a distinguished general in the Louisbtirg campaign, (see a let- ter from him in R. I. Col. Records, V. 155). His brother, Oliver Wolcott, was a signer of the Declaration of Independence, and his no less distinguished nephew, Oliver Wolcott, Jr., was Secretary of the U. S. Treasury, 1795-1801. 2 "History of the United States," IV. 121-22. See also Hutchinson's '• Massachusetts Bay," (III. 20), which pronounces it " an assembly the most deserving of respect of any which had been convened in America." 176 STEPHEN HOPKINS. only member who had , ol3-lli, 350-50, 359-00, 390-98. (lu some instances. Governor (ireene's letters are to the colony's age)it in London requesting him to act for the colony). 2 " I^ach colony," the " plan " distinctly stated, was to " retain its present constitution, except in the particulars" thereafter named. It is evident that the people in each colony would have precisely as important rights under this plan as formerly. 178 STEPHEN HOPKINS. tor a critical oxaiiiination. It was their misfortune that they wore unable to look at the subject with that breadth of vision which took in all its bearings. Indeed there was now transferred^ to this ominously regarded idea of "union," ail that bitterly narrow spirit in the colony which up to this time had ex- pended itself upon the attempts to introduce com- munication with the neighborins: colonies for trade and commerce. The war for independence, while it smothered this feeling, did not extinguish it, and it is the self-same spirit which llamed up in a final, yet intensely fierce blaze, thirty-five years later, on the question of adopting the United States constitution.'^ In Connecticut there was in 1754 a similar jealousys of an}^ movement affecting the charter (though it 1 Compare Arnokl's " Rhode Island," II. H»l. 2 See Staples's " Rhode Ishmd iu tlie Continental Congress." 3 " The conunissioners ti-om Connecticut," says Trumbull, " were wlioUy opposed to the plan. Tliey imagined that it was dangerous to the liberties of the cplonies." (Trnmbnll's " Uistory of'Connecticut," II. .355). See also the statement of " Kei^ous " published by the General Assembly of Connecticut; (reprinted in IMass. Hist. Soc. Collections, 1st series, VII. 210-14). The Con- necticut members, he.-ides Wolcott, Avere EHsha Williams, rector of Yale College, ir2f.-.':!t, and ^^'illiam I'itkin, at this time Cliirfjustire of the colony. STATESMANSHll' OF THE ALBANY CONGUKSS. 17i) subsided' many years earlier than in Rhode Ishind) ; and it is not improbable that the three delegates from that colony based their opposition to the plan chiefly on this ground. ^ That the ground taken by Stephen Hopkins, though a Rhode Island delegate, was diametrically opposite to this, will shortly be apparent. 3 But this was not the only element of opposition represented in the congress. There were men in every colony who had watched with an interest and earnestness equal to that of the colonial leaders above referred to, the widening breach between the colonists and the home government on the question of charter rights ; and their convictions in many cases, their interests in others, and later their active co-operation, were with the government. Such an 1 Conuocticut was one of tlie earliest states in support of the new constitu- tion; ratifying it in January, 1788, in less than four months after the adjourn- ment of the couveution. 2 It was certainly a not unnatural ground to take, when it is remembered that (as Franklin stated in a letter to Governor Shirley), "the powers pro- posed by the Albany plaa of union * * * are not as great as those which the colonies of Rhode Island and Connecticut are intrusted with by their charters." (Franklin's " Works," III. 61). 3 See pages 183-01, 19i-9{j. 180 STEPHEN HOPKINS. one was Thomas Hutchinson of Massachusetts, the judicial temper of whose iiivalual)le history has hiid all succeeding historical scholars under deep obliga- tion to him ;^ such was also De Lancey- of New York, who presided at this "congress." Their con- scientious opposition as " loyalists,"^ or " tories," to the measures of the colonists ten years later, does not greatly diminish the respect felt for them. They acted from their convictions. The utmost desire to 1 " To the stiuleiit,"' says Mr. Cliark-s Deane, " who seeks for the sources of our history, his work will always be iiiilispensable.'' {Historical Magazine. I. 102). 2 See Sabine's "American loyalists." p. 240-52. A letter from .John Jay, Jan. 2, irrs, printeil in Sabine. I. 3511, shows that I)e Lancey retainer! liis warm friendsliiij. '.i It is interesting to notice that, out of the twenty-five members of the congress, about one fourth became loyalists. (See Saljine's "American loyal - ists;" articles, l)e Lancey, Uoward, Hutchinson, .Johnson, Penn, and .'^mith.) It does not appear that all took the same view of it. Hutchinson and Smith, as appears from their Histories, warmly supported it. The truth is, that the question of executive authority, coming thus early in the development of the American progress towards nationality, was one which could not fail to be an embarrassing element. It was this which, from its making the president sub- ject to appointment by the crown, was apparently the strongest recommenda- tion of the plan in the eyes of the loyalists; it was this which for the same reason was its strongest condemnation in the eyes of the defenders of the colonial charters ; and it was this which the statesmanlike forecast of such men as Franklin and Hopkins accepted under protest, knowing that it must be superseded with the growth of public sentiment. STATKSMANSHIP OF THE ALBANY CONGRESS. 181 clo full justice to the toiy delegate from Rhode Isl- and, (Howard), who acted with them, does not authorize the use of the same language in his case. Neither by patriot nor by Io3^alist,i in the authentic testimony of his own time, is any such flattering testimony bestowed. He was, however, a man of more than averao-e ability, and his influence, if not counteracted, would have been a very marked hind- rance to the colonists. Frasdilin's own plan, fully outlined in his papers collected by Mr. Sparks, ^ is worthy of the most care- ful study, especially i:i comparison with that actually adopted, 3 as shown in the official record of the con- gress. The difference, and it is an essential dilTer- ence, is that Fraidvlin's original and decided prefer- 1 " His reputation," says Sablue, " does uot appear to liave been good; nor does it seem that tlie calm and moderate respected liim." " Careful pens," he adds, "speak of his profligate character, and of his corrupt and wicked designs." (Sabine's "Anieiican loyalists," p. 3G'J)- A remark of his, some years after, (quoted in Updike's " Xarragausett Church," p. 2:21), shows that he took a somewhat mercenary view of his enforced removal from this colony. 2 Franklin's " Works," III. 26-27. 3 This also is printed in Franklin's " Works," HI. 30-55; also in R. I. His- torical Tract, No. •.). (".V true representation of the plan formed at Albany," by Stephen Hopkins, edited by S. S. Rider), p. .Ti-Sy. 1(J 182 STEPIIKN HOPKINS. ence was for an executive officer who would possess actual executive powers. i The congress in seveial instances curtailed and hedged in this power. As was natural, the deep-seated measures of Franklin ni(^t with warm opposition ; — "almost every article," as he states, " being contested by one or another."- Hut the result of the fortnii^ht's del)ate was, that after Ix'ing moditied in some im})ortant jiartictilars, his i)laii was "agreed to " ■' b}- the delegates, as expressing their views ; and it was resolved that the commissioners from the several ofovernments be desii'ed to lav tiie same before their respective constituents, for tiieir consideration f'-i and this is ;dl that the congress Avas in reality authorized 1 Coiiiimi'i- tlic i)i-()visi(i)is of the 1st section, in c'lcli instance. ■2 Letter ot .Inly 21, 1754. (Citert by Hanoroft ; " Inited States," IV. IvU). .'( 'I'liis hin.i;Map;e is that of the oHicial " lleconl of jiroceedings," July St, 1754. n seems that tlieie was a very vigorons opposition, i)aiticularly on the part of the Connecticnt ilelejrates. Hntoliinson's stati'nient, therefore, (" His- tory of the piovince of Jlassachnsetts l!ay," III. 'S.\), that it was "unani- mously voted," cannot be correct. The error, jierhaps, arose from con- foundinji this vote with iliat passed earlier in the sessions of the con^jress, (Jnne 24, 1754), when tlie commissioncr.s did vote "unanimously" that "a nnion " is "at present absolutely necessary." .\s to tile specilic method, there was not unanimity. 4 Hecord of pi'ocee{lini;s. .?ulv 10, 17o4. o STATESMANSHIP OF THE ALBANY CONGUESS. 183 to do.i Fnuiklin'o per^iuisive powers and unrivallccl tact had in this instance achieved a striking success ; but it is to bo feared that some of the delegates,— to judge from their attitude after they returned home,— were but "convinced against their will," and could never be depended on to support the plan. It one <>-ljinces over the roll of the delegates,^ it will be difficult to find many names of those who could have had very hearty sympathy with it, from the consid- erations already uoted. In fact, there is only one member of the congress who appears to have had the same power of political prescience as Franklin in this matter. That member is Stephen Hopkins. It has been more than once remarked that these two New-Englanders had many characteristics in common. They were almost exact contemporaries. Franklin was born only one year earlier than Hop- kins, ^ and survived him K-ss than five years. ^ Both were Americans of a very noteworthy type and of 1 See the instructions given by several of the colonial governments, printed in U. I. Historical Tract, IX. p. 3-8. •I See Appendix II. 3 Franklin was l)orn Jan. 17, 1705-0; Hopkins, llarch 7, 1706-7. 4 Hopkins died July 1.3, 1785; Franklin, April 17, 1790. 184 .STEPHP^N HOrivINS. strongly in:u-kec] iiKlividiiality. In IkjUi inslunces, nativd al)i!ity and talents went far towards connter- balancing the lack ot" early opportunities for educa- tion. Both, in after life, were deeply impressed with the necessity for public education, and endeav- ored to secure its hlessinofs for others.^ Both were deeply interested in scientific studies and pursuits. ^ Both had a homely, hut often forcible style. ^ Both were fortunate, to an exceptional degree, in pos- sessing the power of lucid statement; and their lan- guage was "good English," in the sense of being clear. Both took pains to educate public sentiment,'* by 1 See Bisclow's " Franklin," I. 2Ss-',)2 ; also pages 50-5'^, IIS-J:'! of this work. 2 Sec Bigelow's " Franklin," I. -^'74-78; also page VM of this work. Hopkins was, in 17()8, elected to membership in the American riiilosopliical Society, perhaps on the suggestion or nomination of Franklin himself. (Ilecords of the American I'liilosophical Society, April 1, 17(58). 3 See Tyler's " History of American literature," II. I'ol, which speaks of Franklin's style a.s a " pure, pithy, racy, and o radical a measure of iudeiicndonce; and this Franklin and nopkins knew very well. 1 Printed in U. I. Hist. Tract, IX. 00-01, wlici-c it is cited by " IMiilolethcs." 1! K. I. Hist. Tract, IX. 01. 190 STEPHEN HOPKINS. Utmost endeavors to get it put off until such time as the govern- ment is furnislied with a copy, and have opportunity of making answer thereunto." ' It was after the subject had thus been pretty well turned over and canvassed, that Mr. Hopkins him- self entered the field with a pamphlet,'^ dated March 29, 17o5.3 This pamphlet has none of the elevated qualities of style observed in his historical writings'* and discussions of the rights of colonies,-'' subse- quently published, nor has it anything In common with his electioneering pamphlets, issued within the next few 3'ears.^ Its interest lies in its lucid, busi- ness-like statement of facts, carefull}^ sifting from them the erroneous and unwarranted assertions then current. He ingeniously refrained from a single syllable of direct argument in favor of the plan ;" but 1 R. I. Col. Records, V. 4J4. 2 "A true representation of the plan formed at Albany, for unitin»- all the British northern colonies, in order to their common safety and defence." By Stephen Hoplvins. Providence, IMarch 20, 1705. lieprinted in R. I. Hist. Tract, IX. 1-4G. .3 The month and day as well as the year, are occasionally given in imprints of pamphlets belonging to this period. 4 See page I'M. 5 See Chapter VHI. () See Chapter VII. 7 R. I. Hist. Tract, IX. 40-40. His opponent somewhat unreasonably finds fBuH with this. (R. I. Hist. Tract, IX. 65). STATESMANSHIP OF THK ALBANY CONGRKSS. 191 by printing- the instriicticnis of tlio home government to the colonial assemblies/ the instructions of some of these assemblies to their respective commissioners, 2 the proceedings of the congress in relation to the "plan of union," ^ and the text of the plan itself,'' he effectually confuted the misrepresentations which had been made I)y his oi)ponents. This [)amphlct was followed l)y another, in reply to it, and issued over the signature of " Philolethes,"^ which is a wonderfully good s[)ecimen of the pamph- let literature of that day, repeating mis-statements which had already been exposed, and even reckless in its misrepresentations. It appears to have over- shot its mark, fen- though it was issued just in time^ to bring an intUience to bear on the election in May, Stephen Hopkins was then found to be elected gov- ernor ; with an assembly prepared for the most part to listen to whatever measures he mio^ht brino- to their attention. Yet although at the October session 1 R.I. Hist. Tract, IX. S-13. 2 Ibid., IX. 3-8. ;{ Ibid., IX. 15-31. 4 Ibid., IX.32-3y. 6 Tlie full title has already been given, .^ee page 187, note. 6 It is dated, "Ai)ril 10. 175.J." 192 STEPHEN iioriviNS. in 1755, the members of this hotly readily appointed^ His Honor tlic Governor one of the commissioners to another of those colonial cong'resses, it was per- haps because they believed that no "plan of union " was to be, or was likely to be, called up for action at its sessions. For llhoilc Island was not the only colon}' which turned the cold shoulder to Franklin's plan. That plan was not approved by a single one- of the colon- ial assemldies Ix^fore Avhich it was brought; and when the matter came in due course to the attention of [)arliament in September or October, 1751, that very home government which had been so strenuous ill urging upon the colonists the idea of " union and confederation," suddenly found that the colonists were takiu"" the re(U)mmciid:ition not only too liter- 1 K. 1. < ol. liecord;-, A'. 4(i4. This coii.s^ress ai>i(ears to liave been Ir-UI at Albany in Dfccmber. Sc(> letter of Stephen Hopkins to Mrs. Anne Smith, dated " December ."ith, 17o.j." in the possession of Miss Ruth H. Sniitli. 'Z The General ( 'ourt of Massachusetts IJay liad specifically instructed its delegates on the matter of entering into " articles of union and confedera- tion;"' and this was the only government which did give these instructions. (.Sparks's " \^'(lrks of IJenjamiu Franklin," III.:.':!). I!ut a 15oston town- meeting lield ;ifter the adjournment of the congress vigorously denounced the plan. (" Collections of the Arassachu>; Art. 1, Sect. 2, No. 3; Art. 1, Sect. 8, No. 1; Art. 1, Scct.-S, Nos. 12-1(). 4 111 the Articles of confederation. Compare Art.!), 10; Art. 5; Art. 9, 1st and fltli paragraplis. 5 Sparks's " Works of lU'iijamin Franklin," HI. 57. STATESMANSHIP OF THE ALBANY CONGRESS. 195 the plan of union in the congress, ^ but advocated it against overwiielming odds, among a people bitterly opposed both to it, and to the principle on which it rested.^ And this was not all. It was "the proper reception of" the principles developed by the leaders of the Albany congress, says Chancellor Kent, "in the minds of their countrymen," which "prepared the way for their future independence and our present greatness."^ It was the reception of these l)rinciples by the people of Khode Island, pressed upon their attention with the most persistent indus- try, and with the aid of every agency of tongue, pen, type, or personal influence, during the next twenty years, which prepared the least interested of the thirteen colonies to take a spirited and distinguished part in the contest which followed. The history of 1 Whether Hopkins was one of tliose who, as Franklin says, "had form'd plans of the same kind," (Bigelow's " Franklin," I. 308), does not appear. He was, however, a member of the special committee of seven appointed " to prepare and receive plans or schemes for the union of the colonies, and to digest them into one general plan." (" Uecord of proceedings," June 24, l~o4); a committee which is pronounced by Frothiugham " a rare combination of character, intellect, learning, and experience in public atlairs." ("Iliseof the republic," p. HO). a See pages 170-<'.». .3 Kent's " Commenjarics on American law," Ed. 1^7:>, I. 204. 19(3 STEPHEN HOPKINS. no other colony, perhaps, presents such an instance of a public man deliberately setting himself to shape public opinion, and to develop a public sentiment which should sustain and heartily approve the measures to be undertaken. " Every statesman," savs Mr. Lecky, " who is worth}' of the name, will carefully calculate the effect of his measures u[)on opinion," and "will esteem the creation of a sound, healthy, and loyal public spirit one of the highest objects of legislation." 1 The creation of such a public spirit is what most strikingly characterizes Stephen Hopkins: and it is npon this ground that a statesmanship of the most enlightened character may justly be ascribed to him. 1 Lecky's " Leaders ol public opinion in Ireland," p. viii.