E 340 
 .B6 T8 
 Copy 1 
 
 A rillBIITE TO JAMES G. BIRNEY. 
 
 One generation lias passed away sitiet; Jamks U. Biknkv attempted u> show 
 that the enslaving of men, as an institution could npt be safely tolerated in a 
 repuMiean o-ovoninient. There were peculiarities in his history that make his 
 case eminently an illustration, in the treatment exhibited toward him, of the 
 powerful and almost irresistible influence that slaveholders had acquired in 
 society, in the church, in politics, and in the control of the government in 
 Northern as well as Southern States. They will also shew that such opposition 
 as he elicited, was not excited by anything unacceptable, in himself, person- 
 ally, but was owing to the fact that he ainiouiiced truths, for which the ])ublic 
 mind was not then prepared. 
 
 It is the purpose of this article, by brief allusion to incidents occurring in 
 the cai'eer of Jamrs Gr. Biuxey, to illustrate the remarkable hold slavery pos- 
 sessed upon the regards of the people of the United States, and how difficult 
 has been the task to diminish the deference almost universally entertained for it. 
 
 In order to show that the treatment exhibited toward him as a public man, 
 was an expression of the influence of slavery, it will be necessary to make some 
 reference to his antecedents, and social position. 
 
 James G. Bikxev was a native of Kentucky. His father, through applica- 
 tion to business, and by- contracts with the government, for furnishing supplies 
 to the ariny, during the war of 181*2, had acquired a large estate. Woodland, 
 his residence, in the vicinity of Danville, had celebrity as one of the most 
 attractive sites in the State. Having only tAVo children, he spared no expense 
 in their education. His daughter married John J. Marshall, an eminent law- 
 yer at Frankfort, and afterwards, for many years, Chancellor at Loui.svillc, 
 Kentucky. 
 
 The earl}' education of the son was under the tutox'age of Mr. Priestly. 
 Subsequently lie was transferred to Transylvania University at Lexington, Ky., 
 thence to Nassau Hall, at Princeton, N. J. At this latter institution, James 
 G. Biruey was graduted in 1810, being regarded as one of the most proficient 
 linguists of his class. To accomplisii him in the study of the law, he was en- 
 tered as a student in the law office of 3Ir. Dallas, of Philadelphia, wiiere he 
 spent two years. 
 
 After traveling extensively, he entered upon the practice of the law at Dan- 
 ville, his native place. Within the following two years ho was elected 
 u member of the LegiglatUre of Kentucky. 
 
 His marriage to Miss McDowell, allied him to a large oonnectiou, both in 
 Kentucky and Virginia. 
 
 He soon after removed to Huntsville, Alabama, where he gained an enviable 
 position in his profession, and enjoyed the fruits of a lucrative practice. He 
 was elected Solicitor General for the State, and was ofi"ered a seat upon the 
 Bench. His partner, iii the law, tbr several years, was the Hon. Arthur P. 
 Hopkins, subsequently Judge of the Supreme Oourt of Alabama, and United 
 iStates Senator from the same State. 
 
2 A THIHITK TO .lA.MKS li. BIHNK^. 
 
 Wlicu tJiiliii (^. Adiiiiih was noiiiiiiutod for tho Presideucy in 1828, Jamiw 
 (t. Biriu\v vins Hclertt'd h\ tin- Wilis jiarty of Alabama as one of the Pre«iden 
 tial Kloetors for that State. 
 
 Having' made a jirofe.ssioii of religion. Jic became au active member of the 
 Prettbvteriau Chureli, and exerted an extensive influence as an elder in that 
 •lenominatioji, the more so. perhap.s. from haviiii;- been previously rofrarded a.s 
 altogether a man of tin- worltl. 
 
 IK inhoritanee and purchase, he became the owner of slaves, and had a oot 
 ton ]>iautation earried on und«'r his direction. 
 
 After his mind became engageil upon the subject of slavery us a question of 
 morals, he \vnn solicited by the American Colonization Society, to accept the 
 .«<upcrinteudeney of its interests in a district composed of flu; States of Ten- 
 nessee. Alabaina. Missi.>?sipjii, Arkansas and Louisiana. While thus engaged he 
 wa« tre.-ited with every manifestation of popular favor. When traveling 
 through the district a free juuwage. accompanied by every courtesy was tender- 
 ed him upon all ]>ublic conveyances. Funds were placed in his hands, for the 
 purpose of fitting out a vessel to sail from New Orleans freighted with Colon- 
 ists for Liberia. He had. by these opportunities, abundant means of forming an 
 opinion ;ls to the future efiect of colonization upon the permanency of slavery. 
 
 At the earnest entreaty of liis aged father, he returned to Kentucky, to 
 be Jiear hiin during his declining years. Here at his native place, he was offer- 
 ed the Professorship of Belles Lettres and Political Economy, in Centre Col- 
 lege, an institution sustained by tlie Presbyterian Churcli of Kentucky. This 
 he declined chiefly for the reasoit, that he was thou interesting himself in 
 organizing into an a.ssociation, those in Kentucky who were in favor of 
 gradual emancipation. Having known Henry Clay from boyhood, he sought 
 in stiveral interviews, his co-operation, but although receiving expression of 
 .sympathy from him in private conversation, he failed to obtain any avowal 
 publicly in favor of the plan. 
 
 T'jMiii giving the subject longer and more mature consideration, his mind 
 reached the conclusion, tiiat the doctrine of innnediate emancipation was the 
 only adeijuate remedy for the system of slavery. 
 
 No sooner IkuI he adojited tliis conviction, than he had all the slaves upon 
 his farm, and in his hou.sehold assembled, and informed them that he had exe- 
 cuted deeds of nninumission, for each and all of them, that they would be 
 recorded, ami the bonds re(|uircd filed, .so that they would no longer be slaves, 
 but freemen and free women. He further informed them, that from that time, 
 to BO njany as preferred to remain Avitli him, he would pay wages for their ser- 
 vices, and they wordd be regarded and treated as hired persons. 
 
 H(' then called ujKtn a clergyman present, to a.sk the blessing of (rod upon 
 the act. Hereupon the entire hoiiseliold. white and black, kiudt in worship, 
 and the sob.s and responses ! of the negroes made indeed an impressive scene. 
 
 Coming, at the s;une lime, to the conclusion, that colonization was inade- 
 iiuate as u renu-dy for slavery, he resigned his position as Vice-President of 
 tne State Society, and in a letter to the Secretary, gave his reasons at length 
 for doing ho. Tiie concluding paragrajdi of that letter is as follows: 
 
 " IVrniit nil-, in cnnchisioii, to siiy that tlie views siiliniiUed in this eoinmuiiicatioii, 
 an* enl<Ttainc<i aft<T loiii; and very eiirmuspect examination ot' the main suliject tu wliioh 
 lh<' IJoni in llic nii<l.-t of a sliivelioMini; cdnnnunity — aeeiisionuMl to the serviceft 
 
 "' ■ "hi my infancy — n-an'd uiiilor an cxposine lo all llie ]>iejudiccs that slavery 
 
 t>pn<'i»--an<l iK-itic niyM'll luTetoiuie, from early life, a slaveholder — my edbrts at mental 
 liborution were conmienced in tho very lowest and Kros.sosl atnio.sphero. Fearing tho real 
 ily, a.H wi-ll a-H the impiit^ition of enthiiNiaHm, each .-isccnt that my mind made to a bigh'^r 
 and piir«»rnioraI^ ru'.d inlollactnal region. 1 used, as a */(/;«/ jnmit to survey deliberately 
 
A TKIHI I'K III .l\MK> H. I!IJ!\KK 3 
 
 all the trad I li;ul li-ii. Wlieii 1 vciiieinlxMi'il liow i;iliiily ;ui(l disp.-i.ssiotiately iiiv iiiiiul lias 
 proceeded from one Initli coiiiicdiMl with llii.s suhjecl id niiolhrr still iuyiier,"— that lh« 
 opinions F have embrncd iirc those to whiili such minds iuid heiirls as WiU)erf'orce'.s and 
 Clarkson's yielded their full assent— that they are the ojunions of the disinterested and 
 excellent of our own country; I feel well salislied that my conclusions are not tlie fruits 
 of enthusiasm. When I recur to my own observation through a life already of more tlian 
 forty years — of the anti-republican tendency of slavery — and take up our most solemn 
 State paper, and there see that all men are created equal, and have a rijjht that is aliena- 
 ble to life, liberty and the ])ursuir of liapjjine.ss ; I feel a settled conviction of mind thof. 
 Slnveni, as it cxista (imon<i ks. is ojjposed to t]u> \-ery essence of our f?overmnent, and 
 that by prolongiuii it. we aic //>,'w/ (/u).-// tb,. toniKhition principles of onr happy 
 institutions.'' 
 
 '• But one word more. Tlie views contained in this letter are my own, and they have 
 been the result of my own rcadina, observation and thouglif. 1 am a member of 710 anti- 
 slavery .society, nor have ] any acquaintance, either personally or by literary correspond- 
 ence, witli any of theNorfheiu abolitionists. No one. besides myself, is committed to any 
 thintr 1 liave .said." 
 
 Tlio llev. J)r. Cox, of New York, coiinneuting upon tltis letter said : 
 •' A liirney lias shaken the continent by ))ulti7\ii down his foot : and his fame will b^ 
 envied before Ins arguments are answered or tlieir forci> for£ott,en." 
 
 The seiitinient that iniliieiiced his couolusioiis is shown^by the followin^^- 
 extract from another letter published at that time. 
 
 "Any jilau of eraanc,ii)ation, however i>radual it mi<iht be. would bi> better, than per- 
 petual slavery; but surely it is the gi-eat desideratmn of any jjlan, that it leave the parties 
 friends as freemen . None will etiect this, wiiich is not founded on Christian principle — 
 and there can be none, so far as I can see, which so fully recognize.s Christian principle, 
 as its basis, as that which urges iiumcdiate emancipation." 
 
 When triving his impression of what would be the ettect practically of thJH 
 doctrine, he adds : 
 
 ■'There would be no danuer of personal violence to the. master from emancipation 
 brought about by Christian benevolence. Such an apprehension is the refuge of con- 
 scious guilt. Emancipation brought about by the principles above meiuioned,°I hesitate 
 not to say, would in most instances, where superior intelligence of the master was 
 acknowledged. produc(> on the ])art of the beneficiaiies, the most entire and cordial 
 obedience to his counsel and friendship. 1 do not believe that I have any warmer friends 
 tJian my manumitted slaves, none, I am sure, if sacrifices were called for, "who would more 
 freely make them, to promote my haj)piness.'' 
 
 Speaking of the effect of such action, in his own ctise, he says : 
 • My own manumitted slaves, at the end of tlie first year of their eniiiloyinent on 
 wages, will have used but half the amount they are entitled to receive. They have not 
 fallen into disorderly or vagrant habits, but have manifested, at least the younger ones, 
 an increased desire for knowledge and for attendance on the sabbath schools, and the 
 common ministrations of the sanctuary." 
 
 *" What to-day is the position of the men, who for the i)ast thirty years, have 
 worked to bring our practice into conformity with the principles of the* government ? 
 And who in the stmggle against established and powerful interests, have accepted 
 political disability and humiliated lives ? Have any of those been put in governing 
 places, where their proved fidelity, would guarantee the direct execution of what i.s 
 to-daj' the nearly unanimous will of the people? Certainly not yet. So far the virtue 
 of Reformers is its own reward. While yet living their mantles have fallen upon the 
 .shoulders of others to whom you have given high position, but they are .still laboring 
 in narrow paths, — broadening, to be sure, and brightening, — for the lougli ground is 
 pas.sed and the sun of victory is already rising. We give deep sympathy and honor 
 to the men who in tlie interests of civilization, .separated them.selves from' mankind to 
 penetrate the chill solitudes of the arctic regions. Tlunr names remain an added con - 
 stellation in polar .skies. But we know that bitter skies and winter winds are not so 
 unkind as man's ingratitude. And why then, do we withhold symjiatliy and honor from 
 
 these men who have so unflinchingly trod their isolated jiaths of s-elf appointed duty 
 
 accepting political and social excommunication — these heroes of the moral solitud«H."' 
 — Frmn addresa of ffm Fremmit. Fel. 2df/'. 1864, .Y. Y. 
 
4 A IKIItlTK To .lAMK.- C. ItlUNKV. 
 
 TRKATMK.NT IN A SLAVE STATK. 
 
 Feeling, tliat unless nuch views were generally aceepted, the true glory, of 
 his eountry must lie eclipsotl by the growiufr magnitude of slavery, he deter- 
 mined to devote himself to their dissemination in the midst of those whom 
 they were designed to intluenee. lie did not seek to go North where the risk 
 mi<rht he less. l)ut to disen.ss the subject with slaveholders whom he wi.shed to 
 persuade to aet as he had. He bought })ress and type for the j)ublication of 
 a paper at Danville. Ky. He made a contract with the printer of the weekly 
 uewsjiaper at that ])hue. to publish under his editorial eontrid, a paper to be 
 called Tht' riiihodhropisf. He issued a jtrospeetus in which occurs the follow- 
 ing paragraph ; 
 
 " Tlio.se who liave investigated tin- snhject of slavery, with one consent declare, if 
 .sometliiiisi etiectual l)e not done without any <lelay, it will become, in a f^liort lime\inman- 
 ;is;eal)lo, anil in llie end ormrhclmiiif}. In our condition, to do nothino;, would .show an 
 unparduhable lack of manhood. Somethiii'i; oHectual ouijlit to bo — for as yet it can be 
 done. AVith the hIn of slavery, its evils may ho terminated, our land may be blessed of' 
 (Sod; raised, cleansed from dolilonient, and without a sinalo remaining blood sj)Ot, stand 
 clotlied in the majesty of hor fn-c |>riMciitl('s, the rcbuko of tyiants. the refuse of the 
 ()ppres.sed."' 
 
 When the fact l)ccame known thatMr. Hirney had freed his slaves, it was 
 regarded by neighboring slaveholders as satisfactory evidence of his earnestness, 
 and there was innnediately au entire change of feeling toward him. It was 
 altogether allowable for him while he held slaves, to say what he pleased upon 
 the subject, but the moment his theiny was converted into practice, he was 
 regarded as a dangerotis member of society. 
 
 '^ Learning that he had provided press and type, and engaged a printer to give 
 publicity to his views, slaveholders a.ssembled in mass meeting in the town 
 of his residence, ami pledged themselves to use every means in their power, 
 whether ]ieaceable or violent to jireveut their publication. Having known 
 him from childhood, they felt asstired that he did not lack the courajje 
 necessary to carry out iiis plans. The meeting appointed a committee to 
 address him a letter of remonstrance. This they did on the 12th of July, 1835. 
 They following extract shows the spirit by which they were actuated : 
 
 • We addross you now in the calmness and candor that should characterise law abiding 
 men, a« willii)<r to avoid violence, as they are deteimined to meet extremity, and advise 
 you of tho \tcn\ that nmst and inevitably ivill attend the execution of your purpose. We 
 propo.so to you to ixistjxuie tho sotting uj) of your jiress, and the publication of your 
 paper, until api)licati<^n can be had to tho Logislatvuc, who will, by a jjositive law, set 
 rules for your ol)servanco, or by a refusal to ad. admonish us of our diUy. We admonish 
 you, .sir, as citizens of ihe same noighburhood, as members of the same society in which 
 you live and move, an<l for whose harmony and quiet we feel the most .sincere solicitude, 
 ro beware how you make an experiment liere. which no American slaveholding commu- 
 nity has found i(^elf able to boar." 
 
 I Mr. liirney replied, rcfu.sing in respectful yet digniJietl ami decided terms, In 
 comply with their reipu'st. He suggested that it wouhl have been far more be- 
 coming, and more like the spirit of hiw abiding men, had they abstained entirely 
 from tin; threat that a resort might be had to violence, to ])revent the exercise 
 of one of the mo.st ]irecions rights of an American, — a right, which, however it 
 (night be violated in th<i destruction of his property, or ch)ven down in tht; 
 abuse of his p»'rson. can never for a nionuMit be surrendered. He, therefore, 
 after giving his rea.sons, concluded : 
 
 " However desirous I may l)o of obliging yon. as citizi-ns and neighbors. 1 caiuiol 
 accede to your proposition." 
 
 The Committees finding him determined to persevere, succeeded through 
 bribery, and by exciting his apprehensi<uis of personal danger, in iuduf^ing the 
 jirinter to violate his contract, by refusing to juint the paper. 
 
A TKIltl I'K lO .lAMKS (J. IIIKVKN. !) 
 
 When the report reached Ahibaina that Mr. Hiniey had freed h'm slavea, 
 various devices were resorted to for the purjxise of dishonoriiiir liiiii. and show- 
 ing their contempt for such a heresy. 
 
 The 8upi-enie Court of Alabama, being at tluit time in session, ;i nieml>er of 
 the bar moved the Court, that the nain(! <»f James (!. Birneybe expunged from 
 the roll of attorneys of that (.'ourt, as unworthy to renuiin there longer. And 
 although Judge lIo})kins, his former partner and bosom friend, was the Presi- 
 dent Judge, he had not courage to say aught in objection, or to express a word 
 in extenuation, and ordered the moticui to be granted. 
 
 While lie was resident in Alabama, the University of that State was or- 
 ganized upon an endownnent of remarkable liberality. On account of his 
 reputation as a classical scholar, and the interest lu; had uniformly shown in 
 the cause of education, Mi-. J^irney wiis commissioned by the Trustees to visit 
 the New England States and form the acquaintance of literary men, with 
 the view of selecting competent professors for the several dcpartnu^nts of the 
 University, lie did so. and the President and Professors of that institution 
 were elected to their several posts, chiefly upon his reconnuendation. He had 
 frequently attended upon examinations and taken an active part in pronu)ting 
 its welfare, being a ruembei- of tlie Board of Trustees. The literary societies 
 connected with it, had cho.seu him as one of their honorary members. But no 
 sooner did they hear that lie had given liberty to slaves, than they hastened to 
 pass resolutions declaring him unworthy of such nunnbership, and expelled him. 
 
 In Northern Alabama a large meeting was held about the same time, for 
 the purpose of denouncing Mr. Birney. They appointed a vigilance commit- 
 tee to inflict blows and death upon the objects of their vengeance, wherever 
 they may lay their lawless hands upon them. Of this committee, more than 
 one-third Avere described as professed Christians, belonging to three of the 
 leading denominations in our country, one of whom was a Baptist minister. 
 
 This committee took special pains to communicate these proceedings to Mr. 
 Birney. The following is an extract from the answer whicli he publislied and 
 sent them : 
 
 "In tliis reply, which after no Imnied rellectioii, I liave thought projier to make to 
 your proceedings' 1 shall take lint little time in noticing what wa.s done that \\'as .strictly 
 personal to myself. I \\ill stop only long enough to remind you — especially that portion of 
 you who profess to he followers of Christ — of the unjust impression you have attempted to 
 make on those to whom I am a stranger, by associating me, in ynur jnoceedings, with [/am- 
 blers, blacklegs, and sus]ii(?ious characters. It is well known to you all. that with laborious 
 diligence I prosecuted in your county, and with no mean success, a ]>rofession aribious in it.s 
 duties, and to a conscientious mind, beset with difticuteies and teniiitalioiis. To the gener- 
 ousness of my jiractice the bar will testify, and with i)arties and Avituesses bear record to 
 ray exemptions from the petty tricks and advantages which bring the profession into disre- 
 pute. Ki]Owiug nie by an ac(inaintance of many years, as you did, in my profession — as a 
 member of the church — as a citizen — you have tried to i)roduce an impression you knew to 
 be unjust and injurious. As christians, and as geiitlenicn, now that you liave had time for 
 reflection, vfni sliould be sorry for it. and asliamed of it. 
 
 HIS TREATMENT IN A FREE .STATE. 
 
 The tnregoing incidents tend to show what kind of treatment slaveholders 
 were disposed to manifest to oiu; who loft their ranks, and how they regarded 
 conduct, designed practically, to exemplify the teachings of the Declaration of 
 Independence. His reception by men of the North will )iow be adverted to. 
 
 Having lost his printer, in his native State, remlering it impracticable to 
 carry out his design as to the publication of his views there, he concluded to 
 seek the protection of the constitution of the free State of Ohio, which guar- 
 antees to her citizens, freedom of speech and of the press. 
 
A TKIBI TK TO .1 A M i;?: li. IIIKSKV. 
 
 Hl' reiiuived liis resilience to (.'iiiciiiuati. He liiid scarecly put his domicil 
 in order, before lie was assured upon all Iiaiuls that so imperative was the sway 
 of Southern inlluenee in that eity, that he could not, for a day, jiublish a paper 
 that would oppose slavery. Not desirous of seeming rash in facing opposition 
 that seemed irresistal)le. he, at greatly inerea.sed ex))ense and inconvenieuce, 
 made arrangements for the jiuhlication of the paper at the town of New Rich- 
 moud, on the Ohio river, twenty miles above Cincinnati, lor the purpose of 
 giving an example of the spirit and manner with which he designed to conduct 
 the discussiun nf that subject which tht^n scMMiicd almost impossible tn allude to 
 without a'Mtatiiiir tin" public mind. 
 
 After the paper had received very general commendation for tlic excellent 
 spirit with which the sulijcct was discu.ssed. he cimcluded to romoAc the press 
 to (/incinnati. He had not been there long before the men of proj)erty and 
 standing united in saving that it must be suppressed b}^ all means, right or 
 wrong, peaceably m- forcibly. He contended for his constitutional right to 
 speak and write. 
 
 The report nf the First Anniversary of the Ohio Anti-Slavery Society, 
 held A])ril, 1^8(), sh«tws that Mr. ]?irney offered the following resolution : 
 
 '■ That ill order to porpotnate our tree institutions, the .siibjoct of slavery oniibt to be 
 fully discu.ssed liy tlic iion-shivelioldint: States." 
 
 With a view to itiflame the public mind, and increase the excitement, it 
 was stated at a large jmblic meeting in ('incinnati, that Mr. JJirney had agreed 
 that he would not establish a paper in tliat city. In a letter of the date of 
 July, 1880. he replied to this statenu^nt, in the following niaimer : 
 
 " I do not hold myself accountable foreiroiieous impressions which others may receive, 
 when i have not desiorned to make them. In this, no reasonable jieison will ditier with nie. 
 Now, sir, I have on no occa.sion ii>ed wonls, which aecordina to my understaiidinu of them, 
 were intended to convey the ideii that 1 would not. whenever 1 iiiitjht tleeni it expedient, 
 establish my press in this eity. On the contrary. 1 have uniformly said from tlieconiinence- 
 ment, that soon as the jiaper. riHavthropist, had Mon for itself the characler lor fairness, 
 moderation, and kind and sober discussion, that I detenuined it should deserve. I would 
 remove the pre.ss to this, my place ot residence." 
 
 •'.Viid so far, from giviiiLi a solemn j)lediie at a public meetiug in this place, that \ would 
 tiot'do so. I endeavored at liie iiieetiiiii lefi-rred to, to e()rrect in the most expre>;s and une- 
 qaivfM-al termx — so far as the noise and collf^l^i(ln which prevailed, enabled me to do so — an 
 erroneous ini]>r<'ssion. which the >[ayor hail received from a jnevious conversation on the 
 same subject. 1 then stated that 1 had never intended to make the impre.ssion that I would 
 surrender any of my eonsfitutif»nal rijiht-s, leiteratinK in the last words of my remarks — 
 "TUAT I .\Kvi:n wori.D." 
 
 Kcntuckians were active in urging Cincinnatiaus to supjncss di.scussion. No 
 H(joucr had the Philauthropid made its appearance, than a Kentucky editor, 
 through his jonrnai, exclaimed : •• We have no doubt that his office will be torn 
 down, but we trust that .Mr. iJirncy will receive no personal harm. Nntwith- 
 Htanditig his mad notions, we consider him an honest and benevolent man. He 
 in resolute tuo." 
 
 The agitators determining that .something iiinst be done, that the citv tnight 
 not lose the g<»od will of the South, convened a large meeting, at whicli a com- 
 mittee was appointed to call upon .^lr. Hirney and insist that the jiajicr must 
 be buppre.s.sed . 'J'his ciimmittee consistcil id' tlio.se wlm wcri- considered the 
 first men in the city; among them, were Judge Hurnet. Judge IJurke and llev. 
 Mr. Spenc^er. When the committee called, iMr. Hirney. inferring from their 
 remarks, that they were indirterently infornu'il as to the objeijt of those they 
 called abolitionist.s, proposed to di.scusw the subject with any of them in any 
 public place they might select. It was at once rejilied that siuh a meeting 
 could not be held in the <;ity, that the people would not bear public diacua- 
 jjicc on slavery. :iiiii tli;it the spetiker would lose his life in attempting to die- 
 
A TKUUITK ru .lAMKS (J. lUKNKV. 7 
 
 engfl it. Mr. liinioy promptly assured tlieiii, that witli tlioir .sanction for the 
 call of such a nieoting;, he was willing to hazard all ])ersoual peril to himself. 
 
 The committe were asked if they had read the Philanthropist, and if they 
 had, whether the objection to its eontimianco was made on the i^rouud of there 
 being anything exceptionable in the manner and spirit, of conducting it. They 
 replied, that the manner and spirit of the paper had nothing to do with the 
 question, it was the discu.ssion of slavery here, that was thought to be injuring 
 the business of the city, — that the paper was believed to be a prominent in- 
 strument in carrying on this discussion, therefore its absolute discontinuance 
 was called for, that the public sentiment would be satisfied with nothing short 
 of this, and it was in such condition that it could not be rea.sonod with." 
 
 To this demand of the (Jommittee, Mr. Birney on the next day, in behalf 
 of himself and associates, submitted a reply in writing of which the follow- 
 ing is a part. 
 
 "Whilo we feel our.selves constraiiu-d altof^etlier to decline coinplyiuif with yuur request 
 a.s .submitted last evening, to discontinue tlie Philanthropist, we think it but just to our- 
 selves, and respectful to our fellow-citi/ens generally, to oflfer a l)rief ex|)ositi(in of the rea- 
 son.s that })ersuade us to this course." 
 
 1. Wo decline ooniplyino-, not so much from the ii^wx that the particular cause in which 
 oar press is eniployeil may be injured, but l)ecause compliance involves a tame surrender 
 of the freedom of the Pi-ess — the risht to discuss. 
 
 "I. '' The Philantrho})ist is the acknowledoed ornan of some twelve thousand or more of 
 our fellow-citizens of Ohio, who believe that .slavery, as it exists in this country, is alto- 
 gether incompatible with the permanency of her institutions ; who believe that the slavery 
 of the South or the liberty of the Xoith nmst cease to exist ; and who intend to do what in 
 tliem lies, lo briny about a hajipy and jieacefnl termination of the former, and this as 
 speedily as facts, .-uul arguments and apjieals to the conscience and understandings of the 
 Slaveholders can be made instrumental to etiect it.'" 
 
 3. " The Philanthropist is the only journal in this city or neighborhood through which 
 these facts, and arguments and ajipeals can be fully addressed to the commimity. It has 
 been conducted with fairness and moderation, as may be abundantly proved by the acknow- 
 ledgments of those wlio are opj)osed to its o))jects. It has invited the slaveholders them- 
 selves to the use of its colums for the defense of slavery, and has given uji to a republica- 
 tion of their arguments a large share of its sj)ace. To discontinue such a paper under 
 existing circumstance would be a tacit submission to the exorbitant demand of The|South 
 that slavery shall never more be n)entioned among us." 
 
 4. "We declii\e complying with your request, becau.se we would not i)reclude ourselves 
 and others from discussing, in the most advantageous manner, a subject, which by the 
 acknowledgment of all. is of momentous consequence, and which is now- occupying the 
 rnind of the whole nation." 
 
 5. "We decline complying, because the demand is virtually the demand of slaveholders, 
 who having taken down all the safeguards of liberty in their own States, in order that 
 slavery may be peri)etupted, are now for the fuller attainment of the same object, making 
 the demand of us to follow their exanqjle." 
 
 6. '■ We decline coinplyin£r, because tlie Jittenqit i.s now tirst made in our case lonually 
 and deliberately to }iut down tlie freed(mi of speech and of the Press, We are, to be sure, 
 the objects of the attack, but there is not a fieeman in the State \vhose rishts are not 
 invaded, in any assault which may be made upon us for I'efusing to succumli to an impe- 
 riou.s demand to surrender our rights." 
 
 " With these reasons, to which many nloie might be added, did time permit, we leave 
 the case with you; expressins, however, our linn conviction, should{any disturbance of the 
 peace occur, that you, gentlemen, must be dee])ly, if not aimosr entirely responsible for it 
 before the bar of sober .and enlighened public opinion," 
 
 Upon this answer, the Cincmiati IFJi/'r/ of the next day made the following 
 comment : 
 
 "Uponnhe answer of the abolitionists we have at i)ersent but few remarks to make, 
 but we think its tone and character hiahly exce|)tionable. The language used in the sec- 
 ond, fourth and sixth reasons assigned we consider exceedingly insolent, and offensive, 
 and well calculated to augment rather than allay the excitement at present existing in 
 Uiecity. The position a.ssumcd that the slavery of the South or the liberty of the _ North 
 must cease to exist, we think pre-eminently insulting, and atrocious both in reference' to our 
 Southern brethren and ourselves." 
 
8 A TIUBITK TO .lA.MK.S (i. BIJtNKV. 
 
 The cxciteuieut however increiuscd. llandltills were posted lor a hirge 
 meeting of those disposed to suppress discussion. An extract from a letter 
 of Mr. Birney, written at this time, shows how lie regarded these movements. 
 
 '• Sir, 1 have enoiiKli to do here. Tlie war i.s rajjiiiji — the jiroslavery .spiiit feels a.s if it 
 had been struck, and is trirding itself for the strife. An anti-aboliiion nieetins is to be held 
 thiaeveiiiiis, i.alled by treiitleMioii of property and standintj. The hand of the South has 
 almost lu'iiunibed the s])iril <>f freedom here; * * * * 1 Otaiuiot ])iiul iny i>aper here; 1 
 lectured here one eveniuij to a small audience, in a private manner, no notice of it havini; 
 been tjiven in the i)npei-s. This is the excitiusi cause of the ineetintr this evenins. It was 
 but yesterday that a wealthy slaveholder of Kentucky called to let me know tliat my paper 
 in Ohio would be destroyed by a band of his fellow-citi/cns, who liJid determined upon it; 
 that almost the wlude, country would bo summoned to the service, and that my life was in 
 constant danser. A few days before, a citizen of Cincinnati, a high commissioned officer 
 of the militia, called to inform me that 1 would be disc(racefully punished and abused, and 
 mj' property destroyed, if I j)ersisled in uiy auti-slavery movements, * * 1 pray you press 
 on. It is not a time to l)e indolent. If we are our children 7nay wear the livciy of the slave. 
 If I fall in tliia cause, I trust it will bring hundreds to supply my jilace. 
 
 In another letter referring to a lecture he delivered in the vicinity of the 
 city, he says : 
 
 • During the hour I spoke, the mob having crowded about the door, were engaged in 
 discharging at me their lighted missiles; whiMi 1 had finished, and was returning to my 
 loilgings, a mile distant, I was attended by them the greater ])art of the way, they breaking 
 in on the stillness of the niglit with their fierce and demoniac shouts. But why. you may 
 ask, do you dwell on such things, of laic by no means of unconimon occurrence ! I recall 
 them that our friends, the friends of Freedom, to the slave, of freedom to the white man, of 
 protecting law, of inalienable rights, of constitutional liberty, may be more and more 
 animated to the conflict. Every day is disclosing to us more evi<lently the danserous con- 
 flition of our country, and how a God of Justice is bringing on an impenitent nation, retri- 
 bution in the lo.ss of our own liberty, for having jilunderod and violated the liberty of others. 
 Let us then, still more industriously gird up ouisdves to the work before us, of bringing 
 our country to penitence, .is the best, nay the oniy means of saving her. We, who are now 
 in the field, may all perish. But what of this ! Our faithfulness unto de<ith, if we be called 
 thus far to suffer, will animate others to fill our jilaces, whilst we go home to reap our re- 
 ward, and be forever with the Lord. We fight not with the courage of despair, but with 
 the calnine,ss of certain victory — with the strength of those who feel that the power is from 
 the'.\lniighty." 
 
 dust at this time, citizens of Kentucivy sent over to the city and had a 
 handbill posted, offering a reward for the deliver}' of "one James G. Birney, a 
 fugitive from justice, frcnn old Kentnckv."' and descrihing him as '' of white 
 complexion, thougli black in heart." 
 
 IMrs. IJirnc}' having left the city on a visit, Mr. IJirncy went t<.i the Frank- 
 liu House to board. The guests, c<miposed of gentlemen of business in the city, 
 no sooner heard that ati abolitionist was a guest of tiie lionse, than they met and 
 resolved that they could not tiderate such an intrusion, and more than a score 
 of them abandmied the house. 
 
 As tlie (risis a])]»r(»aelied. Mr. Jiirney ]trcpared an address, which in bohaif of 
 himself and a.ssociat^^s, wiis published, and from which the following is an 
 extract : 
 
 'A band tif lawless men array ihcmsel ve.^ iigaiiiM the constitution, declaring tliat 
 their will, and not that of the people, is pai-amount. What, fellow citizens, ought we to dc> 
 in such a c:u*e ? Ought we to yield to fear 7 * * * AVe have now in some degree, from the 
 force of circuinstances, connnitted to our custody the rights of every freeman in Ohio, of 
 their offspring, of our own. Shall ve as <-r;ivens vr)luntarily oiler them up sacrifices to the 
 tjj)irit <>f misrule, or as .Amerii-an citizens, coniend for iheni, lill a foice which we cannot 
 withstand, shall wvr>\ ilieni from our li:inds '. The latter part of the alternative we have 
 endirneed with a fidl <leterminaiion, by the help ol (iod, to maintain unim)>air<Ml the free- 
 dom of 8|>eech and the liberty of the pre.<)8 — tin paUadium of our rights" 
 
 No expedient was left unturned whieli might intimidate Mr. Birney and hia 
 coiwljutors. The jiress was plied ; large meetings were held ; sj)eech(>s were 
 made; resolutions were adopted; committees organized — everything was put in 
 
A THIISIlTi: I'll JAMKS i;. ItlK.NKV. 9 
 
 motion to reiluco or destroy tlic little baml of pliiliinthropists, who liiid plcdpoil 
 their ull to the eiui.se in wlileli tliey luul enlisted. 
 
 At len^tli the meeting: \v;is held. 'I'he ('incinnati lieptihlicav of dune, IHytj^ 
 describes it, as follows : 
 
 •'Our jiredictiuiis witli it-spt'ta u> tlui .seminifiils uf tliu oitizeus ofCiiKiiiuaii ujion tliis 
 subject, were verified fully and uneiiuivocally at the meeting wliicli liMnspiiod at the 
 Court Mouse in (liis city, on last Saturday. To our mind, the proeeodinys of ijiat. eveninij 
 establi.^ii a.s eoiielusively. a.s the cxpro.ssion ot puldic .sentiment and jailiiic leclinfj; can 
 establi.-li anytliiii:^. that \\w doctrine of abohtion and it.s advocates will nc'ver hv counte- 
 tianced or encouraged in llinciimali. Tiiis hieeting was not conlined to ]ia,rty or .soct. It 
 was leased n))on a call from tnen of all parties, classes, distinctions and callings. The most 
 distinguished and influential men of the city were there and took an active jiart in the 
 proceedings. There were Judges, Merchants, Lawyers, Divines, Physicians, and the mo.st 
 respeetabk^ tradesmen and citizens of every class. There were Presbyterians, Bajitists, 
 Methodists, and members of almost every religious denominations. There were Jackson 
 and Harrison men, and mc'n of all jjolitical jiarties. all as.sembled for the .same purpose 
 and iiiKMit on accomplishing the same object— ilie e\-))ression of theii- iibboience of tht>. 
 diabolical doctrines of the abolitionists." 
 
 The Conrt House was filled :uid a crowd gathered around it id' some four 
 thousand. After the speakers had charged Mr. IJirney with every oftense that 
 they supposed would increase the excitement, and wheij the crowd was wrought 
 up to siich a pitch as to be retuly for any de\ilish deed, according to the account 
 of the Cincinmifi Gazette. "A good looking man, past the meridian of life, with 
 hair somewhat grey, here ro.se and .said : '' My name is Bik.nky. May I be 
 be heard." The audience appeared confounded by such a recjuest coming 
 from such :i .source. Eecovering from their surprise, at the calm fearless- 
 ness of the mtiii who dared stand untirmed, save in the panopy of right, in 
 the midst of his enemies. One cried " down with him," others cried " kill 
 him,'' others cried. •' tar and feather him." For a time there was confusion 
 worse confounded. Mr. Birney, with entire self possession, remarked that 
 he would not proceed if he could not have the ear of the assembly. To go on 
 under such circumstauce.s Avould justify the charge of obstinacy, that had been 
 laid at the door of abolition ist.s. 
 
 At this stage, Gen, Lyth;, who iiad great influence M'ith tlie mob, rose, and 
 at the top of his voice, cried — '' Hear before you strike." The meeting then 
 re.solved to liear. 
 
 " Mr. Birney thanking ihem for the une.xpected favor, said thai his sentiments had 
 been raisunderst,o(ul. It was no part of the design of the abolitionists to interfere witli the 
 constitution of the country. They only asked to mak(^ their apjieals to their fellow citizens 
 wlio hold slaves, and endeavor to j)crsuade them that it was wrong to treat in this way their 
 fellow men. Kmanciii.ation was a v.ork that could be carried on and consunmiated without, 
 touching the constitution of the country." 
 
 " He was not inditfi?rent to the safety of his fellow citizens of the South. He was born 
 in the South — he had spent his life there — he had a numerous beloved kindred who held 
 slaves. To their safety he Avas not indifferent, and he certaiidy should jtursue no course, 
 which he thought likely to put them in i>enl. He considered" that the ultimate safety of 
 the Soutli was more in danger from per]iefual slaven.-, than from its abolition. See how" the 
 blacks increase upon the whites. Tliis disjiroiiortionate inciease of l)lacks will finally bring 
 the very caLastrojihe wliich is now dreaded. It may be slow, but it will come if slavery is 
 perpetuated. He desired to save his fellow citizens of the South, and his countn' from "the 
 horrors of that day.'' 
 
 '• He had reason to believe, that such a])peals to his fellow citizens on this subject, 
 would nor he in vain. Such appeals bad reached his own conscience and i)\fluenced his 
 conduct." 
 
 When Mr. Birney concluded he mingled among the crowd, and retired up- 
 on adjournment without further molestation. ITis conduct Inul disarmed the 
 madness of the multitude. 
 
 The Cincinnati Whig describing the meeting says : 
 
10 A TKIBITK Ttl .lAMKS (i. HIKNEY. 
 
 '■ U was altogetlier Worthy III' Ciiu-iiinati and the Western em|ioinuiii. It was very 
 large and eniini-ntly rt'>iM«ftal>lc. It was attended l>y many of our oldest, and most influ- 
 eiiliaJ eiti/.ens. It was i-omposed of all |)arlies and sects, and the whole asseiuhly seemed 
 to \h> ins|iinMl wiiji n lonnnoii sentiment of abhorente of altoliiionisni. The incidents of 
 the meeting were jexceiMlln-ily interesting and somewhat ))e<nliar. The celebrated and 
 taiiatical abolitionist. .lames U. IMrney had the boldness and fatnity to attend. Some ob- 
 servations vven» made by Col. Male of a severe character, touchintj Mr. Birney's abolition 
 pntcefilinsis, and which was calculated to produce a very unfavoral)le impression toward 
 him, and to render him and his course still more odious. Mr. Ilirney i-ose to reply. Inflam- 
 able symptoms of hosiiiity towards him were instantly manifest, and a o(>od deal of confu- 
 sion ensuefl. Some were for turning bim out. some for conii)elIini; his silence, and others 
 lor hearing what he had to .say. A vote was then taken whether he should be permitted to 
 sj»eak. and was de<-idfsl in tin- alHrmatiw by a large majority." 
 
 Ainonir the ii'solutinn.s passed at the iiieotiiii', were tlie foHowiiig : 
 
 IUm'/'-'i/. That in the opinion of this meeting, nothing short of the abolute discontinu- 
 ance of the ]iublication ol the said alxdiiion |)aj>er in the city, can prevent a resort to vio- 
 lence which may be disjuslrous to its- publishers and supporters, as it must be to the good 
 onler and fair fame of our city." 
 
 Ktfoiiii/. That a conunittec. .oMsisting of twelve peisons. be appointed by the Chair to 
 wait upon James (J. IJiniey, and his associates, in the |)ublication of the s^id paper, to 
 remonstrate with them upon the dangerous icndency of the course they are pursuing, 
 to commiuiicat** to them, the actual tone of public feeling in tJie city, to request them by 
 every motive of i)at Holism and )>hilanthropy, to desist from the publication of their paper, 
 and to warn them, that if they peisist. we i-annot hold ourselves responsible for the conse- 
 cpiences.'" 
 
 The Ciiuinmtl FArnin;/ Po»t jrave the fnllowing account of tlie result of this 
 meeting, anil such resolves,; 
 
 •Ab«mt dark on Saturday evening, a large number ol i>ersons, among them some of 
 our most resiH^ctable inhabitants, convened at the K.Kchange and jiroceeded up Main to the 
 corner of 7th street. increasin<i in nnnd>ers ns ihey went, having arrived there, a U^w persons 
 fiit^-red the printing oiH<-e of .Mr. I'age. where the J'/iilmithropist was ))ublished, and in a short 
 time threw into the street or demolished everything alxuit the jMemises, amiil the cheers of 
 tear or five thousand who were looking on. The printing jnes.ses were dragged down to 
 the river, (a liist.ince of half a mile) jmt on board a skitl'and carried inlo'the'^iTiiddle of the 
 Rtreain an<l sunk. Last evening (Sumlay) a number of ])ersous again collected in the 
 streets, and an. inquiry and search was made by them in ditierent houses for Mr. Biraey 
 and several other aboliiiouists. whom tlK-y expressed their determination to lynch if they 
 t^aught them." 
 
 Tlie Cim-imiiiti // ///>/ u{ Aug. '1. gi\es this Btateiuent : 
 
 "On Sunday niRhl last a great mmiber of iiei-sons were congregated in front of the 
 Franklin Hou.s<'. <iu .Main str«'et. near I'nurlh. under the iniprr.ssion that James ('.. Birney 
 was .scci-«-ted in the hou.M'. They demanded a search, and a conunittec of several persons 
 were ap|H*int<-d, who after e.xaininin}i everv ro>.in in the house. reiKuted that he Mas not 
 there." 
 
 It so h'lppened that on th<5 night of the mob Mr. Birnoy was in ilillsburough, 
 Ohio, .some si.vty miles from Cinciiinaii, fnlfining jiti appointment to lecture, and 
 in this way providentially escnpe.l the \ ioleii.e of tht; und). and prf>hablv death at 
 their bands. 
 
 The follow ing exiracts from letters of Mr. Birney, wiilten at tliat time, show 
 tlio spirit with which l.e received this ti>-atmetit: 
 
 " The eiiendes of law" said Mr. B. •• will adopt a new com-se— tliev will iiereal'ter 
 '.jH-niU- priyal<-ly-;;lheir aim will be ugainsi the persons of .KJH.liiiouist.s. This is now the 
 
 (iiiirN-. We fear it not Threats of persomd \iolence. to oni-self esi)ccially. of seizure 
 
 and deporiuiion. are n^ ( onimon ;ls the air we breathe ; nor have diey been withheld, which 
 conlemphiU-d a still m<»re di.s;.'racelul. if not more fatal violence. • "* • « j{„t j.j^y jj^s 
 U-en pn»strnted: \iolenc«- exults over its dowulnll ; the Constitution lies in dishonorable dust 
 whilst bloorly treason Moiirishes over it. .Men are strin-k diind). ami sp<vcli is useless lor the 
 n-forrnnlion of abiiw-x thai threaten to loud with the fetters of the slave tlieiusclves and iheir 
 ihiMn-n. Ml this is here, idiuovt upon us now. and shall il be said, life and fvrlvnt, and 
 /.ori/;r HJiould not In- ha/arded. that the Constitution and Law ami Lilw'rty niav l>e resttired 
 li, Uieir loKi thrones, and sway their ndhi -eepter w ithout n rival? No, this nnist be done by 
 UioM- Hho would rather iLeniwIve- die n.e,,,.,, ihan live slaves, or our cnnntrv, liiorious as 
 noK liMMi her ho|x'. is jfone forovor 
 
A ritlHUTK TO .rAMKS i;. HIKNKV. 11 
 
 "AKuin, ^riovou^ tlireal.s hiui- bcoii made for soint' tiiiR'. clii*'tly ii<iiiinst iiit- personally. 
 I know not wlielhei- the Icrocily of (he slaveholders and their confederates here will lead them 
 to attempt the seizure and deportation to the .South of n»y person, or w hether they will at- 
 tempt a sudden and still more effectual removal of nu". If sueha thing should be permitted, I 
 must of courst! look on it as the way whieh an infinitely wise (Jod has a|ii)oiiited fi>r me, as 
 the part I am to act in the trreat revolution whieh he has set on loot for the liljoration of the 
 oppressed of our land.'" 
 
 In an article reviowinc" the course of liis opponents, Mr. l^irney used the 
 following language: 
 
 "In tlie foregoing pages we iiave endeavore<l to ])re.sent to you an Impartial account of 
 an attack, the most formidable, because of the character of the jiersons concerned, and of the 
 deliberation with whieh it was planned, that has yet ))een nuide ou our couimon liljerlies. 
 Notwithstanding the right to discuss l)elongs to man as indisiiutably as the i-ight to use his 
 senses, or tht; organs ol his body, in theii' ap])ropriate functions; and tlu; exercise of it is, as 
 it ought ever to he, free from all foreign control, save that w hich makes us responsible for 
 the use of it in invading others" rights no less sacred than our own; yet ha\e we been again 
 and again held up liy tlie slavery i)resses of this city as obstinate and contumacious, for not 
 surrendering it, on demand of the JIarket House Committee. This charge has ))een so con- 
 lidcntly pn^ferred, and so often reiterated, that we believe the impression is made on many, 
 that our conduct has lieen actuated by the spirit to which it is ascribed. They have been 
 led to judge of my course, rather )ty the fury of the onset, to which we have been exposed, 
 than by the calm steadfastness with whieh it has l)een met. We ask if an;/ property can be 
 more rightfully ours than that which the Market House Committee demanded of us to lay 
 down? The right to discuss is given to us by (iod. and secured to us by the highcBt 
 law of the land. Had the Market House Committee seen proper to demand in the name of 
 their constituents, ihe ab.soluto surrender of our houses and our goods, backing the demand 
 by the menace that if they were not voluntarily yielded, they would be forcibly taken, 
 would their demand have been less unreasonable V Have we any higher title to iliese subjects 
 of property, than the gift of God and the security of the Constitution? Ought wf then to have 
 rendered a servile compliance? Or ought we not (as we did) to have firmly repelled the 
 unjust demand, (;hoosing to sutler the consequences, however disastrious to ourselves, in 
 order that you, tiu" ])ro])er (H)rrectoi-s by legal modes of all ihe i»ul)lic wrongs, might be 
 made fully acquainted with the dishonor "in which the majesty of the law was held, and the 
 dangers with whicli our nu>st precious rights were threatened by a lawless and fierce aris- 
 tocracy." 
 
 " Notwithstanding the unusual outburst of lawless aristocratic violence to which our 
 peaceful, yet decided support of the freedom of the Press, of liberty of ■ipeech, of the 
 right to discuss, has exposed tis, we have lost no confidence in the rectitude of our princi- 
 ples, nor in the judgment which you and those which may succeed us. will pa.'^s on our con- 
 duct; unconvinced ))y the force with which our arguments have lieen replied to. we shall 
 still continue fearlessly to maintain and ])ublicly to inculcate the great principles of liberty 
 incorporated in the constitutions of our State and General Governments: l>elieving that if 
 ever there was a time, it is now come, when our rei)ublic, and with her the cause of univer- 
 sal freedom is in a strait, where everything that ought to be prided by the patriot should be 
 freely hazarded for her relief.'" 
 
 The reader is asked to pause here, and con.sider whether in the declarations 
 and writings of Mr. Birney, during this trying ordeal, he discovers anything that 
 partakes of fanaticism. Does he take any position that any lover of this 
 country cannot approve ? 
 
 CORRESPONDENCE AVITH CALHOL'N AND ELMORE. 
 
 On the IGth of February, 188H» the Hon. F. H. Elmore, of South Carolina, 
 addressed a letter to Mr. Birney, of which the following is an extract: 
 To Jas. G. Birney, Esq. 
 
 Sir: — "A letter from you to John C. Calhoun, datfjd 2!)th January, say (in reference to 
 the Abolitionists or Anti-Slavery Societies) -we have nothing to conceal, and should you 
 desire any information as to our proceedings, it will be cheerfully communicated on being 
 apprised of your wishes.' The frankness of this unsolicited ofler, indicates a fairness and 
 honesty of i3ur])0se, which has caused the present communication, and which demands the 
 same full and frank disclosure of the views with which the subjoined ini|uiries are 
 Ivropose<l."' 
 
 He annexed to his letter some fourteen iuierrogations. 
 
12 A TItlBlTK TO .IA.MK.S li. )iIItN£V. 
 
 Mr. Birney anwered ihein with full and minute information, and the correa- 
 j»ondcnce had a wide circulation. 
 
 Mr. Elinoro, in acknuwlodj^ing tho receipt of the repl}-, says: 
 
 "1 hoanl of tuu u-s n man ■>( iiilclli<;oiuf. ^inccrily and triithj wIki. although laboring 
 iu a bail catiK-. <lul it \>ith ability, aixt tVoin a inislaki-ii coiivictiou of its justice. As one of 
 the f-i'^-'i-ntativcs of a ^lavi>-h<il(liii>; (iiiistituriRy. ami oiu- of a committee raised by the 
 Ilej :vf.s of the ^Iave-h(»ldiiif( .>^tates. to a.-^eertain the intentions and ])rogress of your 
 
 aie«' -. I uvuilccl niy.self of the opitorlunity offered by your eharaetei- and situation, to 
 
 pni|>os<' to you imiuiries a.>» to facts which would make those dcvi'Idpinent.s. so imi)ortant to 
 U" known by our |M>ople. My inr|uiries were framed to draw out full and autheutic details 
 of the orpanizaiioii, ruimberfi. re.<ourc<'S and designs of the Aliolitionists; of the means they 
 i-ei»orte<l u> for the acc<im])lishmenl of tlieir <iuis, and the progress made, and making in 
 iheir dangt ixius work: that all such iutbnnatiini might be laid before the four millions 
 and n half nf white inhabitant.-^ in the .'^lave States, whoso li\es and property are menaced 
 and endauL't red l>y thi-< ill-(i>nsidi'red. njisnamed an<l discouraging jihilanthropy. The t^vo 
 races cann<>: exi«t together upon terms of eipiality. the extirpation of one, and the ruin of 
 iho other would Ix' inevitable. This humanity, concei\ed in wrong, and born iu civil strife, 
 would be baptized iu a people's blood. It wits that <iur peojile might know iu time to guard 
 against the mad on>-et, the full oxt4"nt of this gigantic conspiracy and crusade against their 
 institutions. :uiil of necessity upon tlieir li\fs with which they must sustain them, and their 
 fortuiu's aud prosperity, which exist only while the.«t' iiislitnlions exist, that I was induced to 
 enter into a correspoiulenee with you. who by \o\iv official station and intelligence were 
 known i<t b.- well informed on thex- j>oinLs and from your well established character for 
 candor and fairness, would make no stateinen; of facts, which Merit not known or believed 
 by you to \h- true. To a great extent my end has lieeii accomplished by joxu- replies to my 
 enquiries. We difl'er no wider than 1 exi)ected, but that diflf'crence has been exhibited 
 eourtoously.'* 
 
 This enquiry for information evidently came frona those who were then laying 
 jilans deep and \vi<l»;, for the very rebellion that is now threatening the severance 
 of tho Union, and tho overthrow of the Government. Mr. Elmore, was, doubt- 
 less, in this matter, tho mouthpiece of John C. Calhoun. 
 
 The gentlemen were advised of tho object of tlie abolitionists in tho following 
 language, of Mr. Birney 's letter: 
 
 " Conliding in the tniiii and jiower of the Alruighly, we expect to tiring our countrymen 
 to «?e, that H nation to |n'r.-i>i iu injustice, is l»ut to rush on its own ruin; that to do justice 
 i« tJie highest exjiedieiKy; to love mercy. it.« noblest ornament. In other countries slavery 
 ha»< w>raetimes yielded to fortuitous circumstances, or been extinguished by jihysical force. 
 We strive to win for truth llu- victoiy over error, and on the Itrokeu fragments of slavery to 
 rear for her a temjile that -^hall reach to the heavens, and toward which all nations shall 
 worship. " 
 
 .M.\N1 MI.S.-^10.\ OF SLAVES. 
 
 In the year IH39, Mr. Jiirney's father deceased. He left a large estate, 
 unincumberctl, consisting of land, money and .slaves. 
 
 Mrs. John J. Marshall and him.self were the only heirs. He was summoned to 
 Kentucky, to be j)resent at the division of the estate of his father. He at once 
 requested that all of the negroes might be computed at their market valuation, as 
 a part of his share. This was as.seiited to. 
 
 He immediately wrote tho following deed : 
 
 "Know nil men by these jiresent.s that I. .lames {',. Itiiney, l.ile of Kentucky, but now 
 having my resideiire in Ihi- city of \ew York, Iwlieviug tli:il slaveholding is inconsistent 
 with natunil justice, with the piecej.ts aiirl sjiirit of«tlie (Christian religioii. and with the 
 dtHlarution of American Independence, aud wishing to U-stily in favor of Ihem all, do 
 hen-by emMUcipHti". and forever set free, the following named slaves which have come into 
 my iKMWJiwioti. it-* one of llie heirs of my father, James G. IJirney. <lecea.sed. at the time of 
 hln uoalh." 
 
 Then follow their names and doscriptioti, and the deed concludes: 
 
 '• In Uslimony of ihi- aboxe. I have h<'reunto set my name, and aflixed my .seal, thiifl 
 third day of .S<>pt«unlM'r, in the year of mir iiord. one tlmnsand eight hnndredaiid thirty 
 "'"•••'^' JAMKS C. imiSEY. [sE.u-1 
 
 Several of iho men were experience*! rope makers, and would have readily 
 commnndod tho very highest price of the market. 
 
A TKimiTK TO .lA.MKS (i. HIRNKV. IJJ 
 
 V 
 
 Mr. Birney discoverin£; that Eastern Anti Slavery papers were disposed to 
 speak highly of this net of einauoiputioii, wrote to the editor of tin: Ktnnncipator, 
 and made it a special request, that he would givo him no comniuudation, for the 
 reason that he had done only an act of justice, for which ho deserved no praise. 
 
 Upon the importunity of Judge Marshall, he loaned him the money which 
 was his share of the estate. Judge Marshall becoming bankrupt, never repaid 
 any of the money, not even the interest, whi(;h he was earnestly entreated to pay, 
 to aid in the education of his children. The result was that Mr. Birney realized 
 nothing whatever from the estate, except the privilege of inditing the deed above 
 described. 
 
 HIS VISIT TO ENGLAND. ' 
 
 In the year 1840 Mr. Birney visited England, and was received with the 
 utmost cordiality, by the friends of freedom. Ho was one of the Vice-Presidents 
 of the World's Convention. He spent several months in delivering addresses at 
 different places. The estimation in which he was held in that country may be 
 inferred from the following testimony of the committee of the British and Foreign 
 Anti-Slavery Society : 
 
 " That this Commitle are doejjly sensible ol' the services rendered to tlie anti-slavery 
 cause, by their esteemed friend and foadjutor. James Gillesjiie Birnc}-, Esq., whilst in this 
 country, iu a course of laborious elforts, in which his accurate and extensive infoimation, 
 his wise and judicious counsels, and his jiower of calm and <'onvincing statement have 
 become eminently consiiicuotis." 
 
 During the same year President Kellogg, of Illinois, visited England, and 
 thus described the impression which was left there by Mr. Birney's visit: 
 
 "It was truly refreshing to me Mhile in (J real Britiain, amid the many complaints 
 against my countrymen to which I was obliged to listen, to hear our excellent friend; James 
 G. Birney so fn'qiiently spoken of, and always in terms of uiuiualilied ajiprobation and 
 respect. The mention of his name in those circles in which he was known, and they were 
 both numerous and extensive, invariably imparted pleasure, and many were the enquiries 
 which were made in respect to his welfare. I could not but observe, that intelligent men, 
 both in England and Scotland, ^ery highly ajipreciatcd him, for that trait in his character, 
 which I have always, from my first ac([uaintanco w'nh Mr. IMrney, regarded as exhibited by 
 him in a remarkable degree. Yoti will doubtless nnilerstand me as referring to his candor. 
 In his public addresses and discussions, which were numerous in that country, as well as 
 his private conversations, by the sobrietj^ of his own views, by the fairness and fullness with 
 which he stated the positions and arguments of his opponents, and by the manliness with 
 which he met and refuted them; he ever impressed his auditors ^\ith a conviction of the 
 soundness of his sentiments, and of the perfect reliance which might lie placed upon his 
 statements. The visits of such men to foreign lands are an honor to our country, and leave 
 behind them a savor which is grateful to an American citizen." 
 
 NOMINATED FOR THE PRESIDENCY IN 1840. 
 
 In the month of May, 1840, he was nominated for the Presidency. In his 
 letter of acceptance he made use of the following language: 
 
 " The conclusion of the whole matter is, that as a jieoplc, we are trying an experiment, 
 as nnphilosophical iu theory, as it has been, and ever M'ill be, found impossible in practice, 
 to make a harmonious whole, out of parts that are in jirinciple and essence discordant. It 
 is in vain to think of a sincere union l)etween the North and the South, if the first remain 
 tnie to her republican ])rinciples and habits, and the latter persist in her slaveholding 
 despotism. They are incapalde from their natures, of being made one. They can no more 
 be welded together info one body of uniform strength and consistency, than clay and sand. 
 They may. it is true, be ])resscd together, and made to cohere by extraneous appliances; and 
 the line of contact may ))e daubed over and varnished, and conceah'd, but the first shock 
 will make them fall assunder, and disclose the fact, that there never was any real incorpora- 
 tion of substance." 
 
 '' A large oligarchy, as the South is. made uj) of a multitude of petty desj)otisms, acting 
 on the principle that men are not created equal — that a favored few are born ready booted 
 and spurred, to lea]) into tlu! saddles m ith which the backs of the many are furnished by 
 nature. Such a government I .say, when broutihi by circumstances into close juxtaposition 
 and in ees.sant intercourse with reptiblics. acting on principle? diametrically opposite, must 
 
14 A TlCim IK TU JA.MK.< (i. HIKNKV. 
 
 soon Ik' l.roiii.'lii u» iiiiKlify. ami ••\«'uluull> t<> i-L-liiuiuish its piinciplcs and practices, or inec 
 (Yr*!, Ui»' ivpiiMios miiM iiiulfr;ii> u similar cii!iii<i:i'. iind lu-siiniliitc themselvos in the 
 pmclices i.f ilic (Ii's|>«iiMu~. (iju- nr ihf olbcr must in tlit- end ;riiin tin' ontire apcondency. 
 An r:\v\\ iiii!iriiiii<.i) iif irn|iii-isil>lf toiiflict." 
 
 KKNO.MINATKI* IN 184.".. 
 
 Ill 1n43 h lnrf;e convention of niorabers of the Liberty Party, was hojd at 
 Kuffalo. Mr. Birncv wns nt;ain nominated as a candidate for tlio Presidency. 
 
 The writer was at the time in a situation to know that these nominations were 
 to Mr. Biruev. as a personal matter, altoircther unacceptable; that his feelin<TswerQ 
 averse to the notoriety that Micli a ]tositioii gave him, and that ho would have 
 groRtlv preferred to have been more retired, but lio submitted to the wishes of his 
 co-laborers, vnider the conviction that tliis was one of the modes, and perhaps the 
 most efhcient mode of publishinfj tlie princij)Ies and the views, for the dissemina- 
 tion and success of which he had been at such sacrifice and so long^ laboring. 
 
 He considered that while he wa.s consentinj; to be lield up as a target to be 
 shot at, h'- would incidentally thus be the means of attracting the attention of the 
 national mind to the consiilonition of the necessity of divorcing the government from 
 subserviencv to slavery, and bringing it back to the principles on which it was 
 established. He could ex]>ect no advantage to himself. His sensitive mind 
 certainlv could not have been pleased with the prospect of the abuse, detraction, 
 and slander that were inevitably to be heaped upon, and thrown against him. 
 He passed through an ordeal that few men have to try; and that undoubtedly 
 shortened his life by several years. 
 
 During the summer of 1844, a large meeting was held in Pittsburgh, to 
 consider the subject of annexation. A committee was .nppointed to correspond 
 with all those citizens whose names were before the public as candidates for the 
 Presidencv, and ask of them an explicit declaration of their views, on the subject 
 of annexation. President Green thus speaks of Mr. Birney's reply: 
 
 "TIk" icplv tit Mr. Hirney is fiiiineiitly (hanictcristic. It is directly iind wlndiy to the 
 |iur|)ow'. Tin- convictions of llic writer arc desi,iil)C(l definitely and cioaiiy; — without 
 ttmlii(:iiiiy and disjnii^if Tin- arjruin<'nt is as Iwantiliil as it is coniiiact and concise. The 
 whole ]>a)M'r is u just and striking s|ic(im<'n of frtnwine statcsniansliip: — sudi as is alooe 
 adiipled to tli.' <'\i;.'ciuic8 in wliidi our country is iltrown." 
 The following is an extract from that letter: 
 
 "I am ii'ii avfi-sf to a iil>eral consiniction of the pow«TS of tin; government, whenever 
 tlic ohjects oinijrlit are jilainly allowed in llie constiiulion. But when they are unknown to 
 the constitution, the liheral eonstniclion wliicli lieconies neecssary to authorize tlicm. is but 
 another iiaiiii' tor usurpation." 
 
 •'It oujrht iii'ver to Im- lost sijiht ot. that in this country the so\<TeiL.'iity. in substance, as 
 well at> in name abides with the peojde; that tlie jiowers of tiie government are but emana- 
 fi(»n» or portioiih of that .sovei-ei;;nty inijiarted to such of the citizens as may be duly called 
 lo iKlmiiii^tralive functions; and that tli<'s«> ])owei-s, wliilst they are to 1m' exercised .solely for 
 (he fjenend wt-lfare. must not l)e exercised at nindnni. Init within the limits marked out by 
 the |H*o|ile them-^dves. in the constiiulion. Should exfierience jirovo that these limits an; 
 i<K) narrow, the people, on In-iiiff duly resorted lo. will, throuijh ttieir own instrumentality, 
 the Slate*. inlaiKr them as they may deem expedient. .Mean time the incoineniencies 
 irisinn fi-om powers thou^dit to be too much restricted, but w Inch arc so susce])tible of so 
 • omjdete II reme<ly, oiifiht to be )iai'tially borne with; for they are as nothinLT when com- 
 pure*! willi the uncerlainliei*, thi- disonjei-s the jierils, the oj)prcssions attending,' a {^ovem- 
 ineiil all at Ioom* ends; \ascillatinK and distiaeted by the varyini; opinions and conflicting 
 iheoricH of iIioim- who may suc(.'essi\ »'ly U- called to administer it (iO\ernmenls without 
 iiumlMT have In-eii broujfht to noufjht. by what i> called a lilieral coiislructioii of their 
 (lowerH: tail f'W ha\e Millered loss In a ri^jid one. The liberal construction of to-day is 
 iioi unfreipieiilly made the ground-work of n more liberal, if iir)i a licentious one 
 lo-iiiorniw" 
 
 '• My answer lo your third ami last impiirs, • irmUd i/uii (>!• trilliin/ ti> receive it as slave 
 .V(Ti7»/i7/.*' may Im* luiticiputed fjeneially from w hat 1 have said in answj^r to your second 
 I'luiiy. Hut I Ininl yon will n-ceive iiidul;;entl\ a brief explication of mv views on tie 
 -.o.'cet." 
 
A TltnUTK TO JAMKS (i. ItlltNKV. 15 
 
 "I allow not to liiumiii hiws, he they i)riiiiarv or .-iccoinLiry. no iiialtcr liy wliiit iiuinlxTor 
 with what ^^oloiiinilios ordained, tiie least senihlunte of risrht to estal)li>h sla\erv. to mak(i 
 properly of my fellow man. created ((inally with myself in the ima<;'e of (iod. Individually, 
 or as political conimmdlies. men Iiunc no more rigid lo enact ^iiavery than they have to 
 enact murder or ))las)ihemy. To establish Slavery is to dethrone ritjiit. (o trample on 
 jusliee, the only true foundations ol ;j;(jveriiin('nt. (lovernments exist not for the destruction 
 of lilierty, but for its defence. — not for (he annihilalion of men's I'ifihts, but for their jjruser- 
 vatioii. Do they incorportite in their ort>anic law the elemi-nt of iiijuslice'.' Do they live 
 i)V admittinj;' it in practicir.' Then do they destroy their own iitundalioii. and absolve all 
 men from the duty of alle,!iiance"" 
 
 '•We lia\e no right to ri»tti,uie chains which we ha\(' no right to forge or lo impose."' 
 After a review of the fncts pertaining to the purchase of Louisinnn, and the 
 compromise upon the iidniissioii of Missouri, he concludes as follows: 
 
 "Such is (he condition of o\ir affairs now — one fIlr^\■hich we have been prepared, mainly 
 by the two annexations that havi- already taken place, and by the adnussion of Missouri 
 into the Union. It is a sad condiliou, Imt not devoid of hoiie. For again are the friends of 
 the Constitution and of universal liberty rallying, and fast swelling the ranks of a i)arty in 
 whose success lies, as 1 (irmly believe, (he oidy reasonable hope for the rescue of the 
 Republic from its most dangerous and most insidious foe. Already is it evident that the 
 constancy an<l energy, and acdvity of (Ik^ Lil)er(y Party are no( without some of their 
 proper fruits. Tlu^ sagacious Ix-gin (o discover (hat (h<; slave jjower has met wi(li an adver- 
 saiy more formidable than any it ha- yet had to cojie with; that confusion and despondency 
 are showing (heniselves among the leaders of its battalia; that the rescue of the govern- 
 ment from that dark ]iower, and the crowning blessing of our holy struggle, Us utter and 
 everlast'u)'! ovcrthroic, shall at no very distant period cause the song of praise and thanks- 
 giving to ascend from all the borders of the land to Him in A\hose might we have fought, 
 and who has gi\en us the \ icfcjry. At such a time, in such a crisis, to receive Texas as a 
 slave territory, would l>e u gri<'vons event, to be addcul to the already unhappy catalogue of 
 events of kindred character, that have been used lo establish injustice in the land, and to 
 ])erpetuate the evils of (he mos( abominable tyranny that man iuu>< I'ver usurped over his 
 fellow man." 
 
 NO rXFJMENDLY FEELING TOWARD MR. Cl.AV. 
 
 The excitement during the canvass of 1844, ran very high. Mr. Clay, the 
 candidate of the Whigs, had many ardent and enthusiastic admirers, who were 
 readv to do everything within their power for his election. They seemed to think 
 that all that was good in principle was upon their side; and that opposition must 
 arise from some personal hostility. The chief whig papers declared that Mr. 
 Birney persisted in being a candidate, because of some personal hostility enter- 
 tained toward Mr. Clay. 
 
 In reply to this, Mr. Birnoy wrote a letter, of which the following is au 
 extract: 
 
 IIamdkx, Ct.. October lu, 1844 
 To Editor of X. V. Tribune: 
 
 '• The charge of inveterate hostility to Mr. t'lay, if it means anydiing more than politi- 
 cal opposition, is wholly imaginary. I have no reasons for opposing Mr. Clay on personal 
 grounds. On (he contrary, the intercourse we have had has been of the most friendly 
 character." 
 
 '■ I oppose hise|{H;tion because he dist)elie\es th(' great political truths t>f the Declaration 
 of Independence — the foundation of all just governments; and because he repudiates the 
 paramount object of the union — the perpetuation of liberty to all. On the same ground I 
 opposi' the election of Mr. Polk." 
 
 TIIF GARLAND LETXflR. 
 
 In October, 1844, a letter, known as the Garland letter, and purporting to bo 
 writtec bv James G. Birney, was pnblished, and circulate<l with the utmost 
 diligence, for the purpose of influencing the October elections. 
 
 It was first distributed in an extra of the " Oakland (xazette," a whig paper, 
 published at Pontiao, Michigan, and made Mr. Birney declare full adhesion to 
 the Democratic party, with an affidavit of ^f^. Garland before a niagistrate, of the 
 
16 A TklHITK Itl J.VMLS «;. BIRNFV. 
 
 gunuincness of the letter. So important was this letter deemed to be, that the 
 Whig Stale Committee in ludiaiui issued a public address containing it; the Ohio 
 State Joiiriial issued j\. in hu extra, judiciously timed so as to reach every part 
 of the State about three days before' the election; the Portland Advertiser did 
 the same; Mr. Giddings, in the Western reserve, Mr. Webster, in Massachusetts, 
 and otht'r orators pledged themselves lor its genuineness. 
 
 Sliitements subsequently appeared, showing that the letter was printed in an 
 office at Pontiac, at midnight, by parlies who knew that the whole thing was an 
 utter forgery. 
 
 The eHect of the letter would have been to destroy the confidence of Mr. 
 Birney's supporters, and to have blasted his character among all upright men. 
 False as it was, it doubtless had some etTect upon the election. 
 
 The great wrong sought to bo jiorpelrated, has never been acknowledged by 
 any who were parties to the preparation of the forgery, and who assisted in its 
 circulation. 
 
 UEB.VTK IN DblTRdlT. 
 
 The bitterness with whi«-h a contest was carried ou. chiefly through the 
 fearH of the two large parties competing for success, was exceedingly disagree- 
 able to him. He siibniitted to it only on accouiif of ;m imperative sense of 
 duty. 
 
 The mental labor imposed upon him by continuous effort before the public 
 wore upon his health, and he was advised by eminent phy.sieians that he must 
 have rest. On this aeeoimt. with other rea.sons, although lie had selected and 
 fitted up a residence in central New V<irk. he determined to i-emove to Michigan, 
 even upon the frontier of civilization. Here he designed to get rid of the excite- 
 ment in which he hail been c<tnstaiitly ke])t. ever since he did so unpopular a 
 thing as to free a sla\e. l)iit his rciioniinati(m for the Presidency kept him 
 Ftill before the jjublic. 
 
 An illustration of the kind of treatment the candidate ol' that un])opular 
 party had to endure, the pajiers of that date give the following aei-ouut of his 
 reception in Dt^troit, on one occasion. " The Liberty Party luul provided a 
 hall, which they called Liberty ll.iU. and opened it for piiblie discussion. 
 .\fter several meetings had been Ifeld, Mr. Piatt, a zealous ^^'hig, and formerly 
 Attoruev <ien<'ral of the State jiroposed to reply. Judge Wilkins had cou- 
 Hcnted to reply to him. but his duties iuiprtsed a temporary delay. .Mr. Birney 
 hapju'uing to lie passing through the city on his way east, on the Sth of July, 
 lb4i, was invited to he present, and to ]»arlicipate in the debate. It having 
 been annimm-ed that he was to speak, the hall was filled with a dense body of 
 citizens. Mr. Stewart's opening remarks were received with respect. Mr. 
 PlattK <voked hearty and rejieated elieers from his party, but when Mr. Birney 
 roBe he was received with loud and pndouged hissing. The President had 
 great diflieuUy in ri'storing order. A eorresjtondent of one <if those papers, 
 visiting in hctroit, mider d.ate of .July 1>. 1S||. speaking of this treatment 
 
 Kiid: 
 
 '•Thin uiiyehlli'iiianlikonini itMl<'<i>n>iis Irealment o( a m'litleiiiiiii <>t Mr. iJiriiey's knowi; 
 ••haraet<'r ami ^lall<lina — a vi.silur to our city nml a tiuesl in our Hall. ;:r.ite(l muoli on the 
 f»H'lini»K of all prewenl wliose sonsibi lilies wore not dulled to iirojtriety. by the inaddening 
 iiilhifnceHof over parly zeiil. It wnx onleiil.itcMj t«» wound Mr. nirney'.s feelincs, and <rreatly^ 
 • iiiliarra-" lii" train of tliouulit. This I will .say, tlmt notliin^ in the launuage or manner of 
 Mr. lliri > ever imlliale .such a lireadi of propriety, ili.s lanmiajie was mild; his 
 
 manner J 1 ihiil eulinness and ni<Mleratiun wliieh are it.s ehanictorislic; lie made no 
 
 t.harue, and uk<^1 no e[iit!ieU'. It is due however to Mr. I'latt to say that lie conducted lii.s 
 {.art in o handsome and •r'-i'''"'"''"'^ "•^omei lie w;is uu<^i eoiirteous. and even coiupli- 
 
A TKIIUTE TO .JAMI).-; <i. llllt.NKV. 17 
 
 /iu"'iUarv t() tlio inoi'al and iiitdli'Ctual staiidiiiii; nl Mr. IJirncy. His ar<riimeiit.s weie can- 
 did, and wero uiijod with all llio foire of whicli tl icy were capable; tlicy wore plausible, 
 ingenious, and well selected ; thai f hey wore not st^on^^^ was not Mr. Piatt's fault. They 
 were tlie best of thosi? put forth by his party, and were well sustaiised. They failed because 
 of their inherent weakness.'' 
 
 ''That they dill fail, and that those of Mr. I$irn(>y jirevailed is admitted, I believe by 
 fill, of every i)arty, but certainly by a decisive majority, even of tlu^ Whiles ])re.senf. Mr. 
 Birney has devot<>d a large part of an active life, spent amid slavery in exclusive devotion 
 to this subject. He has brounht to it intellect anil talents of a hi}jh order — a thoujThtful 
 and reflective mind, has discsled the events of time; memory and order have laid them 
 by ready for u.se at a moment's call. [t does Mr. Piatt no discredit to say liial on th(! 
 subject of slavery he was unabh^ to nuHst James (}. Birney." 
 
 " Afr. IJiriu\v's eObrt was one of thi> h!i])piest nature, ])robably one of the l)est he ever 
 made — the most powerful and convincing certainly that the v,riter ever lieard from him. 
 His laiiouage was mild, clear and of the most classical jnuity. His action was in strict 
 keeping with his subjects. His reasoning was intelligible and convincing. At times he 
 rose to the highest pitches of the most pure eloquence, thrilling every hearer no less with 
 the nobleness of his subject than the appropriate beauty of his language. He rose willi his 
 thenu\ and as he descanted upon tiie liudalo iesolutit)ns resp(>cting the constituri(!nal jjro- 
 vision for surrendering fugitive slaves, as he dwelt upon the onmi])otence of God's law, 
 of the awful daring of m(>n who legislate against, it. as lie portrayed the ini<[uity of slavery, 
 the stripes and lashes of the task-master, the escape of the slave at last, the ptirsuit, the 
 recapture, the mocking claim that the fugitive owes service, he carried with him his 
 whole audience, and a burst of universal ajjplau.se proclaimed that party feeling for once 
 fled before the more generous sym])athies of the American." 
 
 " When Mr. Birney closed, a voice in the crowd called for ' three cheers for Birney,' it 
 wa.sjjeartily responded to, and though so many hundreds of political op[)onents were present 
 not a sound of di.sapi)robation mingled with this tribute of respect." i 
 
 Nevertheless, there was a result that frequently attends success. His op- 
 ponents embraced every opportunity to cover him with abuse. They wished to 
 neutralize any favor which the matter and manner of his speech had gaiiied for 
 him. The Detroit Advertiser, then eminently a Clay paper, of the 11th of 
 Jul}', 1844, contained a long article, signed a " Whig," containing a cari- 
 cature of his remarks, and accusing him of " base and deliberate calumny," of 
 " adding cowardice to falsehood," of " shameless and venomous falsehood," of 
 using " low scandals," and " glaring perversions of truth," '' and his whole 
 speech was a tissue of rancerous personal abuse, sly, unmanly inuendo, and 
 harsh and brutal calumny." 
 
 This letter in the Advertiser was accompanied with an intimation that Mr. 
 Birney or his friends, if agrieved by such a publication, might make correc- 
 tions and (Explanations through the same paper that had published the anony- 
 mous libel. To which Mr. Birney returned the following reply: 
 
 To the Editors of the Iktroit Advertiser : 
 
 " Gentelemen : — Duly acknowledging the ofTer which you have authorized to be made 
 to nie, to o])en yriur columns for any answer that I might choose to make to an article signed 
 "A Whig," wliich appeared in the Advertiser, of this morning, I have only to say, that e'very 
 consideration of the respect that is due both to myself and to the public, forbid my takino- 
 any further notice of the article in question, abounding as it does, in false and reckless assei-^ 
 tions, and violating in the language in which the assertions are made, the acknowledo-ed 
 courtesy of uewspaper discussion. 
 
 Yours, &c., JAMES G. BIRNEY." 
 
 Detroit, July 11th, 1844. 
 
 The editor of the Si(/ml of Liberty, of July 22d, 1844, speaking of this 
 debate, said : 
 
 " We were in Detroit a day or two after, and were gi-atified to find that men of all par- 
 ties and conditions, Judges and Statesmen, down to the class that hold political discussions in 
 the grocery, were unanimous in the opinion that Mr. Birney's vindication of the principles 
 and policy of the Liberty party, against the charges so ably preferred by Mr. Platl vas 
 full, satisfactory, complete and triumphant." ' 
 
IK A TKIIIl'TK TO .lAMKS (i. BIRNKY. 
 
 THK DKFKAT OF II EN 11 Y CLAY. 
 
 At the elcctiuii of 1844. James G. Birnoy received 62,300 votes. Henry 
 Clay received 1.2!t!»,0(»iJ. .Jaiue.s K. Pnll<, IM'.n.'lVo. Polk's majority over 
 Clav was 38,181. Biniev's vote added to Clay would have given a majority 
 of Si, 11 9. 
 
 If 0,107 coidd liave Ikhmi taken away from the Liberty party and added to 
 those cast by the Whig party in New York, Mr. (May would have received the 
 electoral vote of that State, and that taken from I\Ir. Polk and given to him, 
 would undou])te(lly have elected him President. The friend.s of Mr. C^lay up- 
 on making thit< di.scovery, gave vent to the most intense disappointment, and 
 put no restraint upon the abuse they heaped upon those who were so obstinate 
 as to east their votes foV a maji whom tliey had not the slightest hope of elect- 
 ing. They could n>it then see the least benefit to arise from voting for a priu 
 ciplc. They seemed to think that the Whig party was a matter of course 
 tnititled to the anti-slavery vote. But that was not the only State in which 
 the same result had happened. In Michigan Mr. Polk received 27.759 votes, 
 yiv. Clav "Jt.'I.'H. Mr. Binu'y 8,()o2. So that it is perfectly clear in this case 
 alsi). that if the i^iberty party ^-ote " had not been thrown away on Birney," 
 Mr. Clay would have received the electoral vote of Michigan. 
 
 Yet a similar fact occurred in the State of Ohio, in regard to the Demo- 
 cratic party. In that State Mr. Clay received 155,057 votes, Mr. Polk 149,- 
 117, Mr. liirney S,(>5(i. It is apparent that if the Birney vote had been 
 added to that of Polk, Mr. Clay would not have secured the electorial vote of 
 Ohio., And it might have been that the vote of that State would have deci- 
 ded who should have been President. In that case the Democratic party could 
 have used the same cause of complaint. 
 
 THK COURSE OF THE N. V. TIUIJUNE. 
 
 At that time the Xetr Yuri' Tribune was the leading journal of the Whig 
 party. Its editor idolized Mr. (May. lie appeared to think that it was only 
 necessary to make Mr. Clay President, to inaugurate the golden age in which 
 all evil would be surmounted, and every good promoted. His acbniration was 
 HO complftt' that he doubtless thought so then. His ])aper was for a long time 
 filled with the most unmitigated abuse of Mr. Birney, for allowing him- 
 self to be voted for, by so numy misguided men. Sometime within the follow- 
 ing two years, :i man by the name of .lames (i. Barney died at the place of 
 .Mr. Birney 's residence. A vessel arriving at Chicago froni Lower Saginaw, 
 reported that James (i. Birney had died. The telegraph conveyed the intel- 
 ligence to New York. The Tribntw jmblished an obituary, regardless of the 
 ancient adage, nil niorfum utti honum, but made it the oec:usion of a malignant 
 attack, assailing his motives, and bewailing lh(> great error of his life, in not 
 electing Henry Clay. Mr. Birney was at the time at the residence of a son in 
 Cincinnati. He replied in a mild letter to the Tribune, stating that he had the 
 satisfaction of reading his own obituary and corrected sonic i)alpablo errors 
 into which the editor liad fallen. 
 
 Mr. Clay died in 1H52. Mr. (rrccly wrote his biography in which he re- 
 peats the charge above referred to, in the fcdlowing pa.ssage : 
 
 ■ Mr. I'lilk carricii most «>l iho Soutlieni Stales on the lussuniption tliat the acquisition 
 of T<*xa.n would Klrciicllipii th«i jMiwor of ulavcry, und improve the market for slaves, while 
 Now York nnd oUn'r SUilfs. Iioctilc to thai policy, wen* lost to Mr. Clay l)y tlio anti-Texas 
 \tiUm (hrowii awnv on Jaiii<« O. Hirncv. Mr. Polk rcrcivcd 170 electoral voles, Mr. Clav 
 
A TIUmiTK TO JAMKS (;. lilllNKV. 19 
 
 105. New York aloiio would have cliaii;4(>(l llic i(>sult, and lit-r electors were secured to 
 Polk by a pleuralitj' of 5,10(1, while more tliaii 15,000 votcH were squandered un llie Birney 
 Abolition ticket." 
 
 Yet ill the same biography ho makes the following admission : 
 
 • Durini2 the winter and spring of 1848, Mr. Clay's name was again presented in con- 
 nection Willi the Whig nomination for the Presidency, and was very warmly iiailed by the 
 great mass of the ])eople, but the leading jioliticians, beli(n'ing that the i)rejudice against 
 him in the minds of the majority of tlie voters, however unjust, was rooted and invincible, 
 were generally in favor of nominating Gen. Taylor." "Gen. Taylor rcceiveil 111 votes 
 in convention. Mr. Clay 07, and some 80 were scattered upon other persons." 
 
 This idea, as propagated by ^Ir. Greeley, grew and gained strength, so much 
 so, that ill almost everything written on the same point by members of the 
 same party up to 18G0, the idea is repeated. 
 
 The American Encyclopedia ^ published by Appleton, of N. Y., in 185S, con- 
 tains what purports to be a sketch of the life of James CI. Birney. The fol- 
 lowing remarkable passage occurs in it : 
 
 "His pur))ose was to build nj) a ])olitical ])arty upon the single question of slaveiy, to 
 act upon the government within the forms of the Constitution ; and he succeded in forming 
 an organization in most of the Northern States, under the name of the Liberty Party. 
 During his absence in England, he was nominated in 1 840 by that party for the Presidency, 
 but met with little success. He was again nominated in 1844, when he received more votes. 
 It was charged upon his friends, at the time, that by withdrawing their votes from Mr. Clay, 
 especially in the State of New York, they accomplished the election of Mr. Polk, thus aim- 
 ing the death blow at their own projects."' 
 
 The author of that article was indeed correct in saying that such a charge 
 had been made. But history, that is now rapidly righting what has been wrong, 
 must find the fo],lowiug facts ; The Liberty party, as early as 18o9, had an- 
 nounced their declaration of sentiments. To vote for a slaveholder for any 
 office was entirely inconsistaut with these sentiments, as much so as the holding 
 of slaves would have been. It was organized to oppose slaveiy. How then 
 could it support a slaveholder for the highest office in the land — as well ask a 
 christian church to make a bishop of the devil. 
 
 The national convention of the Liberty part}^ held in 1843, at Buffalo, 
 adopted a series of resolutions as their platform, of which tlie following was 
 one; 
 
 " That we regard voting, in an eminent degree, as a moral and religious duty, which, 
 when exercised, should be by voting for those who will do all in their ])ower for immediate 
 emancipation." 
 
 Could it be said that a Kentucky slaveholder, who Avas receiving the un- 
 paid toil of slaves, was one who was doing all he could for immediate emancipa- 
 tion '? xVbsurd ! The Liberty party had better at once have disbanded than 
 have voted for any such man. And the more influential such a man, the greater 
 the probability of his counteracting the sentiments of this newly organized 
 party. To vote for him would have been untieing the cord that bound such a 
 party together. 
 
 The leaders of the Whig party understood this matter thoroughly. They 
 neither expected, nor had they right to expect, that tlie Liberty party would 
 vote for a slaveholder. In view of this fact, they selected Mr. Clay as their 
 standard bearer. They conjectured that his popularity, was so groat that he 
 could be elected without so contemptible a fragment as the Liberty party. 
 
 Did Mr. Birney's friends withdraw their votes from I\Ir. Clay 'i What are 
 the facts':' In 1843. on a vote for State officers in New York, the Liberty party 
 cast 16,275 votes. These votes, therefore, may be considered as committed to 
 the Liberty party irrespective of the claims of Mr. Clay. If in the next year at 
 
•JO A TniBUTK Tl» JA.MKS C. Hlli.NKV. 
 
 the Pre8i(l«n»tial vote, the number had greatly increased, it might possibly be 
 inf\rn'(l thrit some votes were vitlidrawii iVoiu Mr. (May, although Democrats, 
 n.s well as Whigs joiued the Liberty party, liut in 1S44, instead of being 
 increased, tlie Liberty party was according to one account only 15,119, and 
 according to anothrr lV),sl'i. In view of this fact, it might, with much more 
 propriety, be said, that 3Ir. ('lay\s friends withdrew from 3Ir. Birncy. 
 
 This whole charge- has no other dignity than that of a mere complaint of 
 dis.ippointed jjoliticians. History will reject it as false, in fact, — unphilosophi- 
 cal in theory, and as no foundation for a complaint. 
 
 Every intelligent mind readily attributes Mr. Clay's defeat to another 
 cause. The country was then agitated by the question of the extension of 
 the area of slavery. The Northern mind was opposed to extension. The leg- 
 islatures of the free States, almost without exception, whether Whig or Demo- 
 cratic, solemnly protested against the admission of Texas witli slavery. The 
 lower branch of the legislature of New York, adopted the following resolution : 
 
 '• Reitolved, That thi.s leji.'ilature do, in the name of the i)eoi)Ie in the State of New York, 
 solemnly protest against tlio admi.-ision of the Republic of Tcxa.s into this Union." 
 
 The legislature of Michigan, 
 
 " Rrsolved, That in behalf and in the name of the State of Michigan, this legislature doth 
 hereby dissent from, and solemnly protest against the annexation for any purpose to this 
 Union, of Texas. , 
 
 These are but samples of the resolutions passed by several States. 
 
 In view of this Northern sentiment, Mr. Clay, when making a tour through 
 the South, in the earlier part of the canvass of 1844, wrote a letter dated at 
 Raleigh, and sent it North for publication, in which he gave the impression that 
 he was oppo.sed to the annexation of Texas. It was not long before the South- 
 ern papers commenced assailing him as one opposed to their policy. His 
 Northern friends, doubtless Mr. Greeley among the number, became alarmed by 
 the apprehensions that Mr. Clay was losing Southern support. To counteract 
 this reaction of the slavery sentiment, Mr. Clay prepared and published a let- 
 ter in the North Alabaraian, of which the following is the portion relating to 
 this (jucstion : 
 
 AsHLAKD, July 27, 1844. 
 MessfH. I'ETEKS & JACKSON. 
 
 * * * " I?iit gentlemen you are desirous of knowing by what policy I would be 
 guided in niy election as Chief Magistrate of the United States, in reference to the ([uestion 
 of the anne.Katioii t)f Texas. I do not think it right to announce in advance, the course of 
 a future administration, in reference to a (juestion of foreign jyower." 
 
 " I have, liowever, no hesitation in sayiiig, that far from having any personal objection 
 to the annexation of Te.xa.s. I should be ghul to see it, without dishonor, without war, with 
 the common consent of the Union, and u])on Just and tair terms," 
 
 '• I do not think thai the subject of slavery ought to ad'ect the question, one way or the 
 other. It is de.stined to become e.xtinrt at some distant day in my oi>inion, by the opera- 
 tion of the inevitable laws of populatifni." 
 
 " It would be unwise to refu.se a pennanenl acipiisition which will exist a.s long as the 
 globe remains, on account of a temjKirary instilulion." 
 
 '■ In the contingency of my electinn, to which you have adverted, if the affair of acquir- 
 ing Texas, should l)econie !i subject of considt-riition I should be governed by the state of 
 fact, and the state of ])ublic o|>inion existing at the time, I might be called upon to act. 
 .Above all I shoidd be governed l>y the ))araniount duty of prcs«i-ving the Union entire and 
 in liannoiiy, regarding it as 1 do, the great guaranty of every political ami public blessing 
 under Providence, which a.s a people we are ])ermitte<l to enjoy." 
 
 11. CL.W." 
 
 This letter as a matter of course, greatly alarmed Mr. Clay's friends at 
 the North. They showed so much apprehension of disaster to the cause, 
 
A TRIBUTE TO JAMES U. BIRNKY. 21 
 
 that Mr. Clay was induced to write another letter, dated Sept. 18, 1844, in 
 which he .said that his Alabama letter was not to be taken as differing from his 
 Raleigh letter. 
 
 Mr. Clay was evidently in a predicament of the rider who attempts to sit 
 upon two horses at once. While these letters were passing to and fro, to keep 
 matters in balance, Mr. Cassius M. 'Clay, was stumping New England and on 
 the Boston Common, said : 
 
 " I take Mr. Clay by his pledges. I hold him to them, that he m\l not sanction the 
 admission of Texas." 
 
 Can the reader tell which were his pledges V Has it ever been known that 
 such a vacillating policy gained favor with the American mind ? 
 
 No one has done more than Mr. Greeley in giving currency to the opinion 
 that Mr. Clay was defeated by the " Birney abolition vote.'' And yet when his 
 thoughts and prejudices are not excited against the Liberty party, and those 
 who stood in the breach in that age of martyrdom, he acknowledges the whole 
 truth. He puts the fact where history will place it. 
 
 MR. GREELEY'S RETRACTION, 
 
 In 1860 Mr. Grreeley published in the Tribune a series of letters signed by 
 himself, and addressed to Hiram Ketchiun, Esq., of New York. In one 
 of these letters occurs the following very remarkable passage — remarkable in 
 view of his oft repeated assertions of previous date. 
 
 " Mr. Ketchum : I knew you when you could not have been goaded into so base a 
 misrepresentation of the position you have deserted. You told your hearers that you are 
 old enough to have participated in the Missouri struggle which was settled by Mr. Clay's 
 compromise. Why did you not tell them the whole truth ? Why not say that you threw 
 your whole soul into that contest on the anti-slavery side — tliat you resisted, to the bitter 
 end, the admission of a new slave State, fonued out of territory that had been slaveholding 
 long before we ever acquiretl it, and which had now formed a slave constitution in accord- 
 ance with the all but unanimous demaTid of her people. You knew that Mr. Clay's com- 
 promise was emphatically condemned and resisted by Mr. Webster, — and of course by Mr. 
 Everett and yourself — that you regarded the fourteen out of ninety Northern representatives, 
 who acquiesed in that compromise, as traitors to theii- constituents. You knew that you 
 heartily re-echoed Mr. Webster's avowal in his Niblo's Garden s))e<>eh in 1838, that the 
 sentiment of hostility to slavery extension had taken a deep hold on the religious sen- 
 timent and conscience of the country, and that he fully shared in that .sentiment. You know 
 how vehemently he and you fought the tight of '44, against tho. annexation of Texas, 
 expressly because of your rejiugnance to slavery extension^ tnid how you hoih execrated Mr. 
 ■ Clai/'n Alabama leiier as harlinj luijastifiahly weakined, if )iot tamed, onr hiiih moral panition on 
 that ml'jeet. Who can forget the thunder of black Dan's brow at the Whig mass meetings 
 throughout that memorable contest, as he made resistance to slavery extension the key note 
 of that struggle. Were you and he then contending that ■ the Constitution was made, not 
 for the white man but for negroes ?'" Was it in behalf of the negroes and against whites that 
 you made that glorious though unfortunate struggle — itvfortiinalc as you and 1 thought, main- 
 ly because Mr. Clay interposed to deranye var order of battle, and prevent our fiyhtimj it mi the 
 unti-slavery yrouiul we had chosen. 
 
 It plainly appears from this, that although Mr. Greely execrated Mr. Clay's 
 letter, as having unjustifiably weakened -his high moral position on the sub- 
 ject of slavery, yet he considered himself justified in heaping abuse upon the 
 man who permitted himself to be voted for by those men, who if they did not 
 execrate the letter could not persuade themselves to give the author of it their 
 political support. 
 
 If his position was weakened by such a letter, what would have been the 
 efi:ect upon the position of the Liberty Party, if after all they had declared 
 
22 A TUIBtTK TO JAMES 0. BIKNEV. 
 
 and uffirmed before the world tlu'y had forsaken Mr. IJirnoy, whose letter above 
 (juoti'd ^h(tw(.'d uutjualitii'd objfftion to the admission of Texas as a slave State, 
 and have given their votes to the author of this letter, who thought that slavery 
 ought not to eftett the subject one way or another V It would undoubtedly 
 have been utterly j.rostrated and dissolved , Mr. (ireely designed to take a high 
 moral position oii the subject of slavery. Had not ^Ir. Birney a right not 
 only to take, but to hold a high moral position on the samo subject ? 
 
 If the Liberty party had then surrendered, at what time would the Repub- 
 lican party have triumphed upon the (question of oppositi(jn to slavery extension? 
 
 But -Mr. (Ireeley as he grows older, also grows more positive on the question 
 of the cause of Mr. Clay's defeat. In the Tribune of Jan. 7, 18G4, he replies 
 to an article of the Rovhcster Baih) UnioiK in which it is asserted that " Mr. 
 Seward and Thurlow Weed plotted for Mr. Clay's defeat," and that this was 
 known to Mr. (Ireeley. lie denies the charge, and says that although Messrs. 
 Seward and Weed are not his friends, " yet that truth is truth," and he must 
 utter it — that it " has long been his decided conviction that hut for Mr. Chifs 
 oicn unfortumte and nadli/ preverted letters to Alabama, tvith regard to the annexation 
 of Texas, his election could not have been p-evertedy 
 
 Great men are often convicted of inconsistency, especially in the heat of 
 party contest, but do the annals of American politics furnish an instance of 
 more complete retraction, or change of base, than this admission of Mr. (ireeley ? 
 He avers positively that Mr. Clay's defeat was owing to his own unfortunate — 
 execrable letter — that his election could not been preverted if ho had not writ- 
 ten it, — yet in the biography of Mr. Clay, he asserts that New York was lost 
 to Mr. Clay because Ifi.OOO anti-Texas votes were thrown away on James Gr. 
 Birney. Can Mr. (Jreeley be so simple minded as to suppose that those ] 5,000 
 votes would have been cast for Mr. Clay, even if he had not written a letter 
 that his warmest friends could not help execrating ':* Those 15,000 voters ad- 
 hered to Mr. Birney amid the vilest abuse that Wiis ever heaped upon any man 
 placed before the public as a candidate for office. 
 
 Within the last few months Mr. Cireeley wrote an article for the iY. Y. Inde- 
 pendent, in which he gave his opinion of the durability of the reputation of cer- 
 tain mordern orators. He takes pains to say as to Mr. Clay, that although his 
 oratory was popular at the time of delivery, yet that he failed to ally himself 
 with any great moral (jucstion that would render his fann; lasting. 
 
 Perhaps Mr. Greely, in his forthcoming work, giving a history of the strug- 
 gle for freedom in America, may advance so far iis to admit that Mr. Clay. 
 never «'vineed statesmanship in his treatment of the subject of slavery. Cer- 
 tainly it is true, and can be demonstrated that for twenty-four years he made 
 no progress iu graj)pling the problem. 
 
 Mr i5enton. in his work " Thirty years in the U. S. Senate," shows conclu- 
 Bively, that the Missoiiri compromise was lirought about by the efforts of Mr. 
 (May, that he moved the re.soliitioiis providing for a joint committee of both 
 HouHes, and was allowed to make out his own list of names for a committee, 
 and (listributed it through the iloii.sc, to be voted for, ;tnd that the responsi- 
 bility of the success of that movement devolved upon him. The argumeuth' he 
 used in ISl!) in regard to the method in which he thought slavery would be 
 extinguisheii. were .almost in idem rcrbia as tho.se em]>loy(Nl in his Alabama 
 letter, of iMll. 
 
 " Mr. Clny, in conductiiijf tlio Missouri coinpronii.se, found it iiPCRS.sary to argue that the 
 admi.Mxioii of Mis-touri im a slavolioldiiiu State would ;iid in hriiiijiiij; about Itie termination 
 of iil;iv«Ty. His nrL:iiiii<>iii is tlms stated liy tlie linn. Mr. S:ir<j;oaiit, who replied to him." 
 
 Lo?G. 
 
A TKIBUTK TO JAMKS 0. BIRNEY. 23 
 
 " In this long view of remote and distant consequences, the gentleman from Kentucky, 
 (Mr. Clay,) thinks he sees how slavciy, when thus spread, is at last to find its end. It is to 
 be brought about by the combined oiieration of the laws which regulate the j)rice of labor, 
 and the Imn trhirh (jovirn po-pidation. When the country shall be filled witli inbabilants, and 
 the price of labor shall have reached a mininuun, iVtw labor will be found cheaper than 
 slave labor. Slaves will then be without employment, and of cour.se without the means of 
 comfortable subsistence, which will reduce their numbers, and Ihially extiri)ate them. This 
 is the argument, as I understand it." 
 
 In the light of the past, as well as of the present, can any intelligent read- 
 er declare such views to be those of a comprehensive statesman V 
 
 He reiterates them in his Alabama letter, when he says " it. (slavery.) is des- 
 tined to become extinct at some distant day, in my opinion, by the operation of 
 the inevitable laws of population." 
 
 The Missouri compromise was accomplished as a political measure to secure 
 tlie balance of power for the South. It was a triumph of slavery, and the sanc- 
 tion of the nation was given to it. Its power has ever since been, strengthening. 
 Instead of diminishing, its subjects have reached the number of four millions, 
 and the owners arc seeking to overturn the govei-nment, and establish a sover- 
 eignty for themselves, the corner-stone of which, shall be slavery. 
 
 When James (x. Birney was asked by a public meeting at Pittsburgh, whether 
 he would be willing to admit Texas as a slave territory, he replied : 
 
 " Governments exist not for the destruction of liberty but for its defetice ; not for the 
 annihilation of men's rights but their preservation. Do they incorporate in their organic 
 law the element of wjustke ? Do they live by admitting it in practice ] Then do they 
 destroy their own foundation." 
 
 " On this ground were there no other, I should say we cannot receive Texas as a slave 
 territory. We have no right to continur chains which ^ve have no right to forge, or to 
 impose." 
 
 " Two of the objects of the (rovernment, set fortli in the preamble of the Constitution, 
 are to establish justil-e, and to secure the blessings of lilierty in the land. With justice 
 and hbertv slavery is whollv incomi)atible. All men so regard it. What tlien shall we do* 
 Shall we so interpret the silence of the Constitution on this matter as to make it outweigh 
 the establishment of justice and the j)erpetuation of the blessings of liberty— the.se high 
 aims of the union, expressed in the directcst terms. Surely not! ! " 
 
 After such a declaration of views on the part of the respective candidates, 
 which of them should the fifteen thousand voters have supported ? Between the 
 upholding of those principles on which the government was founded, and the 
 mere party triumph of Mr. Clay, which will history decide to have been the 
 most important? If the Anti-Slavery men of iS-l:4 were wrong, then the Re- 
 publican party of 1864 is entirely wrong! The Liberty party warned the 
 nation twenty years ago of the very calamity that is now upon it. Instead of 
 accepting their warning, the multitude have mocked, scofted and contemned 
 their predictions. The nation is now paying the penalty in the loss of millions 
 of money, and of thousands upon thousands of iuAaluable lives. That freedom 
 and slavery cannot flourish together, and form a lasting union is now as appa- 
 rent to reasoning men, as is the astronomical fact to men of science, that the 
 earth moves. Yet there w.is as great a readiness in this republic of bt)asted 
 light and knowledge to persecute James U. Birney for uttering the former 
 sentiment, as there was Galileo, centuries ago, for asserting the latter. 
 
 The incompatibility of freedom and slavery, and the impossibility of har- 
 monious union upon them as a foundation, is illustrated by the following sen- 
 tences taken from the letter of James O. Birney, accepting the second nomina- 
 tion for the Presidency, and that they were the words of truth and soberness, 
 and not the ravines of a fanatic, history has fully verified , 
 
24 A TKIUUTE TO JAMES 0. BIKNEY. 
 
 " The conclusion of the whole matter is, that as a people, we are trying an experiment 
 a.s unphilosophical in theory, as it lias bet>n and ever will be in practice, to raakea hamio- 
 niou.s whole out of parts that are in priiu'ii)le and essence discordant. It is in vain to think 
 of a ^incere union between the North and tlie Soutli, if the first remain true to her repub- 
 lican priiifiples and habits, and the latter persist in her slaveliolding despotism. Tliey arc 
 incai>ablt> troui their natures of being made one. They can no more be welded together 
 into one bodv of uniform strength and consistency, than clay and brass. They may, it is 
 true, be pres.scd toizi'ther. and made to cohere by extraneous aitpliances; and the line of 
 contact may be daubed over and varnished, and conceale<l, but the first shock will make 
 them fall asuntler and disclose the fact, that there never was any real incorporation of the 
 substance. A huge oligarchy at the South is made up of a multitude of petty despotisms, 
 acting on the principle that liien are not created eriual— that a favored few are born ready 
 booted and spurre<l, to leap into the saddles with which the backs of the many are furnish- 
 ed by nature. Such a govermnent, I say. when brought by circumstances into close juxta- 
 4)osition and incessant intercourse with epublics, acting on principles diametrically oppo- 
 site, must soon lie broutiht to modify and eventually to relinquish its ])rinciples and prac- 
 tices; or tire rrrsn, the republic must undergo a similar change, and assimilate themselves 
 to the practices of the despotisms, one or the other must in the end gain the entire ascen- 
 dency." 
 
 At oacli presidential election since 1844, the Anti-Slavery party hjis cast a 
 vote, with one exception, that, if added to that of one of the other parties, 
 would have determined the election. They may be said to have held the 
 balance of power. 
 
 In iSot), John C. Fremont received 1,341,2(34 votes, not very fjvr short of 
 the \o\e cast for Mr. IJuchanan, the successful candidate. If the 874,534 
 votes cast for Mr. Fillmore liad 1)eeii added to those cast for Freemont, the 
 latter would have been triumphantly elected. 
 
 The Native American party, that supported Mr. Fillmore, was composed 
 almost exclusively of the former friends of Mr. Clay. Might it not be said to 
 them that their vote for Fillinore was w(»rse than thrown away — that it elected 
 iJuchaiian, who on account of his .southern proclivities, allowed this rebellion to 
 gain such head, as to require the entire strength of the nation to suppres it. 
 
 When the Whig ])arty, in 1852 nomintaed Gen. Scott for the Presidency, 
 they made tlieir last nomination for that office. Seeing the hopelessness of suc- 
 cess without embracing the doctrines of freedom as held by Anti-Slavery men, 
 they pre])ared to advance to the adoption of those views. In pursuance of this 
 determination, the Republican party was organized in 1854, by consolidation 
 with what was then more popularly called the Free Soil party. At the next 
 national election it came very near succeeding. It did succeed in Michigan 
 that year. But Vas not its large vote in a great degree attributable to the 
 (li.scu.ssion oi" its ]iriiiciples by ])revious Anti-Slavery organizations? Examine 
 its platform, and can you lind anything of excellence in it that may not be 
 found in the I^iberty jiarty ]ilatform of 1844. 
 
 Since the Itcpublican party has been in ])ower. what has it accomplished 
 except the very measures urged by those who first practically iidopted political 
 action a.s the most reli.ilile means of affecting slavery? It has abolished 
 slavery in tlie District (»f Columbia. It has stayed its progress in the new terri- 
 tories. It is propo.sjng to amend the Constitution, so that freedom shall no 
 longer be sectional, but national. 
 
 Tiiese means wctn; all advocated by the several parties that were formed 
 for the ]iurj)ose of promoting .\nti-Slavery action. 
 
 Tlie earlier the effort in this direction, the greater hits been the odium 
 attaclied to tho.se wlio were active in the advocacy of this principle, because 
 the opposition was more extensive, and less enlightened. And it is curious to 
 note, what a variety of names the same principle has been christened with, for 
 
A TRIBUTE TO JAMKd 0, BIKNEY. 25 
 
 the purpose of avoiding the effect of this odium. After the Liberty party had 
 beeu abused, so much as to deter men of ordinary courage from counectiug 
 themselvcr with it, refuge was takeu under the more popuhar name of Free 
 Soil. xVftor tliis name had become sufficiently odious, the title of Free Demo- 
 crat was tried for a while. This, not being altogether distinctive, was aban- 
 doned for the more general name of Republican'. (.)rators are occasionally 
 eulogistic of those who in 1854 stood forth as though clothed with a new prin- 
 ciple, and organized the Eopublican party; and some have claimed that Jlichi- 
 gau was entitled to the credit of being the birth-place of the new creation ; 
 forcettino- that in 1840 there were at least 321 voters in that State who would 
 not bow the knee to the dark spirit of slaver}^; that in 1844 there were 
 3,632 equally perverse ; that in 1848 those 10,839 who oi)posed slavery exten- 
 sion; in 1852, there were 7,239 who thought that cotton had been King long 
 enough. 
 
 In 1845 James G-. Biniey received 3,023 votes as candidate for the office of 
 Governor of the State of Michigan. The numbers of the party that supported 
 him increased steadily from that time. They held the balance of power. With 
 their votes added to their own, the Whigs could have carried either of the elec- 
 tions between that year and 1854. Had they allowed themselves to be merged 
 in the Whig party no advance of principle would have been made, but by 
 standing firm the Whigs came to them, and they jointly, as Republicans, have 
 carried every State election since. The three thousand men in Michigan, who 
 stood by James G-. Birney in 1845, have never fallen off in their attaclmicnt to 
 the principles that then actuated them. They have persevered hopefully until 
 they begin to see the realization of their ardent expectations. They have been 
 true to the faith, and so many as are living are now found in the front of the 
 battle, and there are none in the Republican ranks who surpass them in zeal. 
 Those who have joined them in the eleventh hour dislike to see them placed in 
 responsible posts, but the people are gradually doing them justice. In the lan- 
 guage of Gen. Fremont, they '" are those who for the past thirty years have 
 worked to bring our practice into conformity with the principles of the govern- 
 ment, and in the struggle against established and powerful interests have 
 accepted political disability and humiliated lives. They have not been put in 
 governing places, where their proved fidelity would guarantee the direct execu- 
 tion of what is to-day the nearly unanimous will of the people ; but they are 
 laboring in narrow paths, broadening to be sure, and brightening, for the rough 
 ground is passed and the sun of victory is already rising !" 
 
 This retrospect shows that James G. Birney spent a large portion of his 
 life in a struggle for free speech, the right to discuss topics, a knowledge of 
 which he deemed essential to the life of the nation — that he evinced hia 
 earnestness by confirming his acts to his principles, that for his fidelity he was 
 subjected to an unusual extent to abuse and detraction, — that he expended his 
 estate and his time, unreservedly in the work of warning his countrymen of the 
 incompatibility of freedom and slavery, and of the danger, foreboding the 
 government. 
 
 Were he living, is there anything in his course that ought to deprive him 
 of the confidence of his countrymen. Did he do anything that should disgrace 
 his posterity, and disqualify them for preferment on the part of their fellow 
 citizens. If slavery is conceded to be wrong, is the slaveholder to be treated 
 as a sinner above other men when he repents of the wrong and abandons it ? 
 And is his sin, for so doing, such a one that it ought to be visited upon his 
 chidren to the third and fourth generations V 
 
26 
 
 A TKIRITK To .lAMKS (i. IJIRXEY. 
 
 History will do James G. Birney justice, and the foregoiug facts are gath- 
 ered as a coutributioii to the fund from which the historian must draw, who 
 shall, durinir the next ireneration record the past. 
 
 No man who undertakes the work of a Reformer need expect to have his 
 labors appreciated until the effects of them have become manifest. Tt is now 
 apparent that James (J. Birjiey did not labor entirely in vain. 
 
 He discu.ssed the .subject of slavery in Cincinnati, at constant risk of loss 
 of property and life. It was not very long after, that meetings, both small 
 and great, were held in that city for the discussion of that subject without the 
 slightest molestation: and the paper, the press of which was destroyed, 
 obtaiucid a wide circulation in and out of the city, and instead of being a 
 small weekly published in a Quaker village, for the sake of safety, became one 
 of the leading daily journals of the city. 
 
 The men who gave countenance to the mob became heai'tily tishamcd of it, 
 and for the sake of their reputations would prefer the mention of any other 
 subject. 
 
 The seven thousand votes he received in 1840, becajiie more than a million 
 in 1)^^56, and triumphantly elected a president in 1860. 
 
 At that time the Congress of the United States contained not one member 
 who would risk his popularity by the utterance of a decided anti-slavery senti- 
 nient. Since then nothing meets with more acceptance in that body than posi- 
 tive anti-slavery action. 
 
 Mr. Chase, who was at the earlier period iv co-laborer with Mr. Birney, and 
 was unpopular enough on account of anti-slavery sentiments to render him 
 unavailable to Juiy office in Ohio, has since then, through popular favor been 
 Governor of that State, United States Senator from the same State, and wields 
 now the largest influence in the administration of public affairs. 
 
 Since then a President has been elected, who has made proclamation of 
 freedom throughout the land, and an amendment of the constitution is now in 
 contemplation, by the operation of which no .slave shall tread the soil over 
 which will wave the '• Flag of our Union." 
 
 The capitol of the nation is no longer within hearing of the clanking of 
 chains in slave dens and prisons, but is in free territory, and in its walls the 
 voice of even so despised an object as a British abolitionist is heard with 
 applause. 
 
 Although such great results are being realized, and such rapid strides are 
 being made in the diffusion of a correct sentiment ; yet so slow is the progress 
 of the public mind in ridding itself of early prejudices, that were James G. 
 Birney living, he would probably be associated in the thoughts of a great ma- 
 jority with fanatics, lie would not be regarded as available for "governing 
 places." 
 
 No man ever more mildly spake the words of truth and soberness than he. 
 He reviled no man. A rule wliich uniformly guided his own conduct, and 
 which he habitually urged upon his own household, was to " speak evil of no 
 man," — often has he been known to rebuke a disparaging renuirk concerning 
 his bitterest oppoiKiuts. His sin was, that he was a generatidu in advance of 
 his day. And thi.s is a sin that tin; nmltitude are slow to forgive. 
 
 It is the fate of all wlio j)romulgate unpopular truth, that coteniporaries 
 form their estimate of them, from the detraction of their opponents. The more 
 important the truth, and the greater the interests a,ssailed. the more bitter will 
 
A TKIKITK TO .lAMKS »!. HIKNKV. 27 
 
 be the abuHu, and tliu iiiori- pn'jutliftMl tlu' <i|ip(».siti(jii. W'lion the jimposud 
 reform bccoiiHis u succes's. and those ^ho c-oinniittecl tlieniHolvcs to (ippoHition 
 have passed away, a reaetion of pnl)Iic .sentini(Mit takes j)la(e, and credit is 
 awarded for gootl intentions, and sincerity of purpusc It is rare th:it this 
 occurs durinjf the first m-neration. 
 
 When Thomas Clarkson Avas pelted with rotten cnr^s upon the docks of 
 Liverpool, there were few who would have been willin<r to stej) intu his shoeH. 
 But now no name in England is scarcely more hononul. 
 
 Thus will it be in the United States. Those who have stood in the front 
 of the battle, and endured the abuse of this generation, will, when their coun- 
 try stands forth redeemed, disenthralled and emancipated, have a niche in the 
 temple of fame, and receive the gratitude i>f ))oslerity. 
 
 J. Wakrrn'8 Book aho Job OyriCB, 51 Qhibwold 8t., Detroit. 
 
LIBRfiRV OF CONGRESS 
 
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