^OURTH OF JuLM ^^K 1(B3©„ ^^W 1892 I Murphy Glass \ :■' 'I (o Ronk .1g^ 7 ^ i '^ <^ -^ ORATION DELIVERED BEFORE THE CITY COUNCIL AND CITIZENS BOSTON ONE HUNDRED AND SIXTEENTH ANNIVERSARY OF THE DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE JULY 4, 1892 Hon. JOHN R. MURPHY BOSTON PRINTED BY ORDER OF THE ClTY COUNCIL 1892 CITY OF BOSTON In Board of Aldermen, July 6, 1892. Resolved : That the thanks of the City Council be ex- pressed to Hon. John R. Murphy for the patriotic and eloquent Oration delivered by him before the city author- ities on the Fourth of July, in commemoration of the One Hundred and Sixteenth Anniversary of American Indepen- dence ; and that he be requested to furnish a copy thereof for publication. Passed, unanimously, by a rising vote. Sent down for concurrence. John H. Lee, Ghairman. In Common Council, September 15, 1892. Concurred, unanimously. David F. Barry, President. Approved, September 17, 1892. John H. Lee, Acting Mayor. A true copy. Attest : J. M. Galvin, City Clerh. RATI N. Mr. Mayor and Fellow-Citizens : We honor to-day the birth of a nation which dates from the moment the immortal Declaration of Independence was given to the world, — the nation which, in the words of Lincoln, was born anew at Gettysburg. The world has seen the Magna Charta, the English constitution, and the contract signed in the cabin of the "Mayflower" while the weary Pilgrims lay in their storm-tossed bark off an unknown and rocky coast; but no document ever conceived by man has done so much for men, or has been so far-reaching in its beneficial results. Thirteen colonies, frail and weak, were at its birth ; a narrow line of a few millions of people along the Atlantic constituted the popu- lation ; the vast interior of the country a wilder- ness, peopled by " savage beasts and still more savage men." A little more than a century has gone by, yet how great and wondrous the change ! Forty- 6 ORATION. four sovereign States, each almost an empire in extent, constitute a country continental in its territory, stretching from the coast of the Atlantic to the far-off sands of the Pacific. On her vast inland lakes and rivers, and on the ocean, float the products of her children's skill, industry, and labor. The country is the granary of the world. Her children, nigh seventy millions in number, as one man, are full of joy that to-day, under the flag of their united country, they still enjoy the liberty of free government, purchased by the blood and patriotism of their revolutionary sires. Under the Constitution, which is the result of the declaration in Independence Hall July -4, 1776, all this has been accomplished. With some few amendments, the Constitution remains unchanged ; yet its elasticity is such that it governs as suc- cessfully to-day as it did at its birth, and it meets the requirements of seventy million people, as well as it did those of the few millions who saw the beginning of our free nation. Massachusetts has two proud pages of history on the bright record of her annals. She was the home of the Puritan. Here he lived and died. Within her borders stand the imperishable monuments of the Revolutionary valor of her sons, JULY 4, 1892. 7 — Lexington, Concord, and Bunker Hill. The Puritan taught the way to freedom, and the blood of the patriot shed at Bunker Hill made our independence possible. The Puritans, it is true, were cold and illiberal, their faith intolerant of those who did not believe with them. They persecuted the Quaker and Catholic alike, and hanged witches. " Yet they built first a nation founded on men, where all had equal privileges, and the right to vote was universal." They built on a foundation indestructible — "the man, the home, and the town." The first town meeting was in the cabin of the " Mayflower," when the Pilgrims who landed on Plymouth Rock, met and agreed to be governed by such laws " as shall be thought most meet and con- venient for the general good of the colony." It has been well said, that the town meeting was the cause of Massachusetts' success, and will be the seed of Republican liberty forever. The Puritans governed by the town meeting, and so planted the seeds of liberty in the minds and hearts of the people. When Eng- land sought to subvert the principles estab- lished by their teachings, she resorted to arms. The sturdy colonist met the forces of the king on the battle-field, and the righteous cause 8 ORATION. of freedom triumphed. "All republics in the world's history have failed but one; and this one is not the United States, but 'New Eng- land." A distinguished adopted son of America draws this comparison between the J^orth and South: In the South, the settlers were wealthy and educated, blessed with a lovely climate and a rich and fruitful land. In the JN^orth, the Puritans, poor and fleeing from persecution, with no educational advantages, settled on a bleak and rocky coast ; yet the ^orth suc- ceeded where the South failed. Why ? Because with us all men were equal in social and civil rights, while in the South a class ruled the classes. The aristocratic slave- holder, with his social caste, his wealth, and the Southern system of county meetings, which, owing to their territorial extent, the people could not attend, (instead of the Northern sys- tem of town meetings,) stifled the voice of the people. The South was an oligarchy. In the North the people ruled, and kept alive the fire of liberty. The War of the Rebellion cleansed the South of its sores, and sjjread the Northern spirit of liberty and government by the people, throughout the land. JULY4,18 9 2. 9 " From the day the war between the IS^orth and South was at an end, dates the beginning- of our country as a nation." Puritan town meeting, born in the cabin of the " Mayflowei*," nurtured on the sterile soil of Massachusetts, led to the Declaration of Independence, kept alive the spirit of freedom, conquered the South, and made of us a united and undivided people. Yet, strange to say, here in our old common- wealth, where the town meeting was born, the sons of the sires who, by the sacrifice of their lives, gave it to the world, seek to subvert and wipe away forever the grand monument which their fathers raised. The State has her duty, and the towns theirs ; and when the State seeks to subvert the towns, the foundation of the people's freedom is de- stroyed, and the principle which has made New England great, and her sons renowned the land over, is forever broken. Our country owes much to Washington. He was the personification of what an American citizen-soldier should be. When, on his inaugural as the first President of the United States, it was proposed to have military escort, his reply (shall it ever be forgotten?) — "I require no guard but the affection of the people." 10 ORATION. His strong, patriotic hands at the helm, guided the Ship of State while young, until she had grown strong and able to withstand more suc- cessfully the storm that raged around her. I am of the opinion, that the result of the contest as to what form of government should be adopted, was, when we consider the times and the cir- cumstances, a happy solution of what might have been the ruin of the land. On one side we had Hamilton, able and bril- liant, advocating a strong central government, modelled on the Old World monarchies. On the other side, Jefferson, whose name is linked, in imperishable renown, with the Declaration of In- dependence. He urged a system which would be less cen- tralizing, and one which would protect the rights of the people. With an acrimony and a display of bad blood which, even in our time when political strife runs riot, seems astonishing, the issue was fought. It would appear that the re- sult arrived at was far below that demanded by the supporters of the so-called Hamiltonian theory. Our system of government as finally adopted, with its Executive possessing the power of veto, its Senate made up by a representation of two from each State elected by the State legislature, JULY4,1892. 11 and the House of Kepreseiitatives elected by the people, constituting the central government, and a local government in the hands of the re- spective States, seems to be as near perfection, if results count for anything, as the mind of man can conceive. For over a century it has stood the rude shocks of political strife, and even bloody war, and through all, it has come out unscathed and stronger, more stable than ever. When the United States became a fact on this hemisphere, she alone was a people's government. The flags of Spain, France, England, and Por- tugal floated over vast domains. The genius of Jefferson acquired for us, from France, Louisiana and the vast territory of the West. Spain ceded to us Florida, and from Mexico we obtained the coast of the Pacific. Mexico and South America, territorial possessions of Spain, flung off" the control of the mother country, and the people set up governments of their own. On the north Canada lies, nominally under English rule, yet so tinctured with the desire for free- dom, that by a hair she hangs suspended be- tween her past and her longed-for future. The 'New World is practically free to-day, governed by the people. The example of the American republic has done this. We are the 12 ORATION. personification of liberty enlightening the world. The wave of freedom which onr Declaration of Independence started, stopped not on our shores, but crossed the broad Atlantic to lands where kings ruled. France felt the aspirations of liberty, and sought to attain it, and all the horrors of the French Revolution burst upon an luihappy country. 'No man can help but de- plore the excesses of that bloody event. In the name of liberty, crimes were done unspeak- able, but not with its sanction. As the rulers of France sowed, "so did they reap ; " for "tyranny and anarchy are never far asunder." In the light of to-day, all will say that the people were the gainers in the end. "Revolu- tions never go backwards ; political convulsions, like geological upheavings, usher in new epochs of the world's progress." In the early days of Europe, a band of men came together, and the strongest was made chief. A number of chiefs made one from among them king of all. Even then, there still was some voice and freedom for the people. Standing armies came, and whatever voice the people had, seemed hushed forever, until, clarion- like, America sent her message of freedom across the vast ocean, and awoke the enslaved millions of JULY 4, 1892. 13 Europe. In every land there, the rulers, by so- called divine right, made concessions to the people. Step by step, up the heights of liberty the masses toiled ; lower and lower came the power of the classes. ISTow, absolute monarchies are things of the past. 'Not content with aspirations after liberty, the people seem to be content only with our form of government. Where they ado]3ted it in its entirety, they have stability. Where they wander in new fields seeking to improve on us, there they have lost strength. I know of nothing which illustrates so much the complete change which has taken place, as the case of Bel- gium, the dark and bloody ground which the allied Idngdoms set apart, and said should be forever neutral. They run a sort of democracy there. On their voting-list appears the family name of Leo- pold, their ruler; then his occupation, "King." And Leopold walks up, like the meanest of his subjects, and deposits his ballot, whenever an election is held. England, once ruled by the king and the nobility, with the voice of the people silent, is fast verging toward democracy. Following in our footsteps, the right to vote has been given 14 ORATION. to millions of her sons. Ireland, her sister kingdom, once groaning under the yoke of op- pression, held as a conquered province, is, in our day, standing in the light. The shadow of the past has gone; the great commoner, Glad- stone, representing the English people, fights his battles of refoi'm with this motto inscribed upon his banner : " Home Rule for Ireland." Truly the voice of the people is potent, and the desire for freedom strong in the hearts of all, when an English ministry seeks to right the wrongs of Erin, after seven centuries of perse- cution and penal laws. "When the American Revolution burst upon the world, in Ireland four-fifths of the people (being Catholics) were not allowed to vote, were de- prived of every privilege — even, as a distin- guished Englishman said, that of breathing the pure air of heaven. A century of American freedom has broken the fetters upon her limbs, lifted her from bondage, and at the gates of freedom she stands waiting the next call, which will admit her to the promised land. The growth of democracy in England, means to the thinking minds of the world, the com- plete revolution of the present system of gov- erning. American methods are slowly supplanting JULY4,1892. 15 the European systems. Yesterday it was the extension of the ballot, to-day the abolition of the House of Lords, and to-morrow monarchy itself. The lords, while a majority of them are Conservatives, would not dare to vote against a measure passed by a Liberal majority in Parlia- ment. Once the rulers, now they but register the people's will. Such is the strength of the people, it is im- possible for England to much longer continue a system which places all the land in the hands of a few men. A democracy of aristocracy owning the land, can live while they control, but a democracy composed of peers and people, with the latter in the majority, can only end in one way, namely, the eventual taking of full power by the people. When Germany, flushed with her victory over France, made a government which united the Teutons under one empire, she turned for a model to us, and in her alliance of different kingdoms she followed as closely as she could the United States. France, striving for freedom, pauses half- way up the height. Her strength is where she models after us, her weakness where she follows monarchical institutions of the past. The one 16 ORATION. thing which prevents France showing her weak- ness more than she does, is the fact that her land is divided among so many milhons of her people, and thus their interests and the country's are identical. " Earth is thrilliug with new aspirations, Bursting the fetters which bar and band." N^ot by physical, but by moral force, do the people progress and gain their victories; slowly, yet with irresistible force, the cause of the many is successful against that of the few. Yet a little while and our example will be almost universal, and Europe, once the bulwark of monarchy, ruled by "king, prelate, and peer," will be "a govern- ment of the people, for the peojile, and by the people." The United States is in better condition since 1865, than she has been at any time during her history. Pessimists tell us of the degenerate present and the glorious past, the pigmy minds of to-day, and the great intellects of the days gone by. It is well to hold in sacred revei-ence all that pertains to that which has gone before in our country's glorious record; but we should be just to ourselves. They tell us that our climate is changing, that the Gulf Stream is near- JULY 4, 1892. 17 ing us, and that the rigors of a ^ew England winter are no more. The record, the indisputable record, says no, and the memory of the oldest in- habitant is at fault. We have just as much snow and rain, we breathe the same air, are warmed by the same sun, and enjoy the same extremes of heat and cold as our fathers did before us. Modest candor compels us to say that we are at least as well educated, and, if the truth must be told, far better educated than they who lived twenty-five or fifty years ago. The inventive genius does not slumber in our time. With vast strides, we lead ever onward and upward. The great minds we have with us, average in capacity and power as great as those of the men whose places they fill. The patriotism of the people slumbers not. They love the land of their birth and adoption, as the fathers of old did. All her free institutions are dear to them; their proudest aim is to preserve pure and undefiled, the inherit- ance of liberty which their sires purchased with their blood. It is true and natural that the Ship of State does not always sail o'er a calm and tranquil sea, but she meets the waves and breasts them in safety. The dangers of the past have been the ques- tions of centralization and slavery. The danger 18 ORATION. from the first has been minimized, and the lat- ter has been wiped away forever. It is true it cost us the blood of our best and bravest sons. Yet was it not worth the sacrifice? The nation has been the gainer. The one burning question that divided the people has been oblit- erated, and the unity of the nation under one flag assured forever. Alarmists tell us that our liberties are threatened by corporations, trusts which are aggregations of corporations, and the centralization of wealth in the hands of the few. It is true that some of these are evils, and they do exist; but I notice that they are being considered by the people, and already in the West, elections have been fought and won upon some of these issues. The American people are slow and just; but when they realize a danger, the axe, like light- ning, falls on the evil, and the head rolls upon the scafibld. If our farmer-alliance movements are founded on justice, which public discussion and time will prove, I have an abiding faith in the people. They will cut the claws and draw the teeth of the tiger, which is feeding on the life-blood of the land. The people will see to it that the doctrine, the interest of the greatest number, shall prevail. JULY 4, 1892. 19 On the question of immigration, which some claim as an evil, the present laws would seem to meet the exigencies of the case. Our gates are open to all who, with honest hearts and will- ing hands, come to our shores determined to sup- port all our institutions, to live and abide here, they and their children, forever, as citizens of our rejjublic. We are all immigrants here, or their descend- ants. Some came early, some late. To the Saxon, the Teuton and Celt, exiles who settled here, the men of all lands, our country owes its existence. All races of all climes have done their part. Without indulging in invidious dis- tinctions, or making any claims to the great- ness of this or that race over another, it is but natural for me, the son of an Irish immi- grant, to pause for a moment over the Ameri- can history of that remarkable people. Of the early settlers, they formed a large part. In- deed, in Irish legends, it is claimed that before the l^orseman or Columbus, an Irish monk, St. Brendin, discovered America; and the claim is supported by documentary proof in the ancient archives at Paris and Berlin. Before the Re- volutionary War Ireland sent messages, and held meetings throughout the land, sympathiz- 20 ORATION. ing with the colonists, and they in turn sent communications explaining their position. Frank- lin, writing from London, says : " All Ireland is strongly in favor of the American cause. They have reason to sympathize with us." Of the signers of the Declaration of Independence, twelve were of Irish blood or descent. At Bunker Hill, in one company of New Hamp- shire militia, which defended the rail fence, there were seventy-one Irishmen. The countersign, when the British evacuated Boston in 1775, was " St. Patrick; " the commanding ofiicer of the day. General Sullivan. The Irish swarmed in the American army on sea and on land; and, whether in the snow and hardships of Valley Forge, or on the victorious field of Yorktown, they fought bravely and died nobly for our independence. In all the days of our history since then until now, the men of Irish blood, whether in the busy walks of life, in the forum of the people's councils, or on the bloody field of war, have nobly done their duty. It is nature for us, through whose veins flows the bright Celtic blood, to keep in our hearts their memory ever fresh and green, and to feel that their achievements are among the brightest and most renowned in the annals of JULY 4, 1892. 21 our glorious country. We have brought here soldiers to fight, men of brawn and brain to build up the country, " eloquent of tongue," with a love of God in their hearts. We have brought mothers for the future American race. With truth the poet sings: "No treason we bring from Erin, nor bring we shame nor guilt ; The sword we grasp may be broken, but we have not dropped the hilt; The wreath we bear Columbia is twisted of thorns, not bays, And the songs we sing are saddened by the thoughts of desolate days : But the hearts we bring for freedom are washed in a surge of tears, And we claim our right by a people's fight outliving a thousand years." What has America done for us? She has given us opportunities for progress in all the walks of life, the right to bend the knee at the altar where our fathers worshipped since the days of holy Patrick, and the right to pray according to the dictates of our consciences, for doing which our kindred walked in the " valley of the shadow of death " for centuries ; but greater than them all, for it includes them all, 22 ORATION. the rights of freedom. We realize the blessing we have gained. For that we were at Bunker Hill ; for that our blood has been shed on every field of battle where the sacred rights of liberty have been imperilled ; for that the bones of the sons of Ireland lie whitening in the soil of every State, awaiting the call of the last day. When they died, it was that a nation might be saved. The country has had its " isms " in the past, but they are gone. The thinking men realize that our soil is unfit to nurture " isms " that divide the various races. Our land is broad enough, and the folds of our flag wide enough, to hold and cover all. There should be no Celt, no Teuton, no Saxon in our public life — nothing but a healthy American "ism." Our boast should be like Webster's : that " we are Americans, we will live Americans, and we will die Americans ! " "Sail on ! O Ship of State ! Sail ou ! O Union, strong and great ! " America, " child of the earth's old age," long may thou be the pride and boast of the millions of thy children who from oppression have found JULY4,1892. 23 a refuge on thy shores ! May the universal liberty of man be maintained forever within thy vast imperial realm, and may thou ever be first star of the firmament, fii*st gem of the sea ! A LIST BOSTON MUNICIPAL ORATORS. By C. W. ERNST. BOSTON ORATORS. Appointed by the Municipal Authorities. For the Anniversary of the Boston Massacre, March 5, 1770. Note. — The Fifth-of-March orations were piibliehed in handsome quarto editions, now very scarce; also, in book form, in 1785, and again in 1807. The oration of 1776 was de- livered in Watertown. 1771. — LovELL, James. 1772. — Warren, Joseph. 1773. — Church, Benjamin. 1774. — Hancock, John. 1775. — Warren, Joseph. 1776. — Thacher, Peter. 1777. — Highborn, Benjamin. 1778. — Austin, Jonathan Williams. 1779. — Tudor, William. 1780. — Mason, Jonathan, Jun. 1781. — Dawes, Thomas, Jun. 1782. — MiNOT, George Richards. 1783. — Welsh, Thomas. For the Anniversary of National Independence, July 4, 1776. Note. — A collected edition, or a full collection, of these orations has not been made. For the names of the orators, as oflicially printed on the title pages of the orations, see the Municipal Register of 1890. 1783. — Warren, John.^ 1784. — Highborn, Benjamin. 1 Reprinted in Warren's Life. The orations of 1783 to 1786 were published in large quarto; the oration of 1787 appeared in octavo; the oration of 1788 was printed in small quarto; all succeeding orations appeared in octavo, with the exceptions stated under 1863 and 1876. 28 APPENDIX. 1785. — Gardiner, John. 1786. — Austin, Jonathan Loring. 1787. — Dawes, Thomas, Jun. 1788. — Otis, Harrison Gray. 1789. — Stillman, Samuel. 1790. — Gray, Edward, 1791. — Crafts, Thomas, Jun. 1792. — Blake, Joseph, Jun,^ 1793. — Adams, John Quincy, 1794. — Phillips, John. 1795. — Blake, George. 1796. — Lathrop, John, Jun. 1797. — Callender, John. 1798. — (Quincy, Josiaii.^ 1799. — Lowell, John, Jun.^ 1800. — Hall, Joseph. 1801. — Paine, Charles. 1802. — Emerson, William. 1803. — Sullivan, William, 1804. — Danforth, Thomas.* 1805. — Button, Warren, 1806. — Channing, Francis Dana,* 1807. — Thacher, Peter.*' ' 1808. — Ritchie, Andrew, Jun.* 1809. — Tudor, William, Jun." 1810. — TowNSEND, Alexander. 1811. — Savage, James.* 2 Passed to a second edition. 3 Delivered another oration in 1826. Quincy's oration of 1798 was reprinted in Phila- delphia. ^ Not printed. "■' On Fehriiary 26, 1811, Peter Thacher's name was changed to Peter Oxenbridge Thacher. (List of Persons whose Names have been Changed in Massachusetts, 1780-1883, p. 23.) APPENDIX. 29 1812. — Pollard, Benjamin.* 1813. — LivERMORE, Edward St. Loe. 1814. — Whitwell, Benjamin. 1815. — Shaw, Lemuel. 1816. — Sullivan, George. '^ 1817. — Channing, Edward Tyrrel. 1818. — Gray, Francis Calley. 1819. — Dexter, Franklin. 1820. — Lyman, Theodore, Jun. 1821. — LoRiNG, Charles Greeley.' 1822. — Gray, John Chipman. 1823. — Curtis, Charles Pelham. 1824. — Bassett, Francis. 1825. — Sprague, Charles. '^ 1826. — QuiNCY, Josiah.'' 1827. — Mason, William Powell. 1828. — Sumner, Bradford. 1829. — Austin, James Trecothick. 1830. — Everett, Alexander Hill. 1831. — Palfrey, John Gorham. 1832. — QuiNCY, JosiAii, Jun. 1833. — Prescott, Edward Goldsborough. 1834. — Fay, Richard Sullivan. 1835. — HiLLARD, George Stillman. 1836. — Kinsman, Henry Willis. 1837. — Chapman, Jonathan. 1838. — WiNSLOW, Hubbard. "The Means of the Per- petuity and Prosperity of our Republic." 1839. — Austin, Ivers James. ^A sixth edition appeared in 1831. Reprinted also in his Life and Letters. ' Reprinted in his Municipal History of Boston. 30 APPENDIX. 1840. — Power, Thomas. 1841. — CuKTis, George Ticknor. " The True Uses of American Revolutiouary History." ** 1842. — Mann, Horace.® 1843. — Adams, Charles Francis. 1844. — Chandler, Peleg Whitman. " The Morals of Freedom." 1845. — Sumner, Charles.'" " The True Graucleur of Nations." 1846. — Webster, Fletcher. 1847. — Cart, Thomas Greaves. 1848. — Giles, Joel. "Practical Liberty." 1849. — Greenough, William Whitwell. " The Con- quering Republic." 1850. — Whipple, Edwin Percy." " Washington and the Principles of the Revolution." 1851. — Russell, Charles Theodore. 1852. — King, Thomas Starr. (First printed in 1892.) 1853. — BiGELOw, Timothy.'^ 1854. — Stone, Andrew Leete,* 1855. — Miner, Alonzo Ames. 1856. — Parker, Edward Griffin. " The Lesson of '76 to the Men of '56." 1857. — Alger, Wij^liam Rounseville.'^ "The Genius and Posture of America." » Delivered another oration in 1862. " There are four editions. Ji* Passed through three editions in Boston and one in London, and was answered in a pamphlet, Remarks upon an Oration delivered by Charles Sumner . . . , July 4th, 1845. By a Citizen of Boston (said to be George Putnam, D.D.). " There is a second edition. (Boston: Ticknor, Reed, and Fields. ISM. 49 pp. 12".) ■2 This and a number of the succeeding orations, up to 1801, contain the speeches, toasts, etc., of the City dinner usually given in Faneuil Hall on the Fourth of July. >3 As many as four editions were printed in 1857. (Boston : Office Boston Daily Bee. 60 pp.) Not until November 22, 1804, was Mr. Alger asked by the City to furnish a APPENDIX. 31 1858. — Holmes, John Somers.* 1859. — SujiNER, George.'^ 1860. — Everett, Edward. 1861. — Parsons, Theophilus. 1862. — Curtis, George Ticknor. 1863. — Holmes, Oliver Wendell. ^^ 1864. — Russell, Thomas. 1865. — Manning, Jacob Merrill. "Peace under Lib- erty." 1866. — , LoTHROP, Samuel Kirkland. 1867. — Hepworth, George Hughes. 1868. — Eliot, Samuel. " The Fuuctions of a City." 1869. — Morton, Ellis Wesley. 1870. — Everett, William. 1871. — Sargent, Horace Binney. 1872. — Adams, Charles Francis, Jujj. 1873. — Ware, John Fothergill Waterhouse, 1874. — Frothingham, Richard. 1875. — Clarke, James Freeman. 1876. — Winthrop, Robert Charles.'*^ 1877. — Warren, William Wirt. 1878. — Healy, Joseph. 1879. — Lodge, Henry Cabot. copy for publication. He granted the request, and the first official edition (J. B. Farwell & Co., 1S64. 53 pp.) was then issued. It lacks the interesting preface and appendix of the early editions. »* There is another edition. (Boston: Rockwell & Churchill, 1882. 46 pp.) It omits the dinner at Faueuil Hall, the correspondence and events of the celebration. i» There is an edition of twelve copies. (J. E. Farwell & Co., 1863. (7), 71 pp.) It is " the first draft of the author's address, turned into larger, legible type, for the sole purpose of rendering easier its public delivery." It was done by " the liberality of the City Authorities," and is, typographically, the handsomest of these orations. There is also a 75-page edition, printed from the same type as the 71-page edition, but in a changed make-up. The regular edition is in 60 pp., octavo size. 16 There is a large-paper edition of fifty copies printed from this type, and also an edition from the press of John Wilson & Son, 1876. 55 pp. 8". 32 APPENDIX. 1880. — Smith, Robert Dickson.'^ 1881. — Warren, George Washington. " Our Repub- lic — Liberty and Equality Founded on Law." 1882. — Long, John Davis. 1883. — Carpenter, Henry Bernard. "American Char- acter and Influence." 1884. — Shepard, Harvey Newton. 1885. — Gargan, Thomas John. 1886. — Williams, George Frederick. 1887. — Fitzgerald, John Edward. 1888. — DiLLAWAY, William Edward Lovell. 1889. — Swift, John Lindsay.'^ " The American Cit- izen." 1890. — PiLLSBURY, Albert Enoch.'* " Public Spirit." 1891. — QuiNCY, JosiAH.'^ "The Coming Peace." 1892. — MuRi'HY, John R. t' On Samuel Adams, a statue of whom, by Miss Anne Whitney, had just been com- pleted for the City. A photograph of the statue is added. 18 Contains a bibliography of Boston Fourth of July orations, from 1783 to 1889, inclusive, compiled by Lindsay Swift, of the Boston Public Library. 10 Contains the bibliographical foot-notes by C. W. Ernst, Esq., which are here re- printed.