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THE 
 
 CRIMINAL HISTORY 
 
 <JF THE 
 
 ENGLISH GOVERNMENT; 
 
 FROM THE 
 
 FIRST MASSACRE OF THE IRISH, TO THE POISONING 
 
 OF [HE CHIM- 
 
 IN EUGENE REGN \l LT 
 
 TRANSLATED FROM THE FRENCH, with NO 
 
 BV | \ I M KRICAN. 
 
 NEW YORK: 
 
 J. S. REDFIE L 1), CLINTON HA L L 
 PHILADELPHIA: THOMAS, COWPERTHWAIT, & CO. 
 
 BOSTON "I IS BROADERS, & CO. 
 
 1843. 
 
't 
 
 THE LIBRARY 
 OF CONGRESS 
 
 WASHINGTON 
 
 Entered, according to Act of Congress, in the year 1843, 
 
 By J. S. REDFIELD, 
 
 in the Clerk's Office of the District Court of the United States, for the Southern 
 
 District of New York. 
 
PREFACE. 
 
 For four hundred years, France was at war with Eng- 
 land, and for four hundred years the power and influence 
 of France increased : for twenty-five years the two powers 
 have been allies, and for twenty-five years the glory of 
 France has lost its brightness, and her power has been 
 diminished. Powerful and respected so long as she re- 
 sisted the encroachments of her rival, she has received 
 nothing but insult and contempt since the inglorious treaty 
 of alliance has been formed. 
 
 Happily, such bonds are broken. The treaty of the 
 15th of July was the signal for the divorce of this unnatu- 
 ral union. But in this divorce, France has felt all the 
 shame of repudiation : and that the lesson might be thor- 
 oughly learned, the ministry which depended for its per- 
 manence upon the happiness of this English alliance, has 
 been the first victim of its rupture. We ought, however, 
 to be grateful that it hastened a separation, demanded by 
 the nature of things. 
 
 Among the vast conceptions of Napoleon, the greatest, 
 undoubtedly, was the gigantic plan of a continental block- 
 ade, the only effectual method of retaliation against the 
 universal and insupportable tyranny of the English govern- 
 ment, which had outraged the world by its perfidies. It 
 
1 PREFACE. 
 
 was a measure of morality, as well as one conducive to 
 the public safety : the honor of nations was protected, and 
 their peace preserved, when they had no communication 
 with a power which sustained war by corruption, violated 
 peace by intrigue, and disgraced both peace and war by its 
 artifices. England, imprisoned in the seas which surround 
 it, was pointed at by the world as an infected plague-spot, 
 which ought not to be approached. Concentrating its vices 
 in itself, as in an immense lazaretto, it would have per- 
 ished had nations listened to the voice of Napoleon, who, 
 on this point at least, was the organ of civilization. There 
 is, however, still time to do this. It is justified by new 
 transactions, it is deserved by former crimes. 
 
 The Criminal History of the English Government re- 
 quires neither declamation nor hyperbole. The facts speak 
 for themselves. To narrate, is to accuse ; to read, is to 
 condemn. In these hideous annals, where every page is 
 a blot, and every line an injury, we are embarrassed only 
 by the fecundity of crime, and the richness of the subject. 
 Let us not, however, be misunderstood : we shall not pre- 
 tend that the English people are accomplices of the gov- 
 ernment. Such an accusation would be too general, and 
 to it we must make exceptions. Nations are responsible 
 only in proportion to the degree of liberty they enjoy. 
 
 We wish, however, to oppose that criminal oligarchy 
 which Napoleon cursed on his death-bed ; we wish to hold 
 up to the execration of every people, that odious commu- 
 nity of feudal merchants, which has systematized pillage, 
 and made a tradition of deceit. 
 
 We extend our hand readily to the people of Britain, but 
 the aristocracy which holds them enchained in pompous 
 slavery must be overthrown. 
 
PREFACE. j 
 
 Hitherto, success has seemed to reward broken faith, 
 and justify dishonor. Those greedy calculators who specu- 
 late in politics, and make a brokerage business of diploma- 
 cy, display with pomp their ill-gotten wealth, and insult 
 virtue by the magnificence of their unusual fortune. Will 
 not a people arise to avenge the nations ? And will France, 
 always the aid of the oppressed, will she now refuse to 
 succor Providence ? 
 
 In former times, when this same England swerved from 
 the paths of Christianity, and returned slowly to Saxon 
 Paganism, it was from the borders of France that the sol- 
 diers of the sovereign pontiff departed. The time has 
 now come to chastise these degenerate Normans, as it was 
 done in former times. England has violated the rights of 
 all nations, and has thereby put herself out of the pale of 
 justice. May the banner of the European crusade bo 
 unfurled against her ! May every nation and city repeat 
 the sacred cry ! God wills it ! Never was excommuni- 
 cation more deserved : and when the colossus of clay shall 
 crumble beneath the blows of an indignant people, never 
 in the history of empires will a larger ruin present a more 
 instructive lesson. 
 
 1 # 
 
CONTENTS. 
 
 CHAPTER I.— Ireland. 
 
 Page. 
 Introduction 9 
 
 I.— From the first invasion to the Reformation— 1168-1509 • - 10 
 II.— From the Reform to Charles I. — 1509--1625 .... 14 
 III.— From Charles I. to William of Orange— 1625--16SS - - 20 
 
 IV. — From the time of Queen Anne to the Union of Great Britain and 
 
 Ireland— 1701 --1S00 - 27 
 
 V. — Union and Emancipation — Actual state of Ireland — 1S00--1841 • 46 
 
 CHAPTER II. — War of American Independence. 
 I. — Allies of the English — Savages, Hessians, and Negroes - - 51 
 II. — Ravages and cruelties — New York prisons — Old Colon — Julia 
 
 Smith 59 
 
 CHAPTER III.— The Indies. 
 I.— History of Pondichorry— Recall of Dupleix— Capture and Re-cap. 
 
 ture of the City— Vandalism of the English— 175 1--1 793 - • 70 
 II. — New persecutions of the English — Imaginary conspiracies — Per- 
 fidy of their conduct at the peace of Amiens — Bad faith after the 
 
 final Restitution— 1793--1S16 76 
 
 III. — Origin and progress of the English power in India — Ruin of the 
 Mogul power — The contests between the Hindoos and Mussul- 
 
 men • 8] 
 
 IV._ Col. Clive— Conspiracy of the English against the Sonbahof Ben- 
 gal, Surajah Doulali— His defeat and assassination— Villany of 
 Col. Clive— Misery of the Indians— Accusation of Clive before tte 
 
 House of Commons — His acquittal • 87 
 
 V. — Government of Warren Hastings - 98 
 
 VI.— Hyder Ali and Tippoo Sultan 123 
 
 CHAPTER IV.— Malta 143 
 
 CHAPTER V.— Naples IW 
 
 CHAPTER VI.— France. 
 I,— Revolution— The English Government calumniates the Fnnch 
 Revolution— It attacks the allies of France — It organizes tlv Co- 
 alition — Treaties of Pilnitz and Pavia 174 
 
 II.— Acts— Hostility of the English Government against France 7 before 
 any declaration of war — Pitt continues his system of caluvmy in 
 
 regard to the Revolution " -178 
 
 III.— Recall of the British Ambassador from Paris— Secret Negotia- 
 tions with Dumouriez — Pitt provokes a declaration of wtr - - 181 
 IV.— Efforts of England to form a coalition against France in foreign 
 countries— Pitt wishes to defame the French— Plan ff Burning 
 and Assassination in the Republic """/"" ^ 
 
 V.— Toulon I '- • • 190 
 
 VI.— Means of corruption used by Pitt's agents ■ /• - -195 
 
8 CONTENTS. 
 
 Page. 
 
 VII. — Subsidies granted to Prussia to maintain the coalition - - 196 
 
 VIII. — Assassination of the Baron of Goetz — Austria again joins the 
 
 coalition 197 
 
 IX. — La Vendee — Quiberon 19S 
 
 X. — The English Government continues to defame France— It organ- 
 izes conspiracies among the Royalists— Affairs of Brotier and 18e 
 Fmctidor 203 
 
 XI. — Assassination of the French Plenipotentiaries at Rastadt — Viola- 
 lion of the Convention of D'Elarich — Assassination of Kleber — 
 Second coalition formed by England - - 205 
 
 XII. — Consulate — England refuses Peace— English Conspiracy — Infer- 
 nal Machine — Peace of Amiens — Violation of the treaty by Eng- 
 land 209 
 
 XIII.— From the commencement of the Empire to the Present period 212 
 CHAPTER VII— The Chinese War. 
 
 I. — History of the Commerce of Opium — Effect of Opium on the Hu- 
 man System— Double purpose of England in extending the taste for 
 this drug among the Chinese 215 
 
 II. — Prohibition of the Opium trade — Real motive of the Chinese Gov- 
 ernment 227 
 
 III. — History of the Rupture — The English Government declares war 
 against China— Its bad faith 229 
 
 IV. — Commencement of the Campaign against China — Capture of Chu- 
 
 san — Barbarity of the English — Bombardment of Amor - - 234 
 
 V. Suspension of Hostilities — England again breaks the peace - 237 
 
 CHAPTER VIII,— England. 
 
 1. — Internal policy of the British Government — Oppression of the peo- 
 ple by the Aristocracy — Pauperism 242 
 
 CHAPTER IX. — Tortures of prisoners of war. 
 
 I.— Hulks of Chatham 258 
 
 II.— Hulks of Cadiz 266 
 
 III.— St. Helena 268 
 
 CHAPTER X. — Wab in time of peace — violation of the rights 
 
 01 NEUTRAL NATIONS 271 
 
 CHAPTER XL— Canada. 
 I. — Persecutions of the Canadians by the English - - - -280 
 II — Resstance is organized — The English authorities excite insurrec- 
 tion— Destruction of the Caroline, and massacre of the crew - 287 
 III. — Misson of Lord Durham— Deceitful amnesty - - - -290 
 IV.— Seconl insurrection — Executions— Pillage and Burnings - - 292 
 V. — Conduc of England towards Canada since the end of the Insurrec- 
 tion 294 
 
 VI.— Disastnus effects of English policy in the Provinces adjacent to 
 
 Canada 295 
 
 Conclusion 297 
 
THE 
 
 CRIMINAL HISTORY 
 
 OF THE 
 
 ENGLISH GOVERNMENT 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 IRELAND. INTRODUCTION. 
 
 The history of almost every nation teaches that war 
 has been a means of intellectual development, rather than 
 an engine of destruction : invasion, by bringing men vio- 
 lently together, has formed between them social bonds 
 which they would not have accepted without this powerful 
 intervention, and most frequently great conquerors have 
 done much to advance civilization. In Ireland, war has 
 been unattended with recompense ; invasion has produced 
 only a dissolution of the social ties, and conquest has 
 served but to establish barbarism. 
 
 We have to read over annals different from everything 
 else taught by history, to relate crimes without precedent, 
 unparalleled atrocities, and inhuman deeds of cruelty. First, 
 bloody battles, where victory has no future ; furious en- 
 counters, which leave nothing decisive, except carnage ; 
 then a legal persecution, a judicial assassination, the tor- 
 tures of a subtle process : no longer victories in the field 
 of battle, but triumphs in courts of assize ; no one of those 
 noble deeds which serve to excuse war, but a combat by 
 decrees, an invasion by constables, a spoliation by judges. 
 
10 IRELAND. 
 
 The law is stripped of its sanctity and changed into an 
 instrument of war, and the law-book becomes a catechism 
 of immorality ; honors are paid to informers, encourage- 
 ment is given to family discords, and rewards are offered 
 to the parricide. The manufacturing industry is destroyed 
 by prohibitory duties ; agriculture is ruined by a partition 
 of farms ; the extortions of landholders are superadded to 
 the exactions of the government ; and finally religious mar- 
 tyrdom is added to political martyrdom, a Protestant inqui- 
 sition is established, a hundred times more intolerant than 
 that of Torquemada, and the cottage of the Catholic peas- 
 ant is sold to pay tithes to its inquisitors. These are the 
 exploits by which England has signalized her rule over 
 Ireland — these are the glorious titles of this commercial 
 government, which, even in her tyranny, may defy com- 
 petition. 
 
 Time brings relief to every sufferer : in every country 
 civilization assuages some pains, and dries some tears. 
 But in Ireland time has wrought no change ; civilization 
 has taken nothing from the executioner, has given nothing 
 to the victim. Like Ixion on his wheel, the Irishman 
 passes uninterruptedly through the same succession of pains, 
 meeting a torture at every point of the circumference of 
 ages, and contending vainly in a bloody circle, which 
 always brings the same agonies. 
 
 I. FROM THE FIRST INVASION TO THE REFORMATION 
 
 1168-1509. 
 
 It is worthy of. remark, that Pope Adrian IV., who, in 
 the name of the Church, invited Henry II. to the conquest 
 of Ireland, was by birth an Englishman. It seems that 
 from the very first, the hatred of the Irish for every one of 
 English descent may find its justification even in the per- 
 son of the sovereign pontiff, who gave the signal for per- 
 secution. It was not, however, till twelve years afterward, 
 
IRELAND. H 
 
 that the Anglo-Normans invaded Ireland, upon the invita- 
 tion of Dermot, king of Leinster, who had been driven from 
 his estates by Roderick O'Connor, supreme chief of Erin. 
 
 To his call responded Robert, s % on of Stephen, then 
 Richard Strongbow, count of Pembroke, with a numerous 
 suite of Norman chevaliers.* These formidable warriors 
 soon restored Dermot to the possession of his estates. 
 Their large horses cased in iron, their lances eight cubits 
 long, their cross-bows and coats of mail, gave them an irre- 
 sistible superiority over the Irish, who were mounted on 
 small horses, and who had as means of attack thin javelins, 
 and for defensive armor only light wooden bucklers and 
 long tresses of hair twisted and pendent from each side of 
 the head. 
 
 But these formidable allies soon assumed the language 
 of rulers. Thus, when Dermot, who had conquered by 
 their aid, requested them to return to England — " What 
 do you ask !" said Robert to him ; " we have left our dear 
 friends and our much-loved country ; we have burnt our 
 vessels ; this was not done with the idea of flight ; we have 
 already fought your battles at the risk of our lives ; and 
 now, come what will, we are destined to die or live here 
 with you." 
 
 Other adventurers soon came and joined those who had 
 first disembarked, and then most cruel robberies and mas- 
 sacres commenced. The first vassal of the Anglo-Normans 
 was the very Dermot whom they had come to assist ; their 
 first possession was this kingdom of Leinster which they 
 had come to protect. 
 
 The Anglo-Normans then proceeded westward, and drove 
 before them the inhabitants, who, after ineffectual attempts 
 at resistance, emigrated in crowds, and took refuge in the 
 mountainous countries situated beyond the river Shannon. 
 The invaders divided among themselves the lands of the 
 fugitive Irish, and when the latter were compelled by fam- 
 * Hanmer's Chronicle ; Augustin Thierry ; De Beaumont. 
 
12 IRELAND. 
 
 ine to return, the Anglo-Normans received them as serfs 
 upon the soil of their own fields.* 
 
 The invasion, however, was arrested by the courageous 
 defence of the chiefs' of the west and north ; and although 
 masters of the east and the south, the adventurers were 
 obliged to cover the territory they occupied with fortresses, 
 to protect themselves against the continual uprisings of the 
 oppressed Irishmen. 
 
 The conquered territory was then called the pale, on ac- 
 count of its numerous palisades and fortifications ; but these 
 palisades were often overturned by the heroic efforts of the 
 natives, and in terrible contests, the Irish poured forth their 
 blood in torrents, which the cruelty of their conquerors found 
 inexhaustible. During four ages of constant warfare, the 
 invaders were confined to the Pale, notwithstanding the 
 reinforcements sent to them from England ; and they con- 
 tinued seemingly encamped in an enemy's country rather 
 than peaceable possessors of a conquest, the beginning of 
 which had been so easy. 
 
 We must say also that the English kings endeavored to 
 keep up hostilities, and to prevent any alliance which might 
 give repose to Ireland. For in every period, in the middle 
 ages as well as at present, the English government has al- 
 ways acted the part of an oppressor. As soon as amicable 
 relations began to be established between the Anglo-Irish 
 and the natives, the kings interfered, and if they could not 
 again cause a commencement of hostilities, laws were pass- 
 ed which separated the one from s the other, and kept them 
 constant strangers to each other. In the reign of Edward 
 I., however, the native clans, who found that the English 
 establishments were encroaching upon them, and therefore 
 that it was very important to conciliate them, offered of 
 their own accord to terminate the war by submission, and 
 demanded to be considered as subjects of England. But 
 the term subject would have bestowed upon them the bene- 
 * Augustin Thierry ; Spenser's State of Ireland. 
 
IRELAND, 13 
 
 fits of the English law, would ensure them against the con- 
 stant and regular depredations of their powerful neighbors, 
 and the official title of servitude was refused, lest it should 
 become a title of protection. 
 
 Formidable insurrections responded to tyranny which 
 no longer sought disguise ; and then came royal armies, 
 who understood the practice of massacre and confiscation 
 by wholesale, better than the barons. 
 
 At every insurrection came new troops of English ad- 
 venturers who were in need of lands ; and every poor and 
 ruined nobleman sought to repair his fortune in a country 
 where murder and pillage gave a title to property. 
 
 The Irish had tried submission, but to no effect ; they 
 had resisted, but ineffectually ; they now had recourse to 
 the last resource of the oppressed, emigration. Many left 
 their desolate country 10 eke out on the continent a less 
 cruel existence. But this act of despair was soon forbid- 
 den. A law of Henry IV. " forbade the Irish enemies to 
 leave the country." They were not wanted as subjects, 
 but were kept as slaves. 
 
 This invariable system of hostility and oppression soon 
 descended to the children of the ancient colonists, who had 
 adopted a wiser policy than the government, and who by 
 commerce, marriage, and alliance, accustomed the natives 
 to peace. This abnormal tranquillity was soon interrupted 
 by royal laws. 
 
 It was ordained that every Norman or Englishman by 
 birth, who should marry an Irish woman, or should assume 
 the Irish dress, should be treated like a native of Ireland, 
 that is, should be a serf both in person and property. There 
 were royal ordinances in regard to the dressing of the hair 
 and beard ; every man having a moustache after the manner 
 of the Irish, or wearing any many-colored garment, might 
 be lawfully killed. Every English merchant who traded 
 with the Irish was punished by the confiscation of his goods, 
 and every Irishman who was found travelling in that part 
 
 2 
 
14 IRELAND. 
 
 of the island inhabited by the Anglo-Normans, was regard- 
 ed as a spy. The grand council of the Irish barons and 
 chevaliers, who, like those of England, assembled annually 
 in parliament, were regarded nearly with as much hatred 
 and contempt as the national assemblies held by the na- 
 tive Irish upon the summits of the hills.* By an ordinance 
 of Henry VII., Parliament was forbidden to assemble with- 
 out the approbation of the king, and even then it could 
 only vote upon propositions drawn up in England. Thus 
 this union of the colonists, called the Irish Parliament, was 
 not permitted to have an independent action, lest it might 
 be beneficial. The impulse of the evil took its departure 
 from the government, and it appeared excessively jealous 
 of this horrible commencement. The colonists, who had 
 received the law, might depend upon it ; the native could 
 not call upon it for defence ; for him it was only an instru- 
 ment of vengeance. If he dared to accuse, it was referred 
 to its judges ; if lie was accused, he was obliged to appear 
 before an English tribunal, and prompt justice was render- 
 ed to the paria. 
 
 II. FROM THE REFORM TO CHARLES I. 1509—1625, 
 
 The Irish had been declared enemies by the English 
 law, as we have already seen in the ordinances of Henry 
 IV.; and it is the only article of the English law, says 
 Thomas Moore, to which they have remained constantly 
 faithful. From that time, they repelled with holy anger 
 the men, the laws, and the institutions of England. The 
 term English was the greatest offence in the vocabulary 
 of their injuries. 
 
 Some opinion may then be formed of their just indigna- 
 tion when the English armed themselves with a new form of 
 tyranny, termed the Reformation ; when those who had robbed 
 them of their property, their houses, and their country, 
 * Augustin Thierry ; Ancient Irish Histories. 
 
IRELAND. 15 
 
 wished also to despoil them of their religion ; to torture 
 their souls as they had tortured their bodies, and to drive 
 them away from the belief of their fathers, which alone 
 had consoled them under so much misfortune. A benefit, 
 if offered by the English, would have been received with 
 distrust : what reception, then, could be given to that worst 
 of bad actions, apostacy ? 
 
 Despotism became more furious, and resistance more 
 obstinate. In vain did Protestant fanaticism tear open the 
 bleeding wounds of Ireland. National hatred strengthened 
 itself with religious hatred, and persecutions imparted to 
 the victim a new degree of vitality, which fatigued the 
 executioner. 
 
 Elizabeth, who was equal to her father in her concep- 
 tions of wickedness, resolved to conquer this obstinate re- 
 bellion. Her plan of pacification was very simple : it was 
 to exterminate the natives. Her idea is found in this re- 
 mark of one of her intimate counsellors : " If we under- 
 take," said he, k> to restore to this country order and civili- 
 zation, it will soon become powerful and rich. The inhab- 
 itants might then think of being independent. It ought, 
 therefore, to be our principle to keep the country in a shite 
 of confusion ; for so long as Ireland is lacerated by internal 
 dissensions, she will never attempt to detach herself from 
 the crown of England."* These words express the policy 
 which was constantly followed in regard to Ireland. And 
 no one of Elizabeth's successors has forgotten this lesson. 
 
 This advice was soon followed by action. One of the 
 most powerful chiefs of Minister, Count Desmond, who 
 only asked to live in peace with his powerful neighbors, 
 was obliged by constant provocations to revolt. Then com- 
 menced the work of destruction, and the whole country 
 was soon changed into a frightful desert. " This province," 
 says a contemporary author, " which was heretofore rich, 
 very populous, and fertile, covered with green pastures, 
 • Letters oi Sir H. Sidney. 
 
16 IRELAND. 
 
 crops, and herds of cattle, is now deserted and barren j it 
 bears no fruit ; there is no grain in the fields, no cattle in 
 the pastures, no birds in the trees, no fish in the rivers ; in 
 short, the curse of Heaven on this country is so great, that 
 you may pass through from one extremity to the other, and 
 you rarely see a man, woman, or child."* 
 
 Another eye-witness remarks : " Although this province 
 was extremely rich and fertile, yet in a few months it was 
 reduced to a scene of desolation, and its inhabitants to a 
 state of misery unexampled in history. These unfortunate 
 people came from the recesses of the woods and from the 
 depths of the valleys, crawling upon their hands, for their 
 legs could not support them ; their features were those of 
 death, and their voices were like those of spectres from 
 the tombs. They lived upon the carcasses of animals which 
 had been left in the roads to die, happy when they could 
 find them, and they were often obliged to dig up dead bodies 
 to gorge themselves with fetid flesh. When they found a 
 spot of cresses, or even of trefoil, they crowded to it as to 
 a festival. But these herbs were soon exhausted, and in a 
 short time neither man nor beast was found in this country, 
 formerly so rich and beautiful."! 
 
 Famine succeeded so well in the province of Munster, 
 that it was applied systematically in Leinster and Ulster. 
 The soldiers received orders to destroy the grain in the 
 fields, to burn the harvests in the barns, and to leave the 
 inhabitants no means of subsistence. The chiefs set them 
 the example. The governor of Carrickfergus, Sir Arthur 
 Chichester, marched at the head of his troops and burned all 
 the vegetation for twenty miles around. Sir Samuel Bag- 
 nal, commander at Newry, followed his example. Famine 
 was the political remedy for all the evils of Ireland, and it 
 was found to be the most expeditious mode of pacifying the 
 country. 
 
 In proportion as the desolation extended itself, the revolt 
 • Hollingshead ; De Beaumont. f Spenser's State of Ireland. 
 
IRELAND. 17 
 
 increased. But Elizabeth and her friends found this anew 
 source of profit. One of her ministers told her that a pow- 
 erful chief, O'Neal, was suspected of revolt. " Do not be 
 uneasy," replied she, " but inform our friends that I shall 
 have new lands for their disposal." 
 
 And in fact six hundred thousand acres of land were 
 confiscated in the province of Munster alone, and distribu- 
 ted to the English, but with the express condition that the 
 new possessors would not permit a single farmer of Irish 
 origin to live on their lands. The ancient inhabitants of 
 the soil, being dispossessed of their domains, sought an 
 asylum in the wilds and forests, and on the rough and un- 
 cultivated mountains of Ireland.* 
 
 The murderous action was so well performed, and the 
 triumph of desolation so perfect, that Lord Gray, governor 
 of Ireland, wrote to the queen that : ' her Majesty would 
 soon reign over only ashes and dead bodies." Elizabeth 
 had a medal struck, with this legend: Pacata Hibernia. 
 And in fact all the powerful chiefs of Ireland were killed ; 
 the clans were dispersed or extinguished ; the Celtic feu- 
 dality was conquered ; and then was commenced upon the 
 people a war in detail. 
 
 The succession of the Stuarts imparted some hopes to 
 the Irish, it being generally understood that these princes 
 favored Catholicism. James I. soon undeceived them by 
 issuing the following proclamation : " His Majesty having 
 learned that his Irish subjects have allowed themselves to 
 be deceived by false reports, and that his Majesty would 
 grant them liberty of conscience, and the free exercise of 
 their religion, his Majesty declares to his dearly beloved 
 subjects of Ireland that he will admit no such liberty of 
 conscience, nor any of the acts mentioned in these false 
 reports," &c. &c. 
 
 The king was faithful to his promise ; the exercise of the 
 Catholic religion was severely prohibited, the priests were 
 * De Beaumont ; Leland. 
 2* 
 
18 IRELAND. 
 
 banished, and terrible were the chastisements reserved for 
 those who gave them an asylum. All the Catholics were 
 obliged to attend every Sabbath the Protestant service, 
 and, by a refinement of persecution, Catholics of high rank 
 were selected as spies to denounce those of their brethren 
 who did not worship at the Protestant churches. Those 
 brave men who refused to take part in this infamous espion- 
 age were thrown into prison, and subjected to heavy fines. 
 
 But the most odious character of this reign was the 
 hypocritical legalization of the pillage, aided by the as- 
 sistance of the tribunals. This sophistical king, who was 
 pleased with the chicanery of law and theology, exercised 
 the subtleties of his mind in making a legal war upon the 
 Irish. Under pretence of rendering to every one his due, 
 he established a general investigation into all the titles of 
 property : and as these titles were obliged to be in con- 
 formity to the English law, most of the heads of Irish fami- 
 lies, who held their lands only by tradition, were driven 
 from their possessions, which were annexed to the royal 
 domains, or were bestowed on lords who came from the 
 borders of the Thames or Clyde. Those who had titles, 
 saw them contested by lawyers, who came in crowds to 
 sustain the rights of the king. Throngs of pettifoggers 
 travelled about through cities and country, verifying and 
 contesting titles, deciphering parchments, and disputing the 
 right to property. 
 
 To add to the cruelty of this legal mockery, the decision 
 of contested cases was intrusted to a jury. But every 
 juryman who did not decide in favor of the crown was im- 
 mediately thrown into prison. In one case, by this method 
 of intimidation, an entire county was annexed to the crown. 
 In 1611, a commission was instituted to examine the rights 
 of his Majesty to the county of Wexford. The jury re- 
 sponded to the royal claim, and gave a verdict of igno- 
 ramus ; that is, against the crown. The commissioners 
 refused to accept the verdict, and summoned the jurymen 
 
IRELAND. 19 
 
 before the court of exchequer. Five of them, having per- 
 sisted in their decision, were imprisoned by order of the 
 commissioners.* In the same way, under pretext of a 
 conspiracy, which for the first time perhaps in Ireland was 
 imaginary, six entire parishes of Ulster were annexed to 
 the crown. 
 
 More than five hundred thousand acres were thus placed 
 at the disposal of James ; and as he did not wish to forget 
 his countrymen in the division of his favors, the Scotch 
 were invited conjointly with the English to share the con- 
 fiscated property. From this period dates the Presbyterian 
 colony, which founded the city of Londonderry in the north. 
 Finally, to prevent the Irish from concealing their misery, 
 they were chased from the woods which had served them 
 for an asylum, and they were compelled to live in the 
 plains. 
 
 The indigenes, says Leland, were driven to the woods 
 and mountains by the colonists of Elizabeth, and had found 
 there natural fortresses, of which they took possession. 
 Here they lived in obscurity, strangers to the habits and 
 arts of agricultural life, upon the spoils of the chase, and 
 the milk of their cows. As their numbers increased in 
 spite of their misery, they soon became formidable, be- 
 cause, being concealed, they could conspire and plot against 
 the English in secret and with impunity. 
 
 James, who dreaded secret enemies, obliged his new 
 colonists to reside in the woody and mountainous parts of 
 the country, while the native population was driven from 
 them and compelled to wander in the plain, where it was 
 more easily exposed to the mercy of its oppressors. One 
 of the most dangerous instruments in the hands of this 
 subtle king was the Anglo-Irish parliament. This colonial 
 parliament had been hitherto considered only as an impedi- 
 ment by kings who preferred to appeal to the power of 
 their swords. But James, who loved disputations rather 
 * Leland. 
 
20 IRELAND. 
 
 than contests, understood thoroughly all the advantage 
 which he could derive from a slavish constituency. Profit- 
 ing by the good examples in England, he created a number 
 of rotten boroughs, which elected all the civil and military 
 officers of the lord-lieutenant of Ireland. When repre- 
 sentations were made to him in regard to this subject, he 
 answered by buffoonery, verifying the old proverb — the 
 bigger the fool, the more he laughs. 
 
 III. FROM CHARLES I. TO WILLIAM Of ORANGE 1625- 
 
 1688. 
 
 Charles I. had, as the executor of his will in Ireland, 
 one of those energetic despots whose acts necessarily lead 
 either to absolute power or to the scaffold, — Wentworth, 
 afterwards known as Lord Strafford. He was as cruel as 
 Elizabeth and as cunning as James, and combined the two 
 systems of oppression. He availed himself with equal 
 dexterity of the powers of the man-at-arms and of the man 
 of law. 
 
 One province of Ireland had hitherto escaped confisca- 
 tion, and no English colony had as yet been established in 
 it, to wit, the province of Connaught. Strafford resolved 
 to do fromage to his sovereign by despoiling this province 
 for the king's benefit, and to do away with an exception 
 which served as a bad example. He assembled his forces 
 and took up his line of march, followed by an army of 
 bailiffs and a troop of soldiers. The first were designed to 
 falsify the law, the others to do it violence. The former 
 proved, by all the arguments of legal logic, that Connaught 
 belonged to the king alone, and the others scrupulously 
 executed the decisions of this high tribunal, and impressed 
 upon all a salutary terror, which curbed all opposition to 
 the law. In the county of Galway, however, Strafford met 
 with an obstinate resistance ; and no less than a dozen 
 juries were called to decide between the inhabitants who 
 
IRELAND. 21 
 
 wished to keep their lands, and the crown who wished to 
 take them.* 
 
 Strafford understood thoroughly the importance of the 
 triumph in this first public discussion. Every pains was 
 taken, and neither promises nor threats were spared, and 
 yet, notwithstanding all these efforts, the juries decided 
 against the pretensions of the crown. 
 
 No language can paint the fury of Strafford when he 
 heard this verdict. By his own authority he imposed a 
 fine of a thousand pounds sterling on Sheriff Darcy, who 
 was guilty, as he said, of summoning an evil-disposed jury. 
 He even arrested the jurymen, and brought them before the 
 star chamber of Dublin, where each one was compelled to 
 pay a fine of four thousand pounds sterling, and to declare 
 before the lord deputy, not only that his opinion was erro- 
 neous, but also that he had perjured himself. They all 
 energetically refused to submit to this humiliating decreet 
 
 While the minds of men were still terrified by these acts 
 of violence, a new jury was called together by Strafford, 
 which decided that the county of Galway, like the rest of 
 Connaught, had always belonged to the king. The confis- 
 cation was then complete, and all the Irish possessions 
 were seized. The history of the government of Strafford 
 is only a constant series of such outrageous acts of vio- 
 lence, that they served as the basis of an accusation which 
 brought him to the scaffold. Among other misdeeds, his 
 accusers state that he said publicly that " Ireland was a 
 conquered nation, and might be treated by the king as he 
 saw fit." This was certainly the first time that English 
 judges considered the oppression of Ireland as a crime ; 
 and one can form some idea of the enormity of the exces- 
 ses, when their recollection was useful to the anger of its 
 enemies. 
 
 The royal master of Strafford, however, already pun- 
 ished in the person of his minister, was alarmed by this 
 * De Beaumont. f Leland j Lingard ; De Beaumont. 
 
22 IRELAND. 
 
 terrible lesson, and now turned his attention towards the 
 Irish people, who had been so unworthily sacrificed. Fi- 
 delity to misfortune ought to be found in a nation always 
 unfortunate. From this time, he attempted to cover the 
 past with oblivion ; every project of colonization was aban- 
 doned ; and even the Irish were assured that the idea of 
 taking their lands had never been entertained. But as Beau- 
 mont remarks, with much truth — " From the time that 
 Charles I. ceased to persecute Ireland, and abandon the 
 leading feature of the age, which was to convert it at any 
 price to Protestantism, he was no longer king of England." 
 
 We may add also, from the time that the Irish undertook 
 the defence of the king, they declared by that that they did 
 not recognise him as the representative of the English gov- 
 ernment. Besides, they were Royalists rather by circum- 
 stance than by sympathy. Resisting the cruel fanaticism 
 of tin- Puritans, they found natural allies in those cavaliers, 
 who were contending against the same enemies. 
 
 New and less practised provocations Were still necessary 
 to excite a rebellion, from which some greedy Protestants 
 wished to profit. It is well known that the parliamentary 
 government, faithful to the traditions of preceding govern- 
 ments, obliged the Irish to embrace revolt as a refuge against 
 greater evils. One of the lord justices of Ireland, Sir Wil- 
 liam Parsons, went about proclaiming everywhere that the 
 Catholics must be utterly exterminated. Sir John Clot- 
 worthy exclaimed in Parliament that her papists must be 
 converted with the Bible in one hand, and the sword in the 
 other. The Puritans, masters of the king and of England, 
 proclaimed a crusade against modern Babylon. Ireland did 
 not wait for an invasion, and in October, 1641, a general 
 insurrection broke out. Those ancient proprietors whom 
 James I. had driven from their land, then returned and de- 
 manded their property from the Protestant colonies. In a 
 few days, in the province of Ulster alone, O'Neil, leader 
 
IRELAND. 23 
 
 of the rebellion, found himself at the head of 30,000 sol- 
 diers. 
 
 It is remarkable that in these first moments of reaction, 
 and in the massacres of the Protestant colonists, not a 
 Scotchman was slain. The English were the only ene- 
 mies, and the insurgents swore not to lay down their arms 
 until Ireland was freed from its oppressors. England re- 
 sponded to this oath with a loud cry of vengeance ; parlia- 
 ment ordered the destruction of the Catholics ; an act was 
 passed by government, to pursue the Irish both on land and 
 on sea, and to kill them wherever they might be taken. 
 
 Faithful to these instructions, the captain of a vessel 
 named Swanley, having seized a ship in which he found sev- 
 enty Irish flying towards the Continent, tied them back to 
 back and threw them into the sea. At. Philippaugh, a 
 hundred Irish prisoners were shot by the Scotch. Another 
 troop of Scotch, garrisoned at Carrickfergus, invaded a poor 
 district termed the Island of Magee, the inhabitants of which 
 had taken no part in the rebellion, and cruelly massacred 
 the whole population. 3000 individuals, men, women, and 
 children, were thus inhumanly butchered. In another part, 
 Colonel Matthew massacred 150 peasants, whom he had 
 tracked into the woods, as if they were hares. 
 
 The English parliament sent an army of 50,000 men to 
 execute its cruel orders, and the lord justices, commission- 
 ers of parliament, gave the soldiers the following instruc- 
 tions : — 
 
 Order to attack, kill, massacre, and extinguish, all the 
 rebels, their adherents, their connexions and accomplices ; 
 to burn, destroy, devastate, pillage, consume, and demolish, 
 all places, cities, and houses, where the rebels have been 
 assisted or received ; all the crops, wheat or hay, which 
 may be found there ; to kill and destroy all male individu- 
 als, and all capable of carrying arms, who may be found in. 
 the same places.* 
 
 * Lingard. 
 
24 IRELAND. 
 
 To pay the expenses of the war, parliament procured as 
 a loan a large sum of money, for the payment of which the 
 property of the Irish Catholics was made responsible. Two 
 millions five hundred thousand acres of land were hypothe- 
 cated to those who speculated on the price of blood. 
 
 A civil contest then commenced in the bosom of Ireland, 
 which presented all the characters of a war of savages. 
 Burning and pillage were the watchwords of both parties ; 
 the prisoners on both sides were assassinated ; but the 
 government had set the example. 
 
 Finally, the Irish united with the Royalists, and became- 
 masters of all the forts, and nearly all the cities of the king- 
 dom, but as yet there was no end to the horrors of anarchy. 
 The English and Scotch Presbyterians, although beaten 
 on all sides, had yet force enough to ravage and destroy ; 
 and this was done so thoroughly, that in many provinces 
 the people were restored to their primitive state, and wan- 
 dered about the country with their tents and their herds, 
 stopping wherever they could find water, grass, and wood. 
 Some counties were even so wretched, that, to use an ex- 
 pression of the country, there was not water enough to drown 
 a man, wood to hang him, nor earth to bury him. Immense 
 portions of territory remained uncultivated and desolate, and 
 the traveller was obliged to carry provisions for his jour- 
 ney with him, as if he had been travelling through a desert. 
 
 This horrid state of things lasted for eight years until 
 the coming of Cromwell, armed, as he said, with the exter- 
 minating sword of Gideon. The cruelties of this ferocious 
 conqueror far exceeded those of the Presbyterians who had 
 preceded him ; upon his memory rests the obloquy of all 
 the iniquities of this period ; and yet his army, so cruel in 
 contest, was the first English army that observed a strict 
 discipline in Ireland, and respected the inoffensive inhabi- 
 tants. Thus, this Cromwell, who had massacred for five 
 days uninterruptedly the brave population of Drogheda, 
 
IRELAND. 25 
 
 hung two of his soldiers in the presence of his army, for 
 stealing two chickens from the cabin of a poor Irishman. 
 
 He, however, pursued his work of extermination with 
 fierce activity, in which he was seconded by a new auxili- 
 ary, the plague. Nothing could resist this double scourge. 
 Ireland was rendered pacific when it was depopulated. 
 
 The whole soil was now divided like a domain legally 
 confiscated. Those merchants who had advanced funds 
 for the war were paid, and the remainder was distributed 
 to the officers and soldiers. Ireland became a fund to dis- 
 charge all the claims of the conquerors ; it served to pay 
 the immense debt of the civil war, and to satisfy the avidity 
 of the army.* 
 
 The plague, famine, the scaffold, and the battle-field, had 
 not yet had enough of victims. The Catholic population 
 was still in the majority. Other expedients were now 
 adopted. A thousand young girls were taken from their 
 mothers, and transported to Jamaica, where they were sold 
 as slaves. In this manner, 100,000 persons were trans- 
 ported. 
 
 But death and transportation did not do the work fast 
 
 enough ; there were still too many Catholics for the safety 
 
 of the English. It was then resolved to expel them in a 
 
 mass. Three of the four provinces of which Ireland is 
 
 composed, were reserved exclusively for the Protestants ; 
 
 the Catholics were banished to the fourth. This province, 
 
 the last asylum offered to the remains of the proscribed 
 
 nation, was Connaught. It is separated from the rest of 
 
 Ireland by the river Shannon, and presents a vast country, 
 
 which had been entirely desolated by the plague and by 
 
 massacres. By an act of parliament, the Catholic Irish 
 
 were obliged to proceed to this province on a certain day, 
 
 under pain of death, and their English rulers had the right 
 
 of killing all who disobeyed, and even the women and 
 
 children. " To Hell or Connaught'''' was the laconic order. 
 
 • Villemain ; Histoire de Cromwell. 
 3 
 
26 IRELAND. 
 
 These proscriptions, however, were made after a terrible 
 war 5 these confiscations were ordained by a conquering 
 enemy ; the acts of violence were explained, but not ex- 
 cused, by religious fanaticism. But what was the despair 
 of the Irish, when Charles II. assented to the proscriptions 
 against the partisans of his own cause, and sustained the 
 confiscations of the Long Parliament ! On the death of 
 Cromwell, who had robbed them, on the return of the kings 
 whom they had defended, the Irish expected to be re- 
 stored to their rights, and to the possession of their prop- 
 erty. They regarded their rights as the same as those of 
 Charles Stuart. But Charles Stuart declared them reb- 
 els, and legalized the conquest made by his Protestant sub- 
 jects, the term he applied to Cromwell, Ireton, and Brough- 
 hill. The only effect of the restoration was to place an 
 official seal upon the pillage of their property, and to legiti- 
 matize their sufferings. 
 
 The Irish Parliament, full of Protestants, sanctioned the 
 royal decision, and the natives awaited a new occasion to 
 revolt against England. This was presented when James 
 was expelled by the aristocracy. For three years they 
 battled manfully against their eternal oppressors, although 
 receiving but little assistance from the king, whom they 
 were defending against a wily antagonist. 
 
 One remark of an Irish corporal, taken prisoner at the 
 battle of the Boyne, proves that they fought from national 
 feelings, and not from any special regard for their monarch. 
 " Let us change kings," said he to his captors, " and we 
 will begin the battle again." 
 
 Finally, the siege and capture of Limerick terminated 
 the war. The Irish obtained an honorable capitulation, and 
 laid aside their arms under the guarantee of a solemn 
 treaty, known as the " Articles of Limerick," which con- 
 firmed to the Catholics liberty of conscience, and the en- 
 joyment, of their property. This treaty was solemnly 
 ratified in England, and sealed with the great seal of the 
 
IRELAND. 
 
 27 
 
 chancellor. But it was also violated. The Catholics were 
 again persecuted furiously. The responsibility of this per- 
 secution, in violation of the treaty, must rest entirely with . 
 the English aristocracy, because William III. often tried, 
 but in vain, to protect the Irish ; he was obliged to close 
 his eyes against the cruelties of his ministers ; and in 1692 
 the English parliament complained, in their address to the 
 king, of his too great indulgence for the Irish people. 
 
 IV. FROM THE TIME OF QUEEN ANNE TO THE UNION 
 
 OF GREAT BRITAIN AND IRELAND 1701-1800. 
 
 At this period, legal persecutions were established with 
 a violence which recalled the odious days of Queen Eliza- 
 beth. At this period was passed the infamous law entitled 
 " An Act to prevent the Increase of Popery." By this law, 
 if the eldest son of a Catholic embraced Protestantism, the 
 father was at once reduced to the condition of a " tenant for 
 life," reversion in fee being secured to the convert, and to 
 the detriment of his co-heirs. A Catholic was not permit- 
 ted to be the heir of a Protestant ; a Catholic father was 
 forbidden to educate his children and to be their tutor, but 
 they were placed under the charge of the nearest Protest- 
 ant relative, or of a tutor named by the court of chancery. 
 A Protestant proprietor could not marry a Catholic female ; 
 and, finally, no Catholic was permitted to purchase ground 
 or to take long leases. The Catholics had nothing to do 
 with the soil, except to labor on it ; they were, in fact, the 
 agrarian vassals of the Protestants. 
 
 Such was the code of morals formed by the Irish Parlia- 
 ment, under the direction of the court of England. Every 
 political event, even occurring out of Ireland, became a 
 pretext for new cruelties upon the people. Thus the 
 Scotch insurrection of 1715 acted against the Irish. On 
 this occasion, the parliament recommended the magistrates 
 to act vigorously against the Catholic priests, unless they 
 
28 IRELAND. 
 
 wished to be declared enemies of the constitution. In 
 1726, it was ordained that every Catholic priest who should 
 . consecrate a marriage between Catholics and Protestants, 
 was guilty of a felony, punishable by death. In 1744, 
 the monasteries were abolished, the churches were closed, 
 worship was forbidden, even the priests were pursued and 
 trailed like wild beasts, and all the Catholics were dis- 
 armed. In 1745, the Protestants became terrified by a 
 new insurrection in Scotland, and the propriety of a gen- 
 eral massacre of the Catholics was discussed in the privy 
 council of Dublin. 
 
 The fact that violent persecution strengthens belief was 
 seen particularly in Ireland. The Protestants, notwith- 
 standing the reinforcements which they were constantly 
 receiving from England, remained always numerically infe- 
 rior to the Catholics, and a starving population crowded 
 around them. Even the oppressors suffered from the ad- 
 vantages conferred upon them. If a Protestant landholder 
 wished to dispose of his grounds, he could find no buyers, 
 because the Catholics were disqualified from purchasing. 
 If he wished to increase the value of his property by a 
 long lease, there were no lessees ; if he desired to loan 
 his money on bond, he dared not lend it to a Catholic, for 
 he was exposed to the danger of seeing his money pass 
 into the hands of an apostate son, who might take it from 
 his father by becoming a Protestant. Finally, the Pro- 
 testants saw their resources diminish constantly, in conse- 
 quence of the legal incapacity of those around them. All 
 business transactions were hampered with restrictions, and 
 the Protestant himself was most deeply interested in vio- 
 lating laws which granted to him his odious privileges. In 
 every part of the kingdom, contracts were made secretly 
 and contrary to law. There was a legislation of contra- 
 band, in which the whole nation became an accomplice. 
 This, doubtless, was a remedy for legal wrongs, but the rem- 
 edy was very weak, for any one might be victimized by the 
 
IRELAND. 29 
 
 faithlessness of the man with whom he had made an illegal 
 contract. The father remained constantly exposed to the 
 spoliations of his son ; the property of the Catholics was 
 unsafe ; the life of the priest depended on those who knew 
 his hiding-place ; and marriages contracted contrary to law 
 might be broken at any time. 
 
 From this time, there were found Protestants in the 
 ranks of those who contended against English influence. 
 The quarrel assumed a national character ; even the de- 
 scendants of the ancient barons of the Pale — the colo- 
 nists who were identified with the soil — were as loud in 
 their exclamations as the rude children of the Celts ; and 
 the Presbyterians united with the Catholics to attack the 
 English aristocracy which ruled at Dublin. 
 
 In the Irish Parliament, hitherto mute and servile, were 
 heard loud exclamations, and the ministry expended enor- 
 mous sums to purchase a majority. This necessity of pur- 
 chase was doubtless extremely disagreeable to England, 
 who had so long commanded the votes gratuitously. In 
 1785, Lord Claire, the attorney general, said in open par- 
 liament, addressing himself to the opposition — " More than 
 half a million has been expended within a few years to 
 triumph over the opposition. You ask still more;" — and 
 his gestures seemed to add, " You shall have it." 
 
 On the other hand, at the same period, one of the mem- 
 bers of the opposition most remarkable for his talents and 
 incorruptible firmness, Graltan, exclaimed, " You have no 
 law of responsibility for your ministers, and your men of 
 state laugh at that justice which spares the head and com- 
 promises only their reputation. And yet we have had in 
 this country many bloody scenes : the aristocracy has had 
 its victims, the church has had its victims, the people have 
 had their victims — why not then the ministers ! But here 
 history presents a gap. In Ireland, Mr. President, you are 
 not armed with the axe, and that is the reason you have 
 not known a good ministry." On another occasion, Grat- 
 
30 • IRELAND. 
 
 tan exclaimed against the English administration : " Do 
 you believe, then, that the laws of this country can have 
 any authority under a system like yours ? — a system which 
 has not only sullied the ermine of justice, but has even 
 poisoned the sources of legislation ? You have done well ; 
 your purchased majorities may pass a law, but purchased 
 majorities cannot give authority to the law. Notwithstand- 
 ing all the assertions of your paid friends, I regard you all 
 as the leaders of faction invested with authority." 
 
 This language was uttered by a Protestant against the 
 English authority. Another Protestant, a descendant of 
 one of the Norman families, who was one of the early in- 
 vaders of Ireland, Lord Edward Fitzgerald, was still more 
 energetic in his opposition. It was at the time that the 
 French Revolution filled the world with agitation and the 
 Irish with hope. These latter, like the revolutionists of 
 Paris, had formed themselves into associations, the most 
 numerous of which was that of the United Irishmen ; they 
 had organized a national guard. The Irish harps, sur- 
 mounted by the cap of liberty, floated on their standards ; 
 and their sympathy with France was avowed as boldly as 
 their hatred for England. On the 14th of July, 1790, the 
 fete of the French federation was celebrated with great 
 pomp at Dublin ; many addresses were sent from all parts 
 of Ireland to the constitutional assembly ; and when the 
 coalition of kings at Pilnitz declared war against France, 
 the United Irishmen of Belfast voted money to aid the 
 French armies. When the retreat of the Duke of Bruns- 
 wick was known, there were public rejoicings in many of 
 the cities, and the United Irishmen of Dublin sent commit- 
 tees to all the members of the society to celebrate this 
 happy event. 
 
 These manifestations terrified the government. The 
 lord-lieutenant issued a proclamation to interdict the so- 
 ciety. To give this proclamation more force, he submitted 
 it to the sanction of parliament. An address was therefore 
 
IRELAND. 31 
 
 proposed to the lord-lieutenant in the session of the 31st 
 of January, 1793, in which the chamber approved of the 
 proclamation, and offered its assistance to prevent the as- 
 semblages of the societies. The principal members of the 
 opposition, and Grattan himself, terrified by the republican 
 language of the clubs, had spoken in favor of the address, 
 when Lord Edward Fitzgerald arose. " Sir," said he, 
 addressing the speaker, " I disapprove of this address en- 
 tirely ; for, in my opinion, the king has not in the kingdom 
 a subject more disloyal than the lord-lieutenant, and in this 
 assembly members more evilly disposed than the members 
 of the majority." A violent clamor then ensued ; the cry, 
 11 To the bar !" was heard on all sides ; the assembly left 
 their seats, and, during three hours of agitation, they at- 
 tempted in vain to obtain a retraction. It was finally deci- 
 ded that Lord Edward Fitzgerald should appear the next 
 day at the bar of the house. As the house went into secret 
 session, the explanations of Fitzgerald are unknown, but 
 they could not have been very humble ; for when the vote 
 was taken whether his excuse should be admitted or not, 
 the proposition was rejected by a majority of sixty-five. 
 The destiny of Lord Fitzgerald was so singular, and the 
 latter years of his life are connected so intimately with the 
 history of Ireland, that a few words in regard to him will 
 not be uninteresting. 
 
 Edward Fitzgerald, fifth son of the Earl of Leinster, one 
 of the chiefs of the Irish opposition under George II., was 
 about ten years old when his father died. A short time 
 afterward, in 1773, he was brought by his mother into 
 France to Aubigny, which belonged to his maternal uncle, 
 the Duke of Richmond. There he spent the six most 
 pleasant years of his life, and the constant affection which 
 he always exhibited to France and to Frenchmen, was, in 
 his opinion, only a debt of gratitude. 
 
 He returned to England in 1779, and two years after- 
 wards was appointed lieutenant in a regiment which was 
 
<£ 
 
 32 IRELAND. 
 
 ordered against the Americans. Here he soon distinguished 
 himself by his talents and courage, and took a very active 
 part in every battle, until he was obliged to quit active ser- 
 vice by a severe wound. Peace was concluded before his 
 recovery. It was, however, at this period that his republi- 
 can principles became established, and it was in righting 
 against the cause of Liberty that he learned to die in her 
 service. 
 
 From the United States, Fitzgerald went to Canada, 
 where he availed himself of the leisure of a garrison life 
 to visit the tribes of Indians. There, taking part in their 
 adventurous existence, he passed with them through forests 
 unexplored by Europeans, sharing their dangers and their 
 fatigues, and rinding, as he says, an inexpressible charm in 
 the life of the desert. 
 
 In 1789 he returned to London. Shortly after his re- 
 turn, the Duke of Richmond, his uncle, presented him to 
 Pitt, who offered him the command of an expedition which 
 was preparing against Cadiz. Fitzgerald accepted it ea- 
 gerly ; but the next day, the Duke of Richmond gave him 
 to understand that the minister expected to have the vote, 
 which he could command in the Irish Parliament, as deputy 
 from the county of Kildare, when Fitzgerald rejected the 
 overture with indignation, declared that he would not ac- 
 cept the command which had been offered to him, and the 
 uncle and nephew separated in anger. 
 
 For two years he attended to his parliamentary duties, 
 but the glorious events which had occurred in France had 
 awakened all the ancient sympathies of Fitzgerald. With- 
 out intrusting any one with his confidence, he went to 
 Paris without the knowledge even of his mother, the Duch- 
 ess of Leinster, who was ignorant of it until she receiv- 
 ed a letter with this date : " Paris, Oct. 30. The first year 
 of the Republic. 1 ' At the close of the letter he gave his 
 mother the following address : " Citizen Edward Fitzgerald, 
 
IRELAND. 33 
 
 White's Hotel, passage des Petits Peres, pres du Palais 
 Royaler 
 
 A few days afterwards, the following article appeared in 
 the journals of Paris and London : — 
 
 " Yesterday the English residents of Paris assembled at 
 White's Hotel, to celebrate the victories obtained by the 
 French armies over the coalition. Although the meeting 
 was designed principally for the inhabitants of Great Bri- 
 tain, it was attended also by citizens of other countries, 
 deputies to the convention, generals, and other officers sta- 
 tioned at Paris. M. Stone was in the chair. 
 
 " Among the toasts we remarked the following : — 
 
 " ' The armies of France ; may the example of the citi- 
 zen soldiers be followed by all nations, until there are neither 
 tyrants nor tyranny.' 
 
 " Toast by citizen Sir R. Smith, and Lord Fitzgerald : 
 ' May the patriotic airs, Ca ira, La Carmagnole, La Marseil- 
 laise, soon become the favorite music of every army, and 
 may the soldiers and citizens shout them in chorus.' 
 
 " By General Dillon : ' The Irish people ; may the govern- 
 ment profit by the example of France, in order that revolu- 
 tion may be prevented by reform.' 
 
 " Sir Robert Smith and Lord Fitzgerald having renounced 
 their titles, the former proposed the following toast : ■ The 
 prompt abolition of all hereditary titles, of all feudal distinc- 
 tions.' 
 
 We will here quote a letter written two days after to his 
 mother ; it serves to show the feelings with which he was 
 inspired by the noble efforts of the French nation. 
 
 11 Dear Mother — 
 11 1 received your letter yesterday. You are right ia 
 speaking of my joy at the capture of Mons, and of the suc- 
 cessful issue of the battle of Jemmapes. I was at the as- 
 sembly when the news of it arrived ; it was an imposing 
 scene, like everything else occurring here. You who 
 know the French, can understand it. I am enchanted with 
 
34 IRELAND. 
 
 the dignity with which they celebrate their successes; there 
 is no boasting, no arrogance. They refer all to the gran- 
 deur and goodness of their cause, and seem to think of 
 the good effects which this will produce in Europe, rather 
 than of their personal glory. In fact, all the good feel- 
 ings of the French stand out in bold relief, while, in my 
 eyes at least, all defects have disappeared. The city is 
 very tranquil, the theatres and public walks are crowded. 
 I see no changes except in the small number of equipages, 
 the simplicity of dress, &c. &c." 
 
 A few days after the date of this letter, Fitzgerald, being 
 at the opera, observed in an adjacent box a young lady of 
 remarkable beauty. He soon found that her name was 
 Pamela Sims, the adopted daughter of Madame de Genlis, 
 then citizen Sillery. Report said, and Fitzgerald's histori- 
 an, Thomas Moore, asserts positively, that she was the 
 daughter of Madame de Genlis and Philippe Egalite. We 
 know not if Fitzgerald was acquainted with this circum- 
 stance, but, full of that enthusiasm with which the Irish are 
 so easily led away, he was introduced to the citizen Sillery, 
 and in a month afterwards offered his hand to Pamela. 
 
 But the marriage was celebrated at Tournay, because 
 Madame de Genlis was then conducting Madame Adelaide 
 her pupil out of France. The names which appear in the 
 marriage contract are as follow : — 
 
 " To all, &c, <fec, be it known, that before me, Fer- 
 dinand Joseph Dorez, a republican notary public, resident 
 at Tournay in Flanders, in the presence of the citizens Lou- 
 is Philippe Egalite and Sylvester Mirys, present at Tour- 
 nay, and the requisite witnesses appeared, Edward Fitz- 
 gerald, aged about 29 years, generally residing at Dublin 
 in Ireland, born at Whitehall, London, son of James Fitz- 
 gerald, Duke of Leinster, and of Lady Amelia Lennox, 
 Duchess of Leinster, on one part, and Citizen Ann Caroline 
 Stephanie Sims, aged about 19 years, living in Paris, known 
 in France by the name of Pamela, native of Fogo> in the Isl- 
 
IRELAND. 35 
 
 and of Newfoundland, daughter of William of Brixey, and 
 of Mary Sims, attended by citizen Stephanie Felicite Du- 
 crest-Brulart-Sillery, known in 1786 as the Countess of 
 Genlis, authorized by two depositions taken before the hon- 
 orable William Count of Mansfield, peer of the realm, and 
 chief justice of England, both dated January 25, on the 
 other part, &c." 
 
 The following signed the original documents : Edward 
 Fitzgerald, Pamela Sims, the Lieutenant-general James 
 Omoran, Stephanie Felicite Ducrest-Brulart-Sillery, Adele 
 Eugenie Egalite, Hermine Compton, Philippe Egalite, Pul- 
 cherie Valence, Henriette Screey, Cesar Ducrest, Louis 
 Philippe Egalite, Sylvester Mirys, and F. J. Dorez, notary. 
 
 It was during his marriage fete that Lord Fitzgerald 
 learned that the English ministry had erased his name from 
 the list of officers in the army. This measure, which con- 
 cerned others as well as himself, excited great indignation 
 in the ranks of the British opposition. Fox reproached 
 ministers severely for this arbitrary act, which, it was said, 
 had no foundation, other than the sympathy of the officers 
 for the French nation. 
 
 At the opening of the session, Fitzgerald returned to 
 Dublin, about the end of January, and it was shortly after 
 resuming his seat that he used the bold language cited on 
 a previous page. From that day his fortunes were attach- 
 ed to those of Ireland. 
 
 The Catholics, however, had not yet joined the United 
 Irishmen ; for the government had relented somewhat tow- 
 ards them, in consequence, probably, of the patriotic demon- 
 strations made by the Protestant Irish. The relief bill of 
 1793 granted the Catholics the right of election, and ad- 
 mitted them to sit as jurymen, and to the bar. But these 
 concessions were only illusory ; for in bestowing the right 
 of election without the right of eligibility, it was to admit 
 into the constitution the least enlightened, and to repel from 
 it the most capable. In summoning them as jurors, the 
 
36 IRELAND. 
 
 duties of sheriff devolved alone on Protestants ; now as the 
 sheriff selects the jurors, Catholics could always be pre- 
 vented from exercising their right. In admitting them to 
 the bar, all access to the magistracy was sedulously closed. 
 The temple of the law was opened to them, but they could 
 not cross the threshold ; they might speak in behalf of their 
 suffering brethren, but they could not pronounce the decis- 
 ions of justice. It was too much, or too little ; it was to 
 emancipate them from slavery, without giving them liberty. 
 They demanded a complete emancipation : it was promised 
 them. 
 
 At this period, Pitt, who saw that he was about to lose 
 power, endeavored to form a ministry by conciliation. The 
 Duke of Portland, a moderate whig, offered his support, but 
 stipulated expressly that emancipation should be granted to 
 the Irish Catholics. A political coalition was formed on 
 these principles. Lord Fitzwilliam, an avowed partisan 
 of emancipation, was named lord-lieutenant of Ireland, and 
 Grattan, the Diomede of the Catholic cause, was called to 
 the administration. All the Irish were full of hope : dis- 
 cords were healed ; the act of emancipation was drawn ; 
 all was ready for legislation ; when suddenly Lord Fitzwil- 
 liam was mysteriously recalled, Lord Camden was named 
 as his successor, and Grattan was succeeded by Lord Cas- 
 tlereagh ! Catholics and Protestants were again deceived. 
 
 The secret of this duplicity was the news received by 
 Pitt from the continent. The internal dissensions of France, 
 its momentary reverses in Flanders, the embarrassments in 
 its finances, had convinced the minister that the young re- 
 public must soon yield ; and throughout Europe there was 
 a vivid reaction against revolutionary principles, the effects 
 of which were felt particularly in Ireland. The tories had 
 made concessions in a moment of fear ; on resuming their 
 courage, they resumed their tyranny over the whigs. 
 
 Instructed by these examples, the Catholics delayed no 
 longer. They associated in crowds with the United Irish- 
 
IRELAND. 37 
 
 men ; a vast confederation was organized, with a view to 
 the extinction of the English power, the independence of 
 Ireland, and the formation of a republic. In every county 
 the society had numerous ramifications, and three hundred 
 thousand armed men were ready to respond to its call. An 
 executive directory was established at Dublin, on the model 
 of the Directory at Paris. Among the chiefs of the con- 
 spiracy were Lord Edward Fitzgerald, Wolfe Tone, and 
 Arthur O'Connor. 
 
 Wolfe Tone was sent to France to claim the support of 
 the Directory, under the express condition that the French 
 should come to Ireland as allies, and should act under the 
 direction of the new government, as Rochambeau had done 
 in America. With this view, Tone had frequent confer- 
 ences at Paris with Hoche ; and the Directory finally deter- 
 mined to send from Brest a fleet of forty-five sail, with an 
 army of fifteen thousand men, under the charge of this able 
 general, December 15, 1796. England was saved by a vio- 
 lent tempest. For six days the fleet contended against the 
 elements, but in vain ; and of all this formidable armament, 
 there returned to Brest only four transports, two frigates, 
 and a lugger. Hoche, separated from the command of the 
 fleet, was obliged to throw himself into a small boat, and 
 land at Rochelle. 
 
 But the English government had been warned. By re- 
 curring to its usual means of corruption, it purchased some 
 traitors, who disclosed the plans of the association, the 
 names of the chiefs, and designated their place of rendez- 
 vous. Arthur O'Connor, Quigley, and many others were 
 arrested ; warrants were issued against Fitzgerald and those 
 who were concealed. Fitzgerald, however, was not dis- 
 couraged j he remained at Dublin, where he could watch the 
 movements of government, and send his instructions to the 
 provinces ; and escaped all pursuit by frequently changing 
 his place of residence. A reward of one thousand pounds 
 was offered for his arrest ; and on the 20th of May, 1798, 
 
 4 
 
39 IRELAND. 
 
 the police was informed that he was in the house of a Mr. 
 Murphy. The mayor of the city, Mr. Sirr, attended by 
 two police-officers, Messrs. Swan and Ryan, and followed 
 by a guard of soldiers, immediately went to the house 
 designated. 
 
 Fitzgerald had dined with Murphy and a friend named 
 Neilson, when the latter took his leave, and, either inten- 
 tionally or unintentionally, left the street door open. Mur- 
 phy attended Fitzgerald to his chamber, where he lay 
 down in the bed dressed, when he heard a step on the 
 stairs, and Swan entered the room, and fired on Lord Ed- 
 ward ; but in his haste he missed him. He then turned to 
 Murphy, and struck him violently in the face with the 
 breech of the pistol, saying to a soldier who entered, " Take 
 this droll one away." At this moment, Fitzgerald jumped 
 from his bed, leaped upon Swan and stabbed him, and also 
 Ryan, who fell, bathed in blood. Mayor Sirr, however, 
 rushed into the fight, fired on Lord Edward, who was con* 
 tending vigorously against, his assailants, and broke his right 
 arm. Armed soldiers were then called in to conquer him, 
 and his resistance did not terminate until he was ironed, 
 having received a sabre cut in the neck. 
 
 The arrest of Fitzgerald produced a vivid sensation 
 among his partisans, and the government could not dissem- 
 ble their joy at this important capture. But they were not 
 accustomed to be generous in the moment of victory. Fitz- 
 gerald was confined in a narrow prison, and was not per- 
 mitted to see his relatives • even his wife was not admitted, 
 although it was known that his wounds were mortal. When 
 he wished to make his will, the notary was not allowed to 
 communicate directly with him ; but was obliged to draw 
 up the will at- the door of the prison, while the surgeon 
 was the medium of carrying to him the last words of the 
 dying man. These acts of cruelty towards a chief of the 
 aristocracy indicated what was reserved for the people. 
 
 On the third of June, Fitzgerald was awakened from his 
 
IRELAND. 39 
 
 agony by a loud noise : it was caused by the hanging be- 
 fore his window of one of his accomplices, Quigley. 
 
 The next day, death relieved Fitzgerald of his sufferings. 
 But death without condemnation deprived the minister of 
 one of his victims ; and to satisfy his implacable ven- 
 geance, a posthumous inquest was called on the cadaver. 
 A bill of attainder was presented to the parliament against 
 the memory of Lord Edward Fitzgerald, confiscating his 
 goods and chattels for the benefit of the crown. The cele- 
 brated advocate, Curran, appeared at the bar for the de- 
 fence. " Often," said he, " have I been called by my 
 professional duties to the dungeon of the captive, but 
 never to the tomb of the dead. Never until this day have 
 I had to meet an accusation beyond the grave ! The 
 charges, which the accused might have destroyed by a few 
 words, if alive, must be buried with him in eternal silence. 
 By the bill which is now presented, you may conquer when 
 proof is impossible, strike where crime cannot exist, con- 
 fiscate the property of the widow, and rob the orphan. A 
 state must descend to the lowest depths of degradation, 
 when it is obliged to seek support in the violation of law, 
 and the sad confession of its weakness and terror." 
 
 The noble efforts of Curran failed : the two houses of 
 Parliament passed the bill, and George III. gave it his 
 royal sanction. This was not enough for the cabinet of 
 St. James. The leaders of the association were dead or 
 dispersed, but the association itself existed ; and in order 
 to destroy its members, it was necessary to excite them to 
 an insurrection, to which they did not seem disposed. The 
 government then had recourse to those means of provoca- 
 tion for which it was so cruelly adapted. All Ireland was 
 placed in a state of siege ; a general disarming of the 
 inhabitants was ordered, and under pretence of searching 
 for arms, garrisons were established in the houses. Sol- 
 diers were sent from England expressly to persecute the 
 Irish, and obeyed the orders of their chiefs with phrensied 
 
40 IRELAND. 
 
 zeal. The inhabitants who were suspected, rightfully or 
 wrongfully, of having arms, were subjected to the rack ; 
 their hair was torn from their head ; others were hung on 
 trees, and taken down just before death ; others were 
 scourged to excoriation, and their bloody wounds were 
 covered with salt and pepper. In those villages where the 
 peasantry were entirely unarmed, and consequently could 
 not respond to the demand for guns, having none, the sol- 
 diers set fire to their houses. Murder, violation, pillage, 
 formed the usual service of the troops ; and the excesses 
 of this inebriated soldiery became so intolerable, that the 
 commander-in-chief of his Britannic Majesty's forces in 
 England, Sir Ralph Abercrombie, wrote to the ministry : 
 " The army under my orders has become formidable by its 
 license to the whole world, except to the enemy." Sir 
 Ralph Abercrombie was soon recalled, as a man on whom 
 no dependance could be placed. 
 
 A man of eminent merit, Sir Edward Crosbie, had de- 
 clared in favor of a parliamentary reform ; on this account 
 the military judge concluded that he was a republican, 
 and consequently he was brought to the bar. Witnesses 
 who could not be suspected — Protestants, devoted but im- 
 partial friends of the government — appeared in crowds to 
 give their depositions in favor of the accused, but their 
 testimony was rejected ; they wished to force their way 
 into the tribunal, where they knew that an innocent man 
 was accused, who could be saved by a word from their 
 mouths j but they were stopped by the bayonets of soldiers, 
 who repulsed them with violence. This was not all : as 
 there were no witnesses against the accused, the military 
 judge sought them in the prisons ; here he promised life 
 if the prisoners would testify against the accused ; threats 
 and even tortures were used to obtain false testimony from 
 them. The doom of the accused was thus soon sealed : 
 a gross, ignorant, and brutal man, the president of the 
 
IRELAND. 41 
 
 council of war, condemned him to death, and he was then 
 executed. 
 
 While these things were going on, the Irish tories em- 
 ployed by the government, and others, organized into armed 
 bands under the name of Orangemen, rivalling the soldiers 
 in their cruelty. They attacked the houses of Catholics in 
 open day, set them on fire, and stabbed the inhabitants who 
 tried to escape from the flames. In the county of Armagh, 
 the Orangemen swore to expel all the Catholics, and con- 
 sequently issued a proclamation, in which they ordered 
 the Catholics to leave the county by a certain day. Those 
 who did not obey, saw their houses burnt, their property 
 destroyed, and their families murdered. More than seven 
 hundred Catholic families were thus expelled violently 
 from the county of Armagh ; and all this took place under 
 the eyes, or rather with the connivance of the magistrates. 
 
 When Lord Moira stated all these outrages in the House 
 of Lords, a minister rose to deny it, and added, " If this be 
 true, the people would rise." The people did rise, and the 
 government wished it. Unhappily, the insurrection oc- 
 curred without concert, and in consequence of the suffer- 
 ings which were caused. The rising was in detached 
 places, so that the English army could exterminate the 
 small troops of insurgents one after another. 
 
 These uprisings at iirst commenced in the country which 
 separates Dublin from the mountains of Wicklow. They 
 then extended to Wexford, where a provisional government 
 was established, under the title of the Executive Directory 
 of the Irish Republic. A few partial successes attracted 
 there a great many partisans. But most of them were 
 armed with pikes, they had no artillery, and it was not to 
 be expected that they could sustain a regular contest 
 against the English army, who advanced to meet them 
 with all the advantages of discipline, and a formidable 
 park of artillery. They, however, were intrenched upon 
 Vinegar Hill, near Wexford, and they defended themselves 
 
 4* 
 
42 IRELAND. 
 
 with energy until they were entirely surrounded. The 
 prisoners were tortured, to ascertain the names of their 
 chiefs ; but they could only denounce those who were al- 
 ready slain or were prisoners. 
 
 Another battle was fought near Wicklovv, and lost. This 
 discouraged the Irish, and arrested the insurrection in the 
 southern and eastern provinces. 
 
 The insurgents doubtless committed some outrages, but 
 they were not to be compared with those of the English 
 upon them while they were quiet, before the insurrection 
 commenced. Whatever may have been their excesses in 
 other respects, says Augustine Thierry, the insurgents al- 
 ways respected females ; but this was not done by the 
 Orangemen, nor even by the officers of the English army, 
 notwithstanding all their pretensions to honor and civiliza- 
 tion. Those military men who reproached the rebels bit- 
 terly for the murder of one prisoner, sent all their captives 
 to the executioner, because they said it was the law. 
 There were entire provinces in rebellion, where not a sin- 
 gle Protestant was killed ; but none of the rebels who were 
 captured with arms in their hands were spared ; and the 
 chiefs of the United Irishmen said, u We fight with the 
 halter round our necks." 
 
 This insurrection had hardly been subdued, when another 
 one broke out in the north, among the Scotch Presbyteri- 
 ans. As in the preceding, there were brilliant actions and 
 deeds of rare courage ; but all the efforts of the English 
 troops being directed to one point, resistance was unavail- 
 ing. The insurgents, however, did not wish to lay down 
 their arms except under a general amnesty. It was prom- 
 ised j and as soon as they were disarmed, the English vio- 
 lated their promise by executing their principal leaders. 
 
 The contest had been ended about a month, when a 
 French detachment disembarked on the western coast. 
 This late succor comprised only fifteen hundred men, com- 
 manded by General Humber. If he had arrived a few 
 
IRELANP. 43 
 
 weeks sooner, he might have aided the natives efficiently ; 
 but now they came to brave a useless, and, in this war, a 
 very untimely danger. The career, however, of this small 
 army was brilliant, and worthy of the soldiers of Italy who 
 composed it. They attacked the city Killala, in the coun- 
 ty of May, and made prisoners of all the English in the 
 garrison, and there displayed the green standard of the 
 United Irishmen. But in this province, where all the Pro- 
 testants were attached to the government, they were joined 
 only by a few badly-armed Catholic peasants, and General 
 Humber soon saw that he must depend on his own re- 
 sources. He then marched towards the south, leaving the 
 garrison at Killala, and taking with him about eleven hun- 
 dred men. At Castlebar, he found General Lake intrenched 
 with four thousand regulars. The French attacked him 
 with spirit and routed them, taking eight hundred prisoners 
 and ten pieces of artillery. 
 
 Notwithstanding this brilliant success, but few Irish 
 joined the French. But the small victorious army were 
 undaunted, and proceeded towards Dublin. During this 
 time, thirty thousand English regulars, who were assembled 
 under the command of Lord Cornwallis, advanced against 
 General Humber, and waited for him near Ballinach. Not- 
 withstanding this great disproportion of forces, Humber 
 accepted the contest ; and, after a short and spirited resist- 
 ance, himself and corps capitulated. On seeing the small 
 number of French — eight hundred and forty-four, inclu- 
 ding officers, who had resisted the entire army — the Eng- 
 lish were astonished, and uttered serious accusations in 
 Parliament against the inefficiency of the Irish parliament, 
 who had permitted Humber to pass through the country 
 like a conqueror. Colonel Charost, who commanded the 
 small garrison of Killala, could not hold it a long time ; but 
 when the city was surrendered, the archbishop's palace, 
 which had been occupied by the French, was found in the 
 same state in which it had been left. Not a single article 
 
44 IRELAND. 
 
 of furniture was missing, and even the silver plate of the 
 prelate had been untouched. The English commanders 
 admired this strict discipline, instances of which were 
 sought for in vain among their soldiers. 
 
 A month afterwards, a new and still more rash attempt 
 was made by the French Directory. A small squadron, 
 composed of one ship of the line and eight frigates, sailed 
 from Brest to Ireland. It was met on the coast of Ulster 
 by Admiral Sir John Warren, with a much larger force. 
 After an heroic defence of six hours, the ship of the line 
 and six frigates surrendered. Among the prisoners was 
 the celebrated Wolfe Tone, the founder of the association 
 of United Irishmen, and one of its most active agents. He 
 was brought before a court-martial at Dublin, where he did 
 not attempt to deny his projects against the English govern- 
 ment. " I entered into the service of the French republic," 
 said he, " with the sole view of being useful to my country. 
 To contend against British tyranny, I have braved the fa- 
 tigues and terrors of the field of battle ; I have met the 
 dangers of the sea, covered with the triumphant fleets of 
 my antagonists ; I have sacrificed my comfort, have courted 
 poverty, have left my wife unprotected, and my children 
 without a father. After all I have done for a sacred cause, 
 death is no sacrifice. In such enterprises, everything de- 
 pends on success: Washington succeeded — Kosciusko 
 failed. I know my fate, but I neither ask for pardon nor 
 do I complain. I admit openly all I have said, written, and 
 done, and am prepared to meet the consequences. As, 
 however, I occupy a high grade in the French army, I 
 would request the court, if they can grant me the favor, 
 that I may die the death of a soldier." After a long silence, 
 interrupted by some expressions of admiration, he was told 
 that his request should be submitted to the lord-lieutenant. 
 Thinking, however, that there was but little prospect, he 
 committed suicide in prison. 
 
 With Wolfe Tone, terminated the insurrection of 1798. 
 
IRELAND. 45 
 
 He was the prime mover of it, and was its last victim. 
 
 A few obstinate rebels still remained in the woods and 
 
 ^mountains ; but they served as sources of amusement for 
 
 &ie English officers, who hunted them down during the 
 
 v ilisure from their garrison duties. 
 
 This insurrection, although badly planned and badly exe- 
 cuted, gave the English government so much alarm, that 
 they resolved to take away from Ireland the last remnant 
 of official nationality, the Parliament. Although the vote 
 of this assembly was always purchased, yet its debates 
 preserved for the country a fictitious independence, which 
 many persons imagined to be real. 
 
 Besides, the orators of the minority constantly pointed out 
 the crimes of the government, gave patriotism many noble 
 lessons, and reminded the Irish that they ought still to be re- 
 garded as a nation. 
 
 That odious measure of state policy, the union of Great 
 Britain and Ireland, was now introduced. At this news, 
 mutilated Ireland again rattled her chains, and showed her 
 scars. Of thirty-two counties, twenty-one protested ener- 
 getically against the abolition of their parliament. This 
 parliament, the extinction of which was demanded, is again 
 reanimated. The last struggles of dying nationality were 
 marked by stormy discussions ; and foremost among the 
 combatants stood Grattan, who never abandoned the cause 
 of misfortune. One of the ministerial orators referred in 
 favor of the measure to the great insurrection, when Grat- 
 ton rose and exclaimed, " Is it you who revive the memory 
 of that bloody epoch? If there were crimes committed, 
 they were excited by you. If there were acts of heroism 
 performed, they were accomplished against you. From 
 1782 to 1798, the government were constantly attempting 
 to destroy all that remained of our institutions, and of our 
 virtues. You have introduced here a system of corruption 
 unknown in the annals of any parliament. You have ad- 
 ded intimidation to corruption, and to crown your work, 
 
/ 
 
 46 IRELAND. 
 
 you have introduced the torture under the vain pretext of an 
 insurrection, caused by your crimes. So far as I am con- 
 cerned, the events have not changed my convictions. I - 
 think now as I thought then ; the treason of ministers against/! 
 the liberty of the people, is much more culpable than theM 
 rebellion of the people against ministers." 
 
 At first the efforts of the Irish patriots triumphed. The 
 act of union was at first rejected. It was not that the ma- 
 jority was less servile than formerly ; but among the num- 
 bers of this majority, were several rich proprietors who 
 owned rotten boroughs, and who annually disposed of a 
 certain number of representatives. To them this privilege 
 was a prolific source of revenue, and they considered the bill 
 as an attack upon their property. With them it was only a 
 question of' money, and it consequently gave the English 
 government a solemn opportunity of developing the powers 
 of corruption when employed on a larger scale. It was 
 estimated that every rotten borough was worth fifteen thou- 
 sand pounds sterling. This sum was promised as an in- 
 demnity for sacrificed privileges, and the whole indemnity 
 amounted to one million two hundred and sixty thousand 
 pounds sterling. 
 
 The humblest opponent was quieted by a place, pension, 
 or money ; and on the 26th of May, 1800, the project of 
 union was adopted by a vote of 118 to 73. 
 
 Thus terminated this parliament, where Irish nationality 
 was extinguished — where the last mark of the independ- 
 ence of a people was sacrificed. 
 
 V. UNION AND EMANCIPATION ACTUAL STATE OF IRE- 
 LAND— 1800-1841. 
 
 If the act of union had been really an annexation of 
 Ireland to England, the political approximation of the two 
 people, with the same advantages and the same duties, the 
 same privileges and the same expenses, one would natu- 
 
IRELAND. 47 
 
 rally be astonished at witnessing the existence of the same 
 hatred as before, and at the continuation of wretchedness. 
 One would be almost tempted to accuse the Irish of being 
 unable to forget their resentment and their long suffering. 
 But, as we have already said, the act of union was only a 
 solemn lie. Nothing was changed except that parliament 
 had been abolished. The evil still existed, and the slight 
 image of independence which might have alleviated it was 
 effaced. Ireland was not told, You shall suffer no longer, 
 but, You shall suffer in silence. Its tortures were not re- 
 lieved, but the cry of the victim seemed too loud, and the 
 gag was applied. Article 8 of the act of union states : 
 All laws and all courts of justice shall exist as they are 
 now. This means, the same system of oppression shall be 
 continued ; the Catholics shall be subject to the same re- 
 strictions, the same favors shall be granted to the Protest- 
 ants; the laborer shall be subject to the same exactions. 
 
 In this brief statement of the wretchedness of Ireland, 
 we have referred only to political facts ; we have not de- 
 scribed their general oppression, which weighs equally on 
 the poor as well as the rich. But if we glance at social 
 life, if we inquire into domestic wretchedness, if we look 
 into the domestic circles, and ask what the government has 
 given it, in exchange for its independence, a reply is unne- 
 cessary, the answer is addressed to our eyes. 
 
 " Imagine," says Beaumont, " four walls of dried mud, 
 which a shower of rain easily restores to its primitive state \ 
 a little thach serves for a roof, and a hole in this roof for 
 a chimney, and most frequently the. door of the cabin forms 
 the only place through which the smoke escapes ; one 
 room contains the father, mother, and children ; there is no 
 furniture in this wretched place, and one bed, generally of 
 straw, serves for the whole family. 
 
 " Within, we find five or six half naked children, crouched 
 near a miserable fire, the ashes of which covers a few po- 
 tatoes, the only nourishment of the whole family ; in the 
 
48 IRELAND. 
 
 midst of all is a hog, the only inhabitant of the place who 
 thrives, because he lives in filth. The presence of the 
 hog in the cabin, however, is a sign of some luxury, and 
 extreme is the poverty in the cabin where he is not found." 
 
 This picture, however, is not that of the poor man's resi- 
 dence, but of that of the farmer and agricultural laborer. 
 
 As to the mass of poor people, those who live one day 
 and even two without nourishment, we cannot speak of 
 them, because language has no words to express their mis- 
 fortunes. We do not here allude to a few sad exceptions, 
 but to a terrible whole. It follows from parliamentary in- 
 vestigations, that in Ireland three millions of individuals 
 are annually exposed to die by starvation. Besides these 
 three millions, there are as many more who just escape 
 starvation, and are not counted. 
 
 In 1832, Bishop Doyle was asked, "what was the state 
 of population in the west V " Just as it always has been," 
 said he j " they are starving, as usual." And yet the coun- 
 try is rich and fertile, the inhabitants are good laborers ; 
 but its riches and fertility are profitable to a few large pro- 
 prietors, and the labor of the poor farmers puts millions of 
 revenue into the pockets of some lords who have never 
 resided in the country. Great opulence is seen by the side 
 of excessive indigence. 
 
 The judges, who are all English, receive a salary of 
 JS5000 ; to the bishops, who are all Protestants, is paid the 
 sum of £20,000 j and it is this Catholic population who 
 live in hovels, which supports an unfriendly church, the 
 revenue of which amounts to the enormous sum of 
 £1,000,000. No other part of the globe presents an in- 
 stance of such a state of prodigality, with so much misery. 
 In no other country have the people been starved in order 
 to govern them, and never has despotism subjected the van- 
 quished to such a terrible fate. Although, unhappily, in every 
 country there are some classes who are poor, yet it was re- 
 served for the infernal genius of the English government 
 
IRELAND. 49 
 
 to create a nation of beggars in the bosom of a rich and fer- 
 tile country. 
 
 It is not surprising, then, that notwithstanding its recent 
 political conquests, Ireland still pursues England with its 
 threats and curses. It has doubtless obtained the right to 
 send a Catholic to parliament ; Ireland will doubtless go 
 to the hustings, and give its vote in favor of the good cause ; 
 but after accomplishing this act of sovereignty which costs 
 one day of labor, the same images of distress and despair 
 reappear. The national candidate who is sent to parliament 
 may cause a change in the cabinet of St. James, may trans- 
 fer the ministerial honors from the head of a tory to the 
 brow of a whig, but what can he do for the millions of his 
 starving electors ? How can he send a ray of hope into 
 that cabin where bread and salt are luxuries of life ? 
 
 Catholic emancipation was a great triumph of justice ; it 
 satisfied a moral want, but has not relieved a physical suf- 
 fering ; and yet the government imagined it had made a 
 great concession. It wished to purchase repose, and 
 thought it had paid dearly for it ; and yet, notwithstanding 
 these efforts of generosity, rest has not come. Ireland al- 
 ways threatens, for it is always wretched. Its social or- 
 ganization demands to be thoroughly modified, and is not 
 content with those attempts at reform, which serve only to 
 render its misfortunes more perceptible. It is useless to 
 give the Irish a right to speak, if the means of living are 
 refused to them. 
 
 To give a brief, faithful, but imperfect picture of the mis- 
 fortunes of the Irish, we will here quote the testimony of 
 De Beaumont, who inquired into the sufferings of the peas- 
 antry, while sitting with them upon the moist earth of their 
 cabins. 
 
 " I have seen," says he, " the Indian in the forests, the 
 negro in his chains, and I thought I had witnessed the ex- 
 treme of misery ; but I was then ignorant of the fate of 
 Ireland. Like the Indian, the Irishman is poor and naked, 
 
 5 
 
50 IRELAND. 
 
 but he lives in the centre of a population who strive for 
 luxury, honor, and wealth. Like the Indian, he is desti- 
 tute of those comforts of life procured by human industry 
 and commerce, but he sees a part of his equals daily en- 
 joying those luxuries to which he cannot aspire. In the 
 midst of the greatest distress, the Indian preserves a de- 
 gree of independence, which has its charms and its digni- 
 ty. Although indigent and hungry, he is yet free in the 
 desert, and the feeling that he has this liberty, sweetens 
 his sufferings. The Irishman experiences the same pri- 
 vations, but has not the same liberty ; he is subjected to 
 rules and privations of every kind ; he dies of famine, and 
 he has laws ; a sad condition, which combines the vices 
 of civilization with those of savage nations. The Irishman 
 who is about to break his bonds, and who looks forward 
 with confidence to the future, has less cause of complaint 
 than the Indian or the slave ; and now Ireland has neither 
 the liberty of the savage, nor the bread of slavery." 
 
 Need we add anything further? Are not these eloquent 
 remarks sufficient to brand with eternal infamy a govern- 
 ment which has invoked famine as an auxiliary to its tyr- 
 anny, and which for six ages has condemned a whole peo- 
 ple to the punishment of Ugolino ?* 
 
 * For further details in regard to the present condition and actual suffer- 
 ing in Ireland, see " The Condition and Fate of England, by C. E. Lester. 
 New York, J. & H. G. Langley." 
 
AMERICAN WAR. 51 
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 WAR OF AMERICAN INDEPENDENCE. 
 
 I. ALLIES OF THE ENGLISH— SAVAGES, HESSIANS, AND 
 
 NEGROES. 
 
 That fatal disease which punishes kings by blindness 
 before destroying them, never led to fatal measures more 
 rapidly than did the British cabinet on learning the bold 
 protest of the North Americans against the tyranny of the 
 mother country. Their complaints had been received with 
 threats, and their insurrection was treated with contempt. 
 One would think, from the remarks of the officers, that a 
 few soldiers were sufficient to subdue this colony of mer- 
 chants. 
 
 The Secretary of State, Lord Weymouth, remarked, 
 with an air of mockery, in the House of Lords : " Fear 
 nothing from our neighbors, my Lords ; they only fit out arma- 
 ments to exercise their sailors." The Solicitor General, in 
 the House of Commons, remarked : " The Americans can- 
 not become free except by their defeat." The ministerial 
 journals repeated these plain remarks, and Lord Chatham 
 responded in a remarkable speech in the House of Lords. 
 11 Alas ! that we should seem corrupted by our strength 
 and riches, that our statesmen should decry the Americans, 
 and say they deserve our contempt. They state that they 
 are poor, that they eat little, that they are thin, are cowards, 
 and that they have no clothing but a blanket. My Lords, 
 these cowards, these sick people, will defeat us." 
 
 Hostilities, however, were scarcely commenced when 
 the English ministry could appreciate the merit of its 
 boast. All of its operations resembled those of its 
 
52 AMERICAN WAR. 
 
 General Burgoyne, who wrote from his camp at Putnam 
 Creek : — "It is on the field of battle that the ministers of 
 justice and revenge will await these obstinate rebels : let 
 them come there. 
 
 " Desolation, famine, and the horrors with which these 
 two plagues are attended, will render their return impracti- 
 cable." 
 
 Some days after this emphatic bulletin he was captured, 
 with his entire army, and thirty-seven pieces of artillery, 
 16th Oct. 1777. 
 
 Hitherto the English government had uttered ridiculous 
 threats, but the means which it adopted were infamous. 
 The English sought for allies in the wigwam of the 
 savage, and excited the ferocity of the Indians by offering 
 a reward for every American scalp. A regular trade in 
 human heads was commenced between the Indians and the 
 English generals. The following document will show 
 how eagerly this abominable traffic was conducted. A 
 letter from Capt. Crawford to Col. Haldiman, Governor of 
 Canada, accompanying eight packs of scalps. 
 
 " May it please your Excellency, at the request of the 
 Seneca Chiefs I send, herewith, to your Excellency, under 
 the care of James Boyd, eight packs of scalps, cured and 
 dried, hooped and painted, with all the Indian triumphal 
 marks, of which the following is invoice and explanation. 
 
 " 1. Containing 43 scalps of Congress soldiers, killed in 
 different skirmishes ; these are stretched on black hoops, 4 
 inches in diameter ; the inside of the skin painted red, with 
 a small black spot to note their being killed with bullets. 
 Also 62 of farmers, killed in their houses, the hoops red ; 
 the skin painted brown and marked with a hoe ; a black 
 circle all round, to denote their being surprised in the 
 night, and a black hatchet in the middle, signifying their 
 being killed with that weapon. 
 
 11 2. Containing 98 of farmers killed in their houses : 
 hoops red ; figure of a hoe to mark their profession ; great 
 
AMERICAN WAR. 53 
 
 white circle and sun, to show they were surprised in the 
 day time ; a little red foot, to show they stood upon their 
 defence, and died fighting for their lives and families. 
 
 " 3. Containing 97 of farmers ; hoops green, to show 
 that they were killed in their fields ; a large white circle 
 with a little round mark in it for the sun, to show that it 
 was in the day time ; black bullet mark on some — hatchet 
 on others. 
 
 "4. Containing 102 of farmers, mixed, of the several 
 marks above, only 18 marked with a little yellow flame, 
 to denote their being of prisoners burnt alive, after being 
 scalped, their nails pulled out by the roots, and other tor- 
 ments ; one of these latter supposed to be of a rebel clergy- 
 man, his band being fixed to the hoop of his scalp. Most 
 of the farmers appear by the hair to have been young or 
 middle aged men ; there being but 67 very gray heads 
 among them all ; which makes the service more essential. 
 
 " 5. Containing 88 scalps of women ; hair long, braided 
 in the Indian fashion, to show they were mothers ; hoops 
 blue ; skin, yellow ground with little red tadpoles, to repre- 
 sent, by way of triumph, the tears of grief occasioned to 
 their relations; a black scalping knife or hatchet at the 
 bottom, to mark their being killed with those instruments ; 
 17 others hair very gray, black hoops ; plain brown color, 
 no mark but the short club or casse-U>te, to show they were 
 knocked down dead, or had their brains beat out. 
 
 "6. Containing 193 boys' scalps of various ages ; small 
 green hoops ; whitish ground on the skin, with red tears 
 in the middle, and black bullet marks ; knife, hatchet, or 
 club, as their deaths happened. 
 
 " 7. 211 girls scalped, big and little ; small yellow hoops, 
 white ground ; tears, hatchet, club, scalping knife, &c. 
 
 " 8. This package is a mixture of all the varieties above 
 mentioned to the number of 122, with a box of birch bark, 
 containing 29 little infants' scalps of various sizes — small 
 white hoops with white ground. 
 
 5* 
 
54 AMERICAN WAR. 
 
 " With these packs the chiefs send to your excellency 
 the following speech, delivered by Coneiogatchie in coun- 
 cil, and interpreted by the elder More, the trader, and taken 
 down by me in writing. 
 
 II 'Father, we send you herewith many scalps, that you 
 may see we are not idle friends. A blue belt. 
 
 " ' Father, we wish you to send these scalps over the water 
 to the great king, that he may regard them and be refresh- 
 ed, and that he may see our faithfulness in destroying his 
 enemies, and be convinced that his presents have not been 
 made to ungrateful people. 
 
 " ' A blue and white belt with red tassels.' " 
 
 The following letter shows that the Englishmen attempt- 
 ed to speculate in their commercial operations with the In- 
 dians. 
 
 " Father, we have only to say further that your traders 
 exact more than ever for their goods, and our hunting is 
 lessened by the war, so that we have fewer skins to give 
 for them. This ruins us. Think of some remedy. We 
 are poor, and you have plenty of everything. We know 
 you will send us powder and guns, and knives and hatch- 
 ets ; but we also want shirts and blankets ' ? 
 
 " A little white belt."' 
 
 II I do not doubt but that your excellency will think it 
 proper to give some further encouragement to those honest 
 people. The high prices they complain of are the neces- 
 sary effects of the war. Whatever presents may be sent 
 for them through my hands shall be distributed with pru- 
 dence and fidelity. 
 
 " I have the honor of being your Excellency's 
 
 most obedient and most humble servant, 
 
 " James Crawford." 
 These packs and letters were found among the baggage 
 of the royal army after the defeat of General Burgoyne. 
 The Americans preserved these sad remains of their breth- 
 ren as a mark of the ferocity of their enemies.* 
 * The annaJs of the war of the American revolution arc full of examples 
 
AMERICAN WAR. 55 
 
 Other bargains of a similar debased character were made 
 in Europe ; the British cabinet excited the cupidity of the 
 small electoral princes of Germany, and purchased soldiers 
 to send to America like so much merchandise. As the 
 weak states of these princes could not supply the demand 
 for men, recruiting parties were sent to Hamburgh and the 
 other Hanseatic cities, whose independence permitted 
 this kind of commerce. The constant confusion of these 
 human bazars disturbed the repose of the citizens. All 
 the vagabonds of Germany came to be enlisted, and as each 
 of the small princes had his agent to buy in order to sell 
 again, the trade assumed a great degree of activity. Some- 
 times ten men were engaged in bargaining for one, and 
 often disputed with sword in hand, throwing steel in the 
 scale when gold failed them. The Englishman waited 
 quietly for his cargoes of soldiers, which were embarked at 
 Ochsenfurt or Coblentz, after verifying their number and 
 quality. It was truly a trade in white men. 
 
 " This nation," said a German, speaking of England, 
 " was made to disturb the repose of other nations. She has 
 no wood, and wishes vessels ; she has no men, and wants a 
 large army ; she inhabits only an angle of the earth, and 
 wishes to govern the whole world. Powerful without real 
 force, she will neither keep her prosperity nor her power 
 long; even now she is ruining herself and those around 
 ner." 
 
 England paid dearly for all the men she purchased of 
 these electors. Besides the bounty pay, twenty pounds 
 sterling were allowed for every soldier killed in America, 
 
 where the native ferocity of the savage was stimulated by his British allies. 
 The murder of Jane McCrea, the massacre of Wyoming, the cruelties of 
 Barry St. Leger, and many other instances which might be adduced, testi- 
 fy amply to the blood-thirsty spirit which marked the course of England 
 in this revolutionary struggle. The English themselves were not far be- 
 hind the savages in deeds of horrible atrocity. " The cruelties," says Gen- 
 eral Gates, in a letter to Burgoyne, " which mark the retreat of your army, 
 in burning the gentlemen's and farmers' houses, as it passed along, are al 
 most among civilized nations without precedent. '' 
 
56 AMERICAN WAR. 
 
 or who did not return from there. Such at least was the 
 agreement made with the Landgrave of Hesse Casscl. 
 
 The following is a curious document published on this 
 subject in the papers of the day. 
 
 Copy of a letter from the Count of Schaumburg (alias, the 
 Prince of Hesse Cassel), dated Rome, February 18, 1777, to 
 Baron HohendorfT, commanding the Hessians in America. 
 
 " Baron Hohendorff — 
 
 " I received at Rome, on my return from Naples, your 
 letter of the twenty-seventh of December last. I learned 
 with inexpressible pleasure the courage displayed by my 
 troops at Trenton, and you cannot imagine my joy on read- 
 ing that of nineteen hundred and fifty Hessians who were 
 engaged in the battle, only three hundred escaped. There 
 were then just sixteen hundred and fifty slain, and I cannot 
 sufficiently commend your prudence in sending a correct 
 list of the slain to my agent in London. This precaution 
 was more necessary, because the list sent to the English 
 minister stated that only fourteen hundred and fifty-five 
 were killed. 
 
 " In this way I should lose one hundred and sixty thousand 
 and fifty florins. According to the account of the lord of the 
 treasury, there would come to me only four hundred and 
 eighty-three thousand four hundred and fifty florins, instead 
 of six hundred and forty-three thousand live hundred florins, 
 which I have a right to demand according to our agreement. 
 
 " You will understand how seriously my finances will 
 be effected by an error in the calculation, and you will 
 therefore take the utmost pains to prove that your list is 
 correct and his is wrong. The British court objects that 
 there were a hundred wounded, for whom they ought not 
 to pay the price of dead men ; but I hope that you remem- 
 ber the advice I gave you on your departure from Cassel. 
 and that you have not attempted to restore to life those who 
 could be saved only by depriving them of a leg or an arm. 
 It would be a fatal present to them, and I am sure that they 
 
AMERICAN WAR, 57 
 
 would prefer to die with glory, rather than to live mutilated 
 and not in a condition to serve me. I do not wish them to 
 be sacrificed ; you must be humane, my dear baron, but you 
 can hint to the surgeons, that a maimed man is a disgrace 
 to their skill, and that it is a deed of charity to permit a 
 warrior to die when he is no longer in a condition to right. 
 Farther, I am about to send you numerous recruits ; do not 
 spare them ; remember that glory excels all things. Glory 
 is true riches. You must think then only of honor and re- 
 putation, but this reputation must be gained amid danger. 
 Remember that of three hundred Lacedaemonians who de- 
 fended the defile of ThermopyhT, not one returned. I 
 should be happy if I could say the same of my brave Hes- 
 sians. It is true that the brave Leonidas perished at their 
 head, but the present state of manners will not permit a 
 prince of the empire to fight in America in a cause which 
 does not concern him, and besides, who would receive the 
 three hundred florins for every man killed if I did not re- 
 main in Europe 1 And farther, I must attend to the depar- 
 ture of the recruits. You have done wisely in sending me 
 Dr. Aumerus, who is so skilful in curing the dysentery. 
 One must be very careful in relieving a man from this com- 
 plaint ; it makes bad soldiers, and a coward does more 
 harm in an army than ten brave men can do good. Tell 
 Major Maudorff that I am very much dissatisfied witTi his 
 conduct because he saved the three hundred men who es- 
 caped from Trenton. During the whole of the campaign 
 there have not been ten of his men killed. 
 
 " Finally, be careful to avoid any decisive action ; for it 
 is against my interests that this war should terminate. I 
 am about making arrangements at Naples for the large 
 Italian opera." 
 
 The enlistments became so outrageous, that the minister of 
 France, M. de Vibraye, made active representations to sev- 
 eral of the electoral princes, and stated that if their shame- 
 ful enlistments of men continued, his court would regard it 
 
58 AMERICAN WAR. 
 
 as an act of hostility, and would suspend the subsidies 
 received by these princes from France. England offered 
 in vain to indemnify them. This incident drove off the 
 British emissaries ; but we saw at Ochsenfurt one of these 
 princes, irritated with his own troops, who refused to enter 
 the boats, place himself at the head of his disarmed soldiers, 
 and conduct his troops himself to Dordrecht. These odious 
 practices of the English government were also condemned 
 with indignation by Lord Chatham. " Behold," said he, 
 " the allies of England : the butchers of Lower Saxony, — 
 the Mohawks, the most cruel of men ; brigands who re- 
 spect neither age nor sex, and who delight in the blood of 
 disarmed weakness. Alas ! by mingling the tomahawk 
 with the sword, the knife with the gun, we have stained 
 our arms with a blot which all the waters of ocean cannot 
 efface." 
 
 The British found other auxiliaries, no less formidable, 
 in the black slaves who were liberated in all the countries 
 through which the British armies passed. These unfortu- 
 nate persons, as soon as liberated, were excited to burn and 
 devastate dwellings, and were incited to show their grati- 
 tude to their liberators by deeds of cruelty towards their 
 former masters. But so soon as the work of destruction 
 was performed, they were embarked, and by a double act 
 of treachery and a double act of theft, they were sold in 
 the West Indies. 
 
 More than four thousand were taken from Georgia during 
 the expedition of General Provost in that province. When 
 the army retired, many were left behind, for want of boats 
 to carry them away. These unhappy persons, who had 
 been taught by the British to expect cruel treatment and 
 even certain death if they returned to their masters, be- 
 sought the English, with tears in their eyes, not to leave 
 them. Many of them followed the army by swimming, and 
 clung to the sides of the boats. Their hands were cut off. 
 Those who were saved were assembled and abandoned in 
 
AMERICAN WAR. 59 
 
 the isle of Oter, where they suffered dreadfully from hunger 
 and disease. Many hundreds perished there, and their 
 bodies were devoured by wild beasts, often even before life 
 was extinct.* 
 
 II. RAVAGES AND CRUELTIES NEW YORK PRISONS — OLD 
 
 COLON JULIA SMITH. 
 
 To narrate all the cruel excesses of the English generals 
 in all the American provinces, would occupy too much 
 space. The history of their campaigns is only a monoto- 
 nous recital of murders and burnings. Europe saw with 
 indignation an alliance with savage tribes, who were not 
 acquainted with the laws of war, and would not respect 
 them. The English generals knew those laws, and imi- 
 tated the savage. Not only was the soldier shot who was 
 taken with arms in his hands, but the laborer was shot 
 down in his cottage, and the farmer by his fireside. Even 
 women and children were not spared. x\nd all those traits 
 of ferocity belonged not simply to soldiers, who found their 
 excuse in the defects of their eduoation : their superior 
 officers set the example. Colonels Tarleton, Ferguson, 
 and Brown, gained a reputation for cruelty and perfidy 
 which has remained proverbial. Every contract which 
 was broken was called in America a Convention of Tarle 
 ton. This chief granted a capitulation, and when the 
 American soldiery laid down their arms, they were muti- 
 lated ; and for this deed of cold-blooded and perfidious cru- 
 elty, he received the public thanks of his general. 
 
 ♦ England's partiality tor stealing Africans for the West Indies still 
 continues in 1S42. 
 
 Within the last six months, a slave factory on the coast of Africa was 
 broken up, and the slaves carried to Monrovia. The Governor immedi 
 ately aelected eighty of the most manly of them, and without any con 
 sultation with the agent of liberated Africans, and without asking their 
 consent, within three hours after landing, they were dressed in the uniform 
 of the West Indian regiments, and held in readiness to be shipped to that 
 sickly climnte whenever opportunity should offer. 
 
60 AMERICAN WAR. 
 
 Ferguson ordered the inhabitants to be shot in the pre- 
 sence of their wives, and when the latter implored his pity, 
 they were threatened with the same fate. One day, when 
 he had assembled a great many to be executed, he was sur- 
 prised by the troops of the American General Sumpter, 
 who killed him, with all his attendants. 
 
 Colonel Brown was captured in Fort Cornwallis, where 
 he was in command, and he was escorted to Savannah. 
 His road led through countries where he had recently burnt 
 the houses and hung the inhabitants. On arriving at Silver 
 Bluff, a female passed quickly through the ranks of the 
 escort and faced him. " Colonel Brown," said she, " re- 
 member the day when I came into your camp, and begged 
 on my knees for the life of my son ! You were deaf to 
 my entreaties, and the young man, hardly beyond the age 
 of boyhood, was hung in the presence of his mother, and 
 I saw the savages under your command take off his bloody 
 scalp. Now you are a prisoner to my countrymen, and I 
 suspend for a time my revenge ; but as soon as you regain 
 your liberty, I shall take up arms with my feeble hands, 
 and shall go wherever you are, to demand satisfaction for 
 the murder of my son." 
 
 These bitter words were long remembered by Colonel 
 Brown ; but this was his only punishment. The English 
 were not so indulgent. General Mercer was captured at 
 Princeton, January 3d, 1777, after a desperate contest, in 
 which he was severely wounded. He was laid down in 
 the English tents, when the soldiers entered, pierced him 
 with their bayonets, and, after his death, disfigured him. 
 A few hours after, the Americans removed his body to 
 Philadelphia, where his horribly mutilated body was ex- 
 posed to the eyes of an indignant people. 
 
 These traits of ferocity were numerous wherever the 
 English army was successful. But they frequently as- 
 sumed a more odious character, taking on the forms of law, 
 which were an insult to justice. Colonel Hayne was taken 
 
AMERICAN WAR. 61 
 
 prisoner in South Carolina, and was imprisoned in the 
 Charleston jail. He had not been there long before he 
 received, on the 26th of July, two letters from Major 
 Frazer, the commandant of the city. The first stated that 
 he would be arraigned the next day before a council of war ; 
 the second was as follows : — 
 
 " You will not be summoned before a council of war, but 
 only a court of inquiry, composed of four general officers 
 and five captains. They will assemble at the Provincial 
 Hotel, at ten o'clock, to determine how you should be 
 regarded." 
 
 This tribunal, which had no legal character, assembled 
 the next day, and the colonel appeared. Neither the mem- 
 bers composing the court, nor the witnesses who were 
 called, took the usual oath. The prisoner, satisfied that 
 this court of inquiry had no right to pronounce a formal and 
 decisive judgment, produced no witnesses, had no lawyer, 
 and his explanations were followed by no examinations and 
 no pleadings. The accusers were as mute as the defence. 
 And yet, on Sunday, the 29th, Major Frazer signified that 
 in accordance with the result of the court of inquiry, Lord 
 Rawdon and Colonel Balfour had decided that he should 
 be shot on Tuesday morning, at six o'clock ; and the sen- 
 tence was executed. 
 
 This abominable legal farce, terminated by assassination, 
 excited general indignation ; and even England was aroused. 
 The Duke of Richmond demanded revenge of Parliament, 
 beseeching them not to pass over in silence so foul an act : 
 " As yet, we do not know whether it is an individual or a 
 national crime. Youy decision is necessary to a determi- 
 nation. If a rigid inquiry does not prove that wretched 
 individuals are the only ones to blame, but that we must 
 blush for their crimes, the whole earth will then exclaim— 
 1 It is the English nation which has committed the murder ;' 
 and the whole world will be right." 
 
 Parliament took the responsibility of the act, and passed 
 6 
 
62 AMERICAN WAR. 
 
 to the order of the day. And in fact there was no need 
 of this public avowal to prove that the government were 
 accomplices in these acts of barbarity. If the executioners 
 were beyond the waters, the handle of the sword was at 
 St. James ! After the end of the war, one of the most 
 furious and cruel partisans was reproached with the crimes 
 he had committed. " Read my orders !" said he ; and his 
 orders were found to be more cruel than his conduct. 
 
 When we wish to judge a government, we have only to 
 inquire into the annals of its prisons. The tenants of the 
 English prisons told some horrid details. 
 
 When New York fell into the power of the English, this 
 city became the seat of the British government, the resi- 
 dence of their generals, and consequently the centre of 
 persecution. The prisons of the city were filled : the most 
 peaceable citizens were cast into them without examination. 
 It was only necessary to denounce a man to Sir Henry 
 Clinton, as a secret partisan of the American cause, and 
 these denunciations were not rare ; for not only were the 
 informers richly paid, but highly regarded : their political 
 importance was in proportion to their infamy. 
 
 Among the most dangerous and influential was James 
 Rivington, printer to the king, and editor of a paper. His 
 journal was a table of proscription : whoever was mentioned 
 there as suspicious, saw his house a few hours after at- 
 tacked by soldiers and pillaged ; those who resisted were 
 massacred, and those who submitted were led to prison. 
 As the regular troops were not numerous enough to attend 
 to these frequent executions, bands of volunteers were or- 
 ganized, composed of irresponsible individuals, whose thefts 
 and robberies were thus legally sanctioned. Parties of 
 adventurers and malefactors wandered about the country, 
 robbing and burning in the name of the king, and returned 
 with their bloody spoils, and bringing to the general some 
 mutilated prisoners, after parading them through the public 
 streets. Every nighc was marked by conflagrations, every 
 
AMERICAN- WAR. 63 
 
 day by murders. At the head of these bands of assassins 
 was one named Cardonnel, remarkable for his ferocity and 
 bold recklessness. He directed all the night excursions. 
 
 Another villain was named Cunningham, jailer of the prin- 
 cipal prison. " This man," says an eye-witness, " tortured 
 his numerous victims with savage ferocity. Not a day 
 passed without some terrible flagellations, the blows of 
 which were heard as far as the groans of the victims." 
 These were the men in power in New York, under the 
 auspices of Sir Henry Clinton. 
 
 But in these prisons were seen noble scenes of courage 
 and devotion. We will mention two instances : — 
 
 I.— The Old Colon. 
 
 A party of English arrived, at the break of day, in a 
 small district of New Jersey. The soldiers, after firing 
 the habitation of an old Dutchman, who possessed consid- 
 erable wealth, concealed themselves behind the trees, 
 uttering loud cries. 
 
 Colon and his two sons were awakened by the noise, 
 and leaving their beds hastily, ran to the door in their night 
 clothes. They were fired at : the. two children were killed, 
 and their blood stained the clothes of the old man, but 
 he was not wounded. He was carried to New York, 
 where he was imprisoned, but continued extremely de- 
 jected. His eyes were constantly on the ground 5 he re- 
 mained silent, and every thought seemed obliterated, — not 
 excepting even the recollections of his grief. 
 
 One day, Cunningham said : "The general, taking your 
 age into consideration, permits you to return to your kin- 
 dred, on condition that you swear not to take arms against 
 the subjects of the king, and to live peaceably." 
 
 The old man, at these words, roused up as from a long 
 sleep, drew himself up to his full height, and replied in a 
 thundering voice : — 
 
 " If you and your general have lost your memory, -say to 
 
64 AMERICAN WAR. 
 
 him, that I have forgotten nothing. If he proposes this 
 dishonor on account of my age, tell him that my desire of 
 vengeance has made me young again. What ! promise 
 not to punish the assassin of my children! It would be to 
 insult God, who has made me a man and father !" 
 
 He ran to his chest and opened it. " There," said he, 
 " is my shirt, stained with their blood : carry this to your 
 general ; it shall be my answer." 
 
 Cunningham, astounded with these remarks, remained 
 motionless. " You propose to me to live peaceably," con- 
 tinued the prisoner. " As soon as I am free, I shall go to 
 embrace my old wife, and then I shall march to vengeance 
 — too happy to die, if, in falling, I kill an Englishman !" 
 
 " Don't you know," said Cunningham, in his fury, " don't 
 you know that I have the keys of the dungeons, which arc 
 eight feet under ground ?" 
 
 " Dig your dungeons a hundred feet under ground if you 
 will," said the old man : " I swear by this bloody ground 
 that their depths will not change my resolution." 
 
 " The cowards," said he, turning with a tender air 
 towards his fellow-captives, " the cowards who captured 
 me," said he, " kept me a quarter of an hour that I might wit- 
 ness the burning of my house ; they imagined thus to add 
 to my troubles, but they were deceived. My cup of grief 
 was running over ; — I had lost my two children !" And 
 deep sighs escaped from the bosom of the old man, whose 
 tears for so long a time had been dried up. 
 
 Cunningham withdrew without a word. Perhaps pity had 
 moved his heart. Clinton, more insensible than the exe- 
 cutioner of his base deeds, kept his noble captive in chains. 
 
 2. — Julia Smith. 
 
 Colonel Smith was an old officer, who lived with his 
 wife and daughter in a very retired manner, in the country, 
 near New York. His age and infirmities had unfitted him 
 for taking part in the dissensions of the country ; and what- 
 
AMERICAN WAR. 65 
 
 ever may have been his secret wishes, his residence had 
 been protected by this tacit neutrality. General Clinton 
 even had lived some time in his house, and promised him 
 his support if he was disturbed. 
 
 One day, five men came to his house with all the marks 
 of misery and deep affliction. " We are," said they, " your 
 countrymen, born in Connecticut, where we wish to return 
 and live in peace. We have with us four of our compan- 
 ions, who are wounded : they are but a short distance 
 hence ; in the name of God and humanity, give us a few 
 rags to dress their w T ounds, and something to eat. We know 
 that at heart you are a good American/' 
 
 " It is neither as English nor Americans," said Smith, 
 11 that you have a right to my assistance ; but as men, you 
 have need of my succor." He went into the liouse, and 
 soon returned with provisions and linen. The unknown 
 persons thanked him for his generosity, and left him with 
 every demonstration of lively gratitude. 
 
 The next day, the same number of men came to Smith, 
 but they were in uniform. " You do not remember us ?" 
 said one of them. 
 
 " Yes ; you are the persons I supplied yesterday with 
 bread and meat." 
 
 " Bread and meat, you scoundrel ! you would have given 
 your blood, you villain, if we had asked it, for you consid- 
 ered yourself assisting the Connecticut rebels. You have 
 knowingly violated the law which forbids any aid being 
 given to the enemies of the king. Come and expiate your 
 crime in the prisons of New York." 
 
 They then entered his house and sacked it, opening all 
 the bureaus and closets, and taking all the silver they con- 
 tained. W r hile this was doing, the colonel's daughter, Julia 
 Smith, aged eighteen, ran into her chamber to get thirty 
 guineas which were concealed there, to give to her father. 
 One of the ruffians who had followed her, seized her arm 
 when she took the gold, and threatening her with a sword, 
 6* 
 
CO AMERICAN WAR. 
 
 demanded her purse. " I would have given it to you yes- 
 terday," replied she, proudly, " if you had asked for it in 
 the name of misfortune ; but now it would only serve to 
 repay your infamous treason." Without replying, the sol- 
 dier grasped her hands ; but, unable to overcome her re- 
 sistance, cut her wrist with his sabre. The young girl 
 seemed to derive new strength from seeing her blood, dis- 
 engaged herself from the soldier,. approached the window, 
 and threw the purse to a negress, who was observing this 
 scene in mute terror. Her father now entered, with the 
 other attendants : " See, father," said Julia, " how this man 
 has treated me ; but my courage is not lost with my blood." 
 
 The soldiers now bound Colonel Smith, and carried him 
 to a coach. Julia took an affectionate farewell of her old 
 father. " Courage," said she ; " I will see you soon." 
 She kept her word. A Montauk Indian, who lived near 
 her, dressed her wound, and five days after her father's 
 capture, she entered his prison. This sad favor was not ob- 
 tained without effort ; at first, she was coldly repulsed by 
 the English generals, but she finally triumphed by hei fer- 
 vent entreaties and the mildness of her manner. Her father 
 remained three months in prison. She came daily to en- 
 liven the prison by her youth and sweet expression of face. 
 Those who saw her, beautiful and gay, with her arm in a 
 sling, a testimonial of noble courage, envied her old father, 
 and almost congratulated him in his misfortune. 
 
 Every hour that Julia did not spend in prison, was 
 devoted to urgent entreaties to obtain her father's lib- 
 erty. Finally, after three months of effort, she obtained 
 his release, on condition that no action should be taken in 
 regard to the soldiers who had captured him, and that he 
 should give security in the sum of five hundred guineas 
 that he would not assist persons from Connecticut. Even 
 in its mercy, the authority became an accomplice of this 
 infamous imposture. 
 
 These details were furnished us by M. Crevecoeur, who 
 
AMERICAN WAR. 67 
 
 was himself imprisoned in New York, in flagrant violation 
 of every law of honor. Obliged by business to take passage 
 for Europe, he had obtained a passport from the chiefs of 
 both armies to pass through them in safety. At New York, 
 he proposed embarking on board of an English vessel, when 
 the commandant of the city sent for him. As soon as M. 
 Crevecoeur entered the apartment of the general — " I am 
 ordered by the commander-in-chief, Sir Henry Clinton," 
 said the major general, " to send you to prison." — ,c But 
 don't you know, then," said M. Crevecoeur, " that I did 
 not enter the British lines without the consent of Sir Henry 
 Clinton ? Will he forfeit his word of honor ?" — " I know 
 not, but I must obey. Captain Arthur, conduct this man to 
 prison." 
 
 Thus M. Crevecoeur became the witness and historian 
 of the cruelties we have narrated, for no other crime than 
 that of confiding in the honor of an Englishman. 
 
 CONCLUSION. 
 
 We do not intend in this work to give in detail a history 
 of all the events which attended or followed the outrages 
 we have narrated. Others have already written a history 
 of that glorious striiQirlp, which brought a new nation into 
 existence, and gave the signal for the disfranchisement of 
 the people of the new world. W^e might, however, com- 
 pare the shameful conduct of the British cabinet, with the 
 generous loyalty of the Americans, and contrast the base 
 crimes of the former with the noble virtues of the latter 
 But such grave accusations do not require the artifices of 
 style or historic antitheses. We have already stated the 
 means employed by a powerful government against a young 
 people, the cruelties perpetrated by regular armies upon 
 their citizen antagonists, their horrible alliances with sava- 
 ges, mercenaries, and slaves, the burning of houses, the 
 destruction of property, the war upon women and children. 
 
68 AMERICAN" WAR. 
 
 the violation of the rights of war, and also the contempt of 
 the laws of humanity ; and yet, to the shame of these ini- 
 quities, must be added that of defeat, and this time at least, 
 England did not profit by crime. 
 
 It follows from the parliamentary debates that from 1775 
 to 1782, the enormous sum of £ 100,000,000 was spent in 
 this disastrous war. " I would ask," said an opposition 
 member, " what has been done with this one hundred mil- 
 lions sterling ? I know we have lost a hundred thousand 
 men, and two thirds of the most valuable part of the British 
 empire." The ministers retired from the cries of public 
 indignation, and peace became necessary. 
 
 It was remembered that George III. had stated several 
 times that he had rather retire to Hanover with his family, 
 than acknowledge the independence of the colonies. In 
 open parliament, however, he was obliged to disavow his 
 haughty language, and sanction the resistance which his 
 pride had caused. 
 
 But everything in this war proved disgraceful to England, 
 its alliances as well as its enmities. Those American 
 tories who had sacrificed their country to their old monar- 
 chical recollections, and had fought in the ranks of the En- 
 glish army, were basely abandoned by the government 
 which they had supported. One can easily understand the 
 severity of the conquerors against the partisans of England, 
 against those defenders of the throne, who had retarded 
 their triumphs ; but we seek in vain an apology for the 
 ministry, who, in a treaty where so many concessions were 
 made, did not introduce an article in favor of those inhabi- 
 tants who had proclaimed themselves for so long a time the 
 only representatives of loyalty. 
 
 The negotiators at London simply demanded of Congress, 
 in Article 5 of the treaty, that the friends of the government 
 should be treated with moderation. But this simple recom- 
 mendation of a principle with which the English govern- 
 ment itself was so little acquainted, had no effect on the 
 
AMERICAN WAR. 69 
 
 Americans, who did not consider themselves obliged to 
 take any lessons from their enemy. They had gained the 
 victory ; they used it, and declared the presence of those 
 traitors who had abandoned their fellow-citizens in the pe- 
 riod of peril, to be incompatible with the tranquillity and 
 safety of the United States. The severity was excessive, 
 but lawful. But what term shall be applied to the culpable 
 indifference of the English to their brothers in arms 1 
 
 This improvidence was the cause of most cruel embar- 
 rassments. The English army who had been ordered to 
 embark was obliged to remain in America, to grant an asy- 
 lum in its ranks to the royalists who rushed to it in crowds. 
 These refugees, mortified and desperate, tore in pieces and 
 trampled on that English uniform which they had assumed, 
 and for which they were proscribed. Many cursed this 
 fatal war, and their blind fidelity. Their fate appeared so 
 distressing to many of the patriots, that Dr. Franklin went 
 to London with a view to obtain relief for their misfortunes, 
 and presented to the king an humble address of the Ameri- 
 can royalists. The generous course of this celebrated re- 
 publican gave the government a severe lesson. It was un- 
 successful. The ministers granted a little relief, but it was 
 more like alms than the payment of a sacred debt ; and 
 when the general, Sir Guy Carleton, received the answer 
 of government, he could not restrain his tears, on commu- 
 nicating it to the numerous body of royalists. All that he 
 could do, was to offer them vessels to transport them to 
 other parts of America. Some took refuge in Canada, 
 others in Nova Scotia, and in the Bahamas. This was 
 the reward of their devotion, and even of their shame. 
 The government, whom they had preferred to their coun- 
 try, left them, in exchange for their property and blood, 
 banishment and proscription. 
 
70 THE INDIES. 
 
 CHAPTER III 
 THE INDIES. 
 
 I. HISTORY OF PONDICHERRY RECALL OF DUPLEIX CAP- 
 TURE AND RECAPTURE OF THE CITY VANDALISM OF THE 
 
 ENGLISH.— 1754— 1793. 
 
 In 1754, when the distinguished commander of the 
 French Indian possessions, Dupleix, was recalled to Paris 
 by the intrigues of the English cabinet, the power of France 
 in this beautiful colony was strong and respected. Dupleix, 
 the arbitrator for the kings of India, and his brave lieuten- 
 ant, Bussy, passed over the whole Indian coast as conquer- 
 ors, and had captured successively Trichnapaly, Gingy, 
 Haider-Abad, the four northern provinces, Yalour, Mouzapha- 
 Nagar, Rajamandrum,and Cikakol, comprising one hundred 
 and thirty leagues of coast, twenty leagues broad. The 
 city of Chandernagor, where Dupleix had concentrated the 
 commerce of Bengal, was rich and flourishing. Pondicher- 
 ry, surrounded with high walls, flanked by the forts of Ar- 
 riancoopum, Villenaor, Bahour, Valdaour, and their depen- 
 dencies, governing a compact territory ten leagues long and 
 as many broad, bringing to the state a revenue of 5,000,000 
 francs, formed the seat of government. Near that was 
 Karikal, equally rich and powerful. If we add to all these 
 conquests, Mazulipatnam, with Condavir, the island of 
 Devy, the island of Siringham, Yanoon, and its dependen- 
 cies, finally, Mahe, with four leagues of territory, its forts 
 and its walls, we shall have but a slight idea of the French 
 power in India. 
 
 Notwithstanding the incapacity of the governors who 
 
THE INDIES. 71 
 
 were the immediate successors of Dupleix, the colony was 
 still prosperous till the arrival of Lally-tollendal. On the 
 28th of April, 1758, he arrived at the seat of government, 
 and January 22d, 1760, Pondicherry alone remained of all 
 the French possessions. Mahe, Chandernagor, and Kari- 
 kal were taken and dismantled ; the four northern provin- 
 ces were lost ; all the islands and even the forts around 
 Pondicherry were in the power of the English. 
 
 The siege of Pow^icherry commenced. After forty days 
 the English commander, Col. Coot, offered a capitulation. 
 But Lally-tollendal surrendered his army at discretion. 
 
 January 17th, 1761, the British flag waved over Pondi- 
 cherry, and was saluted with a thousand guns ; but the 
 former power of the French colony had caused the English 
 great uneasiness, and they soon abused a victory to which 
 they were unaccustomed. They razed the fortifications, and 
 outraged the rights of humanity, by tearing down houses 
 and destroying churches. They left the inhabitants with- 
 out resources, and changed this flourishing city into a lone- 
 ly solitude. Some of the proscribed and ruined French 
 withdrew into the interior of the country, and others went 
 to Hyder Aly, the Sultan of Maissour, where they were 
 gladly received. The peace which was concluded the 
 next year, 1762, restored Pondicherry to the French, but it 
 was a mass of ruins. So with Chandernagor and Mahe. 
 This latter city, which was remarkable for the beauty of 
 its houses, presented only a few pieces of wall which were 
 so firm that they had resisted the efforts of English vandal- 
 ism. The ri"'»s of the governmental palace, an elegant 
 edifice in stucco, are now covered with vines loaded down 
 with the richness of tropical vegetation. 
 
 April 11th, 1765, Law of Lauriston took possession of 
 the ruins of Pondicherry. The renown of this new Gov- 
 ernor, and the evidences which he gave of his talent, soon 
 recalled the exiled inhabitants, who rallied with eagerness 
 under the French standard. Pondicherry rose from its 
 
72 THE INDIES. 
 
 ruins ; the houses and churches were rebuilt, and the forti- 
 fications were again constructed. Bellecombe, who suc- 
 ceeded Law in 1769, continued the work of reparation. 
 Tho wisdom of his administration inspired confidence ; the 
 city soon increased in population, commerce was resumed, 
 and prosperity returned. The young city already promised 
 to rival the old one, when, i n 1778, the English, irritated 
 by the support promised by France t o the United States, 
 came without any declaration of war, wivbout any warning, 
 assailed Pondicherry, and attacked with fury its inhabitants, 
 who imagined that peace still existed. 
 
 The invading force was large, while the city was s>u[[ 
 dismantled and destitute of artillery and troops. 
 
 Bellecombe, although surprised, made a spirited and 
 vigorous defence. 
 
 We regret that our space does not permit us to detail all 
 the incidents of this siege, which are but little known. We 
 would like to state the particulars of the heroic defence 
 against an entire army made by a handful of brave men far 
 from their country, without a prospect of success, and with- 
 out a hope of glory. They were obliged to surrender, 
 however, and the English again entered the city to destroy 
 it. The inhabitants were once more driven from their 
 dwellings, and min^s were constantly sprung, until the con- 
 quest of the English was a mass of ruins. 
 
 The unhappy colonists \ V ere driven into the country, 
 where they soon found a poweiful ally who promised to 
 avenge them. 
 
 In 1763, a soldier of fortune, Hyder Ali Khan, ascended 
 the throne of Maissour, and these fertile countries soon be- 
 came, through his activity, the centre of a powerful empire. 
 With no rival to dispute with him the soil, he attacked all 
 the small kingdoms on the coast of Malabar ; then march- 
 ing to the east, he passed the Ghauts and deployed his 
 forces on the vast plateau which extends from Trichinopoly 
 to near Bangalore. An enthusiastic and fanatic Mussul- 
 
THE INDIES. 73 
 
 man, lie preached Islamism like the lieutenants of Mahom- 
 et, and massacred all who refused to be circumcised. Fi- 
 nally, after subduing the nation of Vedaies, he found him- 
 self upon the borders of the English territory. It was soon 
 found that one of these two rival powers must yield, and 
 both, animated with instinctive hatred, proclaimed war to 
 the knife. In order to expose the deception of his adver- 
 saries, who had already commenced their habitual intrigues, 
 Hyder AH commenced hostilities, and on the first of July 
 he invaded the Carnatic, at the head of one hundred thou- 
 sand men. In the first battle, he was obliged to yield to 
 the superiority of European tactics, but he followed up the 
 war with energy, and his repeated attacks weakened the 
 English army, who could not repair their losses, as he could 
 his. Under these circumstances France resumed hostili- 
 ties with a vigor which threatened to extinguish the Anglo- 
 Indian empire, if its success had not been interrupted by 
 peace. The Bailey of Suffren appeared in the Indian seas 
 at the head of a powerful squadron, and soon obtained a su- 
 periority in those seas, where the British flag had floated 
 triumphantly for so many years. In six engagements in 
 which Admirals Rodney and Hughes commanded, he gain- 
 ed the advantage ; and if Pondicherry had then belonged 
 to the French, and could have been made the centre of mili- 
 tary operations, the English would probably have been un- 
 able to resist. 
 
 April 27th, 1782, Suffren captured from them the fort 
 and all the bay from Trincomaly to Ceylon, the finest sea- 
 port in the Indian seas. He then went to the assistance 
 of Cuddalore, which was threatened by the British fleet. 
 On the 13th of June was fought the battle of Cuddalore, 
 and the English retired with considerable loss. 
 
 In the mean time, the brave Bussy joined the army of 
 Hyder Aly, and in a succession of brilliant marches cap- 
 tured from the English their principal possessions on the 
 coast of Malabar, and besieged Mangalore, which wag 
 
 7 
 
74 THE INDIES. 
 
 about to capitulate. Suffren on his part, at the head of his 
 victorious fleet, went to attack Admiral Hughes, and to 
 crush him by superior force, when he received the follow- 
 ing letter : — 
 
 11 To his Excellency Pierre Andre deSufTren, Admiral and 
 Commander-in-chief of the Naval forces of his Most Chris- 
 tian Majesty in the East Indies : — 
 
 " Sir, — On arriving in this harbor with the squadron of 
 his Britannic Majesty, I have received authentic despatch- 
 es that the preliminary articles of peace between Great 
 Britain and Spain, and also with the Americans, had been 
 signed by Ministers Plenipotentiary at Versailles, the 20th 
 of January, and were ratified in France on the 9th of Febru- 
 ary. I have taken the liberty to convey this information to 
 you, and the copies of these documents, by which it seems to 
 me that acts of hostility between Great Britain and France 
 ought to cease. 
 
 " I am satisfied that your Excellency appreciates my 
 character as an officer, and my feelings of humanity as a 
 man, in making this communication to you. I will therefore 
 request your Excellency, after reflecting seriously on this 
 despatch, to send me word as soon as possible whether the 
 war is to be continued. 
 
 " Lord Govver, captain of the frigate Medea, will have 
 the honor to send to you my despatches under the British 
 flag. In case he does not find you, he has been requested 
 to leave them with the Marquis of Bussy. As it is our 
 duty, being officers of our respective sovereigns, to put an 
 end to all hostilities, I hope to find a friend in your Excel- 
 lency, and have the honor to be, with the greatest respect, 
 
 " Yours, Hughes. 
 
 " Madras, June 5th, 1783." 
 
 Five years previous, the English had attacked Pondi- 
 cherry without any declaration of war. Suffren could now 
 have avenged himself for this perfidy by rejecting the hum- 
 
THE INDIES. 75 
 
 ble request of the English admiral. He might well have 
 doubted the news of a peace communicated to him by an 
 interested enemy. But SufTren showed himself a generous 
 man and suspended hostilities. 
 
 Bussy withdrew his troops from Hyder Aly, and the 
 latter was then exposed to the vengeance of the English. 
 Surrounded by snares, and contending against intrigues, 
 Hyder Ali died of mortification, bequeathing his hatred and 
 his throne to his son Tippoo-Sultan. 
 
 By this peace, the ruins of Pondicherry were restored 
 to the French. But the English kept possession of Val- 
 daur and Villenaor, without the shadow of right. They 
 surrendered Mahec, but not its territory. At a later period, 
 and in 1816, when they yielded up to the French their In- 
 dian possessions, they profited by this fraudulent antece- 
 dent to retain Valdaur and the territory of Mahee. In re- 
 gard to this last possession, they alleged that, according to 
 the treaty, France was to receive the lands which she pos- 
 sessed at the time of the peace. " Now," said they, " the 
 armies of Tippoo-Sultan, then the allies of France, had 
 military occupation of the territory of Mahee : hence France 
 did not possess it." Certainly it required a great deal of 
 good nature to accept this argument of British diplomacy. 
 
 The brave veteran Bussy was appointed governor of 
 Pondicherry, and the city was rebuilt for the third time. 
 But this talented commander did not long retain his power. 
 He died suddenly a few months afterward (February 5, 
 1784), it was thought by poison. There was, however, no 
 cause for this suspicion, except the previous deeds of the 
 British cabinet. 
 
 The colony again became compromised by the unsuitable 
 governors who succeeded each other rapidly after the 
 death of Bussy. The colonial assembly, instituted in 1790, 
 did not succeed in the country where a popular form of 
 government was established too suddenly ; the city was di- 
 vided into furious factions, and its prosperity declined rap- 
 
76 THE INDIES. 
 
 idly till 1793. Encouraged by the weakness of their ene- 
 mies, the English besieged Pondicherry, which was surren- 
 dered to them on the first summons and without a contest 
 by its last Governor, Clermont. 
 
 II. NEW PERSECUTIONS OF THE ENGLISH IMAGINARY CON- 
 SPIRACIES PERFIDY OF THEIR CONDUCT AT THE PEACE 
 
 OF AMIENS BAD FAITH AFTER THE FINAL RESTITUTION 
 
 1793—1816. 
 
 The English having obtained possession of Pondicherry 
 once more, its fortifications, which had been destroyed and 
 rebuilt so many times, were again prostrated. But the houses 
 were spared. Former devastations had forced a great 
 many desperate men to join the army, and these terrible 
 adversaries had taught the English to pursue another course 
 of policy. It was better to keep them in their power, and 
 to strike them down in silence. As a pretext for harsh 
 measures, it was pretended that Pondicherry was a focus 
 of insurrection, which threatened to destroy the British 
 power in India. A large body of spies were organized, 
 and it was not difficult for informers, who were well paid, 
 to hatch up a plot. A great many of the inhabitants were 
 successively taken from their houses and transported, with- 
 out trial, to distant colonies. But this persecution was too 
 slow, and the proofs of the English informers were too sus- 
 picious, to authorize these punishments. It was necessary 
 to find an accuser among the French, and a miserable man 
 was hired to perform this part. It was suddenly pretend- 
 ed that a plot existed at Pondicherry against the British 
 government ; that the inhabitants proposed to join Tippoo- 
 Sultan, and to aid him in expelling the British from India. 
 Lists of the proscribed were drawn up under the direction 
 of the informer, and, as would naturally be expected, the 
 most respectable inhabitants of the place were found among 
 the guilty. On the 15th of February, 1799, at eight o'clock 
 
THE INDIES. 77 
 
 in the evening, a detachment of Sepoys, commanded by a 
 British officer, passed through the streets of the city in si- 
 lence. Every Frenchman on the list was taken from his 
 house and family, delivered to Malabars, who chained them 
 and conducted them before the English commander, Bosk, 
 and thence to the vessel which was to transport them. 
 
 The Triton, a large vessel, was soon loaded with the 
 prisoners, but could not take them all. 
 
 This ship departed under convoy of a frigate, and disem- 
 barked the French colonists into a hulk at Chatham, where 
 they remained till the peace of Amiens. The rest of the 
 prisoners were placed on board of a transport, which soon 
 sailed under convoy of a frigate for England. But the fate 
 of this vessel was different from that of the preceding. 
 Among the prisoners was the captain of a privateer, named 
 Pineau, a man of intellect and courage, a man who resolved 
 to release himself and companions from this odious cap- 
 tivity. 
 
 The enterprise was difficult. The vessel was well arm- 
 ed, the crew numerous, and the frigate was always in sight. 
 Every day the prisoners came on deck in small squads, to 
 breathe the fresh air for an hour on deck, and then went 
 below. A depository of canes was found behind the ceil- 
 ing of the hold. These canes as they are cut in India are 
 short, and resemble strong clubs. The prisoners were all 
 to arm themselves with these ; in fact, the ceiling was qui- 
 etly removed, and every one armed himself with a club ; 
 then taking advantage of the period when a squad went on 
 deck, they all followed quietly, attacked the crew, who were 
 surprised, and did not have time to use their arms. The 
 English were now in turn shut up below, when Pineau 
 took command of the vessel. For a few hours he still 
 obeyed the signal of the frigate, but when night came Pi- 
 neau extinguished his signal lantern, and altered his course. 
 He happily arrived at the Isle of France, where the vessel 
 was declared a lawful prize. 
 
 7* 
 
78 THE INDIES 
 
 The treaty of Amiens now caused strange transactions in 
 India. One of the articles of this treaty stipulated that 
 Pondicherry should be restored to France. A squadron 
 was therefore fitted out at Brest, under the command of 
 Admiral Linois, to effect this change. He carried about 
 fifteen hundred men, under the command of General De- 
 caen, who had the title of General-in-Chief of the French 
 Establishment East of the Cape of Good "Hope. The 
 frigate Belle Poule, an excellent sailer, arrived on -the 15th 
 June, 1802, having on board Adjutant General Binaut and 
 152 men, and also M. Leger, the colonial prefect, and his 
 family. It was to the latter that the place was to be given 
 up. The English commissioner, Cullen, permitted them to 
 disembark quietly. 
 
 Twenty five days afterwards, on the 11th of July, the 
 whole squadron arrived at Pondicherry, and General De- 
 caen summoned Cullen to execute the treaty and give up 
 the place. 
 
 The latter pretended that he had not sufficient power ; 
 and General Decaen was obliged to send one of his staff- 
 officers to Madras, on board the Belle Poule, to demand of 
 the governor the execution of the treaty of Amiens. Cul- 
 len, notwithstanding his refusal, insisted several times that 
 Decaen should disembark his troops. His urgency ex- 
 cited the suspicions of the general, who refused to disem- 
 bark until the English surrendered the place. His suspi- 
 cions were also strengthened by the appearance of an 
 English fleet, which was stationed at Cuddalore, and had 
 rapidly followed the movements of the French squadron. 
 This fleet was commanded by Admiral Regnier, and was 
 composed of five seventy-fours, one fifty-gun ship, and five 
 frigates. This squadron was moored in the harbor of Pon- 
 dicherry, to windward of the French squadron, which was 
 composed of only one ship of the line, two frigates, and 
 two transports. The instinctive distrust of General De- 
 caen satisfied him that his position was dangerous. In 
 
THE INDIES. 79 
 
 his rear was the British fleet ; before him, the country- 
 guarded by superior forces ; and, above all, were the urgent 
 entreaties of the commissioner Cullen, which were more 
 suspicious, because they were very pacific. In fact, it was 
 afterwards ascertained that the English, who knew how 
 little reliance to place upon the permanency of the treaty, 
 wished to blockade the French in port, while peace was 
 still officially recognised. But the prudence of the general 
 disappointed this perfidy. Soon after the Belle Poule left 
 the port, the French corvette Le Belier arrived, bringing 
 the news that hostilities were resumed, with orders for Gen- 
 eral Decaen to proceed to the Isle of France. Congratu- 
 lating himself upon his caution, he lost no time in frus- 
 trating the projects of British policy. He confined the 
 crew of the Belier aboard of their vessel, to prevent the 
 news from being known, and sent for M. Leger co come 
 on board his vessel, and there showed him his despatches, 
 telling him that he should sail that night. M. Leger pro- 
 tested against this, and demanded that his wife and children 
 should come on board, but in vain ; for the safety of the 
 squadron was at stake. 
 
 At night the cables were cut in silence, and before the 
 English perceived any movement, the squadron was under 
 sail. 
 
 The Belle Poule sooji returned, with the peremptory re- 
 fusal of the British governor. On approaching the harbor, 
 the departure of the French fleet was observed, when she 
 again made sail, and although pursued by the English, ar- 
 rived at the Isle of France in safety. In his spite, the 
 English admiral seized all the French vessels in the har- 
 bor. This was an act of piracy. 
 
 Adjutant General Binaut, and the one hundred and fifty- 
 two men whom he had disembarked with him on the faith 
 of a treaty, still remained at Pondicherry. As the English 
 flag had never ceased to float over the city, they could not, 
 according to the laws of war, be regarded as prisoners. 
 
80 THE INDIES. 
 
 Notwithstanding, they were besieged in the barracks where 
 they were quartered, and summoned to surrender by an 
 army of twenty-four hundred men. Binaut, justly indignant, 
 replied that the French would defend themselves to the 
 last. " In dying honorably," said he, " we shall disgrace 
 you." This noble firmness suspended all attacks, and 
 Binaut dictated to the English the terms of a glorious ca- 
 pitulation. The small detachment marched out of their 
 quarters with their arms and baggage, drums beating, and 
 colors Hying. A short time afterwards, these same men 
 were sent to France in an English vessel, according to the 
 terms of the capitulation, having received to the time of 
 their departure the pay allowed them by the republic. 
 
 At this time, the natives again became the object of per- 
 secution. It was pretended that a treasonable correspon- 
 dence between the French and the Hindoo princes had 
 been found 00 board of a vessel sent by Binaut to the Isle 
 of France, to inform them of the capitulation. Many were 
 now thrown into prison, where they remained so long as 
 the fears or caprice of the government prompted. 
 
 But the maritime reverses of imperial France left the 
 English in quiet possession of their conquest, and took 
 away from the inhabitants all hopes of relief. 
 
 By the treaty of May 30th, 1811, England agreed to 
 surrender to France all the Indian possessions she occupied 
 in 1792 ; it was not till Dec. 4th, 1816, that Pondicherry 
 was given up. But there were still spoliations, which the 
 British government did not disguise. First, it retained the 
 territory of Mahee, we have already seen under what pre- 
 text, and then the most important district of Pondicherry, 
 Valdaur, which had always belonged to the French. For 
 this last usurpation, it gave no reason. Finally, the whole 
 French territory was cut up so as to be intersected in all 
 points by English establishments, so that there could be no 
 unity between them. The treaty of 1814 was thus exe- 
 cuted in this fraudulent manner ; and France has yet to 
 demand redress for these scandalous usurpations. 
 
THE INDIES. 81 
 
 III. ORIGIN AND PROGRESS OF THE ENGLISH POWER IN 
 
 INDIA RUIN OF THE MOGUL POWER THE CONTESTS 
 
 BETWEEN THE HINDOOS AND MUSSULMEN. 
 
 The English, in all of their colonial establishments in 
 India, commenced very humbly, but rapidly advanced their 
 fortunes. They presented themselves as suppliants, estab- 
 lished themselves as friends, but soon assumed the tone of 
 masters. The English agent is at first a peaceable mer- 
 chant, who founds a commercial house under the high pro- 
 tection of a rajah or nabob.* His house is then enlarged, 
 his possessions are extended ; he builds a fort, and some 
 soldiers come in quietly and take possession of it. If the 
 nabob or rajah awakes from his slumber, he perceives that 
 his ministers betray him, and that all of his counsellors are 
 bought over. Does he wish to oppose intrigue by intrigue, 
 he is soon enveloped in a net-work of domestic conspira- 
 cies, which terminate under the auspices of his English 
 friend, by a revolt or poison. 
 
 Does he wish to act energetically, and get rid of his per- 
 fidious neighbors by force ? behold a pretender comes to 
 claim his throne, who is supported by a troop of English. 
 For in this country of polygamy, it is not difficult to find 
 an heir of the last prince wonderfully adapted to serve the 
 ambition of his interested defenders. The English knew 
 how to turn these pretenders to account, and in every one 
 of their establishments is found an unhappy legitimist who 
 awaits their justice to restore him to his rights. 
 
 The pretender, in their view, is an article of commerce, 
 and a machine of war ; he serves as a scare-crow to obtain 
 concessions, or as a mantle to cover deeds of violence. 
 According to the necessities of the case, he is either con- 
 
 • The rajahs are Hindoo princes ; the nabobs are Mussulman chiefs. 
 The term nazim, or soubah, is applied to other viceroys, who are the de- 
 pendants of the great mogul. 
 
 5* 
 
82 THE INDIES 
 
 fined in a palace, or is surrounded with all the glitter of 
 royalty. Finally, when a titled rajah, fatigued with threats, 
 and almost ruined by being plundered, wishes to terminate 
 his concessions, the English will have nothing to do with 
 this usurper ; they invoke the sacred cause of legitimacy, 
 and replace the pretender on the throne of his fathers. 
 But it is on condition that he will accept their exclusive 
 protection ; they take charge of his revenue, direct his af- 
 fairs, exact from him a large sum of tribute money, and or- 
 der him to sleep in his palace. Such has been the con- 
 stant and uniform progress of the English in all their usur- 
 pations, and thus the merchant becomes changed into a 
 sovereign. i 
 
 This system was commenced on the small rajahs or na- 
 bobs, too happy to sell their independence for a throne. 
 But it afterwards extended to more powerful princes and 
 large empires, and finally the great Mogul himself became 
 the first vassal of the English company, who kept him 
 strictly dependant on them, although extending to him the 
 external homage of sovereignty. Thus they willingly be- 
 stowed on him all the ambitious titles of his powerful an- 
 cestors the Aurengzeyb and the Tehanguir ; he was call- 
 ed the sun of the world, the light of believers, his majesty 
 Abool-Mozzufer-Surajouden-Mohammed-Behadour. But 
 all these titles served only to disguise his slavery under 
 numerous trappings of pompous ceremonies. Shut up in 
 his harem as in a prison, Mohammed was surrounded by 
 an English body-guard, who watched all his motions, es- 
 corted him from one apartment to another, and bestowed 
 upon him those honors which he could not refuse. The 
 English declared themselves his humble ministers, and in 
 this character they took care of his revenues ; they pro- 
 claimed themselves his faithful servants, and claimed the 
 privilege of watching over his valuable life. Did he wish 
 to take the air ? So great a prince could not appear in 
 public, unless surrounded by all the homage due to the 
 
THE INDIES. 83 
 
 splendor of his rank ; the sun of the world could not ap- 
 pear, until his coming was announced to mortals. A thou- 
 sand guns were therefore fired ; an army of elephants, ca- 
 valiers, and palanquins was paraded, and when everything 
 was ready, the magnificent emperor could go out. He 
 was, however, obliged to pay a pagoda for every gun fired, 
 so that every promenade cost him seven thousand five hun- 
 dred francs for smoke. 
 
 At one time this poor Mohammed, who was a brave and 
 resolute young man, attempted to emancipate himself, and 
 spoke freely to his humble ministers the English. Some 
 pieces of cannon even were found concealed. This led to 
 explanation ; complaints were made, and threats were ut- 
 tered, and at one time the sun of the world was even to 
 have been shot. Finally the great Mogul, circumvented on 
 all sides, was obliged to become reconciled to his satellites, 
 and concealed his anger and his humiliation in his harem. 
 The same system of espionage oppressed the nabob of the 
 Carnatic, Mohammed-Ghoos-Khan, that of Tandiman Ra- 
 gouauth, the rajahs of Mysore, of Travancour, of Cochin, 
 and all the small Rajahs, Rajahpoots, and Mahrattas of the 
 north, at Gwailior, Bhurkpoore, Karnoul Jessore, &c. &c. 
 
 As, however, the support of this system was expensive, 
 the English company simplified the thing, by removing its 
 pensioners, in a very simple way. It organized a conspir- 
 acy, at the head of which was always the compromised ra- 
 jah, and this unfortunate man was suddenly seized and ar- 
 rested for a conspiracy of which he was entirely ignorant. 
 He was tried very quietly, and if not strangled, was con- 
 demned to perpetual imprisonment. His pension was then 
 awarded to the company, who had long before been in pos- 
 session of his territory. In this manner the rajahs of 
 Kourg, Karnoul, and many others were disposed of. In these 
 bloody comedies, it is curious to observe the impertur- 
 bable gravity of the English when speaking with indignation 
 of the bad faith or the treachery of those perfidious princes, 
 
84 THE INDIES. 
 
 who had been loaded with benefits, but in whom they could 
 place no confidence. 
 
 This was the manner in which England obtained posses- 
 sion of a vast territory of one million one hundred and 
 twenty-eight thousand square miles, and embracing a popu- 
 lation of two hundred millions. But these usurpations were 
 aided by other circumstances, and this gigantic power was 
 developed by other acts of wickedness. In order to under- 
 stand the situation of the Indian empire correctly, let us re- 
 fer a little to events of an earlier period. 
 
 In 1732, the Mogul power was ruined. The celebrated 
 Thamas Koulikan, Shah of Persia, had conquered Hindos- 
 tan, carried Delhi by assault, and made a prisoner of the 
 great Mogul, with a booty estimated at more than five mil- 
 lions. 
 
 As a consequence of the wars in which the heirs of the 
 conqueror were engaged, the Nabobs, Soubahs, Rajahs, and 
 all the viceroys of the great Mogul endeavored to profit by 
 the general confusion to render themselves independent. 
 At the same time the two inimical races, who since the 
 conquest have always lived on the same soil, but have 
 never blended with each other, the Mussulman and the 
 Hindoos, resumed their former contentions ; and these lat- 
 ter judged the occasion a favorable one to strike ofT the 
 Mussulman yoke, and avenge the religion of Brahma. 
 
 The Mussulman princes took up arms : they wished to 
 enlarge their personal power by the remains of the Mogul 
 empire, and at the same time to punish the temerity of the 
 Hindoos, who threatened the disciples of Mohammed. 
 
 Among the Mussulman chiefs, Daoust-Aly-Khan, Nabob 
 of Arcot, had assembled a formidable army, which was 
 joined by a number of inferior nabobs, who took part in this 
 religious war. He gave the command of his army to his 
 son Sabder-Aly-Khan, and his son-in-law Sander-Saheb, 
 and sent them to conquer the peninsula of the Ganges, which 
 was then divided between the Hindoo rajahs of Tanjore, 
 
THE INDIES 85 
 
 Trichinopoly, Marava, Madura, and Mysore. The Mussul- 
 man invaders conquered and captured successively, Trich- 
 inopoly, Marava, Madura, and Cape Cormorin ; they then 
 passed up the coast of Malabar ; they conquered Travan- 
 core easily, and then turned their attention to Tanjore. 
 
 The rajah of this latter province, terrified by the rapid 
 progress of the Mussulman army, retired to his capitol and 
 sent for aid to his father, the powerful rajah of the Mahrattas. 
 To his solicitations were added those of all the small rajahs 
 who had been conquered, who represented to the Mahrattas 
 that this was a crusade of Islamism against the Hindoo 
 worship. The ministers of the Maha-rajah, all Brahmins, 
 sustained their request, and the deliverance of the penin- 
 sula was resolved upon. 
 
 The Maha-rajah levied an army of one hundred and fifty 
 thousand men, and sixty thousand horses, the command of 
 which he gave to his son Ragogi-Soubah. The Mahrattas 
 commenced their march October 17, 1739. 
 
 Daoust-Aly-Khan also advanced and took up a position 
 in the impregnable defiles of the Ghauts. But he impru- 
 dently intrusted one of the defiles to a Hindoo prince who 
 served in his army. The latter, secretly persuaded by those 
 of his own faith, permitted a considerable body of the Mah- 
 rattas to pass, who advanced silently by certain by-ways, 
 and violently assaulted the rear-guard of Daoust, while 
 Ragogi attacked him in front. The battle was terrible and 
 severe. There were two entire nations engaged in con- 
 flict, and immense troops of elephants added on both sides 
 to the confusion and carnage. Daoust, surrounded with 
 enemies, drove his elephant into the thickest part of the 
 battle ; but the Hindoo infantry assaulted the Mussulmen 
 with their slings, a weapon in the hands of a Mahratta as 
 terrible as a musket. Daoust was struck by a stone thrown 
 by his elephant, and his death became the signal of a gen- 
 eral route. Fifty thousand Mussulmen were killed in these 
 defiles, where they expected to have captured the enemy, 
 
 8 
 
Ob THE INDIES. 
 
 and the Mahrattas took an equal number of prisoners with 
 an immense booty. 
 
 This battle, which was fought on the 17th of May, 1740, 
 was long remembered by the Mussulmen, for at this period 
 commenced the decline of their power in India. From this 
 time the Hindostan empire lost its unity. The rajahs were 
 no longer obliged to bow before the power of Islamism, and 
 profited by its disasters to become independent. On the 
 other hand, the nabobs, who contended against the Hindoos, 
 finding no support in the central power of Delhi, absolved 
 themselves from all sovereignty, and the country was divi- 
 ded among a great number of hostile sovereigns. Things 
 were in a most favorable position tor foreign invaders, and 
 this was the time that the English enlarged their establish- 
 ments on the borders of the Ganges. 
 
 These details, though very imperfect, are important, as 
 explaining the history of the English [tower in India. The 
 Mussulmen alone could resist the British power, but they 
 had lost their influence in a decisive battle. The Hindoo 
 rajahs could neither act with the same activity, nor the 
 same union. The powerful nation of the Mahrattas was 
 doubtless strong enough to repel the strangers ; but the 
 changeable and versatile character of these people, their 
 rivalries and rapacity, could not resist the slow but corrupt 
 action of the British agents. Hence the only serious dan- 
 ger to the company came from a Mussulman chief, Hyder 
 Aly, all whose efforts tended to elevate Islamism. The 
 fall of the empire of Mysore was undoubtedly a most use- 
 ful triumph to the English. It was the definite destruction 
 of the Mussulman power. 
 
THE INDIES. 87 
 
 IV. COL. CLIVE CONSPIRACY OF THE ENGLISH AGAINST 
 
 THE SOUBAH OF BENGAL, SURAJAH DOULAH HIS DEFEAT 
 
 AND ASSASSINATION VILLANY OF COL. CLIVE MISERY OF 
 
 THE INDIANS ACCUSATION OF CLIVE BEFORE THE HOUSE 
 
 OF COMMONS HIS ACQUITTAL. 
 
 At the time when the French power, which had hitherto 
 preponderated in India, was compromised by the feeble ef- 
 forts of Dupleix, the English establishment on the borders 
 of the Ganges was commanded by a bold, avaricious, and 
 cruel man, who knew how to fight and to intrigue, and in 
 whose opinion success justified every means. Colonel 
 Clive, faithful to British habits, shrunk from no perfidy 
 which seemed to him profitable ; when accused for his 
 crimes, he justified himself by his triumphs ; it was the 
 most acceptable argument he could use in a country where 
 the honest man is he who succeeds. 
 
 Let us glance now at some of the principal events. Af- 
 ter the death of Thamas Kouli-kan, and while his lieutenants 
 were contending furiously for the succession, the Hindoos 
 profited by the division of the conquerors, and placed on the 
 throne of Delhi the descendants of Aurengzybe. But these 
 degenerate kings could not regain their former power, and 
 the nabobs, the rajahs, and soubahs, preserved their inde- 
 pendence in spite of the fictitious sovereignty of the great 
 Mogul, the Emperor of Ilindostan. Among their princes, 
 one of the richest and most powerful was the soubah of 
 Bengal, Surajah Doulah. A neighbor of the English, and 
 consequently surrounded by their spies, he entertained for 
 them that deep hatred which they always knew how to ex- 
 cite, in order to justify their aggressions. Aided by the 
 brave Bussy, he had several times succeeded in his con- 
 tests with them, when his allies the French were recalled 
 to Pondicherry, just as they were about to attack Fort 
 William, at Calcutta, in 1757. Clive judged the opportuni- 
 
88 THE INDIES. 
 
 ty to be favorable. He had, as usual, a pretender ready, 
 Jaffier-Ali-Khan. But this was not sufficient. To facili- 
 tate the victory, it was necessary to find a traitor in the 
 palace of Surajah Doulah. One of his principal ministers, 
 Omichund, was purchased, and in a treaty signed by him, 
 Clive, and Jaffier, it was agreed that Omichund should sur- 
 render the capital city Moorshedabad, and that he should 
 receive, as a price for his treason, five per cent, of the 
 treasures of the soubah, and thirty lacks of rupees. The 
 treaty was written and signed on red paper. 
 
 The two armies took the field, and met at Plassey. Su- 
 rajah Doulah defended himself bravely, but surrounded with 
 traitors, and having with him no longer the French, by 
 whose aid alone he was enabled to resist European tactics, 
 he was obliged to yield, was deserted, and took refuge in 
 the cavern of a Fakir. 
 
 The battle of Plassey occurred June 23d, 1747. This 
 date is important, as it was the commencement of the pow- 
 er of the English, which soon afterwards was immensely 
 developed. 
 
 Unfortunately, the Fakir with whom Surajah had taken 
 refuge was a celebrated thief, whose ears had been crop- 
 ped by order of the soubah. Either from resentment or 
 the hope of recompense, the soubah's place of refuge was 
 mentioned to the conqueror. The soubah was seized by 
 Clive, and although a prisoner of war, yet Clive ordered 
 him to be beheaded. 
 
 Shortly after, a new scene occurred at the palace of 
 Moorshedabad. Omichund came to Jaffier and Clive, to re- 
 ceive the price of his treason. As the English chief paid 
 Omichund much less than had been agreed on, the latter 
 complained that he had broken his word. " Have we not," 
 said Clive, " complied with the agreement ?" at the same 
 time producing an agreement which stipulated the sum 
 which had been paid him. " But that is not our bargain," 
 cried Omichund ; " ours was on red paper." — " Very well," 
 
THE INDIES. 89 
 
 said Colonel Clive, " this is on white." Omichund was 
 amazed to find his own perfidy exceeded, and made no far- 
 ther remarks ; they would have been useless or dangerous. 
 
 Colonel Clive gave Jaffier twenty lacks of rupees, as 
 compensation for his services. 
 
 Having gained wealth for himself, Clive now wished to 
 make some for the company, and he soon had an opportu- 
 nity. Ramnarain, nabob of Patna, refused to acknowledge 
 the authority of the new Soubah of Bengal, Jaffier- Ali- 
 Khan. The latter called upon his friends, the English, to 
 assist him in subduing the rebellious vassal. Clive joined 
 him with his troops, but first stipulated that the revenues 
 of the three districts of Brudwan, Nuddea, and Hougley, 
 should be ceded to the company, Clive receiving an annui- 
 ty of thirty thousand pounds sterling. On the approach of 
 the English troops, Ramnarain surrendered, and was con- 
 tinued in the principality of Patna, notwithstanding the ef- 
 forts of Jaffier. But it was policy in Clive to keep in re- 
 serve a rival to oppose to the soubah. 
 
 As a recompense for his services, Lord Clive was ap- 
 pointed by the company, Governor of Bengal. He kept 
 this position only two years ; he was then forced to return 
 to Europe, and was succeeded by Vansittart. 
 
 New discords, however, arose among the Hindoos, and 
 afforded the company a new pretext for war, and an un- 
 looked for increase of power. The great Mogul, Shah- 
 Allurn, who inherited the throne, endeavored to regain the 
 authority possessed by his illustrious predecessors, and had 
 commenced a war against Ramnarain and Sujah-ul-Doulah, 
 and against Oude, a rich and beautiful province on the bor- 
 ders of Bengal ; he declared his intention of dispossessing 
 Jaffier- Ali-Khan, who had manifested hostile designs against 
 him. 
 
 The nabob of Patnah and soubah of Bengal had at first 
 been assisted by the English, but the great Mogul having 
 made magnificent propositions to the latter, they saw the 
 
 8* 
 
90 THE INDIES. 
 
 advantage to be derived from having the emperor, the king 
 of kings, dependant upon them. The company then secret- 
 ly resolved to abandon Jaffier- Ali-Khan. It was not diffi- 
 cult to become estranged from him, as he was extremely 
 weak and irresolute, but his son, Chuta Nabob, a bold and 
 enterprising young man, who was already known for his 
 hatred of foreigners, was not so easily imposed upon. Al- 
 ready the English had complained of his indocility. While 
 deliberating what was best to be done with him, the young 
 nabob accompanied the English troops to Patna ; one day 
 he was found dead in his tent j the English said he was 
 killed by lightning. 
 
 Disembarrassed of this obstacle, Vansittart sent to the 
 soubah a long memorial, setting forth to his faithful ally the 
 numerous grievances which obliged him to withdraw the 
 protection of the English from the soubah. " It seems evi- 
 dent," said the governor, " that your ministers attend only 
 to their interests ; they neglect the good of the country, 
 and oppress your unhappy subjects. On seeing the affairs 
 in the hands of unworthy men, I raise my eyes to heaven, 
 and complain to Providence of having been sent to this 
 country in the midst of such great calamities." This hy- 
 pocritical message closed by an amicable recommendation, 
 in which the governor advised Jaffier to receive Cossien- 
 Ali-Khan as his coadjutor. 
 
 Jaffier, unable to resist, was in no hurry to obey, and on 
 the 19th of October, 1700, the day of the great Hindoo fes- 
 tival, Colonel Caillaud appeared in front of the palace at 
 the head of the English troops, having with him Cossien- 
 Ali-Khan. The doors were closed, and Caillaud sent to 
 the soubah a messenger with a letter from the governor, in 
 which it was stated that he, the governor, had detached an 
 armed force to deliver him from his wicked advisers, pro- 
 testing at the same time, and in the usual terms, that his 
 only motive was the interests of the soubah. 
 
 On receiving this letter, Jaffier could not control his emo- 
 
THE INDIES. 91 
 
 tions. Excited by anger and fear, he sometimes exclaimed 
 that no oath was sacred with the English ; sometimes he 
 deplored the death of his son, which exposed his old age 
 to the mercy of traitors. While he was lamenting, the 
 English commander sent him message after message, and 
 finally sent word that he should commence an assault on the 
 palace. The old man was terrified, submitted, and con- 
 sented to abdicate in favor of Cossien, provided his life and 
 honor should be respected, and that he should receive a 
 pension suitable to his rank. These conditions were grant- 
 ed to him, and he retired to Calcutta with the governor, 
 who was interested in keeping the soubah within his reach, 
 as a means of assuring himself of the fidelity of Cossien- 
 Ali-Khan. 
 
 Agreeably to the treaty previously signed at Calcutta, the 
 new soubah granted to the company the revenue of several 
 districts of his kingdom, and made, at the same time, a spe- 
 cial donation of twenty lacks of rupees, which were divided 
 between Vansittart, Caillaud, Hoi well, and Sumner, mem- 
 bers of the council of the presidency. 
 
 But scarcely were the presents given and received, than 
 the agents at Calcutta complained of their new ally. Un- 
 der Jaffier, every article of commerce had been subjected 
 to exorbitant duties ; the English agents alone were ex- 
 empted from paying any duty. This odious privilege con- 
 stituted a monopoly in favor of the English which ruined all 
 the Hindoo merchants, and brought considerable sums to 
 the company. Cossien had obtained from Vansittart a 
 convention, which, by diminishing the duties, permitted the 
 natives to compete with strangers. The English merchants 
 of Calcutta and other towns complained loudly, and the 
 government sent a deputation to Cossien, to demand a modi- 
 fication of the treaty. But the soubah replied that he had 
 complied with all his engagements, and he hoped that the 
 English would be as faithful to theirs as he had been to 
 his. Unfortunately, some of the natives who were inform- 
 
92 THE INDIES. 
 
 ed of the visit of the English deputies, assailed them on 
 their return, and massacred them. This act of violence 
 gave the council of the presidency a legitimate pretext for 
 breaking the treaties. Jaffier was invited to resume his 
 dignity, and an English army advanced against Cossien- 
 Ali-Khan. 
 
 Notwithstanding the capture of his capital, Cossien de- 
 fended himself with vigor, fought two battles with the Eng- 
 lish, and retired with the remnant of his troops to Sujah- 
 ul-Doulah, with whom also was the Great Mogul, who had 
 accepted the alliance of this powerful nabob, or rather had 
 been retained by him in a kind of honorable captivity. It 
 was a good opportunity to penetrate into the rich province 
 of Oude ; but it was with extreme repugnance that he 
 took part in the war against Sujah-ul-Doulah. A passive 
 instrument of British ambition, his chains weighed heavily 
 upon him. Major Carnot, the English commander, then 
 received an order to watch him closely, so as to prevent all 
 correspondence between him and the nabob ; and Jaffier, 
 the prisoner of his allies, was involved in a war against a 
 prince whom he respected. 
 
 Chagrined and wearied, the unhappy soubah returned 
 with an escort to his palace of Moorshedabad, where he 
 was soon affected with a disease of debility. Perceiving 
 that life was ebbing away, he called his son Najim-ul-Doulah, 
 and in the presence of the English residents, gave him a 
 paper containing his last instructions : he particularly re- 
 commended the rajah Nundcomar, a faithful and efficient 
 man, for prime minister. 
 
 Jaffier had not been dead long, when the English envoys 
 came from Calcutta, under pretext of offering condolence. 
 
 Their first visit was to Jugget-Seet, the treasurer of the 
 soubah. " Do something for us," they said, " and we will 
 protect you." As the treasurer pretended not to understand 
 them, they made a more formal demand. " Give us," said 
 fc*ey, " five lacks of rupees, and everything shall be as you 
 
THE INDIES. 9 
 
 wish." In vain Jugget-Seet wished to avoid this official 
 pillage ; after bargaining for a long time, they received one 
 hundred and twenty-five thousand rupees. 
 
 The envoys then came to Najim-ul-Doulah, and ordered 
 him to take Reza-Khan as prime minister, who had always 
 been the avowed enemy of Jaffier. The young soubah 
 stated the dying wishes of his father, and showed them his 
 written instructions. " What signifies that bit of paper ?" 
 said they ; " must our wishes give place to those of an old 
 dead man ?" And they forced him to receive Reza-Khan. 
 The latter, as a compensation for this service, divided 
 among his protectors the furniture, jewels, houses, and ele- 
 phants of the soubah. This act of robbery was so scandal- 
 ous, that Najim-ul-Doulah complained bitterly to the Eng- 
 lish authorities at Calcutta. But the leaders of the com- 
 pany could not censure actions of which they themselves 
 had been guilty. 
 
 While these events occurred, and the war was continued 
 against Soujah-ul-Doulah, Lord Clive arrived at Calcutta 
 with the title of governor, and clothed with the full powers 
 of the company. A signal victory was gained over the 
 nabob, after which the great Mogul, Shah- A Hum, escaped 
 from Oude, and placed himself under the protection of the 
 English. 
 
 Lord Clive received the king of kings with cordiality, 
 and promised to restore him to his throne at Delhi, provi- 
 ded he would grant the company, perpetually, the revenues 
 of the provinces of Bengal, Bahar, and Orissa. His impe- 
 rial majesty signed the firman, reserving to himself only 
 an annual tribute of twenty-six lacks of rupees. Sujah-ul- 
 Doulah soon followed the example of his sovereign. He 
 consented to pay fifty lacks, as an indemnity for the expen- 
 ses of the war, and also gave up the revenues of his pro- 
 vince, receiving a personal pension of forty-two lacks. 
 
 These treaties were signed in August, 1765, and after 
 that time the agents of the company were termed the mag- 
 
94 THE INDIES. 
 
 nificent merchants of the East Indian Company, receivers 
 of the magnificent provinces of Bengal, Bahar, and Orissa, 
 servants of the magnanimous emperor, Shah-Allum. 
 
 These concessions brought immense wealth into the cof- 
 fers of the East India Company. In his account to the 
 council at Calcutta, Lord Clive made a statement of the 
 profits produced by these late treaties. 
 
 The revenues of the three provinces are two hundred 
 and fifty lacks ; the pension granted to the nabob is forty- 
 two lacks ; the tribute to the emperor is twenty-six lacks ; 
 the civil and military expenses of the company are sixty 
 lacks. There remain then as nett profit to the company, 
 one hundred and twenty-two lacks of rupees (thirty millions 
 and a half) per annum. 
 
 This immense fortune, however, did not satisfy the Eng- 
 lish agents. The cruelties of the war only despoiled 
 their enemies ; the oppression of the laws was calculated 
 to concentrate in their hands all the riches of the Hindoos 
 who obeyed them. Commercial plunder, however, was to 
 be more destructive than military pillage. 
 
 The articles of the greatest consumption in India, are 
 salt, tobacco, and the betel-nut.* Upon these articles no 
 duty had ever been imposed, for they were objects of pri- 
 mary necessity. It was this consideration which tempted 
 the avidity of the English. A duty of fifty per cent, was 
 imposed on the salt, fifteen per cent, on the betel-nut, and 
 twenty-five per cent, on the tobacco. All these duties 
 were paid into the treasury of the company ; but it was al- 
 so necessary to satisfy many private individuals, speculators 
 who came from London to explore the Asiatic continent. 
 It was then decreed that the English merchants, as sove- 
 reigns, acknowledged by the great Mogul, should be exempt- 
 ed from all duty. This rendered competition impossible, 
 and ruined at a blow all the Hindoo merchants. This ex- 
 
 * The betel-nut is a species of pepper, mixed by the Hindoos with the 
 areca-nut, and is chewed by the natives. 
 
THE INDIES. 95 
 
 elusive monopoly also enabled the English to demand an 
 extravagant price for everything, and to realize large profits. 
 
 The right of territorial property was next invaded. Ac- 
 cording to Oriental law, the Zemindars or proprietors are 
 considered as holding their lands directly from the sove- 
 reign, who is the master of the whole territory, with cer- 
 tain feudal reservations. These reservations constituted 
 the territorial tax ; the English pretended to consider them 
 as the rent of the farmers, and treated the Zemindars as 
 lessees. Under pretext that most of the leases were ir- 
 regular, they annulled all the titles, and without any regard 
 for rights acknowledged from time immemorial, they sold 
 the leases to the highest bidder. This act of extreme vil- 
 lany, which changed entirely the territorial property of 
 three provinces, brought with it ruin and desolation. Most 
 of the rich Hindoo families were ejected from their proper- 
 ty by the employers of the company ; it was the most out- 
 rageous act of robbery that could be imagined. 
 
 It was followed by what always happens after great so- 
 cial derangements ; the revenues of the company diminish- 
 ed in consequence of the misery they had caused. The 
 natives, stripped by continual exactions, were obliged to 
 renounce their betel-nut and tobacco. Those who cultiva- 
 ted the earth sowed with fear, and gathered in sorrow. Im- 
 mense tracts of country remained uncultivated ; and a great 
 drought added to the causes of distress, and cut off the crop 
 of rice, which forms the principal subsistence of the Hin- 
 doos. 
 
 The English monopolists eagerly seized this opportunity 
 to buy up all the rice in the markets ; and the Hindoos, 
 who could on no account eat meat, had no alternative but 
 to give the little money which remained, for a few handfuls 
 of rice, or to die of starvation. 
 
 All the poor people (and the English administration had 
 made many) lived for a long time on roots, but this unhealthy 
 nourishment could not relieve their sufferings, and the hor- 
 
96 THE INDIES. 
 
 rors of pestilence were soon added to those of famine. Let 
 any one imagine the ravages of these two scourges, under 
 a burning sun in a hot climate, and in the midst of an im- 
 poverished population, oppressed by greedy officers. 
 Whole families perished ; cities were depopulated ; the 
 waters of the Ganges were corrupted by the number of 
 dead bodies which floated down its tide. These beautiful 
 provinces, so peaceful and happy under the Mogul dynasty, 
 were changed into terrific churchyards and charnel-houses. 
 The English now saw that even pillage, to be profitable, 
 must be subjected to certain rules. The revenues of the 
 company were not sufficient to pay its expenses, and the 
 privileged merchants derived no profit from a monopoly 
 which had ruined and starved the population. 
 
 The pecuniary embarrassments of the company were 
 also increased, by the war against Hyder Aly, to such an 
 extent, that the annual pensions paid to the nabob of Oude 
 and the great Mogul were reduced thirty-four lacks. It is 
 true that a certain price had been paid for these revenues, 
 but the English found it was extremely simple for an ally 
 to pay for their improvidence. 
 
 Finally, affairs took so disastrous a turn that the court of 
 directors at London thought necessary to send a commis- 
 sion of inquiry, with full power to remedy the evils of East 
 Indian administration This commission was composed of 
 Vansittart, Scrafton, and Ford. They embarked in Sep- 
 tember, 1760 ; but either from accident or design, the ves- 
 sel was never heard from. This vain attempt, which ter- 
 minated so unfortunately, attracted the attention of parlia- 
 ment, and Lord Clive on his return to Europe was accused 
 in the House of Commons by General Burgoyne, of the 
 numerous robberies with which he had been connected. 
 Among other facts, were stated the occurrences at the death 
 of Surajah-Doulah, the treaty with Omichund, and the enor- 
 mous sums paid by Jaffier-Ali-Khan. Lord Clive. when 
 called before the committee of inquiry, stated that he saw r 
 
THE INDIES. 97 
 
 nothing reprehensible in his conduct; that he could not be 
 blamed for accepting the presents ; as the soubah, accord- 
 ing to the Oriental custom, had tendered a recompense in 
 a manner suitable to his rank, for the efforts of those who 
 had been his friends. He added, that the only principles 
 which governed him were the interests of the company, 
 and the honor of his country. " Yes," exclaimed Colonel 
 Barre in the House, " the immense fortunes amassed by 
 the officers of the company have doubtless all been gained 
 honorably ! if the property of the natives has been taken 
 by violence, you say, it is by the rights of war ; if it has 
 been extorted by cunning, it is a compensation for dis- 
 tinguished services ; if it is taken by a monopoly, it is 
 an act of trade. All these subtile distinctions between exac- 
 tions and presents, between plunder and recompense, may 
 satisfy the magnificent merchants of the company, but they 
 are unworthy to be listened to by legislators." 
 
 Lord Clive, however, found some to defend him. His 
 brilliant victories were eulogized, and attention was drawn 
 to the vast territory of the East, founded principally by an 
 officer whom it was now attempted to dishonor. " What 
 do his accusers wish 1" said they ; " will they pretend to 
 restore to the dispossessed princes their rank and empire ? 
 give back to the inhabitants their riches and lands ? No, 
 the state wants to keep the conquered countries, and pun- 
 ish the conqueror ; to profit by the riches acquired, and to 
 dishonor the man who obtained them. If Lord Clive is 
 guilty, the government is his principal accomplice." 
 
 These remarks were true, but they did not justify Lord 
 Clive ; they only implicated the government in his villany. 
 
 However, they made an impression, and an amendment 
 to the resolution was offered, viz. v that Lord Clive had ren- 
 dered signal services to his country. This amendment 
 was carried by a large majority, and the accusation was 
 quashed. Lord Clive, however, felt vividly this attack up- 
 on his reputation ; his haughty spirit was indignant at this 
 
 9 
 
98 THE INDIES. 
 
 public humiliation, and, either from remorse or resentment, 
 the proud viceroy committed suicide. 
 
 V. GOVERNMENT OF WARREN HASTINGS. 
 
 Notwithstanding the scandalous acquittal of Lord Clive, 
 the robberies by the agents of the company had been so 
 severely attacked by the opposition in parliament, that the 
 government was obliged to seek a remedy. It would have 
 been very easy to introduce good laws into this important 
 colony, and the time for doing so was favorable j for the 
 financial embarrassments of the company obliged them to 
 call upon parliament for relief; the evils they had perpetra- 
 ted had recoiled upon their own heads ; they had introdu- 
 ced ruin and famine into Bengal, and had impoverished 
 themselves by their oppressions. The directors of the 
 company at London had accepted the treaties made in 
 Bengal, which required a great deal of money, and they 
 found it impossible to meet their engagements. They were 
 in debt to the Bank of England for money advanced to the 
 Custom House, on account of duties ; to the exchequer for 
 arrears on their annual contribution of four hundred thou- 
 sand pounds sterling. Bankruptcy was staring them in the 
 face, when they applied to the government for a loan of 
 one million five hundred thousand pound*. Parliament 
 was then discussing this proposition. 
 
 Lord North, the prime minister, thought the occasion a 
 favorable one for increasing his own power. Hitherto the 
 company had been independent in the Indies. The civil 
 and military officers were chosen by it ; it disposed of the 
 sovereignty of its territorial conquests, and excepting the 
 annual tax of four hundred thousand pounds, which was 
 paid very irregularly, the government derived nothing from 
 the revenue of its numerous provinces. Immense private 
 fortunes had been realized amid all these troubles, but noth- 
 ing had been done for the government. England had gain- 
 
THE INDIES. 99 
 
 ed nothing from her Indian possessions, except the re- 
 proaches of new crimes and shameful robberies. 
 
 Hence it was natural for the minister to wish to subject 
 this colony to government, give unity to his administration, 
 and impose on its agents a strict responsibility, and it would 
 have been in conformity with the principles of every good 
 government. But Lord North had other views. He had 
 to contend against a formidable opposition ; he had exhaust- 
 ed every means of corruption to preserve his majority in 
 Parliament. But he could not respond to the avidity of his 
 interested defenders ; venality was pressing and demanded 
 more plunder. The rich offices of the Indies would sup- 
 ply him with new resources, and the servants of the crown 
 could be provided for liberally, if advantage could be taken 
 of the embarrassments of the company. The conduct of 
 the minister was very skilful on this occasion, as he seem- 
 ed to be guided by maxims of sound policy, and attempted 
 to gain his ends only by laws of general utility. When 
 the demand for the loan was presented to the house, Lord 
 North rose and stated, that he thought it politic to assist 
 the company, but not just ; that its numerous errors did not 
 entitle it to favor, unless the interests of England required 
 the colony to be protected against the mismanagement of 
 its directors ; it had always been admitted in politics that 
 the territory acquiied by the subjects of a state became the 
 property of the state, and should be governed by its laws. 
 He concluded by stating the positive right of government 
 to interfere in all the company's affairs, and particularly in 
 its political administration. 
 
 The resolution of the minister was supported by those 
 who had so long opposed the tyranny of the sovereign mer- 
 chants of India ; it was then decided that most of the pub- 
 lic officers and also the important one of governor-general 
 should be nominated by the crown. He was to be assisted 
 by a council of five members, over whom he was to preside, 
 and have a casting vote. At this period the Governor of 
 
100 THE INDIES. 
 
 Bengal was intrusted with the command of the governors 
 of all the other stations. 
 
 As soon as this increase of authority was granted to the 
 governor-general, the famous Warren Hastings was appoint- 
 ed in 1772, and the opposition was convinced, that the re- 
 forms introduced by the minister were very unprofitable to 
 the Hindoos, and strengthened tyranny by concentrating it. 
 
 One of the first acts of Hastings was to arrest Reza 
 Khan, the same who at the death of Jaffier had been install- 
 ed as minister by the English to Najim-ul-Doulah. Short- 
 ly afterwards, he imprisoned Shitab-Roy, who performed 
 the same duties at Patna that Reza Khan did at Moorshe- 
 dabad. The pretence was the abuses of these ministers, 
 but the true reason was, to compel them to purchase their 
 liberty. Six months after their imprisonment, Hastings, 
 who had attempted in vain to extort large sums of money 
 from them, wrote to the court of directors : "It may seem 
 surprising that Reza Khan and Shitab-Roy are detained 
 so long in prison without trial ; but their actions have exci- 
 ted many enemies against the British government, and I 
 did not wish to bring them to trial, because no one would 
 testify against them." It would doubtless be difficult to say 
 more in their justification, and yet these unfortunates re- 
 mained two years in close confinement, when the governor- 
 general himself declared them innocent. We shall see 
 hereafter the cause of his change of opinion. 
 
 In the mean time, the Mahrattas, who were always roving 
 and plundering, had invaded the province of Oude. The 
 nabob, Sujah-ul-Doulah, a tributary of the English, invoked 
 their protection, and the Mahrattas were driven to the ter- 
 ritory of the Rohiilas, situated to the north of Oude, and 
 east of the Ganges. 
 
 The Rohiilas were among the most warlike tribes of In- 
 dia, but being too few to resist the Mahrattas, they invoked 
 the assistance of the nabob and his English auxiliaries. 
 Forty lacks of rupees were promised as the price of this 
 
THE INDIES. 101 
 
 alliance. Sujah-ul-Doulah, who had long been the enemy 
 of the Rohillas, was at first inclined to reject their demand. 
 But Hastings was tempted by the money, and ordered him 
 to march against the Mahrattas, who were forced to leave 
 the invaded territory. 
 
 After their deliverance, however, the Rohillas were in 
 no hurry to keep their engagements. The nabob express- 
 ed his impatience, as did the governor-general, who, equally 
 avaricious, but more cunning, induced him to declare war 
 against his ungrateful allies. Finally, in an interview at 
 Benares, it was agreed to exterminate the Rohillas. 
 
 Sujah-ul-Doulah was influenced by his hatred for his old 
 neighbors, Hastings by his insatiable cupidity ; for it had 
 been agreed that the forty lacks of rupees should be paid 
 to the English ; the nabob had reserved for himself only 
 the right of exterminating his enemies. Never was blood 
 bargained for more freely ; the lives of an entire population 
 were sold, like an article of merchandise, and not only sold 
 but delivered. 
 
 The war, as Sujah-ul-Doulah had stipulated it should be, 
 was one of extermination. We cannot detail the cruel 
 massacres that were perpetrated. All the refinements of 
 oriental vengeance were exhausted upon the unhappy Ro- 
 hillas ; women, children, and old men were tortured, ani- 
 mals were mutilated, and houses were burned. Some Eng- 
 lish officers, who were forced to assist in these barbarities, 
 objected to them very strongly, and complained to the gov- 
 ernor-general of the service in which they were employed. 
 One of them, Colonel Champion, wrote several letters to 
 Hastings, detailing his indignation, and saying that the 
 authority exercised by the nabob over the English army, 
 gave the war a character of atrocity for which he could not 
 be responsible. He complained that he could not assist 
 those unfortunate Rohillas, who were cruelly massacred 
 before his face, and that he was obliged to close his ears 
 against the piteous cries of widows and orphans. He 
 9* 
 
IOC THE INDIES. 
 
 painted a frightful picture of all the cruelties he had wit- 
 nessed, and did not disguise from the governor his horror 
 of such conduct. But all his complaints were vain ; Hast- 
 ings admitted that if he opposed the measures of the Sujah, 
 this prince might refuse to pay him the sum he had promised. 
 And, in fact, the nabob wrote to him about the same time : 
 " Do not forget that my resolution is fixed ; the Rohillas 
 must be exterminated, and it was with that view that I 
 claimed the assistance of the English." 
 
 In vain did the directors of the company complain of this 
 bad policy, which gave so much power to Sujah-ul-Doulah ; 
 in vain did they represent to Hastings, that the Rohillas 
 formed a useful barrier against the invasions of the Mah- 
 rattas, and that it was better to spare them than to extend 
 the power of the nabob of Oude. Hastings' reply revealed 
 his policy. " It is not," said he to the directors, " because 
 I wish to serve Sujah-ul-Doulah, but you. I wish to bring 
 large sums of money into the treasury, and to carry this 
 prince nearer the frontier of the Mahrattas, in order that 
 their fears may render them still more dependant on you." 
 " The principles which have guided the Marquis of Hast- 
 ings," said Fox in parliament, " are horrible ; they are 
 those of small mercenary states. But it is disgraceful for 
 a powerful nation like Great Britain to say, * Pay me, or I 
 will exterminate you.' Yet this is the language of him 
 who has been intrusted with the government of one of the 
 largest possessions of the British empire. ' Pay the forty 
 lacks of rupees I demand, and then I will disobey my or- 
 ders ; I will unite my forces with yours, we will extermi- 
 nate the Rohillas, and divide their territory.' For the lan- 
 guage of Hastings is positive. ' If you do not pay the sum 
 promised, you shall be exterminated.' This simple and 
 positive language is more powerful than any eloquence." 
 
 Some of Hastings' friends tried to excuse him by saying 
 that he had made a treaty with Sujah-ul-Doulah, had enter- 
 ed into a guarantee, and was obliged to assist him. Fox 
 
THE INDIES. . 103 
 
 opposed this logic vehemently : " Never," said he, " have 
 I heard a doctrine similar to that now uttered on this floor. 
 Instead of being mediators, then, must we co-operate with 
 the most barbarous vengeance, the most atrocious rapine. 
 
 11 I find, first, that it is necessary to examine if a grant is 
 a guarantee, and I will say, if there be no guarantee, Hast- 
 ings is guilty ; if the guarantee was given, it is unpardon- 
 able ; a guarantee aggravates all faults. In fact, why take 
 up arms if the dispute is for money 1 Forty lacks of ru- 
 pees were the only thing in dispute ; no requisition has 
 been made for it ; the country was invaded. Compare this 
 with the course which Hastings ought to have pursued, as 
 mediator. On the contrary, what has been his course ? 
 He has received a recompense, to require a sum of money 
 of those whom he had engaged by a treaty to defend. Thus 
 to the character of a cruel invader, he adds that of a corrupt 
 and perjured judge. 
 
 *' And can such a man find apologists in the House of 
 Commons ? a noble Lord (Mulgrave) has said, with aston- 
 ishing sagacity and wonderful irony, • Must a governor in 
 India consult Puflendorf and Grotius V certainly not ; but 
 he ought to consult the laws of nature ; his conduct is not 
 to be guided by any book ; but by a general law of a knowl- 
 edge of all countries, those laws which govern the human 
 race, those laws which rest upon humanity, and on which 
 humanity reposes." 
 
 • Hastings, however, soon became liable to serious accu- 
 sations. When the great Mogul, Shah Allum, was attack- 
 ed by the Mahrattas, he had placed the provinces of Corah 
 and Alla-Habad under the protection of the English. 
 Hastings sold these provinces to Sujah-ul-Doulah for fifty 
 lacks of rupees, and shortly after this perfidy, he suppress- 
 ed the tribute of twenty-six lacks paid by the company to 
 Shah Allum, because this prince, betrayed by the English, 
 had formed an alliance with the Mahrattas. 
 
 Thus, this unfortunate emperor was plundered when he 
 8 
 
104 THE INDIES. 
 
 trusted to a British alliance, and robbed when he rejected 
 this alliance. 
 
 In 1775, Sujah-ul-Doulah died. The first act of the su- 
 preme council of Calcutta was to demand of his successor, 
 yet a minor, AsofT-ul-Doulah, the entire payment of the 
 amount due by the rajah. The money being paid, the 
 English then signified that all the engagements made with 
 the old nabob were nullified by his death, and that his suc- 
 cessor must pay new subsidies for their protection. They 
 had demanded the arrears on the faith of certain treaties 
 which were forgotten when there was nothing more to re- 
 ceive. 
 
 In accordance with this principle, they again took pos- 
 session of the provinces of Corah and Alla-Habad, which 
 they had sold to the rajah, and to regain their possession, 
 the new nabob was obliged to cede his rights to the terri- 
 tory of the Rajah Cheit-Sing, Zemindar of Benares. 
 
 The rajah received notice of this cession, but the gover- 
 nor-general added, that he could not despoil this prince of 
 his territory, but that the British government would be con- 
 tent with the payment of an annual tribute. 
 
 Cheit-Sing, unable to resist, agreed to the propositions, 
 and a treaty was concluded between him and the governor 
 in 1775. By this treaty it was stipulated, that so long as 
 the rajah paid this debt punctually, and obeyed the authori- 
 ties of the British government, no more should be demand- 
 ed of him ; and that no one should have the right to inter- 
 fere with his authority, or to disturb in any manner the 
 peace of his territory. 
 
 This language was very precise, and left no pretext for 
 new extortion. The rajah, however, soon ascertained the 
 value of a treaty with British agents. Hastings, on his own 
 authority, and even without consulting the supreme council 
 at Calcutta, ordered the rajah to make an extraordinary pay- 
 ment of five lacks of rupees. 
 
 Cheit-Sing complained loudly of a demand so different 
 
THE INDIES. 105 
 
 from the stipulation of 1775, but foreseeing that he would 
 be compelled to yield, requested at least that he might make 
 the payment at different periods, as quarterly additions to 
 his tribute. 
 
 Hastings replied, that the whole sum must be paid on a 
 certain day. The rajah, forced to obey, paid the sum de- 
 manded, but declared that he regarded this extortion as a 
 violation of the treaty, and that it must not serve as a rule 
 for the future. 
 
 The same demand, however, was made the next year, 
 which was paid by the unfortunate rajah, after again protest- 
 ing against the violation of the treaty. A third payment 
 was also levied, but this time the indignant rajah did not 
 yield until Benares was beset by the British troops. 
 
 Shortly afterwards, Hastings made a requisition for a 
 thousand cavalry soldiers. Cheit-Sing answered that he 
 did not possess but thirteen hundred horses in all ; that he 
 could not spare more than five hundred, but would furnish 
 a body of live hundred infantry. 
 
 " My patience," says Hastings, " is now exhausted. I 
 find that my demands are never fully complied with." 
 
 " This language," says Fox, " is certainly very remark- 
 able, and unequalled in impudence. When we consider 
 the facts, the violation of treaties by the same man who 
 made them, and find the rajah year after year granting 
 what was so unjustly demanded, and when we hear Hast- 
 ings say that his patience was exhausted because the ra- 
 jah refused to send a thousand cavalry when he owned 
 only thirteen hundred horses, what shall we say to his re- 
 marks : ! I then resolved to turn these frequent refusals to 
 the advantage of the company !' " 
 
 Never was there a more horrid idea than that of pun- 
 ishing a man, not to serve as an example, but for the ad- 
 vantages of a company. Hastings then resolved to demand 
 fifty lacks of rupees of Cheit-Sing on account of his fre- 
 quent refusals, and in order that nothing might be wanting 
 
106 THE INDIES. 
 
 to the odious character of this tyranny, he went himself to 
 Benares with all the pomp of a conqueror, and obliged 
 Cheit-Sing to pay the expenses of the journey. 
 
 Having taken possession of Benares, he levied enormous 
 contributions on the country, which was already impover- 
 ished by English rapacity. Finally, Cheit-Sing, finding 
 that his former concessions had only excited the rapacity 
 of the governor-general, attempted to resist. But it was 
 too late j his palace was attacked by the English troops, 
 was pillaged, and he was arrested and dethroned. 
 
 Derbege-Sing, who took the place of the dethroned rajah, 
 soon found that he had accepted a place which was ruinous, 
 and that the wealth of the throne was not sufficient to meet 
 the constant demands upon him. But with Hastings it 
 was necessary to pay or be deposed. Derbege-Sing was 
 displaced and imprisoned, and the administration of affairs 
 was intrusted to Jagher-Deo-Seo. The latter, warned by 
 the example of his two predecessors, tried in every mode 
 to fill the British treasury. The country was loaded with 
 taxes in every form, or rather it was subjected to robberies 
 which ruined most of the people. The tax-gatherer was ac- 
 companied by the executioner, and inhuman cruelties were 
 perpetrated upon those inhabitants who refused to give up 
 the last remnant of their fortune. 
 
 Jagher executed all the wishes of Hastings, when the 
 latter returned to Calcutta, persuaded that he had found a 
 tributary who understood him. 
 
 Some, however, of the council of Calcutta, began to find 
 the tyranny of Warren Hastings intolerable. This council, 
 as we have already seen, was composed of five members, 
 including their president, the governor-general. Three of 
 its members, Clavering, Monson, and Francis, remonstrated 
 to Hastings, and resolved to oppose the oppression of the 
 Hindoos as far as possible. They soon had occasion to 
 attack him. 
 
 After the death of the Nabob of Oude, the regency and 
 
THE INDIES. 107 
 
 the tutelage of young AzorT-ul-Doulah was disputed by 
 several of his relatives. This regency had the right of 
 superintendence over all the property of the nabob, under 
 the express condition that a faithful account of it should 
 be given to the supreme council at Calcutta. The regency 
 was given, by the influence of Hastings, to the begum or 
 widow. But the council soon discovered, that in the ac- 
 counts of the regent there was a sum of 970,000 rupees 
 unaccounted for. On being questioned on this point her 
 replies were evasive, but she finally admitted that she had 
 paid the governor 150,000 rupees, and the same sum to his 
 secretary. 
 
 About this time another accusation was made. The 
 collector of the district of Hoagly had paid 72,000 rupees. 
 Of this sum he gave 36,000 to Hastings, and 4,000 to his 
 secretary. The council of Calcutta resolved to follow up 
 this affair, and ordered a complaint to be laid against Hast- 
 ings ; but the governor-general opposed it, and declared 
 that he would permit no inquiry in regard to it. A majority 
 of the council were opposed to him ; but he would not 
 abide by its decisions, and a scandalous collision thus oc- 
 curred between the agents of the government, added to the 
 disorders of the country. A new accuser, however, now 
 appeared, whose rank and importance rendered the position 
 of Hastings more difficult, and the opposition of the council 
 more powerful. It will be remembered that Jaffier-Ali- 
 Khan, on his death-bed, had recommended his son to take 
 the rajah Nundcomar for his prime minister. The latter 
 had been discarded by the English, and since that time he 
 constantly opposed foreign oppression, and was quietly 
 exciting the Hindoos to throw oft' the British yoke. Un- 
 derstanding, however, that his efforts were useless, he 
 undertook to attack the English through the channel of the 
 law, and to profit by their rapacity and jealousies. He 
 was aware that he should be supported by members of the 
 council, and the bold rapacity of the governor-general sup- 
 
108 THE INDIES. 
 
 plied testimony for accusation. He accused Hastings of 
 having received large sums of money from Reza Khan and 
 Shitab Roy, to admit their innocence, after having kept 
 them imprisoned for a long time, and under false pretences. 
 He offered also to prove that Hastings had received 354,000 
 rupees for nominating the begum of Oude to the regency. 
 
 Such formal accusations, on the part of a man occu- 
 pying so high a station as Nundcomar, produced a great 
 sensation, and he was called upon to testify before the 
 council. Hastings was extremely indignant, and protested 
 that he would not suffer his accuser to be examined before 
 a council of which he was president. The majority per- 
 sisted. The governor exclaimed against the audacity of 
 his colleagues, and dissolved the session; but they paid no 
 attention to his threats. He then withdrew, protested 
 against all that should be done in his absence, and he was 
 followed by Barwell, who was the fifth member, and was 
 always devoted to the governor. 
 
 The examination, however, continued. Nundcomar sus- 
 tained his assertions, brought forward his proofs, and like- 
 wise stated the sums which he himself had paid Hastings, 
 in his capacity of receiver of the province of Hougley. It 
 appeared from his deposition that the begum had paid 
 Hastings two lacks of rupees. 
 
 The council now ordered Hastings to return the sums 
 he had unjustly received. The accused refused to answer. 
 
 Instead of entering into explanations in regard to the 
 charges against him, he adopted a different course, and 
 became himself an accuser. A criminal prosecution was 
 commenced by him against Nundcomar, for forcing a man 
 named Commaul-ad-Dien to write an injurious petition 
 against several high English functionaries. In spite of the 
 efforts of Hastings, Nundcomar was honorably acquitted. 
 
 But he had to deal with an adversary who did not easily 
 abandon his prey ; and things had come to a point where 
 Hastings must lose his government, or Nundcomar must be 
 
THE INDIES. 109 
 
 put down. A few days after his acquittal, Nundcomar was 
 arrested on the complaint of a native, and thrown into 
 prison on a false accusation. It was remarkable that the 
 pretended crime had been committed five years before, 
 and nothing was heard of a prosecution until Nundcomar 
 pointed out the defalcations of the governor-general. To 
 crown the iniquity, an English jury was summoned for the 
 first time to decide upon a transaction which occurred be- 
 tween two Hindoos. The judge of the court, Sir Elijah 
 Impey, was as infamous as the governor-general. There 
 was but one witness, the accuser, whose testimony was 
 extremely suspicious. President Impey attempted to prove 
 that his testimony was worthy of belief; made himself the 
 officious advocate of a man generally despised, and partly 
 by persuasion, partly by threats, obtained a verdict of 
 guilty from the jury. The rajah was condemned to be 
 hung. This decision terrified the Hindoos. They found 
 that no one of them could accuse their powerful oppressors 
 with impunity ; that even a rajah did not escape. But 
 Nundcomar supported his fate with admirable firmness. 
 He walked to the place of execution with a calm and re- 
 signed air, while his countrymen uttered cries of rage and 
 despair. 
 
 When this judgment and condemnation were known in 
 London, there was a general cry of indignation from the 
 ranks of the opposition in parliament. A formal accusa- 
 tion against Sir Elijah Impey was introduced by Sir Gil- 
 bert Elliott, and was zealously supported by Fox. " I 
 cannot read the details of this affair," says this celebrated 
 orator, " without feeling that Sir Elijah Impey is guilty 
 of wilful murder. He is not only guilty of murder, but, 
 by aiding in the vengeance of Hastings, he becomes the 
 accomplice of his peculations. In fact, it seems to me 
 that there was a perfect understanding between the judge 
 and the governor ; and in this case I think that the indivi- 
 dual must have been murdered from corrupt motives." 
 10 
 
110 THE INDIES. 
 
 It should be remembered that the quarrel between Hast- 
 ings and Nundcomar occurred but a few days before the 
 trial took place ; that the division was established, and 
 that othf r intrigues had occurred between the people and 
 the governor-general; that Sir Elijah Impey was openly 
 the friend of Hastings, and was therefore a prejudiced 
 man. Ought he, then, to have been a judge in this cause ? 
 Notwithstanding the efforts of Fox, however, the crime of 
 the prevaricating judge was sanctioned by the House. 
 
 At the lime when the unjust sentence of Sir Elijah Im- 
 pey relieved Hastings from his powerful accuser, the 
 almost simultaneous death of two members of the council, 
 Clavering and Monson,* left the governor-general absolute 
 master of all deliberations. As the members of the coun- 
 cil were named by the court of di London, Hast- 
 ings was sure of a majority until theil successors arrived. 
 He resolved to avail himself of the opportunity. 
 
 First, he restored the regency of Oude to the widow, 
 who had been deprived of it by order of the council, in 
 consequence of peculations, in which Nundcomar accused 
 Hastings of participating. The young nabob Asofi-ul- 
 Doulah was only the vassal of the English governor, the 
 instrument of his exactions, the apologist of his tyrannies. 
 Enormous contributions were imposed on the province, and 
 tax gatherers overran the country, accompanied by soldiers, 
 who plundered the inhabitants of the little which was left 
 by the former. 
 
 The misfortunes of the inhabitants were nearly at their 
 height, when, to add to his riches, Hastings farmed out the 
 revenues to sub-agents. The latter wished to profit by the 
 position which they had paid for, and protected, encour- 
 aged, and countenanced by the British forces, committed 
 unheard-of cruelties. Their imaginations were racked to 
 invent new tortures, to extort money from those who had 
 already been despoiled to the utmost ; and, in the expres- 
 * Could they have been taken off by poison ? 
 
THE INDIES. Ill 
 
 sive language of Burke, they " coined money with human 
 flesh." . 
 
 Among the agents of Hastings, the most infamous was 
 Devi-Sing. His excesses were so outrageous, that in or- 
 der not to be taxed with exaggeration, we will quote the 
 language used by Burke in the House of Lords when he 
 accused Hastings. 
 
 " First, Devi-Sing used a kind of pillory, which, among 
 the Hindoos, is more cruel than death, because they lose 
 their caste. Those who have been disgraced by this pil- 
 lory, justly or unjustly, are excommunicated, and disowned 
 by their tribe, cast off by their relatives, and are obliged to 
 take refuge among the excommunicated. Contagion, lep- 
 rosy, and plague are not so much shunned. This pillory 
 is a bullock with drums beating before him, and the Hindoo 
 who has once been on his back is dishonored and degraded 
 for ever. Devi-Sing marched this animal through the villa- 
 ges ; when he approached all the inhabitants fled, and the 
 terror was so general, that an Englishman once travelled 
 fifteen miles and saw no lire, nor light in any house. 
 The poor ryotts or laborers were treated with an atrocity ab- 
 solutely incredible, were it not supported by authentic docu- 
 ments. When all their resources were exhausted, they 
 were imprisoned, and purchased their liberty by signing 
 notes. These notes, which were far beyond their resources, 
 were mercilessly exacted ; their goods were sold at a low 
 price, and purchased by Devi-Sing himself. Instances 
 there are, when all other things failing, the farmers were 
 dragged from the court to their houses, in order to see them 
 first plundered, and then burnt down before their faces. 
 The peasants were left little else than their families and 
 their bodies. The most tender of parents sold their chil- 
 dren, the most fondly jealous of husbands sold their wives. 
 
 " I come now," said Mr. Burke, " to the last stage of 
 their miseries. Everything visible and vendible was seized 
 and sold. Debe-Sing suspected that the country people 
 
 
112 THE INDIES. 
 
 had purloined from their own estates some small reserve of 
 their own grain to maintain themselves for the unproductive 
 months of the year, and to leave some hope for a future 
 season. These hoards, real or supposed, not being dis- 
 covered by menaces and imprisonment, they fell on the na- 
 ked bodies of the people. They began by winding cords 
 round the fingers of the unhappy freeholders of these pro- 
 vinces, until they clung to, and were almost incorporated 
 with one another ; and then they hammered wedges of iron 
 between them, until, regardless of the cries of the sufferers, 
 they had bruised to pieces and for ever crippled their poor 
 innocent and laborious hands. The most substantial and 
 leading yeomen, then responsible farmers, were tied two 
 and two by the legs together ; and their tormentors throw- 
 ing them with their heads downward over a bar, beat them 
 on the soles of the feet with the ratans, until the nails fell 
 from the toes ; and then attacking them at their heads as 
 they hung downward, they beat them with sticks and other 
 instruments of blind fury, until the blood gushed out at their 
 eyes, noses, and mouths. Sometimes they used whips 
 made of the branches of the bale-troe, a tree full of sharp 
 and strong thorns, which tear the skin and lacerate the flesh 
 far worse than ordinary scourges. For others, they made 
 use of a plant highly caustic and poisonous, called becchet- 
 ten, every wound of which festers and gangrenes, adds 
 double and treble to the present torture, and often ends in 
 the destruction of life itself. At night these poor innocent 
 sufferers were brought into dungeons, and in the season 
 when nature takes refuge in insensibility from all the mis- 
 eries and cares which wait on life, they were three times 
 scourged and made to reckon the watches of the night by 
 periods and intervals of torment. They were then led out 
 before the break of day, and plunged into water, and whilst 
 their jaws clung together with cold, and their bodies were 
 rendered infinitely more sensible, the blows and stripes 
 were renewed upon their backs ; and then delivering them 
 
THE INDIES. 113 
 
 over to soldiers, they were sent into their farms and villa- 
 ges to discover where a few handfuls of grain might be 
 concealed. After this circuit of the day through their plun- 
 dered and ruined villages, they were remanded at night to 
 the same prison ; whipped as before at their return to the 
 dungeon, and at morning whipped at leaving it. 
 
 "But there are persons whose fortitude could bear their 
 own suffering ; these were assaulted on the side of their 
 sympathy. Children were scourged almost to death in the 
 presence of their parents. The son and father were bound 
 close together face to face, and body to body, and in that 
 situation cruelly lashed together, so that the blow which 
 escaped the father fell on the son, wounding him over the 
 back of the parent. The circumstances were combined by 
 so subtle a cruelty, that every stroke which did not excru- 
 ciate the sense, should wound and lacerate the sentiments 
 and affections of nature. 
 
 " On the same principle, and for the same ends, virgins 
 who had never seen the sun were dragged from the inmost 
 sanctuaries of their houses ; and in the open court of jus- 
 tice, in the very place where security was to be sought 
 against all wrong and all violence, those virgins, vainly in- 
 voking Heaven and earth, in the presence of their parents, 
 and whilst their shrieks were mingled with the indignant 
 cries and groans of all the people, were publicly violated 
 by the lowest and wretchedest of the human race. Wives 
 were torn from the arms of their husbands and suffered the 
 same flagitious wrongs, which indeed were hid in the bot- 
 toms of the dungeons, in which their honor and their liberty 
 were buried together. Often they were taken out of the 
 refuge of this consoling gloom, stripped naked, and thus ex- 
 posed to the world, and then cruelly scourged, and in order 
 that cruelty might riot in all the circumstances that melt into 
 tenderness the fiercest natures, the nipples of their breasts 
 were put between the sharp and elastic sides of sharp bam- 
 boos. Here, in my hand, is my authority, for otherwise 
 
 10* 
 
114 THE INDIES. 
 
 one would think it incredible. But it did not end there. 
 Growing from crime to crime, ripened by cruelty for cru- 
 elty, these fiends at length, outraging sex, decency, and na- 
 ture, applied lighted torches and slow fire ; those infernal 
 furies planted death in the source of life, and where that 
 modesty which, more than reason, distinguishes men from 
 beasts, retires from the view, and even shrinks from the 
 expression, there they exercised and glutted their unnatu- 
 ral, monstrous, and nefarious cruelty — there, where the 
 reverence of nature and the sanctity of justice dares not to 
 pursue, nor venture to describe their practices." 
 
 These acts which were accomplished under the patron- 
 age of the British government, were attended with the ex- 
 pected results. The principal parts of the province of 
 Oude rebelled, and the enraged Hindoos swore to expel the 
 foreigners. All the country near the mountains was in 
 arms ; but the centre of the insurrection was the city of 
 Fyzabad, which was under the immediate authority of the 
 begum, the mother and grand-mother of the nabob. These 
 princesses possessed immense treasures, and extensive do- 
 mains left to them by Sujah-ul-Doulah. Hastings saw the 
 advantage to be derived from the rebellion which he had 
 excited. Profiting by the weakness of Asoff-ul-Douiah, 
 who was devoted to the English, while his subjects were 
 contending against their tyranny, he made him an accom- 
 plice of his projects against the begums, armed the son 
 against the mother, and concealed his own crime, while the 
 nabob bore most of the infamy. 
 
 A vast conspiracy was then hatched up by order of the 
 governor-general. The two begums were accused of wish- 
 ing to depose their son, and to exterminate the whole Brit- 
 ish nation. There was an abundance of proof, and an Eng- 
 lish magistrate pursued this unjust process, by exciting the 
 accusation, and encouraging the informers. 
 
 From persuasion or terror, the nabob showed himself as 
 unworthy as the masters under whose direction he acted 
 
THE INDIES. 115 
 
 A treaty was secretly concluded, by which Hastings au- 
 thorized him to confiscale to his profit, all the country left 
 by his father to the widows. The English knew that these 
 domains would soon pass into their own hands. 
 
 For a moment, however, he seemed to repent of his 
 guilty connivance, and, as if to excuse himself in his own 
 eyes, he proposed to leave his mother this property, offer- 
 ing to pay the English from his own treasures. This sin- 
 gular transaction was joyfully accepted by Hastings, who 
 promised himself to take, at a later period, what he had lost 
 by the tardy remorse of Asoff-ul-Doulah. The nabob had 
 also stipulated that the widows should receive a pension 
 equal to the amount of their revenues. Like all weak 
 minds, he concealed the evil which he was perpetrating 
 under the hypocritical veil of compensations. 
 
 The scruples of the nabob, however, were of slight im- 
 portance to the governor-general ; he only wished the ac- 
 quiescence of this prince in order to hasten the insurrec- 
 tion. 
 
 It was difficult for the begums to resist the English pow- 
 er, aided by the authority of the nabob. Protesting their 
 innocence, and disavowing the imaginary conspiracy of 
 which they were accused, they opened the gates of Fyza- 
 bad, and delivered themselves into the hands of Hastings. 
 He was unmoved by this appeal to his generosity j their 
 riches condemned them. 
 
 While confined in their palace under a guard of Sepoys, 
 they were insulted in order to compel them to open rebel- 
 lion. The pension fixed for their support was soon redu- 
 ced, and finally they were deprived of the necessaries of 
 life. Pressed by famine and despair, they deceived the 
 vigilance of their guards, left their apartments, and in a state 
 the most abject and humiliating, for females of their rank, 
 they ran into the public square. The Hindoos, surprised 
 and indignant, wept in silence to see these unfortunate prin- 
 cesses, when the English soldiers seized them brutally, 
 
: 
 
 116 THE INDIKS. 
 
 carried them to the harem, and there chastised them like 
 slaves. The widow and mother of Sujah-ul-Doulah, the 
 faithful ally of the English, were beaten with a club. 
 Hastings had already taken possession of their treasures. 
 Soon after, notwithstanding the promises made to the na- 
 bob, he took possession of their territory. 
 
 He, however, took care to give his robberies a semblance 
 of law. The magistrate who had condemned Nundcomar, 
 Sir Elijah Impey, was ordered to Fyzabad, to try the be-- 
 gums; and although it was proved that they knew nothing 
 of the insurrection, the accommodating judge ordered all 
 their property to be confiscated. This had already been 
 done, but it became still more odious from its judicial sanc- 
 tion. " Thus," said Sheridan, " it was not sufficient to 
 convert the sword of power into the poignard of a murderer, 
 but even the ermine of justice must be sullied by corrup- 
 tion." The recital, however, of so many crimes had exci- 
 ted public attention in England. The complaints of the 
 Hindoos were re-echoed in the debates of parliament ; the 
 restless minds of men were uneasy, and the leaders of the 
 opposition resolved to put an end to iheie scandalous ini- 
 quities, and to punish with the severity of the law the cruel 
 pro-consul. Burke, Fox, and Sheridan were the principal 
 accusers. Commissions were instituted, inquests ordered ; 
 but the government, reluctant to expose the tyranny of its 
 agents, interposed many impediments, and opposed the ac- 
 cusers, sometimes by a proud silence, and sometimes by 
 denying the truth of the accusations. Two years passed 
 in vain attacks and barren recriminations. Finally, on the 
 30th of July, 1784, Burke proposed that the house should 
 form a committee to examine the facts relative to the gov- 
 ernment of India. Pitt, who was then prime minister, had 
 begun imperceptibly to swerve from those political princi- 
 ples, which he had ardently defended at the commencement 
 of his parliamentary career. This fanatical leader of re- 
 form had found the Whigs too exalted, and without daring 
 
THE INDIES. 117 
 
 to become the official defender of Hastings, he proposed to 
 proceed to the order of the day. 
 
 Burke's reply was brilliant and spirited. " Which one 
 of us is not indignant," said he, " at the cold indifference 
 of the government 1 Does it not sanction guilt, and does 
 it not avow itself the accomplice of all the crimes commit- 
 ted by guilty functionaries ? For my part, I deplore the 
 fatal day when so many horrors have been unveiled, and 
 justice is sought' for in vain. I am constantly thinking of 
 desolate cities, depopulated provinces, and nations extin- 
 guished by the monstrous abuse of a power which we have 
 countenanced. The cries of the unhappy Hindoos resound 
 in my ears, and my nights are disturbed by their bloody 
 images. 
 
 " The reality of the accusation is denied. Why not 
 then discuss it ? Oh, how thankful should I be to find that 
 these scenes of horror are fictitious. For me, this discov- 
 ery would be more precious than that of a new world, and 
 1 would bless those who could efface from my country that 
 spot of infamy. I conjure the government, then, to insti- 
 tute this inquiry ; when the blood of the Hindoos cries out 
 and demands justice, I am astonished to find our prime min- 
 ister so coldly indifferent, and at an age, too, when all the 
 generous feelings of our nature usually predominate." 
 
 At these words, the orator was interrupted by the mur- 
 murs of the ministerial party ; his indignation increased, 
 and his accusations against Pitt became so vehement that 
 he was called to order, and was obliged to take his seat in 
 the midst of a violent tumult. 
 
 Although parliament showed little disposition to do jus- 
 tice, public opinion had been so strongly excited by accu- 
 sations, that the governor-general was recalled, and the of- 
 fice was filled by Lord Cornwallis. 
 
 The day that Hastings landed on the coast of England, 
 June 20, 1785, Burke renewed his accusation ; but as the 
 session of parliament was far advanced, he announced to 
 
118 THK INDIES. 
 
 the house that at the beginning of the next session he 
 should move for an investigation into the conduct of the ex- 
 governor-general. 
 
 In fact, on the 4th of April following, (1786,) the inde- 
 fatigable accuser rose and made a long harangue, wherein 
 all the crimes of Hastings were included in twenty-two 
 charges. 
 
 At this time Pitt thought himself too weak to be silent 
 with regard to the truth, and was obliged to accept a debate 
 which he had so long avoided, but resolved to avail himself 
 of this discussion to distract the attention of the public from 
 other questions of public policy. Ever since the American 
 war the parliament had resounded with the cry of reform, 
 and the press had vigorously attacked the system of elec- 
 tions. Pitt flattered himself that this question would be 
 forgotten, so long as the trial of Hastings continued, and 
 reforms of law and the influences of his position would en- 
 able him to continue it a long time. 
 
 In fact, as every charge of the accusation was to be pre- 
 sented by different orators, it would become the subject of 
 special deliberation and vote, which would prolong the pre- 
 liminary proceedings for a whole year. The debates were 
 very brilliant ; the most eloquent orators in the opposition 
 took part in them ; Burke stated the facts, in regard to the 
 war of the Rohillas and the rajah of Benares ; Sheridan 
 mentioned the cruelties perpetrated on the nabob and the 
 widow of Oude ; Sir James Erskine stated the peculations 
 of Hastings generally, and Sir Francis, one of Hastings' 
 colleagues in the supreme councils of Calcutta, gave the 
 weight of his testimony in regard to the spoliation of the 
 Zemindars. Finally, on the 10th of May, 1787, the House 
 decided that Warren Hastings, Ex-Governor-General of 
 Bengal, should be impeached ; the next day Burke appear- 
 ed at the bar of the House of Lords, and there, in the name 
 of the House of Commons and all the commons of Great 
 
THE INDIES. 119 
 
 Britain, he accused Hastings of misconduct and of crimes 
 in the discharge of his duties. 
 
 The 21st of May, Hastings was brought to the bar of the 
 House of Lords by the sergeant-at-arms, but on motion of 
 the lord-chancellor he was liberated, and was ordered to 
 answer in writing to the accusation in a month, or two days 
 after the opening of the next session of parliament. 
 
 Although the ministry had defended Hastings in a weak 
 manner, it was seen that they were more interested in the 
 accused than they wished to admit. All the facts of which 
 they accused the governor-general, were so much in accord- 
 ance with the habitual policy of the cabinet, that the men 
 who resembled them had little to fear from their hostility. 
 But these men were too much occupied in defending their 
 own crimes, and therefore presented secret obstacles to 
 the accusers ; they were thus guilty of double hypocrisy ; 
 they censured the governor openly, but winked at his vil- 
 lany in secret. 
 
 Their influence, however, was seen in the constant de- 
 lays to which the accusers were subjected, and the ends of 
 justice defeated. 
 
 Finally, the debates commenced on the 13th of February, 
 1788. Burke gave a general exposition of all the charges, 
 and his magnificent address, which continued for four days, 
 caused vivid emotions in the public mind. 
 
 On the 22d February, the robbery of Benares was stated 
 by Fox, and an abstract of this odious affair was presented 
 by Lord Grey, who then commenced his political career. 
 
 On the 15th April, the charges in relation to the begums 
 of Oude were detailed by Sheridan, who spoke for five suc- 
 cessive days, and in terms of the most impassioned elo- 
 quence. 
 
 The impression produced by these able orators upon the 
 judges and people was so powerful, that Pitt was alarmed ; 
 he wished to use Hastings to divert the attention of restless 
 spirits from other things, but he was not disposed to sacri- 
 
120 THE INDIES. 
 
 fice a man whose principles accorded so well with his own. 
 The lords were privately requested to meet less frequently 
 as a court of justice, and the session closed, after a few 
 trivial debates. 
 
 In 1789 the trial did not advance one step. In 1790, 
 the House of Lords had only thirteen sittings as a court of 
 justice. The public, who were first indignant and impatient, 
 now became indifferent ; the accused was at liberty ; his 
 crimes seemed forgotten, and punishment, so long deferred, 
 became impossible. At the end of two years, the proofs 
 and depositions of the first three charges only had been 
 taken, and at this rate it was easily seen that the trial would 
 occupy a whole lifetime. Farther, by one of those reac- 
 tions common on such occasions, sympathy was excited 
 for the accused, who was kept so long in a state of cruel 
 suspense. Justice seemed like persecution ; the ministry 
 carefully extended these rumors, and the accusers were 
 blamed for the delays caused by ministers. 
 
 The ministry soon had an opportunity of defending their 
 protege openly, on a question which might arrest the pro- 
 gress of the trial. 
 
 Parliament had been dissolved in June, 1790. On the 
 opening of the new House, Burke introduced a motion to 
 resume the accusation of Hastings, but the ministerial 
 speakers, supported by all the lawyers in the House of 
 Commons, maintained that, by the dissolution of the houses 
 of parliament, the accusation was annulled. Erskine sus- 
 tained this opinion with all his talent, and his opinion in 
 the case would seem to be decisive. 
 
 The debates were animated, for the question was a seri- 
 ous one, and implicated one of the most important preroga- 
 tives of the House. The speaker rose to express his opin- 
 ion, which was seldom given, except upon most solemn oc- 
 casions. "If the opinions of the lawyers should be adopted," 
 said he, " it would be easy to point out all the dangers of 
 them. The accusation of a guilty minister could always 
 
THE INDIES. 121 
 
 be defeated by the insidious interposition of the royal pre- 
 rogative. According to the spirit of the constitution, and 
 to the forms adopted by parliament, the accusation is pre- 
 sented not only by the House of Commons, but by all the 
 commons of England ; and in an accusation, the members, 
 of parliament should be considered only as the agents and 
 advocates of the whole people. Thus, then, when parlia- 
 ment is dissolved, the new parliament, although it has dis- 
 cretionary power to suspend the action if it is not founded 
 on justice, has nevertheless the right to continue it, if it 
 thinks proper. Considering the accusation which had been 
 made, no one would imagine that twenty-two articles, each 
 including various and complex facts, could be discussed 
 and proved in a single session. Now if, in accordance 
 with the spirit of the old constitution, the parliaments were 
 annual, it is evident that no trial of any importance could 
 be legally brought to a close." 
 
 After these preliminary remarks, the speaker cited all 
 the precedents in favor of his opinion, and the house deci- 
 ded in his favor. 
 
 The same subject was discussed in the House of 
 Lords, and the Lord Chancellor endeavored by every sub- 
 terfuge to quash the accusation. On taking the vote, the 
 result was the same as in the house, and the Lords notified 
 the Commons officially that they were ready to proceed 
 with the trial. Much time had been lost, however, in these 
 debates, and the session closed without making any pro- 
 gress in the cause. 
 
 A new and unexpected occurrence now gave the accused 
 another chance of escape, and excited indignation against 
 his principal accuser. Burke, so long one of the most elo- 
 quent leaders of the opposition, the friend of Fox, and the 
 protector of the Irish, had betrayed his party, his friends, 
 and his country. Purchased by the ministry, and devoted 
 to Pitt, whom he had formerly opposed so violently, he for- 
 got all that had passed, and exhibited neither the same 
 
 11 
 
122 THE INDIES. 
 
 honesty or zeal in the trial of Hastings. This celebrated 
 cause, which had so long occupied the attention of all Eu- 
 rope, progressed slowly and uninterestingly ; the great of- 
 fender enjoyed quietly the fruits of his exactions, and the 
 voice of a cruelly persecuted people was raised in vain. 
 
 Five years passed in this state of uncertainty. The 
 judges were assembled irregularly, forgot their former de- 
 cisions, and conducted their deliberations with neither or- 
 der nor unity ; the members of the House of Commons, 
 who acted as accusers, were discouraged by these methodi- 
 cal delays ; they were weakened by internal divisions, and 
 were full of resentment toward that talented but corrupt 
 leader, whose eloquence had guided, but whose venality 
 had betrayed them. 
 
 Hastings played his part skilfully. Connected with 
 most of the judges by his rank, his wealth, and his habits, 
 he was constantly on the alert to defeat the ends of justice. 
 In order to secure his acquittal, he made splendid presents 
 to the Queen, extending his corruption even to the steps of 
 the throne, and thus procured from the court a powerful 
 protection equivalent to a scandalous impunity. Finally, 
 on the 17th of April, 1795, seven years after the commence- 
 ment of the trial, the House of Lords pronounced judgment. 
 Of four hundred Peers, there were but twenty-nine present, 
 and the accused was solemnly acquitted. 
 
 There was nothing wanting to the iniquity of this trial, 
 neither the treachery of the principal accuser, the corrup- 
 tion of the judges, nor the impunity of the accused. It was 
 a tedious mockery, and an insult to justice. To add to the 
 bitterness of the affront, the East India Company loaded 
 with riches and honor, him who had just escaped the ven- 
 geance of the laws. They gave him an annual pension of 
 four thousand pounds sterling, paying up the arrearages for 
 twenty-eight years, and handed him immediately one hun- 
 dred and fourteen thousand pounds. By rewarding the acts 
 which led to his accusation, they became partakers in his 
 
THE INDIES. 123 
 
 crimes. Morality might justly be indignant at this impu- 
 dent ovation, but the servants of the company were duly 
 notified that their path to honor was through immense 
 crimes. 
 
 VI. HYDER ALI AND TIPPOO SULTAN. 
 
 So long as the French colony at Pondicherry was pow- 
 erful and flourishing, the English at Madras remained with- 
 out influence in the inland countries of that vast peninsula, 
 included between the coast of Coromandel, and the borders 
 of Malabar. But when the mistakes of Lally had opened to 
 them the gates of Pondicherry, they concluded to extend 
 their power over the adjacent fertile countries, and to take 
 advantage of the weakness of the native chiefs whom their 
 disinterested rivals had respected. The prodigious success 
 of their countrymen in Bengal had excited their ardor, and 
 the Governor of Madras wished to attain the same riches 
 and power as the Governors of Calcutta. But a vast em- 
 pire was founded near them, whose enterprising leader pre- 
 sented serious obstacles to their ambition, and gave new 
 opportunities for the development of their perfidious in- 
 stincts. 
 
 Hyder AH had, by his talents, formed in the peninsula a 
 vast kingdom, the capital of which was the ancient province 
 of Mysore. We have already alluded to the rivalries in 
 birth and religion which separated the Mussulmen from the 
 Hindoos. 
 
 After the battle of the 20th of May, 1740, the power of 
 the former had decreased, and the kingdoms of Mysore, 
 Canara, Tanjaour, and Calicut, of Villapour, and many 
 others, had returned under the government of the rajah. 
 Hyder Ali, as fanatical as he was ambitious, summoned 
 around him all the Mohammedans, and availed himself of the 
 interests of Islamism to increase his power. 
 
 Having first conquered Mysore, he left the rajah his title, 
 
124 THE INDIES. 
 
 and disdaining useless cruelties, he confined him in a fort- 
 ress. He then attacked the kingdoms of Canary, Calicut, 
 Tanjaour, and Villapour, and placed under Mussulman rule 
 all those countries which, after the Persian invasion, had 
 fallen into the power of the Hindoo rajahs. The powerful 
 confederation of the Mahrattas alone preserved its indepen- 
 dence and ancient faith. But from the frontiers of this war- 
 like people to Cape Comorin, there was space enough to 
 satisfy the desires of a vast ambition, and Hyder Ali, elated 
 by his triumphs, attempted to bring together the scattered 
 ruins of the empire of Aurengzeyb. 
 
 But the coast of Coromandel was occupied by foreigners 
 more formidable than the feeble rajahs. The English gov- 
 ernment at Madras sought on their part to found a Europe- 
 an empire of the same territory, which Hyder Ali wished 
 to concentiate under the rule of the Mussulmen. The 
 chief of Mysore had become acquainted with his neighbors, 
 and had often had occasion to know their policy. A com- 
 panion in arms of Bussy, he had shared in the successes 
 and reverses of the French, and his hatred to the British, 
 which had commenced in his battles with them, had in- 
 creased in proportion as his conquests approximated the 
 English establishments. 
 
 The Governor of Madras, on his part, was aware of the 
 danger arising from his powerful neighbors, and following 
 their usual policy, the English attempted to corrupt the of- 
 ficers of Hyder Ali, with a view to betray hin\. But the 
 latter, knowing their skill in intrigue, resolvea to prevent 
 them by open war ; he therefore proposed to the soubah of 
 Deccan, and all the nabobs on the coast of Coromandel, to 
 join in a general confederacy against the foreigners. " Let 
 us lay aside," said he, " all our rivalries, and unite our for- 
 ces against the common enemy. These English, who mere- 
 ly come to trade, have robbed our country of its riches, its 
 inhabitants, its fertility, and glory. They pretend to be 
 merchants; they act like pirates. In exchange for our 
 
 
THE INDIES. 125 
 
 wealth, they have brought to Hindostan their vices, their 
 diseases, and their wretchedness. The princes whom cre- 
 dulity or misfortune has placed in their power, have been 
 treated as objects of trade, which are offered in the markets. 
 These avaricious strangers have speculated upon the blood 
 of our countrymen. The number of their treasons and per- 
 juries is equal to that of their treaties and agreements/' 
 
 There was much truth in these remarks, and they made 
 an impression. The soubah of Deccan and the small na- 
 bobs joined Hyder Ali, with an army of one hundred thou- 
 sand men. The other chiefs also joined him, and he soon 
 found himself at the head of an army of two hundred thou- 
 sand men. The English were furced to abandon all dis- 
 simulation, and to collect their troops from their different 
 possessions. They amounted to ninety thousand men, most 
 of whom were European soldiers and Sepoys. The troops 
 of the allies of the English company numbered twenty 
 thousand men. 
 
 ' The English, notwithstanding all the advantage of Euro- 
 pean discipline, were obliged to evacuate the city of Cava- 
 ripatnam, to retreat before the forces of Hyder Ali, and to 
 entrench themselves in the mountains, where his cavalry 
 could not penetrate. Encouraged by his success, the Mus- 
 sulman chiefs attempted to dislodge them, and a general 
 engagement took place near Trincomaly. But the English 
 had a double advantage of position and tactics. The nu- 
 merous Indian cavalry were obliged to remain motionless 
 before the English artillery, and notwithstanding his unpar- 
 alleled efforts, Hyder Ali was obliged to retreat, leaving 
 his enemies a part of his artillery, and a great number of 
 prisoners. 
 
 However, he was not discouraged, but, instructed by mis- 
 fortune, he took every care to avoid a general action, by 
 attacking detached portions, and intercepting convoys. He 
 soon reobtained his advantage by his prudence ; he carried 
 the war into the enemies' country ; he invaded the Carnatic, 
 11* 
 
126 THE INDIES. 
 
 and the English were obliged to leave the possessions of 
 Hyder Ali, and attend to their own. 
 
 The chief of Mysore had already advanced till within 
 seven leagues of Madras 5 the English were preparing to 
 dispute with him the passage of the river St. Thomas, when 
 he suddenly disappeared, and before his line of march could 
 be discovered, he appeared at the gates of the city, and 
 dictated terms of peace to the British councils, April 3d, 
 1769. 
 
 It was the first time that an Indian chief had triumphed 
 over the British forces, and the government was obliged to 
 regain by intrigue the advantages they had lost in war. 
 Compelled to lay aside their arms, they used the arms of 
 others for their plans, and whilst signing a peace, without 
 risk to themselves, they excited new enemies against Hy- 
 der Ali. 
 
 The Mahrattas, who alone of all the Hindoos had resist- 
 ed the Mussulmen, formed a vast confederacy of fierce and 
 warlike people on the frontiers of the empire of Mysore. 
 The agents of the British went among them, and excited 
 the chiefs by presents, and the people by persuasion, to 
 take up arms against the enemy of their religion. The 
 territory of Mysore was suddenly invaded ; Hyder Ali was 
 surprised and beaten some distance from Bednore, its capi- 
 tal, into which he was compelled to retire. But the Mah- 
 rattas were ignorant of the art of sieges : and accustomed 
 to live by pillage, they were deficient in the provisions ne- 
 cessary for a long campaign. They were soon obliged to 
 leave a country which had been entirely desolated, and the 
 famine which they had caused became the auxiliary of 
 Hyder Ali. 
 
 Having returned to their mountains, they thought no more 
 of war until again excited by the agents of the English 
 But the chief of Mysore was on his guard, and the campaign 
 passed off in irregular attacks, with no decisive advantage 
 for either of the rivals. 
 
THE INDIES. 127 
 
 Hyder Ali, however, knew the source of hostilities, and 
 resolved to strike directly at those perfidious enemies who 
 attacked him in secret. He held conference with the chiefs 
 of the Mahrattas, and persuaded them that the true inter- 
 est of the natives was to expel the foreigners, and offered 
 them his gold and his forces to attack the common enemy. 
 The soubah of Deccan and the rajah of Berar joined the 
 confederates. Never had the English power been so seri- 
 ously threatened. It was agreed that the soubah and Hy- 
 der Ali should attack the Carnatic, that the forces of the 
 Mahrattas should attack Surat and Guzarat, and that the ra- 
 jah of Berar should invade the provinces of Bengal. 
 
 The war of American Independence commenced at this 
 time, and Pondicherry being suddenly attacked by the Eng- 
 lish, was captured and dismantled. The misfortunes of the 
 French deprived Hyder Ali of his most powerful aid, for 
 he could not depend upon his Indian allies. 
 
 In fact, the councils of Madras and Calcutta despaired of 
 conquering the confederation, and attempted to weaken it 
 by intrigue. The Mahrattas, who were always avaricious, 
 could not resist the power of corruption ; the soubah of 
 Deccan, jealous of Hyder Ali, and fearing his aggrandize- 
 ment, was easily seduced ; the rajahs were distrustful of 
 the chief of the Mussulmen. Hyder Ali was soon aban- 
 doned by his allies, and was obliged to contend single 
 handed against the united forces of the governments of 
 Madras and Bengal. 
 
 The English company, however, depended so much upon 
 the efficacy of their intrigues, that they neglected an enemy 
 whom they supposed to be conquered, and the army of 
 Mysore suddenly appeared in the Carnatic, marking its 
 course by fire and desolation. The English were twice 
 beaten before Arcot, the capital of the Carnatic, and the 
 city, after a siege of a few days, fell into the hands of Hy- 
 der Ali. This skilful warrior profited by his successes, 
 excited in every part the hatred of the population against 
 
128 THE INDIES. 
 
 the English, and proclaimed himself, in his march, the 
 saviour and avenger of Hindostan. 
 
 The English were alarmed at his progress, and collected 
 their troops from Bengal, and by their discipline soon ar- 
 rested the progress of their formidable enemy. Hyder Ali, 
 however, although beaten in several engagements, still had 
 immense resources, and always rallied from victories which 
 seemed decisive. His son Tippoo had routed General 
 Matthews on the coast of Malabar, and Madras was again 
 threatened. But the Mahrattas, excited by the English, 
 armed themselves openly against the chief of Mysore; the 
 rajahs also joined them ; Hyder Ali suddenly found himself 
 surrounded with enemies, and the British troops, making a 
 diversion into Malabar, invaded the rich provinces of Ca- 
 nara. 
 
 This sudden treason of his ancient allies caused Hyder 
 Ali to retrace his steps, when he was about to give his 
 enemies their death blow, and forced him to despair. A 
 cruel disease, symptoms of which had appeared long before, 
 advanced rapidly, and his death, on the 9th of December, 
 1782, deprived Hindostan of the only man who could op- 
 pose British intrigue successfully. 
 
 Tippoo was at that time away from his father, fighting 
 the English in the province of Tanjaour. Hyder Ali, un- 
 able to express to his son in his dying accents his hatred 
 against the English, left written instructions, which ex- 
 pressed his political views, and his implacable resentment. 
 
 " India," said he, " since the reign of Aurengzeyb, has 
 lost its rank among the kingdoms of Asia ; this beautiful 
 country is divided into provinces, which make war on each 
 other, and the people are divided into many sects. The 
 Hindoos, enfeebled by their pacific actions, cannot defend 
 their territory, which daily becomes the spoil of the stran- 
 ger ; the Mussulmen are more numerous and warlike than 
 the feeble Hindoos, and to them will belong the glory of 
 saving Hindostan. My son, use all your efforts for the tri- 
 
THE INDIES. 129 
 
 umph of the Koran ; and if Heaven aids in this noble en- 
 terprise, the day is not far distant, when the sword of Mo- 
 hammed will place you on the throne of Temourlenk. 
 
 " The greatest obstacle to be conquered, is the jealousy 
 of the Europeans; the English are now all powerful in 
 India ; they must be weakened by war. Hindostan cannot 
 expel them from the territory they have invaded. Excite 
 dissensions between the European nations, and by the aid 
 of the French you can conquer the British." 
 
 Tippoo swore to adopt the instructions of his father as 
 his rule of policy. In fact, he had always been an ardent 
 defender of the Mohammedan faith, and was devoted in his 
 hatred against the English, which was soon increased by 
 the odious attacks of his enemies. 
 
 The English, on hearing of the death of Hyder Ali, and 
 taking advantage of the absence of Tippoo, attempted to 
 corrupt the leaders of the Indian army. But the prime 
 minister of Hyder Ali, who had assumed the command, ar- 
 rested two officers, who had communicated with the enemy, 
 and their chastisement soon arrested the further progress 
 of treason. General Matthews vainly attempted, by pom- 
 pous proclamation, to excite the inhabitants of Mysore to 
 revolt, but they all remained faithful to the son of Hyder 
 Ali, who placed himself readily at the head of the empire, 
 and assumed the title of Sultan, the better to confirm his 
 power. 
 
 The English, however, avenged themselves for the fideli- 
 ty of the Indians, by a cruel war. Several cities of Mala- 
 bar were pillaged and burned. Passing over the mountains 
 which separate the province of Canara from the coast of 
 Bombay, they laid waste this beautiful country, and cruelly 
 massacred its timid population. 
 
 General Matthews, while besieging Onor, learned that a 
 part of the royal family were at Aumapore, a city built at 
 the source of the river Tongebadra, whose waters washed 
 the walls of Haider-Nagur ; a detachment was sent to sur- 
 
130 THE INDIES. 
 
 prise this place, the capture of which promised a rich booty. 
 The city was taken by assault, and the English committed 
 acts of brutality and violence which even an obstinate re- 
 sistance would not justify. The children of Tippoo, who 
 were then at Aumapore, escaped the carnage, and crossed 
 the river in a small boat ; they passed the whole day on 
 the opposite bank, concealed amid the aloe-trees, and saw 
 the conflagration, and the smoking ruins of the city they 
 had left. Finally, under the escort of two boatmen, these 
 young princes, and some females who accompanied them, 
 took refuge in the fortress of Bengalore. 
 
 After this exploit, General Matthews besieged Haider- 
 Nagnr, which contained all the treasures of Tippoo. The 
 commander of the place was obliged to capitulate, offered 
 to give up to the English the fortress and the public pro- 
 perty and treasures ; but he demanded a safe-guard for him- 
 self and his family, and obtained a solemn promise that the 
 inhabitants should be respected. The capitulation was 
 signed, but immediately violated. The commander of the 
 place was imprisoned, and the inhabitants were cut off by 
 military executions. In every quarter the course of the 
 English was marked by perjury. Burke says distinctly, 
 " The company has never made a treaty which they have 
 not broken." But this avarice, which rendered them so 
 cruel, caused llicir destruction. Surrounded with riches, 
 the English could not agree in regard to the division of 
 the spoils -j the streets became the scenes of furious con- 
 tests. .Many officers and soldiers abandoned the army, and 
 those who remained were enfeebled by excesses. They 
 encamped amid the ruins of the city, and were more occu- 
 pied in watching each other, than in guarding against the 
 enemy. Tippoo advanced by forced marches. He collect- 
 ed in his course the dispersed inhabitants, and excited their 
 hatred against the English ; he recounted their new outra- 
 ges, and invited the Indians to revenge. Soon after his ar- 
 rival in Canara, he surprised the British troops, while quar- 
 
THE INDIES. 131 
 
 relling in regard to their booty, attacked and routed them. 
 The English lost fifteen hundred men at the first attack ; 
 they were routed in every part ; and embarrassed by their 
 rich spoils, they left their artillery, and took refuge with 
 their treasures in Haider-Nagur. All the other cities which 
 were occupied by their troops opened their gates to Tippoo 
 Sultan. Their only place of refuge was the city which 
 they had devastated, and here they were suddenly besieged 
 by the people whom they had robbed. Tippoo had com- 
 mand of several French detachments, pressed the siege 
 with activity, and in seventeen days the English, reduced 
 to the most cruel extremities, and starving amid their ill- 
 gotten wealth, demanded to capitulate. It was agreed that 
 the garrison should lay down their arms, should restore the 
 diamonds, jewellery, and silver which had been seized by 
 General Matthews, and also the money which the English 
 had extorted from the inhabitants. On these conditions 
 Tippoo Sultan engaged to furnish provisions and vehicles 
 necessary to carry the prisoners to Boinbay. 
 
 In signing this convention, however, the English knew 
 they could not execute it. The treasures were dispersed, 
 and the diamonds and jewellery had been intrusted to the 
 brother of General Matthews, to be carried to Madras. The 
 garrison found itself at the discretion of the conqueror, who 
 exhibited the same degree of moderation as was shown by 
 the English. 
 
 The officers and soldiers were loaded with irons, and 
 General Matthews, who had set an example of perjury and 
 cruelty, was poisoned by an Indian drink which was pour- 
 ed down his throat. 
 
 His brother, loaded with the spoils of Haider-Nagur, was 
 surprised in the adjacent mountains, brought before Tippoo 
 Sultan, and put to death. 
 
 The armies of Mysore were everywhere successful. 
 Tippoo, passing rapidly into Malabar, besieged the English 
 in Mangalore, and although the peace of Versailles deprived 
 
132 THE INDIES. 
 
 him of the useful support of the French, he pursued with 
 activity the war against the company. 
 
 But the English always knew when to be humble, and 
 he had no time to finish his successes. The councils of 
 Calcutta and Madras offered peace on such advantageous 
 terms, that Tippoo imagined himself revenged ; the treaty 
 was signed at Seringapatnam, at the close of 1784, and the 
 belligerent powers reciprocally restored their conquests. 
 
 Thus terminated this war, which had been commenced 
 by the famine at Bengal, reduced the Carnatic to a frightful 
 desert, and covered the coasts of Coromandel and Malabar 
 with ruins. The influence of the French was extinct in 
 Hindostan ; and although the English had yielded for a time 
 to the power of Tippoo Sultan, they regarded the future 
 without uneasiness, being freed from their powerful Euro- 
 pean rival. 
 
 Tippoo Sultan profited by the leisure of peace to restore 
 to his empire the splendor and riches it possessed prior to 
 these terrible contests against British ambition. He re-es- 
 tablished the beautiful manufactures of Canara ; he encour- 
 aged agriculture in their fertile plains, which reward the 
 labor of man so bountifully, and aided all new discoveries 
 in the arts. Faithful to the instructions of his father, he 
 had remained the friend of the French, and sent a solemn 
 embassy to the court of Versailles, as a proof of his politi- 
 cal sympathies. 
 
 He had established his residence at Seringapatnam. 
 This city is situated on an island formed by the river Cau- 
 very, which defends the approach to it, and which washes 
 the different provinces of Mysore. This happy position 
 presents all the advantages of a fortified place, and admit- 
 ted of all the developments of a rich and populous capital. 
 
 During the eight years of peace, the wise administration 
 of Tippoo Sultan had restored power and harmony to this 
 part of Hindostan. It was the only country which was 
 free from English influence, and therefore enjoyed a degree 
 
THE INDIES. 133 
 
 of tranquillity which the adjacent provinces in vain demand- 
 ed from their British rulers. 
 
 The councils of Madras and Calcutta, however, had also 
 increased their power considerably. The cruel adminis- 
 tration of Hastings had been profitable to the government, 
 and his successor, Lord Cornwallis, had preserved his con- 
 quests without the odium of his mistakes. The English 
 were now able to re-commence the war against this formida- 
 ble neighbor, who presented to the Indians the example of 
 being independent. 
 
 An opportunity soon offered, or rather was made. The 
 Dutch had two forts, situated between their establishment 
 of Cochin, and the kingdom of Mysore. Granganore was 
 captured in 1779 by Hyder Ali. When the war again 
 broke out between Hyder Ali and the English, this prince 
 was obliged to withdraw his garrison from the coast of 
 Malabar, and the Dutch again took possession of the fort. 
 Hyder Ali complained bitterly of this, but as the Dutch 
 were then aiding him in his war against the English, he 
 did not wish to compromise a useful alliance, but intended 
 to claim it at a future day. Tippoo had not forgotten the 
 rights of his father, and profiting by his strength, advanced 
 in June, 1789, against Granganore. The Dutch were un- 
 able to oppose any resistance, and sold their rights to the 
 rajah of Travancour. Tippoo Sultan opposed this transfer, 
 but the English, who were the allies of the rajahs, declared 
 themselves his defenders, and war was commenced between 
 the two powers, who only wanted a pretext to show their 
 hatred for each other. 
 
 The British councils had long been preparing for it, and 
 the forces of Bengal and Madras, under the command of 
 Lord Cornwallis and Sir Ralph Abercrombie, invaded My- 
 sore. Tippoo attempted to oppose the progress of these 
 two armies, but in vain. They advanced to the walls of 
 Seringapatnam, to which they laid siege. They had just 
 encamped, when the river Cauvery was swollen by the 
 
 12 
 
134 THE IX DIES. 
 
 rains, and overflowed all the adjacent plains. The materi- 
 als for the siege were destroyed by the torrents ; the be- 
 siegers were enfeebled by disease and famine, and most of 
 their beasts of burden were killed by an epidemic. Finally, 
 the British were obliged to raise the siege, leaving their 
 artillery, and again renouncing their promised triumphs. 
 
 Faithful to their accustomed policy, the English had pur- 
 chased the alliance of the Mahrattas, and the soubah of 
 Deccan ; the support of these auxiliaries prevented their 
 destruction. 
 
 Two years elapsed in irregular contests, in which the 
 sultan gained some advantages over his enemies, but in 
 January, 1792, the troops of the Deccan and the Mahrat- 
 tas having joined the British army, all the allied forces in- 
 vaded Mysore. The army of Tippuo was attacked in for- 
 midable intrenchments, was beaten, and driven to the gates 
 of Seringapatnam. All the external redoubts were captured, 
 and the British army took up an excellent position on the 
 island. The army of Bombay, under the command of 
 Abercrombie, joined Comwallis, and the English prepared 
 for the assault with every prospect of success. Tippoo 
 made a vigorous sortie on the night of the 21st of February, 
 but in vain. Surrounded by numerous and treacherous ene- 
 mies, he saw that all his efforts to save his capital were 
 useless. He determined, then, to accept peace, and on the 
 24th of February, trembling with passion, he signed a most 
 humiliating treaty. It was agreed that the sultan should 
 cede to the allies half of his dominions, that he should pay 
 a considerable sum for the expenses of the war, that all the 
 prisoners should be surrendered up, and that two of his 
 children should be given as hostages for the faithful execu- 
 tion of the treaty.* 
 
 This last condition was the subject of an animated dis- 
 cussion with Tippoo. He was so accustomed to the perfidy 
 
 * This treaty is very similar to that recently made by the English with 
 the Chinese. 
 
THE INDIES. 135 
 
 of his adversaries, that he hesitated to confide to them such 
 precious hostages ; and when the young princes left the 
 fort to go to the English camp, the sultan ascended the 
 rampart to follow them with his eyes as far as possible. 
 The conditions of the treaty were promptly complied with. 
 
 The cession of a part of the sultan's territory established 
 the English in the Carnatic, and on the coast of Malabar. 
 His eternal adversaries were now in the bosom of his terri- 
 tory, and could intrigue and plot until strong enough to dis- 
 possess him entirely. 
 
 A formidable auxiliary, however, advanced to avenge 
 Tippoo. General Bonaparte encamped on the borders of 
 the Red Sea, and the chief of Mysore, full of hope in the 
 French power, which his father had mentioned as his only 
 support, finally thought that the day of vengeance had ar- 
 rived. His confidence was also increased by receiving the 
 following letter from the leader of the French expedition. 
 
 " FRENCH REPUBLIC. 
 "LIBERTY. EQUALITY. 
 
 " Bonaparte, member of the National Institute, gcneral-in- 
 chiefi to the very magnificent Sultan, our highly esteemed 
 friend, Tippoo Saib. 
 
 "Head Quarters, Cairo, 7th pluviose, VII. th ) 
 year of the Republic, one and indivisible. $ 
 " You have already learned that I arrived on the borders 
 of the Red Sea, at the head of a numberless and invincible 
 army, filled with the desire to rescue you from the iron 
 yoke of England. I eagerly seize the occasion to make 
 known to you my desire, to know from yourself, by way of 
 Muscat and Mocha, your political position. 
 
 M I wish you would send to Suez or Cairo, an intelligent 
 and confidential person to converse with me. 
 
 " May the Almighty increase your power, and destroy 
 your enemies. Signed, 
 
 " Bonaparte." 
 
 It was doubtless a brilliant conception to connect the 
 
136 THE INDIES. 
 
 war of Mysore v/ith the expedition to Egypt ; and if the 
 Directory had seconded the views of the conqueror of Italy, 
 the British power in India would have been extinct. Long 
 before this, Tippoo had sent ambassadors to the Isle of 
 France to solicit the aid of some French troops ; a small 
 detachment of a hundred men only was sent. Probably, 
 however, if Napoleon had not lost his fleet by the unfortu- 
 nate battle at Aboukir, he would have attacked the English 
 in their Indian possessions. This could have been accom- 
 plished by placing a body of four or five thousand men un- 
 der the command of Tippoo Sultan. The passage from 
 Suez to the coast of Malabar could be made in twenty or 
 thirty days, and the season was favorable at the time that 
 the French army arrived in Egypt. No English frigate had 
 yet appeared in the gulf of Arabia, and the Straits of Babel- 
 mandcl were entirely free from hostile vessels. 
 
 The moment of action was favored by the fact, that in- 
 ternal troubles in Hindostan had deprived the English of 
 the support of their allies, the Mahrattas and the soubah of 
 Deccan. The former were divided between two chiefs, 
 who were at war with each other. The second had been 
 obliged to defend himself against a son who had revolted 
 with a large army. 
 
 In order to attach the soubah to his interests, Tippoo 
 sent him some Frenchmen who had come from the Isle of 
 France. They were bold adventurers, full of enthusiasm 
 and courage, happy to exercise their restless activity, and 
 still more happy to contend with the deadliest adversaries 
 of the republic. The influence of this handful of French- 
 men drove the English from the court of the soubah, and 
 also a detachment of British troops, who had ruled this 
 prince since the treaty of 1790, while pretending to protect 
 him. A Frenchman named Raymond, hired and disciplined 
 a body of fourteen thousand Indians, for the support of 
 whom he received possession of a territory, the revenue of 
 which amounted to eighteen lacks of rupees. This chief 
 
THE INDIES. 137 
 
 had planted the tree of liberty in front of the palace of the 
 soubah, and the French republic had thus an active and in- 
 telligent power on the coast of Coromandel. Raymond 
 concerted all his measures with Tippoo, and was prepar- 
 ing to attack the English possessions, when death released 
 them from a powerful adversary. 
 
 The power of Raymond passed to another Frenchman ; 
 but he could not sustain himself in the good graces of the 
 soubah, who secretly solicited the English to deliver him 
 from his unwelcome guests. The Marquis of Wellesley 
 was then governor-general of British India. The hostile 
 designs of Tippoo Sultan were known to him ; his solici- 
 tations to the French government, his immense prepara- 
 tions, his intimacy with Raymond and his successor, left 
 no doubt as to his intentions. But it was necessary to 
 begin by displacing the French who governed the Deccan. 
 Numerous troops were sent to Haiderabad, the residence 
 of the soubah. The latter was seduced by the English, and 
 conspired against those whom he called his protectors, and 
 the French officers were sold by those Indian soldiers whom 
 they had taken so much pains to instruct. 
 
 Scarcely were the British troops in presence of the 
 French camp before Haiderabad, than a general revolt broke 
 out j the officers were seized and ironed, and the English 
 commander, Colonel Roberts, who had excited the insur- 
 rection, had the easy glory of delivering the French from 
 the hands of the insurgents. 
 
 While the English resumed their ascendency at the coast 
 of Haiderabad, the governor-general protected the seas 
 around the peninsula, where he feared the arrival of the 
 French squadrons. The English admiral, Raynier, having 
 reinforced his fleet with ail the vessels of the company, 
 proceeded toward the straits of Babelmandel, and took pos- 
 session of the island of Zocotara, so well situated at the 
 entrance of the straits, on the side of the Indian seas, and so 
 
 12* 
 
138 THE INDIES. 
 
 important on account of the ports and moorings found in 
 the northern part of it. 
 
 During this time, Tippoo Sultan was extremely urgent 
 with the French Directory. General Dubui, one of the 
 officers sent to the Isle of France, embarked at Trinquebar 
 in February, 1799, as ambassador of the Sultan of Mysore, 
 near the French republic. This general, who was attend- 
 ed by two envoys of the country, demanded of the Directory 
 a body of ten or fifteen thousand French, whom Tippoo en- 
 gaged to pay, and a naval force suflicient to balance the 
 English power in the Indian seas. 
 
 If the French government at that time had understood 
 the importance of this diversion, the proposition would have 
 been accepted. But time was lost in useless discussions, 
 during which the English were active. 
 
 The army of Bombay, reinforced by four thousand Ben- 
 gal soldiers, six thousand British troops, paid by the soubah, 
 and twelve thousand picked Indians, advanced towards 
 Mysore, under the command of General Harris. Tippoo, 
 aware that a war of extermination had been commenced 
 against him, left Seringapatnam at the head of sixty thou- 
 sand men, and encamped at Periapatnam, whence he ob- 
 served the movements of the English army, which approach- 
 ed from Sedesear. 
 
 At this point hostilities commenced. The first attack 
 was favorable to Tippoo. By skilful manoeuvres, he sepa- 
 rated the English army, but unfortunately his troops were 
 unable to follow up this skilful movement, and the warlike 
 Europeans soon regained the advantage. 
 
 A new battle occurred near Malaveli, eight leagues from 
 Seringapatnam, and there also, notwithstanding the skill 
 and valor of the sultan, his troops were entirely defeated, 
 and he was obliged to retire on the capital. 
 
 The English immediately invested the place, and were 
 soon masters of all the external fortifications. Tippoo, ter- 
 rified by their progress, entered into negotiations. General 
 
THE IN'DIES. 139 
 
 Harris demanded, first, that the half of the kingdom of My- 
 sore should be surrendered to the company and its allies ; 
 and also that the- sultan should pay the expenses of the war, 
 that he should give up two of his children as hostages, and 
 that he should deliver up to the English army the fort of 
 Seringapatnam until the conclusion of a definite peace. 
 He was allowed but twenty-four hours to think of these 
 propositions. The sultan understood from these rigorous 
 propositions, that his enemies wished to deprive him en- 
 tirely of his power ; and certain that he had nothing to ex- 
 pect from their generosity, he resolved to conquer or perish 
 under the ruins of his capital. 
 
 The inhabitants were filled with the same ardor. But 
 the English batteries had caused irreparable ravages ; the 
 ramparts were dismantled, ai}d every day resistance became 
 more difficult. 
 
 Finally, on the 4th of May, the breach was practicable ; 
 the English marched out of their trenches, and passed over 
 the Cauvery under the fire of the Indians. When they 
 were on the inner bank, they advanced slowly ; and then 
 every defile and every turn in the fortifications became the 
 scene of a new conflict ; every step was contested ; the 
 small troop of French in the service of the sultan kept the 
 assailants at bay for a long time, and the inhabitants rallied 
 many times around this handful of brave men. Tippoo 
 himself took part in the action. He was posted two hun- 
 dred paces from the breach behind an eminence of the forti- 
 fication, whence he fired on the assailants. His servant, 
 Rajhah-Kawn, who did not leave him, stated afterwards, that 
 the sultan killed three or four Europeans. 
 
 But when he saw that all those who defended the ram- 
 part were killed, or had fled, and that the assailants advan- 
 ced in considerable numbers, he mounted his horse and 
 proceeded towards the inner rampart. The gate of the for- 
 tress, however, was so much crowded, that he was unable 
 to enter the city. 
 
140 THE INDIES. 
 
 The English, who had pursued the fugitives, now advan- 
 ced to the bridge thrown over the ditch of the inner ram- 
 part. At the first fire of the Europeans, the sultan felt him- 
 self wounded, and advanced three or four steps through the 
 crowd. The besiegers having crossed the bridge, the fire 
 redoubled. Tippoo received a ball in the chest, and his 
 horse was wounded in the leg. Surrounded by the dead 
 and dying, he was unable to advance or retreat. 
 
 At this moment, Rajhah-Kawn, perceiving that his master 
 was wounded, attempted to remove him from the saddle ; 
 but at that moment both fell with the horse amid the dead 
 and dying. At the same time, Uajhah-Kawn was wounded 
 in the leg by a ball. 
 
 The fire ceasing under the arch of the gate, a grenadier 
 advanced toward Tippoo, whom he did not recognise, and 
 seized the sabre of this prince, intending to take the gold 
 clasp attached to it. The sultan, who was surrounded by 
 dead bodies, disengaged his right hand, and grasping a 
 sabre, felled the grenadier to the earth. Another soldier 
 shared the same fate. Soon after, Tippoo rose up, and was 
 killed by a ball in the temple. Some witnesses assert that 
 he approached the English to surrender himself, and that 
 he was recognised by them, and shot down designedly. 
 
 The death of Tippoo, and the capture of Seringapatnam, 
 extinguished forever the Mohammedan power inHindostan; 
 the only surviving sons of an ancient race of conquerors, 
 Hyder Ali and Tippoo, had hoped in vain to overturn the 
 foreign power which had come to take their place. The 
 inflexible and patient policy of the English had slowly cir- 
 cumvented the kingdom of Mysore, rendering all the adja- 
 cent tribes hostile, and all the Hindoo chiefs his rivals. 
 
 The British government possessed in a particular degree 
 the art of yielding to circumstances, and awaiting or crea- 
 ting opportunities to resume their advantages. Beaten by 
 Hyder, they were humbled; conquerors of Tippoo, they 
 took from him the half of his possessions. But as the pow- 
 
THE INDIES. 141 
 
 er of this prince was formidable, even after this spoliation, 
 his cunning enemies took their precautions in silence, 
 studied all his movements, noticed all his mistakes, and 
 when time had permitted them to prepare their resources, 
 they crushed him with their united forces, and destroyed 
 in one campaign the only empire which could disturb their 
 power in Hindostan. 
 
 The English invited the Mahrattas to the division of the 
 conquered territory, although they had taken no part in the 
 war. This appearance of generosity gave the company 
 the double advantage of satisfying the jealousy of the 
 Mahrattas, and preventing the too great development of the 
 estates of the soubah. But as, on the other hand, it was 
 important not to leave the empire of the soubah and the 
 Mahrattas to extend to the neighborhood of the English 
 possession, it was agreed to leave the empire of Mysore 
 within its ancient limits. 
 
 But it would have been dangerous to have placed the 
 children of Tippoo on the throne : the English then thought 
 of the family of the ancient rajah. 
 
 Hyder Ali, who had never assumed any other title but 
 that of regent, had left his predecessors the external marks 
 of sovereignty. They had retired to the ancient palace 
 of the rajahs of Mysore, and there received the honors due 
 to their rank. But Tippoo disdained to continue to them 
 this hypocritical homage, and confined them in a small 
 house near the ramparts. It was there that the English 
 sought for the sovereign who was to be the tool of their 
 ambition. This was extremely easy, as, by the laws of 
 succession, the rajah was found to be a child five years 
 old. The guardianship belonged of right to the English, 
 and it is unnecessary to add that they knew how to profit 
 by it. At the ceremony of the coronation, the family of 
 the rajah signed the treaties which were required to con- 
 firm their influence or increase their wealth ; and they 
 
142 THE INDIES. 
 
 readily obtained what they required from a family who had 
 been rescued from misery and placed on a throne. 
 
 The capture of Seringapatnam offered to the government 
 of Madras, the same important results which that of Plassey 
 presented to the governors of Calcutta. The assassination 
 of the nabob of Sourajah Doulah, had given the English 
 the vast territories of Bengal : the death of Tippoo con- 
 nected their possessions of Malabar with those of Coro- 
 mandel. The feeble establishments of France and Holland 
 on the two coasts of the peninsula, and also in Bengal, had 
 successively fallen into their hands. Hyder Ali had at- 
 tempted to restore the empire of Aurungzeyb, but he had 
 brought about the union of its different parts only for the 
 advantage of its implacable enemies, and to facilitate their 
 contemplated usurpations.* 
 
 * The space devoted to the subject of the criminal history of the British 
 in India will prevent our enlarging upon the campaign recently terminated 
 in Afghanistan, except to say, that the British reputation for deeds of atro- 
 city and cruelty in India seems to have been revived. The late campaign 
 has been attended by the same cruelties and the same thirst for plunder 
 which characterized their career in the campaigns already described. 
 Even the sanctuaries of the dead have been violated. The latest accounts 
 state that Ghuznee is now a desolate heap of ruins. Its splendid citadel 
 and other formidable works and defences have been razed to the ground, 
 and the sandal-wood gates of Mohammed's mausoleum have been carried off 
 by General Nott, at the express desire of Lord Ellen borough ! 
 
MALTA, 143 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 MALTA. 
 
 Among the glorious episodes of the campaign of Egypt, 
 the capture of Malta seems to be the introduction of that 
 magnificent epoch, when the genius of the French re- 
 awakened the country of the Pharaohs, and perhaps pre- 
 pared for the bold reign of Mehemet Ali. 
 
 Two days only were required by Napoleon to capture 
 this island, which was considered to be impregnable, and 
 which the French defended for two years against the 
 whole of Europe, sustained by a rebellious population. 
 
 Bonaparte appeared before the island on the 16th June, 
 and on the 18th he resumed his march, having dictated the 
 treaty of capitulation, provided for the execution of its dif- 
 ferent clauses, and reformed the entire civil and military 
 organization of the country. What he regarded simply as 
 an incident, another would have considered a magnificent 
 campaign. 
 
 The fall of the Order, however, furnished a pretext for 
 different powers to contest the possession of the island.' 
 The King of Naples, whose predecessors had ceded Malta 
 to the order of the Knights of Malta, reserving to himself 
 the rights of sovereignty, considered this cession as an- 
 nulled by the expulsion of the order, and secretly employed' 
 his emissaries to gain possession of it. This sovereign, 
 however, had been notified that his old titles must yield to 
 the rights of conquest ; for his envoy, Frisari, who assisted 
 in discussing the treaty of capitulation, having wished to 
 reserve by a note the right of sovereignty belonging to the 
 
144 MALTA. 
 
 King of Naples, Bonaparte remarked, " You may make all 
 the reserves you please, but as to the pretensions of your 
 king to Malta, the republic will soon dispel them by sound 
 of cannon." 
 
 On the other hand, each of those powers which had pos- 
 sessed influence over this order thought that the period for 
 action had come. From time immemorial, Austria, Spain, 
 or Russia had attempted to rule this order by means of 
 those of their subjects who were found among the knights. 
 England had used its gold in these petty intrigues. The 
 possession of a port which seemed to govern the Mediter- 
 ranean, had awakened all their ambition ; and when the 
 French republic there unfolded the tri-colored flag, it caused 
 more resentment than all its other victories. Inasmuch, 
 however, as neither England, nor Austria, nor Russia 
 avowed their secret designs, each of them proclaimed 
 loudly the legitimacy of the King of Naples, and offered 
 to serve his interests. The prize would be gained by that 
 one of the pretenders who could deceive most skilfully the 
 ally he seemed to protect. In this contest of hypocrisy, 
 England was sure of the victory. 
 
 We shall not give the history of the insurrection of 
 Malta, and of the glorious defence of General Vaubois. 
 The plan of this work obliges us to state the fraudulent 
 manoeuvres which gave the English possession of the island 
 
 The first revolt occurred in September, 1798, at Rabatto, 
 in consequence of a measure of the administration in regard 
 to the location of the Church of the Carmel. The exhor- 
 tations of the priests inflamed the fanaticism of the inhab- 
 itants of the country, and foreign gold had purchased their 
 chiefs. The news of the disasters at Aboukir encouraged 
 the revolt, and the inhabitants soon took up arms, and the 
 French were besieged in the enclosures of the four cities. 
 
 Three chiefs were chosen to head the insurrection : they 
 were the priest Caruana, the notary Emmanuel Vitale, and 
 Vincent Borg, a freeholder. 
 
MALTA. 145 
 
 This organization being accomplished, a deliberation was 
 held as to what direction to give the insurrection. The 
 Maltese did not think of contending for their own indepen- 
 dence : they required a protection. To recall the knights 
 of the Order seemed to be the purpose of the insurrection ; 
 but this was not the idea of those who secretly directed all 
 the hostilities. They preferred to wait for a favorable op- 
 portunity, and to select for an avowed chief a king who 
 was easily deposed. 
 
 The old act of cession stated that the island should re- 
 turn to the Sicilian crown if the Order ceased to retain 
 possession of Malta ; it was then stated that by leaving they 
 had renounced all their rights ; that the Maltese had ac- 
 quired the right of returning under the dominion of their 
 sovereign ; and to recall the Order, would be an act of 
 felony towards his Sicilian Majesty. 
 
 The insurgents, therefore, displayed the Sicilian flag, and 
 sent deputies to the King of Naples, to tell him of what 
 had occurred. 
 
 Soon after obtaining aid from Ferdinand, a fleet of four- 
 teen vessels appeared before Malta. Although they dis- 
 played no colors, yet they were soon recognised. It was 
 the English squadron, returning from the battle of Aboukir. 
 Each of the vessels was marked by the balls of the French. 
 Nelson, who commanded this fleet, put himself into com- 
 munication with the three leaders of the insurgents, and 
 soon saw that the time for action had come. But it was 
 necessary to deceive the Maltese, and the King of Naples, 
 and the allied powers, each of whom wished to obtain pos- 
 session of the island. 
 
 The first point to be attained was to influence the sove- 
 reign monarch to declare war against France. Nelson 
 took charge of this, and sailed for Naples to conduct the 
 negotiations and to refit his fleets. Ferdinand flattered 
 himself that he would be able to regain possession of 
 Malta, and readily yielded to the influence of the English 
 
 13 
 
146 MALTA. 
 
 admiral : the latter soon reappeared before the island, with 
 the consent of the prince whose nominal sovereignty it 
 readily admitted, and silenced all ambitious rivals. 
 
 It was now necessary to cause the insurgents to play a 
 secondary part ; and this was accomplished by bribing the 
 leaders. The priest, Caruana, was the most ambitious ; a 
 bishop's mitre was the price stipulated for his devotion to 
 Great Britain. Emmanuel Vitale and Vincent Borg were 
 gained by appeals to their vanity, and the promise of prospec- 
 tive honors. 
 
 Nelson, however, was forced to leave, and would have 
 failed in his purpose, if he had not found a man with talents 
 sufficient to execute a plan which must always be conceal- 
 ed, but must always progress. This honorable agent was 
 Commodore Ball, to whom the command of the blockade 
 was intrusted, and who showed himself, in every point of 
 view, worthy of this mission of perfidy. From the time 
 that he took charge of the blockade, Ball exercised so 
 powerful an influence over the insurgents, that they acted 
 in accordance with his directions. In order to exercise 
 this supreme power, however, by which alone his ends 
 could be attained, it was necessary for him to land, and to 
 display the British flag side by side with that of Naples. 
 
 The king of Naples was now receiving the punishment 
 of his kindness for England. He had been driven from his 
 territory by the French troops, and had retired to Palermo, 
 expecting that Malta would be offered to him as a compen- 
 sation for his troubles. Commodore Ball designedly select- 
 ed this time of trouble to send and ask for more aid. The 
 Maltese deputies had received their instructions, and re- 
 quested of his majesty, that if he could not assist his faith- 
 ful subjects of Malta efficiently, in consequence of the war 
 in which he was engaged, that they might be permitted to 
 avail themselves of the generous protection of England, and 
 to take shelter under the flag of that power, as they had 
 armed themselves only for the defence of their rights. 
 
MALTA. 147 
 
 The trap was too evident not to be perceived, and, weak 
 as Ferdinand was, he first endeavored to avoid this high 
 protection. On his part, the Russian minister at the court 
 of Sicily represented that this arrangement would be a 
 double offence against the rights of his sovereign, an ally 
 of the powers who had combined against France, and grand 
 master of the order of St. John of Jerusalem. 
 
 But Nelson and Hamilton governed at Palermo ; it is 
 well known by what means. In accordance with their 
 counsels, the Maltese received a reply which did not direct- 
 ly offend Russia, but permitted Ball to attain his object. 
 In fact, this answer contained, among other clauses, the 
 following passage : " The king, knowing the loyalty of his 
 ally, permits the Maltese to unite their wishes with his, that 
 his Britannic majesty will continue to protect their island 
 efficiently, and to take for its defence, under whatever form 
 or external demonstration it pleases, all the measures which 
 Lord Nelson may choose to adopt in the name of his Bri- 
 tannic Majesty." 
 
 The terms of this declaration were extremely vague, and 
 the powers which it granted seemed unlimited. By virtue 
 of these powers, the English flag was soon displayed side 
 by side with that of Naples, and the direction of the affairs 
 of Malta was intrusted to Ball, with authority to land. 
 
 The wily commodore knew that while the knights had 
 possession of Malta, the Maltese always regretted the loss 
 of their ancient privileges, and their popular council. He 
 therefore instituted a deliberative assembly, under the name 
 of the National Congress, and had himself elected presi- 
 dent. By this he flattered the national vanity, and created 
 a dictatorial power, which was more efficacious, as it im- 
 posed upon a popular assembly all the odium of its mea- 
 sures. 
 
 Russia, however, openly testified her displeasure, and the 
 court of Palermo, unwilling to displease this powerful ally 
 
148 MALTA. 
 
 who had united its forces with those of Austria, demanded 
 explanations at London. 
 
 The cabinet formally replied that it had no other inten- 
 tions than to replace the Island of Malta under the dominion 
 of his Sicilian Majesty. 
 
 To add to the mysteries of this diplomacy, Ball, as he 
 said, to confirm the declaration of the cabinet at London, 
 announced that he was authorized to assume the supreme 
 command with the title of governor, in the name of the king 
 of the two Sicilies, and the Maltese had the happiness of 
 seeing in this new title, the official recognition of the rights 
 of their sovereign. 
 
 Russia, however, was less credulous, and saw in the es- 
 tablishment of the English flag on the ancient capital of the 
 island, the league of usurpation which it feared j it then 
 declared its intention of sending to Malta a body of troops 
 to act in union with the English and Neapolitan forces. 
 
 On hearing this declaration, Nelson saw that his pro- 
 jects, which were so skilfully conceived, were unveiled. 
 He immediately informed the insurgents of the coming of 
 these formidable allies ; his information terrified the Mal- 
 tese, for the Russians were still regarded at Malta as bar- 
 barians who were extremely formidable. 
 
 These prejudices were fomented by Ball, and the national 
 congress, acting under his direction, sent an address to the 
 Emperor of Russia, thanking him for his good wishes and 
 kind offers, which were rendered unnecessary by the zeal 
 and disinterestedness of the English commodore. The 
 congress also demanded, that in case the troops should be 
 sent, they should be placed under the command of Ball. 
 
 Whether this last clause frustrated the views of Russia, 
 or whether she was occupied with more important projects, 
 the orders at St. Petersburg remained unexecuted, and Ball 
 continued to be the supreme chief. 
 
 The blockade was pushed vigorously ; the French gar- 
 rison defended itself with spirit, but their provisions began 
 
MALTA. 149 
 
 to fail. This famine was caused by the chivalric generosi- 
 ty of General Vaubois, who was not willing to drive the 
 population from their enclosure. At the commencement of 
 the blockade, the French garrison had provisions for four 
 years, but for eighteen months it had furnished the means 
 of living to twelve thousand of the inhabitants, who took no 
 part in defending the place. Vaubois saw that his gener- 
 osity was ruinous to him, and, forced by circumstances, he 
 ordered two thousand seven hundred Maltese to evacuate 
 the four cities. General Graham, however, stopped these 
 unhappy emigrants, who were advancing in security towards 
 the English camp ; by his orders, they were forced to re- 
 turn under the ramparts, and were there exposed for thirty- 
 six hours, without food or shelter, to the constant fire of the 
 English batteries on the city. Vaubois, seeing that he 
 had nothing to expect from British humanity, preferred to 
 surrender, rather than to be an accomplice of this cruelty ; 
 he opened the gates, and the French garrison divided its 
 last morsel with those unfortunate people who ruined it. 
 
 This honorable disinterestedness unfortunately secured 
 victory to the insurgents. For two years the French had 
 been blockaded by land and sea, and had received aid but 
 rarely, when some small vessels were able to run the Eng- 
 lish blockade ; the bravery of the garrison had defeated 
 every effort of the besiegers, but this garrison was starved 
 by nourishing the countrymen of those who besieged them. 
 Vaubois thought he had done enough for honor, and on 
 September the 4th, 1800, two years after the commence- 
 ment of the siege, he capitulated to the English generals. 
 
 The treaty was very advantageous ; the English were in 
 haste to take possession of the place. The garrison re- 
 ceived all the honors of war, and was permitted to go to 
 Marseilles. Those of the Maltese who were friendly to 
 France, and wished to quit the country, were considered as 
 a part of the garrison. General Vaubois offered also to 
 stipulate for the reimbursement of the sums taken by the 
 13* 
 
150 MALTA. 
 
 French from the public treasury, churches, and private in- 
 dividuals, under the term of a fine, but, to his great astonish- 
 ment, this clause was rejected. This would have made 
 the Maltese a party to the treaty, which was not desired by 
 the English negotiators. 
 
 Twenty-four hours afterwards, without consulting the 
 Maltese, whose independence they had come to protect, or 
 the Neapolitans, whose rights they had asserted, the Eng- 
 lish troops took possession of all the forts. This caused 
 some murmuring and some threats ; but Ball, who took 
 possession of the four cities in the name of the king of the 
 two Sicilies, demanded, with a view to prevent disorders, 
 that the Maltese troops should lay down their arms upon 
 the glacis of the place. This demand was very unsatis- 
 factory, but Ball made an address, in which he spoke of 
 the good faith of Britain, and his love for the Maltese. On 
 the other hand, the chiefs who had been bribed by him in- 
 terceded with the multitude, and partly by threats, and part- 
 ly by caresses, Ball obtained his wishes ; he then went to 
 the palace, and received with compliments the good Mal- 
 tese, who withdrew in silence, already mortified by his du- 
 plicity, and finding, when it was too late, that he was their 
 master. 
 
 A man as politic as Ball, deserved to keep the command 
 of his conquest, but the English cabinet saw in it a serious 
 inconvenience. The commodore was necessarily installed 
 in the name of the King of Naples ; he was governor for his 
 Sicilian Majesty. To change his title suddenly, would have 
 openly violated all the promises that had been made. He 
 was therefore recalled, and he was succeeded by Mr, 
 Cameron, with a more significant title of commissioner of his 
 Britannic Majesty. 
 
 Soon afterwards, the victories of France having obliged 
 the King of Naples to demand peace, Cameron availed 
 himself of this opportunity to send to Messina the Neapoli- 
 
MALTA. 151 
 
 tan troops, who, since the surrender of the island, had 
 always remained there. 
 
 To these measures the cabinet at London added another, 
 no less significant. The island of Malta, which had hith- 
 erto been regarded as belonging to Africa, was, by act of 
 Parliament, embraced in the chart of Europe. 
 
 The treaty of Amiens now supervened ; the article in 
 regard to Malta was debated for a long time ; England was 
 unwilling to give up her prey. As the cabinet of St. James, 
 however, did not regard the peace as permanent, it resolved 
 to sign concessions which it did not intend to execute. 
 
 The treaty restored Malta to the order of St. John of Je- 
 rusalem, but it mutilated the existence of this order ; it 
 recognised the sovereignty of the King of Naples, but ren- 
 dered it illusory. Finally, the English reserved three 
 months in which to evacuate the island ; and during three 
 months, the genius of Britain often accomplishes a great 
 deal. 
 
 France, on the contrary, was obliged to evacuate the 
 kingdom of Naples in a month after the treaty. France 
 executed in good faith the conditions to which she had as- 
 sented. We shall see that this was not the case with 
 England. 
 
 From the first, the resolution of England was taken ; she 
 did not wish for peace, and was not willing to surrender up 
 Malta. But time was necessary to organize, by its intrigues 
 and its gold, a new coalition against victorious France, and 
 during this time all its skill was necessary to elude its 
 promises, and to deceive, at the same time, Naples and the 
 Knights of Malta, Russia and France. 
 
 Everything depended, then, on the negotiator who should 
 be sent to Malta to treat with the commissioners of the 
 Order and France, or rather to mystify them. Ball was 
 then thought of : the duplicity which he had already ex- 
 hibited was a merit which the English government took 
 care not to neglect, He, then, was named president to 
 
152 MALTA. 
 
 treat with the representatives of France and of the Order ; 
 and to this title was added that of royal commissioner to 
 succeed Cameron in the civil administration. 
 
 As soon as he arrived, Ball showed himself worthy of 
 his mission. In fact, General Vial, minister plenipoten- 
 tiary of France, had disembarked at Malta with the Nea- 
 politan troops destined, according to the terms of the treaty, 
 to form the 'garrison. Ball refused to surrender the for- 
 tresses to the Neapolitan troops, because no commissioner 
 of the Order had appeared to take possession of the island. 
 
 The commissioner of the Order arrived, and demanded 
 the surrender of the fortresses. Ball replied that he had 
 no orders on this subject. 
 
 The Grand Master of the Order, who was then at Mes- 
 sina, wrote to him, announcing his proximate arrival. Ball 
 told him that the official affairs of his department would 
 prevent him from giving up the place, and advised his 
 Highness to remain some time longer in Sicily. The min- 
 ister plenipotentiary then interfered, and at the same time 
 several citizens supported the demands of the Order. By 
 way of answer, Ball ordered the arrest of those who en- 
 deavored to form parties in the republic, and to disturb the 
 public tranquillity. While these things occurred at Malta, 
 the cabinet of London intrigued with all the diplomatic cir- 
 cles of Europe : a third coalition was formed, but the 
 preparations were slow and indecisive ; if these uncertain- 
 ties continued, Malta might escape England. An opposi- 
 tion was formed in the island, favored by the French pleni- 
 potentiary and the commissioner of the Order ; the Grand 
 Master and his Knights might present themselves at any 
 time, and it would be impossible to refuse them possession. 
 It was necessary to hurry the matter. 
 
 Without previous explanation or discussion, without any 
 notification to the French government, the King of Eng- 
 land sent to the House of Commons a message, stating that 
 in consequence of numerous preparations which were 
 
MALTA. 153 
 
 making in the ports of France and Holland, new measures 
 should be taken to secure their possessions. At the same 
 time, the ministry stated clearly, by the journals, that the 
 difficulties related to Malta. The French government re- 
 sponded to this brutal attack by diplomatic negotiations. 
 But notwithstanding all its desire to preserve peace, it did 
 not wish to cede Malta to the English. Finally, after a 
 vain interchange of notes, in which the English showed 
 themselves to be more and more requiring, their ambassa- 
 dor, Lord Whitworth, demanded and obtained his passports. 
 The cabinet of St. James had ascertained that. Britain 
 would be sustained by Europe ; and, without any previous 
 declaration of war, it laid an embargo on those French and 
 Bavarian vessels then in the ports of Great Britain, and at 
 the same time all the persons and merchandise found on 
 board of those vessels. 
 
 This flagrant violation of the rights of nations was vainly 
 censured by the opposition in Parliament. Lord Melville, 
 in the House of Lords, displayed all his duplicity, and in- 
 solently admitted the chicanery of his management. 
 
 " I wish," said he, " to allude to the other points of the 
 negotiation, and to confine myself to this single argument, 
 that we are going to war entirely for Malta ; and I consider 
 it my duty to speak openly and exactly on this important 
 question. I say that Malta ought not to be retained by the 
 Knights of St. John, but by ourselves. Let us hold it, 
 then, not for the present only, but for ever ; let us talk no 
 more of the Knights of St. John ; let the British govern- 
 ment and the inhabitants of Malta establish a form of gov- 
 ernment for the island, and let them be protected by a 
 British garrison. Let us be prompt in our decision ; let us 
 put ourselves in a position to proclaim that, for its happi- 
 ness, and our interest, our protection is promised to the 
 people of Malta. 
 
 " Our object at this time is Malta ; the object of the war 
 
154 MALTA. 
 
 is to keep Malta garrisoned by British troops, not for a few- 
 years, but for ever." 
 
 We know what were the consequences of this odious 
 usurpation. Torrents of blood flowed for twelve years ; 
 the horrors of war extended from the borders of the Tagus 
 to those of the Neva. Every country furnished its contin- 
 gent of victims ; and all this was done by England, and for 
 England. 
 
 We shall not narrate the vexations to which the Maltese 
 were subjected under the dominion of the English gover- 
 nors. T ne y were cruelly punished for their insurrection 
 against France, and by the masters whom they had selected. 
 In vain they sent protests to Parliament ; they were un- 
 heeded. 
 
 We will insert here, however, a letter addressed to the 
 British Parliament by Vincent Borg, the active chief of 
 the insurrection, who had encouraged the intervention of 
 the British : — 
 
 11 As commander of the insurgents," said he, " I have 
 exposed my life and lost my fortune. It was I who invited 
 the English to land, and who persuaded my fellow-citizens 
 to place themselves under the protection of Great Britain. 
 After the peace of Amiens, I sent deputies to London to 
 request the king to keep Malta. Finally, I exhorted the 
 commanders of the English troops not to evacuate the 
 place. These were my services, my devotions ; and how 
 have I been paid for them ? I have been discharged from 
 my employment without previous notice ; I was arrested and 
 kept for two months at La Valette, and finally pursued as a 
 suspicious person ; and have been obliged for two years to 
 have a special permit to go to the country, whenever my 
 interests called me there." 
 
 But England had no further occasion for the natives ; 
 France, borne down by the European coalition, could not offer 
 them her protection, and the cabinet of London oppressed 
 the Maltese with impunity. According to the report of a 
 
MALTA. 15ft 
 
 commission of inquiry, they were a restless and turbulent 
 people, whom it was necessary to rule with a rod of iron. 
 
 The tremendous disasters of France followed ; its rivals, 
 always ready to profit by the chances of fortune, did not 
 forget Malta when making the treaty of peace. The sev- 
 enth article of the treaty of Paris was couched in the fol- 
 lowing language : " The property and sovereignty of the 
 island of Malta and its appendages belong to his Britannic 
 Majesty.' 1 
 
 It was well to devote a few words to legitimatize the 
 possession of the island of Malta, which has been the 
 cause of this cruel war. 
 
 Finally, the congress of Vienna consecrated this usurpa- 
 tion ; and it is one more reproach to the treaty of 1815, and 
 another source of accusation against England. 
 
156 NAPLES. 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 NAPLES. 
 
 The spirit of political reform which produced the French 
 Revolution, had extended throughout the whole of Europe, 
 and particularly among the nobility and peasantry in the 
 kingdom of Naples. Ferdinand IV. himself had felt its 
 influence to a certain extent, and had already established, 
 near his palace of Caserta, on the hill of San Leucio, an 
 industrial colony, whose constitution and laws were ex- 
 tremely democratic ; thus seemingly preparing for more 
 general modifications in the state institutions. But this 
 was only a caprice of the king, who wished to appear as 
 philosophical as Leopold in Germany, and Ferdinand in 
 Tuscany. The important events which occurred in France 
 in 1789 soon changed his views. Persuaded also by the 
 queen and her favorite, Acton, who were themselves gov- 
 erned by Lady Hamilton, he prepared to make war upon 
 the French, who had dared to limit the wishes and power 
 of their king. 
 
 With this view, he combined the other princes of Italy 
 in a coalition against France, but all were terrified with 
 what had occurred in this country, and were incapable of 
 taking any vigorous resolutions ; hence his attempts were 
 then of no avail. 
 
 The king, however, commenced his military prepara- 
 tions, and charged the regular clergy and the monastic 
 orders to excite by their preaching religious fanaticism 
 among the people. Ferdinand's projects, however, were 
 destined to meet with obstacles of more than one kind. 
 
NAPLES. 157 
 
 The army were deficient in discipline ; a long and quiet 
 peace had destroyed their courage, and it was necessary to 
 seek for foreign leaders. On the other hand, the new doc- 
 trines had made numerous partisans of the most honorable 
 and enlightened of the upper classes, all of whom desired 
 in their hearts the success of France. The king was aware 
 of the latter circumstance, and took measures to avoid the 
 danger. 
 
 This prince had ascended the throne when a child. 
 The Marquis of Tanucci, formerly professor of law at Pisa, 
 had been named president of the council of the regency, 
 and had attempted to turn the attention of the young mon- 
 arch from public affairs, thus hoping to usurp the authority. 
 With this view, he had intrusted his education to the Prince 
 of San Nicandro, one of the most imbecile men at court : 
 the character of Ferdinand was thus rendered feeble, irreso- 
 lute, and timid. In April, 1768, Ferdinand married the 
 princess Mary Caroline Louisa of Austria, daughter of 
 Maria Theresa. A clause in his marriage contract stipu- 
 lated that after the birth of the first son, Queen Caroline 
 should have a deliberative voice in the council. She did 
 not wait till that time to exhibit that imperious character 
 which was to exercise so fatal an influence on the affairs 
 of state. Some months after his marriage, she succeeded 
 in removing the Marquis of Tanucci, and then assumed 
 absolute power over her husband. The Marquis of Sam- 
 buca, who succeeded Tanucci, did not retain his place long. 
 He could not agree with the queen, and was not sufficiently 
 guarded in his remarks ; exile was the price of his indis- 
 cretion, and Acton succeeded him in 1784. 
 - Acton was born at Besangon. His father was a physi- 
 cian, attached to the military hospital of that city, and 
 Acton entered the royal marine when very young. Pos- 
 sessed of some talent, but blinded by pride and ambi- 
 tion, he blushed for his father's profession, and was vexed 
 when reminded of it. He left his country, where he thought 
 
 14 
 
158 NAPLES. 
 
 his birth was an obstacle to his advancement, and from that 
 time it became hateful to him. He went to Tuscany, and 
 obtained from the grand duke the command of a frigate. A 
 fortunate opportunity occurring, in which he displayed 
 courage and skill, he attracted the attention of Ferdinand 
 IV., who invited him to his court, appointed him minister 
 of marine, and afterwards minister of war. From this time, 
 Acton attempted to keep himself in favor. With this view, 
 he flattered the passions of the queen, became her favorite, 
 and united this princess and the English ambassador in 
 common hostility against France. 
 
 In 1791, the British government had in the councils of 
 Ferdinand another active and devoted agent, Lady Hamil- 
 ton. This woman, whose real name was unknown, but 
 who assumed that of Emma Haste, was one of the most 
 beautiful females of England. She first prostituted her 
 charms at London, and then, by a concurrence of circum- 
 stances which it is unnecessary to mention, married the Eng- 
 lish ambassador at Naples, Sir William Hamilton. Emma 
 Haste was presented at court by her husband. The queen 
 received her very favorably, invited her to all her fetes, and 
 even admitted her to her private suppers, at which the fa- 
 vorite minister assisted. The queen's afTection for Lady 
 Hamilton became extremely vivid, and was rather a passion 
 than friendship. She often remained in the palace, and 
 slept with her. 
 
 A female like Lady Hamilton, who was always ready to 
 use her charms, offered too useful an auxiliary to England 
 to be neglected. Nelson, who was then commander of the 
 ship-of-the-line Agamemnon, in the port of Naples, became 
 her public lover ; and the intrigues of diplomacy were 
 planned in the closet of the courtesan. 
 
 Lady Hamilton soon became the avowed agent of the 
 cabinet of St. James, and exercised an unbounded influence 
 over the Neapolitan government, in connexion with Acton 
 and the queen, who could refuse her nothing. Under her 
 
• NAPLES. 159 
 
 direction, Ferdinand adopted the measures he thought 
 proper to paralyze the effect of the new doctrines which 
 existed in the upper classes of Neapolitan society. He 
 established a secret police, having for its object to watch 
 the steps and note the conversations of the citizens in pub- 
 lic places, and even at their firesides. The queen took the 
 direction of this espionage, and the agents of it assembled 
 in her palace every evening. 
 
 When the Legislative Assembly defied the coalition of 
 kings, after the declaration of Pilnitz, the Neapolitan po- 
 lice redoubled their vigilance. They respected nothing, 
 and all the citizens were subjected to its odious despotism. 
 The most honorable men were infamously punished on the 
 slightest suspicion. This was certainly not the way to 
 propitiate the partisans of the doctrines of liberty, equality, 
 and justice, to support the existing order of things ; but 
 England, who counselled these acts of violence, determined 
 to alienate, at any price, these auxiliaries from the cause 
 of France, totally regardless of the dissensions thus sown 
 between the monarch and his subjects. Lord Hamilton 
 advised Ferdinand to punish the partisans of French anar- 
 chy severely, as Lord Hervey afterwards requested of the 
 Grand Duke of Tuscany ; and he found the Neapolitan 
 councils extremely docile, because his advice agreed per- 
 fectly with their tyrannical propensities. 
 
 After the death of Louis XVI., however, Ferdinand 
 having refused to recognise the French republic in the per- 
 son of Makau, its representative, the Convention sent a 
 squadron to Naples under the command of La Touche 
 Treville. The presence alone of the French vessels 
 changed the king's resolution. The ambassador was ac- 
 credited, and the Neapolitan government promised to be 
 neutral in the war between France and the European 
 powers. 
 
 Having obtained these results, La Touche Treville sailed 
 with his squadron, when a violent tempest obliged him to 
 
160 NAPLES. 
 
 return to Naples to refit his vessels. During the stay in 
 the city of the French marines, a great many young men, 
 admirers of the revolution, formed their acquaintance, and 
 feasted them ; and at one of their repasts, decorated their 
 button-holes with small red caps. The court was ap- 
 prized of this circumstance, and extremely vexed. Its 
 vengeance was hushed until the squadron had sailed, and 
 then, obeying its own feelings of resentment and the sugges- 
 tions of England, as represented by Lady Hamilton, most 
 of those who had sympathized with France were arrested 
 for high treason. They were taken from their homes in 
 the middle of the night, and cast into the dungeons of the 
 Chateau of St. Elmo, where they were fed on the coarse 
 bread of the prison, and slept on the bare earth ; they were 
 placed in separate dungeons, and were not allowed to com- 
 municate with their families, who were entirely ignorant 
 of their fate. Some of the prisoners were scientific men 
 and nobles, whose sufferings were much greater, because 
 accustomed to the sweets of luxury and the quiet of study. 
 
 At the same time, Ferdinand was making active prepara- 
 tions for war, and concluded with Great Britain a secret 
 treaty, stipulating to send into the Mediterranean a certain 
 number of vessels and troops, to join those sent by the 
 cabinet of St. James, so as to form a force superior to that 
 of the French, and one capable of protecting the commerce 
 and independence of the Two Sicilies. 
 
 The terrible eruption of Vesuvius which occurred at this 
 time, spreading desolation through the whole kingdom, did 
 not arrest the labors of the state junto, a special committee 
 appointed to try the prisoners detained at the castle of St. 
 Elmo. England, wherever she had influence, forced the 
 governments to strike down the advocates of the new doc- 
 trines suddenly and by police persecutions. The revolu- 
 tionary risings which broke out at this time in different 
 parts of Italy contributed to increase her fury. In Pied- 
 mont, a conspiracy was discovered against the king, 
 
XAPLES. 161 
 
 seconded by popular movements ; a dangerous spirit of 
 liberty was seen at Bologna ; and at Naples conspiracies 
 were formed daily, rendered still more formidable by a bad 
 harvest, the misery of the people, and general discontent. 
 By this serious state of things, England saw that it was 
 necessary to strike a severe blow, and the court seconded 
 its views readily. The junto proceeded by inquest, and 
 upon secret accusations, supported by the testimony of sala- 
 ried spies, and likewise by the depositions of the domestics 
 and children, members of the family. The investigation 
 commenced in secret, was intrusted to defenders appointed 
 by the king, and the accused was not permitted to be heard 
 in his defence. The punishment inflicted on those who 
 were found guilty, was death, imprisonment, hard labor, 
 and banishment. From the sentence there was no appeal, 
 and punishment was immediate. 
 
 Amid these iniquities, Bonaparte invaded Italy with a 
 small army, and drove before him the numerous troops of 
 the coalition. Ferdinand sent regiments to the Austrians 
 in Lombardy. and declared war, in terms extremely insult- 
 ing to France. 
 
 Bonaparte's rapid successes terrified Ferdinand, and he 
 readily accepted an armistice offered by the republican 
 general, which was signed shortly afterwards at Brescia. 
 Agreeably to this convention, Ferdinand recalled the rem- 
 nants of the Neapolitan regiments from Lombardy, and the 
 vessels sent to reinforce the British fleet, from the Mediter- 
 ranean. When, however, it was known at Naples that a 
 new Austrian army, commanded by Wurmser, had entered 
 Italy, Ferdinand's hopes revived, and he immediately re- 
 sumed his menacing attitude — which did not long continue, 
 for he soon received the news of Wurmser's defeat. Fer- 
 dinand was then terrified, and humbly solicited that the 
 armistice of Brescia might be changed to a permanent 
 peace. This request was granted by a treaty signed at 
 Paris in October, 1796, on condition of quitting his allies, 
 14* 
 
162 NAPLES. 
 
 observing neutrality, and liberating the French who were 
 imprisoned for treason, and to grant his subjects the com- 
 mercial advantages enjoyed by the most favored nations. 
 England, however, preserved all her influence in the coun- 
 cils of Ferdinand ; and, thanks to her intrigues, the peace 
 of Paris, like the armistice of Brescia, was only a device 
 to gain time. An opportunity of resuming hostilities soon 
 presented itself. The French had captured Rome, and 
 many distinguished personages from the pontifical state had 
 retired to Naples, exaggerating, in their reports, the rigor 
 of the conquerors, and thus exciting the people against them. 
 
 Berthier, who commanded the French troops at Rome, 
 intimated to the court of Naples that the Roman emigrants 
 must be expelled from the Neapolitan territory, that pass- 
 ports must be given to the English ambassador and wife ; 
 General Acton dismissed from the ministry, whom Eng- 
 land had made her accomplice, and that the French troops 
 must pass through the Neapolitan territory, to take posses- 
 sion of Benevento and Pontecorvo in the Roman states. 
 But Ferdinand was ruled by his advisers, refused the re- 
 quests, garrisoned the two Roman cities, and took measures 
 to defend the line of the frontiers. 
 
 Things were in this state, when the French expedition 
 for the invasion of Egypt left the port of Toulon and sailed 
 for its place of destination, which was then known only to 
 a few individuals. Caroline was advised of it by a letter 
 from the Queen of Spain, and communicated this secret to 
 England, who took measures in consequence. 
 
 The capture of Malta by the French added to these per- 
 secutions ; but the indignation of the people finally became 
 so general, that it was necessary to make some sacrifices 
 to public opinion. The judge, Yanni, who presided over 
 the council of state, was removed from his office and ban- 
 ished from Naples, and even Acton pretended to absent 
 himself. The irritated populace was no sooner soothed, 
 however, than the same acts were re-enacted : the prisons 
 
NAPLES. 163 
 
 were again crowded with victims ; the infamous Castelci- 
 cala, member of the junto, was appointed minister of jus- 
 tice ; and Vanni received, in his exile, consolation, encour- 
 agement, and gold. 
 
 About this time, Nelson appeared in the bay of Naples 
 with the vessels captured by him at Aboukir. The court 
 indulged in the most extravagant joy. Ferdinand, the 
 queen, Lady Hamilton, and a great number of courtesans, 
 embarked and went to meet Nelson. Ferdinand presented 
 him with a costly sword, and carried him in triumph to his 
 palace. Public rejoicings were ordered, and the people 
 were commanded to illuminate the fronts of their houses. 
 Garat, the French ambassador, assisted in these honors 
 rendered to the admiral, but was treated with disdainful 
 insult by the queen, for which he vainly demanded repa- 
 ration. 
 
 England, however, fearing that the result of the congress 
 convoked at Rastadt, to negotiate peace, would be favorable, 
 took every means to sow dissension between the powers. 
 She sent the Baron of Awerveck to Naples to excite Fer- 
 dinand to make war on France. This diplomatist exerted 
 himself to second the efforts of Lady Hamilton and Lord 
 Nelson. The queen was easily gained over, Ferdinand's 
 opinions were also iniluenced, and war was resolved upon. 
 From this time extraordinary levies of soldiers were made, 
 and General Mack came from Germany to take command 
 of the Neapolitan population. 
 
 While the English government were thus successful at 
 Naples, the same result was obtained at Florence by 
 threats. Lord Hervey notified the Grand Duke that the 
 English fleet would burn Leghorn unless he declared war 
 against the republic ; that an army would march upon 
 Florence, to compel him to dismiss Laflotte, the French 
 ambassador, immediately. The insolence of Lord Hervey 
 did not stop here : he demanded that the emblems of French 
 democracy should be effaced from the palace of the ambas- 
 
164 NAPLES. 
 
 sador ; that all the partisans of French anarchy should be 
 severely punished ; that all communication between France 
 and Tuscany should be interrupted, &c. The Grand Duke, 
 too feeble to enforce his neutrality, was obliged to submit. 
 
 Finally, on the 22d of November, Ferdinand published 
 a manifesto, in which he explained the motives which in- 
 duced him to make war on France. At the same time, his 
 ministers addressed secret letters to the other cabinets of 
 Italy, to engage them to make common cause with Naples 
 and England. One of these letters, written to the minister 
 of the King of Piedmont, was intercepted and published 
 by the French ; it contained these atrocious remarks : 
 " The French battalions are scattered throughout Pied- 
 mont, secure and confident of peace. Excite the patriotism 
 of the people to enthusiasm and even fury, so that every 
 Piedmontese shall aspire to the honor of trampling on the 
 enemies of his country. These partial murders will be 
 more advantageous to Piedmont than victories gained in 
 the field of battle ; and the just verdict of posterity will 
 never brand with the term treason those energetic acts of 
 an entire people, which passes over the dead bodies of its 
 oppressors to regain its liberty. Our brave Neapolitans, 
 under the command of our illustrious General Mack, will 
 be the first to give the signal of death to the enemy of 
 thrones and peoples ; perhaps they will be on their march 
 when this letter reaches you." 
 
 In fact, the Neapolitan army immediately marched on 
 the pontifical states, and invaded them at different points. 
 Six thousand men, under the orders of Naselli, embarked 
 for Leghorn in English and Portuguese vessels. Mack, at 
 the head of twenty-two thousand soldiers, marched directly 
 on Rome. He wrote to General Championnet, command- 
 ing the French army, saying, " I intend to take possession 
 of Rome ; I wish you to evacuate it and all its territory. 
 I forbid your sending any troops into the territory of Tus- 
 cany ; and if you fire a single gun against the Neapolitan 
 
NAPLES. 165 
 
 troops, I will kill every Frenchman who falls into my 
 power !" This threat was enforced : at Arcoli, three 
 French soldiers who were captured* were tied to a tree and 
 shot ; at the hospital of Otricoli, which was occupied by 
 Mack, thirty French soldiers, who had suffered amputation 
 on the preceding day, were also shot, and their bodies 
 buried. 
 
 The neutrality of Tuscany, which Mack took under his 
 protection, was subjected to many outrages. Nelson ap- 
 peared before Leghorn with the vessels having on board 
 six thousand Neapolitans, under the orders of Naselli. 
 They were to be disembarked and to attack the rear guard 
 of the French. On seeing the fleet, the commandant of 
 the place made representations as to its neutrality, but in 
 vain, and finally the soldiers landed. He justified his course 
 in the following proclamation : — 
 
 "Leghorn, Nov. 30, 1798. 
 
 " Jacob Lavaillette, major general of the Grand Duke of 
 Tuscany, commander at Leghorn, has learned that a squad- 
 ron of English and Portuguese vessels of war have appeared 
 before Leghorn, and have declared their intention to land, 
 even by force, in case of resistance. The commander of 
 Leghorn, unable to resist, permits them to disembark, un- 
 der the express condition of respecting the neutrality of 
 Tuscany." 
 
 When the squadron was entering the roads, Nelson seized, 
 as a lawful prize, a Genoese fleet of merchant vessels richly 
 laden. Thus was the neutrality of Tuscany respected. 
 
 On the approach of Mack, who was attended by King 
 Ferdinand, the French troops evacuated Rome. Some 
 partisans of the republic, some Neapolitans who had fled 
 from persecution, either could not or would not follow : 
 they were arrested on the same day, and executed by order 
 of the king. The populace was subjected to the ravages 
 of miserable beings who, under the pretext of religion, pil- 
 
166 NAPLES. 
 
 laged houses, robbed the citizens, drowned in the Tiber a 
 great number of Jews, and committed the most revolting 
 atrocities in the presence of the soldiery, who offered no 
 opposition. But the French soon resumed the offensive, 
 routed the Neapolitan army, and Ferdinand succeeded in 
 escaping to his capital only by means of a disgraceful dis- 
 guise. Terror seized the court ; it tried to arrest the pro- 
 gress of the enemy, but gently, for it could not calculate on 
 success. On the night of the 21st of December, the king, 
 and all those who had excited against themselves public 
 animadversion, embarked and fled into Sicily. The king 
 carried away the jewels and treasure of the crown, the 
 most precious antiquities, the chefs d'ceuvres of the arts 
 which adorned the museums, and about eighty millions of 
 francs found in the public treasury. He was advised to 
 these thefts by Lady Hamilton and Admiral Nelson. 
 
 Shortly after, the French, under the orders of Cham- 
 pionnet, aided by a part of the population, took possession 
 of the city of Naples, and formed the Parthenopoean re- 
 public, amid the acclamations of the whole people. 
 
 All, however, was not finished. The royalists excited 
 the inhabitants of the provinces to insurrection, and Cardi- 
 nal Ruffo placed himself at their head. The insurrection 
 gradually extended, and the French army, unable to defend 
 themselves against an enemy whose power increased daily, 
 evacuated the city, leaving the new republic to provide for 
 its defence. 
 
 The republicans of Naples were extremely brave, but 
 they were too few to ensure their triumph. The French 
 had just evacuated the city, when a large number of Eng- 
 lish and Sicilian vessels made a descent on the islands of 
 Ischia and Procida, took possession of them, massacred the 
 republicans, re-established the royal government, and ap- 
 pointed magistrates to detect and punish the rebels. 
 
 Admiral Caracciolo, who had left Sicily to enlist in the 
 service of the Parthenopoean republic, was ordered to re- 
 
NAPLES. 167 
 
 take these two islands. With this view, he assembled 
 some vessels, but failed from the contrary winds and the 
 inferiority of his forces. He re-entered the harbor of 
 Naples, without having sustained much injury himself, 
 although he had inflicted much on the enemy. 
 
 The royalists, however, under the command of RufFo, 
 advanced rapidly. All the provinces had yielded to them ; 
 the republican government retained command only of the 
 capital and the environs of the city. The defection of the 
 Duke of Roccaromana, who deserted to the enemy with a 
 division of cavalry, increased the dangerous position of the 
 patriots. The secret agents of Ruffo fomented treason in 
 the ranks of the people : the men employed in the arsenal 
 at Castellamare were bought over, and attempted, but un- 
 successfully, to set it on fire. Cries of sedition disturbed 
 the repose of the citizens at night, and reports of the bloody 
 reactions meditated by the royalists were current in every 
 part. 
 
 In 1799, on the 13th of June, the royal army had ad- 
 vanced to the walls of- the city. Jl was composed of 
 fanatical peasants, principally Calabrians, who were distin- 
 guished for their ferocity ; bands commanded by former 
 leaders of banditti, as Fra-Diavolo and Mammone ; and, 
 finally, Sicilian, Turkish, Russian, and English auxiliaries. 
 This army invested Naples, and attacked it simultaneously 
 at several points. The Russians assailed the fort of 
 Vigliena, the walls of which were battered by cannon. 
 A furious battle ensued, and the republicans were about to 
 yield to numbers, when the commander of the fort, the 
 priest Toscani, covered with wounds, crawled to the maga- 
 zine and fired it. The fort blew up with a terrible explo- 
 sion, and buried Russians and Neapolitans under its ruins. 
 The battle was carried on in every part with the same de- 
 gree of ferocity. Success was doubtful during the day, and 
 night alone put an end to the contest. 
 
 The next day the city was in the hands of the royalists. 
 
168 NAPLES. 
 
 and the republicans were shut up in the castles, but deter- 
 mined to sell their lives dearly. But Rufifo, astonished at 
 so vigorous a resistance, was still doubtful of his victory. 
 Notwithstanding the advantages he had gained, he was 
 fearful of driving to despair such determined men, who 
 might at any time be assisted by the French and Spanish, 
 whose combined fleets were still in the Mediterranean. 
 RufFo then proposed an armistice to the republicans. As, 
 however, the Directory had declared that they had no con- 
 fidence in King Ferdinand and his lieutenant Ruflb, the 
 patriots required that the articles of the treaty should be 
 sanctioned and their execution guarantied by the command- 
 ers of the Russian and Turkish army, by the admiral of 
 the English fleet, and by the French general Megean, who, 
 since the departure of the French army, had retained pos- 
 session of the castle of St. Elmo. After conferring in a 
 low tone with his allies, Ruflb assented to the demands of 
 the republicans, and peace was concluded in the following 
 terms : — 
 
 " 1. The Castel Novo, and the Castel del Ovo, with 
 their armaments and munitions of war, shall be delivered to 
 the commissioners of the King of the Two Sicilies, of his 
 allies, England, Russia, and the Ottoman Porte. 
 
 " 2. The republican garrisons of the two forts shall 
 march out with the honors of war, and their persons and 
 goods, both moveable and immoveable, shall be respected. 
 
 " 3. They may, at their option, embark either on board 
 of the vessels of parliament, to be transported to Toulon, 
 or may remain in the kingdom, and themselves and families 
 shall be respected. The vessels shall be supplied by the 
 king's ministers. 
 
 " 4. These conditions and clauses shall be applicable to 
 both sexes in the castles, and to the republicans captured 
 during the war by the royal troops and their allies. 
 
 " 5. The republican garrisons shall not leave the castles 
 
NAPLES. 169 
 
 until the vessels destined for those who wish to leave the 
 kingdom are ready to sail. 
 
 " 6. The archbishop of Salerno, the count of Chice- 
 roux, the count of Dillon, and the bishop of Aveilleiro, shall 
 remain as hostages in the castle of St. Elmo until news is 
 received at Naples of the safe arrival at Toulon of the 
 vessels with the republican garrisons. The prisoners of 
 the royal party, and the hostages kept in the forts, shall be 
 liberated on the ratification of the present capitulation." 
 
 This convention was signed by Cardinal Ruflb and the 
 count of Chiceroux in the name of the King of Naples, 
 Captain Foot on the part of England, Bailie of Russia, 
 Bonieu for Turkey, and Generals Massa and Megean for 
 the republic. 
 
 Several days were spent in preparing the vessels. An 
 edict, signed by Cardinal RufTo as lieutenant of the king, 
 declared that " the war was ended ; that neither parties nor 
 factions existed any longer in the kingdom, but only citi- 
 zens and brothers, equally subject to the prince ; that the 
 king was disposed to pardon the errors of the rebellion, and 
 accord even to his enemies his paternal goodness ; and 
 consequently that there would be no persecution, nor pil- 
 lage, nor contests, nor disasters, nor armaments." Some 
 of the republicans determined to remain at Naples ; but 
 most of thfm, having less confidence in the assurances of 
 royalty, embarked on board of the vessels, and made up 
 their minds to leave their country. The garrisons of the 
 forts marched out with the honors of war, and most of the 
 patriots who composed them also embarked. The vessels 
 waited only for a favorable wind. 
 
 A numerous fleet was now seen in the horizon. At first 
 it was supposed to be the French and Spaniards, who had 
 come to assist the republicans, who now regretted their 
 surrender. But they were soon undeceived ; the vessels 
 were those of Admiral Nelson. 
 
 The wind was now fair, and yet the vessels having on 
 15 
 
170 NAPLES. 
 
 board the patriots did not depart. They left their moor- 
 ings, but were placed under the cannon of the Castel del 
 Ovo. The republicans demanded explanations of the Eng- 
 lish admiral, who, in reply, published an edict of Ferdinand, 
 annulling the capitulation, under the pretence that a king 
 could not treat with his subjects, nor deprive himself of the 
 right to punish rebels. In a short time, the commissaries 
 of Ferdinand arrested about a hundred patriots from the 
 vessels ; they were chained in couples, and inarched through 
 the indignant, but silent populace, into the dungeons of the 
 castle they had quitted under the faith of treaties, and which 
 had passed from their hands into those of the English. 
 
 Thus, under the eyes of the representatives of the allies, 
 who made no opposition, a most sacred engagement was 
 odiously violated ; an act of treason unexampled in the 
 annals of civilized people, and the base infamy of which 
 was assumed by Great Britain alone. An act so dishonor- 
 able, however, produced the most energetic protestations on 
 the part of some oflicers of the British marine, and Captain 
 Trowbridge resigned his commission, and returned to Eng- 
 land, so as not to serve under the orders of Nelson. But the 
 cabinet of St. James, as if to brave the general indignation 
 which existed in Europe against the conduct of the admiral, 
 rewarded him, on his return to England, with the rank of 
 Vice-Admiral of the blue, and sent him to Copenhagen to 
 consummate another deed of villany. 
 
 Reactions soon commenced. All those not among the 
 conquerors were exposed to be massacred. Bloody bodies 
 were seen in the streets and squares. The executioners, 
 when tired of asking admission, broke into the houses of 
 the citizens, and under pretence of seizing the proscribed, 
 stole the gold and precious things on which they could lay 
 their hands. Those unfortunate beings who escaped death 
 at the moment of their arrest, were loaded with chains, or 
 beaten and led to prison, subjected in their course through 
 the streets to injury and outrage. 
 
NAPLES. 
 
 171 
 
 A tribunal was instituted for the trial of the patriots, over 
 which the infamous Speciale presided. We will not men- 
 tion all the crimes committed ; the history of them would 
 be too long, and would occupy several volumes j two cases 
 will show the mode in which it proceeded, and made such 
 an atrocious mockery of the sacred forms of justice. 
 
 A noble Neapolitan, named Pasquale Battistessa, was 
 brought before the judges, for being a moderate partisan of 
 the liberals, and was condemned to be hung. He was ex- 
 ecuted, and thought to be dead. But when about to be 
 buried, traces of life were observed. By the orders of 
 Speciale, his throat was cut by the executioner, in the 
 church. 
 
 " Admiral Caracciolo," says Coletta, in his History of 
 Naples, to which we are indebted for most of the materials 
 of this chapter, " Admiral Caracciolo was betrayed by a 
 domestic, and was arrested in an obscure retreat. Nelson 
 demanded of Cardinal Ruffb, that the admiral should be 
 given up to him. It was thought that, this was done to save 
 a brave man, who had shared with him the dangers of the 
 sea and the strife of battles. The same day a court-martial 
 of Neapolitan officers was convened on board of his vessel, 
 and Count Thurn, the highest in rank, presided over it. 
 This court heard the accusations, and also the accused, 
 who was ignorant of the charges against him ; it however 
 admitted the justice of the admiral's demand, that the proofs 
 and evidences in his favor should be heard. Nelson, when 
 informed of this resolution, said that delays were useless ; 
 and then this slavish assembly condemned the unfortunate 
 Caracciolo to perpetual imprisonment. But Nelson, being 
 told of this sentence by Count Thurn, the president, re- 
 sponded, ' Death ;' and the word imprisonment was erased, 
 and that of death substituted. This infamous court-martial 
 separated at two o'clock, and at the same moment, Frances- 
 co Caracciolo, a gray-headed Neapolitan prince, an admiral 
 celebrated for his talent and bravery, illustrious for the glory 
 
172 NAPLES. 
 
 he had acquired by thirty-five years of services rendered 
 to his country and his king, a distinguished and modest citi- 
 zen, betrayed by one of his own domestics, betrayed by his 
 brother in arms, Lord Nelson, betrayed by the officers, his 
 judges, who had been so much honored by his triumphs, 
 was loaded with chains, was taken on board a Neapolitan 
 frigate, the Minerva, more celebrated than any other vessel 
 for the victories of the admiral, and was hung up at the 
 yard-arm, where he remained exposed all night, a sad 
 monument of Nelson's infamy." 
 
 Another historian relates, that on learning his condemna- 
 tion, Caracciolo wrote to Nelson, asking not his life, but 
 that he might die like a soldier, and be shot ; and that Nel- 
 son refused his request, assisted at the execution, and took 
 pleasure in the horrid sight. Lady Hamilton was at his 
 side ! 
 
 Three days after, and when Ferdinand, who had wished 
 to remain on the sea, had issued a great many tyrannical 
 and sanguinary edicts, under the direction of his English 
 advisers, the prince, in company with Nelson, perceived an 
 object floating on the surface of the sea, and propelled by 
 the waves towards his vessel. " On observing it," says 
 Coletta, " he discovered a dead body immersed in water to 
 its middle, while the head was elevated, seemingly coming 
 towards him in a threatening manner. Looking at it atten- 
 tively, he recognised the livid face of his victim, and ex- 
 claimed, ' Caracciolo !' Turning round, and shuddering with 
 horror, he inquired, ' What does this corpse wish V While 
 his assistants were silent and stupefied, the chaplain an- 
 swered, in a solemn manner, * A Christian burial.' — 'Let it 
 be given,' said the king, and retired alone and thoughtful 
 into the cabin." 
 
 Shortly after, the English government perceived the ne- 
 cessity of modifying its policy in regard to France and the 
 kingdom of the two Sicilies, recalled its ambassador, and 
 Nelson, unable to be separated from Lady Hamilton, left 
 
NAPLES. 173 
 
 his command, and returned to England. He was afterwards 
 killed, as is well known, at the battle of Trafalgar. Fear- 
 ing that the English government would overlook the servi- 
 ces rendered at Naples by Lady Hamilton, they were men- 
 tioned in his will, and this woman was recommended in the 
 highest terms. But England disdained the prostitute who 
 was no longer useful. Lady Hamilton was forgotten by 
 her country, and afterward died in France, in a state of ex- 
 treme wretchedness. 
 
 15* 
 
174 FRANCE. 
 
 CHAPTER VI, 
 FRANCE. 
 
 I. REVOLUTION. 
 
 We have thus far studied the policy of the cabinet of St. 
 James only in its action on foreign countries. Except the 
 transactions in Malta and Naples, we have not found it in 
 direct opposition to France. We shall now allude to that 
 long and bloody contest which began in 1793, and ended 
 in 1814. 
 
 We shall require all our impartial feelings in order that 
 we may not seem actuated by hatred, and that justice may 
 not resemble vengeance ; and shall produce proofs which 
 cannot be denied, even by the accused. We shall speak 
 with the Moniteur in hand ; we shall refer to men who have 
 seen and understood, who have taken part in the great 
 events of the imperial and revolutionary era ; and, finally, 
 shall often depend on the English themselves, to corroborate, 
 by their own statements, our strongest accusations. We 
 have often seen that on such a point, the proof must be de- 
 cisive, the demonstration unanswerable. 
 
 T. THE ENGLISH GOVERNMENT CALUMNIATES THE FRENCH 
 
 REVOLUTION IT ATTACKS THE ALLIES OF FRANCE IT 
 
 ORGANIZES THE COALITION TREATIES OF FILNITZ AND 
 
 PA VIA. 
 
 When the Americans captured the army of Lord Corn- 
 wallis, Lord North exclaimed : " France has given us a 
 
FRANCE. 175 
 
 terrible blow ; America is lost. She is now preparing to 
 capture India. We must make peace, and employ all the 
 means in our power to disturb France, both in her foreign 
 and domestic relations." 
 
 These words were remembered by Pitt ; they were the 
 lesson of his life ; on his death-bed he transmitted them to 
 his worthy pupil, Castlereagh. 
 
 To neutralize the sympathies which the French had early 
 found in England, it was necessary to render odious the 
 men and the deeds of the revolution. Calumny was the 
 most convenient and surest mode of doing this, and Pitt 
 was accustomed to the use of this weapon. 
 
 Many writers of merit were pensioned by the govern- 
 ment, to devote their talent and political influence in oppo- 
 sition to the principles of the French revolution. This di- 
 rect action of the cabinet on the opinion of the English 
 nation was exercised only in secret. In fact, the ministry 
 was obliged to conceal its real intentions, even in England. 
 As to France, it reiterated the assurances of the desire to 
 preserve peace between the two countries. Not being then 
 in a condition to enter into a contest with France, it. attack- 
 ed her indirectly, by threatening the only ally faithful to 
 her — Spain. 
 
 At the close of 1789, two Spanish vessels entered the 
 bay of Nootka Sound, on the northwest coast of North 
 America, and conducted with some irregularity towards two 
 British vessels. The King of Spain, when informed of it, 
 made every apology, and tendered every satisfaction to the 
 cabinet of St. James ; but an amicable arrangement would 
 not suit the English, who ordered a fleet to be armed for 
 the Mediterranean. The attitude of the constitutional as- 
 sembly, which, notwithstanding the uncertain position of 
 France, resolved to respond loyally to the appeal of Spain, 
 disconcerted Pitt's projects. War was postponed, and the 
 force which this result gave to the British ministry, permit- 
 ted them to combine at their leisure against the French 
 
176 FRANCE. 
 
 revolution. Willi this view Pitt availed himself of all his 
 disposable means, and thus prepared for the last scene of 
 the great catastrophe. Cornwallis was ordered to termi- 
 nate the war in India ; next an attempt was made to alarm 
 the court of Madrid on the subject of a revolution. Austria 
 was reconciled to Turkey, with which she had become em- 
 broiled in 1787, not withstanding all the efforts of French 
 diplomacy ; finally, the peace of Warela, concluded the 14th 
 of August, 1790, by the mediation of Spain, but under the 
 influence of the British cabinet, terminated the war between 
 Sweden and Russia. Thus, every effort of English diplo- 
 macy terminated fortunately. 
 
 While the anti-revolutionary propaganda made rapid pro- 
 gress in Great Britain, and while the blacks in the French 
 colonies were excited to rebellion by secret agents, a crusade 
 was organized on the continent against France. Lord Elgin, 
 the English ambassador at Naples, visited the European 
 courts, to excite the kings against the revolution. This diplo- 
 matist brought about a conference between the Emperor of 
 Austria and the King of Prussia, a conference which led to 
 the treaty of Mantua, signed on the 20th of May, 1791, and 
 the convention of Pilnitz, concluded August 27th of the 
 same year. This last is known by all those who have 
 read even an abridged history of the French revolution. 
 The treaty of Mantua is less known, although infinitely 
 more important. The principal arrangements in it were as 
 follows : The sovereigns who signed it divided France. 
 The Emperor of Austria took Lorraine, Alsace, and la 
 Franche-Comte, destined afterwards for Switzerland ; the 
 King of Sardinia, Bresse, Bugey, Gex, and Dauphiny ; the 
 King of Spain, Roussillon, Beam, the Island of Corsica, 
 and the French part of St. Domingo. Russia reserved for 
 herself the right to invade Poland, a part of Podolia, and the 
 small ports of Servia ; Prussia was to take possession of 
 Dantzick, Thorn, the high palatinate, and Lusace. 
 
 England did not sign this declaration. She could not 
 
FRANCE. 177 
 
 yet permit herself to indulge in so open an act of hostility 
 against France, to whom she was constantly making pro- 
 testations of friendship ; it would endanger the success 
 of her plans. But England had from the first, as we have 
 already seen, brought about the conference which led to 
 the treaty ; and she had afterwards, although quietly, par- 
 ticipated in the arrangements which were signed by the 
 four contracting sovereigns. The motives of pure policy 
 are easily understood : ; ' Internal dissensions and foreign 
 wars will exhaust the resources of France, and thus fulfil 
 the wishes of the British ministry. If, as is believed will 
 be the case, France shall be crushed, the cabinet of St. 
 James will profit by its fall, and would then receive, with- 
 out any trouble, from the French colonies, an equivalent 
 to what the other powers desired to keep on the continent. 
 If by any unforeseen chance France should be victorious, 
 England could arrest her progress, and form a rallying 
 point for her enemies. At all events, by fanning the 
 kindling flame, the weakening of the French, and the loss 
 of her marine, would compensate the English for the revolu- 
 tion in America."* Farther, England soon assented to this 
 plan of devastation and robbery, a strange conspiracy of 
 those loyal sovereigns, who declared that they made war 
 on the revolution only to destroy Jacobinism. In March, 
 1792, the British cabinet acceded to the treaty of Mantua ; 
 the'eonsent of Holland, advised by the agents of Pitt, oc- 
 curred about the same time. 
 
 Immediately after the signature of this convention, Cob- 
 lentz became the rendezvous of the emigrants and principal 
 agents of the coalition. Some were publicly supported by 
 England ; among others were Burke's son, and the ex- 
 minister Calonne, who were intriguing in behalf of the 
 cabinet of St. James. It wasunderstood, also, that a mani- 
 festo of the Duke of Brunswick had been forged at the for- 
 eign office, and that the English emissaries on the conti- 
 • Ryan. 
 
178 FRANCE. 
 
 nent had distributed an immense number of copies of them, 
 translated into different languages, even before it was pub- 
 lished officially.* The French Government demanded of 
 the British cabinet explanations on all these points ; Pitt 
 and his colleagues merely denied the statement, again pro- 
 testing their sincere desire to see peace maintained between 
 the two countries. 
 
 II. ACTS HOSTILITY OF THE ENGLISH GOVERNMENT 
 
 AGAINST FRANCE, BEFORE ANY DECLARATION OF WAR 
 
 PITT CONTINUES HIS SYSTEM OF CALUMNY IN REGARD TO 
 THE REVOLUTION. 
 
 The policy of Pitt now began to be more bold. A liber- 
 al society of London had subscribed 10,000 pairs of shoes 
 for the French soldiers. The cargo was detained in the 
 Thames by order of council. About the same time, several 
 vessels loaded with grain for France were also stopped by 
 a similar order. This grain, however, had been paid for 
 in advance, and there existed between the two powers a 
 treaty of commerce, which protected all eommercial trans- 
 actions between the two countries, until war was deelared. 
 
 Soon after, the tocsin of the 10th of August announced 
 to monarchical Europe the fall of the throne of Louis XVI. j 
 the English ministry recalled Lord Gower, its ambassador 
 at Paris. This diplomatist addressed a circular to all the 
 English residing in France, inviting them to quit the terri- 
 tory, declaring that he would not be responsible for any 
 damage which might ensue from their continued residence. 
 Goldsmith remarks, and correctly, in his work cited above, 
 that this was meddling with the internal affairs of France, 
 contrary to a formal promise made by England, never to 
 interfere in them. 
 
 Immediately after the recall of its ambassador, the cabi" 
 
 * Crimes des Cabinets, ou Tableau des Plans, et des actes d'Hostilite^ 
 formes par les divers puissances de l'Europe, &c, by Goldsmith. 
 12* 
 
FRANCE. 
 
 179 
 
 net at London suspended all intercourse with Chauvelin, the 
 minister plenipotentiary of France, in England. He at- 
 tempted to communicate with Lord Granville, the minister 
 of foreign affairs, but whenever a diplomatic note was sent, 
 or an interview was demanded, he was insolently told that 
 he was no longer regarded as an official character. Maret, 
 who, like himself, was instructed to make the most pacific 
 overtures to the English minister, and to give him the most 
 satisfactory assurances in regard to the views of the repub- 
 lican government, could not effect any negotiation. The 
 most gross refusals and most flimsy pretexts were con- 
 stantly received by the representatives of France. They 
 were well treated in private, but the British government 
 could not compromise itself by an understanding with the 
 republic, through the agency of those whose official titles 
 they did not wish to recognise. It had resolved to reject 
 the generous advances of the government established in 
 place of the authority of Louis XVI. But it wished at any 
 rate for a rupture without any declaration of war, and with- 
 out appearing to desire it. 
 
 In the mean time, a measure entirely new in England, 
 decreed by the British government, excited the indignation 
 of all the friends of liberty. The ministry proposed and 
 caused to be adopted by both Houses of parliament, a bill 
 which imposed the most arbitrary and severe regulations 
 on all strangers resident in the kingdoms of England, Scot- 
 land, and Ireland ; this law gave the English authorities 
 the right to imprison and expel from the British terri- 
 tory, any stranger who, after a definite period, should not 
 voluntarily obey the injunction to quit England. Another 
 bill proscribed the circulation of assignats throughout the 
 United Kingdom, and completed the demonstrations of 
 hostility which the cabinet of St. James made openly. It 
 was war, without any declaration of it. 
 
 The French minister, Chauvelin, demanded of Lord 
 Granville if he was included among the strangers subject 
 
180 FRANCE. 
 
 to this last law. He was told that he was not considered 
 an exception to the rule, because, in the eyes of the cabi- 
 net, he was neither more nor less than a private individual. 
 Notwithstanding this refusal of protection, Chauvelin deter- 
 mined to remain at London, and still attempted to nego- 
 tiate, but without success. 
 
 To complete the feeling among the English against the 
 French Revolution, Pitt had recourse to those vulgar meth- 
 ods which governments employ so often to act on the im- 
 agination of the masses. On a fine day, the king, by two 
 proclamations of Dec. 1st, 1792, ordered the military to be 
 called out, convened Parliament for the 14th of the same 
 month, although its regular time to assemble was in Janu- 
 ary, marched troops towards London, fortified the tower, 
 mounted guns upon it, and displayed all the armaments of 
 war. Why were all these preparations ? What enemy 
 was expected ? Was England threatened with any sudden 
 invasion? No. This great expedition had been called out 
 by Thomas Paine's treatise on the " Rights of Man." It 
 was pretended that the government was afraid of this pub- 
 lication ; and on account of this octavo volume, a few copies 
 of which were circulated in the political circles of London, 
 the country was declared to be in danger. This humbug 
 was powerfully aided by the propaganda organized by order 
 of the minister. The most absurd and atrocious calumnies 
 against France were circulated : the English aristocracy 
 and tradesmen were persuaded that the French wished to 
 overturn the British constitution, destroy all titles to prop- 
 erty, and introduce anarchy into the United Kingdom. The 
 press, the Parliament, and the monarchical clubs founded 
 under the inspiration of Pitt, assisted the minister in ac- 
 complishing this work. His success exceeded his expecta- 
 tions. In a short time, preparations for war against France 
 became popular. " There was a sudden and active coali- 
 tion of all the dependants of the court, men in place, nobles, 
 priests, rich landholders, and capitalists who 'lived on* 
 
FRANCE. 181 
 
 abuses. They filled the newspapers with their protesta- 
 tions of devotion to the English constitution, horror for the 
 French Revolution, and hatred for anarchists ; and the 
 effect thus produced on public opinion was such, that in a 
 few days nearly all England was prostrate before the min- 
 istry, and veneration for the French Revolution was followed 
 in the hearts of the English by the most violent hatred." 
 
 In the midst of this general movement against France, a 
 few generous voices were raised in behalf of the truth, and 
 with a view to inspire the English with more equitable, if 
 not more sympathetic sentiments, and Fox advocated the 
 sending of an ambassador to Paris ; Sheridan justified the 
 bloody measures which circumstances had compelled the 
 republicans to adopt ; Erskine bravely defended Thomas 
 Paine, who was burned in effigy ; Lord Stanhope bitterly 
 reproached the counsellors of the crown with their duplicity 
 and infamous acts ; but these noble efforts were of no avail. 
 The influence of Pitt was predominant, and had extin- 
 guished in the hearts of the English the last spark of 
 reason and sympathy for republican France. 
 
 III. RECALL OF THE BRITISH AMBASSADOR FROM PARIS 
 
 SECRET NEGOTIATIONS WITH DUMOURIEZ PITT PRO- 
 VOKES A DECLARATION OF WAR. 
 
 January 21st, 1793, Louis XVI. died on the scaffold. 
 On learning this, Lord Grenville ordered Chauvelin to 
 leave London in twenty-four hours, and the kingdom in 
 eight days. Thirty-six hours after sending the note which 
 contained the order, a courier arrived from France with 
 despatches for the French minister. This courier was ar- 
 rested at Dover, thrown into prison, and then released, after 
 being brutally plundered of his despatches. On learning 
 these new outrages, what was done by the republic ? It 
 complained, but in a moderate tone, and sent to London 
 new representatives, who were instructed to urge peace 
 
182 FRANCE. 
 
 upon the cabinet of St. James. Certainly it would be diffi- 
 cult to exhibit greater magnanimity and more forgetfulness 
 of injuries. The new envoys succeeded no better than 
 Chauvelin ; nevertheless, the French government, still 
 hoping to overcome an obstinacy which they regarded as 
 blindness, postponed the subject till February. 
 
 In this interval, Lord Auckland, English ambassador in 
 Holland, announced to the French government, through M . 
 de Maulde, French minister at the Hague, that there was still 
 a hope of preserving peace : it was to leave General Du- 
 mouriez to negotiate secretly with England. Dumouriez, 
 who, with his treacherous instinct, soon saw what was ex- 
 pected of him, endeavored to have himself appointed am- 
 bassador to London ; but Pache, Olaviere, and Monge, his 
 colleagues in the ministry, refused to authorize this nego- 
 tiation, and the royalist general had no other resource to 
 please the enemies of France except to abandon the na- 
 tional banner on the field of battle. 
 
 Thus, while the cabinet of St. James refused to treat 
 honorably with the French ambassadors, it sought to nego- 
 tiate through obscure and disgraceful channels ; it used cor- 
 ruption, which it was thought would be more profitable than 
 open and regular discussion ; and attempted to steal, by the 
 aid of its friends in France, what it had rejected when 
 offered amicably. 
 
 Pitt's attempt failed. It was then understood in England 
 that the time for open rupture had come ; but it was not 
 desirable to England to commence officially. In order to 
 secure the support of the English nation, whose views were 
 still doubtful, it was necessary to appear to be pushed into 
 the struggle by their adversaries. Nothing was neglected 
 to attain this. The government pretended to be very un- 
 easy at London as to the state of the public mind, and they 
 continued to insult the French government in a thousand 
 different ways. At the very time when France was dis- 
 tracted by the intrigues of Pitt, letters were written, almost 
 
FRANCE. 183 
 
 under his dictation, to influential members of the French 
 Convention, and especially to Brissot, that " the declaration 
 of war would be the signal for a revolution in England ; 
 that all was ready for this." The republican government 
 fell into the snare which it could no longer avoid, and war 
 was declared by the Convention in the session of February 
 2d, 1793. 
 
 It is proved that the English ministers in their hearts 
 desired Avar, by the fact that when Louis XVI. was brought 
 to the bar of the National Convention, all his defenders on 
 the other side of the channel were found in the ranks of the 
 opposition in Parliament. While Fox, Sheridan, Grey, and 
 the other leaders of the whig party were publicly interested 
 in the fate of the fallen monarch, and requested the cabinet 
 to interfere in his favor, Pitt and his colleagues obstinately 
 refused to make the slightest effort to save the life of the 
 royal prisoner. The rupture of the peace was highly sat- 
 isfactory to the British. 
 
 Robespierre afterwards accused Brissot and his friends 
 of having been in this last case the agents of England, and 
 founded his assertion on the fact that France was at that 
 moment -without a fleet, and nowise prepared for a contest 
 with Great Britain. The truth is, that Brissot was de- 
 ceived, and expected to have surprised the English, while 
 he was the dupe of Pitt's hypocrisy, who wished the word 
 war to be pronounced first by France. 
 
 When the British ministry announced the declaration of 
 war to the House of Commons, severe reproaches and en- 
 ergetic protests were heard from several of the benches. 
 Lord Stanhope said : " This country has never been in 
 such imminent danger, and never has a more important 
 question been presented. In fact, we are to consider if 
 this house will sustain a war prepared by our ministry, and 
 in which we are the aggressors, yes, the aggressors. You 
 know that the second article of the treaty of 1786 states 
 expressly, that, in case of a misunderstanding between the 
 
184 FRANCE. 
 
 two nations, ' the dismissal of an ambassador should be re- 
 garded as a rupture.' Now we have dismissed M. Chau- 
 velin in the most disgraceful manner. Here, then, is the 
 rupture on our side. I cannot see an aggression without a 
 motive, on the part of France. It has, on the contrary, 
 been caused by our ministers. They wished for war ; they 
 have commenced it, because they have done precisely what 
 was necessary to be done — precisely what the treaty had 
 provided for." 
 
 Lord Lauderdale reproached the ministers with their un- 
 worthy exertions to make the war popular. " One of the 
 most powerful means," said he, " are these atrocious libels 
 against the French, in which absurdity is attended with 
 perfidy. Have you not accused them of poisoning the 
 springs, and many other horrid crimes ? Is it not an im- 
 pudent lie to tell the people that several Frenchmen have 
 been arrested for a base conspiracy which was on the point 
 of breaking out 1 Who are the aggressors — those who en- 
 tertain a charge, or those who drive him away ignomini- 
 ously 1 those who force him to explain, or those who refuse 
 to understand ? those who ask to continue a peaceable and 
 amicable commerce, or those who forbid the exportation of 
 grain to that nation, while it is left free for the whole 
 world ?" 
 
 Pitt mendaciously affirmed that he had exhausted all 
 possible modes of accommodation. He added : " It has 
 been said that we are to undertake a war of extermination, 
 a war to the death. Yes, this is the war which is about to 
 commence. It is said also that it depended on us to live 
 in peace with the French. Prudence commands us to live 
 with them as enemies." 
 
 Burke was still more violent. His answer to Fox was 
 a paraphrase of a letter which Fox addressed to a member 
 of the National Assembly, which states : " If ever a power 
 sets foot on the soil of France, they must enter it as they 
 would a country of assassins : no regard should be paid to 
 
185 
 
 the laws which regulate war between civilized nations f 
 France has no right to expect it ; war there will simply be 
 a military execution. You will be obliged to act similarly ; 
 on all sides the furies of hell will be unchained, and will 
 riot in blood and carnage." 
 
 The address to the king was adopted. It was a bill of 
 indemnity given to the odious conduct of the ministry, and 
 a solemn engagement to second actively the royal authority 
 in its enterprises against France. 
 
 IV. EFFORTS OF ENGLAND TO FORM A COALITION AGAINST 
 
 FRANCE IN FOREIGN COUNTRIES PITT WISHES TO DE- 
 FAME THE FRENCH PLAN OF BURNING AND ASSASSINA- 
 TION IN THE REPUBLIC. 
 
 The admiralty prepared for the maritime war by sending 
 orders to every commander to burn, sink, and destroy eve- 
 ty French vessel which was captured. It was worthy of 
 those people who, in 1791, had repelled the generous 
 proposition made to England by the Constitutional Assem- 
 bly to abolish the right of search. 
 
 The political propaganda on the continent became still 
 more active. Remonstrances, threats, pressing exhorta- 
 tions, promises of subsidies, and the corruption of subaltern 
 agents, — everything was put into operation to combine the 
 European states, both large and small, in a coalition against 
 the republic. 
 
 Obeying the threats of England, Spain, Naples, and Por- 
 tugal declared war against the republic. 
 
 March 25th, 1793, Russia concluded an alliance, offen- 
 sive and defensive, with Great Britain. It was a great 
 victory for the English ministry, who depended very much 
 on the concurrence of the cabinet of St. Petersburg. 
 
 Holland had separated from France only in consequence 
 of the solicitations of the British cabinet, and of certain 
 presents which came very timely to conquer the passive 
 15* 
 
186 FRANCE. 
 
 resistance of the Stadtholder. A bill on England for 
 £500,000 converted this prince, whom Pitt afterwards 
 counted among his allies, until an opportunity was offered 
 to rob him of his colonies. 
 
 All the powers of a lower class, who had not yet joined 
 the coalition, were summoned by the British agents to be- 
 come parties to it, under pain of losing their rank in Eu- 
 rope. Denmark resisted with a noble perseverance, saying 
 that she had no cause of animosity against the French. 
 Switzerland also opposed the persecutions of Lord Fitz- 
 gerald, who could obtain nothing from her, notwithstanding 
 his menaces and insults. Genoa likewise was reluctant to 
 enter into hostilities against France : the English minister 
 threatened to destroy the city, and the principal port of this 
 republic became the theatre of the most shameful violations 
 of the rights of neutrality. Tuscany was animated by the 
 same sentiments ; was twenty times attacked by the thun- 
 ders of Britain, and twenty times humiliated by the insolent 
 envoy of Pitt. Finally, fatigued by his incessant requests, 
 she decided to join her protector, the Emperor of Austria. 
 
 It was a part of the general plan of England, in the sys- 
 tem of blockade applied to France, to proscribe every offi- 
 cial representative of the republican government in foreign 
 countries, and to organize a European band of assassins 
 against French citizens generally, and particularly against 
 conventions. The diplomatic agents of France were pur- 
 sued and persecuted, even in those countries which ob- 
 served a strict neutrality. The citizen Bourgoing, minister 
 of the republic at Madrid, sent to Portugal to bear a mes- 
 sage of peace, was assailed by the people of Lisbon ; and 
 having learned that, in accordance with the demand of Lord 
 Walpole, the British minister, orders had been given to ar- 
 rest him, he was obliged to depart immediately on foot and 
 in a disguise, to which he owed his liberty and perhaps his 
 life. Citizen Lehoc, the representative of France in the 
 free city of Hamburg, was exposed to the same insults and 
 
FRANCE. 187 
 
 was obliged to quit his residence upon the demand of the 
 English agent. The 'arrest of Beurnonville and the four 
 deputies delivered up by Dumouriez, occurred at the same 
 time with these persecutions, and was extremely agreeable 
 to the partisans of Pitt's policy. These representatives 
 passed three months in the dungeons of Maestricht, and 
 fifteen in the horrid prison of Spielberg in Moravia. Finally, 
 about the same time, Austria, who had singularly profited 
 by the lessons of England, dared to commit an act hitherto 
 unheard of among civilized nations : she caused to be at- 
 tacked and robbed two French ministers, citizens Lemon- 
 ville and Maret, who were proceeding as ambassadors, one 
 to Constantinople, the other to Naples. Both were impris- 
 oned for twenty months. In the contest which occurred 
 between their escort and the Austrian hussars, the son of 
 Lemonville, the wife of Maret, and several domestics, were 
 assassinated. The number of precious objects stolen from 
 them was immense — at any rate, so says the corrcspondant 
 de Hamboarg. England applauded this infamous act. 
 
 This was not enough : the ministers of George III. tried 
 to cause a famine. On the 8th of June, 1793, the council 
 of his Britannic Majesty decreed that it was lawful to stop 
 and confiscate all vessels loaded with grain or flour, and 
 which were bound to France. The Swedish and Danish 
 vessels were exempt from this to a certain extent ; that is, 
 the first time they were overhauled, they were simply to be 
 turned from their course towards France, but the second 
 time, they were confiscated. Thus England undertook to 
 suspend the trade between France and neutral nations.* 
 
 * Pitt ordered the British marine to capture and bring into England all 
 neutral vessels, whatever their freight might be. In consequence of this 
 system, the allies of Great Britain were exposed to starvation. In the 
 early months of 1793, many vessels loaded with grain were sent by a 
 house in Lubec to some merchants in Lisbon ; they were stopped in the 
 Downs by English cruisers, and carried to the Thames. After two years' 
 trial, the British government were compelled to pay for the cargoes and 
 other expenses. In 1793-4, the seizures of this nation cost the government 
 more than £400,000. The government expended immense sums to force 
 the French to seek their supplies of grain in the United States, 
 
188 FRANCE. 
 
 In the interior of France, the intrigues of the cabinet of 
 St. James were equally active. We do not wish to ex- 
 aggerate the reports ascribed at this time to the agents of 
 Pitt. But the constant accusations of the people did not 
 rest on fictions. The proof of a vast conspiracy against an 
 entire nation is found in a letter which Barrere read to the 
 Convention, July 31, 1793.* This letter was found in the 
 portfolio of an Englishman arrested at Lille. The follow- 
 ing are extracts from it : — 
 
 11 The plans of Cobourg are certain, if the success of 
 war is not with the dogs. Should it be so, the forage must 
 be burnt, but not till the last moment, and the lire must oc- 
 cur in all the cities on the same day. At any rate, be ready 
 with your party from the 16th to the 18th of August. The 
 phosphoric matches are sufficient ; a hundred of them may be 
 given to each friend without danger, as they only occupy a 
 space four inches long and three quarters of an inch round. 
 We shall take care to provide each committee with a supply 
 of these matches before the time mentioned. Raise exchange 
 to two hundred per cent See that Hunter is well paid, 
 and assure him, on the part of Milord, that all his losses 
 shall be reimbursed to more than double his commission. 
 Let Greg — y do the same. Do something occasionally for 
 S — p — rs. Discredit the assignats as much as possible, and 
 refuse all those not stamped with the name of the king. Raise 
 the price of these last. Order your merchants to buy up all 
 objects of primary necessity. 
 
 " If you can persuade Cott to buy up tallow and candles 
 at any price, make the public pay five francs a pound for 
 them. Milord is well satisfied with the course of B. L — z. 
 Say to him that his Royal Highness, the Duke,f has regis- 
 tered your son and his own for a cornetcy ; their pay has 
 already commenced. Let Ch — F — T — r, go occasionally to 
 
 * See li Les Anglais au XlX.e Siecle," attributed to Barrere. 
 f Doubtless the Duke of York, one of the generals of the coalition, to 
 whom the throne of France was promised. 
 
FRANCE. 1 89 
 
 Ardes and Dunkirk. / beg you not to spare money. We 
 hope the assassinations will be done prudently ; priests in dis- 
 guise, and females, are the best persons for this business. Send 
 fifty thousand francs to Rouen, and fifty thousand francs to 
 Caen. We have received no news since the 17th. What 
 is the matter? Send A — , &c. 
 
 '* P. S. Send one hundred and fifty thousand livres to 
 Lyons and Grenoble. We regret sincerely the death of L — . 
 The pension of his widow, six hundred pounds per annum, 
 will be paid punctually to her, and to her son after her 
 death ; send them two hundred pounds by the first opportu- 
 nity to Bordeaux. Tell the wife of Cobbs, at Bourbour, 
 that her husband was promoted on the 1st of May, by Ad- 
 miral McBride. Morell will receive one hundred pounds 
 sterling monthly. 
 
 " We have forty thousand guineas ready for the committees 
 under your charge. 
 
 "Let Chest — r and S — always have plenty of money. 
 The vaults of the college are well adapted for the plan of 
 F — a." 
 
 This was addressed " To the President of the committee 
 of St. Omer, or at Dunkirk." In the same portfolio were 
 found memoranda of different sums received and distributed 
 to different subordinate agents, marked by initials. Among 
 other things was noticed this, under date of May 2. " Re- 
 ceived some letters from Dumouriez* 
 
 The plans of incendiarism disclosed in this letter were 
 soon realized. On the 7th of August, news came that the 
 arsenal of Huningen had been burned ; in the course of a 
 month there were fires at Donai, Bayonne, and Lorient. 
 During the siege of Valenciennes, the arsenal took fire and 
 exploded j treason was suspected, and, as if to prove it, the 
 sub-director, Monestier, committed suicide. Severe acci- 
 dents happened also in the parks of artillery at Saumur and 
 
 * See the Moniteur of August 3. This letter was translated and filed 
 with the committee on public safety. 
 
190 FRANCE. 
 
 Chemille, in consequence of explosions, the cause of which 
 was unknown. 
 
 V. — TOULON. 
 
 Then occurred a solemn act of treason, the development 
 of which had a powerful influence on the destinies of 
 France. 
 
 The city of Toulon had long been the scene of intrigues 
 of the agents of Pitt, and the royalists of Marseilles, and 
 opened its gates to the English, August 27, 1793. 
 
 The first act of the English, after taking possession, was 
 to proclaim Louis XVII. king of France, and to hoist the 
 white flag. But the inhabitants, who imprudently confided 
 in their perfidious protectors, soon perceived that the seri- 
 ous re-establishment of monarchy, and the defence of the 
 place against the republican troops, were not thought of by 
 the English. " As soon as the English cabinet were ap- 
 prized of the fortunate event which placed the French ma- 
 rine in their power, they appointed a commission composed 
 of Admiral Hood, Lord Elliot, and General O'Hara ; the 
 former was equally capable of conducting an intrigue, or 
 commanding a squadron, and sowed dissensions among the 
 inhabitants, flattering sometimes the one party, and some- 
 times the other." 
 
 Farther, the English commission, for two months, had 
 permitted the two feeble detachments of General Cartaux 
 and Lapoype to be quietly encamped, one day's march from 
 the city, and did not seem at all uneasy at the approach of 
 the army sent by the Convention against the rebel city. 
 The motive for this apathy was evident ; the English thought 
 less of defending the city than of retreating with the rich 
 booty which had attracted them there. We will add, that 
 Admiral Hood had not neglected the means of terror ; he 
 had established a military tribunal to judge the patriots, and 
 already more than eight hundred republicans had been em- 
 
FRANCE. 191 
 
 barked, ignorant of the fate to which they were destined. 
 The two representatives of the people, Pierre Bayle and 
 Beauvais, remained in the power of the English ; after wit- 
 nessing the most bloody outrages, they were shut up in the 
 fort of La Malgue, where were the English commissioners 
 who were their judges. These wretched beings deliberated 
 for a long time on the kind of punishment for the two pris- 
 oners. During this discussion, Bayle, who understood 
 everything, stabbed himself to escape the horrible death to 
 which he was devoted. Beauvais died shortly after his de- 
 livery from Toulon, in consequence of the bad treatment he 
 experienced while in prison. 
 
 On the 19th of December, 1793, that is, one hundred and 
 fourteen days after the treason of Trogoff, the city was re- 
 captured by the republicans. Then was consummated that 
 execrable act which the English had so long meditated. 
 During the night, Sir Sidney Smith, by order of Admiral 
 Hood, set on fire the arsenal, magazines of naval stores, 
 and a great number of vessels. The victorious army saw 
 this from the surrounding heights ; trembling with rage, but 
 unable to reach the culpable, they witnessed this conflagra- 
 tion ordered by the counsellors of George III. As if in 
 contrast with the English, the galley slaves broke their 
 chains, and instead of making their escape, aided in check- 
 ing the progress of the flames, which threatened the city. 
 Of thirty-one vessels of the line, and twenty-five frigates 
 which were at Toulon, when the English took possession 
 of the city, sixteen ships and five frigates were entirely 
 burned, or very much damaged ; three ships and six frigates 
 were taken by the English, three frigates by the Sardinians, 
 Spaniards, and Neapolitans. 
 
 The following are a few fragments of the report, address- 
 ed by Captain Sidney Smith to his superior officer, Admi- 
 ral Hood, as to the manner in which the work intrusted to 
 him had been performed. 
 
 " My Lord — In accordance with your orders, I repaired 
 
192 FRANCE. 
 
 to the arsenal of Toulon, and made all the preparations ne- 
 cessary to fire the vessels and magazines. The galley- 
 slaves, six hundred in number, regarded us with an air evi- 
 dently indicating opposition ; they were partly unchained, 
 which was unusual ; we were therefore obliged to observe 
 great vigilance, and to point the cannon on them, their 
 prison, and on all our assailable points. 
 
 " In this position, we awaited with great anxiety the 
 moment agreed on by the government to set fire to our 
 matches. To Lieutenant Tupper was intrusted the firing 
 of the large store-house, and the store-house of pitch, tar, 
 tallow, and oil ; this was perfectly successful. The store- 
 house of hemp was also enveloped in flames. The calm- 
 ness of the ni,ght unfortunately arrested the progress of the 
 flames, but two hundred and fifty barrels of tar, well spread 
 upon pine wood, soon extended the conflagration with great 
 activity in the quarter intrusted to Lieutenant Tupper. 
 
 " The spar-house was also set on fire by Lieutenant 
 Middleton. Lieutenant Peters braved the flames with sur- 
 prising intrepidity, to complete the work in those places 
 where the fire seemed not to be well kindled. The fire 
 of our transports was principally directed to those places 
 where we had reason to fear the approach of an enemy. 
 The shouts of joy and the songs of the republicans, which 
 we could hear distinctly, continued until both were drowned 
 by the explosion of several thousand kegs of powder on 
 board the frigate Iris, which lay in the inner roads, and 
 which was imprudently fired by the Spaniards, instead of 
 sinking it as they had been ordered to do. The shock 
 communicated to the air, and the quantity of burning wood 
 which fell around us nearly caused our destruction. 
 
 " I had recommended to the Spanish officers to burn the 
 vessels in the basin in front of the city, but they returned 
 and acquainted us with the obstacles which prevented them. 
 We, however, renewed the attempt together. 
 
 " The explosion of a second vessel of powder, which 
 
FRANCE. 193 
 
 was also unexpected, and the concussion of which was 
 more violent than the first, exposed us to very great danger ; 
 and when you think of the immense quantity of wood fall- 
 ing around us, it is almost miraculous that no one was in- 
 jured. Having fired everything within our reach," and ex- 
 hausted our stock of combustibles and our strength to such 
 an extent that our men fell down from fatigue, we directed 
 our course to the fleet. 
 
 " I should do injustice to the officers did I not acknowl- 
 edge how much I am indebted to all of them for the man- 
 ner in which they executed an affair so important to the 
 nation. The precision with which the fire was kindled at 
 my first signal, its progress and duration, are the best proofs 
 that every officer and soldier was at his post, and did his 
 duty. I therefore add a list of those who were employed 
 in this duty. 
 
 " We can assure you that at least ten ships of the line 
 were burnt. The loss of a large store-house, of a great 
 quantity of pitch, tar, rosin, hemp, wood, cordage, and gun- 
 powder, will render it very difficult to fit out the rest of the 
 vessels. I regret that we were obliged to leave any of 
 them ; but hope that your lordship will be satisfied with 
 what we accomplished with our limited means, in a brief 
 period, and in the face of a superior force." 
 
 Twelve thousand Toulonese, fearing the just vengeance 
 of the conquering patriots, abandoned the city, and went to 
 demand an asylum of the combined squadrons who had pro- 
 mised to protect them. They were repulsed without pity, 
 and the blood of these unfortunates flowed in torrents by 
 the hands of their allies. This was the last act of this 
 horrible drama ; a letter in the Morning Chronicle, inserted 
 in the Moniteur of June 26, 1794, recounts this lamentable 
 episode in the following terms : — 
 
 " The citizens ran to the river in crowds ; they demand- 
 ed, in the name of honor, the protection promised them by 
 the crown of England. Disorders, excesses, and robberies 
 
 17 
 
194 FRANCR. 
 
 were committed, and after every effort was made to carry 
 thousands of them on board of the vessels, still thousands 
 were abandoned to the vengeance of their countrymen. 
 Many of them threw themselves into the sea, and vainly 
 attempted to reach the vessels by swimming ; some killed 
 themselves on the bank to avoid falling into the hands of 
 the republican army. 
 
 11 The flames of the burning vessels, however, extended 
 in every direction; every moment an explosion was threat- 
 ened, and finally their remains were blown up. This is 
 only a slight sketch of the scene on the bank. That which 
 occurred on board of the fleet was still more terrible. It 
 was crowded with men of all nations, a heterogeneous mix- 
 ture of old men, children, women, patients from the hospi- 
 tals, soldiers mutilated at the different posts which had been 
 attacked, and whose wounds were yet bleeding,; nothing 
 could equal the horrors of the scene, except the cries of 
 despair from husbands, fathers, and children, who were 
 left on the bank, and whose tones became more and more 
 mournful as our vessels departed. 
 
 <: To add to the misfortune, this multitude of human crea- 
 tures, who were stowed pell-mell on board the vessels, and 
 part of whom were mutilated, were almost destitute of pro- 
 visions, and had at least very little which they could use. 
 
 " Many of the inhabitants perished ; others fell into the 
 power of the French, after being abandoned by the English 
 fleet."* 
 
 The English vessels weighed anchor, carrying away 
 some hundred fugitives who obtained permission to enter 
 the army or navy of Great Britain ; but some months after- 
 wards, Pitt signed an order to dismiss all the French who 
 had entered the army or navy. In vain did the French 
 protest that they had no means of subsistence, that they 
 could not return to France, having excited against them the 
 
 * The memoirs of Fonvielle and Imbert, the principal negotiators in the 
 treason, contain also curious details in regard to this act of barbarity. 
 
FRANCE. 195 
 
 indignation of their fellow-citizens, being led away by the 
 promises and solemn assurances of Admiral Hood ; in vain 
 did they supplicate and present certificates of good behavior 
 from the English officers ; the minister was inexorable. 
 The victims of this cowardly treachery then determined 
 to invoke assistance from those to whose resentment they 
 were legitimately entitled ; they addressed the French 
 commissary residing in England, requesting to be recogni- 
 sed as prisoners, and thus threw themselves on the clemen- 
 cy of the republican government.* It was a bloody lesson 
 given to the ministers of King George, but it was not un- 
 derstood. England had expended one million four hundred 
 thousand pounds, or thirty-five millions of francs for this 
 glorious expedition, which began with treason, and ended 
 in massacre. The treasures which this power has poured 
 forth to annihilate France and the French are almost incal- 
 culable. 
 
 VI. MEANS OF CORRUPTION USED BY PITTAS AGENTS. 
 
 At this period, whenever the English thought there was 
 a serious obstacle to be overcome, they used corruption to 
 a marvellous extent. Their attempts, however, sometimes 
 failed. We will cite an instance of this. Colonel Withlock 
 was besieging Port au Prince, in the isle of St. Domingo, 
 which was defended by General Lavaux. On the 9th of 
 February, 1794, the French commander received a letter 
 from Colonel Withlock, promising him high rank under the 
 new administration, and a present of five thousand crowns, 
 if he would surrender the place to the British troops. 
 Shocked at so much ignominy and insolence, the republi- 
 can general replied — ■ 
 
 " Sir : Permit me to complain of your gross insult, by 
 supposing me so vile and base as not to be offended at your 
 offer. In this you are mistaken : I have been thought hith- 
 * Les Anglais au XIX. « Siecle — Crimes des Cabinets, par Goldsmith. 
 
196 FRANCE. 
 
 erto worthy to command my troops ; you have wished to 
 dishonor me in the eyes of my comrades ; this is a personal 
 offence, for which I demand satisfaction of you. I demand 
 it in the name of that honor which ought to exist among 
 all nations. With this view, therefore, before a general 
 action takes place, I challenge you to single combat, leav- 
 ing you the choice of weapons, and to fight either on foot 
 or on horseback. Your position as an enemy does not give 
 you the right of inflicting on me, in the name of your na- 
 tion, a personal injury. I demand satisfaction for your 
 private insult." 
 
 We need hardly add that the brave colonel refused the 
 general's cartel, who, however, foiled all the efforts made by 
 the British troops to take the place which he commanded. 
 
 VII. SUBSIDIES GRANTED TO PRUSSIA TO MAINTAIN THE 
 
 COALITION. 
 
 In the beginning of 1794, the English were fearful of 
 being deserted by the cabinets of Vienna and Berlin. The 
 Germanic powers, dissatisfied with the parsimony of the 
 British government in granting the promised subsidies, 
 were inclined to leave Great Britain to herself. " No sil- 
 ver, no Prussia," nobly exclaimed King William ; and on 
 the 13th of March he issued a manifesto, in which he 
 stated that he had done all in his power against a bold 
 enemy, but that, having been badly supported, he should 
 withdraw from the coalition. The Austrians uttered the 
 same threats. The English cabinet became alarmed. But 
 a mode was soon found to check this desertion. Negotia- 
 tions were conducted with so much diligence, that on the 
 16th of April a treaty was signed at the Hague, by which 
 England and Holland engaged to pay a corps of sixty-two 
 thousand four hundred Prussians. For this object England 
 paid £1,200,000 annually, and Holland £400,000. The 
 
FRAN* ... 197 
 
 King of Prussia was also assured that he would be at lib- 
 erty to pursue his usurpations in Poland. 
 
 VIII. — ASSASSINATION OF THE BARON OF GOETZ AUSTRIA 
 
 AGAIN JOINS THE COALITION. 
 
 The campaign of 1795 opened in a most disastrous man- 
 ner for the coalition. The Austro-Prussian armies were 
 annihilated or dispersed ; the Anglo-Hanoverians were de- 
 feated by the victorious troops of the republicans ; Holland 
 was conquered ; Madrid was threatened by the French ; 
 and most of the German states on the Rhine had submitted 
 to the republic. It would have been easy for the triumphal 
 armies of France to take Hanover, the duchy of Bruns- 
 wick, Saxony, and to march on Berlin. Notwithstanding, 
 however, all the advantages of position, France made peace 
 with Spain and Prussia, who begged for it. She showed 
 herself particularly generous and disinterested towards the 
 former power, and only demanded, for the expenses of a 
 war caused by the court of .Madrid, that part of St. Domingo 
 possessed by the Spaniards. 
 
 During the negotiations with Prussia, a tragical event 
 excited the attention of the diplomatic world. Baron 
 Goetz, the official negotiator, died suddenly at Basle ; and 
 the physicians, having made an autopsy, declared that he 
 was poisoned. It was ascertained also that the portfolio 
 containing his papers was stolen. Now these papers re- 
 vealed to the cabinet of St. James the intention of Austria 
 to leave the coalition. j£4, 500,000, which was sent to 
 Vienna by the British ministry, changed the determination 
 of the emperor, and England turned the crime to good 
 account. 
 
 Peace was also granted to Sardinia, which Bonaparte 
 could have crushed. 
 
 In the mean time, Spain declared war against Great 
 Britain. We only mention this fact, to state the reasons 
 17* 
 
198 FRANCE. 
 
 for this determination on the part of the court of Madrid. 
 We read, in the declaration, that England manifested bad 
 faith during the whole of the preceding war, and that, at 
 Toulon, Admiral Hood had destroyed all the vessels which 
 he could not carry away with him. Hence the character 
 of English policy was understood in other places besides 
 Paris. 
 
 IX. — LA VENDEE QUIBERON. 
 
 La Vendee was the principal theatre for the operations 
 of England against the new government. Pitt knew that 
 the deepest injury to inflict on France w r as to foment a civil 
 war in the heart of the empire. 
 
 The war of Vendee commenced with the treason of 
 Dumouriez in March, 1793, at the time when Galbaud, an 
 officer in the army, left for St. Domingo, where he went as 
 a British agent. As soon as the English cabinet knew 
 that the royalists of France had taken up arms, it gave a 
 new energy to the propaganda in the departments of the 
 West. Lord Fitzgerald, English minister to Switzerland, 
 kept up an active correspondence with his numerous emis- 
 saries at Paris and in the western cities. In June, 1793, 
 a spy in his employ went to Chatillon, assembled the supe- 
 rior council of the chiefs of Vendee, and solemnly promised 
 them men and money. Shortly afterwards, at the time of 
 the expedition to Toulon, Mr. Elliot published in this port, 
 which had become a British city, a proclamation, dictated 
 by the cabinet of St. James, and destined to be circulated 
 extensively in all the insurgent departments. Every day 
 revealed new proofs of the relations between the rebels and 
 the British.* But the most immoral act of this war was the 
 
 * Boursault, a representative near the armies of Brest and Cherbourg, 
 wrote to the National Convention : " I would inform the Convention that 
 the character of an ambassador has been violated in the persons of some 
 galley-slaves escaped from Brest, and some refractory priests who went 
 to England some eight months since, and fifteen days ago were thrown on 
 
FRANCE. 199 
 
 manufacture of counterfeit assignats, with which the Eng- 
 lish deluged every country afflicted with civil war. The 
 proof of this fact is found in the public debates of the 
 House of Commons, and in the annals of the courts of jus- 
 tice. In the parliamentary session of March 11th, 1794, 
 Sheridan spoke in these terms : " There is in England a 
 mill employed in making paper for the manufacture of forged 
 French assignats.' 1 ' 1 Mr. Ruyler confirmed Sheridan's as- 
 sertion. On the 18th of November, 1795, a person named 
 Lukin accused before the English tribunals an engraver 
 who had endorsed a note for him. It was proved that this 
 Lukin applied to the engraver to make a plate of false 
 French assignats ; that at first the artist had refused to do 
 an act so contrary to the rights of man and public morals, 
 but that Lukin having stated that these assignats were in- 
 tended for the army of the Duke of York, by express order 
 of the ministry, he had engraved the plate. Lord Kenyon, 
 president of the royal court, stated, in his charge, that 
 doubtless there were laws to be observed by nations, even 
 during war, such as not to use poisoned weapons ; but that 
 the counterfeiting of assignats was not contrary to these 
 laws. (Moniteur, May 12, 1795.) Finally, after the 9th 
 Thermidor, when La Vendee submitted voluntarily, the 
 leaders of the Chouans forwarded to the Convention a pack- 
 age containing a million of forged assignats. which had 
 been sent to them by the English cabinet. 
 
 The republic revenged itself in the following manner : 
 An English refugee in France proposed to the government 
 to counterfeit the notes of the bank of England. The com- 
 mittee of public safety arrested him and put him in prison, 
 where he remained nearly two years. 
 
 our shores. They came from the court of London, to arrange certain 
 assassinations, by which the diplomacy of Pitt hoped to counterbalance 
 our victories in the north and centre. Some of these men, and especially 
 the priest Maignan, have been three days in my power. They were ex- 
 amined by the committee, and their funds consist of 6,259 francs in money, 
 25,497 francs in royal assignats, and 106 marks 3 gros from the vessel of 
 the brigand Puisaye." 
 
200 FRANCE. 
 
 The amnesty, however, signed at La Saunaie on the 
 17th of February, 1795, had been violated by the Chouans. 
 The English cabinet, encouraged by the divisions of the 
 republic, then resolved to make a decisive effort to ruin the 
 new order of things. April 1st, 1794, Pitt declared in 
 Parliament that the government proposed to subsidize a 
 body of French emigrants. The House of Commons 
 passed the bill, although it was fiercely opposed. The 
 minister soon ordered four regiments of emigrants to be 
 formed, embracing about seven thousand men. These 
 troops were sent to the Isle of Jersey, near the coast of 
 France. 
 
 An immense expedition was now litted out in Britain, and 
 at an enormous cost. Besides the body of emigrants to 
 whom we have alluded, the agents of Pitt employed every 
 means of seduction and intimidation to induce the French 
 prisoners to enlist under the royal banner. Emigrant priests 
 went to the hulks at Portsmouth and Plymouth, to gain over 
 the French soldiers and marines, who were enfeebled by a 
 long and cruel captivity. These missionaries of treason 
 were unheeded ; the rations of the prisoners were then 
 diminished : a little bread and brackish water was the only 
 nourishment of these unfortunates ; and then the royalist 
 officers told them that if they persisted in their refusal, they 
 should be carried into the colonies and condemned to sla- 
 very.* This succeeded ; the prisoners, conquered by hun- 
 ger and torture — having before them the certainty of a 
 frightful death on one side, and on the other the chance of 
 escaping their persecutors as soon as they touched the soil 
 of France — consented to enlist in the expedition. By 
 means of these extraordinary recruits, ten regiments were 
 formed, constituting an effective force of ten thousand men. 
 
 * See " Crimes des Cabinets," p. 123 ; " Les Anglais au XlX.e Siecle," 
 p. 340 ; " Les Vietoires et ConquStes," vol. iv. But the best authority on 
 this point is the narrative of the prisoners who left the ranks of the emi- 
 grants as soon as they landed, and told the chiefs of the republican armies 
 the violence to which they were exposed before joining the English. 
 
FRANCE. 201 
 
 A second division, of three or four thousand, was to be 
 composed of regiments levied in Germany, in 1794, on ac- 
 count of England. The cabinet of St. James promised the 
 leaders of the expedition, that, on reaching the shores of 
 France, they should be reinforced with ten thousand 
 English. 
 
 It is known that the disembarkation took place on the 
 peninsula of Quiberon. The emigrants established them- 
 selves at the extremity of the peninsula, and in Fort Pen- 
 thievre, situated at the point where the strip of land joins 
 the continent by a narrow neck. They counted vainly on 
 the ten thousand English auxiliaries whom Pitt had said 
 would join them. Dependant on their own forces, they 
 awaited with firmness the republican army, who had time, 
 in consequence of the useless delay for the English, to 
 rally opposite the peninsula. On the 20th of July, the 
 patriots, commanded in chief by Hoche and by Humbert, 
 Menage, Botta, and Valletaux, attacked the fort. The rout 
 of the royalists now became general. Driven to the end 
 of the peninsula, the unhappy individuals were fired on by 
 the cannons of the English vessels, and both the refugees 
 and the republicans were slaughtered indiscriminately. 
 The worthy executors of Pitt's wishes were animated by 
 a ferocious joy at the sight of this bloody melee, in which 
 the French contended furiously with each other, and fired 
 without distinction upon their friends and enemies. It was 
 a sight more horrid, perhaps, than that of the evacuation 
 of Toulon. A dense crowd, covered with dirt and blood, 
 stood upon the brink of the sea, extending their suppliant 
 hands to the English, who answered them with cannon ; 
 women and children, and feeble old men, who had come 
 into the camp of the royalists, uttered the most piercing 
 lamentations, and cursed with all the energy of despair the 
 allies who had betrayed them ; some of the strongest men 
 attempted to swim to the English vessels, but when they 
 came alongside of the transports and attempted to get on 
 
202 FRANCE. 
 
 board of them, their hands were chopped off by the sabres 
 of their pretended allies ; others retreated into the water, to 
 escape the bayonets of the patriots, but soon disappeared, 
 struck down by the bullets of their loyal protectors. This 
 piteous scene continued for more than an hour. The re- 
 publicans were more humane than the English ; when the 
 latter retired, the royalists received quarter and were pro- 
 tected from insult. 
 
 It is said that the object of this massacre was to destroy 
 the remnant of the French marine, the best officers of 
 which were in the expedition.* It is more natural to be- 
 lieve that the royalists were slaughtered by their perfidious 
 allies simply because they were Frenchmen. Be this as 
 it may, the fact is indisputable, and has been admitted by 
 all historians. 
 
 Among the objects captured in the camp of the emigrants 
 was an enormous bundle of forged assignats. 
 
 A few noble souls in Parliament censured the conduct 
 of Pitt and his ministers for the expedition of Quiberon. 
 The infamous premier dared to defend himself, saying, 
 " At any rate, the blood of England was not shed." — " No," 
 answered Sheridan, extremely indignant, " certainly not ; 
 but the honor of England flowed from every pore !" Pitt, 
 however, was not discouraged. He organized another ex- 
 pedition, similar to that which had terminated so disgrace- 
 fully. On the 29ih of September, 1795, a British fleet, 
 having on board English and emigrants, anchored before 
 He Dieu ; but this second attempt was a ridiculous failure, 
 from the cowardice of the Count d'Artois, who did not dare 
 to land on the continent to join Charrette, who had waited 
 for him a long time. 
 
 From this time, the cabinet of St. James renounced 
 great expeditions to the coast of France. It contented it- 
 self with sending occasionally to Brittany arms and ammu- 
 
 * In fact, Tallien says in his report, that more than six hundred swords, 
 having on their guards an anchor, map, aud three fleurs de lis, were found 
 on the field of battle. (Moniteur. August 2, 1795.) 
 
FRANCE. 203 
 
 nition, some lost children of emigrants, and counterfeit 
 money * . 
 
 X. THE ENGLISH GOVERNMENT CONTINUES TO DEFAME 
 
 FRANCE IT ORGANIZES CONSPIRACIES AMONG THE ROY- 
 ALISTS AFFAIRS OF BROTIER AND 18 e FRUCTIDOR. 
 
 Prussia and some other German states were at peace 
 with France, who, by her victories, had frustrated all the 
 attempts of England to annihilate the republic by the sword. 
 But Pitt knew a surer mode of weakening an enemy so 
 difficult to defeat in the battle-field : this was, to starve the 
 French. The plan had been formed at the beginning of 
 the war ; it was again brought forward with extraordinary 
 activity and ardor ; so much so, that while France was 
 everywhere triumphant, she was struggling with the misery 
 of famine. To add to her distress, the harvest failed, and 
 the little which had been produced was consumed by the 
 armies. Alarm and suffering then became general, and 
 caused much rejoicing at London. f 
 
 * Moniteur of March 13, 179G : letter from the commander of the ar- 
 mies on the Loire and Indre, announcing that Stoflet had received a large 
 sum in counterfeit louis from England. 
 
 This taste for counterfeit money existed in England throughout the 
 whole revolution. Thus the Moniteur of the 28th Pluviose, an 1, informs 
 us that the British government caused counterfeit money of Hamburg and 
 Holstein to be struck at Birmingham. Three of its agents, who were 
 sent on the continent to distribute it, were arrested at Hamburg. In the 
 Moniteur of the 17th Thermidor of the same year, we read, under the head 
 of Berlin : " Not only have there been made in England counterfeit Prus- 
 sian groschen, whole cases of which have been imported at Hamburg and 
 Leipsic as buttons, but commerce has lately introduced counterfeits of 
 gold Fredericks ; the counterfeit is, however, lighter than the true coin, and 
 instead of Preimen, we find Prussen in the legend." 
 
 Query : Did not England also introduce into the United States, and dur- 
 ing the war of the American Revolution, a large amount of counterfeit 
 continental money ? 
 
 f Among the auxiliaries, famine was not the most odious employed by 
 the British at tins period. In Jamaica, they let loose their dogs upon the 
 revolted negroes ; and yet at this time they advocated emancipation of the 
 slaves. 
 
 In the session of Parliament in March, 1796, Sheridan, speaking about 
 
204 FRANCE. 
 
 The new intrigues of England were favored by the 
 weakness of the Directory, and the anarchy which deso- 
 lated the republic since the 9th Thermidor. They organized 
 a conspiracy, tending to restore the Bourbons ; but the plot 
 was discovered on the 13th of January, 1797. The Abbe 
 Brotier, Duverne-Dupresle, La Villeheurnois, and Poly, 
 worthy instruments of the royalist faction, were secretly 
 aided by the cabinet of St, James. Among other documents 
 which prove that this cabinet was the soul of the conspi- 
 racy, the two declarations of the accused Duverne-Du- 
 presle are sufficiently explicit. 
 
 In the first, Duverne says, that the plan of the conspira- 
 cy was approved of by the French princes, and by the 
 English minister. The following was the plan ; France 
 was to be divided into two agencies, both of which were 
 to keep up an active correspondence with the king and the 
 agents of the British government. It was agreed between 
 the royalists, that no regard should be paid to instructions 
 from London, which would tend to facilitate the capture of 
 any of their maritime ports by the English troops, and gen- 
 erally to none that would be of utility to them, the king 
 and his council having always thought that the services of 
 the English were perfidious services, which tended to the 
 entire ruin of France. 
 
 " To prepare and develop our plan," adds Duverne-Du- 
 presle, "funds are necessary, and England alone can supnly 
 them:' Wickham, the English agent in Switzerland, was 
 the banker of the conspiracy. The money which he gave 
 to his friends in Paris served not only to pay necessary 
 travelling expenses, military equipments, and other unavoid- 
 able expenses, but also to organize a band of corrupt agents 
 and to prepare for the elections of the year. 
 
 Duverne also declared that the English had such a good 
 understanding in the public offices that they had procured 
 imposing a tax on dogs, said : " At least, you ought to exempt the dogs 
 of Jamaica from taxation ; it would be ungrateful to tax allies who have 
 fought for the English in America." 
 
FRANCE. 205 
 
 the French plan for the invasion of Ireland. Finally, all 
 the details of the plot, and even the names of Pitt's agents 
 in this odious affair, were revealed by the accused, and pub- 
 lished in the Moniteur. Farther, the cabinet at London 
 did not deny the fact. 
 
 The 4th of September, 1797, proved, some months after- 
 wards, that the English ministry paid by the hand of the 
 same Wickham for the desertion of Pichegru. The latter 
 was condemned, as it is known, to transportation, but es- 
 caped from Guiana, and took refuge in England, where the 
 British government allowed him a pension. 
 
 XL ASSASSINATION OF THE FRENCH PLENIPOTENTIARIES 
 
 AT RASTADT VIOLATION OF THE CONVENTION OF d'eL- 
 
 ARICH ASSASSINATION OF KLEBER SECOND COALITION 
 
 FORMED BY ENGLAND. 
 
 The treaty of Campo-Formio had re-established peace 
 between France and Austria, but the unsatisfactory result 
 of the Congress of Rastadt indicated another rupture. The 
 Directory unexpectedly received intelligence that the French 
 Plenipotentiaries, Debry, Bonnier, and Robergeot, were as- 
 sassinated on leaving Rastadt, the 28th and 29th of April, 
 1799. This bloody violation of the rights of nations, this 
 crime unparalleled in the history of modern civilization, 
 ought to be, and was in fact, imputed to the cabinet at Vi- 
 enna. But was not English policy more or less indirectly 
 interested in it ? It was remarked that Burckard, com- 
 mander of the Austrian huzzars, who assassinated the 
 French minister, was a creature of the minister Thugut, 
 who was entirely devoted to the cabinet of St. James. 
 That was only one reason for suspecting that the English 
 were privy to this murder ; but the joy of Pitt's partisans 
 on the news of this catastrophe proves, that if the English 
 minister did not direct the arm of the murderers, the desire 
 and the thought of the crime certainly existed. Every 
 
 18 
 
206 FRANCE. 
 
 newspaper in the pay of the government attempted to justify 
 the treachery at Rastadt. One of them declared that a re- 
 publican was an execrable animal whom it was no crime 
 to kill. Another paper, in speaking of this massacre, re- 
 marked, " The Frenchhave lost two men who are less to be re- 
 gretted than if two soldiers had died." A third mentions this 
 tragic event in the following words : " The plenipotentiaries 
 were met by a patrol, who demanded their passports ; the 
 travellers insolently refused to show them, and excited the 
 militafy to such a degree, that they were obliged to strike 
 them. Two were killed, but the greatest villain escaped." 
 Did not this public approbation of so odious a circumstance 
 imply a moral if not an active agency in the affair ? 
 
 While Europe was occupied by the agitation caused by 
 the crime of the 28th of April, and the proposal made by 
 the Directory to the council of five hundred, to declare war 
 against Austria, the renown of the army in Egypt under 
 Bonaparte, and its victories, spread throughout the East. 
 The conqueror of the pyramids learned the reverses of the 
 republican armies in Europe, left Egypt, and returned to 
 France. Kleber, who had become general-in-chief of the 
 expedition, concluded a convention at El-arich with Sir 
 Sidney Smith, stipulating that Egypt should be evacuated 
 by the French troops, and should be allowed to return freely 
 to their own country.* 
 
 The French executed faithfully the article of capitulation 
 
 relative to their retreat j they had delivered up the forts and 
 
 * After signing the treaty, General Desaix sailed for France, with his 
 regular passports, signed by the agents of the powers who had taken part 
 in the convention. At some distance from Alexandria, he was overhauled 
 by an English cruiser, and sent by Admiral Keith prisoner to Leghorn, 
 where he was confined in the common lazaretto. He protested against 
 this, and demanded explanations, but with no effect. He wrote to the Eng- 
 lish admiral, demanding pens, ink, and paper, and that he should be treat- 
 ed in a manner suitable to his rank. Lord Keith replied : " Sir, I am sur- 
 prised that you should ask to be treated better than your countrymen, for 
 in France you are under the reign of equality. In your situation, you can 
 appreciate practically the advantages of that equality which you have 
 hitherto known only in theory." 
 
FRANCE. 207 
 
 principal armed positions, when Kleber received from Ad- 
 miral Keith the following letter, dated on board the Queen 
 Charlotte : — 
 
 "January l$th, 1800. 
 " Sir, — I inform you that I have received positive orders 
 not to consent to any capitulation with the French army 
 under your command in Egypt and Syria, unless they lay 
 down their arms, surrender as prisoners of war, and give 
 up all the vessels and munitions of war, and the port and 
 city of Alexandria to the allied powers ; that in case of ca- 
 pitulation, I shall permit no soldiers to return to France 
 until regularly exchanged. I also think it necessary to in- 
 form you that all vessels having French troops on board, 
 and sailing from this country with passports signed by any 
 person except those who have the right to grant them, will 
 be forced, by the officers of the vessels under my command, 
 to return to Alexandria ; finally, that the vessels which 
 shall be met returning to Europe with passports granted in 
 consequence of a special capitulation with one of the allied 
 powers, will be considered as prizes, and all the individu- 
 als on board of them as prisoners of war." 
 
 The memorable battle of Heliopolis was the answer of 
 Kleber to the provoking insolence of the English. 
 
 The ministers of Great Britain pretended in parliament 
 that Sir Sidney Smith had no power to form a treaty. This, 
 however, was a flagrant falsehood. But it was necessary 
 to find a pretext, and the British ministers found it extreme- 
 ly convenient to deny the character of their official agent. 
 They wished to crush the French army, which had neither 
 forts nor military positions, which had surrendered to the 
 Turks the wells of the desert, and had dismantled the cita 
 del of Cairo. They wished also to have an excuse for dis* 
 embarking and taking possession of the country, which they 
 might keep as long as they chose ; this was accomplished, 
 and the ministers of London, having attained their end, 
 were but little disturbed by the reproaches of France, and 
 
208 FRANCE. 
 
 the opposition in parliament, in regard to this outrageous 
 contempt of the faith of nations. 
 
 The assassination of Kleber was a consequence of this 
 act of perfidious policy. The English had roused the fanat- 
 icism of the Mussulmen, and had excited them to assassi- 
 nation. They were listened to, and the blood of the hero 
 of Heliopolis was shed by the knife of a Seid, who had 
 perhaps found other sources of excitement than the senten- 
 ces of a Koran. 
 
 After the death of Kleber, Egypt was surrendered to the 
 English army. By the capitulation of Alexandria, conclu- 
 ded September 27th, 1801, France renounced her claims 
 to the land of the Pharaohs. We have now to mention a 
 new act of infamy ; the capitulation stipulated that the 
 French army should be transported to France with its arms 
 and scientific treasures. The English observed the first 
 claim, but violated the second, and seized the scientific col- 
 lections which the institute had formed in Egypt at so much 
 risk, labor, and danger. 
 
 The enemies of France did not wait for the result of the 
 affair in Egypt to organize a new crusade in Europe against 
 her. Since her defeat at Aboukir, Russia and the Otto- 
 man Porte had yielded to the solicitations of the cabinet at 
 St. James, and had united with the coalition formed in Italy 
 and Germany. It is useless to add that Great Britain paid 
 the expense of the second conspiracy of crowned heads 
 against the republic. This time, however, the English 
 minister made Russia wait ; the latter had presented an 
 account for two millions sterling ; the English cabinet de- 
 clared that they would pay the money when the merchan- 
 dise was forwarded. The emperor saw that he was doubt- 
 ed j he hastened to march an army upon Italy, and parlia- 
 ment voted him a subsidy of one million one hundred thou- 
 sand oounds. 
 
FRANCE. 209 
 
 XII. CONSULATE ENGLAND REFUSES PEACE ENGLISH 
 
 CONSPIRACY INFERNAL MACHINE PEACE OF AMIENS 
 
 VIOLATION OF THE TREATY BY ENGLAND. 
 
 When Bonaparte was appointed first consul of the repub- 
 lic, he sent a message to the King of England, to terminate 
 the war, which, for eight years, had desolated the civilized 
 world. What was the answer of the British cabinet ? 
 War ! The victory of Marengo was the chastisement in- 
 flicted by Napoleon upon its pride and effrontery. Nego- 
 tiations were then commenced between the republic and 
 Austria ; but England would not consent to a partial peace, 
 and interfered to prevent its conclusion. In the mean time 
 an event occurred, which showed why the English cabinet 
 had refused peace, and why they continued to urge the 
 restoration of the Bourbons. A royalist conspiracy, organ- 
 ized and subsidized by it, was discovered at Paris, in the 
 year IX. The conspirators obtained information in the of- 
 fices of Fouche, and that of the treasury, as to the best mode 
 of stealing the public money upon the highway. Brest was 
 to have been delivered to the English by means of an attack 
 of Chouans, combined with a disembarkation from a hostile 
 fleet. The principal aim of the royalists was the assassi- 
 nation of the first consul. Numerous papers found on Du- 
 perron, who was arrested on his arrival from London, ex- 
 posed all these operations. 
 
 December 24, 1800, the explosion of the infernal machine 
 taught the French government that the conspirators were 
 not discouraged. The plot had been formed in England ; 
 George Cadoudal and his attendants had departed from 
 London ; it was at London that George took refuge to re- 
 ceive the red riband, and the compliments of the ministers 
 of his Britannic Majesty.* Beaten out of France, England 
 
 * The attempt of the Rue St. Nicaise was publicly approved of by the 
 English*; the Porcupine remarked, " There is pardon in heaven for those 
 who rid thp world of a monster." 
 
 18* 
 
210 FRANCE. 
 
 could not give up the idea of triumphing in the republic by 
 civil war and assassination. 
 
 The conferences of Luneville, however, were interrupted, 
 and, thanks to the intrigues of English diplomacy, war was 
 re-commenced in Germany and Italy. The victory of Ho- 
 henlinden, gained by Moreau, ended the evil intentions 
 of the powers of the coalition, and humiliated them. 
 Pitt had enough to do ; Austria, Spain, Naples, Bavaria, 
 Portugal, Russia, and the Ottoman Porte, demanded peace, 
 and signed the treaty. During the negotiations for the treaties 
 concluded with all these powers, England had violated the 
 convention of El-Arich, as we have already stated in the 
 preceding chapter, attacked Copenhagen, and attempted 
 twice, but vainly, to burn the French flotilla at Boulogne. 
 The cabinet of .Si. James constantly excited the British to 
 the most revolting excesses. As much was said in the 
 British journals about the French invasion, the Times de- 
 clared that M. Otto, the French plenipotentiary, had better 
 leave England, because, in case of an invasion, he might 
 become the victim of popular vengeance ; this indirect hint 
 at the assassination of the French representative, was fol- 
 lowed by other advice no less atrocious ; the ministerial 
 paper stated, that as the great number of French prisoners 
 might annoy the government, it would be better to get rid 
 of them. 
 
 Finally, the British government, pushed to the utmost, 
 and abandoned by its allies, was obliged to make peace ; 
 but it was the last to sign the treaty. 
 
 The treaty of Amiens was the signal of the fall of that 
 minister, who had lived only by war, and had inscribed the 
 annihilation of France at the head of his political pro- 
 gramme. In fact, the Pitt cabinet fell, but its doctrines 
 were piously followed by its successors. 
 
 No sooner was the peace re-established, than England 
 did all she could to break it again. Disgusting pamphlets 
 
FRANCE. 211 
 
 and calumnious articles were constantly published in the 
 journals against the French nation. 
 
 The English ministry granted its protection to dangerous 
 men, who were pointed out by the French government ; 
 some of these individuals assembled at Jersey, and the 
 cabinet of St. James did not attempt to disperse them, al- 
 though it was informed that their seditious writings, their 
 infernal machines, and plans of conspiracy were continually 
 passing from this island into France. 
 
 Finally, England, as we have already seen, kept posses- 
 sion of Malta, in contempt of the formal stipulations of the 
 treaty of the 25th March. It also detained the French 
 vessels in peace, and considered their citizens as prisoners. 
 
 Preparations for the invasion of England, made at Bou- 
 logne and along the line of coast, were the answer of the 
 French government to the aggressions of the British cabi- 
 net. Pitt then regained his power : England being now 
 about to commence a new career of crime, this statesman 
 was necessary to carry out the plans formed. 
 
 The conspiracy of Georges, Pichegru, and Moreau, was 
 a new proof of the incessant machinations of the British 
 government against the first consul and French institutions. 
 For some time, the English talked freely about the speedy 
 death of Bonaparte. The London Courier, a journal pub- 
 lished in French, inserted in its columns the translation of 
 a pamphlet composed at the end of the protectorate, and 
 having for its title — " To kill is not to assassi7iate." On 
 the 30th of January, a bill was posted up in the streets of 
 London, beginning with these words : " As the assassina- 
 tion of Bonaparte andthe restoration of Louis XVIII, will 
 soon occur, most of the French will return to their country." 
 Some time after, Georges and his companions were carried 
 to France by an English vessel, to attempt to accomplish 
 these villanous designs. At the same time, battalions of 
 emigrants went from England to the right bank of the 
 
212 FRANCE. 
 
 Rhine, with a mission to second the movements of the 
 royalists in the west of France.* 
 
 British diplomacy combined its efforts with those of the 
 conspirators. Drake, the English minister to the court of 
 Bavaria, paid and directed its agents in the interior of 
 France to organize there revolution, assassination, a war 
 of brigands, the murder of the first consul, and the overturn 
 of the government. In the ten original letters of this 
 diplomatist which were seized by the French police, this 
 phrase among others was remarked in regard to the assas- 
 sination of Bonaparte : " It is of little importance by whom 
 the animal is earthed ; it is sufficient that you will be ready 
 to join in the chase." Spencer Smith, another English 
 minister at the court of Wirtemberg, rendered powerful aid 
 to the infamous Drake in his criminal designs. This pros- 
 titution of the sacred character of ambassador appeared so 
 monstrous, that all the governments of Europe, without 
 exception, protested with energy against such acts. The 
 cabinet of London, after denying the facts in Parliament, 
 had the impudence to approve the conduct of Drake and 
 Smith, in a communication addressed officially to the first 
 consul. 
 
 XIII. FROM THE COMMENCEMENT OF THE EMPIRE TO THE 
 
 PRESENT PERIOD. 
 
 We shall devote but a few lines to the villany of Eng- 
 land in the period between 1804 and the present; not 
 because there is a want of materials, but because we wish 
 to avoid tedious repetitions. First, we would call attention 
 to the pacific propositions made by Napoleon to the King 
 of England after he was declared Emperor, and the brutal 
 refusal of the British government to enter into negotiations 
 with him. Even the letter of the emperor remained unan- 
 swered. 
 
 * See Mem. of Thibaudeau. Walter Scott, in his Life of Napoleon, 
 admits all these facts. This authority is not suspected 
 
FRANCE. 213 
 
 4 
 
 In 1805, a new coalition was formed and concluded by 
 the cabinet of St. James, which Napoleon called the pay- 
 master general of the enemies of France. In 1806, the 
 emperor proclaimed the continental blockade. These just 
 reprisals of France for the injuries she had sustained from 
 England from the commencement of the revolution, was 
 the surest mode of intimidating the culpable policy of her 
 neighbors. William Pitt died the same year. Fox, who 
 now came into power, seemed disposed to continue his 
 policy. The former leader of the liberal opposition, and 
 the zealous friend of the French Revolution, now excited 
 the powers of Europe to new aggressions against France. 
 His designs, however, were not yet marked with sufficient 
 clearness for the northern cabinets to trust to his promises ; 
 but he died, and the succession of a tory ministry com- 
 pletely restored all the hopes of the enemies of France. 
 The flames of war were again rekindled ; and the British 
 treasury, which seemed inexhaustible, furnished funds for 
 the armies, and the devotion of the sovereigns of the 
 coalition. 
 
 The bombardment of Copenhagen, in 1807, excited in 
 Europe an indignation which affected even the allies of 
 Great Britain. 
 
 Two facts, which were extremely discreditable to the 
 English government, ought to be mentioned here : they 
 occurred in 1810. Napoleon had proposed to exchange 
 the English and Spanish prisoners, who were detained in 
 France, for the French prisoners and subjects of the allied 
 powers, who were in England. The cabinet of London 
 refused, saying that they could not accept Spaniards in 
 exchange for French ; and yet Spain was at that time the 
 ally of England-! Some time afterwards, the English dis- 
 embarked on the coast of France three thousand invalid 
 soldiers, Hanoverians, Westphalians, Prussians, Swiss, and 
 Poles, who were worn out in their service. Expecting 
 to derive no more benefit from this remnant of the royal 
 
214 FRANCE. 
 
 armies, the British government did not hesitate to land them 
 at hap-hazard on the continent, giving each of them, to 
 meet the expenses of their journey, only the sum of thirty- 
 six francs. The emperor, however, supplied them with the 
 means of living, and passports to regain their families. 
 
 In 1812, we find the politicians of England using their 
 means of corruption to cement an alliance between Russia 
 and the Ottoman Porte. It is well known how injurious 
 this influence became to France. 
 
 Finally, in order to crown in a proper manner the long 
 series of its crimes during the period of the revolution and 
 the empire, England in 1815 sent the vanquished hero of 
 Waterloo, who had confided his destiny to the hands of his 
 enemies, to die under the homicidal sun of St. Helena ! 
 From that time, Castlereagh had no cause to envy the son 
 of Chatham. 
 
 Great Britain had expended more than twenty hundreds 
 of millions of pounds to excite an unjust and bloody war 
 against France. But she had attained her end. Prance 
 was humbled, exhausted, and oppressed by shameful trea- 
 ties ; her natural energy was trodden under the feet of the 
 Bourbons ; her richesl colonies were annexed to the Ihitish 
 crown ; her frontier towns were dismantled or razed ; her 
 fleets and her commerce destroyed j her armies annihilated ; 
 her resources exhausted for a long time : such were the 
 fruits of her efforts for twenty-fire years. From that time, 
 France was permitted to rest. 
 
 Since 1830, the whig party of England have attempted 
 to prove that they had the same political belief as the to- 
 nes, and thai they had forgotten nothing of the policy of 
 Burke and William Pitt. The affairs of the East, and the 
 continual supplies of arms and ammunition to the enemies 
 of France at Algiers, in the face of the treaty of July 15, 
 1840, have given the captionists of the "juste miliar a 
 proof of what the English policy can be guilty, when moved 
 by sordid interest or implacable jealousy. 
 
THE CHINESE WAR. 215 
 
 CHAPTER VII. 
 THE CHINESE WAR. 
 
 The war upon the banks of the river of Canton, between 
 the English and Chinese, assumes all the characters and 
 phases of British policy. 
 
 In order to understand correctly the facts which have 
 brought about the conflict between Great Britain and China, 
 we shall state a few details which are essentially connected 
 with this subject. 
 
 I, HISTORY OF THE COMMERCE OF OPIUM EFFECT OF 
 
 OPIUM ON THE HUMAN BYBTEM DOUBLE PURPOSE OF 
 
 ENGLAND IN EXTENDING THE TASTE FOR THIS DRUG 
 AMONG THE CHINESE. 
 
 For a long time, the Europeans have imported opium 
 into China. The English, observing that this trade would 
 give them great advantages, on account of the love of the 
 Chinese for this drug, took measures early to monopolize 
 the trade. The culture of the poppy extended rapidly in 
 British India, and in a few years Bengal and the adjacent 
 provinces were able to supply all the opium required by the 
 Chinese. 
 
 The sale of this article was tolerated by the government 
 of Pekin for a long time ; but when the emperor perceived 
 the fatal effects produced by its use, he prohibited its intro- 
 duction and sale, under the severest penalties. This first 
 prohibition occurred in 1796. In fact, the emperor himself 
 
216 THE CHINESE WAR. 
 
 was once addicted to this habit for many years, but by great 
 moral courage he weaned himself from the vice. 
 
 Were the Chinese government wrong in prohibiting a 
 drug hitherto considered as a simple medicine ? No one 
 who knows the effects of opium will hesitate to answer. 
 
 Opium destroys the physical as well as the moral man. 
 All physiologists admit that the use of this drug, either by 
 smoking or chewing, exercises a terrible influence on the 
 nervous system : it does not produce sleep, but a general 
 excitement, which extends even to delirium. The effect 
 caused on the brain is extremely dangerous. The opium- 
 smoker soon loses his memory and his intelligence. His 
 moral capacities suffer as rapidly as his physical organiza- 
 tion. While the legs totter, and the hands tremble like 
 those of an old man, — while the body wastos, the lace be- 
 comes wrinkled, and assumes the paleness of death ; the 
 faculties of the mind and the qualities of the heart are 
 gradually di Stroyed ; the degradation is complete ; and long 
 before the act of suicide terminates, the unhappy smoker 
 may be considered as no longer belonging to the human 
 family. 
 
 The following details in regard to the manner of smoking 
 opium are from the pen of an Englishman, CI. II. Smith, 
 Esq., and are consequently authentic. He remarks : — 
 
 "The great extent to which this destructive vice is car- 
 ried on in this island, and in the straits and islands 
 adjacent, together with the almost utter impossibility of 
 relinquishing the dreadful habit, when once acquired, opens 
 an immense source of revenue to the East India Company, 
 who monopolize the sale of all quantities of opium under a 
 chest, as well as that of arrack, seree, toddy, bang, &c. 
 Benares opium is that chiefly used by the farmer for the 
 preparation of ■ chandoo' (the composition smoked), on ac- 
 count of its weight and cheapness ; but the consumers pre- 
 fer the Patna opium, because it has a finer flavor, is stronger, 
 and its effects are more lasting. 
 
THE CHINESE WAR. 217 
 
 " The following is part of the mode of preparing the 
 chandoo. Two balls are as much as one man can properly 
 prepare at once. The soft inside part of the opium-ball is 
 scooped out, and the rind is boiled in soft water, and 
 strained through a piece of calico. The liquor is evapo- 
 rated in a wide vessel, and all impurities carefully skimmed 
 off, as they rise to the surface. The same process is gone 
 through with the soft opium extracted from the ball ; and 
 all being mixed and evaporated to the consistence of dough, 
 it is spread out into thin plates, and, when cold, it is cut 
 into a number of long narrow slips. These are again re- 
 duced to powder, redissolved, again evaporated, and ulti- 
 mately rolled up into balls, and a good deal resemble shoe- 
 makers' wax. In this state it is fit for smoking, and is at 
 least twice the strength of crude opium. The chandoo, 
 when once smoked, does not entirely lose its powers, but 
 is collected from the head of the pipe, and is then called 
 4 tve-chandoo,' or faecal opium, which is made into pills, and 
 swallowed by those whose poverty prevents them from 
 smoking the chandoo itself. 
 
 " In Penang, the opium-smokers are the Chinese, the 
 Malays, and a very few of other nations, chiefly the native 
 Portuguese. It is calculated that 10 per cent, of the Chi- 
 nese, 2£ of the Malays, and about 1 per cent, of other na- 
 tives, are addicted to the vice of opium-smoking. The 
 poorer classes smoke in the shops erected for that purpose, 
 but the wealthier orders smoke privately in their own 
 houses. The practice is almost entirely confined to the 
 male sex, a few abandoned prostitutes of the other sex par- 
 taking of the vice. A young beginner will not be able to 
 smoke more than five or six grains of chandoo, while the 
 old practitioners will consume two hundred grains daily ! ! 
 
 " The causes which lead to this dreadful habit among 
 the* Chinese are — First, their remarkably social and luxu- 
 rious disposition. In China, every person in easy circum- 
 stances has a saloon in his house, elegantly fitted up, to 
 
 19 
 
218 THE CHINESE WAR. 
 
 receive his friends, with pipes, chandoo, &c. All are in- 
 vited to smoke, and many are thus induced to commence 
 the practice from curiosity or politeness, though few of them 
 are ever able to discontinue the vice afterwards. 
 
 " Parents are in the habit of granting this indulgence to 
 their children, apparently to prevent them from running 
 into other vices still more detestable, and to which the Chi- 
 nese are more prone, perhaps, than any people on earth. 
 There is another cause which leads great numbers of young 
 men into the practice of opium-smoking — a belief, founded, 
 it is said, on experience, that the said practice heightens 
 and prolongs carnal pleasures. It is, however, admitted 
 by all, that opium-smokers become impotent at a much 
 earlier period of life than others. In painful or incurable 
 diseases, in all kinds of menial or corporeal sufferings, in 
 mercantile misfortunes, and in other reverses of fortune, the 
 opium-shop is resorted to as an asylum, where, for a time 
 at least, the unfortunate may drown the recollection of his 
 cares and troubles in an indescribably pleasurable feeling 
 of indifference to all around. The Malays are confident 
 that opium-smoking inspires them with preternatural cour- 
 age and bodily strength ; it is therefore resorted to when- 
 ever any desperate act is in contemplation. 
 
 " The smoking-shops are the most miserable and wretch- 
 ed places imaginable : they are kept open from six in the 
 morning till ten o'clock at night, each being furnished with 
 from four to eight bedsteads, constructed of bamboo-spars, 
 and covered with dirty mats and rattans. At the head of 
 each there is placed a narrow wooden stool, which serves 
 as a pillow or bolster ; and in the centre of each shop there 
 is a small lamp, which, while serving to light the pipes, 
 diffuses a cheerless light through the gloomy abode of vice 
 and misery. On an old table are placed a few cups and a 
 tea-kettle, together with a jug of water, for the use of the 
 smokers. At one side of the door the sub-farmer, or caba- 
 ret-keeper, sits, with chandoo, pipes, &c, for the accom- 
 
THE CHINESE WAR. 219 
 
 modation of his customers. The place is filled with the 
 smoke of the chandoo, and with a variety of other vapors, 
 most intolerable to the olfactories of a European. The 
 pipe, as may be seen, is composed of a shank and a head- 
 piece, the former made of hard and heavy wood, fourteen 
 inches long by three inches and a half in circumference. 
 It is bored through the centre, from the mouth-piece to the 
 head, where there is a kind of cup to collect the ' tye- 
 chandoo.' 
 
 " The smokers generally go in pairs, and recline on the 
 bedstead, with head resting on the wooden stool. The 
 mode of proceeding is as follows : First, one of the pair 
 takes up a piece of chandoo on the point of a short iron 
 needle, and lighting it at the lamp, applies it to the small 
 aperture (resembling the touchhole of a gun), in the head 
 of the pipe. After a few whiffs, he hands the pipe to his 
 friend, who lights another piece of chandoo at the lamp ; 
 and thus they go on alternately smoking till they have had 
 sufficient, or until they are unable to purchase any more of 
 the intoxicating drug. The fume is always expelled through 
 the nose, and old stagers even draw it into tKeir lungs before 
 it is expired. 
 
 " During this time, they are at first loquacious, and the 
 conversation is highly animated ; but, as the opium takes 
 effect, the conversation droops, and they frequently burst 
 out into loud laughter from the most trifling causes, or with- 
 out any apparent cause at all, unless it be from the train of 
 thoughts passing through their excited imaginations. The 
 next phase presents a vacancy of countenance, with pallor, 
 and shrinking of the features, so that they resemble people 
 convalescing from a fever. A dead silence precedes a deep 
 sleep, which continues from half an hour to three or four 
 hours. In this state the pulse becomes much slower, softer, 
 and smaller than before the debauch. Such is the general 
 process almost invariably observed among the Chinese ; but 
 with the Malays it is often very different. Instead of the 
 
220 THE CHINESE WAR. 
 
 placidity that ushers in the profound sleep, the Malays fre- 
 quently become outrageously violent and quarrelsome, and 
 lives are occasionally lost in these frightful orgies ! 
 
 " The chandoo is sometimes employed for the purpose 
 of self-destruction ; but, from its strong smell and taste, it is 
 never used as poison for others. It does not appear that 
 sudden death is ever produced by an overdose of chandoo 
 when used in smoking. When an inordinate quantity has 
 been expended in this way, headache, vertigo, and nausea 
 are the effects, and are only relieved by vomiting. 
 
 " When a person has once contracted the habit of opium- 
 smoking, he finds it extremely difficult to discontinue the 
 vice ; yet there are many instances of its being conquered 
 by resolution of mind. In such attempts it is most danger- 
 ous to approach the opium-shops, as the smell of the chan- 
 doo produces an irresistible desire to indulge once more in 
 the pernicious habit : neither can opium-smoking be sud- 
 denly abandoned without some substitute, as the most seri- 
 ous or even fatal consequences would ensue. The best 
 substitute is tincture of the tye-chandoo (which is about 
 one fourth of the strength of the chandoo itself), mado with 
 1 lamsoo,' a spirit made from rice, and taken in gradually- 
 diminished doses, till the habit is broken. > 
 
 " By a continuance in this destructive practice, the physi- 
 cal constitution and thr moral character of the individual 
 are deteriorated or destroyed, especially among the lower 
 classes, who are impelled to the commission of crimes, in 
 order to obtain the means of indulging in their dominant 
 vice. 
 
 11 The hospitals and poor-houses are chiefly filled with 
 opium-smokers. In one that I had charge of, the inmates 
 averaged sixty daily, five sixths of whom were smokers of 
 chandoo. The baneful effects of this habit on the human 
 constitution are conspicuously displayed by stupor, forget- 
 fulness, general deterioration of all the mental faculties, ema- 
 ciation, debility, sallow complexion, lividity of lips and eye- 
 
THE CHINESE WAR. 221 
 
 lids, languor and lack-lustre of eye, appetite either destroyed 
 or depraved, sweetmeats or sugar-cane being the articles 
 that are most relished. In the morning these creatures 
 have a most wretched appearance, evincing no symptoms 
 of being refreshed or invigorated by sleep, however pro- 
 found. There is a remarkable dryness or burning in the 
 throat, which urges them to repeat the opium-smoking. If 
 the dose be not taken at the usual time, there is great pros- 
 tration, vertigo, and torpor, discharge of water from the 
 eyes, and in some an involuntary discharge of semen, even 
 when wide awake. If the privation be complete, a still 
 more formidable train of phenomena takes place. Coldness 
 is felt over the whole body, with aching pains in all parts. 
 Diarrhoea occurs ; the most horrid feelings of wretchedness 
 come on ; and if the poison be withheld, death terminates 
 the victim's existence. 
 
 " It is generally remarked, as might, a priori, be expect- 
 ed, that the offspring of opium-smokers are weak, stunted, 
 and decrepit." 
 
 Another powerful authority on this subject will prove 
 what we have advanced. Some years since, a Chinese 
 artist painted a series of pictures, representing the phases 
 in the life of an opium-smoker. The following is a de- 
 scription of these pictures, taken from the Chinese Reposi- 
 tory for 1837, a journal published at Canton : — 
 
 14 In the first picture, we see a young man, who, from 
 his dress, appears to be rich, and whose countenance indi- 
 cates that he is in good health. Near him is a coffer filled 
 with gold and silver. A domestic in one corner of the 
 apartment is preparing the opium for the pipe of this young 
 voluptuary. 
 
 u Number two shows our future hero smoking on a rich 
 divan, surrounded by courtesans and musicians, to whom 
 he distributes pieces of gold. 
 
 44 In number three, this imprudent young man is com- 
 pletely a slave to this fatal habit j his eves are sunken and 
 19* 
 

 222 THE CHIiNiiSE WAR. 
 
 haggard, his skin is pale, his features wasted ; while his de- 
 cayed teeth and crooked back indicate already the ravages 
 produced in his system by opium. He is seated upon a 
 meaner sofa ; his coffer is empty. He is still preparing to 
 smoke, and his wife and slave seem terrified by their pro- 
 spective ruin. 
 
 " In the fourth picture, he appears to be entirely destitute. 
 Everything around him indicates the extreme of misery. 
 He lies upon a few planks ; he is bent up like an old man 
 of eighty ; the muscles of his face and hands are contract- 
 ed ; he seems to breathe from the very bottom of his chest. 
 His wife appears insensible to their despair. 
 
 " In the fifth picture, the young old man, .still fond of that 
 poison so pernicious to him, is reduced to the most deplo- 
 rable situation. Perhaps he finds a few pieces of copper, 
 which he has possibly stolen from a neighbor, and he drags 
 himself along, like a dying man, towards an opium-shop, 
 where a few cinders, fallen from the pipe of another smoker, 
 kindle up the dying spark of existence. 
 
 " Finally, the last picture represents him in the lowest 
 degree of idiocy. He is sitting on a miserable bamboo- 
 chair, and is eating the residuum of opium, so thick that he 
 cannot swallow it except by drinking with it a little tea. 
 His wife and son are taking care of silk-worms, to obtain 
 the means of procuring a painful existence. One would 
 think his last hour had come." 
 
 This is the fate of the unhappy man who is addicted to 
 this terrible propensity ; and unfortunately the attraction of 
 this poison is irresistible. The prostration which follows 
 intoxication does not terrify the smoker. Before feeling 
 wretched, he tastes in imagination all the pleasures of the 
 oriental paradise ; he prefers death rather than renounce 
 that intellectual mirror which presents to all the senses the 
 most delicate enjoyments. 
 
 And farther, this vice exercises its despotic influence 
 over the physical man as well as upon the will ; if they at- 
 
THE CHINESE WAR. 223 
 
 tempt to renounce it, the want of nervous excitement de- 
 ranges the vital forces to an intolerable extent, which may 
 even become fatal. 
 
 " I have learned," says an Imperial censor in the memo- 
 rial to the Chinese government, " that the opium smokers 
 have a periodical desire for the drug, and this desire can- 
 not be appeased except by a new dose taken at regular in- 
 tervals. If they caunot smoke when the necessity of the 
 moment comes, their limbs tremble, there is a free discharge 
 from their noses and eyes, and they become unable to do 
 any work. A few whiffs, however, are sufficient to revive 
 their spirits and strength." Thus the smokers can only 
 live by the aid of opium, and when they are arrested and 
 brought before the magistrates, they prefer to undergo se- 
 vere chastisement rather than to inform against those who 
 had sold them the poison. 
 
 The Chinese government only stated a deplorable fact 
 when it declared that opium was a deadly drug, and gave 
 proof of foresight in prohibiting its sale. 
 
 The English paid no attention to this prohibition. The 
 open traflic was suspended, but it was still carried on se- 
 cretly, with results that equalled and even surpassed their 
 expectations. The East India Company, seeing that this 
 source of revenue would become more and more profitable, 
 undertook to monopolize for their possessions the culturo 
 of the poppy.* It did more ; it protected itself against 
 
 • On the subject of this monopoly, we read the following curious details 
 in the National of June 2.2, 1841. 
 
 " The culture of the poppy, although general in all the English East In. 
 dian possessions, yet occupies principally the territory of Benares and 
 Patnah. Half of it, however, is raised in Malwa alone. Although this 
 last province does not belong to the company, it was formerly subject to 
 the opium monopoly. The princes of the province were obliged to tell 
 how much was raised, and to sell the whole of it to the English alone. 
 The price allowed by the British agents was about half that which could 
 be obtained elsewhere. This odious monopoly having impoverished the 
 inhabitants of Malwa, the people were much exasperated. In 1829, how- 
 ever, the company determined to throw open the culture of the poppy in 
 that province ; but as there was no market for the drug except in Bombay i 
 
224 THE CHINESE WAR. 
 
 French commerce, by paying an annual indemnity of a 
 million pounds, on condition that the French should formally 
 renounce the cultivation of the poppy in that strip of land 
 which remained to them of their former Asiatic kingdom. 
 
 While the company regulated by these means this frau- 
 dulent commerce, it attempted to extend the desire for opi- 
 um into the most remote provinces of the Chinese empire. 
 Its agents formed connexions with the highest functionaries 
 of the empire, caused them to contract this fata) habit, and 
 thus rendered them their accomplices. At the same time, 
 they organized a system of smuggling with the population 
 Of the seacoast. They established a depot of opium in the 
 Isle of Lintin, at the month of the river of Canton; here 
 the buyers were supplied by numerous stationary vessels 
 called receiving vessels. In a short time they brayed the 
 wrath of th^ emperoi openly; th. vessels destined to carry 
 this fraudulent merchandise were armed with guns, and 
 when the smugglers met a war junk, designed to prevent 
 the opium trade, they fired upon it. and saved themselves 
 by rapid flight. The East India Company had now suc- 
 ceeded to the utmost of its wishes. From this time the 
 Chinese could not dispense with opium. They were the 
 tributaries and victims of the English. They had become, 
 in the hands of the government at Calcutta, a worthy rival 
 of that cf London, a material essentially saleable. 
 
 it is difficult to understand why a nation should poison 
 
 itself voluntarily. The article from tie' National which we 
 have already cited, gives a very plausible explanation of 
 this fact. 
 and as the inhabitants of this province were obliged to pass through the 
 
 British possessions to get to the capital, it cannot be shipped t<> China un- 
 til it has paid enormous duties. In all the districts belonging to the Eng- 
 lish, then is an exorbitant monopoly of it 
 
 Wherever the soil has been (bond to be propel tor the cultivation of the 
 poppy, this culture is obligatory. The government makes advances to 
 the ryott or peasant, sod if these advances are refused, the money is 
 thrown into his cabin, and then he is obliged to sow poppies ; and wo be 
 to him it he attempts to deceive in regard to this point. 
 
THE CHINESE WAR. 225 
 
 " The Chinese," says this journal, " are the most voluptu- 
 ous people in the world ; they have always been extremely 
 fond of stimulants of all kinds ; they constantly use birds- 
 nests, sharks' fins, and biche de mer, of which seven 
 thousand piculs are annually imported, together with other 
 stimulating drugs. It is not surprising, then, that the Chi- 
 nese should become extremely addicted to the use of opium, 
 inasmuch as, when taken in moderate doses, it causes a 
 transient feeling of happiness and delightful visions, which 
 only renew the desire of using it again. As we have al- 
 ready said, the desire of taking increases with the quantity 
 taken ; the smoker cannot resist this strong propensity, al- 
 though knowing very well that he is committing suicide by 
 inches. U is the same thing with those who become ad- 
 dicted to the use of ardent spirits, although they are per- 
 fectly satisfied that the indulgence of this habit leads to the 
 tomb. 
 
 '• In Syria, Persia, and Turkey, opium does not generally 
 produce such disastrous effects, because tin' inhabitants of 
 these countries are not so passionate as the Chinese, and 
 use the poisonous drug with some degree of moderation. 
 But in China this cannot be, on account of the propensities 
 of this sensual people. The English are fully aware of this 
 fact, and do not carry the opium elsewhere. 
 
 •• It is in this mannei that a people poisons itself volun- 
 tarily." 
 
 In all this the wishes of England are easily seen ; to 
 sav nothing of the political inlluence which it acquires in 
 inpire by weakening its power. 
 
 In a financial point of view it has been of immense ad- 
 vantage. In fact, as opium is paid for on the spot, on ac- | 
 count of the prohibition, it follows that twenty millions of 
 dollars are drawn from the kingdom annually without any / 
 equivalent. " Formerly," said Heu-Naetze, vice-president 
 of the court of Pekin, in a very remarkable memoir on this 
 subject, " formerly, the commerce of the barbarians brought 
 
226 THE CHINESE WAR. 
 
 money to China, and this money, given in exchange for 
 merchandise, was a source of benefit to the maritime popu- 
 lation. But since the barbarians only sell opium clandes- 
 tinely and for cash, the specie leaves the empire, and does 
 not return to it in any manner." China then loses an im- 
 mense quantity of specie from which the East India Com- 
 pany profits exclusively. This state of things will inevita- 
 bly ruin the population and government of the celestial em- 
 pire. 
 
 In a political point of view, the calculations of Eng- 
 land were well founded ; in fact, it was evident that the use 
 of opium, extending farther and farther, would demoralize 
 the whole empire, and would finally enervate the population 
 to such a degree that they could not resist a powerful ene- 
 my. It is remarkable that the greatest number of opium- 
 smokers are found in the higher classes.* The troops also 
 are infected with this vice, so that the Chinese empire is 
 affected in its real strength, viz., in its rich population and 
 limits army. 
 
 But demoralization is not the only auxiliary on which 
 English policy counts. It was easy to foresee a still more 
 positive result which had been anticipated by the govern- 
 ments of London and Calcutta. The mean existence of the 
 opium-smokers scarcely exceeds four years, and hence the 
 general mortality must increase sensibly in consequence 
 of the use of this poisonous drug. Now it has been calcu- 
 lated that thirty -four thousand chests of opium, the amount 
 imported in 1837,t is sufficient for the consumption of a 
 million of individuals. Hence, after the year 1837, China 
 
 * We read in a memoir of the Mandarin, Choo Hum : " Most of the 
 opium-smokers are parents, or under the authority of those employed by 
 the government : by them, this fatal custom has extended to the commer- 
 cial classes, and even among the soldiers, the students, and laborers. Those 
 who do not smoke, are the lower people of the villages and hamlets. 
 
 f The importation of opium into China has progressed astonishingly. 
 In 1816, it was 3210 chests ; 1825, 9621 ; 1832, 23,670 ; 1837, 34,000. Thus 
 in twenty years the amount has been decupled. 
 
THE CHINESE WAR. 227 
 
 will lose a million of inhabitants annually, in addition to its 
 common mortality, and we have every reason to think that 
 the use of opium will be still more extensive in subsequent 
 years. Hence the double motive which England has pur- 
 sued, since the time when the prohibition of opium has 
 given a new impulse to this odious traffic, has been the 
 ruin of private individuals and of the state for the advantage 
 of the East India Company, and demoralization and assas- 
 sination of the Chinese population as a new means of con- 
 quest.* 
 
 II. PROHIBITION OF THE OPIUM TRADE REAL MOTIVE OF 
 
 THE CHINESE GOVERNMENT. 
 
 The government of Pekin opened its eyes to the dangers 
 of the increased trade in opium. It passed new laws, more 
 explicit and severe than the first, and ordered the mandarins 
 to be still more vigilant in regard to smuggling. 
 
 The English, and some French writers who were inter- 
 ested in this subject, have pretended that the financial 
 question was the motive of the emperor, and that the object 
 of the laws against the merchants and smokers of opium 
 
 * The English appear to have practised a similar system of extermina- 
 tion in New Holland, except that a degree of refinement is added, which 
 marks their progress in civilization. A writer in the Westminster Review 
 for January, 1841, remarks ; "Very recently in Van Diemen's Land, a 
 small body of aborigines were hemmed in and shot down in cold blood by 
 a few Europeans, and when the government took some steps to bring the 
 monsters who perpetrated it to justice, the press raised an outcry against 
 punishing men for shooting l monkeys,'' and an intimation was held out that 
 if this course were persevered in, it would be necessary to find some more 
 secure mode of getting rid of the { vermin.' The mode recommended was 
 to dose wheaten bread or cakes, of which the natives are very fond, with 
 arsenic, and we learn from a letter from a private friend, that the method 
 in question is actually adopted around Port Philip. He says, ' Some of the 
 white people here treat them (the natives) most shamefully ; for the slight- 
 est offence they kill them, and drop their bodies into some creek, and some 
 have been known to leave about dampers, a species of bread baked in the 
 bush, in which arsenic has been previously put, for the very purpose of 
 destroying the blacks.' Shame on such outrageous conduct from a nation 
 which professes to be the zealous friend of the colored race !" 
 
228 THE CHINESE WAR. 
 
 was only to prevent the loss of money and the ruin of the 
 Chinese empire. 
 
 It is easy to demonstrate the falsehood of this assertion, 
 and to prove that the Chinese have more regard to the de- 
 moralization of their nation, and the dangers which would 
 result from it, than to the loss of money. The mandarin 
 Choo Hum, whom we have already mentioned, says, in his 
 official report to the emperor : — 
 
 " I have always admired the care taken by my sovereign 
 in strengthening the military and civil education, to consoli- 
 date the foundations of the empire, and to exclude the bar- 
 barians from every point ; but unless the importation of 
 opium can be arrested, it is impossible to know certainly 
 the extent of the mortality which the use of this drug will 
 cause in the army : and if the camp is once infected, the 
 fatal influence of opium will extend its ravages. Then 
 how can the victims of this scourge, with tottering legs, trem- 
 bling hands, and tearful eyes, fulfil their military duties ? 
 How can such men form strong and formmable legions ? 
 Under such influences, the soldiers will become incapable 
 of advancing in combat, and, in a retreat, of defending 
 their posts." 
 
 Further on, the author of the report remarks : li At first, 
 the opium was cultivated at Kaoutsinne, or Kallapa (Ba- 
 tavia) ; the inhabitants of this country were quick and 
 active, good soldiers, and generally victorious in their con- 
 tests ; but the people called Hung-Maou, ox red-haired men, 
 came there, and having taught the natives to smoke opium, 
 this frightful habit soon extended through the whole nation* 
 The men became weak and cowardly ; they submitted to 
 the yoke of the foreigner, and were thus completely subju- 
 gated after a short time. Now the English belong to the 
 same race termed Hung-Maou. Their object in introducing 
 opium into this country, is only to weaken and enervate the 
 celestial empire. If we are not upon our guard by a feel- 
 
THE CHINESE WAR. 229 
 
 ing of danger, we shall find ourselves on the edge of a 
 precipice, and on the brink of ruin." 
 
 Finally, we find in another memorial addressed to the 
 emperor by the sub-censor Hen Keer, the following passage, 
 which is equally explicit : " For a long time, the vessels 
 of the barbarians have appeared upon our coast ; they pene- 
 trate into our inner seas : have they any evil designs upon 
 us 1 Do they wish to ascertain our force or our weakness ? 
 If we allow them to advance step by step, if no restric- 
 tions are placed upon them, the force of the country will be 
 dail3 r undermined and weakened. When our population 
 shall be weakened, even if any trivial difficulty should 
 arise, would it be possible to suppress it ?" 
 
 Hence the war was not produced by a question of money. 
 This question was only secondary in the view of the Chi- 
 nese ; but they regarded it in a moral and political point of 
 view, for they very well understood the infamous object of 
 the cabinets of London and Calcutta. 
 
 III. HISTORY OF THE RUPTURE THE ENGLISH GOVERN- 
 MENT DECLARES WAR AGAINST CHINA ITS BAD FAITH. 
 
 The English took no notice of the laws and threats of 
 the Chinese government. They continued their horrid 
 commerce. Although warned and requested to obey the 
 prohibitory edicts of government, they continued to sell 
 their poison under the eyes of the authorities. 
 
 Nevertheless, the government was still indulgent, and 
 addressed new remonstrances to the English resident, 
 Captain Elliott. He was constantly making hypocritical 
 protestations of obedience to the mandarins. He admitted 
 that the Chinese government had the right to make what- 
 ever laws they thought proper, and said that he would not 
 oppose the punishment of the offenders ; but while he thus 
 pretended to submit to the wishes of the emperor, he took 
 no steps to remove from the Canton river vessels loaded 
 
 20 
 
230 THE CHINESE WAR. 
 
 with opium : and while he admitted, in his official despatch 
 to Lord Palmerston, that the opium trade was infamous and 
 criminal, he adopted no measures to check the smuggling. 
 Still less did he attempt to abolish from Bengal the mo- 
 nopoly of the cultivation of the poppy, which monopoly is 
 the only source of this odious traffic. 
 
 This double game provoked the indignation of the Chi- 
 nese authorities. They adopted means to interrupt the 
 commerce of the English. As a preliminary measure, 
 Commissioner Lin, the delegate of the emperor, ordered, 
 on the 18th of March, 1839, that all of the opium contain* 1 
 in the receiving vessels should be delivered up to him. The 
 British minister continued secretly to protect the smugglers. 
 The commissioner, to compel him to sign the order for the 
 delivery of the opium, was obliged to imprison Captain 
 Elliott, and employ other extreme modes to intimidate him. 
 Captain Elliott was forced to obey, and decided to surren- 
 der to the imperial commissioner, not the entire quantity 
 of opium, but only twenty thousand two hundred and ninety- 
 s one chc 
 
 The English complained bitterly that the Chinese gov- 
 ernment had no right to confiscate contraband goods ; their 
 attitude became more insolent and more provoking than 
 ever. July 7th, 1839, some sailors went to Hong Kong, 
 committed gross outrages there, and assassinated an inof- 
 fensive inhabitant. Commissioner Lin demanded the mur- 
 derer. Captain Elliott replied that he could not discover 
 the offender ; he even insinuated that the crime might have 
 been committed by some American sailors. A correspond- 
 ence occurred in regard to this matter, which shows the 
 perfidy of the English in every line. 
 
 On the 4th of September, the British superintendent, 
 without any previous declaration of war, blockaded the en- 
 trance of the river, and attacked three Chinese junks. On 
 the 3d of November, Captain Smith and the superintendent 
 gave battle to a Chinese flotilla. Several vessels were sunk, 
 
THE CHINESE WAR. 231 
 
 and the English, overjoyed at the success of this effort, 
 prepared for new hostilities. 
 
 The British government then decided to declare war 
 against China. In the order of council of April, 1840, are 
 found several passages too singular and significant to be 
 passed over in silence. 
 
 " Her Majesty, considering the recent offences of several 
 Chinese authorities against her functionaries, has ordered 
 that satisfaction and reparation should be demanded. To 
 obtain this satisfaction and reparation, the vessels and car- 
 goes belonging to the Emperor of China or his subjects 
 shall be kept and guarded, in order that if this satisfaction 
 is refused, the vessels and cargoes thus retained, and others 
 which may afterwards be captured, may be confiscated and 
 sold ; the proceeds of this sale shall be applied as her Ma- 
 jesty shall think proper ; by and with the advice of the 
 privy council, therefore, these presents do ordain, that the 
 commanders of her Royal Majesty's vessels shall detain 
 and carry into port all vessels and merchandise belonging 
 to the Emperor of China or to his subjects, or to any other 
 inhabitants of the country, territory, or dominions of China, 
 &c." 
 
 Thus it was the Chinese government which was the ag- 
 gressor ; — she whose laws have been scandalously violated 
 by the subjects of her Britannic Majesty ; — she who is 
 obliged to caution her people against the poison brought by 
 the English. The English cabinet declares itself offended, 
 and seeks a pretext to make war upon China. First, she 
 seizes and confiscates the cargoes of Chinese vessels. 
 Then she must have reparation, consisting of a sum of mo- 
 ney ; an indemnity for the seizing of contraband goods. 
 
 The British government knew that the Chinese nation 
 could not resist a European army, fortified by all the means 
 of destruction invented by modern science j it was aware, 
 too, that most of the rich population, and of the Imperial 
 army, were already sufficiently demoralized by the use of 
 
232 THE CHINESE WAR. 
 
 opium, to be more embarrassing than useful to the govern- 
 ment of Pekin in a serious contest. It knew that all the 
 opium-smokers were favorable to England, and also the 
 population of the seashore, which lived in a great degree on 
 the contraband trade of opium. After attempting, by every 
 means, to bring on this odious war, it took up arms with the 
 certainty of crushing an almost defenceless enemy. 
 
 The indemnity claimed by Great Britain for the confis- 
 cated opium was live million pounds sterling. For this 
 indemnity the East India Company was alone responsible, 
 and, on the failure of the company, the government. The 
 merchants who had suffered by the confiscation had pur- 
 chased the twenty thousand chests of the company ; hence 
 they ought, in good faith, to indemnify them for the loss sus- 
 tained. In fact, the merchants claimed it, saying that the 
 company could not expect to profit from the bargain from 
 which the merchant received nothing, since the merchan- 
 dise which was purchased by them at Calcutta, had been 
 confiscated at Canton. The answer of the governor of the 
 East India Company, and of the home government, was 
 worthy of both ; they both said that they did not encourage 
 the opium trade, that they were even ignorant of it, and 
 consequently could not be held responsible for the damage 
 sustained by the smugglers. This excuse was very singu- 
 lar, considering the care devoted by the company to the 
 cultivation of the poppy, and the sale of its opium in the 
 market of India, and still more so, considering the declara- 
 tions of several members of parliament, and particularly by 
 one of the former ministers. In fact, the Duke of Welling- 
 ton remarked, in the session of the 12th of May, 1840 : " I 
 was one of a committee to make an inquiry in regard to the 
 different branches of English commerce, and particularly that 
 of opium ; one of the principal objects considered by the 
 government was the continuation of this trade. Witnesses 
 were asked if it were not possible to extend commerce 
 generally, and particularly that of opium. In the report 
 
[£ CHINESE WAR. 233 
 
 made by the committee to the House of Commons, it was 
 expressly stated that it was desirable to continue the opium 
 trade. The bad faith of the two governments was then ap- 
 parent. It was easy for the merchants to prove this. 
 Hence the company and home government decided to oblige 
 the Chinese government to pay the indemnity." 
 
 And now what should be said of the British merchants, 
 the East India Company, and the government, if the de- 
 mand for indemnity was entirely unfounded, if the seizure 
 of the opium had occasioned no loss to the smugglers ? 
 We shall now proceed to prove this in such a manner as 
 to remove every doubt and every objection. The following 
 is an extract from a despatch from Captain Elliott to Lord 
 Palmerston, dated at Tongkou, and published among the 
 official documents to which we have already alluded. 
 
 " The commissioner Lin found the opium trade in a 
 state of extreme stagnation. For four months before his 
 arrival, there had been but few sales ; the stock of the last 
 year had accumulated, and the harvest of the current v< r 
 had begun to arrive. In China the price had fallen two or 
 three per cent, below the cost of its production Hid duties ; 
 when the opium was sent to Canton, the sales of the drug 
 at Calcutta and Bombay were ruinous. 
 
 " Uut, my Lord, when the high commissioner had aban- 
 doned reasonable measures to solve the problem confided 
 to him, when he had obliged me to take from my fellow- 
 countrymen the opium which was theirs, I foresaw for him 
 only difficulties and disappointment. 
 
 "To seize twenty thousand chests of opium, which were 
 almost without value on account of the large stock on hand, 
 was not the mode to extinguish this trade, and, on the con- 
 trary, we must regard this measure as having saved the opi- 
 um trade. In fact, the price had fallen so much, that if the 
 commissioner Lin had restored the chests the day after 
 seizing them, it is difficult to say whether the proprietors 
 would have been the gainers. We may say that the market 
 20* 
 
234 THE CHINESE WAR. 
 
 required to be quickened by the persecutions of the com- 
 missioner, in order that the price of opium should be equal 
 to the price of its production, considering that the trade has 
 been very active and very profitable since the 24th of 
 March, we must admit that those persons who gave up the 
 opium ought to be extremely grateful to his excellency the 
 commissioner, and perfectly willing to sacrifice the price 
 of the confiscated opium for the profits of the opium which 
 could not have been sold under other circumstances, except 
 at a ruinous sacrifice ; I estimate that this would be a mod- 
 erate tax on the actual future sales. The commissioner 
 has taken the only course to encourage the sales of the 
 next year. If he had left the twenty thousand chests in 
 the hands of their owners, the company would have been 
 obliged to sacrifice the crop of the next year. Under these 
 circumstances, I think that this trade will be extremely pro- 
 fitable. In conclusion, I would state to your excellency that 
 my resolutions have not caused the merchants any loss, but 
 the contrary." 
 
 Here the English superintendent at Canton declares offi- 
 cially, that^the merchants lost nothing by the confiscation 
 of the opium, but, on the contrary, that it was a source of 
 profit. And yet the merchants claim damages, and the 
 English government supports their pretensions by an army. 
 Any remarks would weaken the impression which this 
 statement ought to make on every impartial mind. We 
 shall say no more on the subject, but shall leave our read- 
 ers to draw their own conclusions. 
 
 IV. COMMENCEMENT OF THE CAMPAIGN AGAINST CHINA 
 
 CAPTURE OF CHUSAN — BARBARITY OF THE ENGLISH BOM- 
 BARDMENT OF AMOR. 
 
 An English fleet of more than thirty sail, of all sizes, 
 were moored in the roads of Macao, June 20th, 1840. It 
 came to oblige the Emperor of China to permit the poison- 
 
THE CHINESE WAR. 235 
 
 ing of his subjects, to pay to the English a large indemnity 
 for imaginary losses, and to make to the British government 
 such concessions as the latter should judge favorable to its 
 views and its passion for conquest. On the 2d of July, their 
 naval forces appeared before the Island of Chusan, situated 
 at the entrance of the Yellow Sea. On the 5th, a general 
 attack was made on the capital of the island. The unhappy 
 Chinese fired a few balls against the vessels of the enemy, 
 which passed between the masts of the vessels ; in their 
 simplicity, they imagined that the English sailors would be 
 terrified at the sight of some hideous monsters, whose ima- 
 ges they had placed on the banks of the river. The lead- 
 ers of the expedition were not deceived ; they made war up- 
 on a defenceless people. 
 
 After a murderous fire of nine minutes only, against an 
 inoffensive city, the red-coats entered Ting-hae, and the in- 
 habitants fled in disorder. A scene of pillage then occur- 
 red, which continued until the cupidity of the English sol- 
 diers was entirely satisfied. The English generals attempt- 
 ed to produce the impression that the Chinese pillaged their 
 own city before leaving it ; but the truth is contained in a 
 letter from an officer in the army, from which we shall 
 make an extract; it is dated the 18th of July, at Chusan. 
 
 " The troops were disembarked, the English flag was 
 hoisted, and then commenced the most thorough pillage im- 
 aginable ; every house was broken open indiscriminately ; 
 every box and chest was emptied. The streets were filled 
 with fragments of furniture, tables and chairs, and the whole 
 was finally collected together, except the dead or living 
 bodies of the inhabitants, who could not quit the city on ac- 
 count of the wounds received from our merciless guns. 
 Some had lost a leg, others both legs, and there were a 
 great number with horrid wounds, made by thirty-two pound 
 shot, which had passed through their bodies. For two 
 days the bodies were left where they had fallen. At the 
 end of that time, they were buried in consequence of the 
 
236 THE CHINESE WAR. 
 
 smell, and the number of flies upon them. During this 
 time, the pillage was carried to the utmost extreme, and 
 ceased only when there was nothing more to take. The 
 plunderers, on their return to Calcutta, made presents to 
 their friends, and ornamented their houses with trophies 
 taken, not from the soldiers, not from the field of battle, but 
 from the peaceful and inoffensive inhabitants. The inhabi- 
 tants of the city were devoted to destruction by our vessels of 
 war, which a few days previous had given positive orders 
 to all our transports to use indulgence towards the inhabi- 
 tants, because we did not make war upon the people, but 
 only demanded reparation of the Chinese government. 
 
 " The day after the capture of Chusan, the soldiers, either 
 from intoxication, or influenced by the demon of destruction, 
 set lire to a part of the city. The conflagration was ex- 
 tended by the spirits contained in the warehouses at Ting- 
 hae, and spread with frightful rapidity, and would have 
 swept oil" the whole city, had it not been extinguished by 
 the unparalleled ellbrts of the seamen." 
 
 For the edification of our readers, we would state, that 
 according to the oflicer who wrote the above letter, vessels 
 loaded with opium followed the squadron, doubtless to poi- 
 son those unfortunate natives who had escaped the balls of 
 the English. 
 
 While Ting-hae was captured and sacked by the English, 
 a small part of the squadron was sent to destroy the city of 
 Amor. The frigate Blonde conducted this savage expedi- 
 tion with a zeal worthy of a better purpose, and the com- 
 mander- pointed out the ruins of the city to his cannoniers 
 as the glorious certilicate by which the commander of the 
 vessel claimed the favor of his chief. 
 
 In this affair there was nothing wanting, and English 
 policy, in its struggles with the Chinese, appeared in its 
 most hideous forms. It has shrunk from nothing either 
 hateful or barbarous ; it has shown itself in all its naked- 
 
THE CHINESE WAR. 237 
 
 ness ; it called to its aid perfidy, deception, theft, poison, 
 and the sword. 
 
 V. SUSPENSION OF HOSTILITIES ENGLAND AGAIN BREAKS 
 
 THE PEACE. 
 
 Hostilities were suspended temporarily by an arrange- 
 ment made between the government of Pekin and the rep- 
 resentative of the English cabinet. One would think that 
 the concessions made by the Emperor ought to satisfy his 
 enemies. He granted to the English six millions of dollars 
 as an indemnity, and yet, as we have already stated, this in- 
 demnity was not legitimately due. In the second place, he 
 granted them the island of Hong Kong, situated at the en- 
 trance of the river of Canton, and this stipulation, which 
 gave them a foothold in the Chinese empire, might at a 
 later period serve as a starting point for their projects of 
 conquest. Finally, one clause of the convention permitted 
 the English in future to treat directly with the court of 
 Pekin. This privilege has long been desired by the British 
 ministers. They had always thought, that when they could 
 have a minister at the court of the Emperor, intrigue and 
 corruption would do more for the success of their designs, 
 than threats and violence. 
 
 The wishes of England seemed then fulfilled by this 
 treaty. But British cupidity cherished hopes much more 
 brilliant, particularly since they had ascertained the right- 
 ing qualities of the Chinese. The cabinet of St. James and 
 the East India Company therefore found that the arrange- 
 ment signed by Captain Elliott was not sufficiently favor- 
 able to the interests of the commerce and policy of Great 
 Britain. Some time afterward, news was received in Eu- 
 rope that hostilities had re-commenced, that the Boyne forts 
 had been destroyed by the British artillery, and that the 
 fleet had anchored before Canton, intending to burn the 
 city if the Emperor was not more generous. 
 
238 THE CHINESE WAR. 
 
 The English papers affirm that the armistice was broken 
 by the Chinese ; but the remarks of these journals prove 
 that the English were interested in re-commencing this 
 war to obtain the object of their demands, and no one 
 would believe that the Chinese would renew a contest 
 which would be fatal to them. And farther, private de- 
 spatches received in Europe state that the English were 
 the aggressors. 
 
 As yet, the war is not terminated ; a new squadron has 
 sailed from the ports at Bengal, for the capital of the Chi- 
 nese Empire. The English will now make a demonstration 
 against Pekin, and it will probably be successful. 
 
 Until this power decides to throw off the mask, and to 
 undertake seriously the conquest of China, she will continue, 
 probably, to demoralize the people by opium. This is con- 
 firmed by the solemn declaration of the ministers of Queen 
 Victoria, and that of several influential members of parlia- 
 ment. 
 
 The statesmen of Great Britain have said, that the opi- 
 um trade must be maintained ; that is, until the crime shall 
 be thoroughly accomplished, in spite of those hypocrites 
 who, in England and India, lament the fate of the unfortu- 
 nate Chinese. 
 
 All remarks are superfluous, for they occur naturally from 
 the simple statement of the facts. 
 
 In conclusion, England has presented to the world the 
 unparalleled Bight of a government warring upon a defence- 
 less people, to compel them to take poison.* 
 
 * Since the above remarks were written, the Chinese war has been con- 
 tinued with the same degree of savage cruelty and ferocity which charac- 
 terizes the other contests of England, and with a bloody recklessness of 
 human life, disreputable and disgraceful to any nation claiming to be 
 civilized, and worthy only of barbarians and savages. A narrative of the 
 Chinese war has recently been issued by Captain Bingham, who has served 
 with the expedition throughout : we shall make a few extracts from it, to 
 show the manner in which England has sullied her national honor. Take, 
 for instance, his account of the slaughter at Ningpoo : — 
 
 About twelve thousand (Chinese) advanced upon the southern and 
 
THE CHINESE WAR. 239 
 
 western gates, the guards. retiring before them. On the Chinese penetra- 
 ting to the markef-place in the centre of the city, they were received by a 
 heavy fire from our troops drawn up. This sudden check so damped their 
 ardor, that their only object appeared to be to get out of the city as fast as they 
 could, in doing which they were crowded in dense masses in the narrow 
 streets. The artillery now came up, unlimbered within one hundred yards 
 of the crowded fugitives, and poured in a destructive fire of grape and can- 
 ister. So awful was the destruction of human life, that the bodies icere 
 obliged to be removed to the sides of the streets to alloiv the guns to advance, 
 and were pursued by them (the artillery) and the 49th regiment for several 
 miles.-' 
 
 Captain Bingham thus describee the scene at Amoy:— "The general 
 had this day a good opportunity of displaying his skill in military tactics. 
 Perceiving that the enemy had five thousand men in an extensive encamp- 
 ment on the southern hank of the river, while the city was on the northern, 
 he determined to attack the former first (the troops had been landed under 
 cover of the fire of the Cruiser, the Columbine, and the Bentinck). Having 
 divided Ins small army into three columns, the right and left were de- 
 spatched towards the flanks of the enemy, which movement they were 
 enabled to execute without beincj perceived by their opponents, under 
 cover of a rising ground. The c< Qtre column advancing at the same time, 
 the Chinese came boldly out to meet them. The British troops advanced 
 steadily until within good range, though the Chinese had for some time 
 opened a fire of gingak and matchlocks, directed solely against this col- 
 umn. The order was given to fire, when, at the same moment, the flank 
 companies debouched, pouring in their volleys on the now bewildered Chi- 
 nese. Being utterly confounded at this (to them) most wonderful increase 
 of force, they gazed in stupid and motionless amazement. A few of them 
 only returned a fe ible fire to the incessant peals which came from every 
 quarter, and then, as it were in a sudden panic, moved, broke up, and f!->d 
 in every direction. Leaving the field thickly strewn with their dead and 
 dying. Our men followed in close pursuit, and many hand-to-hand encoun- 
 ters took place; but the loni? Chinese spear could make but little resist- 
 ance against the British bayonet. Many of these men foughl with di 
 ration, apparently resolved to conquer or die. The residue fled by hundreds 
 to the water, hoping by thai means to hide themselves from the vengeance 
 of the ' red-haired race.' The fire of the rifles was most deadly: the 
 stream shortly became tinged with their blood, when the general, accom- 
 panied by Mr. Thorn, coming up, the latter bearing a flag, with the follow- 
 ing words in the Chinese language upon it — ' Yield and be saved, resist 
 and perish' — many of them took quarter, and the carnage ceased. On this 
 day, so unhappy for the black-haired race, fifteen hundred of whom must 
 have perished, our loss amounted to sateen killed and a few wounded. With 
 such a tremendous bombardment as had been going on for two hours in 
 this densely-populated neighborhood, it must be expected that pitiable 
 sights were to be witnessed. At one spot were four children struck down, 
 while the frantic father was occasionally embracing their bodies, or making 
 
240 THE CHINESE WAR. 
 
 attempts to drown himself in a neighboring tank. Numerous similar scenes 
 were witnessed !" 
 
 At Anninghoy, the bombardment appears to have been of the most ter- 
 rific description, and soon drove the Chinese from their guns. Captain 
 Bingham thus describes the execution done upon the wretched fugitives in 
 their fruitless endeavor to escape : — 
 
 " The run becoming general, many tried to escape round the base of the 
 hill, in doing which numbers of them became exposed to the Blenheim's 
 broadside, when a great many fell. Finding the fire too hot to allow them 
 to escape along the beach, they took to the water, crawling along on all 
 fours, and bobbing their heads as they saw the flash of the guns ; but 
 escaping Scylla, they fell into Charybdis : for they had no sooner got clear 
 of the ships, than they became exposed to the rocket- boats. The discharge 
 followed the poor wretches into the village. Truly it was an awful day for 
 the black-haired race of Ham !" 
 
 In another part of the book we have an account of a skilful manoeuvre, 
 which placed a large body of the Chinese between two fires, by which six 
 hundred were slain, with a loss to the British force of only one killed. 
 The Chinese (says Captain Bingham) coidd do nothing against the terrific 
 broadsides of the ships, the shells, and the rockets. In numerous in- 
 stances, the Chinese, having no notion that quarter would be extended to 
 them, rushed upon the bayonets of their invaders, and destroyed them- 
 selves before their eyes. 
 
 Captain Bingham estimates the losses of the Chinese as very large : — 
 u Their losses, since the commencement of our hostile operations against 
 them, may be estimated in round numbers at from fifteen to twenty thou- 
 sand men, and about eighteen hundred pieces of cannon of different calibre, 
 with an immense quantity of the other materials of war." 
 
 The war is now ended for the present. A treaty has been concluded be- 
 tween China and Great Britain, of which the following are the most im- 
 portant provisions : — 
 
 " 1. Lasting peace and friendship between the two empires. 
 
 "2. China to pay $21,000,000 in the course of the present and three 
 succeeding years. 
 
 <*3. The ports of Canton, Amoy, Foo-choo-foo, Ningpoo, and Shanghai 
 to be thrown open to British merchants ; consular officers to be appointed 
 to reside at them ; and regular and just tariffs of import and export (as 
 well as inland transit) duties to be established and published. 
 
 " 4. The island of Hong-Kong to be ceded in perpetuity to her Britannic 
 Majesty, her heirs and successors. 
 
 " The Chinese ports thrown open by this treaty, in addition to Canton, 
 are — 1. Amoy, about 24 degrees 27 minutes north latitude ; an excellent 
 harbor, with a numerous and wealthy trading population. 2. Foo-choo- 
 foo, the capital of the province of Foo-kien, is about thirty miles above 
 Hoo-kiang, the anchoring place at the mouth of the Min ; the Lord Am- 
 herst sailed up the river to the city in 1832. The population can scarcely 
 be under 400,000. The best tea-plantations are in the interior of Foo-kien ; 
 
THE CHINESE WAR, 241 
 
 and Foo-choo-foo is the emporium of the black tea trade. The principal 
 articles of export are tea, timber for building, tobacco, and cotton. 3. 
 Ningpoo, where the British had a factory till 1759. Lindsay assigns to it 
 between 300,000 and 400,000 inhabitants. 4. Shanghai, a place of great 
 trade and importance. The climate at Shanghai and Ningpoo, the most 
 northerly of these ports, is oppressively hot in summer, but the winters 
 are very severe, and woollen cloths in great demand. The currents in the 
 estuary of the Yang-tse-kiang, among the small islands of the Chusan 
 group, and along the intervening shores, are strong, complicated, and as 
 yet but imperfectly known." 
 
 The Chinese were extremely desirous to come to an understanding in 
 regard to the opium trade, but this was declined by the British negotiator. 
 A writer in the London Times remarks on this point : — 
 
 " It ought to receive the immediate and grave attention of ministers, and 
 much of the benefit of our new commercial relations with China may be 
 contingent, both as to duration and as to extent, upon the course which 
 may be pursued with reference to the opium trade. We think it of the 
 highest moment that the government of Great Britain should wash its 
 hands, once for all, not only of all diplomatic, but of all moral and practi- 
 cal responsibility for this traffic ; that we should cease to be mixed 
 up with it, to foster it, or to make it a source of Indian revenue, as we 
 did in the days of Sir John Hobhouse and Lord Auckland ; that we should 
 not only disavow, but distinctly discourage and set our faces against it, in 
 all the ports of China, instead of countenancing and protecting it, as in 
 the days of Sir G. Robinson and Captain Elliott ; in short, that it should 
 be put down, as far as policy on the part of our government can put it 
 down, without infringement of the principle that we are not to guaranty 
 the revenue laws of other nations. 
 
 " In the eyes of all Europe, British character would stand higher for 
 such a vindication, which (to speak honestly) is, under the circumstances, 
 very much needed : much more in China, where it is inevitable that the 
 worst possible impressions should prevail as to our motives for engaging 
 in this war. If we take such measures, we shall be supported by the re- 
 spect of the Chinese government and people in a position which otherwise 
 we could maintain only through their fears. Nor ought it to be forgotten 
 that, in this case, religion, justice, and humanity, point in the same direc- 
 tion with policy. The responsibility of counteracting just and paternal 
 laws, however imperfectly administered, and of pushing, in the face of such 
 laws, a traffic in demoralization and vice, is heavy ; and we owe some $ 
 moral compensation to China for pillaging her towns and slaughtering her j 
 citizens in a quarrel which never could have arisen if we had not been I 
 guilty of this national crime." 
 
 Sir Henry Pottinger now proposes to proceed to Japan, to claim sat- 
 igfaction for received insults, and to demand admission for British ships to 
 those islands on terms of mutual mercantile advantage I ! 
 
 21 
 
242 ENGLAND 
 
 
 CHAPTER VIII. 
 ENGLAND. 
 
 I. INTERNAL POLICY OF THE BRITISH GOVERNMENT OP- 
 PRESSION OF THE PEOPLE BY THE ARISTOCRACY PAUPER- 
 ISM. 
 
 The misdeeds of the British government are not fortui- 
 tous accidents, referable to the extreme perversity of some 
 minister. Notwithstanding the numerous changes which 
 have occurred during the last two centuries in the administra- 
 tion of the government ; notwithstanding the changes which 
 have brought sometimes the Whigs, and sometimes the To- 
 ries into power, English policy has always remained the 
 same ; it has been constantly inspired by the same thought, 
 ruled by the same necessities, and served by the same 
 means. 
 
 England is that country of all others, where the oppres- 
 sion of the masses for the benefit of a few has been con- 
 ducted in the most scientific and thorough manner. The 
 crimes of the English aristocracy against the people over 
 whom it tyrannizes, are equally as horrid as those it has 
 committed in the name of the nation, in every part of the 
 globe. 
 
 The soil of England, as is well known, belongs almost 
 entirely to this aristocracy ; it composes the House of 
 Lords, and rules in the House of Commons. The Reform 
 bill, which gave some power to the middling interests, did 
 not take away the direction of affairs from the House of 
 Lords. The English aristocracy is still mistress of the 
 soil, and of the political power of England. 
 
ENGLAND. 243 
 
 Although haughty and insolent, it has never been exclu- 
 sive, like the French nobility. It receives as recruits all 
 those men of the middling interests who obtain political 
 power, thus taking away from the lower classes their natu- 
 ral chiefs, and attaching the middle class to its interests. 
 
 The power of the English aristocracy is defended by the 
 subsidies enjoyed by the nobler families. All the superior 
 grades in the army and navy, all the rich endowments of 
 the church, trie wealthiest in the world, are considered as 
 the patrimony of these old families. 
 
 By the exercise of these privileges, the nobility absorb 
 a great part of the public revenues, and hold in their hands 
 the wealth of the state. This would be a great deal in 
 other countries, but the advantages of the English aristocra- 
 cy do not stop here. 
 
 The raising of taxes brings nearly all the expenses of the 
 government upon the poorer classes. The nobility talk 
 about the taxes upon dogs, horses, carriages, servants, and 
 plate ; but these taxes are very light, and the revenue de- 
 rived from them is extremely small. Most of the revenues 
 of the British empire arise from Custom House duties, and 
 from taxes on articles of daily and constant consumption, 
 which are paid by the people. The administration of jus- 
 tice gives the English aristocracy another instrument of 
 power. The people cannot appear in a higher court, where 
 the expenses are enormous. We see there only justices 
 of the peace, who are extensive landholders, either nobles 
 or susceptible of becoming so, or curates, who in all cases 
 are named by the nobility. 
 
 The powers of a justice of the peace are immense. He 
 grants licenses to those who wish to keep a porter-house 
 or tavern, and these licenses, according to Lord Brougham, 
 represent a value of two millions of pounds sterling. The 
 justice of the peace takes cognizance of all civil and 
 minor offences, and at the same time performs the duties 
 of an officer of the judiciary police. He issues warrants 
 
244 ENGLAND. 
 
 of arrest for those accused of crimes. The courts compo- 
 sed of several justices of the peace, or the Quarter Sessions, 
 pronounce judgment of imprisonment or fine, and even of 
 transportation for from seven to fourteen years. The jus- 
 tice of the peace likewise, assisted by a colleague whom 
 he has invited to dinner, may shut up a road which passes 
 over his property, or that of his neighbor and friend, and 
 may thus deprive the people of the use of it. 
 
 What man in the country can resist such 'a power ? he 
 who exercises it is absolutely master of the liberty and for- 
 tune of the small proprietor, the poor farmer, and particularly 
 of the laborer. 
 
 The justice and priest, therefore, are the most terrible 
 instruments of oppression possessed by the English aristo- 
 cracy. Theil warrants of arrest have been traded oil' in a 
 tavern, and multiplied unnecessarily, in order to summon 
 their poor dependants or neighbors as witnesses, and extort 
 from them small fees. 
 
 The justice of the peace is particularly severe in regard 
 to all infractions of the game laws. Not satisfied with pun- 
 ishing the poacher with dogs and guns, and assailing him. 
 with game-keepers and mantraps, as justices of the peace 
 they enforce rigorously those laws, which they passed 
 while in parliament. Oilences against the game-laws give 
 rise to a large proportion of the convictions which occur in 
 England. In the eyes of a justice of the peace, tin- poach- 
 er is a wild beast, a wolf, an enemy of mankind. We do 
 not exaggerate ; we merely quote the expressions heard by 
 lord Brougham, who prefers the jurisdiction of the Turkish 
 cadi to that of an English justice of the peace. 
 
 The severity of the English aristocracy against poachers 
 brings to mind the early histories of the conquest, when an 
 enormous extent of country was depopulated to establish 
 parks, and procure for the king and Norman lords the pleas- 
 ures of the chase. It is not surprising that the ballads 
 which record the adventures of Robin Hood and his merry 
 
ENGLAND. 245 
 
 men are yet popular. Poaching and poachers are the sub- 
 jects of many modern songs, and the justice of the peace 
 is treated in them with no more respect than in the satire 
 of Shakspeare, who was himself a poacher. 
 
 The oppression of the country people, and the ascenden- 
 cy of the large proprietors, have nearly driven the small 
 farmer from the soil of England ; and to prevent his reap- 
 pearance, the commons have been divided between the pro- 
 prietors only. The poor man who formerly enjoyed them, 
 who danced on them at every holyday, and whose pig and 
 cow were permitted to feed upon the public pasture, is now 
 deprived of this privilege, without any compensation ; the 
 agrarian law has been brought to bear upon him by the ex- 
 tensive landholders. This robbery has been cloaked by 
 remarks upon the interests of agriculture, the increase of 
 the nett profit to result from if, and these arguments were 
 irresistible. 
 
 The state of the country in England now resembles, in 
 many respects, the state of Italy under the Roman empire. 
 There is, however, this dilierence, that the Roman noble 
 left his ground uncultivated, because his herds produced 
 more prolits than the cultivation of the soil, and because he 
 had a taste for parks, while the extensive English proprie- 
 tor cultivates the ground and obtains fine farms. This dif- 
 ference, however, proves little in favor of the English aris- 
 tocrats ; it is the result of the progress of agriculture, and 
 of the existence of a class of capitalists who invest their 
 money in the soil, as they would in any manufacture. 
 
 Farther, what profit does the poor man derive from the 
 perfection of English agriculture ? None at all. The 
 salary which the farmer pays him, during a few months of 
 the year, is not enough for his support, and he has not a 
 spot of earth where he can lay his head ; such was the con- 
 dition of the agricultural laborer in the Roman empire ; 
 such is his condition now in England. Thirty-one heads 
 of families in the parish of Bledlow were reduced to most 
 21* 
 
r 
 
 246 ENGLAND. 
 
 frightful poverty, and wrote to demand assistance ; " All 
 that we ask," said they, " is to hire a spot of ground where 
 we can plant some potatoes, but no one will let it to us." 
 These heads of families make from sixty to seventy-five 
 shillings per year. 
 
 The English aristocracy are not content with monopoli- 
 zing the soil, with having reduced a large portion of the 
 population to a condition worse by several degrees than 
 slavery, but have found a mode of making cities pay espe- 
 cial duties in their favor. We allude here to the corn-laws, 
 which now attract so much attention. 
 
 It is known that England, even when the harvest is most 
 abundant, does not raise enough of bread-stuffs for her own 
 consumption. In order to enhance the price of her farms, 
 the large landholders, who rule the kingdom, prohibit the 
 importation of grain by means of a high duly, until wheat 
 is seventy-five shillings the quarter, and other bread-stuffs 
 at a similar price. Thus the aristocracy assumes a kind 
 of monopoly of the food of the English ; in the energetic 
 language of the Westminster Review, the aristocracy puts 
 its hand on the table of every Englishman, and refuses him 
 bread until he pays tribute. The amount of this tribute is 
 estimated at eighteen millions two hundred thousand pounds 
 sterling. This estimate is probably exaggerated, but the 
 sum derived from the monopoly of bread-stuffs is certainly 
 very great. 
 
 The corn-laws have also another result more prejudicial 
 to the people than the permanent high price of provisions ; 
 they prevent an extensive trade in bread-stuffs, and thereby 
 give rise to frequent and great gradations in the price of 
 corn, and hence the Whigs have proposed a fixed duty on 
 corn introduced into England. 
 
 We have mentioned some of the means of oppression of 
 the English aristocracy. Let us now glance at the nature 
 and results of its government. 
 
 The object of the English policy for the last two centu- 
 
ENGLAND. 247 
 
 nes seems to have been to procure, by any and every means, 
 consumers for the products of her manufactures ; to increase 
 the legitimate and illegitimate profits of the British mer- 
 chants and operatives, by destroying all competition. The 
 English aristocracy understand perfectly that the internal 
 policy pursued with the people would soon exhaust their 
 wealth, if it were not incessantly renewed by the continued 
 progress of commerce and industry. 
 
 The external policy of the British government has then 
 for its ostensible object the interest of the merchants, manu- 
 facturers, and capitalists. Hence this class, or those who 
 rule it, are attached to the cause of aristocracy, which favors 
 their business, forms immense monopolies for their advan- 
 tage, and, finally, often admits them among their number. 
 
 This middle class of respectable men serves as the me- 
 dium between the aristocracy and the lower classes of the 
 people, with which it treats directly, and whom it oppresses. 
 
 It is the loner classes of the English people which sup- 
 port the weight of civilization, which furnish the wealth 
 of the aristocracy, and the riches of the middle class, by 
 unparalleled efforts and sufferings. * It is in the history of 
 * Take for instance the collieries, and think tor a moment of the cruelty 
 and suffering imposed on the girls and boys who work in the coal-mines, 
 " and which," says the Dublin Freeman's Journal, " slavery in its most 
 hideous term a sd, while the condition, physicalas well as moral, 
 
 pf the most de idsman, may be esteemed exalted, if compared 
 
 with that of tb :r of England." Another journal remarks : •< The. 
 
 infernal cruelties practised on boys and girls In the coal-mines, have never 
 in any age been outdone. Young creatures, both male and ieinale, 6, 7, 8, 
 and 9 years old, stark naked in some eases, chained like brutes to coal- 
 carriages, and dragging them on all- fours through sludge six or seven inches 
 deep, in total darkness, for 10, occasionally 20, in special iustances 30 hours 
 successively, without any other cessation, even to get their meals, than is 
 casually afforded by the miners ; here is a pretty picture of British civili- 
 zation. One cannot read through the evidence taken by the commissioner, 
 without being strongly tempted to abjure the name of Englishman." 
 
 If we look into the parliamentary reports on this subject, we find it sta- 
 ted by Mr. Fletcher, " that in the smaller collieries of the Oldham district, 
 children are employed as early as C, 5, and even 4 years of age. Some 
 are so young that they go even in their bed-gowns. One little fellow 
 could not even articulate." Mr. Sender says that girls from o to 16 perform 
 
248 ENGLAND. 
 
 pauperism that we must study English society, to under- 
 stand the culpability of the system which governs it. 
 
 Until the Reformation, indigence and poverty presented 
 the same character in England as in the rest of Europe. 
 
 the work of boys ; a broad belt is buckled round their waist, to the front 
 of which a chain is fastened, which, when they go down on all fours, is 
 passed between their legs, and attached to the canoe which they drag after 
 them, thus harnessed to it like animals. Another commissioner states : 
 " Girls perform all the offices of trapping, hurrying, &c, just as they are 
 performed by boys. On descending Messrs. Hopwoods' pit at Barnsly, I 
 found assembled round the fire a group of men, boys, and girls, the girls as 
 well as the boys stark naked down to their waist, the hair bound up with 
 tight caps, and trousers supported by their hips." 
 
 In the southern part of the West Riding of Yorkshire, in great numbers 
 of the coal-pits, the men work in a state of perfect nakedness, and are hi 
 this state assisted by females of all ages, from girls of six years old to 
 women of twenty-one ; these females themselves being quite naked to the 
 waist. 
 
 Says a female : " I wear a belt and chain at the workings to get the ca- 
 noes out. The getters are naked except their raps ; they sometimes beat 
 me if I am not quick enough. There are twenty hoys and fifteen men ; all 
 are naked." 
 
 Nor are these awful scenes witnessed in the collie?ies only. Public opin- 
 ion forced parliament to look into the subject of the Chimney-sweep chil- 
 dren. One parliamentary report says, "These children are sometimes 
 stolen for this purpose. They are very subject to burns, from their being 
 forced up chimneys while on fire, and while overheated ; and however they 
 may cry out, their inhuman masters pay not the least attention, but com- 
 pel them too often with horrid imprecations to proceed. They are some- 
 times sent up chimneys on fire ! It is in evidence before your committee 
 that female children have been employed, and also that they are stolen 
 from their parents and inveigled out of workhouses ; that in order to con- 
 quer the natural repugnance of these infants to ascend the narrow, danger- 
 ous chimneys, blows are used ; that pins are forced into their feet by the 
 boy that follows them up the chimney, in order to compel them to ascend 
 it, and that lighted straw has been applied for that purpose." The above 
 are all facts taken from authentic documents to be found in the reports to 
 the British parliament. Many more examples of a similar character may 
 be seen in Lester's " Condition and Fate of England." 
 
 These facts indicate the actual state of things in moral, intellectual, and 
 humanized England! England, which robs her people of bread to sustain 
 a vast naval power for the suppression of the African slave-trade, while 
 within her own territory is carried on an abandoned traffic in the flesh and 
 blood of little children ! England, who raises millions annually from her 
 benevolent philanthropists, for the benefit of foreign heathens, when nearly 
 one fifth of her own population grow up in the grossest ignorance, and 
 
ENGLAND. 249 
 
 Henry VIII. having confiscated or distributed to the nobility 
 the church property, beggars flocked to the kingdom from 
 all parts. They were pursued without mercy ; seventy- 
 two thousand thieves, vagabonds, or beggars, were hung 
 under the reign of this prince. Atrocious laws were soon 
 passed ; according to a statute of Edward VI., " every man 
 or woman who lives three days without work shall have 
 the letter V burned on the breast with a hot iron, and shall 
 be condemned to serve the person by whom they are ar- 
 rested. This person shall find them with bread and wa- 
 ter, and shall oblige them to work." The atrocity of this 
 law rendered its application impossible ; it was necessary, 
 also, to make a law in regard to poor householders and la- 
 borers out of employ ; they were provided for by a statute 
 of Edward VI., and finally by a statute of Elisabeth. The 
 proprietors or farmers of each parish were compelled to pro- 
 vide for their own poor ; the law declared that the poor man 
 had a right to live, and that the parish was bound to supply 
 the means. 
 
 This law continued in force up to 1834, but produced 
 many abuses. An open warfare occurred between the land- 
 holders or capitalists and the poor people. Parishes were 
 known to be at law for years, in order to avoid giving alms 
 to some poor people, to expel in a single day by virtue of 
 law thirty or forty families from their territory, and to de- 
 molish their cabins in order not to be imposed upon. The 
 poor-rate varied in different localities ; it was eight shillings 
 a head and a year in some counties, and forty in others ; 
 the appointment of overseers of the poor in many places 
 was sought after, and every employer attempted to regain 
 his poor rates by reducing the salary of his workmen. 
 
 The burden of the poor-rates fell upon persons who were 
 
 without any useful impressions of religion or morality. England, which 
 has gained a foothold in India, by the grossest tyranny ever exercised by 
 any nation in any couutry, has planted her authority in New Holland by 
 poisoning the natives with arsenic, and in China by smuggling into the 
 country a poison no less deadly. 
 
250 ENGLAND. 
 
 very poor themselves. In 1830, in London, fifty families 
 who were assessed for the payment of the tax were obliged 
 to sell their furniture, and even their beds. 
 
 It has been said that the law of Elisabeth increased the 
 number of poor people in England. But whatever were its 
 defects, we think it rather shared the progress of pauper- 
 ism, than caused it. 
 
 The principal result of this law was to permit English 
 manufacturers and farmers to reduce the salaries of their 
 workmen, and to make them pay a large part of them to the 
 parish. Hence, to a certain extent, this law offered a pre- 
 mium for its production by large factories, by large farms. 
 
 The degradation of the poor who asked aid from the 
 parish was the inevitable consequence of this law ; it is 
 impossible to imagine a state nearer slavery than this. 
 
 The advance of industry, and the introduction of machi- 
 nery, increased the power of the capitalists, and rendered the 
 condition of the workmen more precarious and wretched. 
 Several times have they revolted and broken the machines, 
 but they have always been put down by atrocious execu- 
 tions and by Bavage laws. During the discussion of one 
 of these laws in 1812, Lord Byron remarked in parliament : 
 " I have passed through Spain, desolated by a war, I have 
 lived in some of the most oppressed provinces of Turkey, 
 and have nowhere witnessed so much misery as in Eng- 
 land." But of what importance was it to the noble legisla- 
 tors ! they certainly placed but little value upon the life of 
 an operative. 
 
 The poor rates have increased rapidly since the com- 
 mencement of this century. In 1801, England devoted to 
 this purpose four millions seventy-eight thousand eight hun- 
 dred and ninety-one pounds, and in 1812, eight millions six 
 hundred and forty thousand eight hundred and forty-two 
 pounds. From that time until 1834, the poor-rates were 
 about the same. 
 
 Finally, it was found that the poor people cost too much, 
 
ENGLAND. '251 
 
 and the legislation in regard to indigent people was changed. 
 While the law of Elisabeth was in force, many parishes 
 had erected work-houses, infamous places where the sick 
 and the vagrants were crowded in pell-mell ; where* chil- 
 dren slept in the same bed with paralytic people, phthisical 
 people, and prostitutes ; it was resolved to place the work- 
 house system on a new plan. The parishes were request- 
 ed to associate to build edifices of this kind, and to shut up 
 in them those poor people who wanted assistance. Ac- 
 cording to the system established in 1834, the poor people 
 were no longer to receive assistance at home ; they were 
 obliged to die of hunger or go to the work-house. If they 
 accepted any asylum which was offered them by the pre- 
 tended charity of the government, they must be separated 
 from their families, for in the work-house those of different 
 ages and sexes are separated. As a compensation, they 
 were offered soup, greens, water, and pork twice a week. 
 To obtain this nourishment, they must submit to hard and 
 useless labor, the mill. The advocates of the law of 1834 
 have re-established against the poor people the usual pun- 
 ishments of Roman slaves, by making them to turn a mill. 
 Do not think, however, that they have any remorse.- " We 
 cannot admit," say they in their first report, " that the se- 
 verity of the regimen in the work-house is excessive, since, 
 after all, we place the poor man beyond the risk of starving 
 to death." 
 
 The expected effect is produced in every part ; the poor 
 man strains every nerve to keep out of the work-house ; 
 during a rigorous winter, one hundred and forty-nine pau- 
 pers came to the office at Cuckfield in a single session, to 
 demand charity. The overseers offered meal to some, and 
 the work-house to a hundred and eighteen ; six only accept- 
 ed, and went away the second day rather than submit to the 
 punishment of the hand-mill. 
 
 What became of those unhappy, unfortunate people, who 
 could not endure the horrible regimen imposed by British 
 
252 ENGLAND. 
 
 charity ? They died of famine, or they sought a less diffi- 
 cult labor ; they dug ditches during the frosts of winter, 
 and broke up stones for McAdamizing the roads. There 
 were'some who, although affected by fever, and hunger, and 
 famine, refused to enter the work-house, and whom the 
 overseers of the poor were obliged to assist at their houses, 
 notwithstanding the recommendation of the government of- 
 ficers. Sometimes also money was granted, through fear 
 lest the poor should become desperate, as was the case at 
 Nottingham in 1836. 
 
 The object of the law of 1834 was to reduce the poor- 
 rates. In 1S37, the poor cost only four millions forty-four 
 thousand seven hundred and forty-one pounds, a good re- 
 sult. But how much of suffering did this economy bring ? 
 How many poor people of the one million three hundred 
 thousand died of hunger or were subjected to horrid priva- 
 tions? Who can measure the consequences of this law of 
 1834, consequences before which the imagination shrinks ? 
 
 It is true that the British legislator has nothing to do 
 with this side of the question. He attempted to economize 
 in this manner, and to crowd the indigent population upon 
 the employer, farmer, or manufacturer, to bring the salaries 
 of the laborer to his primitive wants, although, in the view 
 of Malthus, this should cost the lives of thousands of men. 
 Hence each official report contains a pompous eulogy on 
 this law. The employers, farmers, and manufacturers, 
 however, resisted, being injured by this economy ; they 
 not only refused to advance the wages, but excited re- 
 volts which were put down by dragoons, the usual mode of 
 establishing order. This new law was not introduced into 
 the manufacturing counties of the north of England till after 
 six years. When it was in full vigor, an attempt was made 
 to divide the laborers between them, to drive away the Irish 
 and Scotch, by refusing to them all kinds of succor, or rather 
 to kill them, pretending that it would cost too much to send 
 them home. 
 
ENGLAND. 253 
 
 In fact, out of the British kingdom, there is no instance 
 of wretchedness similar to that existing among the laboring 
 classes over the whole of England. It is hidden in the ci- 
 ties, in the rear of the palaces, and the large hotels ; in the 
 country, behind the parks and the brick houses of the aris- 
 tocracy. Interrogate those who have visited the houses of 
 the poor, those wretched spots compared with which the 
 Hell of Dante seems an abode of pleasure. 
 
 London is the metropolis of Great Britain ; the pride of 
 the wealthiest people that ever existed. Pass through that 
 splendid city, and enter the parishes of Bethnal Green and 
 Shoreditch, which have a population of nearly seventy thou- 
 sand. " A great portion of this district," says an author 
 worthy of every confidence,* " is occupied by spots called 
 gardens, where the proprietors and speculators have erect- 
 ed a great many hovels one story high, for lodgings for 
 poor families. These cabins are surrounded by a fence of 
 rotten boards, and there are no streets nor gutters. The 
 ground is not even levelled, but here are banks of earth and 
 filth, there pools filled with water which taint the atmos- 
 phere around it. These abominable places are left unpro- 
 tected, unsurveyed. The hovels are half rotten ; there are 
 no drains, nor lights, nothing, in fact, to indicate the police 
 of a city." 
 
 To this general description we will add a few remarks 
 from the official reports of a committee of physicians. 
 " Lamb's Fields presents a surface seven hundred feet long, 
 and three hundred feet broad. Of this space three hundred 
 feet are constantly covered with stagnant water, both sum- 
 mer and winter. In the part thus submerged is a large 
 mass of putrefying animal and vegetable matter. This 
 place is surrounded by an open trench, into which all the 
 privies of North Street empty themselves. Lamb's Fields 
 
 * Eugene Buret, in his work entitled " De la Misere des classes laborieu- 
 ses en Angleterre et en France." A capital book, from which we take 
 many facts. 
 
 22 
 
254 ENGLAND. 
 
 is a fruitful source of fever for the houses around. We 
 saw houses where entire families were swept off by fever, 
 and there are some streets where it always exists. Typhus 
 fever is endemic in those parts of London inhabited by poor 
 people. The physicians there have seen with horror six 
 persons laboring under fever in one room, and four in a sin- 
 gle bed." Eugene Buret states that these habitations are in- 
 ferior in cleanliness and appearance to the dirtiest stables, 
 and that he has visited many families without a single arti- 
 cle of furniture, and even destitute of boards to spread their 
 straw beds on, and with but a few rags to cover their naked- 
 ness. 
 
 And the misery of the laborers in London is not an ex- 
 ception to what is generally seen : the quarters inhabited 
 by the poor at Bristol, Leeds, Nottingham, and Manchester 
 present the same appearance ; in every part yards filled 
 with clothes hung up to dry ; no pavements, stagnant wa- 
 ter, in which their naked and dirty children are puddling ; 
 lodgings frightful and indescribable, beds sometimes occu- 
 pied by as many as eight persons of different ages and sex- 
 es. In every part epidemic typhus and contagious fevers, 
 which constantly decimate the poor population, and carry 
 the plague into the rich neighborhoods. This last circum- 
 stance gave rise to ihose medical inquiries, which no one 
 would have suggested if the lives of respectable gentlemen 
 had not been endangered. 
 
 The description of the habitations of the poor in England 
 is not sufficient to give an idea of their misery. One must 
 enter their lodgings, see the poor man starving with his 
 family, to understand how much of suffering the economi- 
 cal regime to which England is subjected imposes on man. 
 We will make a few more extracts from M. Buret. " This 
 family is composed of eight persons, all present at the time 
 of our visit. The head of the family was a silk-velvet 
 weaver, English by birth, and yet young. He earned sev- 
 en shillings and a half weekly, but was not employed con- 
 
ENGLAND. 255 
 
 stantly. In his room was neither chair, table, nor bed. 
 In one corner was a heap of straw, and in this straw were 
 three naked children crouched like animals, and half cov- 
 ered by a strip of cloth. The wife turned her back to us, 
 attempting in vain to hold together the remnants of her 
 gown. The man had on a blue coat, on which there were 
 yet a few buttons 5 but had no shirt. He received us po- 
 litely, and made known in sadness, but calmly, the horror 
 of his situation. He had a Bible in his hand when we en- 
 tered, and as the almoner asked him why he did not go to 
 church, he showed us his naked chest, his wife standing 
 abashed in a corner, and his children hiding from us one 
 behind the other, and answered that he should soon be un- 
 able even to go and look for work. This family was con- 
 sidered honest. 
 
 " ' Have you children V asked one of the commissioners 
 of a weaver. ' No, I had two, but, thank God, they are 
 dead.' — ■ And are you glad that your children are dead ?' 
 1 Yes, I am freed from the care of providing them with 
 food, and they, poor dear creatures, are rid of their worldly 
 troubles.' " 
 
 Who could wonder at despair, on reading, in a report of 
 the visiter of the poor at Manchester, the following ? " On 
 the 3d of February, 1838, I entered a cellar, inhabited by 
 a weaver. On a miserable bed was his wife, who had been 
 confined, so sick that she could scarcely speak ; in another 
 corner of that dark and damp cellar, I perceived a dead 
 child. I asked the husband why it was not buried. He 
 answered that he could not pay for the interment. The 
 poor man, who made at the most but seven or eight shil- 
 lings per week, was himself sick, and had earned nothing 
 for the week before his wife was confined, and therefore 
 was unable to prepare for that event." 
 
 Such facts are not rare. There are thousands of men in 
 England in this situation. But they cannot all preserve 
 their energy, morality, and virtue : many of them become 
 
'^56 ENGLAND. 
 
 addicted to drunkenness and theft ; they become completely 
 brutal, and are affected with all the vices of slavery. Their 
 loose morals often serve as a theme of discourse to the ora- 
 tors and writers of the aristocracy which oppresses them, 
 as if misery was not the most powerful cause of corruption 
 — as if the manners of the aristocracy were purer than 
 those of these wretched beings. 
 
 We must add, that the English church and Tory nobility, 
 to their eternal shame, oppose all plans for giving the people 
 a moral and intellectual education. Finally, when they 
 cannot prevent any amelioration, they demand that the edu- 
 cation of the people shall be intrusted to the Established 
 Church, doubtless to prevent the results of the intellectual 
 development of the lower classes of society. 
 
 We see that the English government is no less criminal 
 in regard to its subjects than to foreign nations. Cruel and 
 aspiring, the government has for its end to satisfy the appe- 
 tites of the most greedy aristocracy that has ever been seen 
 on the earth. In her view, men are only the instruments 
 of production : war, peace, treaties, alliances, and laws, are 
 the results of speculations, with a view to nett profits. It 
 is thus that England has planted her foot upon the soil of 
 nearly every country ; has appropriated large sums destined 
 for the use of the public ; and has even raised a large reve- 
 nue from the corn-laws. At this time, its politics have 
 been so successful, that it consumes all the wealth which 
 the English can acquire ; and in a country where machinery 
 does the work of eighty-four millions of laborers, more than 
 a million of men are suffering in extreme misery, and more 
 than one hundred thousand are perishing with hunger. The 
 poor man, the operative, has no interest in English society. 
 An inquiry was recently made as to the state of the hand- 
 loom weavers. It was admitted that the introduction of 
 steam machinery for this purpose would throw out of em- 
 ploy a large and industrious class of laborers ; that more 
 than one hundred thousand men would thus be left without 
 
ENGLAND. 257 
 
 bread. It was said that agriculture, and no other branch of 
 industry, required them. It is in the face of facts of this 
 kind that hymns are sung in Parliament in honor of the 
 poor-law. 
 
 This law, the most recent and outrageous crime that the 
 British government has committed against the people, has 
 caused a great sensation. It has given to the Chartists an 
 energy and vigor hitherto unseen in the uprisings of the 
 English people. The rigors of the new poor-law have 
 given rise to many popular songs, several of which are re- 
 markable for their wild energy. The proud inspector of 
 this law, the king of beggars, the king of the parish, figures 
 with all his epithets by the side of Bill Fast-a-month and 
 Betsey Skin-and-bone, and other similar personages. The 
 causes of the wretchedness of the English people are well 
 understood; and probably, unless England can get up some 
 new war, her citizens will testify their resentment in some 
 other mode than by caricatures and epigrams. 
 
 22* 
 
258 TORTURES OF 
 
 CHAPTER IX. 
 TORTURES OF PRISONERS OF WAR. 
 
 I. HULKS OF CHATHAM. 
 
 We have already recounted deeds of infamous treason ; 
 we have seen in England, to use a celebrated expression, 
 the bloody hand, the hand of crime, ordering with the cool- 
 ness of a mercantile transaction the most cruel executions, 
 when it was thought that any profit would result from them. 
 We have now to record facts of an order still more horrible. 
 It seems that the country of Hobbes and Malthus was 
 destined to bring to light all the doctrines which are offen- 
 sive to human morals, and at the same time to practise all 
 the crimes which might, logically speaking, be considered 
 the living formula of these odious creeds. 
 
 To deceive their allies, however, to massacre the van- 
 quished, to burn entire cities, to destroy by the sword or by 
 poison a dangerous friend — these are acts of which we find 
 instances in the annals of a people whose manners were not 
 civilized by the Christian religion ; and it was reserved for 
 England to exceed every example of villany known. 
 
 Let us glance at the history of Sparta, Rome, and Car- 
 thage, inquire in what manner their prisoners were treated, 
 and compare this treatment with that which the British 
 cabinet invented for the French soldiers during the last war. 
 
 Christians have protested against the slavery of the an- 
 cients ; and the language of the apostle is beautiful : " Mas- 
 ters, be just and faithful unto your servants, knowing that 
 you too have a Master in heaven." Among the ancients, 
 
PRISONERS OF WAR. 259 
 
 the prisoner of war was a slave ; the conquered was ser- 
 vant to the conqueror ; he was his goods, his property, his 
 patrimony. There is certainly brutality in this custom ; 
 this appropriation of man to the service of another man 
 cannot be justified, except by a usage of barbarism. But 
 if we compare this barbarism with the base cruelties exer- 
 cised by England upon her captives, it is clemency. To 
 the slave, servus, belonged at least the benefit of life : he 
 was considered as an enemy saved, servatus ; his master 
 had absolute rights over him, but the severity of the law 
 was tempered by humanity ; and Plutarch blames Cato the 
 elder, because he sold his slaves when they were too old 
 to labor. The Roman slave remained most frequently on 
 his native soil ; and even when the caprice of his master 
 carried him to a foreign soil, he lived in the sunlight, and 
 he enjoyed the air which his health required. Was he in- 
 jured by the avarice or cruelty of his master, he could 
 take refuge in the temple, and then, after invoking the pro- 
 tection of the gods, no one dared to touch him with a 
 sacrilegious hand. Such was this regime, against which 
 the kind feelings of the apostle were indignant. Let us 
 see how this has been modified by England, eighteen cen- 
 turies after the mission of St. Paul. 
 
 The narrative of the tortures inflicted on the French 
 soldiers in the floating prisons of England, has been faith- 
 fully pictured by a man who experienced all their rigors — 
 General Pillet. We shall extract a few pages from a work 
 which he published in 1815, entitled " England, as seen at 
 London and in the Provinces ;" a work which has become 
 extremely rare, having been bought up and destroyed by 
 the British government. General Pillet states the fol- 
 lowing : — 
 
 " The hulks or old vessels which serve for prisoners of 
 war, are generally seventy-fours. The prisoners occupy 
 the hold and the between-decks, from each end of which a 
 quarter part has been partitioned off. That portion of the 
 
260 TORTURES OF 
 
 garrison which is not on service, always sleeps there with 
 loaded arms, and the partition which separates them is 
 strengthened by large beams. At intervals are port-holes, 
 through which cannon may be pointed and fired upon the 
 prisoners. 
 
 " The rest of the vessel is occupied by the English offi- 
 cers and sailors, excepting a small space under the fore- 
 castle, where the galley of the prisoners is situated. 
 
 " The whole of this space presents a surface of four feet 
 long by thirty-six feet wide ; it serves both for a promenade 
 and a ventilator for nine hundred men. All around the ves- 
 sel, a foot and a half above the surface of the water, is a 
 gallery, where are situated nil'ners at the extremities of the 
 gangways, and at every place designed for the prisoners. 
 This mixture of sentinels, whose watchwords are changed 
 according to the caprice or the brutality of the commander 
 of the hulk, gives rise to many assassinations ; they have 
 been much more frequent, because the marines who were 
 destined for the service and the armament of vessels arc 
 generally composed in England of the offscourings of so- 
 ciety — men who have been guilty of some great crimes, and 
 to whom the magistrate presents no alternative except to 
 enter the marine service or to be hung. 
 
 "In 1813, there were nine of these prison-hulks in 
 Chatham Roads. They were placed at such distances as 
 to prevent any communication between the prisoners, either 
 orally or by signs. But they were so near as to be under 
 surveillance, one from the other. These hulks were moored 
 by chains at each end, in fetid and stagnant water, and left 
 aground by every tide. The putrid, moist, and saline air 
 which is breathed there is often sufficient, even without 
 bad treatment or bad nourishment, to destroy, in a very 
 short time, the most robust state of health. The prisoners 
 of war were also exposed to many other causes equally 
 fatal by their directors. The object of this regimen was, 
 to destroy the prisoners. This treatment was as follows : 
 
PRISONERS OF WAR. 261 
 
 " The dimensions or height of the between-decks of the 
 Brunswick, the hulk on board of which I was a prisoner, 
 was exactly four feet ten inches, so that the shortest man 
 could hardly stand erect. It was a kind of perpetual pun- 
 ishment, which none of those tyrants who have hitherto 
 disgraced the human species had imagined for the greatest 
 criminals. Most of those men who were confined there lost 
 the use of their limbs, and could never stand again. The 
 openings for ventilation consisted of fourteen small win- 
 dows on each side, seventeen square inches each, unglazed ; 
 the prisons on the land and water where the French are 
 placed in England never have glass windows, although the 
 temperature there is generally moist and cold, and the win- 
 ters are extremely long. In fact, the heat produced by the 
 stowage of the prisoners is so great, that the ventilators 
 can only be closed on one side at a time, viz., that exposed 
 to the wind ; and this is done with old clothes. These 
 openings are crossed by iron gratings, which are cast in 
 one mass ; the bars are from two to three inches thick, and 
 the ventilators are closed every evening by a wooden port. 
 The same precautions are employed to close the narrow 
 ports of the lower battery. 
 
 u It follows, from this and similar precautions, that men 
 who were shut up by hundreds in the batteries and the be- 
 tween-decks, hermetically closed in winter for at least 
 sixteen hours per day, generally became weak and suffo- 
 cated, absolutely from the want of pure air. If an attempt 
 was made to open one of the ventilators — a favor which 
 was not obtained without much trouble, and without knock- 
 ing for a long time at the port-hole, when the dying man 
 was carried to breathe a moment — those near the openings 
 who were completely naked in consequence of the extreme 
 heat, became chilled by the cold air thus admitted ; perspi- 
 ration became checked, and they were soon infected with 
 an inflammatory disease. These diseases soon extended 
 to the lungs, and became extremely dangerous, particularly 
 
262 TORTURES OF 
 
 to the young men. This disease also endangered all, 
 sooner or later. A prisoner who has been confined in a 
 close English prison for more than three years, could not 
 escape it, notwithstanding every precaution ; for the same 
 arrangement exists in every part, in the prisons on shore 
 as well as in the floating prisons : and this arrangement 
 results from a premeditated and atrocious design. It has 
 resulted in the death of sixty thousand Frenchmen, prison- 
 ers of war, who have fallen victims to it. 
 
 " The space granted to a prisoner for his hammock is 
 six English feet long by fourteen inches broad ; but these 
 six feet are reduced to four and a half, because the arrange- 
 ments are such as to attach these hammocks one within the 
 other : the head of each man consequently lies between the 
 legs of two men who are in the first range of the battery ; 
 if he comes in the second, his feet are placed between the 
 heads of two men in the third range, in the same order of 
 numbers, and so successively from one end of the battery to 
 the other. The breadth of an ordinary man, from one elbow 
 to the other, is about eighteen inches. Hence it is seen 
 that in these hulks a man is placed in less space than his 
 body requires. 
 
 " But as it is physically impossible for men to occupy less 
 space than their natural size, they are piled one over the 
 other. In order to do this, an even or odd number is at- 
 tached about eighteen inches lower than the two numbers 
 which precede and follow it ; and in this manner a little 
 more breadth is obtained — without, however, diminishing 
 the danger of sickness. The situation of the prisoners in 
 this state is doubtless frightful when under such restraints, 
 but the evil does not stop here. The hulks are always 
 more than filled. If new prisoners arrive, they are placed 
 in these batteries, without any anxiety as to their fate, al- 
 though the arrangements for placing them are determined 
 and fixed below the standard of physical necessity. The 
 new comers are thus exposed to an indescribable punish- 
 
PRISONERS OF WAR. 263 
 
 ment : they find no place to hang up their hammocks, and 
 are obliged to lie upon damp and naked plank. Thus a 
 prisoner, whatever may be his rank, is obliged to remain in 
 this state, when he comes into a hulk already full. The 
 agent who takes charge of officers, always places them in 
 full hulks, and he selects likewise those which are most in- 
 convenient, in order that the prisoner may be obliged to use 
 his pecuniary resources to purchase a place. It is a wretch- 
 ed speculation for a poor starred prisoner : he consents to 
 sell his place, in order to procure for himself the means of 
 living for a few days ; and finally, in order not to die with 
 hunger, he accelerates the destruction of his health, and is 
 obliged in this horrible situation to lie upon a plank drip- 
 ping with water from the perspiration of those who are 
 confined in this place of death and torture. 
 
 " In this charnel-house of eternal pains, the air is so 
 loaded with moist and deleterious vapors, that the candles 
 burn with difficulty. These vapors, which are inspired 
 and exhaled by so many lungs in a state of suppuration, 
 soon carry the germ of death to individuals not yet affected 
 with it ; they were so fetid, so thick, so warm, that some- 
 times the keepers have been known to cry for help, and fire, 
 when the opening of one of the ventilators, as mentioned 
 .above, enabled them to perceive the burning exhalations 
 which escaped from these infected dungeons. These fears 
 of the keepers, whether real or imaginary, were sometimes 
 carried so far, that they prepared the engines to play into 
 the batteries, notwithstanding the remonstrances of the pris- 
 oners, who saw themselves exposed to a new affliction — 
 that of inundation. 
 
 " The government which assassinated prisoners by de- 
 priving them of air, did not scruple to refuse them the food 
 necessary for life. Every man received a pound and a 
 half of coarse bread, a half a pound of meat of very poor 
 quality, with two ounces of oat-meal and an onion. Twice 
 each week a pound of salt fish was substituted for the 
 
I 
 
 264 TORTURES OF 
 
 meat : it was alternately codfish and herring. The prison- 
 ers sold the herring to the contractor for one sou. 
 
 "This was the legal or the pretended ration. In fact, 
 the contractors and subordinates knew very well how to 
 make illicit, profits, either in the quantity or the quality of 
 the food. The system of the government created famine, 
 but in such a manner as to disguise the assassination ; yet, 
 with the subalterns, assassination was practised openly. 
 The unhappy prisoners who were starved, vainly com- 
 plained to the authorities ; they were accomplices in the 
 villany, and insulted the victims." 
 
 These principles of cruelty were followed up with a 
 method and a logic which left the English government no 
 excuse. In the two wars which England made upon the 
 republic and the empire, the same course was pursued with 
 horrid constancy. The prisons were much more murder- 
 ous than the fields of battle. In the first war, thirty thou- 
 sand prisoners died of famine in five months. At Norman 
 Cross, a prison which contained seven thousand men, Gen- 
 eral Pillet saw one corner of ground which contained lour 
 thousand dead bodies. Provisions were then extremely 
 dear in England, and it was said that the French govern- 
 ment refused to pay the account which it was pretended 
 was due for its prisoners. 
 
 In order to discharge this debt, all the prisoners were 
 placed upon half rations ; and, to be more certain of their 
 death, the introduction and sale of provisions within the 
 prison, which had hern hitherto permitted, were severely 
 prohibited. The change in the quantity was also attended 
 with a change in the quality. Four times a week, the 
 prisoners received worm-eaten biscuit, fish, and salt meat ; 
 three times a week, a brown loaf, badly cooked, made of 
 sour meal : the prisoners, soon after eating this, were af- 
 fected with a kind of drunkenness, followed by a severe 
 headache, fevers, diarrhcea, and many died, being attacked 
 with a kind of vertigo. For vegetables, the prisoners re- 
 
PRISONERS OF WAR. 265 
 
 ceived raw beans. Finally, hundreds of men died daily of 
 hunger, or were poisoned by the quality of the provisions. 
 Those who survived gradually became so weak, that the 
 powers of digestion were destroyed ; and, horrible to state, 
 but what is nevertheless true, the unfortunate prisoners who 
 were of a more robust temperament, selected from the con- 
 tents of the stomach rejected by their suffering companions, 
 the undigested beans, and devoured them after they had 
 been subjected to a slight washing. The pangs of hunger 
 knew no bounds ; the dead bodies were kept five or six 
 days, to obtain their rations. 
 
 One day, Lord Cordower, colonel of the regiment at Car- 
 marthen, on guard at the prison at Port Chester, entered 
 with his horse, which he lied to one of the barriers. In 
 ten minutes, his horse was slaughtered and eaten. When 
 the colonel returned for him. he was informed of the fact, 
 but he refused to believe it, and said that he would be sat- 
 isfied only on seeing the remains of his horse. It was easy 
 to do this : lie was carried to the place where were the skin 
 and entrails of the animal, and a wretched prisoner de- 
 voured in his presence the last piece of raw meat. All the 
 butchers' dogs which entered the prison shared the same 
 fate. 
 
 But it was still more scandalous, that those unfortunate 
 people, who were reduced to such cruel necessities, should 
 also be robbed by their executioners. When the family of 
 a poor sailor, or of an unfortunate soldier, made painful 
 sacrifices to send him a moderate sum of money, this sa- 
 cred offering was taken, either wholly or partially, by the 
 agents who were requested to distribute it. If the prisoners 
 received letters announcing aid, most frequently they were 
 intercepted ; and if they demanded these letters, they were 
 told that nothing had been received for them. They es- 
 teemed themselves very happy, if, after a year of inquiry, 
 they finally received a part of the sum mentioned. If 
 the prisoner died, if he was exchanged, or transferred to 
 23 
 
266 - TORTURES OF 
 
 another prison, the money remained in the hands of the 
 agent, who thus accumulated enormous sums from the oboli 
 of the imprisoned soldier. 
 
 In regard to those officers who received, by means of 
 bankers, larger sums, as the receipts were addressed to the 
 bankers themselves, the theft was more difficult, but it was 
 sometimes committed. 
 
 11 The administration, which pretended to regulate the 
 expenses of the prisoners, bad stipulated that thev could 
 not receive more than two pounds sterling a week. If, 
 then, an officer was informed that one hundred pounds had 
 been sent to him, the agent presented him a receipt for the 
 whole sum ; two or three months then elapsed before the 
 payment of the two pounds Bterling commenced. During 
 this time the agenl employed the capital received in specu- 
 lations for his own profit, and if they were unsuccessful, the 
 prisoners were obliged to bear the losses. These ca 
 were not very rare ; Genera] Pillei cites instances of this 
 kind which happened in the hulks of Chatham. 
 
 '• Thus, the spoils of the unhappy persons who were as- 
 linated, served, to encourage crime, and to recompense 
 infamy. The English were hound to nourish them, but they 
 were starved, and not only refused the aid which they ought 
 to have received, but also were robbed of the assistance 
 sent by their families. Never was there a more shameful 
 robbery, not even in the annals of prisons." 
 
 II. — HULKS oi CADIZ. 
 
 On board the hulks at Cadiz the treatment was equally 
 odious, and existence was equally cruel. But as the Span- 
 ish government was there an accomplice, and the British 
 government did not entirely monopolize the infamy, it would 
 be foreign to our subject to present any new details on this 
 topic. We will, however, state one instance to show 
 
PRISONERS OF WAR. 267 
 
 the distress of those unfortunate individuals who were 
 captured by the English, and carried to the hulks of Cadiz. 
 " On the approach of the French army to Cadiz, all the 
 prisoners were taken from the jails in the city, and sent to 
 the hulks. But in the terror occasioned by the arrival of 
 the French, the authorities forgot to provide for the men on 
 board the vessels. Thus a great many died of hunger. 
 On board of some hulks, the prisoners took a little provi- 
 sion to protect them against this horrid death ; but on 
 board of la Horea, where there were only poor sailors, 
 there was barely provision for one day. There was even 
 no water aboard. These brave sailors were a prey to hun- 
 ger and thirst. In vain did they utter the shouts of despair ; 
 in vain did they make signals of distress, to remind the bar- 
 barians who provided for their subsistence of their situa- 
 tion. 
 
 " Many of these sailors escaped by swimming ; they 
 were captured and shot in a boat, in the presence of their 
 fellow-prisoners. The torments of hunger daily became 
 more horrible ; first, these unfortunate people devoured all 
 the dogs; this was a slight resource. Boots, shoes, and 
 haversacks were then eaten. Finally, those who died 
 served to prolong the existence of the others. All these 
 resources, however, were insufficient ; cruel and relentless 
 hunger drove these prisoners to the last extremity. Those 
 who could sustain this pressure, whose health was not too 
 feeble, assembled in council. One of them rose to speak ; 
 after presenting the frightful picture of their position, he 
 proposed to kill immediately those persons who were at the 
 point of death. This proposition shocked all those who 
 heard it. But it was necessary to live or to be starved ! 
 Many voted for the project ; but the majority preferred to 
 die sooner than to add a few hours to a miserable existence 
 by assassination. For six days, however, had they been 
 abandoned to all the horrors of this cruel situation. Sud- 
 denly one of them, with the expression of a hungry tiger, 
 
268 TORTURES OF 
 
 perceived some negroes on board. A ray of light broke in 
 upon him ; the gesture of a cannibal pointed out these vic- 
 tims ; the knife was ready for them. The orator then took 
 a new text, and proved to his hearers that this murder was 
 permitted, that circumstances demanded it, and that the 
 crime, if it was one, would be less than if committed on in- 
 dividuals of their own race. The advice was adopted, im- 
 potent desires were seen upon their face ; at the moment 
 when the negroes were seized, and the knife raised, a boat 
 was seen coming off to the hulk loaded with biscuit and 
 salt meat for the prisoners, and the blacks were saved from 
 this terrible sacrifice." 
 
 Such is a feeble picture of the tortures to which those 
 brave fellows were subjected, who were thrown by the for- 
 tune of war into the hands of the English. By every other 
 nation, it has been granted that a prisoner is no longer an 
 enemy ; the English government has not admitted that most 
 sacred of all claims, the claim of misfortune. It has con- 
 tended against disarmed men, and has shown itself more 
 cruel in the prison than on the field of battle ; it has tortured 
 without necessity, and murdered without excuse. 
 
 III. ST. HELENA. 
 
 It would seem that shame had not been outraged suffi- 
 ciently, that revenge had not received its share of odium, and 
 that, the English government had reserved as the crown for 
 its crimes the entire power of its cruelty, and wished to 
 graduate its infamy by the grandeur of its last victim. 
 
 When Napoleon yielded to the efforts of the coalition in 
 Europe, he made an appeal to British generosity, and offer- 
 ed England the noblest part of the victory ; proscribed in 
 an empire which he had rendered so powerful, a fugitive 
 upon those shores over which he lately reigned, he expect- 
 ed to find something noble in those whom he had conquer- 
 ed, and measured the magnanimity of their sentiments by 
 
PRISONERS OF WAR. 269 
 
 the energy of .their resistance. Never was hospitality de- 
 manded by one more noble, and never was a greater oppor- 
 tunity offered for glory to a nation so solemnly invited to 
 protect the sanctity of misfortune. But the English gov- 
 ernment could not understand the magnanimous homage of 
 its formidable adversary. Still influenced by its terrors and 
 hatred, which responded to this noble confidence by the 
 most odious treason, its hospitality was false, its protection 
 a homicide. 
 
 Not content with making a prisoner of a hostage, they 
 deprived him even of the rights of a prisoner, and the great 
 captain was condemned to transportation ; and his treatment 
 differed from that of common criminals, only in the sad 
 privilege of a special prison, and a forced society of his 
 jailors in the uniform of oflicers. 
 
 Thus every day became a punishment, every hour a tor- 
 ture ; the English government had given its lessons to its 
 murderous agents, or rather the English government was 
 transported with all its traditions to the inhospitable rock ; 
 turnkeys had not one moment of pity for the illustrious war- 
 rior, but preyed upon his flesh, and like vultures devoured 
 his entrails ; day by day they caused him to feel the cold 
 blade of the poniard, and they pressed out drop by drop the 
 blood from that, generous hear:, until finally the modern 
 Prometheus yielded to their tortures, and sealed by his 
 death the most shameful page of British history.* 
 
 * The conduct of the British towards the American prisoners captured 
 in the war for independence partook of the same sanguinary and cruel 
 character, and the same acts of starvation. Thus Captain Cunningham, 
 who was executed l'or forgery at London in 1791, stated in his dying con- 
 fession: " I was appointed provost-marshal to the royal army, which pla- 
 ced me in a situation to wreak my vengeance on the Americans. I shud- 
 der to think of the murders I have hecn accessory to ,both with andicithout 
 orders from, government, especially while in New York, during which time 
 there were more than tiro thousand prisoners starved in the different churches 
 by stopping their rations, which I sold. There were also two hundred and 
 seventy-Jive American prisoners and obnoxious perso?is executed, which were 
 thus conducted : a guard was despatched from the provost about half past 
 twelve at night, to the Barrack street, and the neighborhood of the upper 
 
 23* 
 
270 TORTURES OF PRISONERS. 
 
 barracks, to order the people to shut their window-shutters and put out 
 their lights, forbidding them at the same time to look out of their windows 
 and doors, on pain of death ; after which the unfortunate prisoners were 
 conducted, gagged, just behind the upper barracks, and hung without cere- 
 mony, and there buried by the black pioneer of the provost.'' 
 
 Nor were the hulks, those poisoned dungeons of refined barbarity, confined 
 to the other side of the Atlantic, but in the waters of New York, the Jersey 
 prison ship could tell of many a deed of blood and violence, and at the 
 Wallabout in Brooklyn lie the remains of no less than eleven thousand 
 five hundred patriot prisoners, who died in dungeons and prison-! 
 and about the city of New York, during the war of the revolution. 
 
WAR IN TIME OF PEACE. 271 
 
 CHAPTER -X. 
 
 WAR IN TIME OF PEACE VIOLATION OF THE RIGHTS OF 
 
 NEUTRAL NATIONS. 
 
 The idea of order and right exercises so much influ- 
 ence upon all the acts of man, that it has given laws to 
 war, and has even regulated destruction. Man, constrained 
 by social necessities to contend with his fellow-man, has 
 laid down certain limits, beyond which war becomes an act 
 of assassination, and every deed of violence illegal. Even 
 in taking life, man has wished to do right, and has imposed 
 certain rules, so that the weak shall never be entirely at 
 the discretion of the strong. It is a mutual concession, 
 made by people even when they will make no other ; it is 
 the sanction of human morals, which always bows to these 
 laws, even when the bloody horrors of carnage would seem 
 to countenance forgetfulness of them. Only one people, or 
 rather one government, has been found depraved enough to 
 despise the common laws of nations, and has openly vio- 
 lated their rights ; has transformed war into piracy and mur- 
 der, and has impressed upon every act the seal of highway 
 robbery. 
 
 Among these laws of nations which impose limits upon 
 war, there is no one that should be more respected than 
 that which requires a public and formal declaration to be 
 made before the commencement of any hostilities. As men 
 are liable to be taken at disadvantage, it is a solemn warn- 
 ing to avoid all surprise ; it is the point of honor among 
 nations, who do not wish to strike a defenceless enemy. 
 Among the ancients, the heralds who were commissioned 
 
272 VIOLATION* OF THE RIGHTS 
 
 to declare war were chosen from among the priests, as if 
 Divine intervention alone could authorize the destruction 
 of a fellow-creature. In our times, the ambassadors, to 
 whom the same mission is intrusted, are clothed with a 
 character of inviolability in the eye of the law of nations, 
 and are considered as defenders of the rights of man. 
 
 Notwithstanding, however, all precautions against per- 
 fidious exceptions, the English government has never re- 
 spected that which is held sacred by all, and it has been 
 their policy, before giving the Bigna] lor contest, to surprise 
 their rivals with unexpected hostilities. As soon as war 
 was determine, I upon m the secret councils of the cabinet 
 of St. James, it was considered as actually existing. We 
 have already mentioned acts of this nature, when the 1 
 colonies in India were attacked at tie' commencement of the 
 war in America, and when the peace of Amiens was so out- 
 rageously violated. We now propose to complete the pic- 
 ture, by Btating several facts which belong to different 
 periods, but which exhibit the same perfidy and bad faith. 
 
 In 1777, a vessel from Nantes, the Ro/.iere d'Artois, 
 while returning from Port an Prince, received a great deal 
 of damage. Palling in with an English vessel, the captain 
 was persuaded to go into St. Augustine, in Florida, as their 
 two nations were still at peace. On their arrival, the Eng- 
 lishman moored the French vessel under his guns. Three 
 days afterwards, the crew were removed, and the Vessel 
 was declared a prize. But, as if to cover this manifest 
 violation of the rights of nations, the French received per- 
 mission to go wherever they chose ; while at the same time 
 the Indians were promised one hundred and twenty francs 
 for the scalp of every Frenchman taken out of the city. 
 
 For two months and a half, the French were exposed to 
 constant assassinations. At the end of that term, they were 
 sent to Port au Prince in a miserable vessel, with bad pro- 
 visions, barely sufficient for half the voyage. 
 
 About the same time, another vessel, having on board 
 
OF NEUTRAL NATIONS. 273 
 
 some French noblemen who were on their way to enter the 
 American service, was also captured before war was de- 
 clared, and likewise carried into St. Augustine. Sixty 
 French sailors were placed on a desolate island, shut up in 
 a fort, and designedly forgotten for four days without any 
 provisions. 
 
 They were told that if they did not enlist on board of 
 the English frigate, they would be starved to death. At 
 first they refused, but the threat was carried into execution 
 so soon, that these unhappy people, to avoid a frightful 
 death, enlisted under the English flag. " I saw them," 
 writes an eye-witness, " sign their engagement, with tears 
 in their eyes, calling me to witness the violence with which 
 they had been treated, and conjuring me to accept their 
 protestations ; but I was a prisoner, and, like them, unfortu- 
 nate : I could only sympathize with them." 
 
 We cannot believe that these isolated facts are to be as- 
 cribed to the caprice of some individuals, who abuse their 
 command to do wrong without the knowledge of the govern- 
 ment. On the contrary, they acted in accordance with a 
 settled system, and according to principles which were 
 taught them by the cabinet of St. James. We might cite 
 a number of other acts where the British authority itself 
 has interfered and presented most scandalous examples of 
 perjury. We shall only mention one case where the lords 
 of the admiralty violated a pledge given to a scientific 
 Frenchman, who did them the honor to confide in their 
 word and signature. 
 
 During the American war, France ordered all her vessels 
 to respect and even to protect Captain Cook. The cabinet 
 at Versailles regarded this illustrious navigator as a repre- 
 sentative of science. By his laborious researches and glo- 
 rious efforts, Cook had become a citizen of the world. But 
 the English government could not reciprocate an act of 
 generosity. 
 
 About the same period, Kerguelen, a distinguished officer 
 
274 VIOLATION OF THE RIGHTS 
 
 of the French navy, projected an expedition at his own ex- 
 pense and that of his friends, which should add to discove- 
 ries already made, and extend the knowledge of geography 
 and navigation, for the benefit of the whole world. Not 
 wishing, however, to compromise the results of an expedi- 
 tion purely scientific, he took the precaution of submitting 
 his plan to the English ministry, and demanded from them 
 a passport. The secretary of the lords of the admiralty 
 sent him passports to protect him against any act of 
 hostility. 
 
 Fortified with this formal power, Kerguelen equipped at 
 his own expense a vessel which he called the Libre Navi- 
 gateur, and it was thus designated in the passport, which 
 was for four years. 
 
 Full of the noble hopes which animate men of science, 
 Kerguelen left Nantes July 22d, 1780, having an arma- 
 ment of six three-pounders, and a crew of thirty-one men. 
 
 The day after his departure, he was overhauled by an 
 English cruiser, called the Prince Alfred, who had doubt- 
 less been sent for that purpose, and had received instruc- 
 tions even from those who had given the passports. The 
 cruiser having fired a gun, Kerguelen hove to, and showed 
 the English and French flags. 
 
 The captain of the Prince Alfred commanded the French 
 officer to lower away his boat ; and when this was done, the 
 cruiser boarded the vessel with fifty men, who, with sword 
 in hand, cut tin' flags and the rigging. Kerguelen vainly 
 appealed for protection to his passports ; the Englishman 
 answered that they were forged ; and, without even exam- 
 ining them, declared the Libre Navigateur a lawful prize, 
 and carried the whole crew prisoners to Kinsale. 
 
 On arriving at this port, Kerguelen immediately wrote to 
 the lords of the admiralty, protesting against this violation 
 of their promises. His letters remained unanswered ; he 
 was arrested in the name of the king, and imprisoned. 
 
 " From that day," writes he, " I have always had in my 
 
OF NEUTRAL NATIONS. 275 
 
 room three sentinels, and I have been waked every two hours 
 in the night to know if I was abed. The officers and vol- 
 unteers of my vessel were also imprisoned, after being 
 marched four miles in irons like so many criminals. Among 
 them, however, were some young men of great distinction.. 
 There were seventeen persons in the same room, which had 
 neither door nor windows, and into which the rain and wind 
 penetrated from every part, and we were forty-eight hours 
 without water. We were given hammocks and straw beds 
 which had served for all the prisoners since the commence- 
 ment of the war. The hammocks were rotten, and stained 
 with the blood of the wounded, and the mattrasses were 
 extremely offensive. The room was full of vermin. At the 
 bottom of the stairs was the privy for three hundred pris- 
 oners, which sent forth poisonous miasmata, a fruitful source 
 of disease and death." 
 
 In this manner did the British government treat a man 
 whom they had promised to protect. The passport he had 
 received at London was only a snare to entrap him. After 
 six months, he was released from his captivity, and landed 
 on the shores of France. He retired to Saumur, where he 
 tried in vain to obtain explanations from England. The 
 lords of the admiralty were the avowed accomplices of the 
 cruiser. Kerguelen, for the loss of his liberty, his fortune, 
 and the glory to which he aspired, obtained no recompense 
 from the official pirates who had thus robbed him. 
 
 These perfidious acts of the English government are too 
 numerous to be ascribed to mistakes or misunderstandings. 
 " Who forgets," say the merchants of the province of Frise, 
 in their petition presented to the states of the United Prov- 
 inces in February, 1799, " with what audacity the English 
 vessels have detained vessels belon^in"f to the inhabitants 
 of the republic ? — have carried them into British ports, 
 where they have been declared good prizes, and where at 
 least their restoration cost their owners long and expensive 
 trials ? Who but knows that on the broad ocean the Eng- 
 
276 VIOLATION OF THE RIGHTS 
 
 lish men-of-war claim the right of overhauling our merchant 
 vessels, of taking from them whatever they think proper, 
 and of pressing our seamen, to oblige them to serve on board 
 their vessels ?" 
 
 These complaints were general, and did not come from 
 a single nation. These facts are so well remembered by 
 the cabinet of St. James, that all of its wars partake of the 
 same character ; but never, perhaps, did it commit so many 
 abuses as in the bloody wars waged against the French re- 
 public and empire. It was the threats of England which 
 formed the coalition of the kings of Spain, Portugal, and 
 Naples ; and we have seen that Denmark, Switzerland, and 
 Tuscany were summoned to join the league. Switzerland 
 resisted ; Tuscany was compelled to submit ; but Denmark, 
 by her courageous neutrality, excited against her all the 
 ancjer of the British cabinet, who on this occasion violated 
 the rights of nations with unparalleled audacity, ami ex- 
 hibited a cruelty which aroused the indignation of all 
 Europe. 
 
 Twice has Denmark resisted the threats of England, and 
 twice has she paid dearly for her noble resistance. The 
 first bombardment of Copenhagen occurred in 1801. It 
 took place at the time when Paul I., then Czar, the ally of 
 France, wished to form a coalition of all the northern pow- 
 ers against England. The British cabinet reserved assas- 
 sination for the chief of the league, but pillage and burning 
 for the inferior powers. At iirst, it demanded explanations 
 of Denmark, and then supported its demand by sending into 
 the Baltic a large flotilla, under the orders of Admiral Par- 
 ker, seconded by Admiral Nelson, already known by his 
 cruelties at Naples. Before arriving at Copenhagen, it was 
 necessary to force the entrance to the sound. On the 
 Swedish side was the fort of Helsimborg, on the Danish 
 side the castle of Chronenborg, and many powerful and 
 well-armed batteries, that would destroy any fleet which 
 should attempt to pass through the strait ; it was necessary 
 
OF NEUTRAL NATIONS. « 277 
 
 to brave the fire of all these forts before arriving at Co- 
 penhagen. The English fleet would infallibly have been 
 destroyed, had not the Swedes, by negligence which re- 
 sembled treason, permitted them to pass without firing a 
 gun. The English consequently kept on the side of Swe- 
 den, and out of the reach of the Danish cannon. 
 
 In a few hours, the whole fleet, aided by a favorable 
 wind, had passed through the sound, with the loss of only 
 six or seven men. The admirals then attempted to find a 
 passage to the ramparts of the place. The entrance of the 
 fort presented a threatening appearance. On one side, the 
 walls were flanked with bastions, and armed with a formi- 
 dable park of artillery, which commanded and raked the 
 roads. At the entrance of the gulf, on the Isle of Crowns, 
 were several batteries bristling with cannon ; but the princi- 
 pal defence consisted of six ships of the line, well armed, 
 eleven floating batteries of twenty-six twenty-four-pounders, 
 and eighteen eighteens, moored in a line. The Danish 
 vessels were ranged along the canal which follows the coast. 
 The whole population of Copenhagen had taken up arms, 
 determined to perish rather than to submit to English 
 tyranny. 
 
 Nelson, however, boldly crossed the bar with nine ships 
 of the line, and placed himself opposite to the Danish line 
 of vessels. A terrible contest now ensued. The Danes 
 defended themselves with all the enthusiasm of patriotism ; 
 the places of the sailors who fell were quickly supplied by 
 fresh recruits ; the forts and batteries kept up a constant and 
 well-directed fire. But they were obliged to yield to a su- 
 perior force ; and, after four hours of carnage, the fire of 
 the Danes slackened. Nelson then proposed an armistice, 
 and threatened, in case of a refusal, to sink the Danish 
 vessels and to massacre their crews. The inhabitants were 
 exhausted by this unequal contest, and were obliged to sub- 
 mit to the conqueror. The remainder of the Danish fleet 
 
 24 
 
278 VIOLATION OF THE RIGHTS 
 
 was carried away by the English, whose policy always has 
 been to destroy every maritime power. 
 
 After some years of peace, the Danes repaired their 
 losses, and a new fleet, more numerous than the first, ex- 
 cited the dark jealousy of the British government. 
 
 After the peace of Tilsit, England sent into the sound in 
 1807 a large fleet commanded by Admiral Gambier. The 
 English envoy, Jackson, represented to the prince royal, 
 who was then at Kiel, that if Denmark did not decide to 
 conclude an intimate alliance with England, and give up its 
 fleet as a pledge of this alliance, the British cabinet would 
 declare war. The prince repelled this demand with 
 energy. 
 
 The English then disombarked about three leagues from 
 Copenhagen, and prepared to attack the capital by land. 
 Success was the more easy, since, in consequence of the 
 peace, the army intrusted with the defence of the capital 
 had suffered much for want of military discipline. 
 
 The city was summoned to open its gates, but paid no 
 attention to the threats of the enemy. On the 2d of Sep- 
 tember, the English commenced a bombardment, which 
 continued uninterruptedly for three days, and caused so 
 many ravages in the city, that the commander of the place, 
 on the 5th of September, demanded an armistice, which was 
 concluded two days afterwards, on the following terms : — 
 
 The citadel and port should be delivered up to the Eng- 
 lish, as should also the Danish fleet, with all its armament ; 
 the English troops should be re-embarked in six weeks, at 
 the latest ; public and private property was to be respect- 
 ed ; and the Danes should not be disturbed in the exercise 
 of their duties. 
 
 A mutual exchange of prisoners was likewise agreed 
 upon, as also the restoration of all the English property 
 confiscated by the Danes. 
 
 The English left Seland on the 20th October, carrying 
 with them the Danish fleet, composed of eighteen ships of 
 
OF NEUTRAL NATIONS. 279 
 
 the line, fifteen frigates, six brigs, and thirty-five gun- 
 boats. 
 
 Thus terminated this odious crusade against a neutral 
 power, whose only crime was its good wishes for France. 
 Notwithstanding this great loss, however, Denmark repelled 
 all attempts at reconciliation with England, and the penalty 
 of death was pronounced against whoever should entertain 
 relations with her. 
 
280 CANADA. 
 
 CHAPTER XI. 
 CANADA. 
 
 I. PERSECUTIONS OF THE CANADIANS BY THE ENGLISH. 
 
 English policy showed itself first in New France by 
 the proscription of twenty thousand Acadians, whose rights 
 and safety were nut sufficiently guarantied by the shame- 
 ful treaty of Paris in 1763. Since that time, England has 
 kept a yoke of iron upon the Canadian population, out of 
 hatred for their French origin. 
 
 We shall not mention here all the acts of injustice and 
 despotism which, from the early periods of British domin- 
 ion, marked the antipathy of the rulers of Canada towards 
 their new subjects ; but shall simply register the prominent 
 facts which led to the bloody struggle of 1837. 
 
 The Canadian constitution was modelled after that of 
 Great Britain, and had so much of the aristocratic element 
 in it, at the expense of the popular element, that it soon be- 
 came a formidable instrument in the hands of the British 
 government. 
 
 The executive council, a kind of ministry named by the 
 crown, and the legislative council, all the members of which 
 were also chosen by the governor, were the two levers 
 used by the English party to overturn and destroy the pow- 
 er of the French party, represented by the house of assem- 
 bly. The Canadians were excluded from all participation 
 in power ; every confidential office, every lucrative appoint- 
 ment, became the exclusive appendage of foreigners of Bri- 
 tish origin. Notwithstanding the prerogatives guarantied 
 
CANADA. 281 
 
 to the representatives of the country, the government 
 wished to take away its revenues, and to act with the ful- 
 ness of absolute power. Many times the House of Assem- 
 bly of Lower Canada, having attempted to resist the en- 
 croachments of executive power, was severely punished in 
 the persons of some of its most influential members, who 
 paid by the loss of liberty for the inspirations of patriotism. 
 
 The crown having reserved the privilege of disposing of 
 seizures, fines, and confiscations, the agents of power abu- 
 sed this right enormously. 
 
 The taxes became more and more heavy, everything was 
 subjected to duty, and the functionaries of government alone 
 profited by this increase of public charges. The revenues 
 of the two provinces were pillaged ; most of it was distri- 
 buted by executive authority. The enormity of the taxes, 
 and the increase of offices, excited the anger of the inhabi- 
 tants ; but the remonstrances of the assembly were unheed- 
 ed, and the government faction continued its exactions, with 
 the assurances, impunity, and even with encouragement 
 from the metropolis. 
 
 This is not all ; the efforts of England tended to destroy 
 the nationality of the Canadians. We know that this popu- 
 lation, French in its origin, manners, and language, is at- 
 tached to national traditions. Not only have British laws 
 imperceptibly taken the place of the old French legislation, 
 but an effort has been made to impose on the inhabitants 
 whatever would make them forget their old country. The 
 French language gradually ceased to be the official language. 
 Farther, the Catholic religion, which the Canadians pro- 
 fess, and for which the English at first showed some toler- 
 ation, was persecuted by the Protestants, and the govern- 
 ment aided in the iniquitous transaction. 
 
 Finally, the Canadians were despoiled of their territorial 
 possessions by an arbitrary power. After the expulsion of 
 the Jesuits in 1774, the immense domains of this congrega- 
 tion became vacant. The inhabitants of Lower Canada de- 
 
 24* 
 
282 CANADA. 
 
 manded that these lands should be declared to belong to 
 the province, and that their revenues should be partly con- 
 secrated to the education of poor children ; but the govern- 
 ment could not neglect so good an opportunity to enrich its 
 creatures. The members of the executive council and their 
 families were liberally endowed at the expense of the pub- 
 lic. To give an idea of these scandalous spoliations, we 
 will state, on the authority of Mr. Roebuck, a member of 
 the House of Assembly, the grants made to one family, that 
 of Mr. Fulton, a member of the legislative and executive 
 council. To Mr. Fulton himself, eleven hundred acres, and 
 to his seven daughters, twelve hundred acres each, making 
 nine thousand five hundred acres in all. 
 
 The administration of Sir James Craig in Canada, mark- 
 ed the commencement of an era of sufferings and abuses, 
 the memory of which will live eternally in the hearts of 
 those unfortunate victims of English policy. This gover- 
 nor waged war upon the electoral chamber of Canada ; it 
 was twice dissolved by him, because it wished to regulate 
 the expenses of the province, and to have the judges elect- 
 ed by the people. The infamous dictator having been at- 
 tacked by the journal called the Canadian, its press was 
 broken by soldiers. At the same time, Messrs. Bedard and 
 Blanchet, members of the opposition in the House of Assem- 
 bly, were arrested and imprisoned some days before the 
 elections. It would seem as if Craig attempted to irritate 
 the Canadian population, and to excite them to a desperate 
 resistance, and the Canadians termed the period of his ad- 
 ministration the reign of terror. 
 
 The discontent of the inhabitants was at its height when 
 Sir James was succeeded by the Duke of Richmond. The 
 latter was succeeded by Dalhousie, who it would seem 
 tried to shame the despotism of his predecessor of odious 
 memory. The violence of the noble lord increased the ir- 
 ritation of the Canadians. A petition was sent to London, 
 praying for his recall, and the charges were as follows: — 
 
CANADA. 
 
 " Sir E. George, Lord Dalhousie, has committed many- 
 arbitrary acts. He has drawn large sums of money from 
 the receiver-general, unauthorized by any law. He has 
 wickedly suppressed and concealed from the knowledge of 
 the provincial parliament, different public documents and 
 papers. As commander-in-chief, he has used his authority 
 to influence and intimidate the inhabitants in the exercise 
 of their civil and political rights. He has permitted the of- 
 ficial gazettes published under his control to make the most 
 calumnious imputations daily against the House of Assem- 
 bly ; he has threatened to prorogue the representative body, 
 until the freeholders and proprietors were obliged to name 
 as deputies, men disposed to grant everything to executive 
 authority, to sacrifice to him the right which belongs to the 
 people, to determine by its representatives what sums of 
 public money the administration shall be authorized to ex- 
 pend, and to ensure its faithful application, saying it would 
 punish the province by rejecting the bills passed for the 
 general welfare. He has gratified his vindictiveness by 
 using his power on members of the legislative council, in 
 order to have rejected in 1827, all bills in regard to objects 
 of charity and public utility. So many acts of oppression 
 have excited throughout the province an insurmountable ex- 
 pression of mistrust, suspicion, and disgust for his adminis- 
 tration."* 
 
 The complaints of the Canadians were listened to for a 
 time ; but Lord Dalhousie soon reappeared triumphantly in 
 Lower Canada, and was furious against the French party. 
 It is to this worthy representative of British authority that 
 we must attribute, in great part, the resolution taken by the 
 Canadian patriots to engage in a decisive contest with 
 England, and not to rest until justice should be rendered to 
 them. 
 
 It is important to remark, that the malcontents always 
 
 * This article is quoted from the work of Isidore Lebrun, Tab. Stat, and 
 Pol. des deux Canadas. 
 
284 CANADA. 
 
 took legal measures to obtain satisfaction. Petitions to 
 Parliament — envoys from the official representatives to the 
 ministry — respectful remonstrances presented at the foot of 
 the throne — opposition in the House of Assembly, — all the 
 means authorized by the English constitution were tried by 
 the Canadians, and were unsuccessful. The cabinet of St. 
 James was deaf to the lamentations which came from the 
 banks of the St. Lawrence. The demands of the petition- 
 ers were met by a constant denial of justice. England 
 forgot that in 1812, in the war against the United States, 
 the French Canadians had fought faithfully against their 
 neighbors, who offered them liberty and free institutions. 
 She forgot that the blood of the generous French flowed 
 freely at Quebec and in many other battle-fields. Persecu- 
 tion, contempt of their rights, the robbing of their funds, 
 and daily humiliation, were the recompense of these loyal 
 subjects, to whom Great Britain owed the preservation of 
 her North American colonies.* 
 
 We are not fearful of exaggerating the injuries received 
 by the Canadians from England. We have rather fallen 
 short of the truth, and if any one doubts it, let him read 
 Lord Durham's report to the British cabinet, while he held 
 the station of Governor of the Lower Province of Canada. 
 All the critical part of this report is true, and it contains a 
 table of the sufferings of the Canadians, much more start- 
 ling than that we have presented. After 1830, the cruelty 
 of the imperial Parliament continued. Most of the bills 
 voted by the Houses of Assembly were returned with the 
 royal veto. The patriots, vexed at not receiving their 
 
 * In the war of American Independence, the Canadians contributed 
 powerfully to defeat the enterprises of Generals Arnold and Montgomery. 
 
 In 1812, Washington was burnt by the English: an act of savage bar- 
 barity, which roused the indignation of civilized Europe. The English 
 army constantly invoked the alliance of the tribes of Indians ; and these 
 ferocious bands committed, in the name of Great Britain, atrocities, the 
 recital of which alone would make one shudder. These were the useful 
 auxiliaries employed by the royalist leaders to rid them of their republican 
 prisoners, after the most solemn capitulations. 
 
CANADA. 285 
 
 legitimate demands, decided to assume a more menacing 
 attitude in the elections then to occur. In 1832, blood 
 flowed at Montreal, and the commanders of the troop, who 
 had fired on the electors without previous notice, were ac- 
 quitted. Two years afterwards, the Whig ministry, terri- 
 fied by the refusal of the House of Assembly in Lower 
 Canada to vote the supplies, ordered an illusory inquiry, to 
 stifle the resentments of the indignant colonists. Lord 
 Gosford, Governor of the Lower Province, attempted to 
 follow in the footsteps of his predecessors, and filled up 
 the measure of his iniquities by levying taxes, notwithstand- 
 ing the refusal of the budget by the House of Assembly. 
 
 II. RESISTANCE IS ORGANIZED THE ENGLISH AUTHORI- 
 TIES EXCITE INSURRECTION DESTRUCTION OF THE CAR- 
 OLINE, AND MASSACRE OF THE CREW. 
 
 The Canadians had now come to that pass, when insur- 
 rection is the most sacred of duties. Nevertheless, in 
 order to have right on their side, they again had recourse 
 to legal resistance. At the instigation of Papineau, the 
 energetic leader of the opposition, a commercial league 
 was organized against the English. All the French Cana- 
 dians engaged by oath to abstain from using English manu- 
 factures ; the products of the soil, together with what they 
 brought from the United States, were sufficient for the con- 
 sumption of the country. The effects of this combination 
 were soon seen ; England was touched in her most sensi- 
 tive part, her pocket. The authorities, perceiving that the 
 receipts were extremely diminished, and fearing that the 
 colony would become by this means excessively onerous 
 to the mother country, decided to excite an insurrection, for 
 which the patriots were entirely unprepared. 
 
 This is an important point to prove. Yes, the English 
 excited the Canadian insurrection. It was not the policy 
 of the French party to resist with arms. At a later period, 
 
286 CANADA. 
 
 doubtless, they would have been reduced to this perilous 
 extremity ; but in 1837, they wished to try a legal and 
 passive contest. The best proof of this is tne fact that 
 when the first collision took place, the patriots were un- 
 armed. On this point we have consulted several Canadian 
 leaders who took refuge in France, and all have confirmed 
 our opinion in regard to the Jesuitism with which the Eng- 
 lish government had urged the people to revolt. 
 
 " I challenge the English government to de,ny," says M. 
 Papineau, in an historical work which we shall quote here- 
 after, " when I affirm that none of us were prepared for, 
 expected, wished, or even anticipated an armed resistance. 
 But the English government had resolved to rob the prov- 
 ince of its revenue and its representative system ; it had 
 resolved to devote some of us to death, and others to exile ; 
 it was for this that martial law was proclaimed, and the 
 citizens were tried by court-martial for acts which it was 
 decided some weeks before formed no ground for accusa- 
 tion : founding the necessity of creating military tribunals 
 on the impossibility of obtaining sentence of death from the 
 civil tribunals. Yes, once more the executive power, hav- 
 ing in view the interests of the metropolis, formed inhuman 
 combinations against innocent men, which had been admit- 
 ted to be illegal : the provocation came from it, but the in- 
 surrection was not lawful. We had resolved not yet to 
 rebel. This has been proved to the government by our 
 papers, which have been seized — a government which 
 calumniates, in order to become persecutors." 
 
 Thus the blood shed in this colony must fall on the 
 heads of the British ministers and their representatives. 
 
 The opposition in Parliament did not hope to obtain 
 justice from the mother country, but it was not enfeebled. 
 Ii even began to inspire power with serious fears, when, on 
 a certain day in 1837, Papineau, O'Callaghan, and other 
 persons of influence, were informed by a member of the 
 council that on the next day they were to be accused and 
 
CANADA. 287 
 
 arrested. This timely advice saved the lives of many emi- 
 nent patriots. Papineau fled, and, after many dangers, ar- 
 rived upon the frontier of the United States. A reward 
 was offered for his head, but the indignation of the Cana- 
 dians against power protected him in his flight, and every 
 cottage opened to him its hospitable doors. On leaving 
 his country with his colleagues, who were also proscribed, 
 Papineau felt confident that an insurrection would occur ; 
 he did not know that after the leaders of the French party 
 had left, the government would excite an armed rebellion, 
 in order to strike down the rest of the party. 
 
 About the same time, the authorities issued warrants 
 against the patriots in the village near Montreal. The de- 
 tachments of soldiers who were commissioned to make 
 these arrests, instead of carrying their prisoners by a direct 
 route to Montreal, made them take a long circuit, in order 
 that the people of this district might witness the vengeance 
 of Lord Gosford. The peasantry, seeing their brethren in 
 irons, and surrounded by soldiers, attacked the troops, and, 
 after an obstinate resistance, liberated the prisoners. This 
 was the first blow struck. Power had succeeded in bring- 
 ing about a bloody collision ; it was satisfied, for now its 
 plans could be executed. 
 
 Combats, which were also provoked by the English, oc- 
 curred at St. Charles, St. Denis, and other villages in the 
 district of Montreal. The governor now proclaimed mar- 
 tial law. From this time, the populace was subjected to 
 all the cruelties of a military regime — to all the violence 
 of a siege. There was now no respect for laws, nor for 
 the pledges inscribed in the constitution. The lives and 
 property of the citizens were at. the mercy of the despot at 
 Quebec, who represented the royal authority. Terror 
 reigned, and the soldiery sent against the unarmed peas- 
 antry used freely the impunity granted them by the procla- 
 mation of Lord Gosford. 
 
 At the firing of the first gun in the Lower Province, 
 
288 CANADA. 
 
 Upper Canada revolted. Here were found not only Irish 
 and foreign colonists, but also the English took up arms. 
 The administration of Sir Francis Head, the governor of 
 the province, had exasperated the inhabitants, no matter 
 what nation they belonged to : thus the first spark of the 
 flame was lighted by the criminal hand of Lord Gosford, 
 and fired the train which incited the opposition in the two 
 adjacent provinces. 
 
 Here we will record a base act, which of itself is suffi- 
 cient to cover the English authorities in this unhappy 
 country with eternal ignominy. 
 
 Two or three hundred of the insurgents of Upper Canada 
 had taken possession of Navy Island, a short distance above 
 the falls of Niagara. The English observed that a steam- 
 boat passed frequently from the American shore to the 
 island occupied by the patriots, and suspected that the 
 vessel carried provisions and ammunition to the rebels ; but 
 of this there was no certainty. A detachment was ordered 
 to destroy the suspicious vessel. In a dark night, some 
 soldiers under the command of one M'Nab crossed the 
 river and came suddenly upon the Caroline, which was 
 moored to territory belonging to the United States. These 
 wretches attacked the crew while asleep, slaughtered sev- 
 eral men, threw others overboard, set fire to the vessel, cast 
 off her fasts, abandoned her to the current of the river, 
 which soon swept her over the falls. It was said that 
 many of the crew found a grave in the foaming torrent of 
 Niagara. The next morning, a dead body on the banks of 
 Niagara apprized the citizens of the American republic that 
 a frightful crime had been committed, under cover of the 
 darkness of night, by the rulers of Canada. 
 
 It was a shameful violation of the rights of nations, for 
 if the English were sure that the Caroline carried provis- 
 ions to the Canadians, they knew this was done by private 
 individuals, and not by the government of the United States, 
 who had formally prohibited every act of hostility against 
 
CANADA. 289 
 
 the possessors of Canada. This vessel then should have 
 been captured in British waters, and the crew detained as 
 prisoners of war. It was also an inexcusable crime, and 
 as cowardly as it was base : for the attack was made at 
 night, at a time when the sailors of the Caroline were 
 asleep ; it was attended with horrid circumstances, such as 
 the murder of unarmed men, and the destruction of the 
 vessel in the foaming cataract. 
 
 This expedition was extremely well received by the 
 English authorities. The barbarous executors of the orders 
 of the government were publicly toasted at dinners, at 
 which the annihilation of the French Canadians and the 
 republicans of the United States was openly drank ; and 
 further, M'Nab was knighted and presented with a sword, 
 as a recompense for his noble valor. 
 
 Some months after, M'Leod, one of the heroes of this 
 bloody adventure, had the impudence to go to a city of the 
 United States, and boast of the nocturnal exploit in which 
 he had taken part. He was arrested and imprisoned. This 
 circumstance caused a sharp correspondence between the 
 cabinet at Washington and the British government : it is 
 known that the English minister assumed the responsibility 
 of the massacre and destruction of the Caroline, urging 
 that this outrage upon the laws of humanity and the rights 
 of nations was all only an act of legitimate defence per- 
 formed by subaltern agents, in accordance with the ac- 
 knowledged interests of the home government.* 
 
 * This outrage inflicted by the cabinet of St. James upon the Americans 
 is the consequence of a system obstinately pursued since the treaty of 
 17S2. Since that time, even when at peace, England has constantly in- 
 trigued to cause a separation of the United States. It is this power which 
 has encouraged the Indians in their warfare against the United States, and 
 has distributed arms and ammunition to them. We would also state that 
 the English have kept portions of territory, which, by existing treaties, 
 ought long since to have been given up to the Americans. 
 
 25 
 
290 CANADA. 
 III. MISSION OF LORD DURHAM DECEITFUL AMNESTY. 
 
 On learning these deplorable scenes in the two Canadas, 
 the English government resolved to send to this colony a 
 delegate with unlimited powers. The choice fell on Lord 
 Durham, an old radical converted to ministerial doctrines. 
 
 On arriving at Quebec, in May, 1838, the new dictator 
 distinguished himself by the most despotic acts. He 
 gathered around him perverse counsellors, who were de- 
 spised by honorable men for their public and private char- 
 acter. We will now quote from a remarkable article by 
 M. Papineau, published in the " Revue des Progrds," which 
 thus describes the debut of the noble count : — 
 
 " Of all the men hateful to the Canadians, not one was 
 more justly so than the editor of the Montreal Herald. 
 This man was a proud tory, named Adam Thorn, who for 
 many years had abused all the whig ministers, and espe- 
 cially Lord Durham. But as the John Bull was unable to 
 feed the malignity of Adam Thorn by its malicious anec- 
 dotes, his private or counterfeit correspondence, published 
 the real or imaginary offences of all the liberals. 
 
 " When it was known that. Lord Durham was nominated, 
 he complained bitterly. The bark of Cerberus was, how- 
 ever, so offensive to the ear of the dictator, that he was 
 fain to throw him the soporific cake. And a few weeks 
 after the pompous debarkation of the viceroy, and because 
 that he had been abused, Adam Thorn was his counsellor. 
 
 " This man, who was only a passionate partisan, of mod- 
 erate talents, became extremely furious when speaking of 
 the French Canadians. Excited by a thirst for blood, his 
 hatred then knew no bounds. For many years, the pages 
 of his paper had daily been sullied by outrages against the 
 whole nation, and reiterated provocations to the assassina- 
 tion of the most popular representatives. He had figured 
 also as a leader in several contests which four years before 
 had occurred at Montreal — contests between the English 
 
CANADA. 291 
 
 magistrates and the citizens who opposed the executive 
 power, in the elections of the House of Assembly. 
 
 " Adam Thorn had organized the Doric Club, a club 
 armed to put down the French Canadians, if the govern- 
 ment granted them the object of their demands, an elective 
 legislative council. Five months before his accession to 
 the counsels of Lord Durham, and while the prisons were 
 filled with Canadians, he wrote : ' The punishment of the 
 leaders, however agreeable it might be to the English 
 inhabitants, would not produce so deep an impression, and 
 one so useful to the spirit of the people, as the sight of 
 strangers in the house of every agitator in each parish. 
 The sight of the widow and children bewailing their 
 wretchedness around the rich houses from which they have 
 been dispossessed, would have a good effect. This meas- 
 ure should not be delayed. Special commissioners should 
 be appointed immediately to despatch the trials of the 
 traitors now in prison.' " 
 
 The same Adam Thorn, three months before the arrival 
 of Lord Durham, proclaimed death to four hundred people 
 who were confined in a place large enough to accommodate 
 only half the number. He said that the government were 
 culpable for deferring their trial ; that it was intended to 
 deprive the Doric Club of its prey ; that the Club was 
 strong enough to do itself justice, in spite of the walls, 
 prisons, and bayonets of the soldiers ; that the Club could 
 punish as well as protect ; that it would grant but a short 
 delay, after which it would be seen that its advice was not 
 an empty menace. In fact, the plot became so frightful, 
 that the authorities were obliged to fortify the prisons by 
 additional works, and to double the guards. This is the 
 wretch who sat at the table of Lord Durham, and assisted 
 at his councils. , 
 
 This fact foreshadowed what the English proconsul pro- 
 posed to do to pacify the two insurgent provinces. The 
 measures of Lord Durham exceeded the expectations even 
 
292 CANADA. 
 
 of his flatterers. Adam Thorn must have been satisfied 
 with him. 
 
 From remarks in the British Parliament, an amnesty had 
 been expected. It was decreed in June, 1838 ; but it con- 
 tained a singular restriction, viz., that every one who had 
 gone to another country to avoid arrest, was forbidden to 
 return, under pain of death. 
 
 This strange amnesty excited general indignation. In 
 the British House of Commons it was severely criticised. 
 In the House of Lords, Lord Brougham, the personal ene- 
 my of Lord Durham, remarked, that the dictator of Canada 
 had the right to except from the amnesty whoever he thought 
 proper, but not to pronounce the penalty of death simply for 
 returning to the country. That part of the amnesty which 
 had been the subject of discussion was annulled in July, 
 and Lord Durham was immediately notified of it officially. 
 
 The pride of the viceroy could not tolerate the insult 
 offered by Parliament. Lord Durham left his post in anger, 
 resigning the power to Sir John Colborne, whom he had 
 succeeded. 
 
 Notwithstanding that the proscription of fugitives was 
 annulled by Parliament, it was still exercised by the Cana- 
 dian authorities. A humble fugitive having attempted to 
 return, was brought before the military tribunals. He ap- 
 pealed to the decision of Parliament, but was told that, not- 
 withstanding this decision, the tribunals were free to inter- 
 pret the amnesty as they chose. The accused owed his 
 life only to his political obscurity, and was ordered to leave 
 the colony immediately. 
 
 IV. SECOND INSURRECTION EXECUTIONS PILLAGE AND 
 
 BURNINGS. 
 
 The short administration of Lord Durham had been so 
 deplorable, that it had excited the wrath of the patriots of 
 the two provinces. Shortly after the sudden departure of 
 
CANADA. 293 
 
 the dictator, an insurrectionary movement occurred in 
 Lower Canada. But those unfortunate people, to the num- 
 ber of fifteen or twenty thousand, who had rallied at the 
 call of some imprudent men, soon perceived that there was 
 no organization ; that arms were wanting ; in short, that 
 there was no hope of success. They dispersed ; but the 
 military authorities, who were prepared for it, made many 
 captures, and the prisons of Montreal and Quebec were 
 filled with victims. 
 
 About the same time, Upper Canada, which was also an- 
 noyed by the violence of the governor, again rose, and the 
 insurgents experienced the same fate as those of the lower 
 province. 
 
 Then a series of atrocities commenced, for which mar- 
 tial law served as a cloak. These two insurrections, which 
 had been so easily and promptly suppressed, served the 
 English as a pretext for outrages upon the conquered and 
 disarmed patriots. Villages and farms belonging to the 
 proscribed were devastated and burnt. Many of the unfor- 
 tunates were sent to prison ; others were sentenced to be 
 transported to Botany Bay, like so many brigands. The 
 executions were witnessed in silence by a people who 
 were struck with terror. From this time, order reigned in 
 the Canadas. 
 
 The English government attempted to justify the judicial 
 murders committed by its order in an American colony ; 
 but their necessity was never proved. While the gibbets 
 were erecting, the two provinces were subdued and paci- 
 fied. Power had then nothing to fear from the patriots. 
 Hence capital condemnations were inexcusable, and Eng- 
 land cannot wipe off this reproach brought against her by 
 civilized nations. 
 
 At the present moment, many Canadians, and even some 
 Americans are doing penance at Sydney for their love of 
 liberty. 
 
 25* 
 
294 CANADA. 
 
 V. CONDUCT OF ENGLAND TOWARDS CANADA SINCE THE 
 
 END OF THE INSURRECTION. 
 
 Martial law remained in full force in Canada, long after 
 the bloody pacification of this country. Under this legal 
 aegis the vengeance of the victors was shown by confis- 
 cations, executions, and deeds of violence. The ministry 
 had given full powers to the colonial authorities ; they used 
 them freely and without any conscientious scruples. Pou- 
 let Thompsom, the actual governor, followed the course of 
 his predecessors. 
 
 One act of iniquity had been committed against this un- 
 happy country, favored by the tranquillity which has exist- 
 ed there for two years. The two provinces have been uni- 
 ted, and now form but one. This measure, a plan of Lord 
 Durham, to swallow up the French population by the Brit- 
 ish, has not, however, had the desired effect. 
 
 To give an idea of the odious character of this decision, 
 we will simply state the elements of which the only elec- 
 tive body in Canada will hereafter be composed. The 
 lower province, which numbers eight hundred thousand in- 
 habitants, nearly all of whom are French, had eighty-eight 
 deputies ; she now will have but forty. Upper Canada, 
 whose population (mostly of English or Irish) does not ex- 
 ceed four hundred thousand, will send to the legislature 
 about the same number of representatives. Thus, the num- 
 ber of representatives will be the same, although the popu- 
 lation of one province is twice as great as the other ; but 
 the French must be balanced by the British. 
 
 The conduct of the British government towards the Can- 
 adas, may thus be summed up : — 
 
 " Oppression and denial of justice for a long period. 
 Provocation to revolt. Atrocious and unnecessary severity 
 after the re-establishment of order. The absorption of the 
 most numerous class of the population by the conquerors." 
 
295 
 
 VI. DISASTROUS EFFECTS OF ENGLISH POLICY IN THE PRO- 
 VINCES ADJACENT TO CANADA. 
 
 Before concluding this chapter, we propose to glance 
 rapidly at the situation of the other English colonies of 
 North America. We can thus form an idea of the state to 
 which the policy of Great Britain has reduced the kind of 
 empire in the new world, belonging to this power. 
 
 We shall merely present the testimony of Lord Durham, 
 who, in his report already mentioned, makes the following 
 remarks in regard to Nova Scotia, New Brunswick, and 
 Prince Edward's Isle :* " The resources of these provin- 
 ces, although numerous and varied, are deplorably neglect- 
 ed. Their miserable population is extremely idle and 
 squalid, and if some portions are better, it is because some 
 cultivators or capitalists have come from the United States. 
 In most of Nova Scotia you see houses abandoned, and 
 farms going to waste. Lands purchased forty or fifty years 
 since for five shillings the acre, can now be bought for three 
 for the want of capital ; the inhabitants allow their fisheries 
 to be carried away from their very doors by the Americans. 
 These provinces, with thirty millions of acres in superficies, 
 although they were colonized early, contain only two hun- 
 dred and sixty-six thousand inhabitants. What a contrast 
 is to be seen on the adjacent borders. 
 
 " On the side of the independent Americans there is 
 every appearance of productive industry, increase in wealth 
 and progress in civilization ; on the side of the English, all 
 is solitude and desolation. 
 
 " This painful, but undeniable fact is apparent in every 
 
 part of the frontier of more than four hundred leagues. The 
 
 difference in the price of the land there is immense, often 
 
 * Nova Scotia and New Brunswick form the vast province formerly 
 known as Acadia. We stated at the commencement of this chapter, that 
 twenty thousand inhabitants were expelled from this province after the 
 treaty of 1763. Prince Edward's Isle was called by the French Isle St. 
 Jean. 
 
296 CANADA. 
 
 a thousand per cent., sometimes even more. The emigra- 
 tion from England, instead of remaining in their colonies, 
 proceeds to the United States, and in this manner, Upper 
 Canada, which under other circumstances would have at 
 least five hundred thousand inhabitants, now counts only- 
 four hundred thousand. So too with those emigrants who 
 land at Nova Scotia and New Brunswick. Finding no en- 
 couragement there, they continue their journey to the Uni- 
 ted States. Many of the old colonists have done the same. 
 
 These are some of the lamentable results of the political 
 and social evils which for so long a time have afflicted the 
 Canadas, and now we are obliged to take immediate mea- 
 sures against the alarming dangers of rebellion, and that 
 depopulation which results from the desertion of people 
 who are reduced to despair.'* 
 
 " These admissions come from a representative of the 
 English government. The whole truth ma)*- be estimated 
 by taking into account the moderation required of the author 
 of the report, by his official title. Our limits oblige us to 
 be concise, otherwise we should show that the English, 
 from the first period of their rule, have attempted to root 
 out and destroy by the use of ardent spirits, the natives who, 
 when Wolfe captured Quebec, covered the soil of New 
 France. Whole tribes of twenty thousand and thirty thou- 
 sand individuals, have disappeared from Canada, thanks to 
 the British government, who find by the extension of drunk- 
 enness among the savages the most convenient mode of 
 ridding themselves of dangerous subjects and neighbors. 
 
CONCLUSION. 297 
 
 CONCLUSION. 
 
 If success can justify crime — if the results obtained can 
 excuse the infamy of the means employed to accomplish 
 them — England, to be excused, would only have to display 
 her long list of spoliations, and to point proudly to what she 
 has gained. Here would be found enough to tempt less 
 easy consciences, to encourage ambition even of less bold 
 character. The political traders of Great Britain, those 
 skilful traffickers in human flesh, can cast up the balance 
 sheet, and a formidable list of people and territory will be 
 found on the credit side. When England once plants her 
 foot on a territory, she never leaves it. She develops her 
 resources, advances, and daily adds to her landed acquisi- 
 tions : the population is destroyed, sometimes by arsenic, 
 as in New Holland — sometimes by opium, as in China, 
 or they are reduced to slavery. She makes her depreda- 
 tions a right, her piracies a title ; she identifies herself so 
 thoroughly with the soil, that there is no longer a place for 
 the natives ; and the cry of usurpation is heard when the 
 disabused people claim the inheritance of their fathers. 
 
 At the beginning of this century, the English possessed 
 only a small island in the Mediterranean. None of their 
 fleets were to be found in those waters which they now 
 pretend to govern. The first squadron sent there was to 
 arrest the march of the French armies in the East towards 
 the land of the Pharaohs, and afterwards to prevent the 
 communication of France with its new colony. But the 
 sight of a few vessels, bearing the tri-colored flag, in the two 
 small ports of Suez and Cosseir, opened their eyes. The 
 genius of Britain soon understood the importance of the 
 
298 conclusion 
 
 isthmus and Red Sea, as the political and commercial route 
 from Gibraltar to the Indies. From AhisVime, England has 
 never quitted the Mediterranean. 
 
 These spoliations were facilitated by the complaisance 
 of the European powers ; and the congress of Vienna re- 
 cognised her sovereignty over Malta and the Ionian islands, 
 without inquiring into her claims. 
 
 We must not forget that the first war commenced by 
 England against France was to protect the interests of Hol- 
 land. Under this pretext, the English introduced their 
 troops into the opulent island of Ceylon, drove out from it 
 the garrison of their allies, and have never left it since. 
 The Cape of Good Hope was usurped in the same manner 
 and by the same allies ; and the Cape and Ceylon were de- 
 livered up to England by the congress of Vienna, which 
 was always ready to sanction violence and treachery. 
 
 But if England has profited by the troubles of war to in- 
 troduce herself secretly to her allies and rob them, she 
 avails herself also of the leisure of peace to found new es- 
 tablishments in remote lands. The possession of Arden 
 gave her the control of the Red Sea ; mistress of Bushire, 
 she commands the Persian Gulf, and the mouths of the 
 Tigris and Euphrates. Aided by the possession of the 
 Malonian islands, she commands the Straits of Magellan ; 
 from the summit of the rock of Gibraltar, she surveys the 
 Pillars of Hercules ; Heligoland gives her the mouth of 
 the Elbe ; Jersey and Guernsey, access to France ; in the 
 Antilles, she surrounds with her numerous positions the 
 solitary islands of Martinique and Guadaloupe ; the bom- 
 bardment of Beyroot and St. Jean d'Acre threw her garri- 
 sons on the coast of Syria ; and the insurrection of Candia, 
 fomented by her, will doubtless bring this island under the 
 Ionian protectorate. The power of Britain is seen in every 
 sea visited by a merchant-vessel ; and whatever shores it. 
 visits, it passes under the cannon of a British fortress. 
 England has stationed herself on all the great maritime 
 
CONCLUSION. 299 
 
 routes, ready to dispute their passage ; she has fortified 
 herself in every strait and pass, ready to close them by a 
 chain of vessels. 
 
 An intrepid traveller, a greedy jackal, England explores 
 every coast and rock, and turns to her advantage the dis- 
 coveries of geography and the progress of science. Among 
 the great rivers of the world, one only has escaped her re- 
 searches and power. The Niger, whose abundant waters 
 wash the unknown countries of central Africa, could neither 
 be traced in its course, nor could its source be found by 
 European explorers ; its inhospitable banks repelled the 
 advances of science, and a murderous climate destroyed 
 the hardy traveller who might escape the cruelty of the na- 
 tives. The bold adventurers who dared to penetrate into 
 it never returned, and the secret of their discoveries re- 
 mains buried with them in those mysterious plains which 
 have not yet given up their dead. 
 
 The traditions of antiquity, and the narratives of the 
 Arabian merchants, who extended their caravans into the 
 interior of Africa, stated that in the centre of Nigritia was 
 a large river, the waters of which passed through numerous 
 and populous countries. But how could one arrive at this 
 river without passing through savage and hostile people ? 
 What seas received the tributary waters and communicated 
 with it, it was impossible to say. Accident, one of those 
 simple inspirations which rise among the children of the 
 people when all the calculations of science have failed, 
 finally made this great discovery. Two English sailors, 
 the brothers Lander, arrived on the banks of the Niger, em- 
 barked upon it, and then abandoned themselves to the cur- 
 rent. They passed through countries which were unknown 
 even by name, and finally came into the Atlantic ocean. 
 From that time, the river was open. Central Africa be- 
 longed to that European people who could ascend the Ni- 
 ger. The British cabinet fully understood this, and took 
 measures to pursue their new conquest. For this, it was 
 
300 CONCLUSION. 
 
 necessary to command the mouth of the river, and to close 
 it against other Europeans. England lost no time. The 
 Niger opens into the Bay of Biafra, at the bottom of the 
 Gulf of Guinea. This bay contains several islands, situ- 
 ated at very unequal distances from the mouths of the great 
 African river. The nearest and largest is the island of Fer- 
 nando Po, which, by its extent and position, commands all 
 the others. This island belongs to Spain. Now England 
 had sent to the aid of constitutional Spain a British legion, 
 composed of the refuse of her population, who were more 
 distinguished for their excesses than their valor. Accord- 
 ing to the accounts of the chancellor, there were still sixty 
 thousand pounds due to these valiant soldiers. The Eng- 
 lish government, therefore, proposed to the court at Madrid 
 to release them from this payment, for the cession of the 
 islands of Fernando Po and Annobon, situated in the Bay 
 of Biafra. This latter island is much smaller, and further 
 from the mouth of the Niger ; but they enclose between 
 them the two Portuguese islands Princes and St. Thomas, 
 so that the possession of Fernando Po and Annobon com- 
 mands this small archipelago. Although the Spanish cortes 
 rejected the proposition of England, yet the English have 
 commenced an establishment in the island of Fernando Po, 
 and, in our opinion, will not be disposed to leave it. They 
 will not be discouraged by the first refusal, but will remain 
 there, either by force or stratagem. From this, it is easy 
 to understand the importance of the arrangement thus pro- 
 posed to Spain. England wished to become master of the 
 mouth of the Niger, and consequently of central Africa. 
 The islands of Fernando Po and Annobon were to be the 
 centres of trade and fortresses. Africa, like the whole of 
 Asiatic India, would be a tributary to Great Britain ; and 
 the Niger, the course of which was so fortunately discov- 
 ered, and which should have been devoted to science, is 
 opened only to the commercial speculations of England. 
 In order the better to cloak its ambitious designs, the 
 
CONCLUSION, 301 
 
 British government asserts that it makes these conquests 
 only in the spirit of Christian philanthropy, and in order 
 to break up the slave-trade, which it cannot do by its fleets. 
 
 In fact, whenever a generous idea rises up in the bosoms 
 of its citizens, the government turns it to political account, 
 and the charity of individuals becomes an instrument for 
 the acquisition of new power. Its hypocritical combinations 
 have even caused one to doubt the sincerity of those whose 
 views it has advanced ; and from the manner in which the 
 moral ideas are carried out, a perfidious understanding has 
 been suspected between its preachers and politicians. 
 
 Thus, when generous men raised their voices in parlia- 
 ment against the slave trade, the whole world was seduced 
 by that noble disinterestedness, which advocated the liber- 
 ation of so many who had so long been disinherited ; but 
 when the English government profited by this Christian 
 manifestation to destroy the French colonies, to invite the 
 blacks of St. Domingo to insurrection, to impose the tyran- 
 ny of its visits upon the vessels of every nation, it was pro- 
 per to mistrust this philanthropy, and while one would ren- 
 der justice to Wilberforce, he must sigh for the abuses with 
 which his exhortations have been followed. 
 
 Even now, a new association is formed at London, with 
 a view to the abolition of slavery, and the development of 
 civilization in Africa. It looked to the region of the Niger. 
 We certainly would not doubt the sincerity of its founders, 
 but from the eclat attending this enterprise, we must look 
 upon it with suspicion, particularly in consequence of the 
 active part taken by the cabinet of St. James in this philan- 
 thropic work. In fact, on the first requisition of the asso- 
 ciation, the government consented to send three steamboats 
 to ascend the Niger, and found upon its banks establish- 
 ments who will enter into permanent relations with its Af- 
 rican population. Now we know what are the relations of 
 the English government with the populations among whom 
 it plants its standard. And although the first attempts at 
 26 
 
302 CONCLUSION. 
 
 founding these establishments have been unsuccessful, yet 
 England will never desist from her efforts, until the British 
 flag waves over Africa, as it now does over India.* 
 
 One has only to connect the announcement of this expe- 
 dition with the negotiation opened with the Spanish gov- 
 ernment in regard to the Island of Fernando Po and Anno- 
 bon, and we have the secret of British generosity ; and one 
 can thus explain why a nation who has millions dying of 
 want within her borders, and subjected to privations and 
 sufferings, cruelties, and indignities, which are never inflicted 
 on any slave, should be actuated by such tender regard for 
 the blacks of Central Africa. 
 
 These nations whom it is pretended to regenerate, will 
 soon set a proper value upon the protection of England, and 
 will soon find out the expense of her sympathy. While 
 
 * The following account of the termination of the Niger expedition, is 
 from an English correspondent of the London Times at Cape Coast Castle : — 
 
 " The Wilberforce, you will recollect, was here in March last, at which 
 time Captain W. Allen was preparing to re-ascend the Niger, to look after 
 the ' Model Farm' people, and if possible, to do something to retrieve the 
 fame of the expedition. He proceeded hence to Ferdinand Po, to fit out 
 the Soudan, to accompany him. While he was still lying there, the Kite 
 steamer arrived with orders from government that only one vessel was to 
 go up the river, and that she was only to have on board four or five white 
 men at most. Her only object in going up was to be the bringing back the 
 people left at the farm. On receiving these orders Captain Allen and most 
 of the officers and crew went on board the Kite for a passage to England. 
 The other commissioner (Cook) went home by the Golden Spring. The 
 Wilberforce, under charge of her present commander (Lieutenant Webb), 
 proceeded up the river, and found the ' Model Farm' a very perfect model 
 of disorganization. 
 
 " The blacks who had been left at it, having plenty of cowies (species of 
 India shell used as money) and goods, voted themselves to be independent 
 country gentlemen, and managed to get hold of a lot of natives whom they 
 coolly made slaves of, and whom they compelled to work on the farm, each 
 gentleman being provided with a cat., or slave-driver's whip, the better to en- 
 force obedience. The model farmer himself (Carr, brother of the Chief 
 Justice of Sierra Leone) has never been heard of, and had, as it afterwards 
 appeared, been killed somewhere near the mouth of the river." 
 
 Here it is admitted by an English writer, that an expedition sent into 
 Central Africa by a society for the abolition of slavery, and with the sanc- 
 tion and aid of the British government, actually established a slave factory ! ! 
 Comment is unnecessary. 
 
CONCLUSION. 303 
 
 England is thus quietly laying the foundation of her Afri- 
 can empire, her indefatigable ambition has endeavored to 
 shorten the distance between the immense empires which 
 it occupies from Delhi to Calcutta. England has even ex- 
 tended her hand to her old rival, Russia, and come with 
 chivalric devotion to offer her men and vessels to chastise 
 a rebel vassal on the coast of Syria, who compromised the 
 safety of the Ottoman empire. For England to contend for 
 a principle would certainly be something new. But those 
 who look into the subject will see that Syria is the surest 
 and most direct route to the Anglo-Indian possessions, and 
 that Mehemet-Ali, the possessor of Syria, might be formid- 
 able. As Beyrout and St. Jean d'Acre would form excellent 
 military positions in the Mediterranean, Beyrout and St. 
 Jean d'Acre must be occupied by British troops. Thus 
 the treaty of the 15th of July became an insult to France, 
 and also a profitable speculation for England. 
 
 This fortunate expedition was also in accordance with 
 views which had been entertained for a long time. Eng- 
 land wished to proceed to India by the Red sea. For many 
 years, it had explored and surveyed its coasts. The amount 
 of money expended upon this work (four millions) proves 
 the importance attached to it ; but it was soon ascertained 
 that this route presented serious difficulties. For four 
 months in the year, the monsoons rendered the navigation 
 uncertain and dangerous, at all times the coasts were diffi- 
 cult of access, and inhospitable ; there was no trace of coal, 
 and finally the navigation was always at the mercy of the 
 pacha of Egypt. England then resolved to turn her atten- 
 tion to Syria, and the Euphrates. 
 
 The first documents in regard to this latter point were 
 obtained by a base fraud. A Frenchman, M. de Laccaris, 
 was sent by Napoleon to explore Mesopotamia and the Eu- 
 phrates ; he had collected many documents showing that 
 the passage might be made to India by the Orontes, Aleppo, 
 and the Euphrates. The papers of M. de Laccaris were 
 
304 CONCLUSION. 
 
 stolen from him at Alexandria in 1814, and sent to the Eng- 
 lish consul. Fortified by these valuable instructions, the 
 British cabinet verified the projects of Laccaris by its 
 agents. In 1835, Captain Chesney descended the Euphra- 
 tes and the Tigris to Bombay, and found them navigable in 
 every part. It was then necessary only to connect the 
 Euphrates with the Mediterranean. Now, the Orontes, 
 which empties into this sea, is also navigable to Lattaquia 
 (the ancient Antioch) ; from the borders of the Orontes, the 
 route is very easy to Aleppo, as it is from Aleppo to the 
 borders of the Euphrates. Hence, the route to India was 
 opened without much effort. The old port of Seleucia, 
 situated at the mouth of the Orontes, requires some labor, 
 and the roads of Alexandria, at its mouth, can contain large 
 fleets. Finally, at the foot of Mount Taurus, abundance of 
 coal and iron is found, surrounded by forests of oak and 
 other wood. Hence, it is easy to see the powerful inter- 
 est of England, in establishing herself on the coast of Syr- 
 ia, under pretence of maintaining the integrity of the Otto- 
 man empire. Faithful to its old habits, it robbed the allies 
 it came to defend, and the importunities of Lord Palmerston 
 were so profitable, that even the Tories did not object. 
 The humiliation of France, and aggrandizement of England, 
 were the results of that solemn mystification, called the 
 treaty of July 15 ! 
 
 The consequences of this diplomacy were soon seen. 
 Lieutenant Campbell was ordered at Bombay to ascend the 
 river, which Captain Chesney had descended, and his suc- 
 cess opened the route from India to Syria. It was then 
 seen that in sixteen days one could go from Bombay to 
 Beles, at the northern extremity of Mesopotamia, near Alep- 
 po, forty-five leagues from the Mediterranean. From Beles 
 to Alexandretta is a distance of only three days, and the voy- 
 age from Alexandretta to Liverpool can be made in fifteen 
 days. Hence, one month of continual navigation connects 
 the vast possessions of India with the metropolis. 
 
CONCLUSION. 305 
 
 The population on the borders of the Tigris and Euphra- 
 tes will soon come under the British yoke. At Bagdad, 
 which is already the centre of operations, is an English 
 consul who is guarded by a company of Indian sepoys. 
 His house is situated on the Tigris, and is surrounded by 
 a fortified wall, at the foot of which the exploring vessels 
 are moored. 
 
 In a few years, the English will be masters of the mar- 
 ket of this city, and also those of Bassora and Aleppo, 
 which are the depots of Diarbekir and Kourdistan, of a 
 part of Syria, the whole of Mesopotamia, and Persia. In 
 this manner a new continent is usurped ; and while the 
 British government expels the French from a miserable 
 island, which served them as an hospital, it prepares for its 
 merchants a new commercial market which will consume 
 fifteen millions worth of goods. 
 
 But it is not simply these immense commercial conquests 
 which endanger Europe. Another result much more im- 
 portant, is that England is increasing to a great degree, her 
 military power. Hitherto her forces have consisted in 
 fleets and money. But her armies have been commercially 
 inferior to those of the great European powers. But in her 
 Indian possessions she possesses an army of one hundred 
 and eighty thousand sepoys, excellent soldiers, and better 
 disciplined than the British troops. From this time, by the 
 new route she can bring these formidable auxiliaries into 
 Europe, and appear in the field of battle with a power she 
 has never before possessed. Let Europe, let France take 
 warning. The Anglo-Indian empire will extend from the 
 banks of the Mediterranean. The ancient kingdom is to 
 become an appendage to the states taken from the Grand 
 Mogul ; the proud rivers of Babylon will surrender their 
 tributaries to the flag which waves over the fertile waters 
 of Bengal, and this primitive world of oriental civilization 
 will be only one vast market opened to the speculations 
 and avidity of British commerce. 
 
 26* 
 
306 CONCLUSION. 
 
 If these audacious politicians would content themselves 
 by distant expeditions which open new markets for industry 
 and afford a new recompense for labor, one might view 
 their combinations with some degree of favor. It must be 
 admitted that this commerce brings men in contact, and is 
 a step towards the realization of the unity of the human 
 family. But the government of St. James is not influenced 
 by any such considerations. It only desires a market for 
 English manufactures, and while it establishes this market 
 in Asia and Africa by the sword and by oppression, it acts 
 in Europe by intrigue and corruption. Impatient of all com- 
 petition, and jealous of success, it wages war upon rival in- 
 dustry, and paralyzes every effort but its own. Wo to 
 those people who have accepted England's interested pro- 
 tection ! Portugal allowed herself to be imposed upon by 
 this ruinous patronage, and Portugal has witnessed the de- 
 struction of her manufactures, the ruin of her industry. In- 
 active, and condemned to live on external products, it is 
 only a depot for British manufactures. Even the riches ol 
 its fine soil are under the tyranny of its rulers ; for its most 
 fertile fields belong to English companies, and it has be- 
 come tributary to the stranger even for its natural produc- 
 tions. 
 
 Spain also has felt the sad benefits of this alliance, even 
 when the British government sent its armies to free her 
 from Imperial rule. One fact has escaped much notice, 
 because the historians have dwelt upon the more important 
 events of the war ; it is this, that the ravages designedly 
 committed by the English in the manufacturing towns of 
 their allies, were much more fatal to Spain than all the con- 
 quests of the French invasion. How many goods were 
 burned by the British ? How many manufacturers were 
 ruined on their march ? The war of the peninsula was 
 conducted in such a manner as to make the industry of 
 England as necessary to Spain as her armies ; it was a 
 campaign waged by the British against the internal industry 
 
CONCLUSION. 307 
 
 of Spain, as well as against her foreign enemies. Hence, 
 the ravages committed by her professed enemy, were re- 
 paired long since ; but the wounds inflicted by their ally 
 are still bleeding, and will require many years to heal. 
 
 Since the peace, the British government has neglected 
 no means to avail themselves of this market by this fraudu- 
 lent alliance. It intrigues against those manufactures which 
 had been established. Every one knows the machinations 
 of its agents in the manufacturing cities of Catalonia. We 
 all know, that the laborers of Barcelona excited by Colonel 
 Mitchell, committed outrages which endangered all the 
 manufacturers of this imperial city ; they organized clubs ; 
 discussed openly the subjects of a tariff, pay, hours of la- 
 bor, and threatened the manufacturer with death, if he did 
 not comply with their demands. Many manufacturers were 
 ruined by these demands, and the workmen did not discov- 
 er the perfidy of these anarchical councils, until they found 
 themselves to be the first victims of them. 
 
 The English, however, pursued their destructive projects 
 with relentless constancy. Whenever Spain, exhausted by 
 civil wars, attempted to negotiate a loan, England offered 
 money ; but these offers were attended by a treaty of com- 
 merce,* which was a treaty of ruin. And the English gov- 
 
 * England has pursued the same course towards Mexico that she did 
 towards Spain, and in due time will add California to her territory, in 
 payment for loans made to Mexico. A late writer in the New York 
 Courier and Enquirer remarks : — 
 
 <• It is understood that the district of California was offered by the 
 Mexican government to that of Cireat Britain, in payment of a debt, 
 amounting to ,£12,000,000; but as the British government has a mort- 
 gage vpon the custom-house duties of Vera Cruz, which is the principal port 
 of entry for Mexico, it declined the cession. This information is believed 
 to be correct, as it was rumored in the best-informed circles in the city of 
 Mexico, and believed to be derived from a source entitled to the fullest 
 credit. It is well known that Mexico possesses an extent of territory be- 
 yond her ability to control. The district of California is densely filled 
 witli savage and warlike Indians : and it should not be matter for surprise 
 if Mexico, with an exhausted treasury, knowing her inability to protect 
 and populate this district, should be disposed to cede it in liquidation of 
 the heavy claims of citizens of other nations against her." 
 
308 CONCLUSION. 
 
 eminent did not attempt to disguise its views : for in the 
 treaty made with Spain, to enable Mendizabal to obtain a 
 loan from Great Britain, the extinction of Spanish industry 
 had been foreseen so thoroughly, that he had stipulated for 
 a portion of the loan to be paid to the operatives of Cata- 
 lonia. 
 
 The course pursued by England was the same as that oi 
 the usurers, who prepare beforehand for the ruin of those 
 whom they pretend to assist. In the eye of the British 
 politician, a contract made is always the same as a battle- 
 ground : a treaty of alliance always conceals some act of 
 spoliation. Still more recently, Prussia has been victimized 
 by one of those diplomatic transactions, under the appear- 
 ance of friendship. 
 
 Notwithstanding the extent of territory gained by Prussia 
 by the treaty of the congress of Vienna, she had not ac- 
 quired the influence formerly possessed by Frederick the 
 Great. Saxony, which was then under its rule, had be- 
 come independent ; Poland, which had supplied her witli 
 men and money, was now a Russian province ; the Hanse- 
 atic cities, which commanded several ports of the Baltic 
 and the North Sea, were under the influence of England 
 and Austria. Driven from the markets in Asia by the pro 
 hibitory system adopted by Russia — arrested in her agri 
 cultural pursuits by the poor-laws of England — her farmer*: 
 and manufacturers were threatened on all sides. Insulation 
 was a serious danger to her. 
 
 She then saw that it was necessary to oppose to the in- 
 fluence of Russia and England an imposing mass of forces 
 and interests : and therefore appealed to German nationali- 
 ty, and attempted to combine in one league all the small 
 states around her. The internal custom-houses, and the 
 numerous regulations of the intermediate states, checked 
 the developments of industry, and the happiness of the pop- 
 ulation. Prussia succeeded in removing these barriers, 
 and in 1833 she had established a uniform system of 
 
CONCLUSION. 309 
 
 custom-house regulations for most of the German states, 
 with a view to their union in one body and under one flag 
 — satisfied that commercial harmony would lead the way to 
 political unity. 
 
 Until this time, England had not been uneasy at an asso- 
 ciation, the developments of which had been so slow and 
 difficult. But it was soon proposed to establish a navy, 
 which might enable the German Customs Union to provide 
 itself for the wants of its own commerce. A common flag 
 was to float over the vessels of all the states of this associ- 
 ation. The English cabinet then became alarmed ; the 
 common flag terrified them. The Union had already driven 
 the English merchants from the markets of Germany. The 
 creation of a new marine would close the ports of the 
 Baltic against them. It was necessary to rebut these dan- 
 gerous ideas of maritime independence, or to paralyze them 
 by an union with them. The latter mode was the surest, 
 and that most in accordance with the perfidious nature of 
 the British cabinet. 
 
 It therefore hastened to conclude a treaty with the Han- 
 seatic cities, and then offered to make a treaty with the 
 German Union. This was a great triumph for the Union, 
 to force into an alliance a nation which had hitherto dic- 
 tated laws to all the markets ; and the Union accepted, per- 
 haps too easily, a contract, all the advantages of which were 
 on the side of England. 
 
 In fact, the first article stipulates that the duties of im- 
 port and export shall be reciprocal on national vessels 
 loaded with natural and manufactured articles, coming from 
 the countries ruled by the contracting parties. This clause 
 seems to confer equal rights, but this is extremely decep- 
 tive : for England exports to Germany all her native pro- 
 ductions, her colonial products, and even the foreign pro- 
 ducts of all parts of the world ; she can carry merchandise 
 to the value of two hundred and twenty millions of pounds. 
 The German Union, on the contrary, can only export her 
 
310 CONCLUSION. 
 
 own products, amounting to fifty or sixty millions. It is 
 seen that the balance is sufficiently favorable to the mer- 
 chants of Great Britain. 
 
 The treaty, also, when it was published on the 5th of 
 May, 1841, excited many complaints, especially in the cen- 
 tre and south of Germany. The eastern provinces, devoted 
 entirely to agriculture, were not displeased with a treaty 
 which ensured them a market for their products. But the 
 central and southern provinces, where industry had taken 
 so rapid a start, will have now to sustain a ruinous compe- 
 tition with England, which has provided new consumers for 
 its formidable army of producers. 
 
 Besides the direct profits gained by Great Britain in this 
 commercial treaty, not a small advantage is that of introdu- 
 cing discord and division among the German states, hith- 
 erto so closely united. In 1 southern and central 
 provinces, who live by manufactures, arc indignant at the 
 treaty, while the eastern provinces are well pleased with it. 
 There is an open strife between the agricultural and manu- 
 facturing interests. The association, hitherto strong in its 
 unity and harmony, is now severed by English intervention, 
 and is injured not only m its material and temporary inter- 
 ests, but also in the moral power resulting from its harmo- 
 ny. Although but a short time ha I since this fatal 
 alliance was formed, yet its existence is already compro- 
 mised by the fata] breath of English policy. 
 
 It was the wish of England for the German Union not to 
 create a marine, and she has succeeded : for England has 
 become the great carrier of the Baltic. This, however, is 
 certain : that if England could not have prevented the 
 formation of a marine, she would soon have destroyed it by 
 a war ; for its first principle is to consider as an enemy 
 every power that builds vessels. Its jealous eye is upon 
 every dock-yard, and, in her view, every vessel which floats 
 violates her territory — the ocean. This is the secret of its 
 hatred and friendships. If the pacha of Egypt has mer- 
 
CONCLUSION. 311 
 
 ited its anger, it is because he has built a fleet ; if she at- 
 tacked the sultan at Navarino, it was because he had added 
 new forces to the Turkish marine ; if she exercises the 
 right of search upon American vessels on the coast of Af- 
 rica, and does all she can to break up American commerce 
 in the African continent, it is because the navy of the young 
 republic is rapidly gaining strength and importance. 
 
 The official piracy of the government of England is imi- 
 tated in every part, and it is seen even in the fishing-vessels 
 which trespass upon the territory of France. Smuggling, 
 too, is boldly carried on by the English on the Spanish 
 coast, where the authorities are braved, and the people are 
 put down by brute force. While the Spanish factories are 
 destroyed by the treaty of commerce, the cabinet of St. 
 James throws its patriot soldiery on its banks ; and in order 
 that no doubt may exist as to its complicity, they are permit- 
 ted to retreat into the port of Gibraltar. Every day reveals 
 some new fact of depredations and insolent tyranny ; every 
 shore bears testimony to her commercial rapacity and con- 
 stant usurpations. The changes in the British cabinet, 
 however, have not changed its external policy : Whigs and 
 Tories pursue the same course ; for Whigs and Tories are 
 only the different shades of the same tyranny — the modifi- 
 cations of the same idea. Of these two rival parties, that 
 which is the most popular is not that which is the most to 
 be feared ; and whenever one party commences reform, it 
 is because its power is perceived to be decreasing, and 
 its influence to be on the wane. The Tories did not grant 
 Catholic emancipation until all Ireland had conspired to 
 separate from England ; and the Whigs would not assent to 
 a reform of the corn-laws until they had lost their majority 
 in Parliament. The existence of the ministry was meas- 
 ured before they ascertained that bread was too dear. It 
 is not, then, to be regretted that this tardy expiation could 
 not save them. They labored much less for the people than 
 for themselves ■ and doubtless if the danger had passed, 
 
312 CONCLUSION. 
 
 they would soon deceive those who trusted too readily to 
 them. But the last contests have demonstrated the com- 
 plete similitude between their morality and that of their ad- 
 versaries. Certainly, in view of what has occurred, neither 
 party can reproach the other, and both parties have gained 
 for themselves an unenviable notoriety by the scenes of 
 corruption witnessed at the hustings. Tories and Whigs, 
 obstinate Conservatives, and sudden Reformers, have in- 
 vited the people to scandalous orgies. It is with the purse 
 in hand that they demonstrate their right to seats in Parlia- 
 liament ; it is gold which decides the merit of legislators. 
 The electoral market is open ; the candidates make secret 
 inquiries concerning each other, to know the sums which 
 they are respectively prepared to expend. Buyers and 
 sellers are mutually engaged in this monstrous corruption, 
 and the nation belongs to the highest bidder : the richest 
 men are the most suitable for Parliament. It is in England 
 particularly that money presents an irresistible argument ; 
 the majority in Parliament is emphatically the balance of 
 the pecuniary forces of the two parties. 
 
 Thus all is deceit in this government ; even the repre- 
 sentative system, which it boasts of having first introduced, 
 is reduced to be a scandalous comedy and a shameful busi- 
 ness transaction. Melbourne and Peel, Palmerston and 
 Aberdeen, all follow the same principle ; they traffic to 
 govern. Corrumpcre et corrumpi sceculum vocant. 
 
 The defeat of the Whigs, then, is regretted neither by 
 morality nor humanity ; and if France has nothing to gain 
 from those who have attained power, she had nothing to 
 lose by those who have lost it. On every occasion, the 
 Whig cabinet has exhibited a jealous malevolence and in- 
 solent hostility towards France, and has claimed the grati- 
 tude of the British nation for attacks upon her. When 
 Belgium became an independent nation, in 1831, and de- 
 manded to be united with France, who prevented this union, 
 which was ordained by the nature of things, and by the 
 
CONCLUSION. 313 
 
 wishes of the people ? When, after ten years of suffering, 
 during which Belgium saw her industry confined and wast- 
 ing daily, she entreated France to aid her in the establish- 
 ment of custom-house regulations on her commercial fron- 
 tiers — when she solicited permission to live as a manufac- 
 turing country, if not as a commercial state — who opposed 
 it 1 Who excited Europe against France for making a 
 commercial treaty 1 Who excited the signers of the treaty 
 of Vienna against an industrial treaty between Paris and 
 Brussels'? It was the Whigs, who, by their intrigues, 
 threats, and secret instigations, consummated the ruin of 
 Belgian industry ; while at the same time they entered into 
 ruinous competition with French commerce. 
 
 In Spain, the Whigs have proclaimed the errors of the 
 blind or perfidious French diplomatists, making enemies 
 of those who were formerly friends. France has now 
 nearly lost her influence in the peninsula ; the French name 
 is despised, when it is not cursed, and this sad prerogative 
 is owing to the plots of the Whigs as much as to the mis- 
 takes of French policy. They have organized hatred 
 against France ; they have hired detractors of her glory, 
 and calumniators of her former loyalty ; and the better to 
 secure the success of their falsehoods, they have prevented 
 all intercourse between the envoys of the French govern- 
 ment and all those who exercise an influence in the affairs 
 of the peninsula. 
 
 Need we recur to the treason of the 15th of July ? Was 
 it not a Whig who addressed to France those insolent provo- 
 cations, the terms of which still grate upon our ears ? Was 
 it not a Whig who said that France was chained down by 
 the treaties of 1815, and could not even complain against 
 her jailers, lest England should send a fleet against her 
 maritime cities 1 
 
 No ! France has no cause to feel grateful to a cabinet 
 which yields to the efforts of a corruption deeper but not 
 more inveterate than its own. On the other hand, it would 
 27 
 
314 CONCLUSION. 
 
 be rash to congratulate herself upon this change in the cabi- 
 net, for it is not a political modification ; it is only a family 
 quarrel, where the domestic tyrant has been changed, al- 
 though the tyranny remains the same. Our accusations 
 have lost nothing of their force under the heirs of Canning 
 and Grey, and they ought not to be hushed towards the in- 
 heritors of Pitt and Castlereagh. 
 
 Let it not be thought that we wish, in a vain spirit of 
 military ambition, to invoke unnecessary wars, and to aspire 
 to personal triumphs. We do not admit it ; the people now 
 wish for order and peace ; they desire other glories than 
 the glories of arms, and covet other conquests than those 
 of territory. But we demand the extinction of that English 
 oligarchy which causes misfortune and disorder in every 
 part of the globe. England alone now sanctions violence 
 and perpetuates spoliation ; she alone distuibs the security 
 of nations, and brings the peace of the world into question. 
 Let the world, then, gain peace by one more war. Seize 
 in their stronghold those pirates, to whom is attributed a 
 monopoly of crime. Assemble, under the flag of civiliza- 
 tion and justice, every nation which has an account to settle 
 with the arrogant aristocracy of Britain. Call together the 
 formidable cohorts of victims, from North America to the 
 East Indies — from the Gulf of Mexico to the Mediterra- 
 nean — from the North Sea to the Cape of Good Hope ! 
 Men of every race will come to assist in punishing the 
 common enemy ; and every nation in the world will seem, 
 in the eyes of the expiring oligarchy, to repeat in turn 
 those fated words which rang in the ears of Richard the 
 Third — " Despair and die !" 
 
 THE END. 
 
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