E 670 • S74 no. 2 Copy 1 U13 /Ob 5Z1 A Hollinger Corp. pH8.5 E 670 .S74 no. 2 Copy 1 SPIRIT OF THE CAMPAIGN. Number Two. THE CANDIDATES, AND THE DOCTMNES OF THE TWO PARTIES. Democratic. , SEYMOUR. " The Montgomery Constitution is better than the Federal. Let us secede with the South;' — Remarks to Judge Haggles in 1861. " To restore the Union by force is as great a wrong as to destroy it by force." — Twiddle Hall Speech. ■• j\ mob can revolutionize as well as a govern- ment." — Fourth of July Speech. " The war is a failure. Let hostilities cease." — Chicago Platform 1864, drawn by Seymour and Vallgndigha7n. My Friends, " I have come down here from the country to stop this draft." — To the New York Rioters in 1863. Republican. GRANT. " I have nothing to do with opinions." — Pro- clamation on entering Kentucky. " I propose to move immediately on your works." — At Donelson. " Unconditional surrender." — Vicksburg, " I propose to fight it out on this line if it takes all summer." — Spottsylvania. " So long as these rebel prisoners observe their paroles I will protect them." — To A. Johnson. " This is a country in which the will of the people must prevail." — To A. Johnson. "LET US HAVE PEACE." THE TWO PLATFOKMS. The Democratic platform begins by recogniz- ing slavery and secession as " settled for all time to come by the war and the Voluntary action of the Southern States." Reconstruction has also been " settled for all time to come, by the volun- tary action," nut of apart, but of the whole South- ern people. The consent of the whole people is obtained by universal suffrage. Why do not the Democratic party recognize reconstruction as set- tled ? They will after the next election. The Democratic platform demands the immedi- ate restoration of the Southern States to the Un- ion. Seven of the ten have been restored to the Union by the votes of Republicans, every Demo- crat in Congress voting against their restoration, and a President, whose conduct is approved by the Democratic party, vetoing it i The Republican platform congratulates the country on the adoption by the Southern States of constitutions which secure equal civil and po- litical rights to all, and guaranties to maintain equal suffrage for all loyal men in the Southern States, and to have the question of suffrage iu the loyal Stairs to the people. That is right. We send an army into the South to keep the peace, but at the North the people can keep the peace without an army ; so we grant universal suffrage at the South, in order to get a constituency who will vote for union, liberty and peace. We tried to get the rebels to vote for these things, and they would not; so we give the ballot to those who will. Is there anything wrong in securing union, freedom and peace by universal suffrage? SPIRIT OF THE CAMPAIGN. E^6 70 Democratic. The IVth Article of the Democratic platform demands "Equal taxation of every species of property, including Government bonds and other public securities." This is the old Democratic cry for direct taxa- tion on real estate, lands and houses, of which Horatio Seymour has always been an advocate. The Convention thought the speediest way to set the current of public opinion running toward re- pudiation would be to levy all taxes directly on lands and houses, i. e., on fixed capital, instead of on business and income. But are the farmers and property -holders anxious to be driven into repudiation by taxing equally the principal of property that earns nothing, or but very little, and property that earns two hundred per cent. ? It is the most unequal taxation possible, and would drive any country into repudiation that should resort to it. Look at its absurdity. Whiskey worth to pro- duce forty cents per gallon, has been taxed $2 per gallon, or 500 per cent., and nobody proposes to tax it less than 100 per cent. In demanding that Government bonds and whiskey be taxed equally, the Democrats must either mean to tax the bonds 100 per cent., which destroys their value, or whiskey from one to six per cent., which would lose from $30,000,000 to $50,000,000 of revenue per annum. The platform demands " one curremcy " for all. Well, whieh currency? If gold, then how will it pay off the bonds in greenbacks ? If greenbacks, then how will it pay the bonds which are express- ly payable in coin ? (and the answers thereto.) The platform advocates payment of the bonds in greenbacks, unless they are made expressly pay-able in coin. 1. This is impossible. A greenback is a debt of the United States as truly as a bond. Hence the Government would owe the same amount after it had given greenbacks for its bonds that it does now. 2. It u illegal. The bonds promise to pay "dollars." < )nly gold and silver coins are dol- lars by law. Greenbacks are not dollars, but only promises to pay dollars. In reality, there- fore, all the national bonds are expressly payable in coin, though that word is not used. Republican. The Republican platform denounces " all forma of repudiation as a national crime," and declares that " the national honor requires the payment of the public indebtedness in the uttermost good faith to all creditors, at home and abroad, not only according to the letter but the spirit of the laws under which it was contracted." There is no pecuniary advantage in forcing an exchange of greenbacks for the debt to compensate for the dishonor it would inflict on the country. Our five-twenties can now be bought in by the Gov- ernment for 72 in gold or 107 in currency. It would be in its power, therefore, if it had the currency, to buy the debt for greenbacks by pay- ing seven per cent., or one year's interest. This is a discount of 28 per cent, in gold from the face of the bonds. But the Government is at present just as unable to pay the debt in greenbacks as in gold. It is this inability that causes the differ- ence in value. When the Government becomes able to pay the debt in either gold or greenbacks, the greenbacks' will have risen to par with gold, and there will be nothing left of the question. Economically, therefore, the question is of no present, and of very trifling future consequence. It is a mere handle for demagogues. But we have sufficient faith in the integrity of the Amer- ican people to believe that no public creditor will ever be forced to take greenbacks for hia bonds. The Republican party pledges itself to protect the rights of naturalized citizens in foreign coun- tries, and has been steadily and successfully ma- turing laws and negotiating treaties for that pur- pose. Gen. Grant has always advocated a vigor- ous foreign policy. GENERAL GRANT. 1. He " has no policy to oppose against the will of the people." 2. He is the unanimous choice of all loyal citizens. 3. He is the most available candidate for the times. 4. He did not seek the office, it sought him. 5 Having saved the country from ruin, lie can moat safe- ly be trusted to guard it-i destinies. 6. His being at the head of the nation would be sufficient to deter traitors from again rebelling against the Govern- ment. T. His antecedents prove that he will conduct our nation- al affairs on the most economical basis. 8 instead of talking he lets his works sound his praises. 9. He has the will I" command, and nerve to enforce the rights of our naturalized citizens abroad. ID Having risen himself from the humblest walks of life, he can appreciate the wants of the laboring classes. 11. The party which opposes Mm Is made up of rebels, Government defaulters, and old, played-out politicians. 12. His loyalty la unquestionable, hi-* honesty proverbial, his military ability historical, and his sterling good sense undeniable. 18. We know the desires of our rebel brothers and pro- pose to grant them. SPIRIT OF THE CAMPAIGN. Democratic. 3. It is a cheat.. The dollars which the bond promises to pay are worth 40 per cent, more than the " lawful money," which they do not promise to pay. 4. It is needless. When we are able to pay the debt at all, greenbacks will be worth as much as gold. .">. // is base. The national bonds are mainly